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THE    ILLUSTRATED 
BIBLE    DICTIONARY 


V 


MAR  20  1915 


THE    ILLUSTRATED ^^2i£mAua»SS^ 

BIBLE  DICTIONARY 


EDITED 


sX 


BY  THE  REV.  WILLIAM  C.  PIERCY,  M.A. 

DEAN   AND  CHAPLAIN  OF   WHITELANDS  COLLEGE 


WITH    COLOURED    MAPS   AND    365    ILLUSTRATIONS 


MONUMENT  AT    SAMALA 


NEW   YORK 
E.   P.   BUTTON   AND   COMPANY 

1908 


PRINTED    BY 

IIAZELL,   WATSON  AND    VINEY,    LD., 

LONDON    AND   AYLESBURY, 

ENGLAND. 


PREFACE 

Modern  scholarship,  research,  and  discovery  have  thrown  a  flood  of  new 
light  upon  the  Bible  during  recent  years  ;  especially  in  regard  to  textual 
criticism,  comparative  religion,  the  knowledge  of  Oriental  languages  and 
dialects,  the  deciphering  of  inscriptions,  archaeology,  geography,  etc. 

It  has  been  felt,  therefore,  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  putting  such  results 
before  the  general  public  in  a  compact  and  accessible  form,  such  as  Avould 
be  best  found  in  a  Bible  Dictionary  in  one  volume  ;  and  a  very  large  number 
of  bishops,  scholars,  teachers,  archaeologists,  linguists,  and  divines  were 
consulted,  with 'the  result  that  their  replies  showed  a  general  consensus  of 
opinion  as  to  the  need  of  such  an  enterprise,  and  to  them  the  Editor  is  indebted 
for  their  warm  approval  and  encouragement  and  for  much  valuable  advice. 
The  spirit  in  which  the  endeavour  has  been  made  to  produce  a  volume  worthy 
of  such  commendations  of  the  scheme  is  best  expressed  by  a  quotation  from 
our  prospectus  :  "  The  defence  of  Holy  Scripture  is  a  sacred  duty  of  the 
Church  of  God  ;  and  the  present  work  has  been  carried  out  in  the  faith  that 
it  will  be  a  contribution  to  a  deeper  knowledge  of,  and  therefore  greater 
reverence  for,  the  word  of  God";  and  it  is  the  earnest  desire  of  the  Editor 
and  contributors  that  this  aspiration  may  be  realized. 

While  this  Dictionary  is  frankly  "  conservative  "  in  the  right  sense  of 
that  much  misunderstood  term,  none  of  the  additions  of  value  made  to 
our  knowledge  by  "  criticism,"  which  are  wthin  the  scope  of  a  volume 
of  this  size,  have  been  neglected.  On  this  point  the  definition  of  the  word 
"  conservative,"  given  in  our  instructions  to  writers,  may  help  to  avoid 
misinterpretation  of  our  purpose:  "By  'conservative'  is  meant  that  atti- 
tude of  mind  which,  while  welcoming  all  ascertained  results  of  investigation, 
declines  to  accept  any  mere  conjectures  or  theories  as  final  conclusions, 
and  believes  that  the  Old  Testament  will  emerge  with  reinforced  authority 
from  the  ordeal  of  criticism  as  the  New  Testament  did  in  the  last  genera- 
tion." In  short,  the  aim  of  the  writers  has  been,  to  quote  our  prospectus 
again,  to  combine  "  modern  research  with  ancient  faith."  The  need  of 
this  was  excellently  expressed,  many  years  ago,  by  Bishop  Lightfoot,  and 
his  words  remain  equally  true  to-day  :  "In  criticism  as  in  politics,  the  voice 
of  the  innovators,  even  though  they  may  not  be  numerous,  cries  aloud,  and 
thus  gives  the  impression  of  numbers  ;  while  the  conservative  opinion  of 
the  majority  is  unheard  and  unnoticed." 

The  list  of  scholars  who  have  contributed  to  the  Dictionary  is  the  best 
guarantee  of  the  thoroughness  of  the  work,  and  special  attention  has  been 
given  to  the  archaeology,  geography,  bibliography  and  illustrations,  and  it 
is  hoped  and  believed  that  more  that  is  of  real  illustrative  value  has  been 
gathered  together  under  each  of  these  heads  than  has  ever  before  been 
attempted  in  a  work  of  this  size,  including  much  hitherto  unpublished 
information  ;  while  the  articles  on  the  most  important  topics  of  Divinity 
and  of  Textual  questions  are  all  written  by  acknowledged  experts  and  are 
confidently  commended  to  the  reader's  perusal. 

So  far  as  the  necessary  limits  of  space  have  allowed,  completeness  has  been 


vi  PREFACE 

aimed  at,  and,  thanks  to  the  exceedingly  kind  and  painstaking  efforts  of  con- 
tributors, the  Editor  ventures  to  think  that  this  will  be  found  to  have  been 
attained  to  an  even  surprising  degree,  considering  the  compass  of  the  volume. 

The  primary  aim  has  been  to  make  it  really,  as  it  is  called,  a  Dictionary  of 
Bible  names  and  things,  and  it  is  beUeved  that  the  name  of  every  person  and 
place  is  included ;  but  it  has,  to  our  great  satisfaction,  been  found  possible, 
by  strict  condensation,  by  the  avoidance  of  verboseness,  and  by  the  exclusion 
of  such  notes  as  belong  more  properly  to  a  commentary  or  to  a  word-book, 
to  admit  also  articles  on  ideas  and  doctrines  contained  in  the  Bible. 

The  question  of  how  far  the  high  aims  set  forth  have  been  attained  is 
for  readers  to  judge,  but  it  is  with  deep  gratitude  to  the  many  contributors 
that  the  Editor  confidently  records  his  belief  that  the  more  closely  the 
volume  is  studied  and  used,  the  more  it  will  be  found  to  be  of  unique  value 
both  to  the  student  and  to  the  general  public. 

It  remains  to  give  a  few  explanations  of  the  details  of  the  plan  of  the 
book  which  will  aid  in  the  intelligent  use  of  the  volume. 

Alternative  Views. — It  was  entirely  in  accordance  with  our  general  purpose 
and  aim  that  writers,  while  selected  with  great  care,  when  once  entrusted 
with  their  work  were  given  a  free  hand,  and,  consequently,  varying  opinions 
and  conclusions  upon  matters  of  detail  will  be  found  in  different  articles  ;  and, 
in  the  most  important  of  the  cases  where  this  occurs,  cross-references  are 
given  to  enable  the  reader  to  see  readily  both  views  and  to  choose  between 
them.  The  student  will  undoubtedly  find  that  this  liberty  of  stating  dif- 
ferent views  has  contributed  very  greatly  to  the  value  of  the  work.  No 
contributor  must  be  taken  to  assent,  of  necessity,  to  the  conclusions  in  any 
articles  but  his  own,  nor  must  authors  be  in  all  cases  considered  to  be 
entirely  responsible  for  the  cross-references  inserted  in,  or  for  the  biblio- 
graphies subjoined  to,  their  articles. 

Bibliography. — This  has  been  drawn  up  in  each  case,  not  necessarily  to 
reinforce  the  particular  views  set  forth  in  the  articles — on  the  contrary,  the 
aim  has  often  been  to  indicate  where  other  views  might  be  found,  which, 
owing  to  considerations  of  space,  could  not  be  fully  set  forth — but  primarily  to 
encourage  students  to  read  more  thoroughly  the  subject  treated.  With  this 
purpose  in  view  the  lists  of  books  have  been  very  carefully  selected.  Any 
attempt — which,  moreover,  could  never  be  anything  but  a  failure — to  give 
an  "  exhaustive  "  bibliography  only  tends  to  discourage  and  perplex  the 
student,  and  the  aim  of  our  bibliographies  is  to  help,  and  therefore  to  direct 
students  to  the  most  accessible  sources  of  further  knowledge,  rather  than 
to  make  a  vain  and  pretentious  display  of  "  authorities." 

Cross-references. — The  system  adopted  has  been  to  print  the  name  of  the 
article  referred  to  in  capitals,  inserted  in  square  brackets  when  not  to  be  read 
continuously  in  the  text,  or  without  the  brackets  when  intended  to  be  so 
read.  To  this  rule  two  exceptions  only  have  been  made,  and  neither  of  them 
will  prove  troublesome  to  the  reader — (a)  in  a  very  few  articles,  and  those 
only  some  of  the  longer  ones,  it  was  found  convenient  to  use  capitals  for  the 
headings  of  sub-divisions,  where  there  was  no  possibility  of  the  intelligent 
reader  mistaking  them  for  cross-references ;  (b)  at  the  special  request  of  one 
contributor  of  the  Jewish  Faith,  who  had  a  conscientious  objection  (which 
it  was  a  real  pleasure  to  the  Editor  to  respect)  to  write  the  sacred  Name 
Jehovah,  the  word  God  or  Lord  in  capitals  (as  in  A.V.)  appears  in  his 
articles  wherever  Jehovah  is  intended,  and  the  same  famihar  form  (Lord) 
has  been  allowed  to  stand,  with  the  same  meaning,  in  some  other  articles. 
In  all  other  cases  words  in  capitals  invariably  indicate  that  further  information 
bearing  upon  the  subject  in  hand  may  be  found  under  the  heading  quoted. 

Index. — The  cross-references,  together  with  the  alphabetical  arrangement 
of  the  book,  are  the  most  valuable  and  complete  "  index  "  which  it  is  possible 


PREFACE  vii 

to  have,  and  one  which  is  in  the  form  most  convenient  to  the  student ;  and 
they  obviate,  to  a  great  extent,  the  necessity  for  exhaustive  indexes.  The 
common  failing  of  many  indexes  is  to  include  so  large  a  variety  of  trivial 
matter  as  to  submerge  their  usefulness  in  a  flood  of  detail  and  to  weary  the 
searcher  after  particular  information.  In  the  case  of  a  book  which  is  arranged 
alphabetically,  extensive  indexes  are  a  confession  of  failure  in  carrying  out 
a  plan  that  ought,  for  the  most  part,  to  be  in  itself  sufficient.  Hence  we 
only  include  in  this  volume  one  index,  for  the  insertion  of  which  there  exists 
a  special  reason.  The  vast  majority  of  the  passages  of  Scripture,  in  regard 
to  which  information  will  be  sought  herein,  will  be  readily  found  under  the 
head  of  the  proper  names  or  subjects  which  are  naturally  suggested  by  the 
passage  itself.  But  there  must  remain  a  comparatively  small  number  which 
are  treated,  for  the  most  part  incidentally,  under  a  heading  where  the 
general  reader  might  not  readily  think  of  searching  for  them.  Therefore 
a  brief  supplementary  index  of  such  passages  only  is  added  at  the  end  of 
the  volume. 

Bible  References  are  always  to  the  Authorized  Version  unless  otherwise 
stated. 

Headings. — The  spelling  in  the  headings  of  articles  is  uniformly  that  of 
the  Authorized  Version,  but,  where  this  is  obsolete,  the  usual  form  is  used 
in  the  text,  and  where  necessary  a  cross-reference  is  also  given  under  the  more 
familiar  orthography.  The  accents  attached  to  most  of  the  proper  names 
in  the  headings  are  intended  as  a  guide  to  the  correct  Hebrew  or  Greek 
accentuation  ;  but  some  very  familiar  names — e.g.  Bethlehem,  Deborah, 
etc. — which  have  become  established  in  the  English  language  with  an 
accentuation  different  from  that  which  would  be  correct  in  the  original 
tongue,  have  been  left  unaccented.  Doubtless,  also,  in  many  cases  of  ac- 
cented names,  English  readers  may  prefer  to  use  a  current  "  English  " 
form,  but  the  student  will  be  grateful  for  the  indication  of  the  original 
accentuation. 

Transliteration  of  Hebrew  names  and  words  has  been  uniformly  adopted, 
except  in  cases  where  there  was  a  special  reason  for  retaining  the  Hebrew 
characters — as,  e.g.,  in  the  case  of  an  emended  reading  based  upon  the  form 
of  the  letters,  or  of  a  distinction  between  two  similarly  pronounced  words. 
For  the  system  of  transliteration  adopted  the  several  \\T:iters  are  not  re- 
sponsible ;  a  practical  uniformity  in  this  respect  being  obviously  desirable. 
The  Editor  desires  to  acknowledge  with  gratitude  the  care  which  has  been 
exercised  by  those  who  kindly  undertook  the,  by  no  means  light,  task  of 
checking  all  the  transliteration  : — in  the  case  of  the  Hebrew,  the  Rev.  Canon 
J.  T.  Fowler,  D.C.L.  ;  in  the  Syriac,  Arabic,  etc.,  P.  S.  P.  Handcock,  Esq., 
M.A.,  of  the  British  Museum. 

The  general  aim  has  been  to  enable  the  reader  who  is  unacquainted  with 
these  languages  to  read  intelligently  and  to  recognize  the  same  words  when 
used  in  different  connexions. 

The  system  of  Hebrew  transliteration  here  followed  is  on  that  scientific 
basis  which  is  adopted  by  Davidson  and  others.  Each  consonant,  used  as 
such,  is  indicated  by  a  single  sign,  aleph  by  ',  ayin  by  ',  heth,  teth,  and  samekh 
by  h,  t,  and  s,  cadhe  by  9,  but  beth,  gimel,  etc.,  by  bh,  gh,  etc.,  when  immediately 
following  vowel  sounds.  Essentially  long  vowels  (usually  expressed  in 
Hebrew  by  quiescent  consonants)  are  marked  by  the  circumflex  ("),  accident- 
ally long  by  ■,  ordinary  short  by  the  unmarked  vowel,  and  the  shewas  by  ^ 
a,  e,  and  6.  The  accent  in  Hebrew  words  is  normally  on  the  last  syllable  ; 
in  certain  cases  it  is  on  the  penultimate,  but  never  further  back. 

In  our  representation  of  other  Semitic  words  (Arabic,  Syriac,  etc.)  we  have 
adopted  the  current  system  of  transliteration  ;  the  only  exception  being  the 
adoption  of  q  instead  ol  k  as  the  symbol  of  the  Semitic  qoph.     In  a  very  few 


viii        "^  PREFACE 

instances,  in  regard  to  these  less-known  languages,  the  special  wishes  of  authors 
have  been  allowed  to  override  an  iron  uniformity,  in  cases  where  confusion 
in  the  mind  of  the  intelligent  reader  would  be  an  impossibility.  Such  are 
(o)  the  variations  between  Tell  and  Tel,  in  regard  to  which  strong  differences  of 
opinion  exist  amongst  experts  ;  this  word  having  been  left  in  each  case  as 
the  several  authors  have  written  it  ;  {b)  Dr.  Pinches  and  some  others  par- 
ticularly desired  to  be  allowed  to  use  the  symbol  s  in  place  of  our  usual  trans- 
literation {sh)  in  Assyrian  names  upon  which  they  write  with  special  authority; 
(c)  the  form  Peshitta  often  appears,  by  desire,  as  representing  more  closely  the 
actual  late  Syriac  pronunciation  than  the  orthographically  correct  Peshitta 
which  other  writers  have  preferred  ;  and  finally  [d)  the  familiar  "  English  " 
forms  of  some  names — e.g.  Jehovah,  Assur-bani-pal,  Kimchi,  etc.,  etc. — have 
been  commonly  used,  although  the  more  exact  transliteration  has  been 
inserted  when  desired. 

In  conclusion,  the  Editor  brings  to  a  close  an  arduous  undertaking  with 
the  expression  of  a  meed  of  thanks  which  he  feels  most  deeply  and  sincerely 
to  be  due  to  the  hundred  helpers  who  have  by  their  courtesy,  consideration, 
care,  and  enthusiasm  made  that  task  a  very  pleasant  one.  It  is  by  no 
means  a  merely  formal  acknowledgment  on  his  part  when  he  places  this 
gratitude  upon  record.  Their  names  will  be  found  in  the  adjoining  list  of 
writers  ;  but  to  these  must  be  added  the  publisher  to  whose  enterprise 
and  foresight  the  conception  of  the  volume  was  originally  due,  and  whose 
unvarying  kindness  and  unsparing  liberality  have  enabled  it  to  be  carried 
out  on  a  scale  commensurate  with  its  importance  ;  and  also  those  workers 
who  have  taken  a  less  prominent  part  in  the  production  of  the  volume  and 
in  checking  the  several  sets  of  proofs  through  which  it  has  passed  ;  and  very 
especially  to  A.  H.  Hallam  Murray,  Esq.,  who  has  personally  expended  a 
very  large  amount  of  valuable  time,  and  given  to  the  Editor  the  benefit  of  his 
great  experience,  in  supervising  the  obtaining  and  the  production  of  the  large 
number  of  new  illustrations  which  adorn  this  volume — a  task  the  magnitude 
of  which  only  those  who  have  assisted  in  a  similar  undertaking  can  appreciate  ; 
and  last,  but  by  no  means  least,  to  Colonel  C.  R.  Conder,  LL.D.,  whose  most 
valuable  assistance  and  minute  care  have  been  unsparingly  given — to 
the  great  advantage  of  the  book — in  the  reading  of  the  whole  of  the  final 
proofs.  The  ultimate  responsibility  in  all  these  details  rests,  however,  with 
none  of  those  named,  but  with  the  Editor  only.  All  shortcomings  must  be 
placed  to  his  account  ;  all  credit  for  the  success  and  usefulness  of  the  volume 
to  the  account  of  such  a  staff  of  fellow-workers  as  the  Editor  sincerely  feels 
can  never  have  been  equalled  for  loyalty,  kindness,  promptness,  and  careful 
work  in  their  several  departments.  And,  finally,  if  the  work  be  blessed,  as 
it  is  our  earnest  hope  it  shall  be,  to  the  building  up  and  strengthening  of  an 
intelUgent  faith  in,  and  study  of,  Holy  Writ,  Laus  Deo. 

Wm.  C.  Piercy. 

London, 

July,  1908. 


LIST    OF    CONTRIBUTORS 

Initials 

H.C.B.  Rev.  H.  C.  Batterbury,  B.A. 

Assistant  Diocesan  Inspector  (London). 
Ll.J.M.B.     Rev.  Ll.  J.  M.  Bebb,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Principal  of  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter  ;  formerly  Fellow,  Tutor,  and 
Vice-Principal  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 
E.R.B.  Rev.  E.  R.  Bernard,  M.A. 

Canon  and  Chancellor  of  Salisbury,  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  Hon.  Chaplain  to  the  King ;    formerly  Fellow  of  Magdalen 
College,  Oxford. 
C.R.D.B.       Rev.  C.  R.  Davey  Biggs,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Vicar  of  St.  Philip  and  St.  James,  Oxford  ;    formerly  Fereday  Fellow  of 
St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
T.G.B.  Rev.  T.  G.  Bonney,  M.A.,  D.Sc,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  F.S.A. 

Emeritus  Professor  of  Geology  in  the  University  of  London,  and  Hon. 
Canon  of  Manchester. 
G.H.B.  Rev.  G.  H.  Box,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Linton  ;  formerly  Hebrew  Master  at  Merchant  Taylors'  School,  E.C. 
F.E.B.  Rev.  F.  E.  Brightman,  M.A. 

Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  and  Prebendary  of  Lincoln. 
R.B.  Rev.  R.  Brook,  M.A. 

Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Merton  College,  Oxford. 
C.L.B.  Rev.  C.  L.  Broun,  M.A. 

Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 
A.E.B.  Rev.  A.  E.  Burn,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Rector  of  Handsworth,  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Lichfield, 
and  Prebendary  of  Lichfield. 
F.W.B.  Rev.  F.  W.  Bussell,  MA.,  D.D. 

Rector  of  Sizeland,  Fellow  and  Vice- Principal  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 
W.S.C.  Rev.  W.  S.  Caldecott,  M.R.A.S. 

Bournemouth. 
C.R.C.  Colonel  C.  R.  Conder,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  M.R.A.S. 

Cheltenham. 
W.H.D.         Rev.  W.  H.  Daubney,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Bury  St.  Edmunds. 
A.C.D.  Rev.  A.  C.  Deane,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Holy  Trinity,  Malvern,  and  Editor  of  The  Treasury. 
CD.  Rev.  A.  Cecil  Dixon,  B.A. 

Vice-Principal  of  Salisbury  Theological  College. 
J.A.D.  Rev.  J.  A.  Douglas,  B.A.,  B.D. 

Convocation  Senator  in  Theology,  University  of  London. 
J.C.V.D.       Rev.  J.  C.  V.  Durell,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Rector  of  Rotherhithe  ;   formerly  Fellow  of  Clare  College,  Cambridge. 
H.V.S.E.      Rev.  H.  V.  S.  Eck,  M.A. 

Rector  of  Bethnal  Green,  E. 
J.D.E.  J.  D.  Eisenstein,  Esq. 

Editor  of  The  Hebrew  Encyclopaedia  ("  Ozar  Yisrael  "). 
C.L.F.  Rev.  C.  L.  Feltoe,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Rector  of  Duxford,  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely ;    formerly 
Fellow  of  Clare  College,  Cambridge. 
F.J.F.-J.       Rev.  F.  J.  Foakes-Jackson,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Fellow  and  Dean  of  Jesus  College,  Cambridge,  Hon.  Canon  of  Peterborough, 
and  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Peterborough. 


X  LIST   OF   CONTRIBUTORS 

Initials 

S.C.G.  Rev.  S.  C.  Gayford,  M.A. 

Vice- Principal  of  Cuddesdon  College. 
R.B.G.  Rev.  R.  B.  Girdlestone,  M.A. 

Hon.  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;   formerly  Principal  of  Wycliflfe  Hall, 
Oxford. 
H.M.G.  Rev.  H.  M.  Gwatkin,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Dixie  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  History  and  Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College, 
Cambridge. 
C.H.  Rev.  C.  Harris,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Vicar  of  Claverley,  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Llandaff ;  formerly 
Lecturer  in  Theology,  St.  David's  College,  Lampeter. 
H.C.H.  H.  Chichester  Hart,  Esq.,  B.A.,  F.R.G.S. 

Portsalon,  Ireland. 
H.H.  Rev.  H.  Heathcote, 

Organizing  Secretary  of  East  London  Fund  for  the  Jews. 
A.E.H.  Rev.  A.  E.  Humphreys,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  St.  Michael's,  Stonebridge  Park,  Hon.  Canon  of  Norwich  ;  formerly 
Fellow,   Assistant  Tutor,  and  Divinity   Lecturer  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 
F.B.J.  F.  B.  Jevons,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  F.R.E.S. 

Principal  of  Hatfield  Hall,  Durham. 
F.J.  Rev.  Frank  H.  Jones,  B.A. 

Dean  and  Chaplain  of  St.  Luke's  College,  N.W. 
H.H.K.  Rev.  H.  H.  Kelly,  M.A. 

Director  of  the  Society  of  the  Sacred  Mission,  Kelham. 
T.A.L.  Rev.  T.  A.  Lacey,  M.A. 

London. 
J.J.L.  Rev.  J.  J.  Lias,  M.A. 

Chancellor  of  Llandaff ;    formerly  Hulsean  Lecturer  at  Cambridge. 
R.L.  R.  Lydekker,  Esq.,  B.A.,  F.G.S.,  F.Z.S.,  etc. 

South  Kensington  Museum. 
K.D.M.  Rev.  K.  D.  Mackenzie,  M.A. 

Fellow  and  Dean  of  Pembroke  College,  Oxford. 
J.A.M'C.       Rev.  J.  A.  M'Cly.mont,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Aberdeen. 
J,M.  Rev.  James  Millar,  B.D. 

New  Cumnock,  Ayrshire. 
W.H.M.        W.  H.  Moberley,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Fellow  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford. 
W.M.  Herr  Pastor  W.  Moller, 

Apollensdorf,  Germany. 
H.C.G.M.      The  Right  Rev.  H.  C.  G.  Moule,  D.D. 

Bishop  of  Durham. 
R.S.M.  Rev.  R.  S.  Moxon,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Assistant  Master  at  King's  School,  Canterbury. 

T.A.M.  Rev.  T.  A.  Moxon,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Alfreton,  Derbyshire. 
J.O.F.M.       Rev.  J.  O.  F.  Murray,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury,   Examining  Chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Ely  ;   formerly  Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge. 
J.A.N.  Rev.  J.  Arbuthnot  Nairn,  M.A.,  B.D.,  Litt.D. 

Headmaster  of  Merchant  Taylors'  School,  E.G. 
E.N.  Professor  E.  Naville, 

Geneva. 
W.O  E.O.      Rev.  W.  O.  E.  Oesterlev,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Secretary  to  the  Parochial  Missions  to  the  Jews,  and  Lecturer  to  the  Palestine 
Exploration  Fund. 

J.O.  Rev.  James  Orr,  D.D. 

Professor  of  Apologetics  and  Theology  in  U.F.C.  College,  Glasgow. 

E.H.P.  Rev.  E.  H.  Pearce,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Christ  Church,  Newgate  Street,  B.C.  ;   formerly  Professor  of  Bible 
History,  Queen's  College,  London. 
T.G.P.  T.  G.  Pinches,  Esq.,  LL.D..  M.R.A.S. 

Lecturer  in  Assyrian,  University  College,  London. 


LIST   OF  CONTRIBUTORS  xi 

Initials 

A.H.P.  Rev.  A.  H.  Powell,  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Vicar  of  Bridgewater. 
L.P.  Rev.  Leighton  Pullan,  M.A. 

Fellow  and  Theological  Lecturer  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
L.R.  Rev.  L.  Ragg,  M.A. 

EngUsh  Chaplain  at  Venice,    Prebendary  of  Lincoln  ;    formerly  Warden 
of  Bishop's  Hostel,  Lincoln. 
A.A.R.  A.  A.  Rambaut,  Esq.,  M.A.,  D.Sc,  F.R.S.,  F.R.A.S. 

Radcliiie  Observer,  Oxford. 
H.A.R.  Rev.  H.  A.  Redpath,  M.A.,  D.Litt. 

Rector  of  St.  Dunstan's-in-the-East,  E.C.  ;    formerly  Grinfield  Lecturer  on 
LXX.,  Oxford. 
A.R.  A.  Reynolds,  Esq.,  M.A. 

London. 
B.R.  Rev.  B.  Reynolds,  M.A. 

Rector  of  St.  Mary  Aldermary,  E.C,  Archbishops'  Inspector  of  Training 
Colleges,  and  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral. 
J.R.  Rev.  James  Robertson,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

Emeritus  Professor  of  Hebrew  and  Semitic  Languages,  Glasgow  University. 
C.E.R.  Rev.  C.  E.  Rolt,  B.A. 

Assistant  Priest  of  Lenham,  Kent. 
W.S.  Rev.  W.  Sanday,  M.A.,  D.D.,  LL  D.,  D.Litt.,  F.B.A. 

Lady  Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity,  Oxford,  and  Canon  of  Christ  Chiurch, 
Oxford. 
A.H.S.  Rev.  A.  H.  Sayce,  M.A.,  D.Litt.,  LL.D.,  D.D. 

Professor  of  Assyriology,  Oxford. 
J. M.S.  Rev.  J.  M.  Schulhof,  M.A. 

Hon.  Warden  of  Melton  Mowbray  Grammar  School ;    formerly  FeUow  of 
St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury. 
M.S.  Rev.  Melville  Scott,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Castlechurch  ;  formerly  Lecturer  at  Gloucester  Theological  College. 
S.N.S.  Rev.  S.  N.  Sedgwick,  M.A. 

Rector  of  Bishopstoke. 
B.F.S.  Rev.  B.  F.  Simpson,  B.D. 

Assistant  Priest  of  St.  Ann's,  Soho,  W. 
D.C.S.  Rev.  D.  C.  Simpson,  B.A. 

Hebrew  and  Theological  Lecturer,  St.  Edmund  HaU,  Oxford. 
W.J.S.S.        Rev.  W.  J.  Sparrow  Simpson,  M.A. 

Chaplain  of  St.  Mary's  Hospital,  Ilford. 
W.M.S.  Ven.  W.  M.  Sinclair,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Archdeacon  of  London,   Canon  of    St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  and  Examining 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 
R.S.  Rev.  R.  Sinker,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Formerly  Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
H.S.  Rev.  Harold  Smith,  M.A. 

Lecturer  at  the  London  College  of  Divinity. 
H.M.S.  Rev.  H.  Maynard  Smith,  M.A. 

Rector  of  Shelsley-Beauchamp. 
F.E.S.  Rev.  F.  E.  Spencer,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  All  Saints',  Haggerston,  N.E. 
W.A.S.  Rev.  W.  A.  Spooner,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Warden  of  New  College,  Oxford,  Hon.  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford, 
and  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Peterborough, 
D.S.  Rev.  Darwell  Stone,  M.A. 

Pusey  Librarian,  Oxford. 
W.L.S.  W.  Loudon  Strain,  Esq.,  M.B.,  CM. 

Fellow  of  Society  of  Tropical  Medicine,  and  FeUow  of  Royal  Society  of 
Medicine. 
A.W.S.  Rev.  A.  W.  Streane,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Formerly  Dean  and  Hebrew  and  Divinity  Lecturer,  Corpus  Christi  CoUege, 
Cambridge. 
C.CT.  Rev.  C  C  Tancock,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Rector  of  Little  Casterton,  and  Hon.  Canon  of  Rochester  ;   formerly  Head- 
master of  RossaU  and  Tonbridge  Schools, 


xii  LIST   OF   CONTRIBUTORS 

Initials 

W.St.C.T.    Rev.  W.  St.  Clair  Tisdall,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Formerly  Principal  C.M.S.  College,  Amritsar,  India,  Secretary  of  Persian 
Mission,  and  James  Long  Lecturer  on  Oriental  Religions. 
J.E.H.T.       Rev.  J.  E.  H.  Thomson,  D.D. 

Edinburgh. 
C.H.T.  C.  H.  Turner,  Esq.,  M.A. 

Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 
H.W.  Very  Rev.  H.  Wage,  M.A..  D.D. 

Dean  of  Canterbury. 
C.H.W.  Rev.  C.  H.  Waller,  M.A.,  D.D. 

Formerly  Principal  of  London  College  of  Divinity. 
C.W.  General  Sir  Charles  Warren,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  R.E.,  F.R.S. 

Ramsgate. 
O.D.W.         Rev.  O.  D.  Watkins,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Holywell ;    formerly  Archdeacon  of  Lucknow. 
T.H.W.         Rev.  T.  H.  Weir,  B.D.,  M.R.A.S. 

Lecturer  in  Arabic  in  University  of  Glasgow. 
F.W.  Rev.  F.  Weston,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Bishop-designate  of  Zanzibar. 
H.J.W.  Rev.  H.  J.  White,  M.A. 

Professor  of  New  Testament  Exegesis,  King's  College,  London. 
A.R.W.         Rev.  A.  R.  Whitham,  M.A. 

Principal  of  Culham  Training  College. 
H.M.W.         Harold  M.  Wiener,  Esq.,  M.A.,  LL.B. 

Barrister- at- Law,  Lincoln's  Inn. 
A.L.W.  Rev.  A.  Lukyn  Williams,  M.A.,  B.D. 

Vicar  of  Guilden  Morden,  and  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Durham. 
A.J.W.  Rev.  A.  J.  Worlledge,  M.A. 

Canon  and  Chancellor  of  Truro,  and  Examining  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of 
Truro. 
C.H.H.W.     Rev.  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Ph.D.,  Knight  of  the  North  Star,  Sweden; 

formerly    Donnellan     Lecturer     (T.C.D.),     Bampton     Lecturer,    Grinfield 
Lecturer  on  LXX.,  and  Public  Examiner  in  Semitic  Languages,  Oxford. 
G.F.W.  G.  F.  Wright,  Esq.,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  F.Th.S.A. 

Emeritus   Professor  of    Harmony  of  Science  and  ReUgion,  and  formerly 
of   New   TestamentTGreek    (Oberlin,    U.S.A.),    Editor   of  Bibliotheca 
Sacra  and  Records  of  the  Past. 
G.M.Y.  Rev.  G.  M.  Youngman,  M.A. 

Vicar  of  Idmiston. 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS,   MAPS,   AND   PLANS 


TO  ILLXJSTRATK  ARTICLE 

ALEXANDER  III.      , 


ARMS  AND  ARMOUR  <^ 


ASHTORETH 
BAAL 
BETHANY 
BRICK       . 

CALVARY 

CHAIN 
COSMOGONY 
CYRUS       . 

DARIUS     . 


EGYPT. 


EPHESUS . 

ESARHADDON . 

FIELD 

HANDICRAFTS 

HOUSE       . 

JEHU 
JERICHO  . 
JERUSALEM      . 
LAMP 
LAODICEA 
MANASSEH 

MONEY     . 

MUSIC ;  MUSICAL  IN- 
STRUMENTS . 

NOAH 

ORNAMENTS,     PER- 
SONAL . 

PAINT 

ROLL 

SCEPTRE  . 

SELA 

SENNACHERIB 

SHIP 

TABLE.     . 

TIBERIAS 

TIGLATH-PILESER  , 


A.    FULL-PAGE   PLATES 

Sarcophagus  from  Sidon    . 
/Use  of  Battering-ram  in  Siege 

Portion  of  Battle-piece  . 

A  Bowman 

The  War-club  . 

Assyrian  Slingers     . 

Assyrian  War-engine 

A  Coat  of  Mail 

A  "  Shayretana  "  OF  the  Guard 

Quivers  attached  to  Assyrian  Chariot 

A  Battering-ram 

The  Goddess  Istar  of  Nineveh  . 

The  Worship  of  the  Sun-god   . 

View  from  the  N.     . 

Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Bricks 
/  The  "  Garden  Tomb  " 
\The  "  Rock  Tomb  "  . 

Egyptian  Necklaces 

Babylonian  Creation  Tablet    . 

Cylinder  recording  his  Capture  of  Baby- 
lon        ..... 
/The  Behistan  Rock  . 
I  Cylinder-seal    .... 
'Pyramid  of  Cheops,  and  Sphinx 

Gods  of  Egypt  with  their  Symbols  :  ^ 

(a)    Amen-Ra,    Ra,    Isis,   Horus,    Osiris  ;  I 
Feather  of   Thmei,    the    Goddess    of  f 


FACING 

plate 

PAGE 

.  IV.  . 

.    78 

:}'••  • 

.    58 

:}„.  . 

.    58 

in. 


XL 


Justice        .... 
(6)  Thoth,  Anubis,  Hathor  ;  King  offer-  I  ^tt 
iNG  to  the  Apis           .          .          .          .  > 
/View  of  the  Remains        .          .          .          'Iyttt 
IThe  Theatre /  Aiii. 

Cylinder  of  Esarhaddon.  .  .  .     XXIX. 

A  Babylonian  Landmark  ....     XIV. 

Assyrian,  Egyptian,  and  Phoenician  Pottery  XV. 
/View  of  Eastern  House-tops    . 
\  Models  found  in  Egyptian  Tombs 

The  Black  Obelisk    ..... 

The  Jericho  Plain    ..... 

View  from  the  Slope  of  Olivet  . 

Egyptian  and  Early  Christian  Lamps  . 

The  Amphitheatre     ..... 

Cylinder     of    Esarhaddon     bearing    the 
Name  of  Manasseh  .... 

Coins  of  Biblical  Times     .... 
tHarp  ;  Assyrian  Dulcimers  ;  Sistrum 
-j  Procession  of  Elamite  Harpists 
IRams'  Horns  ;  Flutes  ;  Cymbals  ;  Horn     .     XXIV. 

Babylonian  Deluge  Tablet       .  .  .     XXV. 

/Egyptian  Necklaces  ....     VIII 

\  Bracelet,  Earring  AND  Rings     .  .  .     XXVI. 

/Cylinder  for  holding  Kohl  or  Stibium     .     XXVI. 
I  Egyptian  Toilet-box  ....     XXVII. 

Samaritan  Roll  of  the  Law        .  .  .     XXVII. 

Egyptian  Uas  Sceptre       ....     XXVII. 

Cliffs  at  Petra,  showing  Rock-tombs        .     XXVIII. 

Enthroned  before  Lachish        .  .  .     Frontispiece 

Armed  Tyrian  Galley       ....     XXIX. 

Three-legged  Table  from  Thebes       .  .     XXXIII. 

View  from  the  N.       .  .  .  .  .     XXX. 

Portrait  from  the  Monuments  .         .     XIV. 


• }  XVI. 

XVIL 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXL 

.     XXIX. 
.     XXIL 

•}XXIIL 


60 


XIV. 

IV.  . 

V.  . 

VI.  . 

.  282 

.    78 

.  104 

.  116 

VIL. 

.   122 

VIIL 
XXV. 

.  142 
.  606 

XXV. 

IX.  . 
XIV. 

X.  . 

.  606 

.  200 

.  282 
.  232 

234 


234 
252 

826 
282 
330 

358 

390 
396 
398 
458 
458 

826 
558 
566 

568 
606 

142 

628 
628 
750 
750 
750 
798 

826 

942 
890 

282 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS,    MAPS,   AND   PLANS 


TO  ILLUSTRATE  ARTICLE 


VERSIONS 

WEIGHTS 
i.  MEASURES 


WRITING 


(I.)  Aethiopic  ; 


;  (n.)\ 

ENIAN.  J 


XXXI. 


/'Specimens  of  Script      ,    ,  , 

J      Arabic;   (III.)  Aramaic  ;    (IV.)  Arme> 

iDiTTO:    (V.)  Greek;    (VI.)  Sahidic  ;    (VII.)1  yvvtt 
I     Slavonic;  (VIII.  and  IX.)  Syriac  .  t  J<^^^ii- 

I'A  Beetle-weight        .... 
Weighing  Rings  of  Gold  against  a  Lion 


AND  (^  Beetle-weight 
\  Weighing  Rings 
I     weight  .  .  .  ... 

/Papyrus  showing  Hieroglyphic  Writing 
I  Papyrus  showing  Demotic  Writing  . 

_  J  PUGILLARIA,  or  WaX  TaBLETS 

j  Tessera     ...... 

I  Origin  of  Alphabet 


*^Early  Alphabets 


XXXIII. 


XXXV. 
XXXVI. 


FACDTfl 

pa6b 

.       928 


942 


XXXIV.    .     952 


954 
956 


B.     IT.TAJSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT 


Absalom,  So-called  Tomb  of 

PAGE 
8 

Cenchraca,  Port  of,  figured  on  a  Coin 

page 
141 

Acropolis  at  Athens    . 

73 

Censer,  An  Egyptian  . 

142 

Adze,  An  Egyptian 

77 

Chaff  driven  by  the  Wind    . 

143 

Agricultural  Implements     . 

18 

Chaldeans    ..... 

144 

Ai,  View  from     .... 

24 

Chameleon,  The  .... 

144 

Aijalon,  Valley  of        .         .         . 

25 

Chariot,  An  Assyrian  . 

146 

Alabaster  Vases  .... 

25 

Chariots,  Egyptian 

146 

Alexander    the    Great,    Coin    showing 

Chest  from  Thebes 

149 

Head  of 

26 

Chrisma 

190 

Altar  of  Burnt-offering 

31 

Cobra,  The  Egyptian  . 

67 

Altar  of  Incense  ;         .         .         . 

31 

Colocynth,  The   .... 

319 

Altar  Tripod  from  Khorsabad 

32 

Comb,  An  Egyptian     . 

630 

Araon,  The  God. 

35 

Coney,  The          .... 

175 

Amulets,  Egyptian 

38 

Cooking,  Egyptian 

177 

Antioch  :  Gate  of  St.  Paul  . 

44 

Corinth,  Coin  of  . 

14X 

Antiochus  III.,  Coin  of 

44 

Cos,  Coin  of         ...         . 

182 

Antiochus  IV.,  Coin  of 

45 

Crocodile  of  the  Nile,  The   . 

473 

Antiochus  VI.,  Coin  of 

46 

Crowns,  Assyrian 

190 

Apries,  Cartouche  of    . 

678 

Cups,  Egyptian    .... 

191 

Apron  of  Bead-work  from  Egyptian 

Cups  and  Vases,  Egyptian  . 

330 

Mummy   ..... 

629 

Damascus,  E.  Gate  of 

195 

Ararat,  View  of   . 

53 

Damascus,  Monument  from 

196 

Areopagus  at  Athens  . 

516 

Dances,  Egyptian 

197 

Ark,  An  Egyptian 

57 

Darius,  Cartouche  of   . 

200 

Assos 

68 

Dead  Sea,  The     .... 

774 

Athens  :  Acropolis 

73 

Demetrius  I.,  Coin  of  . 

207 

Athens  :  Mars'  Hill     . 

516 

Diadem,  shown  on  Coin  of  Tigranes 

213 

Augustus  Caesar  .... 

76 

Diana,  shown  on  Ephesian  Coin  . 

213 

Axe,  An  Egyptian 

77 

Diana,  Temple  of,  on  Ephesian  Coin 

253 

Babil  from  the  W.        .         .         . 

83 

Dill,  The  Common 

41 

Balsam  of  Gilead,  The . 

844 

Dinner-party,  Ancient  Egyptian  . 

524 

Banquet,  An  Assyrian 

89 

Discus-thrower,  A        .         .         . 

215 

Baskets,  Egyptian 

95 

Door,  An  Ancient  Egyptian. 

296 

Bat  :  The  Tomb -bat   . 

96 

Dress  of  Bedawi  .... 

222 

Beards  of  Various  Eastern  Nations 

97 

Dress  of  ligyptian  Man 

220 

Bed,  An  Egyptian 

98 

Dress  of  Egyptian  Woman  . 

221 

Beer-sheba 

99 

Dress  of  Palestine  Fellahah . 

221 

Bellows,  Egyptian 

100 

Drusus,  Arch  of  . 

49 

Bethlehem,  from  S.E.  . 

105 

Egypt,  Troops  of         .         .         . 

235 

Bottles,  Skin        .... 

114 

Egyptian  Standards    . 

251 

Bowl,  An  Inscribed  Hittite  . 

114 

Embalming  :  Bandaging  a  Mummy 

248 

Bozrah 

115 

En-dor,  Cave  at  . 

250 

Bread  :  Carrying  Cakes  to  Oven  . 

116 

Ephesus 

253 

Bread  :  Kneading  with  Feet 

116 

Ephesus,  Coins  of        .         .         . 

253 

Brick-making  by  Slaves  at  Thebes 

117 

Etam,  The  Rock  .... 

260 

Camel,  Bactrian  or  Two-humped 

123 

Ezra,  Tomb  of    . 

274 

Camel :  Syrian  Baggage-camel     . 

859 

Fall  depicted  on  Babylonian  Cj'linder 

Camphire,  The    .... 

124 

seal 

276 

Carmel,  Place  of  Elijah's  Sacrifice 

243 

Fowling  Scene     .... 

359 

Carrying  Cakes  to  Oven 

116 

Frontlet  or  Phylactery 

289 

Cart,  Assyrian     .... 

138 

Gad,  River  of      ...         . 

377 

Castor  and  Pollux,  Coin  showing  . 

139 

Galilee,  Sea  of,  from  Tell  Hum 

135 

Castor-oil  Plant,  The  . 

319 

Gerizim 

304 

LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS,    MAPS,   AND   PLANS 


Goat,  Long-eared  Syrian 

Grain, '.Goatsitreading  in  ,1*._^:^.  J 

Grinding  Corn  "Z. 

Handicrafts  represented  in  Frescoes 

Hanukka  Lamp  . 

Hebron  from  N.W. 

Hermon       .... 

High-priest,  Jewish 

Hoes,  Egyptian   . 

Hoopoe,  The 

Hophra,  Pharaoh,  Cartouche  of 

Horse,  Trappings  of  an  Assyrian 

Ibis,  The  Sacred  . 

Jerusalem  :  Golden  Gate 

Jerusalem  :  "  St.  Stephen's  Gate 

Jerusalem  :  Via  Dolorosa 

Jerusalem  :  W.  Walls  of 

Jordan  Valley,  looking  S. 

Joseph's  Tomb    . 

Key,  An  Iron 

Kirjath-jearim,  View  from 

Kite,  The    . 

Kneading  Dough  with  Feet 

Knives,  Egyptian 

"  Knop,"  illustrated  from  Monument 

Lammergeier,  The 

Laver,  The  . 

Lebanon,  View  of 

Lentil,  The 

Lily,  The     . 

"  Lily- work  "  at  Persepolis 

Lizard,  The  Fan-footed 

Locust,  The  Bald  (?)    . 

Locust,  The  Migratory 

Locust,  The  N.  African 

Mallet,  A     . 

Mallow,  The 

Mandrake,  The    . 

Manna  {Tamarix  gallica) 

Mars'  Hill  at  Athens   . 

Mastick,  The 

Mattocks  ;    Egyptian  Hoes 

Mena,  Cartouche  of 

Menephtah,  Cartouche  of 

Mirror,  An  Egyptian   . 

Mummy,  Bandaging  a. 

Myrrh,  The 

Nain    .... 

Nazareth  :  "  The  Virgin's  Fountain 

Necho  II.,  Cartouche  of 

Necklace,  Egyptian  Porcelain 

Nectanebus  IL,  Cartouche  of 

Nero,  Coin  of,  showing  Head 

Net  :  Egyptian  Landing-nets 

Nicaea,  Gate  of   . 

Nuts  (Pistachia  vera)   . 

Oil-tree,  The  Fruit  of  the    . 

Osprey,  The 

Ossifrage,  The     . 

Oven,  An  Eastern 

Owl,  The  Little   . 

Oxen  treading  out  the  Corn  . 

Painting  of  Eyes. 

PapjTus,  The 

Partridge,  The  Greek  . 

Paul,  St.,  Gate  of,  at  Antioch 

Pelican,  The 

Pens,  Reed  . 

Peor,  View  from 

Persepolis  . 

Phylactery  . 


312 
119 
544 
328 
206 
339 
344 
349 
523 
459 
678 
356 
631 
404 
850 
406 
400 
428 
430 
446 
453 
454 
116 
454 
454 
631 
798 
470 
471 
480 
875 
482 
483 
482 
482 
326 
504 
507 
508 
516 
520 
523 
236 
677 
552 
248 
569 
573 
576 
678 
629 
237 
120 
285,  583 
112 
610 
615 
630 
631 
116 
632 
19 
633 
739 
646 

44 
664 

953 

88 

672 

289 


PAGE 

Piece  of  Siver,  The  Lost      . 

692 

Pillow  :  W^ooden  Head-rest. 

98 

Plough,  etc.,  as  still  used  in  the  East 

18 

Ploughman,  An  Eastern 

.       18 

Poplar  (Styrax  officinale) 

•     704 

Potter,  The          .... 

.     330 

Potter's  Furnace,  An  Egyptian  . 

.     289 

Pulley,  A 

•     330 

QuaU,  The 

727 

Kabbah  from  the  E.     . 

729 

Rachel's  Tomb    .... 

•     730 

Ramses  IL,  Cartouche  of     . 

.     677 

Reaper,  An  Eastern     . 

19 

Reed  (Arundo  donax)  . 

•     740 

Runner,  An  Arab 

.     192 

Samala,  Bas-relief  from 

.     682 

Samala,  Monument  at 

.     862 

Samson,  Traditional  Tomb  of 

.     782 

Sandal,  An  Assyrian    . 

.     786 

Sandal,  An  Egyptian  . 

.     786 

Scorpion,  The      .... 

•     793 

Scoiurge,  A  Roman 

.     189 

Shabataka,  Cartouche  of 

.     678 

Shadoof,  The       .... 

•     945 

Shechem  from  S.W. 

.     817 

Sheep,  The  Fat-taUed  . 

.     818 

Shishak,  Cartouche  of . 

.     827 

Shrine,  An  Egyptian   . 

.       57 

Siloam  Inscription,  The 

■     954 

Siloam,  Pool  of   . 

.     823 

Slinger,  An  Egyptian  . 

•       59 

Snake-charmers,  Indian 

.     837 

So  (Sabaco),  Cartouche  of    . 

.     838 

Spikenard,  The    .... 

.     845 

Standards,  Egyptian   . 

•     251 

Stephen,  St.,  Gate  of  . 

.     850 

Stool,  Three-legged,  from  Thebes 

•     798 

Stork,  The  White 

.     852 

Tabernacle,  S.E.  View  of 

.     864 

Tabor 

•     344 

Tamarix  gallica  .... 

.     508 

Temple    at    Jerusalem :    Stone    from 

placed  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  . 

876 

Tent,  An  Arab     .... 

331 

Tent-making        .... 

•     331 

Threshing-floor,  An  Egyptian 

•       19 

Throne,  An  Assyrian   . 

.     890 

Thrush,  The  Blue 

843 

Thyine  Wood       .... 

.     891 

Tirhakah,  Cartouche  of 

897 

Tools 

329 

Treading  out  the  Corn  . 

19 

Tree,  Sacred  AssjTian  . 

321 

Turtle-Dove,  The 

908 

Udad,  or  N.  African  Wild  Sheep  . 

145 

Ur  (Muqeir),  Ruins  of  Temple  at . 

915 

Viper :    Heads  of  Horned   Viper   anc 

Sand-viper        .... 

13 

Vultiure :     the    Egyptian    Scavenger 

vulture     ..... 

308 

Water-carriers     .... 

942 

Water  raised  by  the  Shadoof 

945 

Wigs,  Egyptian  .... 

324 

Wine-press,  An  Egyptian     . 

948 

Winnowing  with  Wooden  Shovels 

20 

Writing:  Basalt  Slab  for  grinding  Paint 

952 

Writing  :  Oldest  Hebrew  Writing  (Si 

loam  Inscription) 

954 

Writing :  Reed  Pens   .         .         .         . 

953 

Writing  :  Scribe's  Palette    . 

953 

Xerxes,  Cartouche  of  . 

21 

XVI 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS,    MAPS,   AND    PLANS 


C.    FULL-PAGE  MAPS   AND    PLANS 


FACING  PAGE 

Armenia,  Assyria,  etc.         ...  58 

Journeyings  of  the  Children  of  Israel  .  270 

Canaan  in  the  Time  of  the  Patriarchs  .  303 
(I.)  Jerusalem  at  the  Time  of  Vespasian, 
70  A.D.     (II.)  Jerusalem:    Plan  of 

Site  and  Walls  of  Modern  City  .         .  400 

Environs  of  Jerusalem         .         .         .  402 

Palestine  in  the  Time  of  Christ     .         .  404 


FACING  PAGE 

(I.)  The    Dominions    of    David    and 
Solomon.     (II.)   The    Kingdoms   of 

Judah  and  Israel      ....  450 

Contour  Map  of  Palestine    .         .         .  634 
Palestine  as  divided  among  the  Twelve 

Tribes      ......  638 

Journeys  of  St.  Paul   ....  654 

Mount  Moriah,  Plan  of        .         .         .  876 


D.    MAPS    AND    PLANS   IN   THE   TEXT 


Asher,  The  Tribal  Lot  of    . 
Athens,  Plan  of  . 
Babylon  :  Attempted  Restoration 
Babylon  :   Present  State  of  the  Ruins 
Babel,  Plan  of  Temple  of  Tower  of 
Benjamin,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Dan,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Ecbatana,  Plan  of        .         .         . 
Ephesus  :   Plan  of  Temple  of  Diana 
Ephraim,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Gad,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Galilee,  The  Sea  of       .         .         . 
Issachar,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Judah,  The  Tribal  Lot  of     . 
Naphtali,  The  Tribal  Lot  of 
Nineveh,  Plan  of         .         .         . 


PAGE  PAGE 

64  Nineveh  :  Plan  of  the  Environs  .         .  602 

72  House  of  Cedars  of  Lebanon  :  Alterna- 

81  five  Diagram  Sections     .         .         .  633 

82  Lower  Egypt,  showing  the  Route  of  the 

85    i        Israelites 737 

102  Dead    Sea :     Map    and    Longitudinal 

197    I       Section 773 

225  Solomon's  Palace  :  Plan  of  Fergusson's 

253  Restoration 839 

254  Tabernacle :   Plan  of  Outer  Court         .  863 
291  Tabernacle  :    Diagram  of  the  Dimen- 

303  sions  (in  Section)      ....  865 

375  Solomon's  Temple,  Plan  of .         .         .  877 

435  Herod's  Temple,  Plan  of      .         .         .  878 

574  A  Hebrew  Tomb,  with  Kokim     .         .  900 

600  Zebulun,  The  Tribal  Lot  of .         .         .  962 


MURRAY'S    ILLUSTRATED 
BIBLE    DICTIONARY 


Aalap.     [Addan.] 

Aapon,  son  of  Amram  and  Jochebed,  and 
elder  brother  of  Moses  and  Miriam  (Num.26. 
59),  a  Levite,  who  could  "  speak  well  "  (Ex. 
4.14),  and  was  therefore  qualified  to  be  the 
"  mouth  "  and  "  interpreter  "  of  his  brother 
Moses,  who  was  slow  of  speech  (4. 16).  He  thus 
became  not  only  the  organ  of  communication 
with  the  Israelites  and  Pharaoh  (4.30,7.2),  but 
also  the  actual  instrument  of  working  most  of 
the  miracles  of  the  Exodus  (7. 19),  and  his 
prominence  in  the  work  of  his  people's  de- 
liverance was  recognized  in  later  days  (iSam. 
12.6  ;  Ps.77.2o).  He  was  indispensable  to  his 
brother,  whose  weary  arms  he  helped  to  up- 
hold during  the  struggle  against  Amalek  (Ex. 
17.12),  but  was  incapable  of  leadership  by  him- 
self, yielding  to  pressure  from  the  people  in 
Moses'  absence  and  making  the  golden  calf  (32. 
4).  His  weakness  was  rewarded  by  seeing  "  a 
feast  to  the  Lord  "  degraded  to  the  lowest  form 
of  heathen  sensuality  (Ex. 32. 5, 25  ;  iCor.lO.7). 
He  was  brought  to  a  sense  of  his  sins  by 
Moses'  rebuke  (Ex. 32. 22),  and  was  forgiven 
by  God  in  response  to  Moses'  prayer  (Ex.32. 
33  ;  Deut.9.20).  It  was  after  this'that  Moses 
by  God's  command  delegated  to  Aaron  the 
office  of  High-priest  (Ex.29;  Lev. 8).  The 
solemnity  of  the  office  and  the  need  for  re- 
verence in  the  discharge  of  its  duties  was 
vindicated  by  the  death  of  Nadab  and  Abihu, 
Aaron's  two  eldest  sons,  for  offering  strange 
fire,  perhaps  through  being  intoxicated  (LeV. 
10.1,2,9).  Thenceforward  Aaron  is  specific- 
ally "the  priest"  (Ex. 31. io,35. 19,38.21 ;  Lev. 
13.2  ;  Num.l8.28),  who  stays  a  plague  by 
an  offering  of  incense  (Num.l6.46-4S) ;  to  his 
charge  the  tabernacle  is  committed  (4.5,19,27, 
33)  ;  and  to  him  the  Levites  are  given  in  ex- 
change for  the  firstborn  (8.41).  Against  his 
pre-eminence  Korah  and  his  companions  re- 
belled, but  it  was  vindicated  by  the  blossoming 
of  his  rod  (17.i-ii).  The  only  occasion  on 
which  his  individual  character  is  seen  is  when, 
prompted  by  Miriam,  he  complained  against 
Moses  (I2.2),  but  he  speedily  repented;  and 
leaning,  as  he  always  did  otherwise,  on  Moses, 
it  is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  shared  his 
sin  at  Meribah  and  its  punishment  (2O.10-12). 
His  death  soon  followed,  hastened  on  perhaps 
by  exposiure  to  a  sandstorm.  It  took  place  on 
mount  Hor,  after  the  transference  of  his  robes 
and  office  to  his  son  Eleazar,  who  alone  with 
Moses  was  present  at  his  death  and  performed 
his  burial  (20.28).  So  he  was  "  gathered  unto 
his  people  "  (2O.24) — the  phrase  which  speaks 


ABADDON 

of  the  faith  of  those  days  in  a  conscious  life 
beyond  the  grave.  He  had  been  married  to 
Elisheba  (Ex. 6. 23),  and  his  two  younger  sons 
Eleazar  and  Ithamar  survived  him  ;  for  thirty 
days  the  congregation,  even  all  the  house  of 
Israel,  wept  for  Aaron  "  the  saint  of  the  Lord  " 
(Num.20.29  ;  Ps.106.i6),  who,  though  com- 
passed with  infirmity  (Heb.5.2),  had  yet  been 
called  by  God  to  receive  that  anointing  for 
consecration  to  His  service  which  made  him  a 
type  of  the  sinless  Messiah.  [c.r.d.b.] 

Aaron's  Pod.  (i)  Like  that  of  Moses, 
with  which  a  Jewish  legend  {Yalkiit  to  Ps.llO, 
§869)  identifies  it.  Aaron's  rod  (Ex. 7.9ff., 8. 5, 16) 
played  an  important  part  in  the  miraculous 
events  which  preceded  the  Exodus  from  Egypt. 
For  Moses'  rod,  see  Ex.4.2ff.,7.i'i,i9  (may  refer 
to  4.3  or  7.9),  9.23,10.13,14.16'.  (2)  Aaron's 
rod  that  budded  (Num.17. 2-11).  Twelve  rods, 
the  name  of  a  tribe  inscribed  on  each,  with  the 
exception  of  Aayon  for  Levi,  were  deposited  in 
the  tabernacle  "  before  the  Testimony  "  for 
a  night.  In  the  morning  it  was  found  that 
Aaron's  rod  had  put  forth  buds,  blossoms,  and 
ripe  almonds.  This  sign  was  accepted  as 
proof  of  the  right  of  the  family  of  Aaron  to  the 
priesthood.  This  rod  was  to  be  put  back 
"before"  the  testimony;  according  to  Heb.9.4 
it  was  in  the  ark.  [Ark  of  the  Covenant.] 
See  further,  Jewish  Encyc.  i.  5.  [h.h.] 

Ab  (father),  an  element  in  the  composition 
of  many  proper  names,  of  which  Abba  is  an 
Aram.  form.  Applied  to  God  by  Jesus  Christ 
(Mk. 14.36),  and  by  St.  Paul(Ro.8.i5  ;  Gal.4.6). 

Ab.     [Months.] 

Ab'aeuc  (2Esd.l.4o)  =  Habakkuk. 

Abaddon  (\ibhadd6n ;  LXX.  'ATrwXem  : 
lit.  ruin,  destruction)  occurs  in  O.T.  in  the 
Wisdom  literature  only.  It  is  always  (unless 
Job  31.12  is  an  exception)  a  proper  noun,  de- 
noting that  part  of  the  intermediate  state 
(s/i'-'o/)  which  is  reserved  for  the  punishment 
of  the  wicked.  In  Job  26.6,  Pr.15.ii, 27. 20, 
it  is  joined  with  sh''6l  ;  in  Ps.88.ii  with  the 
grave;  in  Job 28.22  with  death.  This  last 
passage,  in  which  Abaddon  and  Death  are 
personified,  forms  a  transition  to  N.T.  usage. 
In  Rev.9.ii  Abaddon  appears  as  Apollyon 
('XttoWvwv,  "Destroyer"),  the  angel,  not  of 
Sheol  or  Hades,  but  of  the  Abyss  (Gehenna), 
and  king  of  the  tormenting  locusts.  Perhaps 
we  have  here,  not  a  person,  but  a  vivid  per- 
sonification, so  that  in  N.T.  Apollyon  or 
Abaddon  is  simply  a  name  of  hell  (Gehenna). 
Rabbinical  usage,  which  makes  Abaddon  the 
lowest    compartment    of    Gehenna,    confirms 

this.       [ASMODEUS.]  [C.H.] 


2  ABADIAS 

Abadi'as,  son  of  Jezelus  (iEsd.8.35)  = 
Obadiah,  7,  son  of  Jehiel  (Ezr.S.g). 

Abas'  tha,  one  of  the  seven  eunuchs  in  the 
Persian  court  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.l.io). 

Abana'  {Amanah,  R.V.  marg.),  one  of  the 
"  rivers  of  Damascus  "  (2K.5.12).  The  Barada 
and  the  'Awaj  are  now  the  chief  streams  of 
Damascus,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
former  is  the  Abana  and  the  latter  the  Pharpar. 
The  Barada  rises  in  the  Anti-libanus  near 
Zebddneh,  and  is  joined  by  an  affluent  from 
'AinFijeh  farther  S.  ;  the  main  source  is  some 
23  miles  from  the  city,  after  flowing  through 
which  it  runs  across  the  plain,  till  it  loses  itself 
in  the  lake  Bahret  el-Qibliyeh.  [c.r.c] 

Abarim',  the  mountains  E.  of  Jordan,  in 
Moab  (Num. 27. 12,33. 47,48;  Deut. 32.49  ;  also 
R.V.  Je.22.20,  A.V.  passages).  [Nebc]  For 
Ije-abarim,  see  Iim.  [c.r.c] 

Abba.     [Ab.] 

Abda'. — 1.  Father  of  Adoniram  (iK.4.6). 
— 2.  Son  of  Shammua  (Ne.ll.17)  =  OBADiAri, 
son  of  Shemaiah  (iChr.9.i6). 

Abdeel',  father  of  Shelemiah  (Je.36.26). 

Abdi'. — 1.  A  Merarite,  and  ancestor  of 
Ethan  the  singer  (iChr.6.44). — 2.  The  father 
of  Kish,  a  Merarite,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
(2Chr.29.12). — 3.  A  Jew  in  the  time  of  Ezra, 
who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.26). 

Abdias'(2  Esd. 1.39)=  the  prophet  On  ADi  AH. 

Abdiel',  <>ne  of  the  Gadites  settled  in 
the  land  of  Bashan  (iChr.5.15)  in  the  days  of 
Jotham  king  of  Judah. 

Abdon'.— 1.  (Judg.i2.13.)  Son  of  Hillel  of 
Pirathon  of  Ephraim.  The  last  of  the  minor 
judges  ;  a  polygamist  and  wealthy. — 2.  Son  of 
Shashak  (iChr.8.23). — 3.  Eldest  son  of  Jehiel 
son  of  Gibeon  (8.30,9.35,36).— 4.  Son  of  Micah, 
a  courtier  of  Josiah  (2Chr.34.20)  =  Achbor  (2 

K.22.I2).  [H.M.S.] 

Abdon'  (tillage;  Jos.2i.30;  iChr.6.74)-  Cf. 
Jos. 19. 28,  where  Hebron  {R.V.  Ebron)  is  per- 
haps a  clerical  error  for  Abdon.  [Hebkon,  2.] 
A  Levitical  town  of  Asher.  Now  'A  bdeh,  a  ruin 
10  miles  N.E.  of  Accho  (Vandevelde).    [c.r.c] 

Abed'-nego'  {servant  0/  Nego — i.e.,  per- 
haps, 0/  Nebo),  the  Babylonian  name  given  to 
Azariah,  one  of  the  three  friends  of  Daniel 
(Dan. 1.6, 7).     [Siiadkach.] 

A'bel  (ileb.  hebhel,  i.e.  breath,  vanity,  pos- 
sibly so  called  from  the  shortness  of  his  life, 
or  else  from  the  Bab.  ablu  =  "son"), 
the  second  son  of  Adam,  murdered  through 
jealousy  by  his  brother  Cain  ((ien.4.i-i6  ;  ijn. 
3.12).  Jehovah  showed  respect  for  Abel's 
offering,  but  not  for  that  of  Cain,  because  Abel 
"  by  faith  offered  a  more  excellent  sacrifice 
than  Cain"  (Heb.ll.4).  In  Mt.23.35  our 
Lord  speaks  of  Abel  as  the  first  martyr,  and 
in  Heb.12.24  the  death  of  Abel  is  contrasted 
with  that  of  Christ  as  pleading  not  for  pardon, 
but  for  vengeance.  The  place  of  his  murder 
and  his  grave  are  shown  near  Abila  [.Abilene]  ; 
a  tradition  as  to  his  burial  still  lingers  there 
(Stanley,  Sinai  and  Pal.  ed.  i>^i^^,  p.  407). 

Abei  (Arab,  abil,  a  "moist"  meadow,  or 
grass  near  a  stream).  In  (ien.50.ii  there  is  a 
play  on  the  word  as  meaning  also  "  wceiMiig." — 
1.  "T//E  GREAT  ABEL  (iSain.B.i8),  in  the 
field  near  Beth-shemesh,  sliould  apparently  , 
read  "the  great  \'bhen"  (or  stone),  as  in  I,.\.\. 
A   site   supposed    to   be    Ebenczer    (probably 


ABIATHAB 

now  the  village  Deir  Abdn,  2  miles  E.  of  'Ain 
Shems,  Clermont-Ganneau)  was  shown  in  4th 
cent.  a.d.  "close  to  Beth-shemesh"  (Euseb. 
Onowa.s/ico«),perhapsconnected  with  this  Abel. 
—2.  ABEL  BETH-MA'ACHAH  was  a  city 
(2Sam.20.i4,i5)  near  the  town  of  Dan  (iK.15. 
20),  taken  by  Assyrians  in  734  b.c  (2  K. 15. 29), 
otherwise  ABEL-M.A'IM  (meadow  of  waters, 
2Chr.l6.4),  probably  Abl,  a  village  on  a  hill 
just  E.  of  the  main  Jordan  source,  6  miles 
W.  of  Bdnids,  in  the  N.E.  comer  of  the  land 
of  Israel.  [Beth-ma'achaii.]  It  was  a 
"mother"  city  (2Sa1n.2O.18)  of  Israel.  The 
speech  of  the  wise  woman  of  Abel  is  obscure,  and 
the  LXX.  differs  from  the  Hebrew — perhaps 
it  means  :  "  they  say,  first  of  all,  that  they  ask 
a  question  in  Abel,  and  so  have  ended  .  .  .why 
wilt  thou  swallow  up  the  inheritance  of  the 
Lord  ?  "—3.  ABEL-MEHO'LAH,  in  the 
Jordan  Valley  (Judg.7.22),  noticed  with  Beth- 
shean(iK.4.i2).  The  home  of  Elisha  (19. 16)  is 
placed  by  Eusebius  10  miles  S.  of  Scythopolis 
(Onomasiicon),  or  at  the  present  'A  in  Helweh.'^ 

4.  ABEL-MIZRA'IM  (Gen.50.ii),' between 
Egypt  and  Hebron.  "  Beyond  Jordan"  is  a 
difficult  phrase  here,  but  perhaps  Yor-dan(3iS  in 
Assyrian)  meant  "the  great  river,"  or  Nile.— 

5.  ABEL-SHITTIM',  the  valley  opposite 
Jericho  E.  of  Jordan  (Num. 33. 49).  [Shittim.] 
It  should  be  noted  that  these  sites  (except 
4,  which  is  not  fixed)  are  all  well  watered. — 

6.  ABEL-CERAMIM'.     [Vineyards,  Plain 

OF.]  [c.r.c] 

A'bez  (white),  a  town  of  Issachar,  perhaps 
between  Kishion  and  Remeth  (Jos. 19. 20). 
Possibly  the  ruin  el  Beida  ("  the  white  ")  in 
the  plain  4  miles  N.E.  of  Jokneara.      [c.r.c] 

Abi',  wife  of  Ahaz,  mother  of  Hezekiah 
(2K.I8.2).  The  name  is  Abijah  in  2Chr.29.i. 
Her  father's  name  was  Zachariah ;  perhaps 
the  Zechariah  of  Is. 8. 2. 

Abia',  Abiah',  or  Abijah'. — 1.  Son  of 
Becher,  the  son  of  Benjamin  (iChr.7.8). — 2. 
Wife  of  Hezron  (iChr.2.24). — 3.  Second  son  of 
Samuel,  whom  together  with  his  eldest  son 
Joel  he  made  judge  in  Beer-sheba  (iSam.8.2  ; 
iChr.6.28).  Tlie  corruptness  of  their  adminis- 
tration was  the  reason  alleged  by  the  Israelites 
for  their  demanding  a  king. — 4.  (iChr.3.io  ; 
Mt.1.7)  =  Abijah  or  Abijam,  2. — 5.  (2Chr. 
29.1.)     [Abi.]— 8.  (Lu.1.5.)     [Abijah,  4.] 

Abi-albon.     [Abiel.] 

Abiasaph'  (l{x.6.24),  otherwise  written 
Ebiasaph'  (iChr. 6. 23, 37,9.10).  the  head 
of  one  f)f  the  families  of  tlie  Korhites  (a  house 
of  the  Kohatliites),  but  his  precise  genealogy 
is  somewhat  uncertain.  In  Ex.6. 24  he  appears 
at  first  sight  to  be  represented  as  one  of  the 
sons  of  Korah,  and  as  the  brother  of  Assir 
and  Elkaiiah.  But  in  iChr.6.22,23  he  appears 
as  the  Son  of  P-lkanaii.  the  son  of  .Assir,  the 
son  of  Korah.  Probably,  therefore,  in  Ex. 6.24 
"  the  sons  of  Korah  "  merely  mean  the  fam- 
ilies into  whioh  the  house  of  the  Korhites  was 
subdivided.  Among  the  remarkable  descend- 
ants of  .Abiasaj)!).  arcoriling  to  the  text  of 
iClir.6.33-37,  were  Samuel  the  prophet  and 
ILIkanaii  his  father  (iSam.l.i),  and  Heman 
the  singer  ;  but  Ebiasaph  seems  to  be  im- 
|)ro|)erly  inserted  in  ver.  37. 

Abiathan'  {father  of  plenty,  or,  the  Great 
one  is  father),  high-jiriest  and  fourth  in  descent 


ABIATHAR 

from  Eli,  of  the  line  of  Ithamar,  the  younger 
son  of  Aaron.  Abiathar  alone  of  all  the  sons 
of  Ahimelech  the  high-priest  escaped  the 
slaughter  inflicted  upon  his  father's  house  by 
Saul  (iSam.22).  [Ahimelech  ;  David. J  Abi- 
athar, having  become  high-priest,  fled  with 
an  ephod  to  David,  and  was  thus  able  to  in- 
quire of  the  Lord  for  him  (iSam.23.9,30.7  ; 
2Sam.2.i,5.i9,  etc.).  The  fact  that  David 
had  been  the  unwilling  cause  of  the  death 
of  all  Abiathar's  kindred,  coupled  with  his 
gratitude  to  his  father  Ahimelech  for  his  kind- 
ness to  him,  made  him  all  his  hfe  a  firm  and 
steadfast  friend  to  Abiathar,  who  on  his  part 
was  firmly  attached  to  David.  Abiathar  ad- 
hered to  him  in  his  wanderings  while  pursued 
by  Saul  ;  was  with  him  while  he  reigned  in 
Hebron  (2Sam.2.i-3),  the  city  of  the  house  of 
Aaron  (Jos. 21. 10-13)  ;  carried  the  ark  before 
him  when  David  brought  it  up  to  Jerusalem 
(iChr.15.li)  ;  continued  faithful  during  Absa- 
lom's rebellion  (2Sam. 15. 24, 29, 35, 36, 17. 15-17, 
19.li)  ;  and  "was  afflicted  in  all  wherein 
David  was  afflicted."  He  was  also  one  of 
David's  chief  counsellors  (iChr.27.34).  He 
supported,  however,  Adonijah's  abortive  in- 
surrection, perhaps  in  rivalry  to  Zadok,  who 
was  on  Solomon's  side.  For  this  Abiathar 
was  banished  to  his  native  village,  Anathoth, 
in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Jos.21.i8),  Solomon 
sparing  his  life  only  because  of  his  long  service 
to  David,  and  conferring  his  high-priesthood 
on  Zadok  (iK.2.27,35).  Two  difficulties  are 
connected  with  Abiathar.  (i)  It  is  difficult 
to  determine  his  position  relatively  to  Zadok, 
and  to  account  for  the  double  high-priesthood. 
Zadok  was  descended  from  Eleazar,  the  elder 
son  of  Aaron,  and  is  said  to  have  joined  David 
while  he  reigned  in  Hebron  (iChr.12.28,38). 
From  this  time  we  read,  both  in  the  books  of 
Sam.  and  Chr.,  of  "  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the 
priests,"  Zadok  being  always  named  first. 
Yet  we  are  told  that  Solomon  on  his  accession 
put  Zadok  in  the  room  of  Abiathar.  Perhaps 
the  superior  strength  of  the  house  of  Eleazar, 
which  enabled  it  to  furnish  16  out  of  the  24 
courses  (iChr.24'),  contributed  to  the  preced- 
ence given  him  over  Abiathar.  It  is  remark- 
able how,  first,  Saul's  cruel  slaughter  of  the 
priests  at  Nob,  and  then  the  political  error  of 
the  wise  Abiathar,  led  to  the  fulfilment  of 
God's  denunciation  against  the  house  of  Eli 
(iK.2.27).  (2)  In  2Sam.8.i7,  in  the  duplicate 
passage  iChr.l8.i6,  and  in  iChr.24.3,6,31,  we 
have  Ahimelech  substituted  for  Abiathar,  and 
Ahimelech  the  son  of  Abiathar  instead  of 
Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech;  whereas  in 
2Sam.2O.25,  and  in  every  other  passage  in 
O.T.,  we  are  uniformly  told  that  it  was  Abia- 
thar who  was  priest  with  Zadok  in  David's 
reign,  and  that  he  was  the  son  of  Ahimelech, 
and  that  Ahimelech  was  the  son  of  Ahitub. 
The  difficulty  is  increased  by  finding  Abiathar 
spoken  of  as  the  high-priest  in  whose  time 
David  ate  the  shew-bread,  in  Mk.2.26.  How- 
ever, the  evidence  in  favour  of  David's  friend 
being  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech  pre- 
ponderates so  strongly,  that  one  can  only 
suppose  ^that  {,the  error  was  a  clerical^one 
originally,  and  propagated  from  one  passage  to 
another.  The  mention  of  Abiathar  by  our 
Lord,  in  Mk.2.26,  might  perhaps  be  accounted 


ABIJAH  3 

for,  if  Abiathar  was  the  person  who  persuaded 
his  father  to  allow  David  to  have  the  bread, 
and  if,  as  is  probable,  the  loaves  were  Abia- 
thar's (Lev. 24. 9),  and  given  by  him  with  his 
own  hand  to  David.  [a.w.s.] 

Abib.     [Months.] 

Abidah'  or  Abida',  a  son  of  Midiau 
(Gen.25.4  ;    iChr.1.33). 

Abidan',  chief  of  Benjamin  at  the  Exodus 
(Num.1. 1 1,2.22,7.60,65,10.24). 

Abiel'. — 1.  The  father  of  Kish  and  Ner, 
and  consequently  grandfather  of  Saul  and 
Abner  (iSam.9. 1,14.51).  According  to  iChr.8. 
33,9-39,  Ner  was  father  of  Kish,  a  mistake  pos- 
sibly due  to  an  error  of  the  scribe ;  but  see  Ner. 
— 2.  One  of  David's  mighty  men  (1Chr.ll.32). 
In  2Sam.23.31  he  is  called  Abi-albon,  which 
Budde  reads  Abibaal  {Sacred  Books  of  O.T. 
p.  80).  [h.c.b.] 

Abie'zer. — 1.  Eldest  son  of  Gilead,  and 
descendant  of  Manasseh,  and  apparently  at 
one  time  the  leading  family  of  the  tribe 
(Jos. 17.2  ;  iChr.7.i8  ;  Num. 26. 30,  where  the 
contracted  form  Jeezer,  Heb.  i'ezer,  is  given). 
In  Chronicles  Abiezer  is,  in  the  present  state 
of  the  text,  said  to  have  sprung  from  the  sister 
of  Gilead  (iChr.7.i8).  He  was  the  ancestor 
of  Gideon.  The  name  also  occurs  in  Judg.6.34, 
8.2  ;  and  in  an  adjectival  form  ("  the  Abiez- 
pite")injudg.6.ii,24,8.32. — 2.  One  of  David's 
"mightymen"  (2Sam.23.27  ;  iChr.ll. 28, 27.12). 

Abigail. — 1.  The  beautiful  wife  of  Nabal, 
a  wealthy  owner  of  goats  and  sheep  in  Carmel. 
When  David's  messengers  were  slighted  by 
Nabal,  Abigail  took  the  blame  upon  herself, 
supplied  David  and  his  followers  with  pro- 
visions, and  appeased  his  anger  (iSam.25. 
14-35).  Ten  days  later  Nabal  died,  and 
David  made  Abigail  his  wife  {vv.  36-42).  By 
her  he  had  a  son,  called  Chileab  in  2Sam.3.3, 
but  Daniel  in  iChr.3.i. — 2.  A  sister  of  David, 
married  to  "  Ithra  an  Israelite  "  (2Sam.i7.25), 
more  correctly  J  ether  the  Ishmeelite  (iChr.2. 
17),  and  mother,  by  him,  of  Amasa.  [Nahash.] 

Abiha'il. — 1.  Father  of  Zuriel,  chief  of 
the  Levitical  family  of  Merari,  a  contemporary 
of  Moses  (Num.3.35). — 2.  Wife  of  Abishur 
(iChr.2.29). — 3.  Son  of  Huri,  of  the  tribe  of 
Gad  (iChr.5.14). — 4.  Daughter  of  Eliab,  the 
elder  brother  of  David  (2Chr.ll. 18).  The 
A.V.  makes  Abihail  the  wife  of  Rehoboam,  but 
according  to  R.V.  she  was  the  mother  of  Reho- 
boam's  wife  Mahalath. — 5.  Father  of  Esther 
and  uncle  of  Mordecai  (Esth. 2.15, 9.29). 

Abihu',  2nd  son  of  Aaron  (Ex. 6. 23) ;  accom- 
panied Moses  to  the  top  of  Sinai  (Ex. 24. 1-9)  ; 
ordained  priest  (Ex.28.i  ;  Num. 3. 2, 3)  ;  con- 
sumed by  fire  from  heaven  for  offering  "strange 
fire"  (Lev.l0.i,2  ;  Num.3. 4).  [h.c.b.] 

Abi'hud,  son  of  Bela,  3  (iChr.8.3). 

Abijah',  or  Abijam'. — 1.  The  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Rehoboam,  king  of  Judah  (1K.I4.31 ; 
2Chr.i2.16).  Heis  cdXled  Abijah  in  Chronicles, 
Abijam  in  Kings,  the  latter  name  being  proba- 
bly an  error  in  the  MSS.  He  began  to  reign  in 
the  1 8th  year  of  Jeroboam,  and  reigned  3  years 
(2Chr.l3.i,2).  From  iK.15.7  we  learn  that 
Abijah  endeavoured  to  recover  the  kingdom 
of  the  10  tribes,  and  made  war  on  Jeroboam. 
We  are  also  told  (3)  that  he  walked  in  all  the 
sins  of  Rehoboam  (idolatry  and  its  attendant 
immoralities,  iK. 14.23,24),  and  that  his  heart 


4  ABILENE 

"  was  not  perfect  before  God,  as  the  heart 
of  David  his  father."  In  aChr.lS  his  war 
against  Jeroboam  is  more  minutely  described  ; 
he  was  successful  in  battle,  and  took  the  cities 
of  Bethel,  Jeshanah,  and  Ephrain,  with  their 
dependent  villages.  It  is  said  that  his  army 
consisted  of  400,000  men,  and  Jeroboam's  of 
800,000,  of  whom  500,000  fell  in  the  action  ; 
but  our  MSS.  are  frequently  incorrect  as  to 
numbers,  and  there  are  reasons  for  reducing 
these  to  40,000,  80,000,  and  50,000.  Nothing 
is  said  in  Chronicles  of  his  sins,  but  we  read 
that  he  "  waxed  mighty,  and  married  fourteen 
wives,"  whence  we  may  infer  that,  elated  with 
prosperity,  he,  like  his  grandfather  Solomon, 
fell,  during  the  last  two  years  of  his  life,  into 
sin,  as  described  in  Kings.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Asa. — 2.  The  second  son  of  Samuel,  called 
Abiah  in  A.V.  [Abia,  Abiah,  3.] — 3.  The 
son  of  Jeroboam  I.,  king  of  Israel,  in  whom 
alone,  of  all  the  house  of  Jeroboam,  was  found 
"  some  good  thing  toward  the  Lord  God  of 
Israel,"  and  who  was  therefore  the  only  one 
of  his  family  who  was  suffered  to  go  down  to 
the  grave  in  peace.  He  died  in  his  childhood, 
immediately  on  his  mother's  return  from  the 
prophet  Abijah,  to  whom  she  had  been  sent 
by  Jeroboam  to  seek  help  in  the  child's  sick- 
ness (iK.14.i-i8). — 4.  A  descendant  of  Eleazar, 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  8th  of  the  24 
courses  into  which  the  priests  were  divided 
byDavid(iChr.24.io;  2Chr.8.i4;  Ne.12.4,17). 
To  this  course  belonged  Zacharias,  the  father 
of  John  the  Baptist  (Lu.1.5). — 5.  One  of  the 
priests  who  entered  into  a  covenant  with 
Nehemiah  to  walk  in  God's  law  (Ne.lO.7)  ; 
unless  the  name  is  rather  that  of  a  family,  and 
the  same  with  the  preceding. 

Abile'ne  (Lu.3.i).  The  passage  refers  to 
15th  year  of  Tiberius,  and  should  therefore 
read,  "  Philip  tetrarch  of  Ituraea,  and  of  the 
region  of  Trachonitis,  and  of  that  of  Lysanias 
the  tetrarch  of  Abilene."  It  is  thus  distin- 
guished from  Abila  (Tell  Abil)  in  Bashan. 
[Decapolis.]  It  is  called  by  Josephus  the 
"  kingdom  of  Lysanias  "  (2  Wars  xi.  5,  xii.  8), 
or  the  "  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias"  {20  Ant.  vii.  i), 
given  to  Philip  and  afterwards  to  Agrippa  with 
its  capital  at  Abila  (19  ^«<.  v.  i).  Lysanias  was 
the  son  of  Ptolemy  son  of  Menneus,  who  ruled 
at  Chalcis  in  Lebanon  (14 /In/,  vii.  4)  about 
50  B.C.,  and  near  Damascus  (13 /In/,  xvi.  3). 
By  30  B.C.  the  "  house  of  Lysanias  "  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  robber  Zenodorus,  who 
died  in  20  b.c.  (15  Ant.  x.  3  ;  i  Wars  xx.  4),  but 
the  region  was  still  called  "  Abila  of  Lysanias  " 
in  Agrippa's  time,  41  a. d.  (ig  Ant.  v.  i),  though 
it  is  clear  that  Lysanias  was  not  ruling  in  the 
15th  of  Tiberius.  It  is  clear  also  that  Abilene 
lay  in  Lebanon.  The  site  of  its  capital  is  now- 
called  Suq  IVddy  Barada,  "  the  narrow  place 
on  the  Abana  River,"  being  at  a  pass  through 
which  a  Roman  road  was  cut.  The  ruins  near 
the  village,  and  S.  of  the  river,  include  founda- 
tions of  a  small  Roman  temple,  and  rock -cut 
tombs  N.  of  the  stream,  with  busts  in  low 
relief  over  the  doors,  and  Gk.  texts,  some  of 
them  Christian  {Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Special  Papers, 
pp.  112-113).  On  the  crag  above,  on  S.,  the 
tomb  of  Abel  is  shown,  with  a  legend  from 
the  Koran  attaching  (Sura  v.  34).  But  the 
most  important  text  is  in  Latin,  on  the  rock 


ASIXOAM 

wall  of  the  Roman  road-cutting  (Waddington, 
No.  1874),  relating  that  the  emperors  M. 
Aurelius  and  Verus  (c.  163-165  a.d.)  restored 
the  road  damaged  by  the  river  by  cutting  the 
mountain  "  impendiis  Abilenorum,"  or  at  the 
expense  of  the  people  of  Abilene.      [c.r.c] 

Abimael ,  a  descendant  of  Joktan  (Gen.lO. 
28  ;  iChr.1.22),  and  probably  the  progenitor 
of  an  Arab  tribe. 

Abimelech  (Melekh  is  father).  There  was 
a  Canaanite  deity,  Milk.  In  the  Amarna 
tablets  (c.  1400  b.c.)  .■ibimilki  is  the  governor 
of  Tvre,  who  was  a  vassal  of  Egypt ;  melekh 
in  Heb.  =  king.— 1.  (Gen.20,21.)  The  king 
of  Gerar,  who  took  Sarah  into  his  harim, 
but  made  amends  to  Abraham  on  learning 
her  true  relationship.  Afterwards  he  allied 
himself  with  Abraham  and  settled  their 
dispute  as  to  the  well  at  Beer-sheba. — 2. 
(Gen. 26. )  Another  king  of  Gerar  has  a  similar 
experience  with  Isaac,  and  makes  a  similar 
treaty.  Critics  assign  i  to  "  E  "  and  2  to 
"J,"  and  treat  them  as  variants.  [Genesis.] 
The  mention  of  Philistines  (21.32,34,26.1)  is 
perhaps  proleptic.  [Philistines.] — 3.  Title  of 
Ps.34.  Achish  is  intended.  Perhaps  Abime- 
lech (=  father  king)  was,  like  Pharaoh,  not  a 
personal  name.— 4.  Gideon's  son  (Judg.9)  by 
a  Shechemite  whom  Jotham  calls  a  maid- 
servant ;  but  she  was  related  to  the  lords 
(Baalim)  of  Shechcm  and  had  probably  con- 
tracted a  Sadiqa  marriage.  [Judges,  Book 
OF.]  On  Gideon's  death,  .Abimelech  gained 
the  jealous  Ephraimites  by  the  appeal — would 
they  obey  Gideon's  sons  ? — while  his  relations 
intrigued  with  the  Canaanitcs,  who  were 
dominant  in  Shechem  and  boasted  their  descent 
from  Hamor.  With  money  from  the  temple 
of  Baal-berith  he  hired  bravoes  and  slew 
all  his  brethren  except  Jotham  on  one  stone. 
The  words  imply  a  formal  execution.  Then 
the  Shechemites  elected  him  king  by  the 
terebinth  [or  "oak";  Pillar,  Plain  of] 
of  the  pillar  (Judg.9. 6;  cf.  Jos. 24.26).  He 
reigned  3  years.  But  Shechem,  situated  near 
the  junction  of  two  trade  routes,  was  a  nest 
of  bandits.  Abimelech  suffered  the  fate  of 
usurpers.  He  could  not  control  the  worthless 
people  through  whom  he  obtained  power.  He 
retired  to  Arumah  (Judg.9.41),  leaving  Zebul 
governor  of  Shechem.  A  conspiracy  was 
formed  against  him  at  the  harvest  feast  of 
Baal-berith,  but  with  early  intelligence  from 
the  double-dealing  Zebul,  he  defeated  Gaal, 
and  on  the  next  day  by  an  ambush  seized 
Siicchem  and  destroyed  it.  Subsequently  he 
burnt  out  the  refugees  in  the  tower  (Millo). 
He  then  attacked  Thebez,  but  was  struck  down 
by  a  millstone  thrown  from  the  wall  by  a 
woman  (Judg.9.53  ;  f/.  2Sam.ll.21).  To  avoid 
dying  by  a  woman's  hand,  he  requested  his 
armour-bearer  to  slay  him. — 5.  (iChr.l8.i6.) 
[.AuiATHAK.]  [11. M.S.J 

Ablnadab'.— 1.  A  Levite  of  Kirjath- 
jearim,  in  whose  house  the  ark  remained  20 
years  (iSam.7.i,2  ;  iClir.13.7). — 2.  Second  son 
of  Jesse,  who  follnwetl  Saul  to  war  against  the 
Philistines  (I  Sam. 16. 8, 17. 1 3). — 3.  .\  son  of  Saul, 
slain  on  mount  Gilboa(31.2). — 4.  Father  of  one 
of  the  12  oflicers  of  Solon\on  (i  K.4. 11).    [Dor.] 

Ablnoam',  father   of    Barak  (J  udg.4.6.i2, 

5.1,12). 


ABIBAM 

Abipam'. — 1.  A  Reubenite,  son  of  Eliab, 
who  with  Dathan  and  On  conspired  against 
Moses  (Num.16  ;  Deut.11.6).  [Dathan.]— 2. 
Eldest  son  of  Hiel,  the  Bethehte,  who  died 
when  his  father  laid  the  foundations  of  Jericho 
(1K.I6.34),  thus  fulfilling  the  first  part  of  the 
curse  of  Joshua  (Jos. 6. 26). 

Abipon'  (Ecclus.45.i8)  =  Abiram,  i. 

Abise'i  (2Esd.l.2) ;  called  Abisum  (lEsd.  8. 
2),  an  ancestor  of  Ezra  ;  =  Abishua,  2. 

Abishagr'i  a  beautiful  Shunammite,  taken 
by  David  to  comfort  him  in  his  extreme  old 
4ge  (iK. 1.1-4).  Jewish  tradition  agrees  with 
ver.  4,  which  asserts  that  she  preserved  her 
virginity.  After  David's  death  Adonijah 
induced  Bath-sheba,  the  queen-mother,  to  ask 
Solomon  to  give  him  Abishag  in  marriage  ; 
but  this  imprudent  petition  cost  Adonijah  his 
life  (1K.2.13,  etc.)  [Adonijah;  Canticles; 
Family.] 

Abisha'i,  the  eldest  of  the  three  sons  of 
David's  sister  Zeruiah,  and  brother  to  Joab 
and  Asahel  (iChr.2.i6).  First  of  the  three 
brothers,  he  appears  as  the  devoted  follower 
of  David.  He  was  his  companion  in  the 
desperate  night  expedition  to  the  camp  of 
Saul,  and  desired  to  avenge  and  terminate  his 
uncle's  quarrel  by  stabbing  the  sleeping  king 
with  his  own  spear.  But  David  indignantly 
restrained  him,  and  the  adventurous  warriors 
left  the  camp  as  stealthily  as  they  had  come, 
carrying  with  them  Saul's  spear  and  the  cruse 
of  water  which  stood  at  his  head  (iSam.26.6-9). 
During  David's  outlaw  life  among  the  Philis- 
tines, Abishai  was  probably  by  his  side,  though 
nothing  more  is  heard  of  him  till  he  appears 
with  Joab  and  Asahel  in  hot  pursuit  of  Abner, 
who  was  beaten  in  the  bloody  fight  by  the  pool 
of  Gibeon.  Asahel  fell  by  Abner's  hand  :  at 
sunset  the  survivors  returned,  buried  their 
brother  by  night  in  the  sepulchre  of  their 
father  at  Bethlehem,  and  with  revenge  in 
their  hearts  marched  on  to  Hebron  by  break  of 
day  (2Sam.2.i8,24,32).  In  the  prosecution  of 
their  vengeance,  though  Joab's  hand  struck 
the  deadly  blow,  Abishai  was  associated  with 
him  in  the  treachery,  and  "  Joab  and  Abishai 
killed  Abner "  (2Sam.3.3o).  [Abner.]  In 
the  war  against  Hanun,  undertaken  by  David 
as  a  punishment  for  the  insult  to  his  messen- 
gers, Abishai,  as  second  in  command,  was 
opposed  to  the  army  of  the  Ammonites  before 
the  gates  of  Rabbah,  and  drove  them  headlong 
before  him  into  the  city,  while  Joab  defeated 
the  Syrians  who  attempted  to  raise  the  siege 
(2Sam.l0.io,i4  ;  iChr.l9.ii,i5).  The  defeat 
of  the  Edomites  in  the  valley  of  salt  (iChr. 
18. 1 2),  which  brought  them  to  a  state  of 
vassalage,  was  due  to  Abishai,  acting  perhaps 
under  the  immediate  orders  of  the  king  (see 
2Sam.8.i3),  or  of  Joab  (Ps.60,  title).  On  the 
outbreak  of  Absalom's  rebellion  and  the  con- 
sequent flight  of  David,  Abishai  remained  true 
to  the  king  ;  and  the  old  warrior  showed  a 
gleam  of  his  ancient  spirit,  as  fierce  and  relent- 
less as  in  the  camp  of  Saul,  when  he  offered 
to  avenge  the  taunts  of  Shimei,  and  urged  his 
subsequent  execution  (2Sam.l6.9,19.2i).  In 
the  battle  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim,  Abishai 
commanded  a  third  part  of  the  army  (2Sam. 
18.2,5,12),  and  in  the  absence  of  Amasa  was 
summoned  to  assemble  the  troops  in  Jerusalem 


ABNEB  a 

and  pursue  after  the  rebel  Sheba,  Joab  being 
apparently  in  disgrace  for  the  slaughter  of 
Absalom  (2Sam.20.6,io).  The  last  act  of 
service  which  is  recorded  of  Abishai  is  his 
timely  rescue  of  David  from  the  hands  of  a 
gigantic  Philistine,  Ishbi-benob  (2Sam.2i.17). 
His  personal  prowess  on  this,  as  on  another 
occasion,  when  he  fought  single-handed  against 
300,  won  for  him  a  place  as  captain  of  the 
second  three  of  David's  mightv  men  (2Sain. 
23.18  ;  iChr.11.20).  Probably  this  act  of 
daring  was  achieved  while  he  was  the  com- 
panion of  David's  wanderings  as  an  outlaw 
among  the  Philistines.  Of  the  end  of  his 
chequered  life  we  have  no  record. 

Abishalom'  =  Absalom  (2Sam.3.3  ;  cf.  i 
K. 15.2, 10;  2Chr.ll. 20, 21). 

Abishu'a. — 1.  Son  of  Bela,  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.4). — 2.  Son  of  Phinehas, 
the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  father  of  Bukki,  in  the 
genealogy  of  the  high-priests  (iChr.6.4,5,50,51 ; 
Ezr.7.4,5).  According  to  Josephus  (8  Ant.  i. 
3),  he  became  high-priest,  but  after  him  the 
office  passed  to  the  house  of  Ithamar  ;  the 
descendants  of  Phinehas.  till  Zadok,  falling 
into  the  rank  of  private  persons. 

Abishup',  son  of  Shammai  (iChr.2.28). 

Abisum'  (iEsd.8. 2)  =  Abishua,  2. 

Abital',  one  of  David's  wives  ;  mother  of 
Shephatiah  (2Sam.3.4  ;  iChr.3.3). 

Abitub',  son  of  Shaharaim  (iChr.8.iT). 

Abi'ud  (Mt.1.13)  is  equivalent  to  Juda 
(Lu.3.26,  R.V.  Joda),  and  Hodaiah  (iChr. 
3.24).  The  grandson  of  Zerubbabel  through 
his  daughter  Shelomith  (iChr.3.19).  [Gene- 
alogy OF  Jesus  Christ.]  [c.r.d.b.] 

Ablution.     [Purification.] 

Abnep'  (my  father  is  Ner,  or,  is  a  lamp). 
— 1.  Son  of  Ner,  who  was  probably  brother  of 
Kish  (1Sam.i4.50f.  ;  cf.  iChr.9.36,  but  Kish's 
father  according  to  iChr.8.33).  If  so,  Abner 
would  be  Saul's  first  cousin.  He  was  made 
by  him  commander-in-chief  of  his  army  (iSam. 
14.50).  It  was  he  who  conducted  David  into 
Saul's  presence  after  the  death  of  Goliath 
(17-57)  ;  and  afterwards  accompanied  Saul 
when  he  sought  David's  life  at  Hachilah 
(26.3-16).  From  this  time  we  hear  no  more 
of  him  till  after  the  death  of  Saul,  when  he 
rises  into  importance  as  the  mainstay  of  his 
family.  Immediately  after  the  disastrous 
battle  of  mount  Gilboa,  David  was  proclaimed 
king  of  Judah  in  Hebron,  and  Abner  pro- 
claimed the  weak  and  unfortunate  Ishbosheth, 
Saul's  son,  as  king  of  Israel,  at  Mahanaim 
beyond  Jordan  (2Sam.2.8-ii),  Judah  alone 
remaining  faithful  to  David.  War  soon  broke 
out  between  the  rivals,  and  a  "  very  sore 
battle"  was  fought  at  Gibeon  between  Israel 
under  Abner  and  Judah  under  Joab,  son  of 
Zeruiah,  David's  sister  (iChr.2.i6).  When  the 
army  of  Ishbosheth  was  defeated,  Joab's 
youngest  brother  Asahel,  who  is  said  to  have 
been  "  as  light  of  foot  as  a  wild  roe,"  pursued 
Abner,  and  in  spite  of  warning  refused  to 
leave  him,  so  that  Abner  in  self-defence  was 
forced  to  kill  him.  After  this,  success  inclined 
more  and  more  to  the  side  of  David,  till  at  last 
the  imprudence  of  Ishbosheth  deprived  him 
of  the  counsels  and  generalship  of  the  hero, 
who  was  in  truth  the  only  support  of  his 
tottering  throne.     Abner  had  married  Rizpah, 


6     ABOMINATION  OF  DESOLATION 

Saul's  concubine,  and  tliis,  according  to  the 
views  of  Oriental  courts,  might  be  interpreted 
to  imply  a  design  upon  the  throne.  After  in- 
dignantly repelling  Ishbosheth's  insinuation 
to  this  effect,  Abner  opened  negotiations  with 
David,  by  whom  he  was  most  favourably 
received  at  Hebron,  David  demanding,  liow- 
ever,  as  a  significant  preliminary,  that  his  wife, 
Michal,  daughter  of  the  late  king,  should  be 
given  up  to  him.  Aimer  undertook  to  procure 
David's  recognition  throughout  Israel  ;  but 
leaving  his  court  for  the  purpose  was  enticed 
back  by  Joab,  and  treacherously  uiurdcred 
by  him  and  his  brother  Abishai,  at  the  gate  of 
the  city,  partly  no  doubt,  as  Joab  showed 
afterwards  in  the  case  of  Amasa,  from  fear  lest 
so  distinguished  a  convert  to  their  cause 
should  gain  too  high  a  place  in  David's  favour, 
but  ostensibly  in  retaliation  for  the  death  of 
Asahel.  This  murder  caused  the  greatest 
sorrow  and  indignation  to  David  ;  but,  as  the 
assassins  were  too  powerful  to  be  punished,  he 
contented  himself  with  showing  every  public 
token  of  respect  to  Abncr's  memory  by  follow- 
ing the  bier  and  pouring  forth  a  simple  dirge 
over  the  slain  (2Sam.3.33,34).— 2.  The  father 
of  Jaasiel,  chief  of  the  Benjamites  in  David's 
reign  (iChr.27.2i)  :  almost  certainly  the  same 
as  the  preceding.  [a.w.s.] 

Abomination  of  desolation.  Among 
the  signs  foretold  by  Christ  to  precede  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  to  be  the  appear- 
ance in  the  temple  of  "  the  abomination  of 
desolation,"  which  was,  moreover,  to  be  the 
signal  for  the  flight  of  the  Christians  from 
Judaea  (Mt.24.i5  ;  Mk.lS.i.}).  The  original 
of  the  expression  is  found  in  Daniel  (9.27,11.31, 
12.li),  the  exact  force  being  "  the  abomination 
that  maketh  desolate."  The  reference  here  is 
to  the  desecration  of  the  temple  by  Antiochus 
IV.  (Epiphanes),  by  whose  orders  a  heathen 
idol-altar  was  built  upon  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering.  The  very  phrase,  [jd^Xi'y fia  (prjuibaaos, 
is  actually  used  (iMac.l.54)  to  describe 
this  idolatrous  erection.  But  our  Lord  gives 
also  a  futurist  interpretation  to  the  words  of 
Daniel,  and  regards  his  aiwcalyptic  expressions 
as  destined  to  find  fulfilment  in  the  troubles 
that  would  usher  in  the  final  destruction  of 
the  Jewish  polity.  From  this  point  of  view 
the  abomination  of  desolation  was  inter- 
preted as  referring  to  some  conspicuous  de- 
secration of  the  temple  that  would  take  place 
in  those  last  days.  The  exact  interpretation 
must  fulfil  two  conditions  :  (r)  the  abomina- 
tion f>f  desf>latiori  is  represented  as  a  concrete 
object  "  standing  "  in  the  holy  place  ;  and  (2) 
its  appearance  would  be  near  the  beginning  of 
the  final  struggle  ;  for  it  was  to  give  the  signal 
for  the  flight  of  the  Christians  from  danger. 
But  we  have  no  means  of  determining  in  what 
precisely  the  sign  consisted.  [j.r.v.D.l 

Abpaham,  or  Abram.  Abt-rdmn  is  the 
name  of  the  f.ither  of  a  witness  to  a  document 
of  the  time  of  I tanunurabi's  grandfather ;  Abu- 
rdmu  an  Assyrian  official,  677  n.c.  Abram 
(possibly  the  name  of  Terah's  father-in-law,  see 
Bk.  Jub.  xi.  14,15)  — "Tiie  father  fa  divine  titlej 
is  exalted,"  used  till  0^.17.5,  when  altered  to 
Abraham,  which,  according  to  the  etymology 
of  Gcsenius,  ^.AbhSmOn,  "the  fatlierof  a  multi- 
tude [of  nations]"  (c/.  Ecclus.  44. 19). — l.InGcn. 


ABRAHAM 

II.2G-25.  (i)  The  eldest  son  of  Terahd  1.26), 
descendant  of  Shem.  The  fact  that  among  his 
ancestors  is  Peleg,  the  brother  of  Joktan, 
father  of  many  Arabian  tribes  (10.25ft.),  sug- 
gests that  Abraham's  family  came  from  Arabia; 
but  see  Races.  If  so,  it  perhaps  moved  to 
Babylonia  with  the  stock  of  Hammurabi's 
dynasty,  if  Hommel  is  right  in  considering  that 
Arabian.  Abraham  li\ed  in  "  Ur  of  the  Chal- 
dees  " — I.e.  probably  IMuqeir,  on  the  right  or 
western  bank  of  Euiihrates,  a  great  commercial 
centre.  [Ur.]  It  is  possible  that  that  district 
was  called  the  land  of  Eber — i.e.  across  the 
river  from  Babylon — and  that  the  title  "  the 
Hebrew"  in  14. 13  refers  to  thts.  Although 
Terah  was  a  polytheist  (Jos. 24.2),  Abraham 
worshipped  one  God  only.  It  appears  that  in 
the  time  of  Hammurabi  there  was  a  great  de- 
velopment of  the  worshi]i  of  Merodach,  who 
was  now  regarded  as  chief  of  the  Babylonian 
pantheon.  Abraham's  religion  may  be  con- 
nected with  this  fact  cither  by  way  of  further 
development,  for  to  Merodach  were  attributed 
the  powers  of  all  the  gods,  or  (much  more 
probably)  by  opposition  to  this  fresh  outburst 
of  heathenism.  In  the  latter  case  Abraham 
represents  the  revival  and  development  of  an 
older  and  purer  religion  handed  down  in  his 
family,  though  forsaken  by  his  immediate 
progenitors.  (2)  Terah's  choice  of  Haran, 
some  550  miles  from  Ur,  as  the  city  to  which 
he  removed,  may  be  connected  with  the  fact 
that  it,  like  Ur,  was  a  centre  of  moon-worship, 
and  that  therefore  there  would  be  much  com- 
mercial intercourse.  It  was  also  in  itself  of 
great  commercial  and  strategic  importance. 
On  Terah's  death  (so  the  order  of  the  narrative 
and  Ac. 7.4  ;  but  60  years  before,  according  to 
the  numbers  of  Gen. 11. 32  in  the  Massoretic 
text)  Abraham  goes  to  Canaan,  probably  pass- 
ing Damascus  (where  he  may  have  obtained 
Eliezer,  Gen. 15. 2  ;  see  details  of  the  probable 
route  in  Driver  on  12. 5),  even  in  Canaan,  as 
it  seems,  being  still  under  Babylonian  do- 
minion. (3)  His  progress  through  Canaan 
is  marked  by  altars,  the  first  being  at  Shechem, 
under  "the  terebinth  of  the  director"  (12.6, 
LXX.,  at  the  high  oak ;  see  Moreu) — i.e.  a 
sacred  tree  perhaps  already  known  for  the 
delivery  of  oracles,  just  as  much  later  he 
himself  plants  a  sacred  tree  by  a  sacred  well 
at  Beer-sheba  (21.30,33).  The  impression  that 
his  journey  through  Canaan  gives  us  is  that  he 
was  a  man  of  wealth,  culture,  and  ability  in 
leadership.  (4)  Driven  by  a  famine  into 
Egypt  (12.iofT.),  .Abraham,  fe.aring  the  licen- 
tiousness of  the  I'liaraoh  and  an  attack  on  him- 
self, gives  it  out  that  S.arah  is  his  sister.  (5) 
Returning  to  Canaan  through  the  nciihcbh  (13. 
i),  he  treats  Lot  magnanimously,  realizing  the 
claims  of  brotherhood  to  mutual  forbearance 
and  to  self-denial,  and  receiving  a  special  pro- 
mise of  the  country.  He  settles  in  or  near 
Hebron,  again  by  trees.  ((^)  The  narrative  of 
ch.  14  has  been  ridiculed,  and  is  called  "a 
late  midrash  "  by  even  recent  scholars;  but 
the  setting  of  the  incidents  related  is  so  con- 
firmed by  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  (see 
CiiEnoRLAOMicK,  AMRAruKi.,  and  even  Mel- 
ruiZEDEK)  that  soon  its  statements  will  doubt- 
less be  generally  accepted  as  accurate. 
Abraham's  character,  however,  is  so  far  dififerent 


ABRAHAM 

in  it  that  he  is  depicted  as  a  warrior.  But  it  is 
difficult  to  suppose  that  so  powerful  a  chieftain 
as  he  evidently  was  (23.6)  should  not  have 
been  able  to  light  on  occasion.  His  love  for 
Lot  and  his  service  of  God,  as  related  here,  are 
in  complete  accord  with  what  we  know  of  him 
elsewhere,  and  his  refusal  to  accept  the  rescued 
goods  at  the  hands  of  the  ungodly  king  of  So- 
dom marks,  at  most,  spiritual  advance  on  his 
willingness  to  receive  presents  from  Pharaoh. 
(7)  In  ch.  15,  when  Abraham  complained  of 
having  no  child,  and  was  assured  that  he 
should  have  a  son  and  that  his  descendants 
should  rival  the  stars  in  number,  he  "believed 
in  the  Lord,  and  He  counted  it  to  him  for 
righteousness."  He  receives  a  further  pro- 
mise that  he  shall  inherit  the  land,  and  for 
proof  of  this  he  is  bid  prepare  a  covenant 
sacrifice,  the  symbols  of  the  Lord's  presence 
passing  between  the  pieces  (cf.  Je.34.i8),  and 
he  is  told  of  the  affliction  of  his  descendants, 
i.e.  in  Egypt  (cf.  2Esd.3.i4,  R.V.).  (8)  Ob- 
serve that  the  setting  of  the  story  of  Hagar 
(Gen. 16,21.8-21)  is  borne  out  by  the  Hammu- 
rabi Code,  under  which  Abraham  still  lived, 
and  according  to  which  (§§  144-146)  Sarah  had 
no  power  to  sell  her  own  maid  Hagar  after  the 
latter  had  borne  a  son  to  Abraham.  She  had 
therefore  to  get  Abraham  to  send  her  away. 
(9)  Abraham  adopts  the  non-Babylonian 
practice  of  Circumcision  (q.v.).  (10)  For  his 
reception  of  the  "  three  men  "  (18. 2)  and  the 
relation  of  one  of  them  to  the  Lord,  see  Angel  ; 
Theophanies.  (11)  The  stories  of  Abraham's 
relations  with  Abimelech,  king  of  Gerar,  both 
as  regards  Sarah  (ch.  20)  and  the  dispute  about 
the  well  (21.22-34),  are,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
present  writer,  best  explained  as  duplicates  of 
the  similar  narratives  of  Isaac  (26.1-12,13-33) ; 
but  see  Genesis,  and  note  that  the  details  are 
different,  see  Beer-sheba.  (12)  The  sacrifice  of 
Isaac  (ch.  22)  is  the  supreme  test  of  Abraham's 
faith  (cf.  Wis.10.5  ;  Ecclus.44.20  ;  iMac.2.52  ; 
4Mac.l6.20),  possible  only  in  a  time  and  place 
where  such  sacrifices  were  regarded  as  the  test 
of  a  father's  obedience  to  oracles  of  God. 
Abraham  obeys,  and  by  the  result  God's  char- 
acter is  more  fully  revealed  and  the  sacredness 
of  human  life  is  reaffirmed.  Henceforth 
human  sacrifice  is  regarded  with  horror  by  the 
religious  teachers  of  Israel,  even  though  ap- 
parently often  practised  from  the  time  of  the 
second  generation  after  the  Exodus  (Ezk.20. 
26)  until  the  time  of  Ezekiel  himself  just 
before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  (16. 20, 
21,20.31).  It  is  perhaps  intentional  that  it  is 
the  angel  of  Jehovah  (not  Elohim)  who  bids 
Abraham  spare  Isaac's  life  (Gen.22.ir).  (13) 
On  ch.  23,  see  Sarah,  Ephron,  Hittites, 
Machpelah.  (14)  The  mission  of  Eliezer  (ch. 
24)  again  shows  Abraham's  faith  and  common 
sense.  Sure  that  God  had  led  him  to  Canaan, 
he  will  run  no  risk  in  letting  his  son  return  East 
even  temporarily,  while  keeping  Isaac's  re- 
ligion pure  from  contact  with  the  heathenism 
of  the  Canaanites.  (15)  On  25.1-6,  see 
Keturah  and  infra.  (16)  On  his  death  he  is 
biiried  by  the  side  of  Sarah  in  Machpelah,  his 
relationship  to  Ishmael  as  well  as  to  Isaac  be- 
ing publicly  acknowledged  (25. 7-10).  (17)  Ob- 
serve Abraham's  importance  in  the  history  of 
revelation.     Apart  from  the  names  in  Gen.l- 


ABRAHAM  7 

11,  Abraham  is  the  first  example  in  history  of 
insistence  on  the  personal  relation  to  God,  not 
for  a  specific  purpose  but  for  a  lifetime.  In 
non-Semitic  religions  the  fundamental  thought 
is  the  relation  of  nature  to  divinity  ;  and  also 
in  non-Abrahamic  Semitic  religions  it  is  hardly 
otherwise,  judging  from  the  polytheism  of  the 
Babylonians,  the  South  Arabians,  and  the 
Egyptians  (if  the  latter  may  be  called  Semitic). 
But  in  all  the  forms  of  religion  connected  with 
Abraham  there  is  the  worship  of  one  God,  re- 
sulting at  last,  whatever  the  earlier  stages  may 
have  been,  in  strict  monotheism.  There  is  no 
trace  in  Abraham  of  a  belief  in  a  merely  local 
god,  and  no  hint  that  he  worshipped  another 
god  than  the  Lord,  of  Whose  goodness  and 
power  (almightiness  ;  cf.  El  Shaddai)  he  was 
convinced,  and  with  Whom  he  expressly  ident- 
ified the  "  God  Most  High  "  (EI  'Elyon)  of 
Melchizedek  (14.19,20,22).  His  household 
was  evidently  managed  with  the  Lord  in  view, 
in  accordance  with  18. 19.  (18)  Yet  his  per- 
sonality has  been  doubted.  He  has  been 
thought  to  be  a  myth,  or  a  personification  of 
one  or  more  nations  (e.g.  H.  P.  Smith,  O.T. 
Hist.  pp.  50  ff.).  But  (with  the  possible  ex- 
ception of  25.1-6,  Abraham's  relation  to  Ke- 
turah) these  views  are  contradicted  by  the 
whole  background  of  his  history.  For  though 
a  record  of  Abraham  himself  neither  has  been, 
nor  is  likely  to  be,  discovered  in  the  monu- 
ments, yet  his  history  touches  contemporary 
history  at  many  points,  and  wherever  we  are 
able  to  test  these  the  statements  of  Genesis  are 
confirmed.  Also  notice  the  unity  of  his  char- 
acter under  varying  circumstances. — II.  In 
the  O.T.  outside  Gen. ii. 26-25.  Abraham  is 
recognized  as  the  founder  of  the  nation  and  of 
its  religion,  not  only  in  the  Pentateuch  (e.g. 
Ex. 3. 6)  and  in  Jos. 24. 2, 3,  but  also  bv  Elijah 
(1K.I8.36),  Isaiah  (29.22),  Micah  (7.2o),  Jere- 
miah (33.26),  during  the  Exile  (Ezk.33.24 ; 
Is. 51. 2),  by  Nehemiah  (9.7),  and  in  Chron- 
icles (e.g.  iChr.1.28),  besides  the  references 
in  two  Psalms  whose  date  is  uncertain, 
47.9,105.6,9,42. — III.  In  the  Pseudepigrapha. 
These  are  interesting  as  showing  the 
increasing  importance  of  Abraham  in  the 
estimation  of  Israel,  (i)  Ethiopian  Enoch. 
§  89. 10,  Abraham  is  the  white  bull  who  brought 
forth  a  wild  ass  (Ishmael)  and  a  white  bull 
(Isaac).  §  93.  5,  Abraham  is  the  plant  of 
righteous  judgment  followed  by  the  plant  of 
righteousness  (Israel),  -(z)  Testaments  of  XII. 
Patriarchs.  Levi,  §9. 12,  Abraham  teaches  Isaac 
to  offer  leaves  from  twelve  trees.  §  15. 4,  Israel- 
ites receive  mercy  through  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob.  Judah,  ^  25.  i,  Abraham  will  arise 
to  a  resurrection  on  earth  with  Isaac  and 
Jacob.  (3)  Jubilees,  §  12.  12-14,  Abraham 
burns  the  idol-house  with  its  contents  (perhaps 
an  explanation  of  "  Ur ")  ;  16,  Abraham 
turns  from  observing  stars  to  considering  God  ; 
§  17.  17  ;  19.  8,  Abraham's  ten  trials  ;  §  22.  25- 
§  23.  I,  Abraham  dies  with  Jacob  present.  (4) 
4  Mac.  xiii.  17,  Abraham  with  Isaac  and  Jacob 
will  receive  us  after  we  have  suffered  ;  xvi.  25, 
Abraham,  with  them,  the  type  of  those  who 
die  because  of  God,  but  live  to  Him;  vi.  17, 
22,  Abraham  the  type  of  courage.  (5)  Apoc. 
Bar.  iv.  4,  the  heavenly  Jerusalem  is  shown 
to  Abraham  "  by  night  among  the  portions  of 


8 


ABRAHAM'S  BOSOM 


the  victims"  (c/.  Gen.15.io);  Ivii.  2,  the  un- 
written law  e.xisted  in  Abraham's  time. — IV. 
In  N.T.  (i)  Abraham  is  recognized  as  the 
founder  of  the  nation,  e.g.  in  our  Lord's  gene- 
alogy (Mt.l).  (2)  The  trust  of  the  Jews  to 
physical  descent  from  Abraham  is  repeatedly 
opposed,  e.g.  Mt.3.9  (  =  Lu.3.8),  J n. 8.33,  Ro. 
9.7  ;  cf.  Gal. 4. 22.  (3  )  Abraham  with  Isaac 
and  Jacob  will  be  present  at  the  great  feast  in 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  (Mt.8.11 ;  cf.  Lu.i3.28). 
(4)  Abraham's  Bosom  (apparently  =  closest 
intercourse  with  Abraham)  receives  Lazarus 
(Lu.l6.22).  (5)  Abraham  had  such  living  faith 
in  Jesus  that  he  saw  His  day  (Jn.8.56).  (6) 
Abraham  is  taken  by  both  St.  Paul  and  St. 
James  as  the  type  of  true  religitm,  St.  Paul 
showing  that  this  consisted  in  his  faith  apart 
from  works  (Ro.4.iff.  ;  (ial.S.Gff.),  St. 
James  in  his  faith  as  perfected  by  his  work  ; 
the  latter  adding  that  he  was  called  the  Friend 
of  God  (Jas.2.21-23  ;  cf.  Is.41.8,  2Chr.20.7, 
also  Clem.  Rom.  §  10  with  Lightfoot's  note. 
The  Arabs  call  Abraham  Khalil  Allah  (the 
friend  of  God),  or  El  Khalil,  to  the  exclusion  of 
his  proper  name.  (7)  So  the  ep.  to  the  He- 
brews insists  on  Abraham's  faith  (11. 8, 17),  and 
draws  lessons  from  his  intercourse  with  Melchi- 
zedek  (7. 1-9).  (8)  St.  Peter  alludes  to  Sarah's 
obedience  to  Abraham  (iPe.3.f)).       [a.l.w.] 

Abraham's  bosom.  In  Jewish  writings 
one  of  the  names  of  the  abode  of  the  blessed 
dead.  That  Abraham  was  in  a  state  of  perfect 
bliss  was  never  questioned,  and  the  righteous 
were  to  share  this  by  being  admitted  into 
fellowship  with  him  in  the  unseen  world  {cf. 
4  Mac.  xiii.  16;  Mt.S.ri).  The  term  probably 
contains  an  allusion  to  the  ancient  custom  of 
reclining  at  meals,  the  head  of  the  one  guest 
being  near  or  resting  on  the  bosom  of  the  one 
next  to  him  {cf.  Jn. 13. 23, 21. 20).  In  Tal.  Bab. 
{Kid.  72b)  it  is  said  of  Adda  bar  Ahabah,  a 
Babylonian  rabbi  of  the  3rd.  cent.,  that  "this 
day  he  sits  in  Abraham's  bosom,"  meaning  that 
he  had  died  and  entered  Paradise.  The  phrase 
occurs  in  the  jiarablc  of  the  rich  man  and 
Lazarus  (I. u. 16. 22, 23).    fl^AKAniSE.]     [h.ii.] 

Absalom  {my  father  of  peace),  —  1. 
Third  sf>n  of  David,  by  Maachah,  daughter 
of  Talmai,  king  of  Gesiiur.  His  history, 
rebellion,  and  tragic  death  (2Sam. 13-18)  not 
only  have  direct  importance  as  incidental  to 
Solomon's  accession,  but  as  the  means  by  which 
David's  violation  of  covenant  law  in  the  murder 
of  Uriah  and  the  taking  of  Bathsheba  arc  pun- 
ished. The  sequence  of  events  is  dramatic. 
Absalom  is  of  the  greatest  personal  beauty,  and 
has  grown  up  at  Hebron  the  darling  of  his 
father  and  the  people's  idol.  Anmon,  Ab- 
salom's half-brother  and  David's  eldest  son, 
h.as  wronged  Tamar,  Absalom's  full  sister.  By 
every  custom  Absalom  is  bound  to  avenge  the 
injury.  David  does  not.  When,  therefore, 
Amnon  appears  to  have  escaped  with  impunity, 
Absalom  invites  him  to  his  "  shceji  shearing  " 
at  Beth-hazor,  and  there  causes  him  to  be  killed 
during  the  drinking  feast.  .Absalom  flics  to  his 
mother's  father  ;  but  so  great  is  1  )avid's  love  for 
him,  that  he  is  persuaded  by  J  oab's  instrument, 
the  wise  woman  of  Tekoa,  to  recall  him.  .This 
act  of  pardon  falls  in  with  the  rough-and-ready 
manners  of  the  time,  and  shows  the  great  love 
which  David  has  for  Absalom.     On  his  return 


ABSALOM 

Absalom  remains  secluded  and  in  disgrace  for 
2  years,  but  forces  Joab  to  plead  for  him,  and 
sees  "  the  king's  face."  Restored  to  his  posi- 
tion, Absalom  uses  the  popularity  he  had  never 
lost  to  foster  sedition.  He  lets  his  wonderful 
hair  grow  long,  perhaps  (as  Robertson  Smith 
surmises)  to  mark  the  sacredness  of  his  person, 
introduces  horses  in  his  chariots,  and  so  rivets 
the  attention  of  the  people  upon  himself.  He 
appeals  to  popular  sentiment  by  the  personal 
sympathy  and  unconventionality  which  ensure 
good  will  in  the  East.  Judah  was  discontented, 
and  when  all  is  ready  .4bsalom  rebels.  David, 
whose  influence  had  waned,  is  forced  to  fly 
over  the  Jordan  to  Mahanaim.  Ahithophel 
and  all  (except  a  few)  of  David's  great  men  join 
Absalom.  Absalom  enters  the  capital,  and 
commits  himself  and  his  followers  to  a  death- 
struggle  with  his  father.  He  openly  takes 
possession  of  the  concubines  whom  Da\id  had 
left  behind,  and  thus  effects  dramatically  the 
retribution  of  the  divine  justice,  .\hithophel 
recommends  immediate  pursuit  of  David  ;  but 
Hushai  (who  is  faithful  to  the  king)  persuades 
Absalom  to  dally  in  Jerusaleur  until  Joab  and 
the  king  have  gathered  an  army  of  sufficient 
strength.  Absalom,  having  been  crowned,  at 
last  crosses  the  Jordan,  and  is  decisively  beaten 
in  the  wood  of  Ephraim.  As  he  turns  to  flee, 
he  is  caught  by  his  hair  in  a  "great  oak,"  and 
his  mule  leaves  him.  Joab,  learning  tliat  he  is 
hanging  there,  kills  him  with  his  own  hand,  in 
spite  of  David's  prohibition.  When  the  Cushite 
runner  comes  to  him  at  Mahanaim,  David  for- 
gets all,  and  (remembering  his  own  sin)  utters 
the  fanailiar  and  pathetic  lamentation  "O  my 
son  Absalom,  my  sou,  my  son  .Absalom  !  would 
God  I  had  died  for  thee  !  "  Absalom's  body 
was  cast  into  a  pit,  and  (perhaps  a  mark  of 
bitter  contempt,  cf.  Jos.7.2r))  covered  with 
great  stones  by  the  soldiery.  In  contrast,  the 
historian  parenthetically  recalls  "  the  pillar  in 
the  king's  dale  "  which  .Absalom  had  erected 
in  his  lifetime.  His  name  occurs  in  the 
monuments :     see  Records    of    the    Past,    new 


THE  (SO-CALLF.D)  TOMB"OF  ABSALOM. 


ABSAIiON 

series,  vol.  vi.  The  so-called  Absalom's  tomb 
in  the  king's  vale  is  proved  by  its  Ionic  columns 
to  be  of  late  date. — 2.  Father  of  Mattathias 
(iMac.11.70)  and  Jonathan  (13. 11).  [j.a.d.] 

Ab'salon  (2Mac.ll. 17),  an  ambassador 
from  the  Jews  to  Lysias,  "  chief  governor  of 
Celosvria  and  Phoenice." 

Abu'bus  (iMac.l6.ii,i5).  father  of 
Ptolemeus,  3. 

Aeatan'  (iEsd.8.38)  =  Hakkatan. 

Aeead'  [Akkad),  one  of  the  cities  of  the 
land  of  Shinar  (Babylonia),  which,  with 
Babel,  Erech,  and  Calneh,  were  the  beginning 
of  Nimrod's  kingdom  (Gen.lO.io).  This  city, 
which  lay  near,  or  formed  part  of  Sippar  (Sip- 
para),  now  Abu-habbah,  is  the  Agade  (also 
Agate),  semiticized  Ak{k)ad,  of  the  earlier 
inscriptions.  It  lay  about  16  miles  S.W.  of 
Baghdad,  and  was  the  capital  ^of  one  of  the 
earliest  of  Babylonian  rulers,  Sargani  sar  dii 
(the  Babylonian  Sargon),  who,  according  to  the 
indications  of  Nabonidus,  lived  c.  3800  e.g. 
From  the  earliest  times  it  was  the  seat  of  the 
worship  of  the  Sun-god  and  the  goddess  Istar. 
Being  the  capital  of  the  northern  district,  that 
tract  becamevknown  as  "the  land  of  Akkad." 
"  King  of  Sumer  and  Akkad"  was  one  of 
the  official  titles  of  the  kings  of  Babylonia  from 
exceedingly  early  times,  and  the  Assyrian  kings 
who  occupied  the  Babylonian  throne  in  later 
days  also  adopted  it.  The  non-Semitic  popu- 
lation called  the  province  of  Akkad  Ura  or  Uri. 
See  Babel,  Chaldea,  Shinar,  in  this  work  and 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904).  [t.g.p.] 

Aeeapon.     [Ekron.] 

Accho'  (R.V.  A  ceo),  a  Phoenician  city 
close  to  the  river  Belus,  at  N.  end  of  the  bay 
of  Carmel.  The  Gk.  Ptolemais  became  the 
later  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  modern  'Akka.  It 
was  not  taken  by  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Judg.l. 
31),  and  appears  never  to  have  belonged  to 
Israel  till  given  (for  a  time)  to  Jonathan  the 
Hasmonaean,  by  Alexander  son  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  in  152  B.C.  (iMac.5.15,22,55, 
10.1,39,56-58,60,11.22,24,12.45.48,13.12).  The 
town  has  a  small  port,  but  is  almost  entirely 
modern  with  i8th-cent.  walls.  It  is  mentioned 
as  subject  to  Egypt  in  the  Amarna  tablets 
(Berlin,  8,  93,  94,  95  ;  Brit.  Mus.  17,  32),  and 
though  it  revolted  in  the  15th  cent.  B.C.,  it 
was  still  so  subject  in  14th.  It  was  taken  by 
Sennacherib  in  702  b.c.  In  2nd  cent.  a.d.  it 
was  a  pagan  town  with  a  "  bath  of  Aphrodite  " 
(Mishna,  Aboda  Zara  iii.  4).  [c.r.c] 

Ae'eos,  grandfather  of  Eupolemus  the 
Jewish  ambassador  to  Rome  (iMac.8.17). 

Ac'eoz  (iEsd.5.38)  =  Hakkoz. 

Acel'dama'  ('A/ceXSa/^d),  "  the  field  [or, 
place]  of  blood."  Apparently  the  Aramaic 
is  NO~IT'3n  (Hakhel-dama),  " enclosed  place  of 
blood."  Judas  is  briefly  said  (Ac.l.18,19) 
to  have  "  purchased  a  place  (x^plov)  with 
the  reward  of  iniquity  "  ;  for  he  left  to  the 
priests  the  money  with  which — as  detailed 
in  Matthew  (27.7,8)— they  bought  the  "  field  " 
(ayp6s)  of  the  "potter"  for  30  pieces  of  silver. 
The  latter  passage  quotes  a  prophecy  (which 
a  scribe  wrongly  ascribed  to  Jeremiah  later) 
now  found  in  Zech.ll.13:  and  it  follows  the 
Heb.  text  (see  R.V.  marg. ;  LXX.  and  Syr.). 
The  site  of  Aceldama  is   not,  however,   indi- 


ACHIAS  9 

cated.  The  traditional  site  is  now  called  Haqq- 
ed-dumm — a  corruption  of  the  Aramaic  words 
— and  is  a  rock-cut  vault,  30  ft.  by  20  ft.,  with 
a  I2th-cent.  vaulting  over  it,  supported  on  two 
masonry  piers.  The  place  was  used  for  the 
burial  of  pilgrims  in  the  Middle  Ages,  but  the 
site  was  shown  yet  earlier.  It  lies  on  S.  brink 
of  Wddy  Rabdbeh  (Hinnom),  S.  of  Jerusalem. 
There  are  several  Christian  tombs  cut  in  the 
rock  near  it,  which  belonged  to  earlv  monks 
of  the  church  of  St.  Sion  (Stirv.  W.  Pal., 
Jerusalem  vol.,  pp.  380,  417-420).     [c.r.c] 

Acha'ia  signifies,  in  N.T.,  a  Roman  pro- 
vince which  included  the  whole  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus and  the  greater  part  of  Hellas  proper  with 
the  adjacent  islands.  This  province,  with 
that  of  Macedonia,  comprehended  the  whole 
of  Greece :  hence  Achaia  and  Macedonia  are 
frequently  mentioned  together  in  N.T.  to  indi- 
cate all  Greece  (Ac.18. 12, 27,19.21  ;Ro.l5.26,16. 
5;  1C0r.l6.15  ;  2Cor.l.i,9.2,ll.io;  iTh.l.7,8). 
A  narrow  slip  of  country  upon  the  N.  coast  of 
Peloponnesus  was  originally  called  Achaia,  the 
cities  of  which  were  confederated  in  an  ancient 
League,  renewed  in  280  b.c  for  the  purpose 
of  resisting  the  Macedonians.  This  League 
subsequently  included  several  of  the  other 
Grecian  states,  and  became  the  most  powerful 
political  body  in  Greece ;  hence  it  was  natural 
for  the  Romans  to  apply  the  name  of  Achaia 
to  the  Peloponnesus  and  to  the  S.  of  Greece, 
when  they  took  Corinth  and  destroyed  the 
League  in  146  b.c.  In  the  division  of  the 
provinces  by  Augustus  between  the  emperor 
and  the  senate  in  27  b.c,  Achaia  was  one  of 
the  provinces  assigned  to  the  senate,  and  was 
governed  by  a  proconsul.  Tiberius  in  the  2nd 
year  of  his  reign  (16  a.d.)  took  it  away  from 
the  senate,  and  made  it  an  imperial  province 
governed  by  a  procurator  ;  but  Claudius 
restored  it  to  the  senate.  This  was  its  con- 
dition when  Paul  was  brought  before  Gallio, 
who  is  therefore  (Ac.18. 12)  correctly  called 
the  "proconsul"  (A.V.  deputy)  of  Achaia. 

Acha'icus,  a  Corinthian  Christian  who,  at 
Ephesus,  ministered  to  St.  Paul  (iCor.l6.i7)- 

Achan'  (troubler),  a  man  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  who  after  the  fall  of  Jericho  secreted  a 
portion  of  the  spoil  in  his  tent.  Jericho  was 
regarded  as  the  first-fruits  of  conquest,  and  as 
such  was  to  be  "  accursed  " — i.e.  devoted  "  to 
the  Lord,"  as  a  whole  burnt-offering  (Jos. 6.17- 
19).  Achan's  act  of  sacrilege  marred  the 
sacrifice,  and  consequently  involved  the  whole 
nation  in  sin  (Jos.7.i).  For  this  Jehovah 
punished  Israel  by  their  defeat  in  their  attack 
upon  Ai.  When  Achan  confessed  his  guilt,  and 
the  booty  was  discovered,  he  was  stoned  with 
his  whole  family  in  a  valley  situated  between 
Ai  and  Jericho,  and  their  remains,  together 
with  his  property,  were  burnt.  The  valley  was 
called  thence  AcHOR  (i.e.  "trouble"),    [h.c.b.] 

Achap'  (iChr.2.7)  =  Achan. 

Achaz'  (Mt.1.9)  ~  Ahaz,  king  of  Judah. 

Achbop'. — 1.  Father  "of  Baal-hanan,kingof 
Edom  (Gen.36. 38,39  ;  iChr.l.49).— 2.  Son  of 
Michaiah,  a  contemporary  of  J osiah  (2K. 22.12, 
14;  Je. 26. 22,36.12), called  Abdon in 2Chr.34.20. 

Achia'ehapus,  chief  minister  at  the  court 
of  Sarchedonus,  or  Esar-haddon,  king  of  Nine- 
veh (Tob. 1.21, 22, 2. 10,14.10). 

Achi'as,  son  of  Phinees  ;   high-priest  and 


10 


ACHIM 


progenitor  of  Hsdras  (jlisd.l.j),  but  omitted 
in  the  genealngics  of  Ezr.7.1-3  and  iEsd.8.1-2. 

A'chim,  the  fifth  in  succession  before  Jo- 
seph, the  husband  of  Mary  (Mt. 1.14).  TheHeb. 
form  of  the  name  would  be  ydkhin,  short  for 
Jehoiachin. 

Achiop',  captain  of  the  Ammonites  in  the 
army  of  Holofcrnes,  to  whom  he  recounted 
God's  i>ast  favours  to  tlie  IsracHtcs,  advising 
leaving  them  alone.  Tliis  was  resented  by  the 
army  and  by  Holofcrnes,  wlio  sent  him  bound 
to  the  Israelites  who  received  him  with  grati- 
tude. .\fterwards  he  was  circumcised  and 
became  a  proselyte  to  Judaism  f J th. 5,6,14). 

Achish',  a  Philistine  king  of  Gath,  son  of 
Maoch,  who  in  the  title  to  Ps.34  is  called 
Abimelech.  David  twice  found  a  refuge  with 
him  when  he  fled  from  Saul.  On  the  first 
occasion,  being  recognized  by  the  servants  of 
Achish  as  one  celebrated  for  his  victories  over 
the  Philistines,  he  was  alarmed  for  his  safety, 
and  feigned  madness  (iSam.21.io  fl.). 
[David.]  From  Achish  he  fled  to  the  cave  of 
Adullam.  On  a  second  occasion  David  fled 
to  Achish  with  600  men  {iSam.27.2),  and 
remained  at  Gath  a  year  and  four  months. 
Whether  the  Achish  to  whom  Shimei  went  in 
disobedience  to  the  commands  of  Solomon 
(1K.2.40)  is  the  same  person  is  uncertain; 
the  word  may  be  a  title  rather  than  a  name. 

Achitob'(iEsd.8.2  ;  2Ksd.l.i)  =  AHrruB,  2. 

Achmetha.     [Ecbatana.] 

Achop',  Valley  of:  "  valley  of  trouble," 
according  to  the  etymology  of  the  text  ;  where 
Achan,  the  "  troubler  of  Israel,"  was  stoned 
(Jos. 7. 24, 26).  On  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah 
(15. 7;  also  Is.65.io;  H0.2.15).  This  valley 
is  now  called  Wddy  Qelt,  running  into  the 
Jordan  from  W.  [c.R.c] 

Achsa'  (iChr.2.49),  Achsah',  elsewhere, 
and  throughout  R.V. ;  —  anklet.  Caleb's 
daughter.  She  was  given  in  marriage  to  her 
uncle  or  cousin  Othniel  as  a  reward  for  captur- 
ing Kirjath-sephir  (Debir).  She  moved  her 
husband  to  demand  a  further  dowry,  but  finally 
herself  made  the  request,  which  Caleb  granted. 
neghebh  (A.V.  south)'\s  the  name  of  a  district :  so 
apparentlv  are  Gullath-maiii  {springs  of  water) 
and  (uillath-'illith  and  (hillatli-tehtith  (the 
upper  and  nether  springs).  They  have  been 
identified  with  the  well-watered  region  :^eil 
ed-Dilheh  between  Hebron  and  Derir.  The 
twice-told  tale  (Jos. 15. 15-19  ;  Judg.l. 12-15) 
indicates  the  necessity  felt  in  later  times  for 
explaining  why  the  territory  geographically 
connected  with  Hebron  should  belong  to  Debir. 
[Othniel;  Caieh.]  [ii.m.s.I 

Achshaph',  a  royal  Canaanite  city  (Jos. 11. 
i)  in  Galilee  (12. 20),  on  the  border  of  .'Xsher 
(19.25).  Probably,  from  position,  the  village 
Kcfr  Ydsif,  6  miles  N.E.  of  Accho.       [c.R.c. 1 

Achzib'. — 1.  A  city  of  Judah  (Jos.i5.44) 
in  the  Shephclali,  noticed  with  Kkilah  and 
Maufsuaii  (Mi.l.ii);  ntherwisc  Chezib 
(Gen. 38. 3),  near  Adiu.i.am  (xcr.  i).  The 
name  survives  at  'Ain  Kezbch,  dose  to  Beit 
Nettif  on  S.,  in  the  valley  of  Ivlah,  3  miles 
N.  of  Adullam. — 2.  An  important  shore  town 
of  Ashcr  (J OS. 19. 29)  not  taken  from  the 
Canaanites  (Judg.l. 31) ;  now  ez  Zib,  a  village 
on  the  shore  9  miles  N.  of  Accho.  It  was 
the  border  town  of  Galilee  (Tal.  Bab.  Giltin 


ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 

7  b),  called  Ecdippa  or  Actipous  bv  Josephus 
(i  Wars  xiii.  4  ;  5  Ant.  i.  22).  It  is  noticed  by 
Thothmes  III.  in  i6th  cent.  b.c.  (No.  40),  and 
probably  by  the  Egyptian  Mohar  who  tra- 
velled along  the  coast  in  the  14th  cent.  e.g. 
It  is  mentioned  immediately  before  Accho, 
as  taken  by  Sennacherib  in  702  B.C.  [c.R.c.] 
Acipha'  (iEsd.5.31)  -  Hakupiia. 
Acitho',  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth.8.1); 
possilily  Achitdb  is  the  correct  reading. 
Acrabattine.  [Akrahbim.] 
Acre.  [Weights  and  Measures.] 
Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  author- 
ship is,  by  English  scholars  almost  without  ex- 
ception, ascribed  to  St.  Luke,  the  writer  of  the 
third  gospel,  the  "  former  treatise  "  of  Ac.l.i. 
Both  writings  are  addressed  to  Theophilus, 
both  exhibit  remarkable  resemblances  of  style 
and  vocabulary,  and  in  particular  both  show 
that  special  medical  knowledge  and  vocabu- 
lary which  we  should  expect  in  Luke  the  be- 
loved physician.  No  other  suggested  name — 
Timothy,  Silas,  Titus — suits  the  facts  as  well. 
Further,  external  evidence  from  the  Mura- 
torian  Fragment  and  Irenaeus  onwards  sup- 
ports the  traditional  view,  and  there  is  evidence 
of  the  use  of  the  Acts  as  early  as  Ignatius  and 
Polycarp,  if  not  earlier. — The  integrity  of  the 
book  is  also  beyond  doubt.  The  so-called 
"  we  sections,"  beginning  with  16. 10,  are  not 
a  "  travel-diarv  "  found  and  used  by  a  2nd- 
cent.  writer  without  changing  the  first  person, 
but  are  by  the  same  hand  as  the  rest  of  the 
book,  which  therefore  comes  to  us  as  a  whole 
from  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  who  was  an  eye- 
witness of  much  that  he  records,  and  had 
excellent  0])i5ortunities  of  learning  at  first  hand 
and  on  the  spot  about  that  part  of  the  history 
which  precedes  16. 10. — The  question  of  in- 
tegrity is  therefore  important  for  its  bearing  on 
the  sources  used  by  the  writer.  For  the  earlier 
part  of  the  Acts  he  had  to  collect  his  informa- 
tion from  oral  and  written  sources,  and  in  doing 
so  he  no  doubt  used  the  same  extreme  care  .as 
in  tlie  gospel  (Lu.l.3).  These  may  have  been 
in  minor  details  inaccurate — the  most  serious 
difficulty  is  in  regard  to  the  "  speaking  with 
tongues  "  on  the  day  of  Pentecost — and  the 
ground  they  covered  must  have  determined  St. 
Luke's  choice  of  incidents.  At  the  same  time 
it  is  clear  that  St.  Luke  is  not  hampered  by 
want  of  information,  for  he  selects  and  discards 
what  was  not  to  his  purpose.  It  is  impossible 
to  identify  or  estimate  the  extent  of  the 
separate  sources.  But  the  long  stay  at 
Caesarea  (Ac. 24. 2 7)  and  the  connexion  with 
Philip  (21.8)  and  Manaen  (a  disciple  from  the 
beginning,  i.e.  the  Day  of  Pentecost),  St.  Luke's 
own  possil)le  connexion  with  Antioch  (11. 27, 
D),  his  certain  connexion  with  St.  Paul  and 
with  St.  Mark  (Col. 4. 10,14)  and  through  St. 
Mark  with  St.  Peter  and  St.  Barnabas,  suggest 
to  us  abundant  opportunities  of  obtaining 
accurate  information.  This  oral  information 
may  have  been  supplemented  by  written 
accounts,  e.g.  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Sanhe- 
drin,  the  trial  of  St.  Ste|)hen,  and  the  con- 
ference at  Jerusalem.  For  the  latter  part 
of  the  book,  from  16. 10  onwards,  we  have 
the  evidence  of  an  eyewitness,  educated,  in- 
terested, accurate,  and  observant.  There  is 
no    ground    for    regarding    Josephus    as   one 


ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 

of  the  sources  used  by  St.  Luke.  Where 
they  meet — c/.,  e.g.,  5.36  (Theudas)  and  I2.3 
(death  of  Agrippa)  with  Josephus,  20  Ant. 
V.  I  and  19  Ant.  viii.  2 — they  are  obviously 
independent,  and  many  of  the  supposed  re- 
semblances in  diction  are  useless  for  proving 
St.  Luke's  acquaintance  with  Josephus.  Nor 
can  we  suppose  that  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul 
were  among  the  sources  used  by  St.  Luke. 
There  are  a  large  number  of  "  undesigned  co- 
incidences "  showing  the  accuracy  of  both  ac- 
counts, but  there  are  also  many  instances  (e.g. 
Gal. 1,2)  of  independence  amounting  almost  to 
discrepancy,  and  of  omissions,  e.g.  of  St.  Paul's 
trials  and  persecutions  (c/.  2C0r.ll),  to  which 
St.  Luke  must  have  referred  with  the  epistles 
before  him. — The  relation  of  the  Acts  to 
Josephus  and  to  St.  Paul's  epistles  is  important 
because  of  its  bearing  on  the  date  of  the  book. 
If  a  use  of  these  writings  were  established,  a 
comparatively  late  date  must  be  assigned  to 
it.  Harnack  sees  little  objection  to  the  possi- 
bility of  its  being  written  soon  after  60,  i.e. 
immediately  after  the  close  of  the  "  two  years  " 
of  Ac. 28. 30.  This  early  date  is  adopted  by 
some  as  explaining  the  supposed  abruptness  of 
the  conclusion,  the  absence  of  any  references 
to  St.  Paul's  subsequent  fortunes  and  death  (to 
which  some  have  supposed  St.  Luke  intended 
to  devote  a  rpiros  \6yos),  and  the  favourable 
attitude  taken  by  the  writer  towards  the  Ro- 
man government — an  attitude  which,  it  is  said, 
would  have  been  impossible  after  the  Neronian 
persecution  of  64-67.  The  greatest,  and  pro- 
bably an  insuperable,  objection  to  such  an 
early  date  for  the  Acts  is  that  it  requires  an 
almost  impossibly  early  date  for  the  gospel 
which  preceded  it  (l.i).  The  determining  ter- 
minus a  quo  must  therefore  be  the  date  of  the 
gospel  of  St.  Luke  (Luke,  Gospel  of],  and 
for  a  terminus  ad  quern  we  must  not  go  beyond 
the  lifetime  of  a  contemporary  of  St.  Paul. 
Sanday,  Plummer,  and  Zahn  would  fix  it 
before  80  a.d.  and  after  70  a.d.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  two  editions  of  the  Acts  and 
the  gospel  were  published  by  St.  Luke,  and 
the  phenomena  presented  by  the  so-called 
"  Western  text  "  have  been  used  in  support 
of  this  view.  Certainly  the  readings  found  in 
authorities  belonging  to  this  family  of  MSS. 
are  often  most  noteworthy  in  the  Acts,  e.g.  at 
11.28,12.10,  etc.,  and  deserve  the  attention  of 
the  student.  The  additions  are  often  valuable, 
and  seem  to  go  back  to  a  trustworthy  source, 
but  they  do  not  seem  sufficient  to  justify  the 
theory  which  has  been  based  on  them. — The 
purpose  of  St.  Luke  was  not  to  give  a  complete 
record  of  either  words  or  deeds,  for  he  alludes 
to  things  passed  over  (2.40,43,  etc.,  etc.),  but 
a  selection  determined  partly  by  his  informa- 
tion and  still  more  by  his  object  in  writing. 
The  student  has  to  find  out  St.  Luke's  object 
and  scheme  of  arrangement,  for  he  does  not 
state  them.  He  has  to  ask  why  St.  Luke 
dwells  so  long  on  the  healing  of  the  lame  man 
and  its  consequences  (3.1-4.31),  or  the  incident 
of  Ananias  and  its  consequences  (5),  or  St. 
Peter's  escape  from  prison  (12).  Probably  we 
may  define  his  object  best  by  saying  that  he 
wished  to  mark  the  salient  points  in  the  spread 
of  Christianity  (1.8)  from  Jerusalem,  and  found 
his  climax  in  the  arrival  of  St.  Paul  at  Rome, 


ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 


11 


and  his  preaching  there  a.KO)\vTus  (28.31).  In 
doing  this  he  emphasizes  the  beginning  of 
Christianity  in  various  important  centres  and 
districts,  and  the  beginnings  of  new  lines  of 
movement  and  policy  in  the  Church  itself,  and 
in  its  relation  to  outside  bodies  [e.g.  the  Jews, 
the  Gentiles,  the  Roman  government).  An- 
other marked  feature  of  his  narrative  is  the 
stress  laid  on  the  fact  that  the  course  of  the 
history  is  continually  under  divine  guidance, 
a  guidance  given  to  the  work  of  the  Church 
as  a  whole  (13.2,15.28,  etc.),  and  to  that  of 
individuals  (10.19,16.7,  etc.).  It  was  not  St. 
Luke's  purpose  to  write  a  book  which  should 
be  an  apology  for  Christianity  against  Judaism 
or  paganism,  or  for  St.  Paul's  line  of  action, 
or  one  which  should  be  an  eirenicon  between 
a  Petrine  and  a  Pauline  Christianity,  or  one 
which  should  give  a  favourable  presentation  of 
the  attitude  of  the  Roman  government  to- 
wards Christianity,  though  it  may  do  these 
things,  so  far  as  a  truthful  statement  of  the 
facts  allows. — The  historical  value  of  the  Acts  is 
the  most  important  point  to  be  considered  by 
the  reader,  and  although  it  has  been  depreciated 
for  the  groundless  reasons  just  mentioned,  its 
value  may  be  established  by  considering  the 
exactness  with  which  St.  Luke  refers  to 
political  and  geographical  details  (cf.  13.7,16. 
20,  etc.),  and  the  fidelity  with  which  he  records 
the  language,  ideas,  and  organization  of  primi- 
tive Christianity  instead  of  adopting  those  of  a 
later  period.  St.  Luke  does  not  hesitate  to 
mention  differences  of  opinion,  nor  does  he  try 
to  conceal  things  discreditable  or  to  gloss  over 
discrepancies  {e.g.  between  the  accounts  of  St. 
Paul's  conversion  in  9,22,  and  26).  "  It  would 
be  difficult  in  the  whole  range  of  literatiure  to 
find  a  work  where  there  is  less  attempt  at 
pointing  a  moral  or  drawing  a  lesson  from  the 
facts "  (Ramsay).  The  genuineness  of  the 
speeches  has  been  questioned  by  some,  and  it 
has  been  suggested  that  St.  Luke,  like  Thu- 
cydides,  put  his  own  words  into  the  mouth  of 
the  speakers.  A  comparison  of  the  speeches 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  James  with  their  writings 
shows  many  resemblances  of  thought  and 
diction,  and  the  language  of  the  speeches  seems 
true  to  the  primitive  type  of  teaching.  It 
has  to  be  remembered  that  what  is  preserved 
in  the  Acts  is  but  an  abstract  of  what  was  said, 
giving  the  main  headings,  and  therefore  bears 
the  impress  of  St.  Luke ;  but  those  headings, 
in  St.  Paul's  recorded  speeches,  agree  in  a  re- 
markable way  with  what  would  be  likely  to 
have  been  said,  and  also  with  what  we  find  in  his 
epistles  {e.g.,  cf.  Ac. 20  with  Ep.  to  Ephesians). 
There  is  no  reasonable  ground,  on  account  of 
the  speeches,  to  depreciate  the  historical  value 
of  the  book. — Satisfied  as  to  its  historical 
value,  the  student  must  try  to  get  a  clear  con- 
ception of  the  book  as  a  whole  by  marking  {a) 
the  progress  of  time  or  the  chronology,  (&)  the 
gradual  widening  of  the  horizon,  (c)  the  im- 
portance of  the  chief  persons  and  incidents. — 
The  chronology  is  often  vague,  and  "  the  crucial 
date  "  for  fixing  the  end  of  the  Acts — viz.  the 
date  of  Festus'  arrival  in  Judaea — cannot  be 
definitely  assigned  to  any  particular  year. 
But  the  Acts  covers  roughly  a  period  of  about 
thirty  years,  divided  almost  evenly  by  the  only 
fixed  date,  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  in 


12 


ACUA 


44  A.D.  (Ac.l2). — The  widening  of  the  horizon  | 
involves  a  consideration  of  the  relations  of 
the  Church  to  those  Jews  who  did  not  believe, 
Sadducecs,  Pharisees,  and  "  the  people  "  gener- 
ally, and  of  its  attitude  towards  "  those  of  the 
circumcision  "  who  became  believers  and  re- 
mained "  zealous  of  the  law,"  and  towards  the 
Gentiles.— T/!f  importance  of  the  chief  persons 
and  incidents  involves  a  consideration  of  the 
contributions  to  the  progress  and  policy  of 
the  early  Church  made  by  SS.  Peter,  Paul, 
Barnabas,  Stephen,  etc.,  and  of  the  in- 
fluences which  moulded  them,  and  prompted 
their  line  of  action.  It  bids  us  seek  for  the 
crises  or  turning-points  in  the  history,  the 
issues  involved,  the  difficulties  to  be  faced,  and 
the  helps  or  hindrances  in  the  march  of  events. 
But  the  interest  of  the  Acts  is  not  exhausted 
when  we  have  grasped  the  main  outlines  of  the 
narrative.  Almost  every  verse  has  something 
to  tell  us  of  the  early  Church,  what  it  was,  what 
it  did,  what  it  taught  and  believed.  These  data 
have  to  be  collected,  sifted,  and  grouped,  and 
in  doing  so  we  must  remember  (i)  to  adopt  a 
proper  method  of  exegesis  ;  cf.  17.3,  ^lavoiytiiv 
Kai  TrapaTidefxevos  ;  (2)  to  clicck  our  con- 
clusions by  the  Gk.  ;  (3)  not  to  read  into 
expressions  and  words  later  meanings  and  as- 
sociations ;  (4)  to  expect  isolated  instances  of  a 
practice  or  a  dogma  before  it  becomes  general ; 
(5)  to  "  study  the  principles  and  ideals  "  of 
early  Christianity  rather  than  to  "  copy  its  pre- 
cedents "  ;  (6)  to  distinguish  between  the  facts 
and  our  conclusions  from  the  facts.  Bearing 
these  precautions  in  mind,  we  may  gather  a 
rich  harvest  from  the  Acts  as  to  (a)  what  ''the 
Church  "  was,  what  terms  are  used  for  those 
who  became  Christians,  what  names  are  given 
them,  how  they  were  admitted  to  the  Church, 
what  obligations  membership  implied,  how  they 
were  organized,  and  what  were  the  method 
of  appointment,  qualifications,  and  duties  of 
its  officers.  (^)  What  the  Church  did  involves 
a  study  of  the  life  of  the  early  Christians  in 
prayer,  in  worship,  in  social  relations  ;  and  we 
may  gather  what  were  some  marked  character- 
istics of  that  life — its  grace,  its  power,  its 
effort,  its  joyfulness.  (7)  The  teaching  and 
belief  of  the  primitive  Church  may  be  studied 
by  seeing  what  is  not  there  as  well  as  what  is 
there,  or  by  a  comparison  with  the  different 
clauses  of  the  Apostles'  Creed.  In  particular, 
we  must  notice  the  great  stress  laid  on  the  con- 
nexion of  Christianity  with  O.T. — an  insistence 
providential  in  view  of  Gnosticism — and  group 
the  teaching  about  the  person  and  work  of 
Christ  and  the  person  and  work  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Arts,  on  Acts  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 
1904  ;  sound  and  thorough)  and  Encyc.  Bibl. 
(very  fanciful)  ;  Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  traveller, 
and  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire  ;  Haw- 
kins, Horae  Synopticae  (invaluable  on  the  style); 
Vaughan,  Church  of  the  Eirst  Days  (a  homi- 
Ictiral  running  ronimcntary)  ;  Comm.  by 
Kackham,  Knowliiig  (in  Expositor's  Gk.  Test. 
— the  best  Hug.  comm.  on  the  lik.  text),  and 
Meyer-Wendt  (German)  ,  Harnack,  Bcitrdgc 
zur  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament  (import- 
ant as  accepting  very  many  "  conservative  " 
views).  [ll.j.m.b.] 

Acua'  =  Akkub,  3  (iEsd.5.30  ;  cf.  Ezr.2.45). 

Acub'  =  Bakbuk  (iEsd.5.31 ;  cf.  Ezr.2.51). 


ADAM,  CITY 

Adadah',  a  city  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah 
named  with  Dimonah  and  Kedesh  (Jos.15.22). 
Now  'A  d'adah,  a  ruin  7  m.  S.  E.  of  Arad.   [c.r.c] 

Adah'  {ornament,  beauty). — 1.  The  first  of 
the  two  wives  of  Lamech,  who  bore  to  him 
Jabal  and  J ubal  (Gen. 4.19).— 2.  A  Hittitess, 
daughter  of  Elon,  one  of  the  three  wives  of 
Esau,  mother  of  his  firstborn  son  Eliphaz,  and 
so  the  ancestress  of  six  (or  seven)  tribes  of 
the  Edomites  (Gen.36.2ff.).  InGen.26.34  she 
is  called  Bashemath. 

Adaiah'. — 1.  Maternal  grandfather  of  king 
Josiah,  and  native  of  Boscath  in  the  lowlands 
of  Judah  (2K.22.1).— 2.  A  Levite,  of  the 
Gershonite  branch,  and  ancestor  of  Asaph 
(rChr.6.41).  In  ver.  21  he  is  called  Iddo. — 3. 
A  Benjamite,  son  of  Shimhi  (iChr.8.21),  who 
is  apparently  the  same  as  Shema  in  ver.  1 3. — 4. 
A  priest,  son  of  Jeroham  (iChr.9.i2  ;  Ne.ll.12). 
— 5.  Ancestor  of  Maaseiah,  15  (2Chr.23.i). 
— 6.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Bani  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  during  the  Exile  (Ezr.lO. 
29).  He  is  called  Jedeus  in  iEsd.9.30. — 7. 
The  descendant  of  another  Bani,  who  had  also 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.39). — 8.  A  man 
of  Judah,  of  the  line  of  Pharez  (Ne.ll.5). 

Adalia',  fifth  son  of  Haman,  slain  by  the 
Jews  in  Shushan  (Esth.9.8). 

Adam  (Heb.  the  man),  from  a  root  signi- 
fying ruddy  or  rosy.  He  is  described  as  being 
"  formed,"  or  "  moulded,"  as  distinct  from  the 
act  of  creation  or  "  making  "  (all  three  words 
are  found  used  of  the  divine  methods  in  Is. 45. 
18),  from  the  "  dust  of  the  earth,"  i.e.  from 
material  particles.  "A  breath  of  life  was  com- 
municated to  him,  and  he  became  a  living  soul." 
He  was  originally  placed  in  a  garden  of  delight 
[Eden],  i.e.  in  one  of  the  most  fertile  portions  of 
the  earth,  apparently  the  territory  between 
the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  known  as  Meso- 
potamia. It  was  his  duty  to  cultivate  the  soil, 
and  he  was  to  have  perfect  freedom  of  action 
(Gen. 2. 17),  so  long  as  he  did  not  contravene  the 
laws  of  his  being  imposed  upon  him  by  his  Crea- 
tor. Death  was  the  penalty  attached  to  such 
infringement.  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  his 
loneliness,  a  counterpart  or  complement  was 
provided  for  him  [Eve],  and  he  was  bidden  to 
cleave  irrevocably  to  her  in  love,  since  he  and 
she  were  to  become  "  one  flesh."  Through  the 
subtilty  of  the  serpent  [Fall]  he  was  induced  to 
violate  the  conditions  on  which  his  sojourn  in 
the  garden  of  delight  was  permitted.  He  and 
live  were  driven  out  from  the  garden,  andcom- 
jiellcd  to  dwell  in  a  land  on  which  a  curse  rested  ; 
and  henceforth  labour  was  to  be  no  longer  a 
pleasure  to  him,  but  a  burden.  In  his  banish- 
ment two  children  were  born  to  him,  but  the 
results  of  his  evil-doing  had  already  begun  to 
work,  and  the  younger  fell  by  the  hand  of  the 
elder.  [Cain  :  Abel.]  Erom  a  third  son,  Seth, 
sprung  a  worthier  progeny  than  tliat  of  Cain, 
the  munlcnr  and  fugitive.  Adam  lived,  we 
arc  infiirnud,  to  tlie  ageof  930  years.   [j.j.L.] 

Adam',  City  (Jos.3.i6).  The  Jordan 
was  blocked  at  a  distance  from  the  Jericho 
ford,  and  the  waters  "  rose  up  in  a  heap  a 
great  way  off,  at  Adam,  the  city  that  is  beside 
Zaretan"  (sec  R.V.).  It  is  doubtful  whether 
this  site  could  have  been  the  Aumaii  of  the 
kikkdr  (Gen. 14.2),  though  not  impossible. 
The  name  probably  survives  at  the  DcLmieh 


AD AMAH 

ford,  20  miles  N.  of  the  Jericho  ford  ;  and  an 
Arab  historian  asserts  that  in  the  time  of 
Bibars  (about  1265  a.d.)  the  Jordan  was  here 
blocked  for  several  hours.  The  bridge  at  this 
site  was  built  about  the  same  time,    [c.r.c] 

Adamah',  one  of  the  "  fenced  cities  "  of 
Naphtali,  named  between  Chinnereth  and  ha- 
Ramah  (Jos. 19. 36)  ;  now  Admah,  4  miles  S.E. 
of  Jabneel  (Yemma).  [c.r.c] 

Adamant,  the  translation  of  the  Heb. 
Shamir  in  Ezk.3.9  and  Zech.7.i2,  translated  in 
Je.17.1  "diamond."  Dr.  Pinches  suggests  that 
it  may  be  compared  with  the  Ass>t.  shemiru, 
the  word  used  for  a  ring  (the  object  in  which 
a  precious  stoiie  was  set).  Our  Eng.  adamant 
is  derived  from  the  Gk.,  and  signifies  "  the  un- 
conquerable." In  that  language  it  is  always 
applied  to  some  very  hard  material.  Hesiod 
(8th  cent.  B.C.)  probably  uses  it  for  steel,  while 
in  Theophrastus  (d.  287  b.c.)  it  is  almost  cer- 
tainly corundum.  Adamant  in  Eng.  is  also  not 
constant  in  meaning,  sometimes  signifying  the 
diamond  (which  is  merely  a  corruption  of  the 
word  adamant),  but  often  any  impenetrably 
hard  substance.  Some  hard  cutting  stone  is 
apparently  intended  in  Jeremiah  (17. i) :  "The 
sin  of  Judah  is  written  with  a  pen  of  iron  and 
with  the  point  of  a  diamond."  That  stone, 
however,  can  hardly  have  been  known  to  the 
Hebrews  in  the  prophet's  days  [Diamond], 
and  the  expression  in  Ezk.3.9,  "adamant  harder 
than  flint,"  suggests  that  by  shdmir  is  intended 
some  variety  of  corundum,  a  mineral  inferior 
only  to  the  diamond  in  hardness.  Of  this 
mineral — crystallized  alumina — the  purer  kinds 
are  valued  as  gems,  the  red  being  named  ruby ; 
the  blue,  sapphire ;  the  yellow.  Oriental  topaz  ; 
the  green,  Oriental  emerald ;  the  violet.  Oriental 
amethyst.  A  common  kind  of  corundum  is 
dark  or  dull  coloiured,  and  practically  non- 
transparent  ;  this,  on  account  of  its  hardness, 
is  still  often  used  for  cutting  purposes,  as  is 
emery,  a  more  granular  form,  and  frequently 
less  pure,  of  the  same,  which  often  contains 
magnetite  (an  iron  oxide)  as  an  impurity  and  is 
thus  not  quite  so  hard.  The  Gk.  name  for  this 
material  is  crfiApis  or  a^iipi's,  which  the  Heb. 
lexicographers  derive  from  Heb.  shdmir,  and 
there  seems  no  doubt  that  the  two  words  are 
identical.  [t.g.b.] 

Adami'  (R.V.  Adami-nekeb),  on  the 
border  of  Naphtali,  mentioned  after  Allon 
Bezaanannim  (Jos.i9.33) ;  riow  ed  Damieh, 
5  miles  W.  of  Tiberias.  [c.r.c] 

Adap',    a  place   on    the    S.   boundary   of 
Palestine    and    of    Judah    (Jos. 15. 3),    called 
Hazar-addar   in   Num. 34.4.     [Hazer.] 
Adap.     [Months.] 

Ad'asa,  a  place  in  Judaea,  30  stadia  from 
Beth-horon  (Josephus,  12  Ant.  x.  5).  Here 
Judas  Maccabaeus  encamped  before  the  battle 
in  which  Nicanor  was  killed  (i Mac. 7. 40, 45). 
Now  'Adaseh,  a  ruin  8  miles  S.E.  of  Beth-horon, 
on  the  road  thence  to  Jerusalem.       [c.r.c] 

Adbeel',  a  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen. 25. 13  ; 
iChr.1.29),  and  probably  the  progenitor  of  an 
Arab  tribe.  Prof.  Sayce  {Higher  Crit.  and 
Monuments,  p.  202)  says  that  Adbeel  is 
mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser,  under  the  form 
of  Idibi'ilu. 

Addan',  a  place  whence  some  of  the 
Captivity  returned  with  Zerubbabel  to  J  udaea 


ADDI 


13 


(Ezr.2.59).  Ill  Ne.7.6i  the  name  is  Addon ; 
in  iEsd.5.36,  Aalar. 

Addap',  son  of  Bela  (iChr.8.3),  called  Ard 
in  Num.26.40. 

Addep.  This  word  is  used  for  any 
poisonous  snake,  and  applied  in  this  general 
sense  by  the  translators  of  A.V.,  who  use  in 
a  similar  way  the  term  Asp.  The  word  adder 
occurs  5  times  in  the  text  of  A.V.,  and  3  times 
in  the  margin  as  synonymous  with  cockatrice — 
viz.  Is. 11. 8, 14.29, 59. 5.  It  represents  4  Heb. 
words,  (i)  'akhshubh,  found  only  in  Ps.140.3, 
"  They  have  sharpened  their  tongues  like  a 
serpent,  adder's  poison  is  imder  their  lips  "  ; 
the  latter  half  of  this  verse  being  quoted  by 
St.  Paul  in  R0.3.13.  Here  serpent -poison 
is  of  course  a  figure  for  evil-speaking.  The 
number  of  poisonous  serpents  with  which  the 
Jews  were  acquainted  was  probably  limited 
to  some  5  or  6  species  [Serpent]  ;  and  as 
there  are  reasonable  grounds  for  identifying 
pethen  and  sh'phtphon  with  two  well-known 
species — viz.  the  Egyptian  cobra  and  the 
horned  viper — it  is  not  improbable  that 
'akhshubh  may  represent  the  sand-viper  (Echis 


W.D.A. 
Head  of  (a)  the  Horned  Viper  (Cerastes  coruiitiis). 
\b)  the  Sand-viper  (Edits  carinatiis). 

carinatus)  of  Transcaspia,  Arabia,  and  other 
parts  of  S.  Asia  and  N.  Africa.  (2)  pethen. 
[Asp.]  (3)  cephd,  or  (iph'oni,  occurs  5  times 
in  the  Heb.  Bible.  In  Pr.23.32  it  is  translated 
adder,  but  in  Is.ll. 8, 14.29,59.5,  Je.8.17,  it 
is  rendered  cockatrice.  From  Jeremiah  we 
learn  that  it  was  venomous,  while  from  the 
parallelism  of  Is.ll. 8  it  appears  that  ciph'ont 
was  more  dreaded  than  pethen.  fiph'ont 
may,  then,  quite  possibly  indicate  the  Algerian 
viper  (Vipera  lebetina),  a  very  poisonous 
snake  ranging  from  N.  Africa  to  Syria  and 
Persia.  (4)  sh''phiph6n  occurs  onl}'  in  Gen. 49. 
17,  "  Dan  shall  be  a  serpent  by  the  way, 
an  adder  in  the  path,  that  biteth  the  horse's 
heels,  so  that  his  rider  shall  fall  backward." 
This  habit  of  lurking  in  the  sand  and  biting 
at  horses'  heels  suits  the  character  of  the  horned 
viper,  or  Cleopatra's  asp  (Cerastes  cornutus), 
abundant  in  the  deserts  of  Egypt,  Syria,  and 
Arabia.  This  venonious  species  averages  from 
12  to  15  in.  in  length,  but  occasionally  larger 
individuals  are  found.  [r.l.] 

Ad'di. — 1.  An  ancestor  of  Jesus  Christ 
(Lu.3.28). — 2.  The  ancestor  of  Israelites  who 
put  away  their  foreign  wives  (iEsd.9.31).  The 
same  place  in  the  list  of  Ezr.lO.30  is  occupied 
by  Pahath-moab. 


14 


ADDO 


Addo'  (lEsd.e.i)  =  Iddo,  5. 

Addon'.     [Addan.] 

Ad'dus. — 1.  ('A55o(''j.)  His  sons  are  named 
(iEsd.5.34  only)  among  the  sons  of  Solomon's 
servants  who  returned  under  Zerubbabel. — 2. 
('ladSovs,  R.  V.  Jaddus.)  A  priest  whose  descen- 
dants were  unable  to  establish  their  genealogy 
in  the  time  of  Ezra  and  were  removed  from 
their  priesthood  (iEsd.5.38).  He  is  there  said 
to  have  married  a  daughter,  and  adopted  the 
name,  of  Berzelus  (K.V.  Zorzellus)  or  Barzil- 
lai  {cf.  2Sam.i7.27),  and  is  called  by  this  name 
in  Ezr.2.6i  and  Ne.7.63.  [c.d.] 

A'dep,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah,  chief 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Aijalon  (iChr.8.15). 
The  name  is  more  correctly  Eder,  as  in  R.V. 

Ad'ida,  a  town  on  an  eminence  over- 
looking the  low  country  of  Judah,  fortified 
by  Simon  the  Hasmonaean  in  his  wars  with 
Tryphon  (iMac.12.38,13.13).  Probably  iden- 
tical with  Hadid. 

Adiel'. — 1.  A  prince  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon,  who  took  part  in  the  raid  made  by 
his  tribe  upon  the  Hamite  shepherds  of  the 
valley  of  Gedor  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
(iChr.4.36ff.). — 2.  A  priest,  ancestor  of  Maasiai 
(iChr.9.12). — 3.  Ancestor  of  Azmaveth, 
David's  treasurer  (iChr.27.25). 

Adin',  ancestor  of  a  family  of  which  some 
members  returned  from  captivity  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.15  ;  Ne.7.2o)  and  with 
Ezra  (Ezr.8.6).  They  joined  with  Nehemiah 
in  a  covenant  to  separate  themselves  from  the 
heathen  (Ne.l0.i6). 

Adina',  one  of  David's  captains  beyond 
the  Jordan ;  a  Reubenite  chief  (1Chr.ll.42). 

Adino',  the  Eznite.       [Jasiiobeam.] 

Ad'inus  =  Jamin,  3  (iEsd.9.48  ;c/.  Ne.8.7). 

Aditha'im,  a  town  of  Judah,  in  the  She- 
phelah,  named,  between  Sharaim  and  hag- 
Gederah,  in  Jos. 15. 36.     [Adida.]       [c.r.c] 

Adjupation.     [Exorcist.] 

Adla'i,  father  of  Shaphat,  5  (iChr.27.29). 

Ad'mah,  one  of  the  Cities  of  the  Plain, 
i.e.  of  the  kikkdr  of  Jordan  (Gen. 10. 19,14.2,8  ; 
Deut.29.23  ;  Ho.11.8).    [Adam,  City.]    [c.r.c] 

Admatha',  one  of  the  seven  princes  of 
Persia  who  were  counsellors  to  Ahasuerus 
(Esth.1.14). 

Adna'. — 1.  One  of  the  family  of  Pahath- 
moab  who  returned  with  Ezra  and  married  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.30). — 2.  A  priest,  descend- 
ant of  Harim  in  the  days  of  Joiakim,  the 
son  of  Jeshua  (Ne.i2.15). 

Adnah'. — 1.  A  Manassite  who  deserted 
Saul  and  joined  David  on  his  road  to  Ziklag 
from  the  camp  of  the  Philistines.  He  was 
captain  of  a  thousand,  and  fought  with  David 
in  the  jiursuit  of  the  Amalckites  (iChr.l2.20, 
21). — 2.  A  man  of  Judah;  the  chief  captain 
in  Jehoshaphat's  army  (2Chr.i7.14). 

Adon,  Adonai.     [Lord.] 

Adoni-be  zek,  king  of  Bezek,  a  city  of 
the  Canaanites.  [Bezek.]  This  chieftain 
was  vanquished  by  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Judg.l. 
3-7),  who  cut  off  his  thumbs  and  great'toes, 
and  brought  him  prisoner  to  Jerusalem, 
where  he  died.  He  confessed  that  he  had 
inflicted  the  same"  cruelty  upon  70  petty  kings 
wiioni   lie  had  conquered. 

Adonljah'  (my  Lord  is  Jehovah). — 1.  The 
fourth    of    David's    sons    by    Haggith,   thus 


ADOPTION 

coming  next  after  Absalom  (2Sam.3.4).  When 
his  father's  strength  was  visibly  declining,  he 
put  forward  pretensions  to  the  crown.  David 
promised  Bathsheba  that  her  son  Solomon 
should  succeed  (1K.I.30),  for  there  was  no 
absolute  claim  of  primogeniture  in  these 
Eastern  monarchies.  Adonijah's  cause  was 
espoused  by  Abiathar  the  priest,  and  Joab  the 
commander  of  David's  army.  [Joab.]  His 
name  and  influence  secured  a  large  number 
of  followers  among  the  captains  of  the  royal 
army  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Judah  {cf. 
iK.1.9  and  25);  and  these,  together  with  ail 
the  princes  except  Solomon,  were  entertained 
by  Adonijah  at  a  great  sacrificial  feast. 
Nathan  and  Bathsheba,  thoroughly  alarmed, 
apprised  David  of  these  proceedings,  who 
immediately  gave  orders  that  Solomon  should 
be  conducted  on  the  royal  mule  in  solemn 
procession  to  Gihon,  a  spring  on  the  E.  of 
Jerusalem  (2Chr.32.30).  [Gihon.]  Here  he 
was  anointed  and  proclaimed  king  by  Zadok 
the  priest  and  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  joy- 
fully recognized  by  the  people.  Adonijah  fled 
to  sanctuary,  but  was  pardoned  by  Solomon 
on  condition  of  good  behaviour  (iK.l. 50-53). 
The  death  of  David  quickly  followed  on  these 
events  ;  and  Adonijah  begged  Bathsheba,  who 
as  "  king's  mother  "  would  now  have  special 
dignity  and  influence  [Queex],  to  procure  Solo- 
mon's consent  to  his  marriage  with  Abishag, 
who  had  been  the  nurse  of  David  in  his  old 
age  (1.3,4).  This  was  regarded  as  equivalent 
to  a  fresh  attempt  on  the  throne  [cf.  Absalom  ; 
Abner]  ;  and  therefore  Solomon  ordered  him 
to  be  put  to  death  by  Benaiah,  as  having  vio- 
lated the  terms  of  his  previous  pardon. — 2.  A 
Levite  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.l7.8). 
— 3.   (Ne.l0.i6.)     [Adonikam.]  [a.w.s.] 

Adonikam',  the  head  of  a  family  of 
which  some  members  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel (Ezr.2.13  ;  Ne.7.i8  ;  iEsd.5.14),  and 
the  remainder  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.13  ;  lEsd. 
8.39).     The  name  is  Adonijah  in  Ne.l0.i6. 

Adonipani' (iK.4.6,5.14;  Adoram,  2Sam. 
20.24,  iK. 12.18,  Hadorain,  2Chr.IO.18; 
LXX.  'ASwj'ipd/x;  Viilg-  Adonirara,  Aduram), 
son  of  Abda.  He  was  placed  over  the  levies 
under  David  and  Solomon.  This  made  him 
very  unpopular,  and  when  he  was  sent  by 
Rohobnam  to  put  down  tiie  revolt  of  the  Ten 
Tribes,  he  was  stoned  to  death.  [g.m.y.] 

Adoni-ze'dec  (lord  of  righteousness),  the 
Amorite  king  of  Jerusalcni  who  organized  a 
league  with  four  other  Amorite  princes  against 
Joshua.  The  confederate  kings  having  laid 
siege  to  Gibeon,  Joshua  marched  to  the 
relief  of  his  new  allies  and  put  the  besiegers 
to  flight.  The  five  kings  took  refuge  in  a 
cave  at  Makkedah,  wlience  they  were  taken 
and  slain,  their  bodies  hung  on  trees,  and  then 
buried  in  the  cav'e  (Jos.lO.i-27). 

Adoption,  a  figure  of  speech  peculiar  to 
St.  Paul,  by  wliich  he  describes  the  new  relation- 
ship to  C,i)d  of  man  rede(Mned  in  Christ  and 
endowed  with  the  Sjiirit,  both  as  regards  pre- 
sent privileges  (R().8.i5  ;  Gal. 4.5  ;  Eph.l.5) 
and  future  hojic  (Ri).8.23).  He  also  once  ap- 
plies tlie  wiird  to  the  original  choice  of  Israel 
by  God  (i\().9.|)-  J  he  word  was  no  doubt 
suggested  by  the  custom,  common  under  Rt)- 
man  law,  by  which  a  childless  person  adopted, 


Adoba 

as  his  son,  one  born  of  other  parents.  The 
child  thus  adopted  was  entitled  to  the  name  of 
his  new  father,  and  a  share  in  his  ancestral 
religious  observances  {sacra  privata),  and  he 
ranked  as  his  heir-at-law.  The  father  was  also 
entitled  to  the  property  of  his  adopted  son,  and 
exercised  towards  him  all  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  a  father.  Adoption  was  not  a  Jewish 
practice  [Family],  and  would  have  been  in- 
consistent with  the  Mosaic  law  as  to  inherit- 
ance. Parallel  instances  alleged  in  O.T. 
(Gen. 15. 3, 16. 2)  are  not  cases  of  legal  adoption 
to  full  family  privileges.  The  leading  thought 
in  St.  Paul's  use  of  the  word  is  that  the  adop- 
tion of  man  in  Christ  is  an  act  of  God's  grace, 
transcending  natural  relationship.  Liddon, 
Expl.  Analy.  of  Ep.  to  Romans  (1893);  Maine, 
Ancient  Law  (5th  ed.  1873).  [a.r.w.] 

Adopa.     [Adoraim.] 

Adopa'im,  a  city  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2Chr.ll. 9),  in  Judah,  apparently  near  the 
Shephelah ;  noticed  with  Lachish  and  Mare- 
shah  ;  probably  "  Adora "  (iMac.l3.2o). 
Robinson  identiiied  it  with  Dura,  a  village  on 
a  ridge  5  miles  W.  of  Hebron.  Josephus  calls 
it  Adora,  and  Dor,  in  Idumaea.  [c.r.c] 

Adopam.     [Adoniram.] 

Addpation.  Though,  to  the  Christian, 
adoration  (or  worship)  in  its  strict  sense 
means  the  prostration  of  the  whole  being 
before  God  alone,  yet  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  Orientals  naturally  make  outward  de- 
monstrations of  reverence  and  respect  towards 
those  who  are  regarded  as  in  any  way  superior, 
which  to  a  Western  seem  extravagant  and  out 
of  place.  Hence  passages  abound  in  the  Bible 
where  bodily  prostration  and  similar  gestures 
are  described,  not  only  towards  Almighty  God, 
but  also  towards  idols  and  human  beings  ;  and 
in  the  East  such  gestures  are  still  retained. 
In  N.T.,  however,  there  are  indications  of  a 
tendency,  as  the  result  of  Christ's  teaching,  to 
restrict  such  attitudes  (whether  of  mind  or 
body)  to  times  and  modes  of  divine  worship  ; 
e.g.  St.  Peter'srebuketoCornelius(Ac.l0.25,26) 
and  the  angel's  to  St.  John  the  Divine  (Rev. 19. 
ID  ;  c/.  Col. 2. 18).  Hence  it  is  significant  that 
oiu:  Lord  Himself  in  the  Gospels  does  not 
refuse  to  accept  such  signs  of  honour  when 
paid  to  Him,  whether  before  (Mk.5.22  ;  Lu.8. 
41  ;    Jn.11.32)  or  after  His  resurrection  (Mt. 

28.9).  [C.L.F.] 

Adpamme'lech. — 1.  (2K.I7.31.)  Adram- 
melech  and  Anammelech  were  the  two  deities 
introduced  into  Samaria  by  the  Sepharvites, 
some  of  the  heathen  colonists  transplanted 
thither  by  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria.  Their  wor- 
ship resembled  that  of  Moloch,  as  it  included  the 
sacrifice  of  infants  by  fire.  The  meaning  of  the 
names  is  somewhat  uncertain.  The  probability 
is  that,  with  Schrader  and  others,  we  should 
take  them  as  Adar  (A  tar)  the  prince,  and  Anu 
the  prince.  (For  the  juxtaposition,  cf.  the 
analogous  Jehovah  Elohim.)  "Anu  the  king" 
is  frequently  found  in  Assyrian  inscriptions, 
but  there  is  no  certain  evidence  of  the  rite  of 
child-burning.  There  is  also  some  doubt  as  to 
the  locality  of  Sepharvaim  ;  but  the  recurrence 
of  the  name  Adrammelech  as — 2.  One  of  the 
two  sons  of  Sennacherib,  who  murdered  their 
father  in  the  temple  680  b.c.  (2K.I9.37  ;  cf. 
2Chr.32.21 ;  Is.37.38),  favours  its  identification 


ADULIiAM 


15 


with  the  Syrian  Sabara'in,  rather  than  with  the 
Sippar  of  N.  Babylonia.  [b.f.s.] 

Adpamyt'tium,  a  seaport  in  the  province 
of  Asia,  situated  in  the  district  anciently 
called  Aeolis,  and  also  Mysia  (see  Ac.16.7). 
Adramyttium  gave,  and  still  gives,  its  name 
to  a  deep  gulf  on  this  coast,  opposite  to  the 
opening  of  which  is  the  island  of  Lesbos. 
[MiTYLENE.]  St.  Paul  was  never  at  Adramyt- 
tium, unless  perhaps  during  his  second  mis- 
sionary journey,  on  his  way  from  Galatia  to 
Troas  (Ac.l6),  and  its  only  Biblical  interest 
is  in  illustrating  his  voyage  from  Caesarea  in 
a  ship  belonging  to  this  place  (Ac.27.2).  Ships 
of  Adramyttium  must  have  been  frequent 
on  this  coast,  for  it  was  a  place  of  considerable 
traffic.  It  lay  on  the  great  Roman  road  be- 
tween Assos,  Troas,  and  the  Hellespont  on  one 
side,  and  Pergamus,  Ephesus,  and  Miletus 
on  the  other,  and  was  connected  by  similar 
roads  with  the  interior  of  the  country.  The 
modern  Adramuti  is  a  poor  village,  though  still 
a  place  of  some  trade  and  shipbuilding. 

A'dpia,  more  properly  A'dpias.  The 
meaning  of  this  word  in  Ac.27.2 7  is  important. 
The  word  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the 
town  of  Adria,  near  the  Po  ;  and  at  first  de- 
noted the  part  of  the  gulf  of  Venice  in  that 
neighbourhood.  Afterwards  its  signification 
was  extended  to  embrace  the  whole  gulf,  and 
subsequently  farther  still,  so  that  in  the  apos- 
tolic age  it  denoted  that  natural  division 
of  the  Mediterranean  which  Humboldt  names 
theSyrtic  basin  (seeAc.27.i7,  R.V.),  and  which 
had  the  coasts  of  Sicil)',  Italy,  Greece,  and 
Africa  for  its  boundaries.  This  definition  is 
explicitly  given  by  the  geographer  Ptolemy, 
almost  a  contemporary  of  St.  Paul,  who  says 
that  Crete  is  bounded  on  the  W.  by  Adrias. 
Later  writers  state  that  Malta  divides  the 
Adriatic  Sea  from  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea,  and 
the  isthmus  of  Corinth  the  Aegean  from  the 
Adriatic.  Thus  the  ship  in  which  Josephus 
started  for  Italy  about  the  time  of  St.  Paul's 
voyage  foundered  in  "Adrias,"  and  there  he 
was  picked  up  by  a  ship  from  Cyrene  and 
taken  to  Puteoli  {Life  iii.  ;  cf.  Ac. 28. 13).  It 
is  through  want  of  attention  to  these  facts 
that  an  argument  has  been  drawn  from  this 
geographical  term  in  favour  of  the  false  view 
which  places  the  apostle's  shipwreck  in  the 
gulf  of  Venice.     [Melita.] 

Adpiel',  a  son  of  Barzillai  the  Meholathite, 
to  whom  Saul  gave  his  daughter  Merab, 
although  he  had  previously  promised  her  to 
David  (1Sam.l8.19).  His  five  sons  were 
amongst  the  seven  descendants  of  Saul  whom 
David  surrendered  to  the  Gibeonites  (2Sam. 
21.8)  in  satisfaction  for  the  endeavours  of 
Saul  to  extirpate  them,  contrary  to  the 
league  made  with  them  by  Joshua  (Jos.9.15). 
In  2Sam.21.8  they  are  called  the  sons  of 
Michal,  which  is  probably  a  transcriber's 
error  for  Merab  (see  marg.  ad  loc). 

Aduel',  a  Naphtalite,  ancestor  of  Tobit 
(Tob.l.i). 

Adullam',  a  royal  city  (Jos.i2.15)  in  the 
Shephelah,  or  low  hills  of  Judah  (Gen. 38. i; 
Jos.15.35),  near  Socoh  (2Chr.ll. 7) ;  fortified 
by  Rehoboam.  The  cave  of  Adullam  was 
David's  stronghold  at  a  "  rock,"  after  he 
left    Gath,    and    apparently    near     Keilah 


16 


ADULLAMITE 


AGAPE 


(iSam.22.i,23.i  ;  1Chr.ll.15).  In  Mi.l.15 
we  read  (see  R.V.),  "The  glory  of  Israel  shall 
come  to  Adullam."  [Odollam  ;  2Mac.l2. 
38.]  Now  the  ruined  site  '.4  id-el-md  (Clermont- 
Ganneau)  011  VV.  side  of  the  upper  valley  of 
Elah.  Eusebius  places  Adullam  10  Roman 
miles  E.  of  Beit  Jibriii  (actually  7  English 
miles).  The  ruins  are  on  an  isolated  rocky 
hill,  300  to  400  ft.  above  the  valley,  and  a 
cave  on  the  N.  slope  is  still  inhabited.  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  311,  361.)  The  town  was  in- 
habited after  the  Captivity  (Ne.ll.30)  and  was 
still  a  small  village  in  4th.  cent.  a.d.     [c.r.c] 

Adul'Iamite,  a  native  of  x\dullam;  the 
designation  given  to  Hirah  (Gen. 38. 1,12,20). 

Adultery.  The  parties  to  this  offence  as 
conceived  in  a  polygamous  society  are  a 
married  woman  and  a  man  other  than  her  hus- 
band. For  further  information  as  regards 
O.T.,  see  Crimes;  Ordeal  of  Jealousy; 
Water  of  Bitterness.  [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.  Adultery  was  the  only  cause  for 
which  our  Lord  would  permit  Divorce  (Mt.5. 
32,19.9),  thus  agreeing  with  the  school  of 
Shaminai  against  the  Hillelitcs,  who  allowed 
divorce  for  the  most  trivial  offences  (Git.  ix. 
10  ;  Je.  Soiah  1.  i.  166  ;  cf.  Mt.19.3).  The 
active  party  to  a  divorce  marrying  again  was 
guilty  of  adultery  (Mk. 10.11, 12  ;  Lu.l6.i8rt)  ; 
also  he  who  married  a  divorced  woman  was 
likewise  guilty  (Lu.ie.icS/)  ;  Mt. 5.326,19.96). 
Some  think  Mt.i9.9a  permits  the  innocent 
party  to  re-marry  if  the  cause  was  adultery, 
but  see  R.V.  marg.  notes  to  verse  and  art. 
Divorce.  J  ewish  law  did  not  permit  the  mar- 
riage of  the  guilty  parties,  and  it  is  supposed 
that  the  guilty  woman  might  not  marry  again. 
According  to  Jewish  authorities,  adultery  was 
so  prevalent  in  N.T.  times  {cf.  Lu.l8.11)  that 
the  Mosaic  punishment  of  stoning  was  super- 
seded by  divorce.  For  the  same  reason  the 
ordeal  of  the  "  bitter  waters  "  was  about  this 
time  abolished  by  the  Sanhedrin  [Sotah  ix.  9), 
since,  according  to  R.  Akiba,  the  test  took 
effect  only  if  the  husband  was  innocent  of 
the  same  offence  (Siphri,  Naso  21  ;  Sotah  476). 
This  may  throw  liglit  on  our  Lord's  action  in 
the  case  of  the  woman  brought  before  Him 
(Jn.8.3-11,    especially    vv.  7,9).  [11. h.] 

Adummim'  (Jos.l5.7,18.i7 ;  the  ascent  of 
blood),  the  present  Tal'at  ed  Diimm  {ascent 
of  blood)  on  the  road  from  Jerusalem  to 
Jericho,  S.  of  the  Oelt  gorge,  9  miles  N.E.  of 
Jerusalem.  The  limestone  is  here  covered 
with  red  stains  like  blood.  [c.r.c] 

Advent.  [Incarnation  ;  Coming  of 
Christ,  Second.] 

Advocate,  tlie  word  used  in  A.V.  and  R.V. 
to  translate  irapaKXrjTO^  in  ijn.2.i,  elsewhere 
rendered  "  Comforter  "  (Old  I'jig.  for  "Streiig- 
thener  ").  In  this  place  the  title  is  given  to  the 
ascended  and  glorified  Ciirist  in  His  capacity 
as  Mediator  and  Intercessor.  l-Hsewiierc  it  is 
applied  to  the  Holy  Spirit  (Jn.l4.i6,26,15. 
26,16.7),  though  ji  the  expression  "another 
Comforter"  in  the  first  of  these  passages  shows 
tiiat  the  title  may  be  properly  applied  in  the 
same  meaning  to  eitlier  the  Second  or  Tiiird 
Persf)n  of  tlie  Trinity.  And  it  should  b(;  noted 
that  tiie  oftice  of  intcrtx'ssioii  for  the  faithful, 
usually  attributed  to  the  glorified  Christ,  is  in 
Ko.8.26,27  assigned  to  the  Holy  Spirit  also. 


It  is  in  fact  this  work,  rather  than  the  secon- 
dary one  of  "  comforting  "  or  consoling,  which  is 
implied  in  the  Gk.  word.  For  TrapdK\r]Tos  meant 
in  legal  phraseology  an  advocate  or  champion, 
one  who  was  "  called  to  the  side  "  of  an  accused 
person  to  defend  him,  or  bear  witness  in  his 
behalf.  Hence  the  thought  seems  to  be  that 
Christians  accused  by  Satan  (the  Diabolos,  or 
slanderer)  may  look  both  to  the  exalted  Son  of 
God  as  their  Advocate  or  Champion  (Ro.8.33, 
34),  and  also  to  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  Church, 
Who  makes  their  prayers  and  intercessions  on 
earth  efficacious.  Westcott,  Gosp.  ace.  to  St. 
John{iSSi):  Epp.  of  St.  John  {18S3).     [a.r.w.] 

Aedi'as  (iEsd.9.27  ;  cf.  Ezr.lO.26).  Per- 
haps a  corruption  of  Eliaii,  2,  or  of  Abdi,  3. 

Aegypt.     [Egypt.] 

Aene'as,  a  man  healed  of  his  palsy  at 
Lydda  by  St.  Peter  (Ac. 9. 33, 34). 

Ae'non,  near  Salim  (Jn.3.23),  where  St. 
John  baptized  "because  there  was  much 
water  there."  As  in  the  cases  of  Bethabara 
and  Sychar,  the  Fourth  Gospel  here  shows 
special  knowledge  of  Palestine,  these  sites 
being  otherwise  unnoticed.  N.E.  of  Shechem 
is  the  perennial  stream  of  Wddy  Fdr'ah, 
flowing  E.  to  Jordan.  It  was  the  old  boun- 
dary of  Judaea  and  Samaria.  The  ruin 
'Aindn  is  4  miles  N.  of  the  stream,  and  the 
village  Salim  4  miles  S.  of  the  stream.  The 
two  names  are  not  found  near  together  any- 
where else  in  Palestine.  The  wild  valley  is  a 
fit  site  for  baptism  in  pure  water.        [c.r.c] 

Aethiopia.     [Ethiopia.] 

Affinity.     [Marriage.] 

Ag-'aba  (iEsd.5.30).     [Hagab.] 

Ag'abus,  mentioned  in  Ac.ll.28,21.io. 
His  story  is  important  as  an  evidence  that  the 
gift  of  prophecy  in  apostolic  times  was  not 
limited  to  exposition  of  divine  truth,  but 
included  prediction  of  the  future.  For  his 
prophecy  of  a  famine  "  over  all  the  world,"  and 
the  fulfilment  of  it,  see  Claudius.  He  also 
predicted  St.  Paul's  arrest  and  deliverance  to 
the  Gentiles,  repeating  therein  more  circum- 
stantially an  inspired  warning  already  given 
at  Tyre  (Ac.21.4).  Being  a  Jew,  he  naturally 
used  the  symbolic  method  of  emphasizing  his 
prediction,  which  we  meet  with  in  Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel  and  others  {ef.  Je.i3.1-13).     [e.r.b.] 

Agrag-',  a  king  of  Ainalek,  whom  Saul 
spared,  together  with  the  best  of  the  spoil, 
although  the  will  of  Jehovah  was  that  the 
Amalekites  should  be  extirpated  (Ex.1 7. 14  ; 
Deut.25.17  ;  1Sam.i5.1-3).  For  this  dis- 
obedience Samuel  declared  that  Jehovah  had 
rejected  Saul  from  being  king,  and  himself 
sent  for  Agag  and  slew  him  "  in  the  presence 
of  Jehovah"  (iSani.l5).  The  name  Agag 
seems  to  be  used  in  Num. 24. 7  as  the  general 
title  of  the  kings  of  Amalek,  like  Pharaoh  of 
Egypt.  [h.c.b.1 

Agag'ite.  Haman  is  so  called  in  Esth.S.i, 
10.8.3.5.  The  Jews  consider  Haman  a  dc- 
sccuiiatit  of  Agag  the  Amalekite,  and  hence 
account  for  his  hatred  against  their  race. 

Aera^pe  {'Ayairrj).  The  solemn  repast  taken 
in  common  by  the  Christians  of  the  apos- 
tolic age,  and  retained  in  use  uniler  varying 
conditions  for  many  centuries.  In  N.T.  the 
word  occurs  in  this  sense  only  in  Ju.12,  and 
in  a  doubtful  reading  of  2Pe.2.i3.     It  is  found, 


AGAR 

apparently  in  the  same  sense,  in  Ignatius 
{Smyrn.  viii.  2),  but  not  elsewhere  known  earlier 
than  the  last  years  of  2nd  cent.  It  then 
becomes  frequent,  having  been  adopted  by 
Latin  as  well  as  Gk. -speaking  Christians. 
"  Cena  nostra,"  says  TertuUian  (Apol.  39), 
"de  nomine  rationem  sui  ostendit  :  id  vocatur 
quod  dilectio  penes  Graecos."  Under  other 
terms  there  seems  to  be  a  reference  to  the 
practice  in  Ac.2.46,20.11,  1Cor.lO.21,  and 
more  definitely  in  iCor.ll.20,21,33,34.  Such 
solemn  repasts  were  common  to  all  ancient 
religions,  in  connexion  with  sacrifices,  with 
funeral  observances  (indications  of  which  are 
found  in  Je.16.7  and  Tob.4.17),  and  with  the 
meetings  of  confraternities.  The  name  agape 
seems  to  be  peculiarly  Christian,  but  there  is 
perhaps  a  parallel  in  the  Roman  Caristia 
(Ovid,  Fast.  ii.  617).  The  Christian  practice 
appears  to  be  referable  to  the  general  custom, 
but  acquired  a  special  significance  from  the 
association  of  the  agape  with  the  Euch.^rist 
(q.v.).  At  a  date  which  cannot  be  ascertained 
these  two  observances  were  separated,  and  the 
agape  had  thenceforward  a  development  of  its 
own.  Apart  from  the  sacrificial  banquets 
of  licitae  religiones,  Roman  legislation  from 
the  time  of  Augustus  or  earlier  discouraged 
any  such  gatherings,  except  as  held  by  burial- 
clubs,  and  the  agape  tended  to  assume  the 
character  thus  allowed  by  law,  becoming  even- 
tually a  feast  held  in  commemoration  of 
martyrs  or  provided  in  memory  of  departed 
friends.  Grave  abuses  sprang  up  in  this  con- 
nexion, especially  in  Africa  (Aug.  Ep.  22,  29  ; 
Conf.  vi.  2).  In  the  year  363  the  28th  Canon 
of  the  Council  of  Laodicea  forbade  the  cele- 
bration of  the  agape  in  churches  ;  but  this  pro- 
hibition did  not  obtain  in  the  W.,  for  in  397 
St.  Paulinus  of  Nola  {Ep.  13)  describes  an 
immense  gathering  of  the  kind  in  the  Vatican 
Basilica.  In  the  7th  cent,  the  Council  in  Trullo 
still  found  it  necessary  to  renew  the  prohibi- 
tion, and  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the 
agape  cannot  be  definitely  traced.  Keating, 
The  Agape  and  the  Eucharist  ;  Fustel  de  Cou- 
langes.  La  cite  antique  ;  Mommsen,  De  col- 
legiis  et  sodaliciis  Romanoriim  ;  Liebenam, 
Zur  Geschichte  und  Organisation  des  Romischen 
Vereinswesen  ;  Foucart,  Des  associations  re- 
ligieuses  chez  les  Grecs.  [t.a.l.] 

Agar.     [Hagar.] 

Ag-are'nes  (Ba.3.23).  [Hagarenes.] 
Agate,  mentioned  four  times  in  text  of  A.V. 
—viz.  in  Ex.28. 19,39.12,  Is. 54. 12,  and  Ezk.27. 
16.  In  Ex.28. 19, 39. 12  it  is  represented  by  the 
Heb.  sh''bh6  (probably  from  a  Sumerian  word 
read  shubu  and  in  Ass\TO-Babylonian  shubil), 
and  is  spoken  of  as  the  second  stone  in  the  third 
row  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate  ;  in  Is-S*. 
12  and  Ezk.27. 16  the  original  word  is  kadhkodh 
(R.V.  rubies),  by  which,  no  doubt,  is  intended 
a  different  stone.  [Rubies.]  In  Ezk.27. 16 
the  marg.  has  chrysoprase,  whereas  in  28.13 
chrysoprase  occurs  in  marg.  in  place  of  the 
emerald  of  the  text,  as  the  translation  of  a 
different  Heb.  word,  nophekh ;  the  translators 
evidently  being  perplexed  (and  this  may  some- 
times be  said  of  the  R.V.  also)  as  to  what 
minerals  were  intended  by  the  writers.  Pro- 
bably, however,  that  sh''bhd  means  some  variety 
of  agate,  for  all  interpreters  so  understand  it. 


AGRICULTURE 


17 


Our  Eng.  agate,  or  achat,  derives  its  name  from 
the  Achates,  in  Sicily,  on  the  banks  of  which, 
according  to  Theophrastus  and  Pliny,  it  was 
first  found ;  but  as  varieties  of  it  are  found  in 
most  countries,  it  was  doubtless  known  very 
early  to  the  Orientals.  A  grey  and  white  kind 
was  employed  in  ancient  Egypt,  and  a  dark 
coloured  and  white  by  the  early  Greeks.  Agate 
is  formed  of  minutely  crystallized  quartz,  in 
layers  and  other  arrangements,  differing  in  tint, 
which  in  some  cases  receive  separate  names 
[Chalcedony;  Jasper;  Onyx;  Sardine; 
Sardonyx],  and  varieties  of  it  are  still  used  for 
ornamental  purposes.  They  occur  in  veins  and 
cavities  of  more  than  one  kind  of  rock,   [t.g.b.] 

Ag-ee',  a  Hararite,  father  of  Shammah,  3 
(2Sam.23.11). 

Ag-ge'us  (iEsd.6.1,7.3  ;  2Esd.l.4o)  = 
Haggai. 

Agricultupe.  The  tilling  of  the  earth 
and  the  planting  of  the  vine  are  noticed  from 
the  first  inO.T.  (Gen.2.8,4.2,9.2o),  and  though 
the  Hebrew  patriarchs  led  a  pastoral  life, 
especially  in  the  Beer-sheba  plains,  yet 
Abraham  bought  a  field  with  trees  (Gen. 23. 17) 
as  private  property,  and  Isaac  sowed  corn 
at  Gerar  (26.12),  while  Jacob's  family  were 
engaged  in  agriculture  (37.7)  as  well  as  in 
feeding  flocks.  The  spies  sent  by  Moses  to 
Hebron  (Num. 13. 23, 24)  found  there  vines, 
pomegranates,  and  figs  cultivated  by  the 
Amorite  population,  and  Palestine  is  described 
as  a  land  of  brooks,  springs,  and  deep  pools, 
of  wheat,  barley,  vines,  figs,  pomegranates, 
and  olives  (Deut.8.7,8)  in  the  time  of  Moses, 
just  as  it  is  now.  This  description  is  fully 
borne  out  by  monumental  notices  of  even 
earlier  date.  The  first  information  as  to 
agriculture  is  found  in  the  laws  of  Hammurabi 
(about  2100  B.C.)  respecting  the  cultivation  of 
his  empire,  and  referring  to  the  tillage  of  fields, 
the  renting  of  orchards,  and  the  careful 
irrigation  of  the  plains.  The  spoil-lists  of 
Thothmes  III.,  a  century  before  the  Exodus, 
show  that  agriculture  flourished  among  the 
Canaanites  in  Palestine  (Brugsch.  Hist.  Egt. 
i.  pp.  327,  330,  332),  for  he  mentions  280,000 
measures  of  corn  reaped  near  Megiddo,  "be- 
sides what  was  destroyed,  in  gathering  it  in, 
by  the  soldiers  of  the  king."  In  the  S.  of 
Palestine  wine  was  found  stored  in  cellars  as 
well  as  in  skins,  and  at  each  "  resting-place  " 
— or  military  post — the  Egyptian  soldiers 
were  supplied  by  the  natives  with  bread,  oil, 
balsam,  wine,  honey,  wheat,  barley,  spelt, 
and  fruits.  In  the  Amarna  letters  a  century 
later  we  find  frequent  notice  of  corn  grown 
both  at  Gebal  in  the  N.  and  also  in  Philistia, 
where  the  'Abiri  exacted  tribute  of  corn  and 
oil  from  Ashkelon  (Berlin  103),  while  mul- 
berries appear  (Brit.  Mus.  26)  to  have  been 
cultivated  at  Beirut. — The  Seasons.  The 
Hebrew  year  (like  the  Babylonian)  consisted 
of  12  lunar  months  of  alternately  30  and  29 
days,  beginning  with  the  new  moon  about  the 
vernal  equinox.  As  this  lunar  year  of  354 
days  fell  behind  the  solar  year,  it  was  restored, 
to  fit  the  seasons,  by  intercalating  a  13th 
month  (Ve-adar)  at  the  end  of  the  calendar. 
Such  intercalation  was  as  old  as  2100  e.g.  in 
the  Babylonian  Empire.  The  year  (as  in 
Egypt  and  among  the  early  Aryans)  appears 

2 


18 


AGRICTJLTTJRE 


to  have  been  divided  into  three  seasons,  of ' 
four  months  each  in  a  normal  year,  these  being 
the  seasons  of  harvest,  vintage,  and  sowing. 
Barley  harvest  began  in  the  valleys  about 
"Passover  time,  or  early  in  April  (Jos. 3. 15), 
and  a  month  later  in  the  hills.  Wheat  harvest 
began  at  Pentecost,  in  May  (Ex. 34. 22),  and 
continued  in  the  mountains  till  June  or  the 
4th  month.  In  the  fruit  season  the  "  in- 
gathering" occurred  at  the  "  end"  of  the  civil 
year,  or  the  end  of  the  6th  month  (Ex. 34. 22), 
early  in  September;  and  the  Feast  of  Booths, 
in  the  middle  of  the  7th  month,  followed  the 
vintage.  Prayers  for  rain  began  on  the  3rd 
or  7th  of  the  8th  month  (in  October),  and 
a  fast  was  ordained  (Mishna,  Taanith  i.  4) 
if  it  had  not  fallen  by  the  middle  of  the  month. 
[Rain.]  In  the  third  season  the  fasting  for 
rain  became  more  severe  if  it  had  not  fallen 
in  November.  On  the  28th  of  the  nth 
month  (in  February)  the  "  wave  sheaf  "  of 
wheat  (Lev.23.io)  was  sown  70  days  before 
the   Passover.     The  earliest  sowings  of  any 


Fig.  I.— PLOUGH,   KTC.   AS  STILL  USHD   IN  THE  EAST. 

(From  Fellows'  ylsin  Minor.) 

{a)  Plough  ;  (/>,  l>)  yokes  ;  (< )  share  ;  d/l  handle  ;  {e,  f)  iron  shoes. 

crop  had  begun  already  in  the  middle  of  the 
7th  month  (or  in  September),  when  the 
ploughing  began  if  the  rains  were  early.  On 
the  8th  or  9th  of  the  last  month  (or  in  Feb- 
ruary) rejoicings  for  rain  were  celebrated, 
except  in  years  of  complete  drought.  This 
was  the  ordinary  routine  oi  the  year,  and  the 


AGRICULTURE 

seasons  for  ploughing,  sowing,  harvest,  and 
vintage,  for  the  rains  and  dry  months,  remain 
unchanged  to  the  present  day. — Agricultural 
Operations.  The  cultivation,  from  the  earliest 
time,  included  that  of  corn  in  open  fields,  of 
vegetables  and  fruit  in  enclosed  gardens,  and 
of  olives  in  groves — especially  in  the  lower 
hills — or  of  vines  on  the  terraced  mountains, 
where  the  September  mists  and  the  heat 
reflected  from  stone  walls  swelled  and 
ripened  the  grapes.  The  lands,  ploughed  in 
autumn  and  winter  and  harrowed  [Harrow], 
appear  to  have  been  manured  (2K.9.37; 
Je.9.22),  as  they  certainly  were  about  the 
Christian  era  (Mishna,  Shebiith  iii.  2),  as  well 
as  the  fruit  trees  (Lu.13.8).  The  ploughing 
was  not  deep  (Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  47),  and 
the  soil,  especially  in  Philistia,  Sharon, 
Esdraelon,  and  Bashan,  was  naturally  rich. 
It  was  not  irrigated,  like  that  of  Egypt  or  of 
Babylonia,  and  "  watering  with  the  foot  " — 
or  directing  the  stream  (as  is  still  done)  by 
damming  the  mud  bank  of  the  shallow  ditch 
with  the  naked  foot — was  confined  to  gardens 
(Deut.ll.io).  In  later  times  palm  groves 
were  irrigated  at  Naarath,  5  miles  N.  of 
Jericho  (17  Ant.  xiii.  i),  and  the  aqueduct 
with  its  irrigation  channels  still  remains  there 
(at  el  'Atijeh).  Irrigated  gardens  (Can. 4. 2), 
and  even  fields,  are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna 
{Moed  Katon  i.  3  ;  Pcah  v.  3).  The  crops 
included  wheat,  barley,  and  spelt  (A.V. 
rie),  the  latter  (kussemeth)  being  the  Arab. 
kirsineh.  These  are  still  grown,  but  not 
rye  nor  oats.  The  land  was  cleared  of  stones 
and  thorns  (Is.5.2  ;  Job  5-5;  Pr.24.30,31),  and 
even  of  forest  or  copse  (Jos. 17. 18),  which  now 
grows  often  over  remains  of  vineyards.  Thus 
firewood  was  often — -as  now — scarce,  con- 
sisting of  the  roots  of  bushes  ;  and  perhaps 
charcoal  from  the  wild  broom  was  used  in- 
stead (Ps. 120.4).  The  corn,  represented  on 
Egyptian  frescoes,  was  reaped  standing  ;  and 
Hebrew  barley  was  heavier  than  the  short- 
stalked   grain   now   reaped   crouching  on   the 


1  in-  2.— (The  n.islern  ploii^'hin.in  Ruides  (he  plouRh  with  our  hand  ;  t/.  I.u.9.';.) 


AGRICULTTJRE 


AGRICITLTURE 


19 


•^U] 


Fig.  3.— GOATS  TREADING    IN  THE  GRAIN',   V.'HEN  SOWN   IN  THE  FIELD,   AFTER  THE  WATER  HAS  SUBSIDED. 
(Wilkinson,  from  the  Tombs  near  the  Pyramids.) 


heels.  It  was  carried  in  a  Cart  (Am. 2.13), 
the  sheaves,  or  armfuls  (Ps.129.7),  being 
stacked  in  shocks  ("umey,  Arab,  ghumr).  The 
stubble   (and   often   the   standing   corn)   was 


The  threshing-floor  (Heb.  goren,  Arab,  jurn) 
was  a  fixed  site  (Gen.50.io;  2Sam.24.i8)  ; 
no  doubt,  as  now,  a  flat  rock-surface 
in  the  hills,  or  a  clay  floor  in  the  plains,  out- 
side the  village,  usually  to  the  W.  to  catch 
the  breeze.  The  corn  was  trampled  by  oxen 
(Ho.lO.ii),  as  in  the  Egyptian  picture,  or 
driven  over  with  a  sledge  (Heb.  moragh,  Syrian 
Arab,  murej),  on  the  under  side  of  which 
sharp  pieces  of  basalt  were  let  in  as  teeth 
(Is. 28. 28, 41. 15  ;  2Sam. 24.22),  this  being 
dragged  by  an  ox  or  horse,  driven  by  a  boy 

I  on  the  sledge,  with  a  goad,  or  reins  and  whip. 

'  The  ox  was  not  muzzled  (Deut.25.4).  The 
owner  slept  on  the  floor  to  guard  the  corn 
(Ru.3.4,7).  The  corn,  heaped  in  the  centre, 
was  winnowed  with  a  wooden  shovel  or  Fan 
(Ru.3.2  ;  Job  21.18  ;  rs.35.5  ;  I\It.3.i2),  and  the 
flour  sifted  (.^m.Q.g).  Lighter  crops — the 
nigella  (A.V.  Fitches)  and  cummin — were 
not  crushed  by  a  stone  roller,  nor  by  the 
moragh  (Is. 28. 27),  but  beaten  out  by  a  staff 
or  rod.  The  corn  was  stored  in  granaries  as 
in  Egypt  (Lu.l2.i8),  or  commonly  in  rock-cut 
pits  (Arab,  matmurah),  which  are  still  often 
large  enough  to  hold  more  than  one  man 
(2Sam.i7.19;  Je.41.g ;  JI.I.17).  The  olives 
were  beaten  down  with  rods,  as  they  still  are 
(Deut. 24.20;  Is.17.6),  and  crushed  in  a  Mill. 
Vineyards  and  vegetable  gardens  had  stone 


Fig.  4.— EASTERN  REAPER  (Mk.4.29).  W.D.A. 


liable  to  catch  fire  in  summer,  or  was  pur- 
posely burned  (Jl.2.5 ;  Na.l.io).  Land  lay 
fallow  at  least  in  the  seventh  year  (Je.4.3; 
Ho. 10. 12),  and  rotation  of  crops  was  contrary 
to   the   prohibition  of  mixtures   (Deut. 22.9). 


;  Fig.  5.— THRESHING-FLOOR.    The  oxen  driven  round  the 
heap  of  already-winnowed  corn.     (Wilkinson,  Thebes). 


Fig.  6.— OXEN  TREADING  OUT. CORN  (Deut.: 


walls  or  thom-hedges  [Hedge]  with  a  rock- 
cut  vat,  and  a  low  tower  or  platform  for  the 
guard  to  stand  on  (Is.l.8,5.5  ;  Mt.2i.33).  The 
grapes  were  gathered  in  baskets  (Je.6.9)  :  the 
best  vines  were  trained  low  over  terrace  walls 
(Mishna,  Menahoth  viii.  6 ;    Pliny,  Hist.  Nat. 


20 


AGRICTTLTUIIE 


xvii.  35)  ;  others  were  planted  in  quincunx 
order  (Kilaim  iv.  5),  or  trained  on  trellises 
(Mi.4'.4 ;  Ps.128.3).  Hired  labourers  were 
employed  in  the  vintage  (Mt.20.i),  and  the 
tenants    (as   in   Babylon)  paid   a   proportion 


Fig.  7. -WINNOWING  wriH  WOODF.N  SHOVELS. 
(Wilkinson,  r/;<A«.)    (Is.30.24  ;  CA  Mt.3.i2.) 

i  n  kind  to  the  owner  (aSam.Q.io;  Can. 8. 11 ; 
Mt.2i.34).  The  pious  provision  for  the  poor 
[Corner]  included  not  only  gleanings  (Ru.2. 
17),  and  the  right  to  cat  in  the  field  (Deut.23. 
24)  like  the  disciples  (Mt.l2.i),  but  forgotten 
sheaves  (Deut. 24. 19-21)  and  the  gleanings  of 
vines  and  oli\e  trees  (Lev. 19. g, 10).  A  second 
tithe  every  third  year  appears  to  have  been 
levied  for  the  poor  (Deut.l4.28,26.i2  ;  Am. 4.4  ; 
see  Num. 18. 24).  It  should  be  noted  that 
grafting  (Is. 17. 10;  Hzk.17.4),  though  known, 
was  also  condemned  as  a  "  mi.Kture." — 
Later  Cultivation.  The  cultivation  of  Pales- 
tine, as  described  in  many  passages  of  the 
Mishna  (especially  in  the  tracts  Kilaim, 
Shehiith.  and  'Auqerin),  though  written  of 
c.  150  A.D.,  or  rather  later,  ajijiears  to  represent 
that  which  existed  in  the  time  of  our  Lord, 
and  differs  little  from  that  of  Palestine  to-day. 
The  cereals  and  other  annual  crops  included 
wheat,  barley,  and  spelt  (tares  and  wild  corn 
being  noted),  with  millet,  sesame,  rice,  and 
perhaps  indigo,  fla.x,  and  hemp.  The  fruits 
mentioned,  besides  grapes,  olives,  and  figs, 
included  apples,  pears,  peaches,  pomegranates, 
quinces,  citrc^ns,  almonds,  mulljerries,  dates, 
melons,  walnuts,  pistachios,  and  liiackberries. 
Olive  oil  was  of  three  kinds  (Menahoth  viii. 
4)  from  fresh  fruit,  with  various  degrees  of 
pressure.  Olives  were  also  dried  and  salted. 
The  vegetables  noticed  include  gourds, 
pumpkins,  cucumbers,  beans,  chickjicas, 
onions,  leeks,  shalots,  carrots,  radishes,  rape, 
lentils,  beet,  cabbages,  and  (for  the  bitter 
herbs  of  Passover,  Nuni.9.ii)  lettuce,  en- 
dives, horse-radish,  and  liquorice.  To  these 
objects  of  cultivation  we  may  add  the  natural 
products  sometimes  producing  food.  Trees 
and  shrubs  noticed  in  the  Mishna  include 
the  oak,  terebinth,  carob  [Hi'sksJ,  cedar 
(oil  thence  being  used),  sycamore-fig  (see 
Am.7. 14),  wormwood,  willow,  myrtle,  riiamnus, 
balsam,  cypress,  and  hawthorn,  with  others 
that  are  doubtful.  Herbs  and  flowers  included 
roses,  |)oppies.  lilies  (the  latter  planted,  as 
now,  near  graves),  crocus,  rue,  cist  us,  madder. 


AHAB 

mallows  (whence  food  for  the  poor),  cresses, 
succory,  parsley,  mint,  hyssop  (used  as  medi- 
cine), wild  asparagus,  colocynth,  mustard, 
fennel,  coriander,  colewort,  milkwort,  and  nas- 
turtiums. [Barley,  Chaff,  Corn,  Corner, 
Field,  Hay,  Mattock,  Millet,  Rain, 
Sower,  Wheat,  'N'oke,  Palestine.]    [c.r.c] 

Ag-pippa.     [Herod.] 

Ag-ur,  son  of  Jakeh  (Pr.SO.i),  is  credited  by 
most  commentators  with  the  compilation  of 
Pr.30.1-31.9.  Nothing  is  known  of  him;  the 
substitution  in  R.V.  marg.  of  "  of  Massa,  cf. 
C;en.25.i4"  for  A.V.  "the  prophecy,"  R.V. 
"  the  oracle,"  being  entirely  conjectural.  He 
may  have  been  one  of  "  the  men  of  Hezekiah," 
an  Ishmaelite  who  had  raised  himself  above 
the  religion  of  Abraham  and  recognized  the 
religion  of  Israel  as  its  comiiletion  (Uelitzsch), 
or  one  of  the  wise  "  children  of  the  East  " 
contemporary  with  Solomon  (iK.4.30)  (Per- 
owne).  The  paraphrases  of  the  name  in  LXX. 
and  Vulg.  suggest  corruption  from  a  word 
similar  to  Qoheleth  (=  Ecclesiastes)  as  indicat- 
ing "  a  collector  "  (of  proverbs).  [Proverbs.] 
Delitzsch  on  Prnv.  (T.  &  T.  Clark),  and  Perowne 
in  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools.  [c.r.d.b.] 

Ahab'  (lit.  father's  brother,  probably  mean- 
ing one  who  closely  resembles  his  father). — 1. 
Son  of  Omri,  seventh  king  of  the  separate  king- 
dom of  Israel,  and  second  of  his  dynasty.  He 
made  an  ill-starred  marriage  with  Jezebel, 
daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king  of  Tyre,  who  had 
been  priest  of  Astarte ;  a  union  intended  doubt  - 
less  to  strengthen  the  alliance  begun  by  Solo- 
mon with  Phoenicia  to  the  commercial  benefit 
of  both  kingdoms  (cf.  .A.c.12.20).  [Jezebel.] 
.Ahab's  reign  was  distinguished  by  the  ministry 
of  the  great  prophet  Elijah,  under  protest  from 
whom,  and  in  obedience  to  Jezebel's  wishes, 
Ahab  caused  a  temple  to  be  built  to  Baal  in  Sa- 
maria, while  Jezebel  hunted  down  and  put  to 
death  (iod's  prophets,  some  of  whom  were  con- 
cealed in  caves  by  Obadiah,  the  governor  of 
Ahab's  house.  The  Phoenician  rites  were  car- 
ried on  upon  such  a  scale,  that  we  read  of  450 
prophets  of  Baal,  and  400  of  Asherah.  (See 
I K. 18. 10,  where  R.V.  rightly  substitutes  the 
proper  name  .Asukrah  for  "the  groves,"  as 
again  in  2K. 21. 7, 23. 6.)  How  the  worship  of 
God  was  restored,  and  the  idolatrous  priests 
slain,  in  consequence  of  "  a  sore  famine  in  Sa- 
maria," is  related  under  Elijah.  .Ahab  had  a 
taste  forsjilendid  architecture,  which  he  showed 
by  building  an  ivory  house  and  several  cities. 
He  adorned  Jezreel  (now  Zer'in ),  by  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  with  a  jialace  and  park  for  his  own 
residence,  though  Samaria  remained  the  capital 
of  his  kingdom  ;  Jezreel  standing  in  the  same  re- 
lation to  it  as  the  Versailles  of  the  old  French 
monarchy  to  Paris  (Stanley,  .S".  and  /'.  244). 
When  his  neighbour  Nalx  it  h  refused  to  part  with 
ills  vineyard  (iK.2i.3;  cf.  Lev. 25. 23),  which 
.Ahab  coveted,  a  false  accusation  of  blasphemy 
was  brought  against  him,  and  he  and  his  sons 
were  stoned  to  death  (2K.9.2()).  Elijah  de- 
clared, as  penalty,  the  entire  extir|)ation  of 
Ahab's  house.  The  king's  repentance,  how- 
ever, brought  iiostponement  of  the  sentence's 
execution.  Ahab  undertook  three  campaigns 
against  Benhadad  II.,  king  of  Damascus — two 
defensive  and  one  offensive.  In  the  first,  Ben- 
hadad laid  siege  to  Samaria  ;    and  .Ahab,  en- 


AHARAH 

couraged  by  a  prophet,  made  a  sudden  attack 
on  him,  whilst  in  arrogant  confidence  he  was 
banqueting  in  his  tent  with  his  thirty-two  vas- 
sal kings.     The  Syrians  were  totally  routed, 
andfledto  Damascus  { I K. 20.1 5ff.)-    Next  year 
Benhadad,  believing  that  his  failure  was  owing 
to  some  peculiar  power  which  the  God  of  Israel 
exercised  over  the  hills,  invaded  Israel  by  way 
of  Aphek,  on  the  E.  of  J  ordan.     Ahab's  victory 
was  complete,  and  Benhadad  himself  fell  into 
his  hands  ;    but  was  released  (contrary  to  the 
will  of  God  announced  by  a  prophet)  on  con- 
dition of  restoring  all  the  cities  of  Israel  which 
he   held,  and  making  "  streets  "  for  Ahab  in 
Damascus  ;   that  is,  admitting  into  his  capital 
permanent  Heb.  officers,  in  an  ambassadorial 
position,   with  special  dwellings  for  themselves 
and    their    retinues — Benhadad's  predecessor 
having  exacted  from  Omri  a  similar  privilege 
in    respect    to    Samaria.     (For    another   sug- 
gestion, see  Street.)     It  appears  from  Assyr. 
records    (Schrader,    Cuneif.    Inscr.    and  O.T. 
2nd  ed.  i.   183  ff.),    that   Ahab's  readiness  to 
make  peace  with  Syria  arose  from  the  reviving 
energies  (after  a  century  of  comparative  inac- 
tion) of  their  common  foe,  Assyria,  under  Shal- 
maneser  II.,  c.  857  b.c.     On  the  monolithic  in- 
scription of  Shalmaneser  there  is  a  list  of  the 
allied  kings  of  Syria  whose  forces  were  defeated 
by  him  at  Qarqar  (near  the  Orontes)  in  854  b.c. 
Among  their  names  occur  Ahabbu  Sir-'laa  (or 
Siri-'laa),  considered  to  be  Ahab  of  Israel,  and 
Adad-'idri   (identified  with   Benhadad).     An- 
other opinion,  however,  which  has  important 
expert  support,  is  that  the  above  names  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Ahab  and  Benhadad  of 
the  Biblical  narrative,  on  the  grounds  that  (i) 
Sir-'laa  cannot  mean  Israel,  and  should  in  fact 
be  read  RiBL.\H;(ii)  Adad-'idri  is  not  Benhadad, 
but  Hadadezer  ;    (iii)  it  is  unlikely  that  Ahab 
would  join  forces  with  his  constant  enemy  Ben- 
hadad ;    (iv)  it  appears  to  be  chronologically 
impossible  to  bring  any  part  of  Ahab's  reign  at 
all  as  late  as  c.  853  b.c.     We  last  read  of  him 
when,  in  conjunction  with  Jehoshaphat,  king  of 
Judah,  he  attacked  RamothinGilead,  on  theE. 
of  Jordan,  claiming  that  town  for  Israel.     Mi- 
chaiah's  warning  led  only  to  his  imprisonment. 
Ahab,  though  disguised,  was  slain  by  one  who 
"  drew  a  bow  at  a  venture,"  and,  though  stayed 
up  in  his  chariot  for  a  time,  he  died  towards 
evening,  and  his  army  dispersed.     When  he  was 
brought  to  be  buried  in  Samaria,  the  dogs  licked 
up  his  blood  as  a  servant  was  washing  his  cha- 
riot ;  a  partial  fulfilment  of  Elijah's  prediction 
(1K.2I.19),  more  literally  accomplished  in  the 
case  of  his  son. — 2.  A  prophet  who  deceived  the 
captive  Israelites  in  Babylon,  and  was  burnt  to 
death  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (Je. 29. 21).  [a.w.s.] 

Ahapah',  third  son  of  I3enjamin(iChr.8.i). 
[Ahiram.] 

Ahaphel',  a  name  in  an  obscure  fragment 
of  the  genealogies  of  Judah.  "The  families 
of  Aharhel  "  apparently  traced  their  descent 
through  Coz  to  Ashur,  the  posthumous  son  of 
Hezron.  The  Targum  of  R.  Joseph  on 
Chronicles  identifies  him  with  "  Hur  the  first- 
born of  Miriam  "  (iChr.4.8). 

Ahasa'i  (Ne.ll.13  =  Jahzerah,  iChr.9.12), 
a  priest,  ancestor  of  Amashai. 

Ahasba'i,  father  of  Eliphelet,  one  of 
David's  37  captains  (2Sam.23.34).     In  the  list 


AHAZ 


21 


in  iChr.11.35,  Eliphelet  appears  as  "  Eliphal 
the  son  of  Ur." 

Ahasue'pus.  Modern  investigation  seems 
to  have  established  that  the  bearer  of  this 
name  in  Ezr.4.6  and  Dan.9.1  is  to  be  iden- 
tified with  the  Ahasuerus  of  the  book  of 
Esther — viz.  Xerxes,  son  of  Darius  Hystaspis, 
and  king  of  Persia,  485-465  e.g.  Thus  Ezr. 
4.6ff.  is  not,  as  has  been  supposed,  a  narrative 
of  the  opposition  of  the  Samaritans  during  the 
two  reigns  intervening  between  Cyrus  and 
Darius  Hystaspis — viz.  those  of  Cambyses  and 
Pseudo-Smerdis,  which  two  kings  have  been 
identified  on  insufficient  grounds  with  the 
"  Ahasuerus  "  and  "  Artaxerxes  "  of  that 
passage — but  it  is,  on  the  contrary,  a  continua- 
tion of  the  historical  treatment  of  the  subject 
in  the  days  of  the  two  immediate  successors 
of  Hystaspes,  Xerxes  and  Artaxerxes  I. 
(Longimanus).  After  this  digression  the 
chronological  order  is  resumed  in  4.24  ("  So  it 
ceased,"  etc.).  In  Dan.9.i  the  obscurity  which 
hangs  over  the  name  of  "  Darius  the  Mede  "  at 
any  rate  leaves  it  pretty  certain  that  the  writer 
had  in  view  no  Ahasuerus  other  than  Xerxes. 
The  Heb.  'ahashverosh  represents  the  Persian 
Khshaydrshd  (mighty  eye,  or  mighty  man).    The 


CARTOUCHE  OF  KHSHAIARSHA  (XERXES  I.). 

LXX.,  followed  by  Josephus,  erroneously 
identify  him  with  Longimanus  just  mentioned 
(465-424  B.C.),  instead  of  Xerxes,  conspicuous 
in  history  for  the  overthrow  of  his  gigantic 
armaments  at  Salamis  (480  b.c)  and  Plataea 
(479  B.C.).  This  identification  is  clear  for  the 
following  reasons :  ( i )  the  capricious  and 
sensual  character  of  Ahasuerus  corresponds 
with  the  notices  of  Xerxes  in  Herodotus  ; 
(2)  the  extent  of  Xerxes'  empire  agrees  with 
the  description  in  Esth.l.i  ;  (3)  the  assembly 
at  Susa  in  the  3rd  year  of  Ahasuerus'  reign 
(I.3)  answers  to  Herodotus'  statement  that 
Xerxes,  after  subduing  Egypt,  convened  a  large 
gathering  of  satraps  at  Susa  to  arrange  for 
the  attack  upon  Greece  about  2  years  later. 
[Palace.]  For  Ahasuerus'  part  in  the  story 
of  Esther,  see  Esther  ;  Haman.         Fa.w.s.] 

Ahava',  a  place  (Ezr.8.15),  or  a  river  (8.21, 
31)  on  the  banks  of  which  Ezra  collected  the 
second  band  which  returned  with  him  from 
Babylon  to  Jerusalem.  It  has  been  identified 
with  the  modern  Hit,  on  the  Euphrates,  due  E. 
of  Damascus.  Fried.  Delitzsch  regards  it  as  one 
of  the  numerous  canals  of  ancient  Babylonia. 

Ahaz'. — 1.  Son  and  successor  of  JothaiB, 
king  of  Judah.  Soon  after  his  accession, 
Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  and  Pekah,  king  of 
Israel,  who  had  recently  become  allies,  in- 
vaded Judah,  one  of  their  objects  being  to 
depose  Ahaz  and  to  give  the  crown  to  the  son 
of  Tabeel,  a  nominee  of  their  own  (Is. 7. 6).  The 
Syrians  marched  through  Edom  and  inflicted 
a  severe  injury  upon  Judah  by  the  capture 
of  Elath  (2K.I6.6),  and,  according  to  the 
Chronicler,  the  Israelites  under  Pekah  de- 
feated the  army  of  Ahaz  (2Chr.28.6).  At  this 
juncture  Ahaz  sought  the  advice  of  Isaiah,  who 
bade  him  have  no  fear  of  "  these  two  tails  of 


22  AHAZIAH 

smoking  firebrands,"  and  invited  him  to  ask 
for  a  sign  from  Jehovah.  Ahaz  replied,  "  I 
will  not  ask,  neither  will  I  tempt  the  Lord," 
whereupon  the  prophet  gave  him  the  sign  of 
Immanuel  (Is.7.io-i6).  It  would  seem,  how- 
ever, that  Ahaz  had  already  appealed  for  help 
to  Tiglath-pileser,  king  of  Assyria  (2K.I6.7), 
who  eventually  freed  him  from  his  enemies 
by  invading  Syria,  taking  Damascus,  killing 
Rezin,  and  depriving  Israel  of  its  northern  and 
trans-Jordanic  districts.  But  Ahaz,  as  the 
price  of  this  help,  became  tributary  to  Tiglath- 
pileser,  sent  him  all  the  treasures  of  the  temple 
and  his  own  palace,  and  even  appeared  before 
him  in  Damascus  as  a  vassal.  He  also  ven- 
tured to  seek  for  safety  in  heathen  ceremonies  ; 
making  his  son  pass  through  the  fire  to  Moloch, 
consulting  wizards  and  necromancers  (Is. 8. 19), 
sacrificing  to  the  Syrian  gods,  introducing  a 
foreign  altar  from  Damascus,  and  probably  the 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  from  Assyria 
and  Babylon,  as  he  would  seem  to  have  set  up 
the  horses  of  the  sun  mentioned  in  2  K. 23. 11  ; 
and  "  the  altars  on  the  top  \ny,  roof]  of  the 
upper  chamber  of  Ahaz  "  (23.12)  were  con- 
nected vs'ith  the  adoration  of  the  stars.  We  see 
another  and  blameless  result  of  this  intercourse 
with  an  astronomical  people  in  the  "  sundial  of 
Ahaz"  (Is.38.8).  [Idol.\trv.] — 2.  A  son  of 
Micah  the  grandson  of  J  onathan  through  Merib- 
baal  or  Mephibosheth  (iChr.8.35,36,9.42). 

Ahaziah. — 1.  Son  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel, 
and  eighth  king  of  Israel.  After  the  battle  of 
Ramoth  in  Gilead  [Ahab],  the  Syrians  had  the 
command  of  the  country  E.  of  Jordan,  and  cut 
off  all  communication  between  the  Israelites 
and  JMoabites,  so  that  the  vassal  king  of  Moab 
refused  his  yearly  tribute  (2K. 1.1,3.4, 3).  Be- 
fore he  could  take  measures  for  punishing  this 
revolt,  Ahaziah  fell  through  a  lattice  in  his 
palace  at  Samaria.  In  his  health  he  had  wor- 
shipped Baal  (iK. 22. 51-53),  andnow  besought 
counsel  of  Baalzebub  in  Kkron  ;  for  tliis  act  of 
impiety  lilijah  denounced  liim  three  times,  and 
predicted  his  death  (2K.I.2-17).  His  endea- 
vour to  join  the  king  of  Judah  in  the  Red  Sea 
traffic  witli  Opliir  is  related  under  Jkuosua- 
PHAT. — 2.  Fiftli  king  of  J  udah,  son  of  Jehoram 
and  Atlialiah  daughter  of  Ahab,  and  therefore 
nephew  of  Ahaziah.  i.  He  is  called  Azariah 
(2Chr.22.6),  ])robably  by  a  copyist's  error,  and 
jehoahaz  (21.17;  25.23).  He  allied  himself  with 
his  uncle  Jorani,  brother  and  successor  of  Aha- 
ziah, I,  against  Hazael,  the  new  king  of  Syria. 
The  two  kings  were,  however,  defeated  at  Ra- 
moth, where  Joram  was  so  severely  wounded 
that  he  retired  to  Jezreel  to  recover.  The  re- 
volution under  Jehu  broke  out  while  Ahaziah 
was  visiting  his  uncle  at  Jezreel.  Jehoram 
and  Ahaziah  went  out  to  meet  Jehu,  who  shot 
the  former  tlirougli  the  heart,  and  pursued 
Ahaziah  as  far  as  the  pass  of  (iur,  near  the  city 
of  Ibleam.  Tliere  .\haziah  was  mortally 
Wounded,  and  died  when  lie  readied  Megiddo 
(2 K. 8.25-9. 28).  In  2Chr.22.9  an  apparently 
different  account  is  given  of  liis  death.  He 
was  22  years  old  at  his  accession  (42  ace.  to  22. 
2,  an  obious  mistake  ;  cf.  21. 5, 20,  where  the 
age  of  his  father,  whom  he  succeeded,  is  given 
as  40)  and  he  reigned  i  vear.  fn.r.H.] 

Ahban,  son  of  .AMsliur,  In- liis  wife  .Aljihail 
(iChr.2.2y).     He  was  of  tlie  tribe  of  Judah. 


AHILTJD 

Ahep'  (lit.  another),  mentioned  in  iChr.7. 
12  as  father  of  Hushim,  or  the  Hushim.  He 
was  a  Benjamite,  and  probably  to  be  identified 
with  Ahiram  of  the  same  tribe  (Num. 26. 38). 
As  the  genealogy  of  Dan  is  omitted  here,  and 
some  think  Hushim  was  a  Danite,  it  has  been 
suggested  that  we  should  read  literally  "  son 
of  another,"  a  reluctance  to  mention  the  name 
of  Dan  being  discernible  elsewhere,     [b.f.s.] 

Ahi'. — 1.  A  Gadite,  chief  of  a  family  who 
lived  in  Gilead  in  Bashan  (iChr.5.15),  in  the 
days  of  Jotham,  king  of  Judah.  By  the  LXX. 
and  Vulg.  it  was  not  considered  a  proper  name. 
— 2.  A  descendant  of  Shamer,  of  the  tribe  of 
Asher  (iChr.7.34).  The  name,  according  to 
Gesenius,  may  be  a  contraction  of  Ahijah. 

Ahiah'  or  Ahijah'  ( =  devotee  of  Je- 
hovah).— 1.  Son  of  Ahitub,  brother  of  Icha- 
bod,  grandson  of  Phinehas,  and  great-grandson 
of  Eli,  also  called  Ahimelech,  "  since  -melekh 
(king)  may  also  be  applied  to  God."  It  is 
remarkable  that  the  name  in  cuneiform  could 
be  read  either  Ahiah  or  Ahimelech,  and  it  has 
been  suggested  (Conder,  First  Bible,  p.  133) 
that  the  \ariation  arises  from  this  fact.  He  is 
described  as  the  Lord's  priest  in  Shiloh,  wear- 
ing an  ephod  (iSam.14.3,18),  and  consulting 
with  it  (see  Smith's  D.B.,  4  vols.  1893) 
for  Saul  by  means  of  Urim  and  Thummim 
(1Sam.i4.41,  LXX.  and  Vulg.).  [.-Vhimelech, 
I.] — 2.  One  of  Solomon's  princes  (iK.4.3). — 
3.  A  prophet  of  Shiloh  (11.29,14.2),  of  whom 
we  have  two  remarkable  prophecies  extant  : 
one  (II. 3 1 -39)  addressed  to  Jeroboam,  an- 
nouncing the  rending  of  the  ten  tribes  from 
Solomon,  and  the  transfer  of  the  kingdom  to 
Jeroboam  ;  the  other  (14. 6-16)  delivered  in  the 
prophet's  extreme  old  age  to  Jeroboam's  wife, 
foretelling  the  death  of  the  ailing  Abijah,  the 
king's  son,  and  the  destruction  of  Jeroboam's 
house  on  account  of  the  images  which  he  had 
set  up.  Jeroboam's  words  concerning  Ahijah 
(14.2,3)  shows  how  highly  he  estimated  his  pro- 
phetic powers  {cf.  2Chr.9.29). — 4.  Father  of 
Baasha,  king  of  Israel  (iK. 15. 27, 33). — 5.  Son 
of  Jerahineel  (iChr.2.25). — 6.  Son  of  Bela 
(8.7). — 7-  One  of  David's  mighty  men  (11. 
36). — 8.  A  Levite  in  David's  reign  (26. 20). 
— 9.  One  of  '■  the  heads  of  the  people  "  who 
joined  in  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Ne. 
10.26).  [c.R.D.n.] 

Ahiam',  son  of  Sharar  (Sacar,  1Chr.ll.35) 
the  Hararite,  one  of  David's  thirty  mighty 
men  (2Sam.23.33). 

Ahian',  a  ISlanassite,  son  of  Shemidah 
(iChr.7.19)- 

Ahie  zer. — 1.  Son  of  Ammishaddai,  a 
cliicf  of  tlic  tribe  of  Dan  (Num. 1.12.2.25,7. 66. 
71,10.25). — 2.  The  Benjamite  chief  of  David's 
aml)id<;.\trou3  arcluTs  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.3). 

Ahihud'. — 1.  Son  of  Sheiomi,  and  prince 
of  tlie  tribe  of  Asher  (Num. 34. 27)- — 2.  A  chief 
of  the  tril)e  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.7). 

Ahijah.     [AiiiAii.] 

Ahikam',  son  of  Shaphan  the  scribe,  an 
offi(  ir  at  the  court  of  Josiali,  and  of  Jehoiakiin  : 
and  one  of  the  delegates  sent  by  Hilkiah  to 
consult  Huldah  (2K. 22. 12-14).  In  Jehoiakim's 
reign  he  successfully  used  his  influence  to 
lirotect  tlie  prophet  Jeremiali  (le.26.24),  as 
did  hi'^  son  Gedaliaii  aitcrwards  (39.14,40.5). 

Ahilud'. — 1.  Father  of  Jehoshaphat,   the 


AHIMAAZ 

recorder  or  chronicler  of  the  kingdom  in  the 
reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  (2Sam.8.i6,20. 
24;  iK.4.3  ;  1Chr.l8.15).— 2.  The  father  of 
Baana,  one  of  Solomon's  twelve  officers  (iK. 
4.12).  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  is  the  same 
with  the  foregoing. 

Ahimaaz'. — 1.  Father  of  Ahinoam,  wife  of 
Saul  (1Sam.i4.50). — 2.  Son  of  Zadok,  the  high- 
priest,  who  with  Jonathan  the  son  of  Abiathar 
brought  David  news  from  the  camp  of  Absa- 
lom (2Sam.l5.27,28,35, 36,17.17-21).  Afterthe 
battle  between  the  king's  forces  under  Joab 
and  those  of  Absalom,  he  was  the  first  courier 
to  tell  David  of  the  victory,  outrunning  the 
Cushite  who  had  been  dispatched  some  time 
before  him  (18. 19-33).  There  is  no  evidence, 
beyond  the  assertion  of  Josephus,  that  he  was 
ever  high-priest,  since  from  iK.4.2  compared 
with  iChr.6.8,9  it  would  seem  that  Azariah  his 
son  succeeded  Zadok. — 3-  Solomon's  officer 
in  Naphtali,  who  married  Basmath  the  king's 
daughter  (1K.4.15).  [h.c.b.] 

Ahiman'. — 1.  One  of  three  giant  Anakim 
inhabiting  mount  Hebron  (Num. 13. 22, 33),  seen 
by  Caleb  and  the  spies.  The  whole  race  were 
cut  off  by  Joshua  (Jos. 11. 21),  and  the  three 
brothers  were  slain  by  the  tribe  of  J  udah  (J  udg. 
l.io). — 2.  One  of  the  porters  (gatekeepers)  in 
charge  of  the  king's  gate  for  the  "  camp  "  of 
the  sons  of  Levi  (iChr.9.17). 

Ahime'lech. — 1.  Son  of  Ahitub  (iSam. 
22.11,12),  and  high-priest  at  Nob  in  the  days 
of  Saul.  He  gave  David  the  shew-bread  to 
eat,  and  the  sword  of  Goliath  ;  for  which 
he  and  his  whole  house  were,  upon  the  ac- 
cusation of  Doeg  the  Edomite,  put  to  death 
by  Saul's  order.  Eighty-five  priests  wearing 
an  ephod  were  thus  slaughtered  ;  Abiathar 
alone  escaped  (21,22).  He  is  indentical  with 
Ahiah,  I.  For  the  confusion  between  Ahime- 
lech  and  Abiathar  in  iSam.8.17  and  in  iChr., 
see  Abiathar. — 2.  A  Hittite,  one  of  David's 
companions  while  he  was  persecuted  by  Saul ; 
called  in  LXX.  Abimelech,  which  is  perhaps 
the  right  reading,  after  the  analogy  of  Abime- 
lech, king  of  Gerar  (iSam.26.6). 

Ahimoth',  a  Levite,  son  of  Elkanah  (iChr. 
6.25  ;  named  Mahath  in  ver.  35).  [c.r.d.b.] 

Ahinadab',  son  of  Iddo  (1K.4.14),  placed 
in  Gad  by  Solomon  as  his  officer. 

Ahinoam'. — 1.  The  daughter  of  Ahimaaz 
and  wife  of  Saul  (1Sam.i4.50). — 2.  A  Jez- 
REELITESS  who  was  married  to  David  during 
his  wandering  life  (25.43).  She  lived  with 
him  and  his  other  wife  Abigail  at  the  court  of 
Achish  (27.3),  was  taken  prisoner  with  her  by 
the  Amalekites  when  they  plundered  Ziklag 
(30.5),  but  was  rescued  by  David  (18).  She 
is  again  mentioned  as  with  him  when  he  was 
king  of  J  udah  in  Hebron  (2Sam.2.2)  ;  and  was 
the  mother  of  his  eldest  son  Amnon  (3.2). 

Ahio'. — 1.  Son  of  Abinadab,  who  accom- 
panied the  ark  from  his  father's  house  at 
Gibeah  (2Sam.6.3,4  ;  iChr.13.7;. — 2.  A  Ben- 
jamite  (iChr.8.14). — 3.  A  Benjamite,  son  of 
Jehiel,  the  "  father  "  or  founder  of  Gibeon 
(iChr.8.3i,9.37)- 

Ahira',  chief  of  Naphtali  at  the  census  the 
year  after  the  Exodus  (Num.1. 15, 2.29, 7. 78, 83, 
10.27). 

Ahipam',  son  of  Benjamin  (Num.26. 38) 
and  ancestor  of  the  Ahipamites,  called  Ehi 


AHLAI 


23 


inGen.46.2i  ;  perhaps  the  same  as  Aher  or 
Aharah.  Aharah  is  described  as  the  "  third  " 
son  of  Benjamin  in  iChr.8.1,  and  Ahiram  is 
mentioned  third  in  Num.  I.e.,  while  in  Gen. 46. 
21  Ehi  is  described  as  the  sixth  son,  but  the 
order  in  the  Usts  is  evidently  not  always  pre- 
cise, [h.c.b.] 

Ahisamach',  a  Danite,  father  of  Aholiab 
(Ex. 31. 6,35. 34,38.23). 

Ahishahap',  a  son  of  Bilhan  and  great- 
grandson  of  Benjamin  (iChr.7.io). 

Ahishap',    the    controller    of    Solomon's 
household  (iK.4.6). 

Ahitho'phel  (brother  of  foolishness),  a 
native  of  Giloh,  in  the  hill-country  of  J  udah- 
(Jos. 15. 51),  and  privy  councillor  of  David. 
His  wisdom  was  so  esteemed  that  his  advice 
was  accounted  as  if  a  divine  oracle,  despite  the 
signification  of  his  name  (2Sam.l6.23).  A 
comparison  of  2Sam.ll. 3  with  23.34  suggests 
that  he  was  the  grandfather  of  Bathsheba; 
which  might  account  for  his  position  of  in- 
fluence, and  would  show  once  more  how  David's 
punishment  followed  from  his  sin.  Absalom 
immediately  he  had  revolted  sent  for  Ahitho- 
phel,  and  when  David  heard  that  the  latter 
had  joined  the  conspiracy,  he  prayed  Jehovah 
to  turn  his  counsel  to  foolishness  (15.12,31), 
alluding  possibly  to  the  meaning  of  his 
name.  David's  grief  at  the  treachery  of  his 
confidential  friend  is  thought  to  be  alluded  to 
in  the  Messianic  prophecies  (Ps. 41. 9, 55. 12-14). 
To  show  to  the  people  that  the  breach  be- 
tween Absalom  and  his  father  was  irreparable, 
Ahithophel  persuaded  the  former  to  take 
possession  of  the  royal  harim  (2Sam.l6.21). 
David,  to  counteract  his  counsel,  sent  Hushai 
to  Absalom.  Ahithophel  had  recommended 
an  immediate  pursuit  of  David  ;  but  Hushai 
advised  delay,  intending  to  send  intelligence 
to  David  and  give  him  time  to  collect  his 
forces.  When  Ahithophel  saw  that  Hushai's 
advice  prevailed,  he  despaired  of  success,  and 
returning  home  "  put  his  household  in  order 
and  hanged  himself  "  (17. 1-2  3). 

Ahitub'. — 1.  Son  of  Phinehas  and  grandson 
of  Eli,  the  father  of  Ahimelech,  or  Ahijah  (i 
Sam.14.3, 22.9,11).  There  is  no  record  of  his 
high-priesthood. — 2.  Son  of  Amariah,  and 
father  (2Sam.8.i7;  iChr.6.7,8)  or  grand- 
father (iChr.9.ii  ;  Ne.ll.ii)  of  Zadok  the 
high-priest.  Driver,  Kittel,  and  others  con- 
sider that  the  true  reading  of  2Sam.8. 17  should 
be  "  And  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  son  of 
Ahimelech,  the  son  of  Ahitub." — 3.  The  ge- 
nealogy of  the  high-priests  in  iChr.6.11,12  in- 
troduces another  Ahitub,  son  of  another  Ama- 
riah, and  father  of  another  Zadok,  probably  a 
repetition  by  a  clerical  error.  [h.c.b.] 

Ahlab',  a  city  of  Asher  from  which  the 
Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  (Judg.l.31). 
It  is  named  with  the  shore  cities  Accho,  Zidon, 
and  Achzib.     The  site  is  unknown,     [c.r.c] 

Ahla'i,  daughter  of  Sheshan,  whom  he 
gave  in  marriage  to  his  Egyptian  slave  Jarha 
(iChr.2.31, 34,35),  and  from  whom  was  de- 
scended Zabad,  one  of  David's  mighty  men 
(1Chr.ll.41;  of.  2.35-37).  In  ver.  31  A.V. 
reads  children,  R.V.  sons,  of  Sheshan ;  but  the 
obvious  meaning  is  "  descendants,"  as  the 
plural   is   then  explained  by  the   genealogy 


24  AHOAH 

which  follows,  and  ver.  34  clearly  states  that 
"  Sheshan  had  no  sons  but  daughters." 

Ahoah',  son  of  Bela  son  of  Benjamin  (iChr. 
8.4).  In  ver.  7  he  is  called  Auiaii  (cf.  Hiram 
and  Huram).  The  LXX.  has  Achia  in  both 
verses.  The  patronymic,  Ahohite,  is  found 
in  2Sam.23.9.28  ;   iChr.ll. 12, 29,27.4. 

Aholah'  {tent,  feni. ;  Oliolah,  R.V.),  sister  of 
AnoLiBAH,  a  harlot,  used  by  Ezekiel  as  the 
symbol  of  Samaria  (lizk.23. 4,5736, 44)- 
'  Aholiab'  (Oholiab,  K.V'.),  a  Danite  of  great 
skill  as  a  weaver  and  embroiderer,  whom  Moses 
appointed  with  Bezaleel  to  erect  the  taber- 
nacle (Ex. 35. 30-35). 

Aholibah'  (my  tent  in  her  ;  Ohnlibah  R.V.), 
a  harlot,  used  by  Ezekiel  as  the  symbol  of 
Judah  (Ezk. 23. 4, II, 22, 36, 44). 

Aholibamah',  daughter  of  Anah,  a 
descendant  of  Seir  the  Horite,  perhaps  a  mis- 
take for  Hivite,  and  one  of  the  three  wives  of 
Esau  (Gen. 36. 2, 25).  In  the  earlier  narrative 
(26.34)  Aholibamah  is  called  Judith,  daughter 
of  Beeri,  the  Hittite.  On  the  obscure  subject 
of  Esau's  wives,  consult  The  Speaker's  Comm., 
note  A  on  Gen. 36  ;  and  the  comm.  of  Dillmann 
and  Holzinger. 

Ahuma'i,  son  of  Jahath,  a  descendant  of 
Judah,  and  head  of  a  family  of  the  Zorathites 
(iChr.4.2). 

Ahuzam',  properly  Ahuzzam,  son  of  Ashur 
the  "  father  "  or  founder  of  Tekoa  (iChr.4.6). 

Ahuzzath',  the  friend  of  the  Philistine 
king  Abimeloch  who  accompanied  him  to  his 
interview  with  Isaac  (Gen. 26.26). 

Ai  (Heb.  hat),  Aiath  (Is.lO.28),  or  Aija 
(Ne.ll.31,  and  in  MSS.  of  iChr.7.28,  where 
"Gaza"  is  improbable),  a  rnval  city  (Jos. 
12.9)  E.  of  and  near  Bethel  ((;en.l2.8, 
"  Hai  "  ;  Jos.7.2-5).  It  had  a  ravine  {ge)  to 
N.  and  low  ground  to  W.,  and  was  near  a 
deep  valley  ('cmeq)  and  a  desert  (midhbdr).  It 
was  made  a  "  heap  "  (tell)  by  Joshua,  and 
near  its  gate  a  great  "  heap "  remained 
long  after  (Jos.8.1-29).  This  account  must 
be  older,  apparently,  than  the  time  of  Isaiah, 
when  Aiath  appears  again  as  a  town.  It  was 
also  inhabited  after  the  Captivity  (Ezr.2.28  ; 
Ne.7.32,11.31).     The  Ai  of  Jeremiah   (49.3), 


AIRUS 

apparently  in  Moab,  is  probably  not  the  same, 
and  may  be  Iim.  The  site  of  Hai  appears  to 
be  near  the  ruin  Haiydn,  2  miles  S.E.  of  Bethel. 
It  has  valleys  to  W.  and  N.  and  a  deep  gorge 
on  N.E.  near  the  desert  ;  about  three-quarters 
of  a  mile  to  N.W.  is  a  very  large  artificial  tell 
of  stones,  which  may  mark  the  site  of  Joshua's 
monument  near  the  gate.  [c.R.c] 

Aiah'. — 1.  Son  of  Zibeon,  a  descendant  of 
Seir,  and  ancestor  of  one  of  Esau's  wives  (iChr. 
1.4o);  =  AjAH  (Gen. 36. 24).  He  apparently 
had  no  sons  as  the  line  is  continued  through 
his  brother  Anah. — 2.  P'ather  of  Rizpah,  the 
concubine  of  Saul  (2Sam.3.7,21.8,io,ii). 

Aiath',  a  place  named  by  Isaiah  (10. 28) 
in  connexion  with  Migron  and  Michniash ; 
clearly  the  same  as  Ai.  [c.R.c] 

Aija'.     [Ai.] 

Ai.jalon'  (a  place  of  deer). — 1.  A  city  of  the 
Kohathites  (J(is.21.24  ;  iChr.6.69),  in  the  lot 
of  Dan  (J OS. 19. 42  ;  A.V.  Ajalon),  which  tribe, 
however,  was  unable  to  dispossess  the  Amorites 
of  the  place  (Judg.l.35).  Aijalon  was  fortified 
by  Rehoboam  (2Chr.ll.10),  and  was  invaded 
later  by  the  PhiHstines  (2Chr.28.18;  A.V. 
Ajalon).  The  valley  of  Aijalon  is  noticed  in 
the  speech  of  Joshua  during  his  pursuit  of  the 
Canaanites  (Jos. 10. 12).  The  town  was  dis- 
covered by  Dr.  Robinson  in  the  modern  Yala, 
N.  of  the  Jaffa  road,  about  13  miles  from 
Jerusalem.  It  is  noticed  in  the  Amarna  letters 
from  Jerusalem,  etc.  (Berlin  103,  137),  as 
taken  by  the  'Abiri  in  15th  cent.  n.c. — 2.  A 
place  in  Zebulun  ;  the  burial-place  of  Elon, 
one  of  the  judges  (Judg.l2.i2).  [c.R.c] 

Aijeletli-shahap.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Ain  (an  "eye,"  and  also  a  "spring"). 
^ayin  or  •«•«  occurs  in  En-gedi,  En-gannim,  etc. 
— 1.  Ain  is  apparently  the  village  el  'Ain, 
near  the  W.  foot  of  the  Anti-Lebanon,  about  18 
miles  S.  of  Riblah.  The  border  of  the  land 
of  Israel  went  E.  of  it,  from  near  Riblah 
(Num.34. 11). — 2.  One  of  the  southern  cities 
of  Judah  (Jos.15.32),  allotted  to  Simeon 
(Jos.19.7  ;  iChr.4.32)  and  to  the  priests 
(Jos.21.i6).  In  iChr.6.59  Ashan  takes  the 
place  of  Ain.     [En-kimmon.]  [c.r.c] 

Aipus',    one    of     the    "  servants    of    the 


'OA«i_>L.  ^^  *«L_  _. 


■,  11  u   ikmm  ai.      (I  roin  ,111  original  sketch  by  Col.  Condcr.) 


AJAH 


ALABASTER 


25 


THE  VALLEY  OF  AIJALON,    LOOKING  W.   FROM   LOWER  BETH-HORON. 
(From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.)    See  art.  "  Aijalon." 


temple,"  or  Nethinim,  whose  sons  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.31).  Perhaps  = 
Reaiah,  2. 

Ajah'  (Gen. 36. 24)  =^  Aiah,  i. 

Ajalon'  {Jos.lO.12, 19.42  ;  2Chr.28.18).  Cor- 
rectly Aijalon,  i,  as  in  R.V. 

Akan',  son  of  Ezer,  one  of  the  "  dukes  "  or 
chieftains  of  the  Horites,  and  descendant  of 
Seir  (Gen. 36. 27).  He  is  called  Jakan  in  iChr. 
1.42  and  Jaakan  in  Deut.10.6,  which  last 
should  probably  be  read  in  all  three  cases. 

Akkub'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Jeconiah 
and  son  of  Elioenai  (iChr.3.24). — 2.  One  of  the 
doorkeepers  at  the  E.  gate  of  the  temple.  His 
descendants  succeeded  to  his  office,  and  appear 
among  those  who  returned  from  Babylon 
(iChr.9.17  ;  Ezr.2.42  ;  Ne.7.45.11.i9.12.25  = 
Dacobi,  iEsd.5.28). — 3.  One  of  the  Nethinim, 
whose  family  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.45).  Perhaps  =  AcuA  (iEsd.5.30),  though 
some  identify  with  Acub  (5.31). — 4.  A  Levite 
who  assisted  Ezra  in  expounding  the  law  to 
the  people  (Ne.8.7)  ;   =Jacubus,  iEsd.9.4S. 

Akrabbim',  The  ascent  of,  and  The 
g'oing-  up  to  ;  also  Maaleh-acpabbim 
(the  scorpion  pass).  A  pass  between  the  S. 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Zin,  forming  one  of 
the  landmarks  on  the  S.  boundary  of  Judah 
(Jos.15.3)  and  of  the  Holy  Land  (Num. 34.4). 
Also  mentioned  with  Sela  (or  Petra)  as  the 
boundary  of  the  Amorites  (Judg.l.36).  Judas 
Maccabaeus  gained  here  a  great  victory  over 
the  Edomites  (iMac.5.3,  Arabattine).  Scor- 
pions abound  in  the  whole  of  this  district. 

Alabaster  occurs  only  in  N.T.  in  the  no- 
tice of  the  alabaster-box  of  ointment  with  which 
a  woman  anointed  the  Saviour  in  the  house  of 
Simon  the  leper  at  Bethany  (Mt.26.7  ;  Mk.l4. 
3  ;  Lu.7.37).  The  Eng.  word  alabaster  is  ap- 
plied to  two  different  kinds  of  rock,  the  one 
a  hydrous  sulphate  of  lime  (the  commoner 
varieties  of  which  are  called  gypsum),  the 
other  a  carbonate  of  lime.  The  former,  being 
soft  and  easily  carved,  is  much  employed  in  this 


country  for  decorative  purposes  inside  build- 
ings, its  nearly  white  colour,  veined  and  mottled 
with  red  (oxide  of  iron),  producing  a  very  good 
effect.  The  latter,  often  known  as  Oriental 
alabaster,  is  a  peculiar  variety  of  carbonate 
of  lime,  deposited  in  a  series  of  irregular  bands 
of  varied  tints,  the  more  delicate  colours  in  this 
case  also  being  due  to  oxides  of  iron.     It  was 


ALABASTER  VASKS. 
I  Brit.  Mus.)  (Dennis,  liliuria.) 

employed  from  a  remote  antiquity  in  Egypt, 
much  of  it  being  obtained  from  quarries  near 
Tell  el  Amarna.  It  occurs  in  the  limestone  of 
Ass^Tian  sculptures,  and  is,  in  Dr.  Pinches' 
opinion,  the  material  designated  by  theSumero- 
Akkadian  word  na  gish-nii-gal  and  the  Ass>to- 
Babylonian  pan'itu  (meaning  the  "  stone  of  the 
west  of  the  great  Ught").     Pliny  distinguishes 


26 


ALAMETH 


gypsum  (the  sulphate)  from  alabaster  (the 
carbonate),  remarking  that  varieties  of  the 
former  resemble  the  latter,  in  which,  he  says 
(Nat.  Hist.  xiii.  3),  imguents  are  best  kept. 
He  repeats  this  statement  (xxxvi.  12),  and 
mentions  places  where  the  material  was  worked. 
Of  it  no  doubt  the  "  cruse"  of  "  pistic  nard" 
was  made,  and  probably  the  woman  actually 
broke  it  in  her  hand.  [t.g.b.] 

Ala'meth  (R.V.  Alemeth),  a  son  of  Becher 
the  son  of  Benjamin  (iChr.7.8). 

Alamme'lech  (king's  oak),  a  place 
within  the  limits  of  Asher,  named  between 
Achshaph  and  Amad  (Jos. 19.26  only). 

Alamoth.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Alcimus  (valiant),  a  Gk.  form  of  Eliakim 
(God  establishes),  obtained  by  changing  the 
vowel  points.  The  son  or  nephew  of  Jose 
ben-Joeser,  the  famous  pupil  of  Antigonus  of 
Socho,  and  of  Aaronic  descent  (iMac.7.5,14). 
The  fact  that  he  is  known  as  a  leader  of  the 
Hellenizing  party,  which  largely  rested  on  the 
priests,  and  the  objective  of  which  was  social 
rather  than  religious,  is  an  explanation  of 
the  passionate  resistance  encountered  by  his 
movement.  [Hellenist.]  Alcimus  was 
nominated  "through  bribery"  (162  B.C.)  to 
the  high-priesthood  by  Antiochus  Eupator, 
to  the  exclusion  of  Onias,  nephew  of  his  pre- 
decessor Menelaus.  The  influence  of  Judas 
Maccabaeus  at  first  prevented  Alcimus  from  se- 
curing his  position,  and  he  withdrew  to  Antioch. 
Demetrius  Soter,  on  his  accession,  sent  Bac- 
chides  to  restore  him,  and  Alcimus  was  received 
bymany  evenof  the  Hasidim.  A  massacre  of  60 
of  these,  however,  was  followed  by  the  return 
of  Judas  and  a  second  withdrawal  of  Alcimus 
to  Antioch.  Nicanor  was  next  sent  into  Pales- 
tine, but  was  defeated  and  killed  at  Beth-horon 
(161  B.C.).  Bacchides  now  returned  (160 
B.C.),  and  the  fall  of  Judas  was  followed  by 
Alcimus's  unchallenged  restoration.  The 
scope  of  his  plans  for  change  in  the  temple  and 
its  services  has  been  much  discussed.  He  was 
engaged  in  an  operation  described  (9.54,  but 
cf.  Josephus,  12  Ant.  x.  6)  as  pulling  down 
the  "wall  of  the  inner  court  of  the  sanctuary" 
and  "  the  works  of  the  prophets,"  an  obscure 
and  disputed  expression,  when  "  he  was  taken 
with  a  palsy,"  J. e.  paralysed,  and  died.  Later 
writers  also  give  him  the  title  of  "  the  wicked  " 
(!.()),  and  speak  of  him  with  greater  bitterness 
than  the  author  of  iMac.  [j.a.d.] 

Alema  (iMac.5.26),  a  city  where  the 
Jews  were  besieged  in  164  e.g.,  mentioned  with 
Casphon.  Now  the  large  village  Ke/r  el  md,  4 
miles  E.  of  Khisfin,  and  7  miles  S.W.  of  Car- 
naim.  The  ruins  include  a  Greek  altar,  and  a 
curious  bas-relief  of  Aesculapius  (Schumacher, 
Across  the  Jordan,  pp.  79-82).  [c.k.c] 

Ale'meth,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Jehoadah 
or  Jarali  (iCi)r.8.36,9.42),  descended  from 
Jonathan,  son  of  Saul. 

Alemeth'  (R.V.  Allemeth),  the  form 
under  which  Almon,  the  name  of  a  city  of  the 
priests  in  Benjamin,  appears  in  iChr.6.60. 
Now  the  village  'Alinit,  a  mile  N.E.  of  Ana- 
thoth.  Among  the  genealogies  of  Benjamin 
the  name  occurs  in  connexion  with  Azmaveth 
(iChr.8. 36,9.42).     [Bahurim.]  [c.r.c] 

Alexander  III.  (helper  of  wen ;  b. 
356  u.c.,d.  323),  the  Great,  son  of  Philip  II.  of 


ALEXANDER  III. 

Macedonia  and  Olympias.  Having  quelled 
the  disloyalty  which  he.  found  on  Philip's 
murder  (336),  Alexander  prepared  his  forces, 
and  in  334  crossed  the  Hellespont.  In  3  years 
he  had  largely  realized  the  dream  of  world- 
wide conquest  which  he  had  inherited.  The 
victories  at  the  Granicus  (334)  and  Issus  (333) 
made  him  master  of  S.W.  Asia  and  of  Egypt. 
In  331  he  founded  Alexandria.     The  murder  of 


TETRADRACHM    (ATTIC   TALENT)    OF    LVSIMACHUS.    KING 

OF  THRACE. 
0*7'.  •  Head  of  Alexander  the  Great  as  a  young  Jupiter  Ammon. 
AVz'.  .'  Pallas  seated  to  left,  holding  a  victory. 

Darius  by  Bessus  (320),  and  the  subjugation  of 
Persia  and  Bactria  were  followed  by  his  famous 
and  abortive  campaign  into  India  (327).  The 
discontent  of  his  troops,  however,  compelled 
his  return  to  Babylon,  where  he  died.  Ten 
years  later  his  empire  had  broken  up  into  the 
kingdoms  of  the  Diadochoi.  [Ptolemy  I.; 
.Seleucus  IV.] — Alexander  and  the  Jews.  An 
account  is  given  by  Josephus  (9  Ant.  viii.  3-6) 
and  in  the  Talmud  of  a  visit  paid  by  Alexander 
to  Jerusalem.  The  facts  that  Alexander  paid 
a  similar  visit  to  Gordium,  and  that  the  visit  to 
Jerusalem  is  not  mentioned  by  Gk.  historians, 
have  raised  the  suspicion  that  there  is  no  basis 
for  the  narrative.  The  probability,  however,  is 
that  it  rests  on  an  historic  event,  for  the  Greeks 
rarely  show  interest  in  Palestine,  and,  both  from 
policy  and  temperament,  it  is  improbable  that 
.\lexander  would  have  passed  through  Pales- 
tine without  visiting  Jerusalem.  Jaddua  (Ne. 
12. 1 1 )  the  high-priest,  it  is  said, refused  demands 
made  by  Alexander  while  besieging  Tyre. 
After  razing  that  city,  Alexander  marched  on 
Jerusalem.  Jaddua,  acting  on  a  dream,  met 
him  in  the  pomp  of  his  office  near  the  city. 
Alexander  worshipiiod  the  tetraerammaton  on 
the  high-priest's  turban,  and  when  Parinenio 
remonstrated  with  him  for  "adoring  the 
high-priest  "  replied  that  he  did  not  adore  him, 
but  his  God,  and  that  he  had  seen  Jaddua 
in  a  dream  at  Dium  "  encouraging  him  to 
cross  into  Asia  "  (11  .int.  viii.  5).  Alexander 
then  went  with  Jaddua  to  the  temple,  offered 
sacrifices,  and  accepted  such  prophecies  as 
Dan. 8. 21, II. 3  as  applying  to  himself.  Not 
only  was  Alexander  anxious  to  identify  him- 
self with  national  cults,  but  the  Jews  seem  to 
have  received  exceptional  treatment  from  him 
(see  esp.  Ewald,  Hist,  v.)  He  planted  a 
favoured  Jewish  colony  in  Alexandria,  is 
said  to  have  given  his  Jewish  troops  freedom 
to  exercise  their  religion,  and  was  perhaps 
influenced  by  Jewish  animosity  in  his  treat- 
ment of  Samaria.  Zcch.9.i-8  is  thought 
to  allude  to  Alexander's  conquests.  The  re- 
ferences to  his  empire  in  Dan. 2. 40, 8,5, 6. 7, 21, 
11.3    are   unquestionable.      Alexander   bulks 


ALEXANDER  BALAS 

largely  in  Eastern  legends,  in  which  he  is 
known  as  the  "  lord  of    horns."       [j.a.d.] 

Alexan'dep  Ba'las  claimed,  probably 
falsely,  to  be  a  natural  son  of  Antiochus  IV., 
and  assumed  his  title  Epiphanes  (iMac.lO.i). 
In  153  B.C.  he  disputed  the  Syrian  throne  with 
Demetrius  I.  (Soter),  who  had  lost  the  friend- 
ship of  the  neighbouring  kings  and  the  affections 
of  his  own  subjects.  Jonathan,  now  leader 
of  the  Jews  (9.73),  supported  Alexander,  who 
landed  at  Ptolemais  (10.  i),  and  in  150  b.c.  de- 
feated and  killed  Demetrius  (10. 48-50).  After 
this  Alexander  married  Cleopatra,  daughter  of 
Ptolemy  VI.  (Philometor) ;  and  appointed 
Jonathan  governor  of  Judaea  (10.65,11.57). 
But  Alexander  proved  an  incapable  and  self- 
indulgent  king.  A  fresh  claimant  to  the 
throne,  Demetrius  II.  (Nicator),  son  of  De- 
metrius Soter,  landed  in  Syria  in  147  B.C.,  and 
received  the  support  of  Apollonius,  governor 
of  Coelosyria  (10.67ff.).  Jonathan  defeated 
and  slew  Apollonius,  and  was  rewarded  by 
Alexander  with  fresh  favours  (10. 68-89).  But 
in  146  B.C.  Ptolemy  entered  S>Tia  with  a  large 
force  ;  garrisoned  the  chief  cities  of  the  coast, 
as  Alexander's  friend  ;  and  then,  on  the  plea 
that  Alexander  was  conspiring  against  him, 
declared  himself  in  favour  of  Demetrius  (11. 
i-ii).  Alexander  hastened  from  Cilicia  to 
meet  Ptolemy,  but  was  defeated,  and  fled  to 
Abae  in  Arabia,  where  he  was  murdered  (11. 
14-17).  The  Jews  loyally  supported  Alexander 
as  "  the  first  that  entreated  of  true  peace  with 
them  "  (10. 47)  ;  and  they  showed  the  same 
zeal  for  his  son  Antiochus  VI. 

Alexandep  in  N.T. — 1.  Son  of  Simon,  it, 
of  Cyrene  (Mk. 15.21 ).  [Rufus.]— 2.  One  of 
the  high-priestly  family  (Ac.4.6). — 3.  A  Jew  of 
Ephesus  (Ac. 19. 33),  whom  the  other  Jews  put 
forward  during  the  tumult  there,  their  object 
being  probably  to  disavow  to  the  mob  any 
responsibility  for  the  action  of  the  Christians. 
— 4.  An  apostate  Christian  (iTim.l.20).  [Hy- 
MENAEus.] — 5.  A  smith,  probably  of  Ephesus, 
concerned  in  the  persecution  of  St.  Paul  in  that 
city  (2Tim.4.i4).  [e.r.b.] 

Alexandria,  Alexandrians,  referred  to 
three  times  in  N.T.  In  Ac.l8.24  Apollos  is 
spoken  of  as  "  born  at  Alexandria "  ;  6.9 
speaks  of  the  synagogue  of  "  the  Libertines, 
Cyrenians,  and  Alexandrians,"  referring  pro- 
bably to  a  synagogue  in  Jerusalem  used  by 
Jews  from  Alexandria,  where  a  great  many 
resided  ;  and  in  27.6,  describing  St.  Paul's 
famous  journey  to  Rome,  it  is  related  that  the 
centurion  found  at  Myra  "  a  ship  of  Alexandria 
sailing  into  Italj',"  in  which  the  apostle  sailed 
to  Malta,  afterwards  voyaging  in  another  Alex- 
andrian vessel  to  Puteoli,  at  that  time  a  prin- 
cipal port  of  Rome  to  which  much  of  the  corn 
supply  of  Egypt  was  carried.  The  city  of 
Alexandria  was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in 
the  world.  It  possessed  many  natural  advan- 
tages, notably  of  climate  and  of  site,  and  its 
harbours  were  spacious  and  secure.  It  was 
founded  by  Alexander  the  Great  in  332  b.c, 
opposite  the  island  of  Pharos,  between  Lake 
Mareotis  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Dio- 
dorus  states  that  Alexander  measured  out  the 
ground  on  which  the  city  was  to  stand,  marked 
out  its  streets,  and  called  it  after  his  own 
name.     It   became   the   flourishing   Hellenic 


ALGUM 


27 


capital  of  Egypt.  As  a  commercial  centre  it 
stood  almost  without  a  rival.  Egyptians, 
Jews,  and  Greeks  made  up  its  population, 
which  at  one  time  amounted  to  nearly  a  mil- 
lion. The  Jews,  who  were  numerous  there,  oc- 
cupied a  quarter  of  their  own,  a  great  propor- 
tion of  the  trade  of  the  city  falling  into  their 
hands.  Great  attempts  were  made  to  estab- 
lish the  city  as  a  centre  of  intellectual  fame, 
and  within  its  walls  was  stored  the  greatest 
library  of  ancient  days.  To  the  student,  how- 
ever, the  chief  interest  of  Alexandrian  history 
will  probably  lie  in  the  belief  that  it  was  the 
scene  of  the  labours  of  the  70  or  72  translators 
of  the  Heb.  O.T.  into  the  Gk.  version  known 
as  the  Septuagint.  Irenaeus,  Justin  Martyr, 
Epiphanius,  and  other  writers  give  detailed 
accounts  of  the  translators'  methods ;  and 
the  (so-called)  Letter  of  Aristeas  describes  the 
arrival  of  translators  at  Alexandria ;  the  feast 
which  was  celebrated  in  their  honour,  lasting 
7  days ;  and  the  duration  of  the  period  of  their 
labours.  Eusebius  states  that  St.  Mark  went 
to  Egypt,  where  he  preached  Christianity,  pro- 
claiming the  truths  which  his  own  gospel  con- 
tained, and  that  he  established  churches  in 
Alexandria.  Its  remarkable  school  of  Jewish 
philosophy  arose  with  the  view  of  interpreting 
O.T.  teaching  in  such  a  way  as  to  commend 
itself  to  Hellenic  thought.  It  is  not  easy  to 
determine  to  what  extent  N.T.  writers  were 
influenced  by  Jewish  philosophy.  The  Alexan- 
drian Jew  claimed  to  show  good  cause  for 
maintaining  the  thesis  that  from  his  scripture 
proceeded  all  divine  knowledge,  and  all  guid- 
ance as  to  the  daily  life  of  man.  Eusebius, 
Hist.  Eccl.  ;  Budge,  Hist,  of  Egypt ;  Jowett, 
Philo  and  St.  Paul ;  Neander,  Hist,  of  Chr. 
Church  ;  Smith,  Voyage  of  St.  Paul,     [a.h.p.] 

Alg-um  or  Almugr-tpees ;  the  former 
form  occurs  in  2Chr.2.8,9.io,  11,  the  latter  in 
iK. 10.11, 12.  We  read  that  the  "almug"  was 
brought  in  great  plenty  from  Ophir,  together 
with  gold  and  precious  stones,  by  the  fleet 
of  Hiram,  for  Solomon's  temple  and  house, 
and  for  the  making  of  musical  instruments. 
In  2Chr.2.8  Solomon  is  represented  as  desiring 
Hiram  to  send  him  "  cedar-trees,  fir-trees, 
and  algum-trees  out  of  Lebanon."  It  is 
improbable  that  Lebanon,  as  well  as  Ophir, 
should  have  produced  algum-trees.  Perhaps 
the  wood  had  been  brought  from  Ophir  to 
Lebanon,  and  Solomon's  instructions  to  Hiram 
were  to  send  on  to  Jerusalem  the  timber  im- 
ported from  Ophir  that  was  lying  at  the  port  of 
Tyre,  with  the  cedars  which  had  been  cut  in 
mount  Lebanon.  It  is  impossible  to  identify 
the  algum-tree  with  certainty,  but  the  argu- 
ments favour  the  red  sandal-wood  (Pterocar- 
pits  santalinus)  more  than  any  other  species. 
This  tree,  which  belongs  to  the  Leguminosae,  is 
a  native  of  India,  chiefly  on  the  Coromandel 
coast.  Its  wood  is  very  heavy,  hard,  and  fine 
grained,  and  of  a  beautiful  garnet  colour.  The 
word  algum  has  been  identified  by  Max  Miiller 
with  the  Skt.  valguka,  a  name  for  the  sandal- 
wood tree,  which  may  have  been  corrupted 
from  an  earlier  form  (valgu)  by  the  Phoenician 
sailors.  Celsius  believed  it  to  be  the  sandal. 
Josephus  considered  it  a  kind  of  fir,  the  Vulg. 
rendering  being  ligna  thyina.  Wyclif  reads, 
"  cedre  trees,  pyne  trees,  and  thyne  trees  of  the 


28 


A  LI  AH 


Liban."  The  red  sandal-wood  is  employed  in 
the  E.  "  in  the  manufacture  of  idols  and  for 
musical  instruments,  examples  of  which  may 
be  seen  in  the  Indian  Museum  at  South  Ken- 
sington "  (Groscr).  Almus  may  be  regarded  as 
an  erroneous  form ;  unless,  as  Col.  Conder 
suggests,  the  word  is  Assyrian  and=  "precious 
(or  strong)  wood."     [Ophir.J  [h.c.h.J 

Aliah.     [Alvah.] 

Allan.     [Alvan.] 

Alleg-opy,  a  figure  of  siicech,  defined  by 
Bishop  Marsh,  in  accordance  with  its  ety- 
nuilogv,  as  "a  representation  of  one  thing 
which  is  intended  to  excite  the  representation 
of  another  thing,"  the  first  representation 
being  consistent  with  itself  but  requiring,  or 
being  capable  of,  a  moral  or  spiritual  interpre- 
tation beyond  its  literal  sense.  It  is  often 
difficult  to  draw  a  line  between  metaphor  and 
allegory,  the  two  running  into  one  another  in 
Biblical  language.  The  distinguishing  feature 
seems  to  be  that  a  metaphor  implies  a  mere 
resemblance  which  appeals  to  the  imagination 
(c/.  2 K. 19. 28,  where  the  king  of  Assyria  is 
metaphorically  described  as  an  unruly  wild 
beast)  ;  an  allegory  or  an  allegorical  interpre- 
tation aims  definitely  at  suggesting  moral  or 
religious  truth.  In  e\'ery  allegory  the  im- 
mediate, historical,  or  literal  sense  is  either 
true  or  possible  (hence  the  distinction  from 
fable,  see  below),  while  the  secondary  or  alle- 
gorical sense  may  be  either  intended  by  the 
writer  or  only  discovered  in  it  by  a  later 
reader.  An  illustration  is  seen  in  Gal. 4. 24, 
where  the  apostle  gives  an  allegorical  inter- 
pretation to  the  historical  narrative  of  Hagar 
and  Sarah,  not  indeed  treating  it  as  an  allegory 
in  itself  (as  A.V.  would  lead  us  to  suppose), 
nor  implying  that  this  meaiung  was  originally 
intended  by  the  writer  or  by  the  Holy  Spirit 
(in  which  case  it  would  be  a  Tvpu),  but  draw- 
ing from  it  by  his  own  spiritual  insight  a 
deeper  and  more  edifying  sense  than  is  con- 
veyed in  the  original  narrative.  Allegories  are 
also  classified  as  pure  or  mixed.  In  the  first 
no  direct  allusion  is  made  to  the  spiritual 
meaning,  which  is  left  to  the  reader  to  dis- 
cover. In  this  sense  there  is  no  necessary  dis- 
tinction between  an  allegory  and  a  Parable. 
In  a  "  mixed  "  allegory  some  hint  is  given  of 
the  spiritual  meaning,  or  the  literal  and  spiri- 
tual are  interwoven,  as  in  the  allegories  oi  the 
(;ood  Shepherd  and  of  the  Vine  (J  n. 10, 15).  The 
fable,  like  the  allegory  or  parable,  is  intended 
to  convey  moral  truth,  but  its  distinguishing 
feature  is  the  falseness  or  impossibility  of  its 
literal  meaning.  The  lower  animals  or  in- 
animate objects  are  introduced  as  speaking  or 
acting  like  hmnan  beings.  There  are  two 
examples  of  this  in  O.T.  :  (i)  the  fable  of  the 
trees  choosing  their  king,  addressed  by  Jotham 
to  the  men  of  Shechem  (J  udg.9.8-13)  ;  and  (2) 
tlie  fable  of  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  and  the 
thistle  record<<l  as  the  answer  of  Jelioash  to 
Amaziah's  challenge  (2  K.I4.9).  The  fable  was 
a  favourite  method  of  imparting  instruction 
among  primitive  peoples,  hence  the  compara- 
tive earliness  of  exain]>les  of  it  in  O.T.  and  its 
disappearance  in  later  parts  of  the  Bible.  It 
was  evidently  felt  inadeipiate  as  the  exponent 
of  the  higher  sjiiritual  truths  which  it  was  the 
mission  of  Israel  and  of  the  Church  to  teach 


ALLIANCES 

mankind.  The  fable  may  serve  to  exhibit  the 
relations  between  man  and  man,  but  it  fails  to 
represent  in  a  worthy  manner  those  between 
man  and  God.  Hence  its  place  is  taken  by 
the  parable.  "  Fable  "  is  also  used  in  a  bad 
sense  of  the  lying  and  misleading  stories  told 
by  false  teachers  (iTim. 1.4,4.7  ;  Tit. 1. 14  ; 
2Pe.l.i6).  Marsh,  Lectures  on  Criticism  and 
Interpretation  of  the  Bible  (1838)  ;  Trench, 
Notes  on  Parables  (15th  ed.  1886)  ;  Lightfoot, 
Ep.  to  Galatians  (8th  ed.  1884).  [a.r.w.] 

Alleluia  or  Hallelujah  (="  Praise  ye 
Jeho\'ah  ")  is  found  as  a  doxologv  to  Pss.105, 
106,112,113,135,146-150.  Pss.113-118,  called 
by  the  Jews  the  Hallel,  were  sung  at  the  feasts  of 
Dedication,  Tabernacles,  Weeks,  and  Passover, 
At  the  last  named,  Pss.113,114  were  sung  be- 
fore the  feast,  and  115-118  at  its  termination, 
after  filling  the  fourth  cup.  The  hymn  (Mt. 
26.30)  sung  by  Christ  and  His  disciples  after 
the  Last  Supper  seems  to  have  been  the  Great 
Hallel,  which  varied  according  to  the  feast. 
The  literal  meaning  of  "  Hallelujah  "  indicates 
the  character  of  the  Psalms  in  which  it  occurs, 
which  are  hymns  of  praise  and  thanksgiving. 
They  are  all  in  the  last  book  of  the  collection, 
and  bear  marks  of  being  intended  for  use  in  the 
temple  service.  In  Rev. 19. 1-7  the  apostle 
hears  the  word  sung  as  the  keynote  of  the 
chorus  of  the  redeemed,  and  thus  it  finds  its 
way  from  the  Jewish  into  the  Christian 
Church.     Edersheim,  Temple  and  its  Services. 

Alliances.  In  the  patriarchal  age,  alli- 
ances of  a  simple  and  friendly  sort  were  made 
bv  Abraham  and  his  descendants  with  the 
tribes  inhabiting  Palestine  (Gen. 21. 22,26. 26fT. ). 
But  the  Mosaic  law  (Ex.34.i2ff.  ;  l)eut.7.2lf.) 
forbade  such  alliances,  and  though  under  the 
kings,  the  Hebrews  were  brought  more  into 
connexion  with  the  surrounding  nations  and 
tempted  to  ally  themsehes  with  them,  the 
influence  of  the  prophets  was  always  exerted 
against  this  tendency,  as  contrary  to  the 
divine  ideal  of  the  holy  nation.  Solomon,  how- 
ever, made  acommcriial  treaty  with  (i)  Hiram 
of  Tyre,  originally  with  the  view  of  obtaining 
materials  and  workmen  for  the  temple,  and 
afterwards  for  the  supply  of  shiii-builders  and 
sailors  (iK.5.2-12,9.27) ;  and  (2)  with  Pharaoh 
of  ligypt,  by  which  he  secured  a  monopoly  of 
the  trade  in  horses  and  other  Egyptian  i>ro- 
ducts  (10.28,29).  Alliances  for  other  pur- 
poses, ofTensi\'e  and  defensive,  followed  the 
division  of  the  kingdoms.  So  long  as  Syria 
was  the  chief  danger,  each  kingdom  sought 
alliance  with  that  nation,  as  .Asa  with  Ben- 
hadad  (ch.  15)  and  Pekah  with  Rezin  (Is.7). 
Israel  and  Judah  allied  themsehes  with  each 
other  under  .-\hab  and  Jehoshaphat.  Ahaz 
sought  the  alliance  of  .Assyria  against  the 
coalition  t>f  Israel  and  Syria  (2K. 16. 7),  in  spite 
of  the  warnings  of  Isaiah.  But  the  most  at- 
tractive, and  as  it  proved,  the  most  deceptive 
alii.ince,  for  both  kingdoms  was  with  Egypt, 
which  was  looked  to  as  a  ]irotection  against 
both  Assyria  and  Babylon  (H0.7.11,  etc. ;  Is.30). 
The  later  kings  of  Judah  either  allied  them- 
selves with  Babylon,  or  tried  (like  Zedekiah)  to 
play  off  Egypt  against  Babylon  (Jc.37.i-i  i ) 
with  disastrous  results.  In  later  days  Judas 
Maccabaeus  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Ro- 
mans as  a  counterpoise  to  the  Greco-Syrian 


ALLOM 

enemy  (iMac.8).  This  alliance  was  renewed 
by  Jonathan  (eh.  12)  and  by  Simon  (15.17)  ; 
and  the  independence  of  the  Jews  was  re- 
cognized by  Rome,  and  formally  notified  to 
neighbouring  nations  140  B.C.  (15.22,23). 
Treaties  were  at  the  same  period  concluded 
with  the  Spartans,  under  the  impression  that 
they  came  of  a  common  stock  (12. 6, 14. 20). 
The  Roman  alliance,  renewed  in  128,  ultim- 
ately proved  fatal  to  Jewish  independence,  for 
in  63  a  quarrel  referred  to  Rome  gave  Pompey 
the  opportunity  to  place  the  country  under 
tribute.  The  formation  of  an  alliance  was 
attended  with  religious  rites,  a  victim  was 
slain  and  divided  into  two  parts,  between 
which  the  contracting  parties  passed  (Gen.  15. 
10-17  ;  Je. 34. 18-20).  Generally  speaking,  how- 
ever, the  oath  alone  is  mentioned  in  the  con- 
tracting of  alliances  either  between  nations 
(Jos. 9. 15)  or  individuals  (Gen. 26. 28,  etc.).  A 
feast  was  held  on  these  occasions,  and  salt 
played  an  important  part  as  a  symbol  of 
fidelitv.  Cf.  the  expression  "  a  covenant  of 
salt  "'  (Num.18. 19  ;  2Chr.l3.5).  The  Jews 
had  a  reputation  for  faithfulness  to  engage- 
ments {cf.  J  OS. 9. 18)  ;  a  breach  of  covenant 
being  visited  with  severe  punishment,  and 
deemed  specially  hateful  to  God  (2Sam.21.i  ; 
Ezk.l7.i6  ;  Am.l.g).  Negotiations  between 
Israel  and  other  nations  were  naturally  con- 
ducted by  ambassadors.  Examples  of  such 
special  envoys  are  seen  in  early  times  in  the 
messengers  sent  to  Edom,  Moab,  and  the 
Amorites  (Num.20. 14, 21. 21  ;  Judg.ll. 17-19), 
and  by  the  Gibeonites  who  deceived  Joshua 
(Jos. 9).  Ambassadors  appear  frequently  in 
the  days  of  the  monarchy,  and  were  usually 
men  of  high  rank  or  office.  Sennacherib's 
ambassadors  toHezekiah  were  the  Rab-shakeh 
(head  chief  or  cup-bearer),  the  Rabsaris  (or 
chamberlain),  and  the  Tartan  (or  commander- 
in-chief).  Ambassadors  of  a  friendly  character 
usually  bore  presents  (iK.15.i8  ;  Is. 30. 6  ; 
iMac.l5.i8).  Other  interesting  examples  of 
various  sorts  of  ambassage  are  seen  in  2K.14. 
8,18.14  ;  2Chr.32.31.  The  persons  of  am- 
bassadors were  probably  considered  inviolable, 
the  only  example  of  insult  offered  to  them 
being  in  2Sam.lO.2-5,  which  was  punished  by 
David  with  wholesale  and  merciless  severity. 
St.  Paul  frequently  speaks  of  the  apostolic  and 
ministerial  office  under  the  figure  of  ambassa- 
dorship ;  see  especially  2Cor.5.20.  The  ordinary 
sacredness  of  the  ambassador's  person  gives 
particular  point  to  his  description  of  himself 
as  "an  ambassador  in  chains"  (Eph.6.20). 
[Foreigner  ;    Law  in  O.T.]  [a.r.w.] 

Allom'  (iEsd.5.34)  =  Ami. 

Allon',  ancestor  of  Ziza,  i  (iChr.4.37). 

AUon',  a  large  strong  tree,  a  terebinth  or 
oak.  The  word  is  found  in  two  names  in  the 
topography  of  Palestine. — 1.  Allon,  more 
accurately  Elon,  a  city  of  Naphtali  (Jos. 19. 
33).  Probably  the  more  correct  construction 
is  to  take  it  with  the  following  word — i.e. 
"the  oak  [or,  plain]  Bezaanannim"  (R.V.),  see 
Judg.4.ii,  "  by  Kedesh."  [Zaanaim.] — 2. 
Al'lon-bachuth',  near  Bethel  (oak  of  weeping), 
the  tree  under  which  Rebekah's  nurse,  Debor- 
ah, was  buried  (Gen. 35. 8).  The  palm  of  Deborah 
(Judg.4.5)  was  also  near  Bethel.         [c.r.c] 

Almodad',  eldest   of   the  descendants  of 


ALMOND-TREE 


29 


Joktan  (Gen. 10. 26  ;  iChr.l.20).  His  settle- 
ments must  be  looked  for,  in  common  with 
those  of  the  other  descendants  of  Joktan,  in 
the  Arabian  Peninsula  ;  and  his  name  appears 
to  be  preserved  in  that  of  Mudad,  a  famous 
personage  in  Arab  tradition,  the  father  of 
Ishmael's  Arab  wife,  and  the  chief  of  the 
Joktanite  tribe  Jurhum. 

Altnon',  a  city  of  Benjamin,  with  "  sub- 
urbs "  given  to  the  priests  (Jos. 21. 18).  In 
iChr.6.60  Alemeth.  [c.r.c] 

Almon-diblatha'im,  one  of  the  latest 
stations  of  the  Israelites,  between  Dibon-gad 
and  the  mountains  of  Abarim  (Num.33. 46,47). 
[Beth- diblath  AIM.] 

Almond-tpee,  Almond.  These  words 
are  foundinGen.43.ii  ;  Ex. 25. 33, 34,37. 19,20  ; 
Num.17. 8;  Ec.12.5  ;  Je.l.ii,  in  the  text  of  A.  V. 
They  are  invariably  represented  by  the  same 
Heb.  word  (s/(rt(7t"rf/)),  which  sometimes  stands  for 
the  whole  tree,  sometimes  for  the  fruit  or  nut  ; 
e.g.  in  Gen. 43. II,  Jacob  commands  his  sons  to 
take  as  a  present  to  Joseph  "a  little  honey, 
spices  and  m\Trh,  nuts  and  almonds."  Here  the 
fruit  is  clearly  meant.  In  the  passages  of  Exodus 
given  above,  the  "  bowls  made  like  unto  al- 
monds," which  were  to  adorn  the  golden  candle- 
stick, seem  also  to  allude  to  the  nut.  Aaron's 
rod,  that  budded  miraculously,  yielded  almond- 
nuts.  In  Ec.12.5  and  Je.l.ii  shdqcdh  is  trans- 
lated almond-tree,  which  the  context  certainly 
requires.  It  is  clearly  then  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose, as  some  have  done,  that  shdqedh  stands 
exclusively  for  "  almond-nuts,"  and  that  luz 
signifies  "  the  tree."  Probably  this  tree,  con- 
spicuous for  its  early  flowering  and  useful  fruit, 
was  known  by  both  names.  The  Heb.  luz 
occurs  only  in  Gen. 30. 37,  where  it  is  translated 
hazel  in  A.V.  :  but  undoubtedly  R.V.  is  correct 
in  rendering  it  almond,  the  Arab,  name  of 
which  is  loz.  shdqcdh  is  derived  from  a  root 
which  signifies  "  to  be  wakeful,"  "  to  hasten," 
for  the  almond-tree  blossoms  very  early  in  the 
season,  the  flowers  appearing  before  the  leaves. 
Hence  it  was  regarded  by  Hebrews  as  a  wel- 
come harbinger  of  spring,  and  a  token  of  the 
passing  of  winter  (cf.  Can. 1.11,12).  A  tree 
which  hastens  to  blossom  is,  therefore,  a  very 
fitting  poetical  description  of  the  luz,  or  almond- 
tree.  This  tree  has  been  noticed  in  flower  as 
early  as  the  gth  of  January  ;  the  19th,  23rd, 
and  25th  are  also  recorded  dates.  This  fact 
explains  the  play  upon  words  in  Je.l.ii,  12, 
"  The  word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  me,  saying, 
Jeremiah,  what  seest  thou  ?  And  I  said,  I  see 
the  rod  of  an  almond-tree  [shdqedh].  Then  said 
the  Lord  unto  me.  Thou  hast  well  seen,  for  I 
will  hasten  [shdqedh]  my  word  to  perform  it." 
The  almond-tree  has  always  been  regarded  by 
Hebrews  with  reverence,  and  at  the  present 
day  English  Jews  carry  a  bough  of  flowering 
almond  to  the  synagogue  on  their  great  feast- 
days,  just  as  Hebrews  of  old  used  to  present 
paim-branchesinthe  temple.  The  almond-tree 
is  about  12  or  14  ft.  high  ;  the  flowers  are 
pink,  and  the  leaves  are  lanceolate  and  serrate. 
The  covering  of  the  fruit  is  downy  and  succu- 
lent, enclosing  the  hard  shell  which  contains  the 
kernel.  It  is  curious  to  observe,  in  connexion 
with  the  almond-bowls  of  the  golden  candle- 
stick, that,  in  the  language  of  lapidaries,  al- 
monds are  pieces  of  rock-crystal,  even  now  used 


30 


ALMS 


in    adorning   branch-candlesticks.     Gen.43.ii 
implies  that  the  almond  was  not  cultivated  in 
Egypt  in  the  days  of  J  acob,  and  it  is  little  grown 
there  now,  much  less  so  than  in  Syria.     It  is 
mentioned,  however,  by  Pliny  amongst  Egyp- 
tian fruit-trees,  so  that  it  must  have  been  in- 
troduced before  his  time.     The  almond  passed 
from  its  home  in   the   middle  parts  of  Asia 
Minor  at  a  comparatively  late  period.     Pliny 
says  (Holland's  translation)  :    "  Now  whether 
the  Almond-tree  were  in  Italic  during  the  life  I 
of  Cato  [2nd  cent,  b.c],  there  is  some  doubt  and  ; 
question  made :  because  he  naraeth  the  Greeke  ' 
nuts,    which   some   doe   hold   for   a  kind    of 
Walnut."  [h.c.h.] 

Alms.  This  word  is  not  found  in  A.V.  in  | 
the  canonical  books  of  O.T.,  but  occurs  re-  j 
peatedly  in  N.T.,  and  in  Tobit  and  Ecclesias- 
ticus.  The  duty  of  almsgiving,  especially  in 
kind,  consisting  chieHy  in  portions  to  be  left 
designedly  from  produce  of  the  field,  the  vine-  | 
yard,  and  the  olive-vard  (Lev. 19. 9,10,23.22  ; 
beut. 15.11, 24.19,26.2-13  ;  Ru.2.2),  is  strictly 
enjoined  by  the  Law.  [Corner.]  Every  third 
year  also  (Deut.i4.28)  each  proprietor  was 
directed  to  share  the  tithe  of  his  produce  with 
"  the  Levite,  the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and 
the  widow."  The  theological  estimate  of  alms- 
giving among  the  Jews  is  indicated  in  the 
following  passages:  JobSl.iy  ;  Pr.lO.2,11.4  ; 
Esth.9.22  ;  Ps. 112.9  ;  Ac.9.36,  the  case  of 
Dorcas  ;  10. 2,  of  Cornelius  ;  and  also  Tob.4. 
10,11,14.10,11  ;  and  Ecclus.3.30,40.24.  The 
Talmudists  went  so  far  as  to  interpret  righteous- 
ness by  almsgiving  in  such  passages  as  Gen. 
18. 19  ;  Is.54.14  ;  Ps.i7.15.  In  the  women's 
court  of  the  temple  there  were  13  receptacles 
for  voluntary  offerings  (Mk.i2.41 ),  one  of  which 
was  devoted  to  alms  for  education  of  poor 
children  of  good  family.  Before  the  Captivity 
there  is  no  record  of  mendicancy,  but  it  evi- 
dently existed  in  later  times  (Mt.2O.30  ;  Mk. 
10.46  ;  Ac.3.2).  The  Pharisees  were  zealous 
in  almsgiving,  but  their  too  great  ostentation 
therein  was  censured  by  our  Lord  (Mt.6.2). 
There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  ex- 
pression "  do  not  sound  a  trumpet  "  is  more 
than  a  mode  of  denouncing  their  display,  by  a 
figure  drawn  from  the  frequent  and  well-known 
use  of  trumpets  in  religious  and  other  celebra- 
tions, Jewish  as  well  as  heathen.  The  duty  of 
relieving  the  poor  was  always  recognized  by 
Christians  (Mt.6.1,4  ;  Lu.i4.13  ;  Ac.2O.35  ; 
Gal. 2. 10).  Every  Christian  was  exhorted  to 
lay  by  on  the  first  day  of  each  week  some  por- 
tion of  his  profits,  to  be  applied  to  the  wants  of 
the  needy  (Ac.ll.30  ;  R0.I5.25-27  ;  iCor.16. 
1-4),  and  widows  were  specially  to  devote 
themselves  to  ministering  to  such  (iTim.S.io). 
[Tithe.] 

Alinug--tpees.  [Algum-trees.] 
Alnathan'  [IClnathan,  2]  (iEsd.8.44). 
Aloes,  Lilgrn  aloes  (Heb.  'ahalim,  or  'uhd- 
luth),  a  costly  and  sweet-smelling  wood  men- 
tioned in  Num. 24.6  ;  Ps.45.8  ;  Pr.7.17.  In 
Can. 4. 14  Solomon  speaks  of  "  myrrli  and  aloes, 
with  all  the  chief  spices."  'AX^tjs  occurs  once 
in  N.T.  (Jn.19.39),  when  Nicodemus  brings  "a 
mixture  of  myrrh  and  aloes,  abf)ut  an  hundred 
pound  weight,"  to  anoint  the  body  of  our 
Lord.  It  is  usually  identified  with  the  Aqui- 
laria  agallochum,  a    tree  which   supplies  the 


ALTAR 

agallochum,  or  aloe-wood  of  commerce,  much 
valued  in  India  on  account  of  its  aromatic 
qualities  for  fumigating  and  for  incense.  It 
grows  to  the  height  of  120  ft.,  being  12  ft.  in 
girth.  Dioscorides  mentions  that  the  wood  of 
aloes  was  formerly  exported  from  Arabia.  The 
best  sort  of  this  wood  (agalloch)  comes  from 
Sumatra  and  the  Moluccas.  "  Aloes  "  has,  of 
course,  nothing  to  do  with  the  flowering  Aloe  or 
Agave  of  modern  gardens.  [Spices.]  [h.c.h.] 
Aloth'  (high  places  ;  R.V.  Bealoth), 
forming  with  Asher  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
ninth  of  Solomon's  officers  (1K.4.16).  The 
name  may  survive  at  'Alia,  a  ruin  about  9 
miles  E.  of  Achzib.  [c.r.c] 

Al'pha,  the  first  letter  of  the  Gk.  alphabet, 
used  typically  of  a  beginning,  as  the  last, 
Omega,  is  of  an  end  (Rev. 1.8, 11, 21. 6, 22. 13  ; 
cf.  Is. 41. 4).  The  Greeks  employed  the  letter^ 
of  the  alphabet  as  numerals.  [Number.] 
Alphabet.  [Writing.] 
Alphaeus. — 1.  Father  of  Levi  (Mk.2.14). 
[Matthew.] — 2.  Father  of  James,  who  is 
always  described  as  son  of  Alphaeus  (Mt.lO.3), 
to  distinguish  him  from  James,  son  of  Zebedee. 
Alphaeus  has  been  identified  with  Clopas 
(Jn.19.25  ;  A.V.  Cleophas).  If  James  "  the 
little  "  (Mk.15.40)  is  the  apostle  and  the  son 
of  Alphaeus  (R.V.),  then  the  mother  of  that 
James  is  wife  of  Alphaeus.  But  the  mother  of 
James  is  almost  certainly  the  same  woman  as 
Mary  (the  wife)  of  Clopas  (Jn.i9.25),  and  thus 
Alphaeus  and  Clopas  are  one  and  the  same. 
It  is  also  argued  that  Clopas,  like  Alphaeus, 
is  a  transliteration  in  another  form  of  the 
Aramaic  Halphai.more  accurately  represented 
as  Alphaeus.  But  Aramaic  scholars  deny  the 
possibility  of  this.  If  the  man  is  the  same, 
the  names  are  different.  Double  names, 
Aramaic  and  Gk.,  for  the  same  man  were 
common.  No  probable  Aramaic  or  Gk.  origin 
for  Clopas  has  been  suggested.  It  can  hardly 
be  an  anomalous  contraction  for  Cleopas, 
which  is  a  shortened  form  of  Gk.  Cleopatros. 
If  it  were,  Clopas  might  be  identical  with  the 
Cleopas  who  went  toEmmaus  (Lu.24.i8).  The 
identification  of  Alphaeus  and  Clopas  is  im- 
portant in  deciding  the  relationship  meant  by 
the  " brethren  of  the  Lord."  [James.]  Hege- 
sippus  mentions  a  Clopas,  brother  of  Joseph, 
husband  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  But  all 
conclusions  are  precarious  on  account  of  the 
vagueness  of  the  Gk.  genitives,  before  which 
we  have  to  supply  by  guesswork,  "  son," 
"  wife,"  daughter,"  etc.  [e.r.b.] 

Altane'us  ( i  i:sd.9.33)  =  Mattenai,  i. 
Altap  (mizbcah,  from  the  root  zdbhah,  "to 
slay"),  place  of  (sacrificial)  slaughter.  The 
simplest  form  of  altar  was  a  rock  or  a  large 
movable  stone,  and  in  the  absence  of  con- 
structed altars  these  were  utilized  down  to  the 
period  of  the  Judges,  e.g.  by  Gideon  (Judg.6.24, 
26),  Manoah  (13. 19),  Saul  at  Michmash  (iSam. 
l*-33)-  From  primitive  times  altars  were  built 
of  stone  or  earth,  e.g.  by  Noah  (Gen. 8. 20),  by 
Abraham  at  Shochcm  (I2.7),  at  Bethel  (ver.  8), 
on  Moriah  (22.9),  by  Isanc  at  Boer-shcba  (26.25), 
at  Bethel  (35-7) ;  by  Moses  at  Rcphidim  (Ex.17. 
15),  at  Horcb  (24-4)  ;  by  Aaron  for  idolatrous 
worship  (32-5)  ;  by  Balak  at  Bamoth-baal 
(N\uri.23.i),  at  Pi.sgah  (ver.  14),  at  Peor  (ver. 
29).   It  is  only  once  said  of  an  altar:  that  it  was 


ALTAR 

erected  (Gen. 33. 20),  where,  however,  "  altar  " 
may  have  been  read  for  "pillar,"  the  two  Heb. 
words  being  very  similar  in  form  ;  or  it  may 
have  been  an  altar-pillar  (Ariel).  In  one 
instance  the  altar  was  not  intended  for 
sacrifices,  but  as  a  Witness  (Jos.22.10-29). 
The  Covenant  code  prescribes  altars  made  of 
earth  (Ex.2O.24),  with  the  permission  added 
to  build  them  of  unhewn  stones,  without  steps 
(ver.  25),  not  restricting  the  number  or  locality 
of  such  altars.  Hence  Moses  commanded  the 
children  of  Israel  to  build  an  altar  of  stones  on 
moimt  Ebal  (Deut.27.6;  cf.  Jos.8.30)  ;  others 
were  built  by  Gideon  at  Ophrah  (Judg.6.24), 
by  the  people  at  Bethel  (21. 4),  by  Samuel  at 
Ramah  (iSam.7.17),  by  Saul  after  Michmash 
(14-35).  by  David  on  the  threshing-floor  of 
Araunah  (2Sam.24.25  ;  cf.  iChr.22.i),  and 
by  Elijah  on  Carmel  (1K.I8.30).  The  law 
prescribing  one  altar,  to  be  located  at  the 
central  sanctuary  (Deut. 12.5,11-14),  had  no 
reference  to  the  preceding,  which  were  not 
under  regular  priestly  control.  This,  and  the 
altar  for  incense,  were  to  be  made  (Ex.27. i, 
30.1,37.25,38.1,30;  2Chr.4.i,i9,  etc.).  A  most 
important  distinction  was  made  between 
the  (national)  altar  at  the  central  sanctuary, 
administered  by  the  regular  order  of  priests, 
and  local  or  occasional  altars.  An  integral 
and  most  sacred  part  of  the  great  altar  was  the 
horns,  one  at  each  corner,  a  feature  which  was 
copied  in  the  rival  altar  made  by  Jeroboam  for 
the  shrine  at  Bethel  (1K.12.33  ;  Am.3.14). 
The  altar  of  incense  had  the  same  appendages. 
Their  origin  is  obscure,  but  not  so  their  pur- 
pose, (i)  They  were  an  essential  and  dis- 
tinctive part  of  the  structure  of  these  two 
altars,  and  had  a  definite  place  in  the  ritual  of 
the  sanctuary.  Sin  was  represented  as  en- 
graved on  the  horns  of  the  altar  (Je.l7.i), 
hence  the  blood  of  the  sin-offering  was  applied 
to  these  horns  (Ex. 29.12, SO.io  ;  Lev.4.7,i8, 
25,30,34,8.15,9.9,16.18).  (2)  The  horns  of 
the  great  altar  afforded  sanctuary,  which 
failed  only  in  certain  cases  (Ex.21. 14  ;  cf.  iK. 
1.50,51,2.28,29).  (3)  There  may  be  a  re- 
ference to  an  ancient  custom  in  Ps.ll8.27, 
"  Bind  the  festal  victim  with  cords,  (even) 
unto  the  horns  of  the  altar."  I.  Altars  in 
Tabernacle,     (i)  Altar  of  burnt-offerings  (Ex. 


ALTAR 


31 


27.1-8,38.1-7).  It  was  a  hollow  frame  of 
acacia  wood  overlaid  with  copper  or  bronze. 
It  was  5  cubits  square  by  3  high,  and  had 
a  border  or  ledge  half-way  up  the  sides, 
probably  for  the  priests  to  stand  on.  Ex- 
tending from  the  edge  of  this  border  to  the 
ground  was   a   grating  or  network  to  which 


ALTAR  OF  UURNT-OFFERING.     (After  Calmet.) 


SUPPOSED  FORM  OF  THE  ALTAR  OF  INCENSE. 

brass  rings  were  attached  for  the  acacia  wood 
staves  with  which  to  carry  the  altar.  There 
was  a  horn  at  each  corner  of  the  altar,  "  of  the 
same  piece  with  it  "  (27.2).  The  utensils  for 
the  service  of  the  altar  are  enumerated  in  ver.  3 
— viz.  pans  for  removing  the  ashes,  shovels, 
basons  for  the  blood,  flesh-hooks  {cf.  iSam.2. 
13,14),  and  firepans.  [Censer.]  The  pro- 
hibition against  steps  (Ex.2O.26)  would  ob- 
viously have  no  meaning  in  connexion  with 
an  altar  only  3  cubits  in  height  (27. i).  (2) 
Altar  of  incense  (30.1-5,  also  called  mizbeah 
by  an  extension  of  use).  This  also  was  made 
of  acacia  wood  overlaid  with  gold,  and  was  i 
cubit  square  by  2  high  (ver.  2).  It  had  a  flat 
top  with  a  gold  moulding  round  it  (ver.  3),  be- 
neath which  at  each  corner  was  a^gold  ring  for 
the  gold-covered  poles  used  in  carrying  it.  Its 
horns  were,  like  the  other  parts, 
covered  with  gold.  It  was  only 
to  be  used  for  the  burning  of 
incense.  On  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment Aaron  was  to  apply  the 
blood  of  the  sin-offering  to  the 
horns  (ver.  10).  It  is  called 
the  golden  altar  (39.38,40.5,26  ; 
lslum.4.ii,  where  directions  are 
given  for  its  care  when  carried 
about),  and  the  altar  of  sweet 
incense  (Lev.4.7).  It  stood  in 
the  centre  of  the  W.  end  of  the 
holy  place  (Ex.30.6).  II.  In 
Solomon's  Temple,  (i)  The  altar 
of  burnt-offerings  was  made 
of  bronze  (iK.8.64  ;  2K.I6.14; 
2Chr.4.i,  where  it  is  said  the 
altar  was  20  cubits  square  by 
10  high.  No  other  details  are 
given).  Ahaz  had  this  put  on 
one  side,  and  used  in  its  stead  a 


32 


Ali-TASCHITH 


copy  of  one  he  had  seen  in  Damascus  (2K.I6). 
This  latter,  called  the  great  altar,  was  prob- 
ably of  stone,  since  it  is  said  to  have  been  built 
(ver.  11).  After  the  reformation  under  Josiah 
(2  K.23),  theonly  altar  was  the  one  at  the  central 
sanctuary.  (2)  The  altar  of  cedar  plated 
with  gold  (iK. 6. 20,7. 48)  was  the  altar  of 
incense  (c/.  2Chr.4.i<).26.i6).  III.  InEzekiel's 
ideal  Temple,  (i)  The  ideal  altar  of  burnt- 
offerings  (Ezk.43.13-17).  The  dimensions 
were  probably  those  of  Solomon's  altar.  The 
upper  part  was  the  Ariel,  the  altar-hearth, 
12  cubits  square  by  4  high  ;  beneath  this 
was  a  platform  14  cubits  square  by  4 
high  ;  another  platform  and  a  base,  each  i 
cubit  in  heigiit,  giving  a  total  height  of  10 
cubits.  The  base  was  probably  20  cubits 
square.  The  ascent  was  by  steps  (ver.  17). 
The  altar  was  a  horned  one  (ver.  15).  (2) 
The  altar  of  wood  3  cubits  high  and  2  long, 
described  as  "  the  table  that  is  before  the 
Lord  "  (41.22),  might  be  cither  the  altar  of 
incense  or  the;  table  of  shewbread.  IV.  Post- 
Exilic ;  (a)  The  second  temple,  (i)  The  altar 
of  burnt-offerings  was  of  stone  (iMac.4.44-46), 
and  was  built  before  the  temple  was  com- 
menced (Ezr.3.2,3).  It  was  profaned  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  (iMac. 1.54,4. 44),  taken 


ALTAR  TRirOD.  FROM  KHORSAIJAD. 
(I-ayard's  Nineveh  and  its  Kemains.) 

down  by  Judas  and  the  stones  carefully  pre- 
served (4.44-4(>).  (2)  A  new  altar  of  iiirense 
reijlacod  the  one  that  had  been  defiled  (4.49). 

(b)  In  Herod's  temple.  The  great  altar  was 
of  stf)ne,  and  was  50  cubits  square  by  15  high 
(Joscphus,  5  Wars  v.  6).  These  measurements 
do  not,  however,  agree  with  those  in  the 
Mishna  (i1//V/.  iii.  1).  It  was  horned,  and  the 
approach  was  by  a  gradual  ascent.  The  altar 
of  incense  docs  not  appear  on  tlie  Arch  of  Titus, 
nor  is  it  mentioned  l>y  Joscphus,  14  Ant.  iv.  4. 

(c)  For  Heb.l3.io,  etc.,  see  Euciiakist.  Toy, 
Ezekiel,  in  Haupt,  Sacred  Books  of  O.T.; 
Greene,  "  Hebrew  Roek  Altars,"  in  Bib.  World, 
ix.  329  ff. ;  Smitii,  Neligion  0/  Semites.  (Sacri- 
fice, A.)  [11.11.] 

Al-taschith.     [1'salms,  Titles  of.] 


AMALEKITES 

Alush',  a  station  of  the  Israelites  on  their 
journey  to  Sinai,  the  last  before  Rephidim 
(Num. 33. 13, 14). 

Alvah',  a  duke  of  Edom  (Geu.36.40),  writ- 
ten Aliah  in  iChr.l.51. 

Alvan',  a  Horite,  son  of  Shobal  (Gen. 36. 23), 
written  Allan  in  iChr.l.40. 

Amad',  in  Asher,  between  Alammelech 
and  Misheal  (Jos.19.26  only).  Probably  the 
ruin  el  'Ainild,  N.  of  Accho.  [c.r.c] 

Amadatha'  (Esth.16.10,17),  and  Amad- 
athus'  (Esth.12.6).     [Hammedatha.] 

Amal',  an  Asherite,  son  of  Helem  (iChr. 
7.35)- 

Amalek',  son  of  Eliphaz  by  his  concubine 
Timnah,  grandson  of  Esau,  and  chief  {duke, 
A.V.)  of  Edom  (Gen.36.i2,i6  ;    iChr.l.36). 

Amalekites,  a  \'ery  ancient  nomad  race, 
declared  by  Balaam  to  be  "  the  first  of  the  na- 
tions" (Num. 24. 20).  In  the  account  of  the  ex- 
pedition of  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies,  Amalek 
is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  defeated  peoples,  to- 
gether with  the  Emim,  Rephaim,  and  Zuzim,  the 
ancient  giant  races  of  Palestine  (Gen. 14. 7).  .\t 
one  time  they  appear  to  have  occupied  the  ter- 
ritory assigned  to  the  Ephraimites  (Judg.5.14, 
"  Out  of  Ephraim  came  down  they  whose  root 
is  in  Amalek,"  R.V. ;  Judg.i2.15,  "Intheland 
of  Ephraim,  in  the  mount  of  the  .Amalekites  "). 
[Benjamin. J  An  Amalek  is  mentioned  in  Gen. 
36.12  as  a  grandson  of  Esau,  by  the  union  of 
ICliphaz  with  a  concubine  called  Timna  ;  but 
notliingcan  be  built  on  this  statement,  save  that 
possibly  some  Amalekite  clan  was  incorporated 
with  Edom.  All  references  serve  to  show  that 
the  Amalekites  were  an  ancient  nomad  tribe, 
constantly  changing  their  abode,  and  passing 
through  many  vicissitudes,  and  to  countenance 
the  Arab  tradition  that  they  came  from  the  Per- 
sian Gulf,  and  were  pushed  westward  by  the 
growth  al  the  power  of  Bab>Ionia  and  .Assyria. 
.■\fter  the  Exodus  the  Amalekites  appear  as  the 
earliest  enemies  of  Israel,  who  defeated  them 
under  Joshua  at  Rephidim,  in  the Sinaitic pen- 
insula, or  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Palestine,  ac- 
cording to  the  route  the  Israelites  actually  took, 
which  is  still  in  dispute.  Perpetual  war  was 
vowed  against  .Amalek  by  Moses  (Ex. 17. 8-16). 
(See  also  I)eut.25. 1 7, 1 8,  where  Amalek  is  said  to 
have  harassed  Israel  in  the  rear.)  The  spies 
found  the  Amalekites  in  the  neptebh  (Num.13. 
29),  and  when  the  people,  against  the  divine 
command,  tried  to  enter  the  promised  land, 
"  the  Amalekitescanu' down,  and  the Canaanites 
which  dwelt  in  tiiat  hill,  and  discomfited  them, 
even  unto  Horinah."  Duriiiij  the  times  of  the 
Judges  the  .Amalekites  assisted  in  two  great 
invasions  of  Palestine,  that  of  I-'glon,  king  of 
Moab  (Judg.3.13),  anil  the  more  famous  incur- 
sion of  tlie  Midianites  (Jiidg.6.3).  In  tiie  time 
of  Saul,  when  Israel  was  strong  and  united,  a 
holy  war,  with  all  its  terrible  accompaniments, 
was  declared  against  Amalek.  Saul  smote 
them  from  "Havilah  until  thou  comcst  toShur, 
that  is  over  against  I'2gypt,"  and  devoted  all  to 
destruction,  sparing  no  one  but  .Agag  their  king, 
whose  name  (Num.24. 7)  probably  was  an  here- 
ditary title.  For  this  violation  of  the  ban 
against  Amalek,  Saul  was  solemnly  cursed  by 
Samuel,  and  the  kingdom  rent  from  him  (iSam. 
15).  The  .Amalekites,  however,  survi\ed  the 
expedition  of  Saul,  aiul  were  still  formidable  in 


amam 

his  latter  years.  David,  as  a  Philistine  vassal, 
used  constantly  to  invade  their  territory  from 
Ziklag  (iSam.27.8),  and  in  revenge,  when  he 
marched  N.  to  assist  the  Philistines  against 
Saul,  they  plundered  and  burnt  his  city.  David 
on  his  return  pursued  them,  and  rescued  the 
spoil  and  his  two  wives  (iSam.30).  In  the  ac- 
count of  Saul's  death  on  mount  Gilboa,  we  read 
(iSam.31)  that  he  fell  on  his  own  sword,  but  an 
Amalekite  (aSam.l),  hoping  for  a  reward  from 
David,  claimed  to  have  been  requested  to  put 
him  to  death.  [Samuel,  Books  of.]  Nothing 
more  is  told  us  of  the  Amalekites  in  the  Bible, 
save  in  iChr.4.42,43,  where  a  record  is  preserved 
of  how  500  Simeonites,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah, 
smote  the  remnant  of  the  Amalekites  in  mount 
Seir,  in  the  territory  of  Edom.  In  Ps.83.7 
Amalekis  mentioned  as  one  of  the  confederates 
against  Israel;  but  the  date  of  the  Psalm  is 
uncertain,  and  probably  late,  and  the  employ- 
ment of  the  name  may  be  an  archaism.  The 
well-known  story  of  the  book  of  Esther  relates 
the  rivalry  between  the  pious  Mordecai,  the  de- 
scendant of  Kish,  and  of  Haman  the  Agagite, 
in  whom  J  osephus  ( g  ^  m^  vi.  5 )  and  the  Targum 
recognize  a  descendant  of  Agag.         [f.j.f.-j.] 

Amam',  a  city  in  the  S.  of  Judah,  named 
with  Shema  and  Moladah  in  Jos. 15. 26. 

Aman'  =  HAMAN(Tob.l4.io;Esth.l0.7,etc.). 

Amana'  (Can. 4. 8),  a  mountain  mentioned 
with  Lebanon  and  Hermon.  Possibly  the 
Amanus  range  N.  of  Antioch  might  be  intended. 
This  was  known  to  the  Akkadian  prince  Gudea 
(about  2800  B.C.)  as  a  mountain  of  cedars,  and 
to  the  Assyrians  from  the  12th  cent.  b.c.  In 
the  Mishna  {Hallah  iv.  8  ;  Shebiith  vi.  i )  it  is  the 
N.  boundary  of  Syria.     [Abana.]       [c.r.c] 

Amapi'ah. — 1.  "  Father  "  (but  cf.  aEsd. 
1.2,  where  several  generations  intervene)  of 
Ahitub  and  son  (iChr.6.7,52)  or  grandson 
(Ezr.7.3)  of  Meraioth,  in  the  line  of  the  high- 
priests. — 2.  The  high-priest  in  the  reign  of 
Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.i9.11).  He  was  the  son  of 
Azariah,  and  the  fifth  high -priest  who  succeeded 
Zadok  (iChr.6.ii). — 3.  The  head  of  a  Levitical 
house  of  the  Kohathites  in  the  time  of  David 
(23.19,24.23).— 4.  The  head  of  one  of  the  24 
courses  of  priests,  which  was  named  after  him, 
in  the  times  of  David,  of  Hezekiah,  and  of 
Nehemiah  (1Chr.24.r4,  E.Y.  Immer;  aChr.Sl. 
15  ;  Ne. 10.3, 12.2, 13).  [Immer,  i.] — 5.  A  son  of 
Bani,who  had  marrieda  foreign  wife(Ezr.lO. 42). 
— 6.  A  descendant  of  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah 
(Ne.11.4),  probably  the  same  as  Imri  in  iChr. 
9.4. — 7-  An  ancestor  of  Zephaniah  (Zeph.l.i). 

Amapi'as,  an  ancestor  of  Ezra  (lEsd. 
8.2  ;    2Esd.l.2)  ;    sse  Amariah,  i. 

Amasa'. — 1.  Son  of  Ithra  or  J  ether,  by 
Abigail,  David's  sister  (2Sam.i7.25).  He 
joined  Absalom's  rebelUon,  and  was  by  him 
appointed  commander-in-chief  in  place  of 
Joab,  by  whom  he  was  totally  defeated  in  the 
wood  of  Ephraim  (18.6).  David,  when  dis- 
pleased with  Joab  for  kiUing  Absalom,  forgave 
Amasa's  treason,  recognized  him  as  his 
nephew,  and  appointed  him  Joab's  successor 
(19. 1 3).  Afterwards  Joab,  when  both  were 
in  pursuit  of  the  rebel  Sheba,  pretending  to 
salute  Amasa,  stabbed  him  with  his  sword 
(20.9-12),  which  he  held  concealed  in  his 
left  hand. — 2.  A  prince  of  Ephraim,  son  of 
Hadlai,  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2Chr.28.12). 


AMBES, 


33 


Amasa'i.— 1.  A  Kohathite,  father  of 
Mahath,  and  ancestor  of  Samuel  and  Heman 
the  singer  (iChr.6.25,35). — 2.  Chief  of  the 
captains  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  who 
deserted  to  David  while  an  outlaw  at  Ziklag 
(I2.18).  Whether  the  same  as  Amasa,  i, 
is  uncertain. — 3.  One  of  the  priests  who  blew 
trumpets  before  the  ark,  when  David  brought 
it  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (15.24).^ 
4.  Another  Kohathite,  father  of  another  Ma- 
hath, in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.12), 
unless  the  name  is  that  of  a  family. 

Amasha'i,  son  of  Azareel,  a  priest  in  the 
time  of  Nehemiah  (Ne.ll.13),  apparently 
=  Maasiai   (iChr.9.12). 

Amasi'ah,  son  of  Zichri,  and  captain  of 
200,000  warriors  of  Judah  in  Jehoshaphat's 
reign  (2Chr.i7.16). 

Amath.     [Hamath.] 

Ama'theis  (iEsd.9.29).     [Athlai.] 

Am'athis,  The  land  of,  a  district  to 
the  N.  of  Palestine  (1Mac.i2.25).  From  the 
context  it  is  evidently  Ham.\th. 

Amaziah'. — 1.  Son  of  Joash,  and  eighth 
king  of  Judah.  On  his  accession  (c.  795  b.c.) 
he  slew  his  father's  murderers,  but  permitted 
their  children  to  live  (2K. 14.1-6  ;  cf.  Deut.24. 
16).  He  made  war  on  the  Edomites,  who 
had  revolted  from  Judah  during  the  reign  of 
Jehoram  (8.20-22),  defeated  them  in  the  valley 
of  Salt,  and  took  their  capital  Petra  or  Sela 
(I4.7;  2Chr.25.11, 12),  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Joktheel  (i.e.  God-subdued).  He  car- 
ried back  with  him  the  gods  of  Seir  and  set 
them  up  as  objects  of  worship  (2Chr.25.i4-i6). 
Elated  by  success,  Amaziah  challenged  Jeho- 
ash,  king  of  Israel,  to  battle  (2K.I4.8),  who 
replied  bv  the  contemptuous  parable  of  the 
thistle  and  the  cedar  {vv.  9,10).  The  king  of 
Judah,  however,  refused  to  listen  to  the  king 
of  Israel's  well-meant  advice,  and,  at  the  battle 
of  Beth-shemesh,  Judah  was  defeated  and 
Amaziah  himself  taken  prisoner  and  carried  by 
Jehoash  to  Jerusalem,  which  opened  its  gates 
to  the  conqueror.  A  portion  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  was  broken  down,  and  treasures  and 
hostages  were  carried  off  to  Samaria.  How 
long  Amaziah  survived  this  disaster  is  uncer- 
tain, the  statement  in  14. 17  being  perhaps  open 
to  doubt.  [Chronology.]  He  was  assassin- 
ated at  Lachish,  whither  he  had  retired  for 
safety  from  Jerusalem  (2Chr.25.27).   [h.c.b.] 

Ambassadors.     [Alliances.] 

Amtaep  (Heb.  hashmal ;  Ezk.l. 4,27,8. 2  only) 
is  usually  supposed  to  denote  a  metal,  and 
not  the  fossil  resin  called  amber.  The  LXX. 
and  Vulg.  afford  no  certain  clue,  for  the  word 
electron  was  used  by  the  Greeks  to  express  both 
amber  and  an  alloy  of  gold  and  silver,  which 
was  rather  similar  in  colour  and  was  highly 
esteemed  by  the  ancients.  The  latter  sense  of 
the  word,  however,  seems  the  less  ordinary, 
and  amber  was  undoubtedly  well  known  in 
ancient  times.  It  is  probably  mentioned  by 
Homer,  and  was  found  by  Schliemann  in 
tombs  at  Mycenae  and  Tiryns.  It  is  men- 
tioned by  Herodotus,  and  Pliny  gives  a  long 
account  of  it  (Hist.  Nat.  xxxvii.  11,  12).  It  is 
found  in  many  countries — for  instance,  occa- 
sionally on  the  coast  of  Norfolk  ;  but  the  best 
and  clearest  coloured  varieties  are  obtained  in 
the  parts  of  Prussia  adjacent  to  the  Baltic.  The 


34  AMEN 

amber  there  found  probably  made  its  way 
southward  across  Europe  by  ancient  trade- 
routes  from  very  early  times.  [t.g.b.] 

Amen.     This    Aramaic  word    is  identical 
with  the  Heb.  verb  jON ,  "  he  was  firm,"  and, 

throughout,  it  indicates  a  confirmation,  (i) 
It  is  used  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  a  remark 
of  another  as  one's  own,  and  chiefly  in  a 
religious  sense  as  an  expression  of  the  faith  of 
individuals  in  divine  promise  or  revelation. 
Hence  in  Deut. 27. 15-26  it  is  used  by  the 
people  as  sanctioning  the  curses  on  mount  Ebal. 
[Oath.]  From  this  comes  its  liturgical  use  in 
the  services  of  the  synagogue  (Ps.4i.13  ;  Ne. 
8.6),  from  which,  at  a  very  early  period,  it  was 
introduced  into  Christian  worship  (iCor.l4.i6). 
From  this  its  use  by  individuals  to  emphasize 
their  own  prayers  is  natural  ;  see  R0.I.25, 
9.5,15.33;  Gal.6.i8;  Rev.l.7,  etc.  (2)  A 
special  application  is  found  in  our  Lord's  lan- 
guage. He  employs  the  word,  not  at  the  end, 
but  invariably  at  the  beginning,  of  a  sentence  ; 
His  object  being  not  to  emphasize  His  own 
faith  in  the  statements,  but  to  make  a  special 
appeal  for  faith  on  the  part  of  His  hearers. 
This  word,  translated  "  verily,"  appears  about 
50  times  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  and  of  these 
passages  30  are  m  St.  Matthew.  The  double 
use  of  the  word  is  confined  to  St.  John,  where  it 
occurs  25  times.  (3)  The  word  is  found  in  a 
few  passages  as  an  ordinary  noun.  In  aCor.l. 
20  it  is  used  in  contrast  with  "  yea,"  where 
"  yea  "  stands  for  the  promise  and  "  amen" 
for  the  fulfilment.  In  Is. 65. 16  God  is,  by  a 
Hebrew  idiom,  twice  called  "  the  God  of 
amen"  (E.V.  "God  of  truth");  in  Rev. 3. 14 
Christ  is  Himself  called  the  Amen.     [t..\.m.] 

Amethyst  (Heb.  ahldmd).  This  name 
is  given  to  the  third  stone  in  the  third  row  of 
the  high-priest's  breastplate  in  E.x.28.i9,39.i2. 
In  Rev. 21. 20  it  denotes  the  twelfth  stone  in 
the  foundations  of  the  wall  of  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem.  Commentators  generally  are  agreed 
that  the  Heb.  word  denotes  the  ordinary 
amethyst,  as  the  Gk.  afi^dvaroi  in  Rev.  certainly 
does.  This  a  transparent  purple  variety  of 
quartz  (crystallized  silica)  which  is  found  in 
many  countries,  and  has  been  used  for  orna- 
ments and  carved  objects  of  art  from  very 
early  times.  The  name  is  derived  from  the 
Gk.  a  (privative)  and  ixidvar-q^,  "  a  drunkard," 
because  wine  drunk  from  cups  of  it  was  sup- 
posed to  lose  its  intoxicating  properties.  With 
the  Heb.  name  we  may  compare  a  stone  called 
hilima  mentioned  in  15th  cent.  B.C.  in  the 
Amarna  tablets  (Berlin  26).  The  modern 
Oriental  amethyst  is  a  choice  variety  of  corun- 
dum, very  similar  to  the  above  in  colour. 
[Adamant.]  [t.g.b.] 

Ami',  one  of  "  Solomon's  servants"  (Ezr.2. 
57);  =  Amon  (Ne.7.59)and  ALL0M(iEsd.5.34). 

Amlnadata'(Mt.l.4 ;  Lu.3.33).     [Ammi.va- 

DAB,   I.] 

Amit'tai,  father  of  the  prophet  Jonah 
(2K.I4.25  ;   Jon.t.i). 

Ammah',  Hill  of  (2Sam.2.24).  The  Heb. 
may  be  read  :  "  To  Gibeah  Ammah  facing 
the  fountain  on  the  Gibeon-desert  road." 
These  sites  are  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Amml',  i.e.,  as  explained  in  A.V.  marg. 
(Ho. 2.1),    "my   people,"    a   figurative    name 


AMMON,  AMMONITES 

applied  to  the  kingdom  of  Israel  in  token  of 
God's  reconciliation  with  them,  in  contrast 
with  the  negative  name  Lo-ammi  given  by 
the  prophet  Hosea  to  his  second  son  (H0.I.9, 
10).  Similarly,  Ruhamah  (having  obtained 
mercy)  contrasts  with  Lo-ruhamah. 

Am'midoi  (iEsd.5.2o  only;  R.V.  Ammi- 
dioi),  named  among  those  who  came  up  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel. 

Ammiel'. — 1.  The  spy  selected  bj'  Moses 
from  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Num.13. 12). — 2. 
Father  of  Machir  of  Lodebar  (2Sam.9.4,5,17. 
27). — 3.  Father  (iChr.3.5)  of  Bathshua  (  = 
Bathsheba)  ;  called  Eliam  in  2Sam.ll.3. 
He  was  the  son  of  Ahithophel,  David's  prime 
minister. — 4.  A  doorkeeper  of  the  temple  ; 
sixth  son  of  Obed-edom  (iChr.26.5). 

Ammihud'. —  1.  An  Ephraimite,  father 
of  Elishama,  I  (Num.1. 10, 2.18, 7. 48, 53, 10. 22), 
and  ancestor  of  Joshua  (iChr.'7.26). — 2.  A 
Simeonite,  father  of  Shemuel,  i  (Num. 34. 20). 
— 3.  Father  of  Pedahel  prince  of  Naphtali 
(34.28). — 4.  Father  of  Talmai,  king  of  Geshur 
(2Sam.i3.37). — 5.  A  descendant  of  Pharez, 
son  of  Judah  (iChr.9.4). 

Amminadab'  (my  people  is  generous). 
— 1.  Son  of  Ramor  Aram(Ru.4.20  ;  iChr.2.io), 
father  of  Nahshon,  and  father-in-law  of 
Aaron  (Ex. 6. 23).  He  was  of  the  fourth  genera- 
tion after  Judah  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus 
Christ  (Mt.1.4;  Lu.3.33).— 2.  The  chief  of  the 
112  sons  of  Uzziel,  a  junior  Levitical  house 
of  the  family  of  the  Kohathites  (Ex. 6.18)  in 
the  days  of  David,  for  whom  that  king  sent, 
together  with  other  chief  fathers  of  Levitical 
houses,  to  bring  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  (iChr.15. 
10-12). — 3.  IniChr.6.22  Izhar,  son  of  Kohath 
and  father  of  Korah,  is  called  Amminadab, 
probably  by  a  clerical  error. 

Amminadib'  (Can.6.12,  A.V.  and  R.V. 
marg.;  or  "my  willing  people,"  A.V.  marg. 
and  R.V.).  If  a  proper  name,  nothing  else  is 
known  of  him,  nor  is  he  elsewhere  mentioned 
in  the  Bible. 

Ammishaddai'  (people  of  the  Almighty), 
the  father  of  Ahiezer  prince  of  Dan  at  the 
Exodus  (Num. 1.12, 2.25, 7.66, 71, 10. 25). 

Ammizabad',  son  of  Benaiah,  apparently 
his  father's  lieutenant  in  the  third  division  of 
David's  armv,  which  was  on  duty  for  the  third 
month  (iChr.27.6). 

Ammon,  Ammonites.  The  Ammonites 
were,  with  the  Moabitcs,  descendants  of  Lot, 
and  consequently  allied  in  blood  and  language 
to  the  Israelites.  The  story  of  their  origin  is  one 
of  drunkenness  and  lust  (Gen.19.36-38) ;  and  it 
implies  that  the  Israelites,  whilst  recognizing 
them  as  kindred,  entertained  a  strong  moral  re- 
pugnance to  these  two  nations.  J  ust  before  the 
entry  into  Canaan,  Moses  coinmanded  the  Am- 
monites and  Moabites  to  be  excluded  from  the 
congregation  till  the  tenth  generation,  for  hiring 
Balaam  to  curse  Israel.  Edomites  and  Egyptians 
bcingallowedtoenteriii  thethird  (Deut. 23. 3-8); 
and  we  find  this  association  of  Amnion  and 
Moab  throughout  tlic  O.T.  The  Moabite  and 
Ammonite  territories  lay  close  together  on  the 
E.  of  the  Jordan,  Moab  occupying  the  S.  part 
on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  Ammon  the 
N.E.  district,  its  border  being,  in  the  days  of 
Sihon,  when  the  Israelites  invaded  his  territory, 
at  the  town  Jaazer  (see  Num. 21. 24,  where 


AMMON,  AMMONITES 

for  "  strong  "  some  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  read 
Jazer).  Their  chief  city  was  Rabbath-am- 
mon,  known  in  later  times  as  Philadelphia. 
They  are  first  mentioned  as  holding  their  terri- 
tory from  Jehovah,  together  with  the  Moabites, 
and  therefore  not  to  be  attacked  by  Israel.  It 
is  said  that  they  had  occupied  the  land  of  the 
Zamzummim,  a  race  of  Rephaim,  like  the  Anakim 
or  Emims,  whom  their  Moabite  Isrethren  had  dis- 
possessed (Deut.2.19-21).  Eglon,  the  Moabite 
king,  was  assisted  by  the  Ammonites  in  his  inva- 
sion of  W.  Palestine (Judg.3. 13).  At alatertime 
they  passed  the  J  ordan,  "  to  fight  against  J  udah 
and  Benjamin  and  the  house  of  Ephraim  "  till 
the  election  of  the  freebooter  J  ephthah  as  judge 
(Judg.lO.9,11).  who,  before  attacking  them, 
sent  an  embassy  to  settle  the  question  of  the 
disputed  territory  conquered  by  Israel  from 
Sihon  three  centuries  before.  In  the  interesting 
statement  of  Israel's  claims  (J  udg.l  1 . 1 5 -2 8 ),  the 
identity  of  Ammon  and  Moab  is  so  far  assumed 
that  both  nations  are  said  to  worship  Chemosh, 
whereas  Milcom  is  elsewhere  said  to  be  the  god 
of  Ammon.  The  Ammonites  were  subdued  by 
Jephthah  (Judg.ll.33),  but  in  the  days  of  Saul 
their  king  Nahash  threatened  the  cityof  Jabesh- 
gilead.  They  were  distinguished  alike  for 
craft  and  cruelty,  and  refused  on  this  occasion 
to  come  to  any  terms  with  the  inhabitants,  un- 
less they  would  all  submit  to  have  their  right 
eyes  put  out.  The  city  was  finally  delivered  by 
Saul,  who  thereby  justified  his  election  by 
Samuel  (iSam.11,14.47).  David  seems  to  have 
been  on  good  terms  with  2mother  Nahash,  and 
on  the  latter's  death  sent  an  embassy  to  his  son 
Hanun.  The  brutality  of  the  Ammonites  was 
shown  in  their  treatment  of  the  envoys  of  a 
friendly  king,  and  David  began  against  them 
one  of  his  most  formidable  wars  (aSam. 10).  The 
Syrians  were  hired  by  the  Ammonites,  and  until 
they  were  subdued  nothing  could  be  done. 
Then  Joab  drove  the  Ammonites  into  Rabbah, 
and  captured  the  place  after  a  long  siege,  in 
which  Uriah  the  Hittite  perished  (2Sam.l2). 
The  capture  of  this  place,  "  the  city  of  waters," 
as  it  was  called,  was  possibly  the  chief  tri- 
imiph  of  David's  reign.  The  crown  of  its  king 
was  placed  on  his  head  (2Sam.i2.30).  Per- 
haps the  victory  was  marred  by  acts  of  excep- 
tional cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  Israelites,  pro- 
voked by  the  conduct  of  the  Ammonites  before 
the  war.  2Sam.i2.31,  however,  is  capable  of 
the  interpretation  that  David  merely  reduced 
the  Ammonites  to  servile  labour.  By  Amos, 
who  prophesied  in  the  reign  of  J eroboam  II.,  the 
Ammonites  are  denounced  for  their  atrocious 
cruelty  practised  in  Gilead,  "  that  they  might 
enlarge  their  border ' ' ;  from  which  we  may  infer 
that  in  the  days  of  Israel's  distress,  they  had 
begun  to  occupy  its  trans-Jordanic  territory 
(Am. 1.13).  A  cent,  or  more  later  we  find  the 
Ammonite  king  in  possession  of  the  territory 
of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Je.49.i ;  see  also  Zeph.2.8- 
11).  In  the  days  of  the  Babylonian  invasion, 
the  Ammonites  seem  to  have  been  among  the 
bitterest  enemies  of  Israel  (Ezk. 21. 28,25.1-7), 
and  in  Jehoiakim's  reign  they  invaded  J  udah,  at 
the  instigation  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (2K.24.2). 
Nevertheless,  diuring  the  last  siege  of  Jerusalem 
by  the  Chaldeans  many  Jews  sought  refuge 
with  the  Ammonites  (Je.40.ii),  and  their  king 
Baalis  sent  one  of  these,  Ishmael,  the  son  of 


AMON 


35 


Nethaniah  of  the  seed  royal,  to  slay  Gedaliah, 
the  Jewish  governor  of  the  unfortunate  rem- 
nant (Je.40.12,41.2).  When  Nehemiah  was 
governor,  his  bitterest  enemies  were  Sanballat, 
perhaps  of  Horonaim  in  Moab,  and  Tobiah 
the  Ammonite  (Ne.4.3),  who  hindered  his 
attempt  to  fortify  Jerusalem.  Tobiah,  whose 
name  would  imply  that  he  was  a  worshipper  of 
Jehovah,  was  allied  by  marriage  with  some  of 
the  noble  families  in  J  erusalem.  The  Ammon- 
ites are  alluded  to  as  enemies  of  Israel  in  Ps.83. 
7.  IntheMaccabaean  war  Judas  gained  a  vic- 
tory over  the  Ammonites,  commanded  by  a  cer- 
tain Timotheus,  and  the  fugitives  were  destroyed 
in  the  temple  at  Carnaim  or  Carnion  (iMac.5.6, 
26,37-44  ;  2Mac.l2. 21-26).  The  Ammonites  are 
also  alluded  to  in  Judith  (5,6,7),  and  last  men- 
tioned by  Justin  (Dial,  cum  Tryph.  119),  who 
says  (166  A.D.),  "  There  are  a  number  of  Am- 
monites still."  As  J  ustin  was  a  native  of  Pales- 
tine, this  statement  deserves  some  credit.  The 
Ammonites  appear  to  have  been  a  more  barbar- 
ous race  than  the  Moabites,  and  there  are  few 
traces  of  civilization  or  culture  among  them. 
They  were  known  to  the  Ass>Tians,  being  men- 
tioned in  the  inscriptions  of  Shalmaneser  II., 
Tiglath-pileser,  Sennacherib,  and  Esar-haddon. 
They  worshipped  Milcom,  or  Molech,  "  the 
abomination    of    the    children    of    Ammon." 

[ASHTEROTH   KarNAIM.]  [f.J.F.-J.] 

Ammoni'tess,  a  woman  of  Ammonite 
race.  Such  were  Naamah,  the  mother  of  Reho- 
boam,  one  of  Solomon's  foreign  wives  (iK.14. 
21,31  ;  2Chr.i2.13),  and  Shimeath,  whose  son 
Zabad  or  Jozachar  was  one  of  the  murderers 
of  Joash  (2Chr.24.26).    [Mixed  Marriages.] 

Amnon'. — 1.  Eldest  son  of  David  by 
Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess,  born  in  Hebron 
(iSam.3.2).  He  violated  his  half-sister 
Tamar,  and  was  in  consequence  slain  at  the 
command  of  her  brother  (2Sara.i3.1-29). 
[Absalom.] — 2.  Son  of  Shimon  (iChr.4.2o). 

Amok',  a  priest  whose  family  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ne.12.7,20). 

Amon'  (|iDN  ;  'AfjL/xuv  :  the  hidden  one),  an 
Egyptian  god,  the  chief  divinity  of  Thebes, 
whose   worship   spread   over  the  whole  land 


THE  GOD  AWON.    (Wilkinson.) 


36 


AMON 


under  the  great  Theban  kings.  Thebes  is 
mentioned  by  Nahum  (3.8,  see  R.V.)  as  No- 
amon  the  city  of  Ainon.  The  Egyptians  called 
him  Amon-Ra,  identifying  him  with  Ra  (the 
sun).  He  is  the  head  of  the  triad  of  Thebes  : 
Amon  the  father,  Mut  the  mother,  and  Khonsu 
the  son,  a  lunar  god.  Amon  is  represented  in 
human  form,  sitting  or  standing,  and  wearing 
two  tall  plumes.  He  is  sometimes  ram-headed. 
The  Greeks  likened  him  to  Zeus  and  called 
him  Ammon,  whose  oracle  was  in  the  oasis 
now  called  Sin-ah.  [e.n.] 

Amon'. — 1.  King  of  Judah,  son  and 
successor  of  Manasseh,  reigned  two  years  from 
643  to  641  B.C.  Following  his  father's  ex- 
ample, Amon  devoted  himself  wholly  to 
serving  false  gods,  and  was  killed  in  a  con- 
spiracy. The  people  avenged  him  by  putting 
all  the  conspirators  to  death,  and  secured 
the  succession  to  his  son  Josiah  (2K. 21. 18-26  ; 
2Chr.33. 20-25).  To  Anion's  reign  we  must 
refer  the  moral  and  religious  declension  of 
Jerusalem  pictured  by  Zephaniah  (1,3)  and  (a 
little  later)  by  Jeremiah  (2-6)  ;  idolatry  sup- 
ported by  priests  and  prophets,  the  poor  ruth- 
lessly oppressed,  and  shameless  indifference  to 
evil. — 2.  Prince  or  governor  of  Samaria  in  the 
reign  of  Ahab  (iK. 22.26  ;  2Chr.l8.25).  The 
precise  nature  of  his  office  is  not  known.  Per- 
haps the  prophet  Micaiah  was  entrusted  to  his 
custody  as  captain  of  the  citadel. — 3.  [.\mi.] 

Amopites.  The  name  has  been  supposed 
to  signify  "  a  mountaineer,"  the  Amorite  being 
the  highlander  and  the  Canaanite  the  lowlander 
of  Palestine.  The  Hebrews  regarded  the  Amor- 
ites  as  the  sons  of  Canaan  (Gen. 10. 16  ;  iChr.l. 
14) ;  but,  according  to  the  report  of  the  spies 
(Num.13.29),  distinguished  them  from  the 
Canaanites.  "  The  Hittite  and  the  J  ebusite  and 
the  Amorite  dwell  in  the  mountain,  and  the 
Canaanite  dwells  by  the  sea  and  by  the  side  of 
Jordan."  They  were  in  Palestine  from  a  very 
early  period,  and  gave  their  name  to  the 
country.  The  Egyptians  used  the  form  Amur, 
and  in  the  Bab.  and  Syr.  te.xts  the  name  is 
written  Aniurra.  It  is  probable  that  "  the 
land  of  Martu  "  in  the  inscription  of  Sargina  of 
Akkad  (3800  b.c.  [?])  and  Gudea  (2600  b.c.)  is 
another  form  of  "land  of  the  Amurri" — .^m- 
orites  (Sayce).  In  Gen. 14. 7  (the  account  of 
Chedorlaomer's  expedition)  the  Amorites  are  at 
Hazezon-tamar,  near  Engedi,  on  the  W.  shores 
of  the  Dead  Sea.  Abraham's  allies  Aner, 
Eschol,  and  Mamre  (Gen.i4.13)  were  Amorites. 
According  to  the  Amarna  tablets,  the  Aimirru 
or  Amorites  occupied  N.  Palestine  ;  but  in  the 
Bible  they  are  generally  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  E.  or  S.  Palestine,  and  in  J  udg. 1.35,36 
the  boundary  of  the  .'\morites  was  from  tiie  pass 
of  Akrabuim  on  the  Dead  Sea  to  Aijalon,  etc. 
The  first  lands  conquered  by  the  Israelites  were 
the  Amorite  kingdoms  of  Sihon  and  Og.  Sihon 
had  conquered  the  IMoabites,  and  forced  them 
to  take  refuge  beyond  the  deep  valley  of  the 
Arnon  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  Num. 21. 27-29 
enshrines  an  ancient  Amorite  song  of  triumph 
over  Moab.  Sihon's  refusal  to  allow  Israel  a 
passage  through  his  territory  led  to  an  attack, 
which  resulted  in  its  capture  by  the  Israelites, 
and  the  Moabite  ]i(irtion  of  it  was  assigned  to 
thetribcof  Re>iben  (Num. 21. 23-25  ;  Dent. 2.36; 
Niim.32.33,37,38).     The  kingdom  of  Bashan, 


AUOS 

with  its  60  cities,  is  described  as  Amorite,  though 
Og  himself  was  the  last  of  the  Rephaim  or 
giant  inhabitantsof  E.  Palestine (Deut. 3. 1-17). 
We  have  here  an  intimation  that  the  mountain 
known  as  Hermon  to  the  Hebrews  was  called 
by  the  Amorites  Shenir,  "  the  white  mountain." 
The  district  conquered  by  the  Israelites  was 
perhaps  known  in  a  special  sense  as  the  "  land 
of  the  Amorites,"  extending  from  the  Arnon 
right  to  the  foot  of  Hermon  (Num. 21. 25-35  ; 
J  OS.  12. 1 -6).  The  possession  of  the  Moabite  terri- 
tory conquered  by  Sihon,  and  occupied  by  the 
Israelites,  was  the  subject  of  the  dispute  be- 
tween Jephthah  and  the  king  of  Ammon.  The 
Israelite  judge  in  his  embassy  claims  the  land 
of  Sihon  by  right  of  conquest,  and  pleads  the 
silence  of  the  Moabite  king  Balak  at  the  time 
(Judg.ll.igff.).  So  much  for  the  E.  Amorites: 
those  of  the  S.  are  apparently  identified  with 
the  Hivites  (c/.  Gen. 34.2  ;  Jos.9.2,11.19  with 
Gen. 48. 22;  2Sam.21.2),  the  Jebusites  (c/.  Jos. 
15.63,18.28  ;  Judg.l. 21, 19.11  ;  2Sara.5.6  with 
Jos. 10.5. 6),  and  the  Hittites  of  Hebron  (c/. 
Gen. 23  with  14. 13).  In  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments, says  Prof.  Sayce,  "  the  Amorites  are 
depicted  as  a  tall  race,  with  fair  skins,  light 
(but  also  black)  hair,  and  blue  eyes.  The  same 
type,  with  profiles  resembling  those  of  the 
Amorites  in  the  Egyptian  monuments,  is  still 
met  with  in  Palestine,  especially  in  the  extreme 
south."  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  Eze- 
kiel  attributes  an  Amorite  origin  to  Jerusalem  : 
"  Thy  birth  and  thy  nativity  is  of  the  land  of 
Canaan  ;  thy  father  was  an  Amorite,  and  thy 
mother  an  Hittite  "  (Ezk.16.3).  According  to 
.\mos  (2.9)  the  .A^morites  were  giants  "whose 
height  was  like  the  height  of  cedars" — a  proof 
that  they  had  in  the  8th  cent.  B.C.  become  a  tra- 
dition of  the  past  to  the  Israelites,  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Amos. — 1.  (Oioy,  probably  burden-bearer  ; 
'A/xiis)-  The  earliest,  save  for  the  doubtful  ex- 
ception of  Joel,  of  the  writing  prophets.  He 
prophesied  in  the  reigns  of  Uzziah  of  Judah 
and  Jeroboam  II.  of  Israel,  at  a  somewhat 
earlier  period  than  his  contemporary  Hosea. 
Amos  does  not  name  God's  minister  of  ven- 
geance, Hosea  repeatedly  names  the  .Assyrian. 
In  Amos  the  northern  kingdom  is  still  intact 
(6.14;  c/.  2K. 14.25) ;  in  Hosea  it  is  tottering  to 
its  fall.  The  mention  of  the  earthquake  (l.r  ; 
cf.  Zech.14.5)  sheds  no  light  on  the  date,  but 
tends  to  show  that  the  propiiccy  was  all  de- 
livered at  one  time.  Amos,  perhaps  alone 
among  the  prophets,  was  not  a  member  of  a 
prophetic  guild,  but  a  herdman  of  Tekoa,  and 
a  dresser  of  sycomorc  fruit.  Vet  though  he 
lacked  the  training  of  the  "  schools,"  there  is 
nothing  rude  or  uncultured  in  his  style.  His 
language  has  a  simple  beauty  all  its  own, 
which  is  enhanced  by  the  illustrations  drawn 
from  the  outdoor  life  in  which  he  was  placed. 
We  have  the  cart  laden  with  sheaves  (2.13), 
the  lion  attacking  the  flock  (8.12),  the  view  of 
the  starlit  skies,  as  he  gazed  on  the  Pleiades  and 
Orion  (5.8).  the  locusts  spoiling  tiie  vineyards 
and  olive>ards  (6.0),  the  "shearings"  [Mow- 
ing ]  (7.1 ),  the  plowman,  the  reaper,  the  treader 
of  grapes  (9.13).  The  only  Tkkoa  known  to 
us  is  the  village  10  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem,  whose 
"  wise  woman  "  was  suborned  by  Joab  (2Sam. 
14).     It  is  indeed  said   that    the   bleak  and 


AMOZ 

barren  high  ground  of  Tekoa  would  be  unsuit- 
able for  sycomores,  and  attempts  have  been 
made  to  assume  a  Tekoa  in  the  N.,  but  there  is 
no  real  evidence  for  this,  and  the  home  of  the 
sycomores  may  have  been  lower  down  in  the 
valley.  We  thus  have  a  Judaean  declaring 
God's  message  to  the  northern  kingdom.  The 
prophecy  naturally  falls  into  three  divisions, 
(i)  1.I-2.I6.  Here  we  have  dooms  pro- 
nounced upon  various  neighbouring  nations, 
Edom,  Amnion,  Moab,  and  others,  culminating 
in  Israel.  (2)  3.1-6. 14.  This  consists  of 
three  discourses,  each  introduced  by  "  Hear  ye 
this  word, "inveighing against  idolatry,  luxury, 
and  oppression.  (3)  7.1-9. 20.  Here  are  five 
visions,  displaying  a  symbolism  (grasshoppers, 
the  plumb-line,  and  the  like)  which  may  have 
a  greater  effect  than  more  direct  appeals.  In- 
serted amid  these  is  the  account  of  the  visit  of 
Amos  to  Bethel  to  protest  against  the  doings 
of  Jeroboam,  as  an  earlier  prophet  had  gone 
thither  in  the  time  of  Jeroboam  I.  (iK.13). 
Yet  whether  it  be  direct  appeal  or  symbolism, 
the  unity  of  aim  throughout  is  plain — God's 
judgment  on  sinful  Israel.  Then  from  amid 
the  gloom  the  Messianic  hope  shines  forth 
(9. 1  if.)  that  God  will  build  up  again  the  ruined 
tabernacle  of  David.  The  message  of  Amos  is 
allied  in  time  and  in  aim  with  that  of  Hosea, 
but  the  treatment  of  the  message  is  very  differ- 
ent. Amos  writes  filled  with  burning  zeal, 
while  Hosea  is  shaken  with  strong  emotion. 
The  literary  style  of  Amos,  from  its  finish  and 
polish,  plainly  presupposes  a  long  line  of 
prophets  before  him.  A  certain  amount  of 
acquaintance  with  the  Pentateuch  is  clearly 
shown.  See,  for  one  marked  case.  Am. 2. 8,  and 
cf.  Ex. 22. 26, 27.  There  is  a  striking  parallel 
between  the  picture  presented  by  Amos  and 
the  social  evils  of  the  present  day,  more  glaring 
even  than  those  of  the  France  of  Louis  XIV. — 
a  selfish,  grasping  plutocracy,  keen  for  pleasure 
and  luxury,  regardless  of  the  great  masses  of 
the  poor,  whom  they  directly  or  indirectly 
oppress.  See  especially  4, 6.  The  text  of  Amos 
is  in  a  very  pure  state,  though  the  meaning  of 
4.3  is  doubtful,  and  may  mark  a  corruption. 
Someextreme  critics  have  urged  that  2.4f.,4.i3, 
5.8f.,9.5f.,  are  interpolations,  either  because 
they  break  the  thread  of  thought,  or  because 
the  ideas  contained  in  them  are  indicative  of  a 
later  period.  We  believe  that  the  objections 
are  purely  subjective  and  fanciful.  Amos  is 
twice  quoted  in  the  N.T. — 5.25-27  by  St. 
Stephen  (Ac.7.42,43),  nearly  in  accordance  with 
the  LXX.  ;  and  9.ii,i2  by  St.  James  (Ac.l5. 
16,17),  freely  from  the  LXX.  Ewald's 
Die  Propheten  des  Alien  Biindes  (or  Eng. 
trans.)  ;  G.  Bavir,  Der  Prophet  Amos  erkldr  ; 
Pusey  in  Minor  Prophets  ;  G.  A.  Smith  in 
Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  vol.  i. ;  Driver  in 
the  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges  ;  and 
for  a  recent  "  critical  "  view,  Harper,  "  Amos," 
in  Intern.  Crit.  Comm. — 2.  Son  of  Naum,  in  our 
Lord's  genealogy  (Lu.3.25).  [R-S.] 

Amoz',  father  of  the  prophet  Isaiah  (2K. 
19.2,20,20.1 ;  2Chr.26.22,32.20,32  ;  Is.l.i,  etc.). 

Amphip'olis,  a  city  of  Macedonia, 
through  which  SS.  Paul  and  Silas  passed  on 
their  way  from  Philippi  to  Thessalonica 
(Ac.17.1).  It  was  distant  33  Roman  miles 
ffoiR  Philippi,  and  called  Amphipolis,  because 


AMRAPHEL 


37 


the  river  Str3mion  flowed  almost  round  the 
town.  It  stood  upon  an  eminence  on  the  left 
or  E.  bank  of  tliis  river,  just  below  its  egress 
from  the  lake  Cercinitis,  and  about  3  miles 
from  the  sea.  It  was  a  colony  of  the  Athenians, 
and  in  the  Peloponnesian  war  the  battle  was 
fought  under  its  walls,  in  which  Brasidas  and 
Cleon  were  killed.  Its  site  is  now  occupied  by 
a  village  called  Neochori,  in  Turkish  Yeni- 
Keui,  or  "  New  Town." 

Am'plias,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  possibly  of 
Caesar's  household  (see  Speaker's  Comm.,  ad 
loc;  Ro.16.8). 

Ampam'. — 1.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of 
the  Kohathites,  and  father  of  Moses,  Aaron, 
and  Miriam  (Ex. 6. 18, 20  ;  Num.3. 19  ;  iChr.6. 
2,3,18).  He  is  called  the  "  son  "  of  Kohath, 
but  it  is  evident  that  in  the  genealogy  several 
generations  must  have  been  omitted ;  for 
from  Joseph  to  Joshua  ten  generations  are 
recorded,  while  from  Levi  to  Moses  there 
are  but  three.  Again,  the  Kohathites  in  the 
time  of  Moses  mustered  8,600  males,  from 
a  month  old  and  upward  (Num. 3. 28),  a 
number  to  which  they  could  not  have  attained 
in  two  generations  from  Kohath.  The  chief 
difficulty  then  remaining  is  that  Jochebed, 
wife  and  aunt  of  Amram,  is  described  as  a 
daughter  of  Levi,  born  to  him  in  Egypt 
(26.59)  ;  but  it  disappears  if  by  "  Levi  "  the 
tribe  and  not  the  individual  is  intended. 
His  descendants,  the  Ampamites,  are  men- 
tioned in  Num.3. 27  ;  iChr.26.23. — 2.  A  son 
of  Dishon  and  descendant  of  Seir  (iChr.l.41)  ; 
R.V.  reads  "  Hamran  "  =  Hemdan  in  Gen. 
36.26. — 3.  A  son  of  Bani  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.34). 

Ampaphel',  a  king  of  Shinar  (Babylonia) 
who  took  part  in  the  expedition  of  the  Elamite 
Chedorlaomer  against  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  and 
the  cities  of  the  plain  (Gen. 14).  The  identi- 
fication of  this  king  with  the  well-known 
Babj'lonian  ruler  Hammurabi  (Hamurabi, 
Ammurapi)  is  generally  admitted, "the  final  1, 
which  is  the  main  difficulty,  being  probably 
due  to  a  scribal  error.  Otherwise  the  two 
forms  agree,  and  the  date  assigned  to 
Hammurabi  (2000  B.C.  or  later)  is  satisfactory. 
Though  belonging  to  "  the  dynasty  of 
Babylon,"  he  was  not  of  Babylonian  origin, 
but  descended  from  a  royal  stock  supposed 
by  some  to  have  originated  in  an  Arab  tribe. 
In  his  reign  of  43  or  55  years  (the  documents 
vary)  he  did  much  to  promote  the  prosperity 
of  his  country,  principally  by  digging  irriga- 
tion-canals, as  was  the  custom  of  the  time. 
He  took  part  in  many  warlike  expeditions, 
the  most  noteworthy  being  that  referred  to  in 
Gen. 14,  and  one  against  Rim-Sin  of  Larsa  in 
the  31st  year  of  his  reign.  As  yet  the  account 
of  his  relations  with  Chedorlaomer  have  not 
been  discovered,  but  the  existence  of  late 
inscriptions  which  apparently  refer  to  Chedor- 
laomer, Tidal,  and  Arioch  make  it  probable 
that  more  light  will  be  thrown  on  his  reign. 
Many  contracts  of  his  time  exist,  as  well  as 
chronological  lists  and  other  inscriptions.  Bas- 
reliefs  representing  him  are  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum  and  in  the  Louvre,  the  latter 
on  the  celebrated  Code  of  Laws  bearing  his 
name ;  for  an  account  of  which  see  Law  in 
O.T.     See  The  O.T.  in  the  Light  of  the  Reports 


38 


AMULETS 


ANANIAS 


(S.P.C.K.),  pp-  209  ff. ;  Sayce  in  P>-oc.  Soc.Bibl. 
Arch.,  1906,  pp.  193-200,  241-251;  1907,  PP-  7- 
17.  Also  Syria  and  Chronology  in  this  Diet., 
in  which  other  dates  are  advocated,   [t.c.p.1 

Amulets  were  worn  as  safeguards  against 
evil  spirits,  and  against  the  "  evil  eye  "  ;  the 
latter  could  belong  to  man,  woman,  or  beast. 
Anything  that  tended  to  attract  this  away 
from  the  eye  of  a  person  was  held  to  be  effi- 
cacious. The  belief  in  the  ubiquity  of  demons 
was  strongly  held,  and  therefore  prophylactic 
means  to  counteract  their  evil  machinations 
were  deemed  indispensable  ;  the  "  evil  eye  " 
(strictly  speaking,  the  "  envious  eye  ")  was  the 


springs  referred  to  are  probably  some  near  the 
Dead  Sea.     [Nahaliel.]  [b.f.s.] 

Anahapath',  a  place  within  the  border 
of  Issachar,  named  with  Shihon  and  Rabbith 
(Jos. 19. 19).  Now  the  village  en  N'aiirah,  in 
the  valley  of  Jezreel.  [c.r.c] 

Anai  ah. — 1.  One  of  those  who  stood  on 
Ezra's  right  hand  as  he  read  the  law  to  the 
people  (Ne.8.4);  called  Ananias  in  iEsd.9. 
43. — 2.  One  of  "  the  heads  of  the  people  " 
who  signed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.22). 

Anak,  Anakim.      [Giants.] 

Anamim'  (plur.  form).  Mizraim  (Egypt) 
is  said  to  have  begotten  Ludim,  Anamim,  and 


»■""  7  EGYPTIAN  AMULETS.     (Brit.   Mus.) 

I.  Two  fingers  sigfnifying  bttssiiie.  2.  Builder's  square  {rectitude].  3.  The  ankh  (li/>),  sometimes  called  "the  girdle  of 
Isis."  4.  Tree-trunk  (»),  a  symbol  of  stability  ur  strength.  5.  Head-rest  (rc/ojci.  6.  A  deity,  perhaps  the  niunnny  Osiris  (/OTirr 
or  /loliness).     7.  The  eye  of  Ka  {/li''''').     8.  The  heart  (/(>zr).    9.  Doubtful,     jo.  Scent-bottle  (i7f«/H^jj). 


result  of  a  co-operation  with  a  demon.  Amu- 
lets of  the  most  varied  kinds  existed,  and  still 
do  e.xist,  for  in  the  East  the  ancient  superstitions 
regarding  evil  spirits  have  altered  very  little  ; 
bones  of  hares,  metal  discs,  knotted  cords 
(called  "  fringes  "  in  Num. 15. 38),  scrolls,  and 
ornaments  of  various  descriptions  are  among 
the  most  popular. 

Amzi'. — 1.  A  Merarite  Levite,  ancestor 
of  Ethan  the  minstrel  (iChr.6.46). — 2.  A 
priest,  whose  descendants  served  the  temple 
in  the  time  of  Nehemiah   (Ne.ll.12). 

Anab',  a  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah 
(Jos.i5.50),  named,  with  Debir  and  Hebron, 
as  once  belonging  to  the  Anakim  (Jos. 11. 21). 
Fixed  by  Robinson  at  'Andb,  a  ruin  2 J  miles 
S.W.  of  Debir.  [c.r.c] 

An'ael,  brother  of  Tobit   (Tob.l.21). 

Anah'.  Both  A.V.  and  R.  V.  use  this  name 
in  one  chapter  of  O.T.  as  if  of  three  different 
I)eopIe.  (i)  The  parent  of  l-^sau's  wife,  and 
daughter  ("son,"  LXX.)  of  Ziljeon  the  Hivite 
((ien.36.2,14).  (2)  Son  (or  descendant)  of  Seir 
the  Horite  (36. 20).  (3)  The  son  of  Zibeon,  who 
found  the  ycmim  (86.24).  As  all  the  occurrences 
of  the  name  arc  in  a  list  dealing  with  the 
dukes  of  lulom  and  descendants  of  Esau,  it 
seems  probable  that  there  has  been  some  con- 
fusion ;  that  Horite  should  be  read  in  ver.  2, 
and  that  all  three  represent  the  same  person. 
yemim  is  translated  "hot  springs"  by  H.V. 
and  Vulg. ;  A.V.  "mules"  is  only  a  guess  from 
the  context.     If  the  former  is  correct,  the  hot 


other  tribes,  including  the  Casluhim  (out  of 
whom  came  Philistim)  and  the  Caphtorim  (Gen. 
10.13;  iChr.l.ii).  Ebers  thinks  they  are  the 
A'amu  (or  cowherds),  a  people  of  Semitic  race 
represented  at  the  grave  of  the  Pharaoh  Seti  I., 
father  of  Ramses  II.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Anamme'lech  (2 K. 17. 31,  "^^^V)-  [Ad- 
ram  melech.]  ■  ■    '•' 

Anan'. — 1.  One  of  "  the  heads  of  the 
people"  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
miah (Ne.10.26). — 2.  (iEsd.5.30)  =  Hanan,  4. 

Anani',  the  7th  son  of  Elioenai,  descended 
from  the  royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.24). 

Ananiah',  probably  a  priest,  and  an- 
cestor of  Azariah,  who  assisted  in  rebuilding 
the  city  wall  under  Nehemiah  (Ne.3.22,23). 

Ananiah',  a  place,  named  between  Nob 
and  Hazor,  in  which  the  Benjamites  lived  after 
the  Captivity  (Ne. 11. 32).  Now  Beit  Han'ina, 
a  village  2  miles  S.E.  of  Gibeon.  [c.r.c] 

Ansinl'as. — 1.  Sons  of  Ananias,  numbering 
loi,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.i6 
only).— 2.  (9.21.)  [Hanani.  3.1—3.  (9.29.) 
[Hananiah,  9.] — ^.  (9.43.)  [.\naiau,  I.] — 5. 
(9.48.)  [Hanan,  5.] — 6.  Father  of  Azarias, 
whose  name  was  assumed  by  the  angel 
Raphael  (ToI).5.i2,i3). — 7.  Ancestor  of  Judith 
(Jth.8.1). — 8.  SiiAOKACH  (Song  3  Chil.  66; 
iMar.2.59)-     [Hananiah,  7.] 

Anani  as. — 1.  A  liigli-priest  in  Ac. 23. 2-5, 
2\.\.  He  was  the  son  of  Nedebaeus,  suc- 
ceeded Jiise|)h  sen  of  Camyithos,  and  preceded 
Ismael  son  of  Phabi.     He  was  uomiuated  to 


ANANIEIi 

the  office  by  Herod  king  of  Chalcis  in  48  a.d.  ; 
and  in  52  a.d.  sent  to  Rome  by  the  prefect 
Ummidius  Quadratus  to  answer  before  the 
emperor  Claudius  a  charge  brought  by  the 
Samaritans.  He  appears,  however,  to  have 
resumed  his  office  on  his  return.  He  was 
deposed  shortly  before  Felix  left  the  province  ; 
but  still  had  great  power,  which  he  used 
violently  and  lawlessly.  At  the  outbreak 
of  the  last  revolt  he  was  murdered  by  the 
sicarii  as  being  a  leader  of  the  Roman  party — 
a  terrible  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  of  St. 
Paul  (Ac.23.3). — 2.  Husband  of  Sapphira. 
The  second  and  fuller  account  of  the  common 
fund  of  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  is  followed 
by  two  instances  of  contributions  to  it,  one 
in  good  faith  by  Barnabas  (Ac.4.36,37),  and 
the  other  fraudulent  by  Ananias  and  his  wife 
(5.I-II).  On  St.  Peter's  denunciation  of  the 
fraud  Ananias  fell  down  and  died.  In  the  case 
of  Sapphira  the  sentence  of  death  was  more 
explicitly  pronounced.  The  sin  was  an 
attempt  to  deceive  the  Holy  Ghost.  Rever- 
ence for  the  Holy  Ghost  was  the  principle  in 
danger,  and  its  vindication  was  necessary 
at  a  time  when  the  presence  and  work  of  the 
Spirit  were  so  near  and  manifest.  Cf.  our 
Lord's  teaching  on  sin  against  the  Holy 
Ghost  (Mt. 12.31)  and  St.  Peter's  words  to 
Simon  Magus  (Ac.8.22). — 3.  A  Christian 
Jew  of  Damascus.  As  in  the  case  of  Peter 
and  Cornelius,  so  here  two  visions  prepared 
Ananias  and  Saul  for  the  interview  which 
Ananias  at  first  unwillingly  imdertook.  The 
imposition  of  his  hands  on  Saul  was  followed 
by  recovery  of  sight  and  by  baptism.  In 
St.  Paul's  account  to  the  Jews  of  the  circum- 
stances of  his  conversion  he  conciliates  them 
by  mentioning  that  Ananias,  his  first  human  in- 
structor in  the  faith,  was  a  devout  man  accord- 
ing to  the  law,  well  reported  by  all  the  J  ews  that 
dwelt  there  (Damascus)  (Ac.22.i2).     [e.r.b.] 

Ananiel',  forefather  of  Tobit  (Tob.l.i). 

Anath',  father  of  Shamgar  (Judg.3.3i,5.6). 

Ana'thema  (lit.  "  a  thing  hung  up  "  in  a 
temple  and  so  dedicated  to  the  god)  is  the 
equivalent  of  Heb.  herem — i.e.  "  a  thing  or 
person  devoted"  (see' R.V.).  Any  object  so 
devoted  to  the  Lord  was  irredeemable  :  if 
an  inanimate  object,  it  was  to  be  given  to  the 
priests  (Num.18. 14)  ;  if  a  living  creature  or 
even  a  man,  it  was  to  be  slain  (Lev. 27. 28, 29). 
Generally  speaking,  a  vow  of  this  description 
was  taken  only  with  respect  to  the  idolatrous 
nations  who  were  marked  out  for  destruction 
by  the  special  decree  of  Jehovah,  as  in  Num. 
21.2  ;  J0S.6.17  ;  but  occasionally  the  vow 
was  made  indefinitely,  and  involved  the  death 
of  the  innocent,  as  in  the  cases  of  Jephthah's 
daughter  (Judg.ll.31),  and  Jonathan  (iSam. 
14.24),  who  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition 
of  the  people.  The  breach  of  such  a  vow 
was  punished  with  death  (Jos. 7. 25).  The 
word  "  anathema  "  frequently  occurs  in  St. 
Paul's  writings,  and  is  generally  translated 
accursed,  and  regarded  by  many  as  a  technical 
term  for  judicial  excommunication.  That  the 
word  was  so  used  in  the  early  Church  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  but  an  examination  of  its 
occurrences  in  N.T.  shows  that  it  bears  the 
more  general  sense  of  accursed  as  expressive 
either  of  strong  feeling  (Ro.9.3)  or  of  dislike 


ANDR0NICT7S 


39 


and  condemnation  (iCor.12.3,16.22  ;  Gal.l.g). 
[Curse  ;  Crimes  ;  Vow.] 

Anathoth'. — 1.  Son  of  Becher  son  of 
Benjamin  (iChr.7.8). — 2.  One  of  "the  heads 
of  the  people  "  who  signed  the  covenant  (Ne. 
10.19)  ;  unless,  as  is  not  unlikely,  the  name 
stands  for  "the  men  of  Anathoth"  (7.27). 

Anathoth',  a  priests'  city,  in  the  lot  of 
Benjamin,  with  "  suburbs  "  (Jos. 21. 18  ;  iChr. 
6.60).  Hither  Abiathar  was  banished  by 
Solomon  to  his  "  fields  "  after  the  failure  of  his 
attempt  to  put  Adonijah  on  the  throne 
(iK.2.26).  It  was  the  native  place  of  Abiezer, 
one  of  David's  30  captains  (2Sam.23.27 ; 
iChr.ll.28,27.12),  and  of  Jehu,  another  of  the 
mighty  men  (iChr.12.3) ;  and  here,  "  of  the 
priests  that  were  in  Anathoth,"  Jeremiah 
was  born  (Je.l. 1,11.21,23, 29.27,32.7-9).  The 
"  men  "  of  Anathoth  returned  from  the  Cap- 
tivity with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.23  ;  Ne.7.27  ; 
iEsd.5.18).  Anathoth  was  N.  of  Jerusalem 
(Is. 10. 30),  and  is  placed  by  Eusebius  (Onomas- 
ticon)  3  miles  from  the  city.  It  was  discovered 
by  Robinson  at  'Andta,  on  a  ridge  2  miles 
N.E.  of  Jerusalem.  [c.r.c] 

Anchop.     [Ship.] 

Andrew,  a  disciple  of  the  Baptist,  who  with 
another  was  thefirst  to  follow  Christ  (Jn.l.40). 
He  was  brother  of  Simon,  and  brought  him  to 
the  Lord.  Hence  his  name  and  day  have  been 
specially  associated  with  missionary  effort. 
When  the  disciples  were  summoned  to  a  closer 
allegiance,  Andrew  and  Simon  were  the  first 
two  called  (Mk.l.i6).  He  is  a  link  between 
the  ist  and  2nd  of  the  3  sets  of  4  in  which 
the  names  of  the  apostles  are  arranged. 
He  is  included  in  the  first  quaternion, 
and  is  among  them  when  they  ask  the 
solemn  question  about  "  the  end  "  (Mk.13.3). 
On  the  other  hand,  he  is  closely  connected 
with  the  second  quaternion  through  Philip, 
who  is  always  placed  at  its  head,  and  thus 
immediately  follows  Andrew  in  two  of  the 
lists.  Both  were  of  Bethsaida  and  both 
have  Gk.  names,  though  this  must  not  be 
held  to  imply  Gk.  origin.  In  the  miracle 
of  the  feeding  of  the  5,000,  and  in  the  intro- 
duction of  the  Greeks  to  Jesus,  these  two 
disciples  are  closely  associated.  In  Acts, 
Andrew,  like  the  majority  of  his  colleagues, 
is  only  mentioned  in  the  list  in  1.3.  The 
scene  of  his  labours  is  variously  stated,  but 
traditions  agree  in  assigning  Patrae  in  Achaia 
as  the  place  of  his  martjrrdom.  [e.r.b.] 

Andponi'cus. — 1.  An  officer  left  as  vice- 
roy in  Antioch  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
during  his  absence  (171  e.g.).  At  the  instiga- 
tion of  Menelaus,  Andronicus  put  to  death 
the  high-priest  Onias.  This  murder  excited 
general  indignation  ;  and  on  the  return  of 
Antiochus,  Andronicus  was  publicly  degraded 
and  executed  (2Mac.4.3i-38). — 2.  Another  offi- 
cer of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  left  by  him  on 
Gerizim  (5.23),  probably  in  occupation  of  the 
temple  there. — 3.  A  Christian  at  Rome, 
saluted  by  St.  Paul  (R0.I6.7),  together  with 
Junia  (R.V.  Juntas).  The  two  are  described 
by  St.  Paul  (i)  his  "  kinsmen,"  probably  as 
being  Jews  ;  (2)  "  fellow  prisoners,"  either  as 
having  shared  his  imprisonment  on  some  unre- 
corded occasion,  or  as  being,  like  himself,  spiri- 
tual captives  of  Christ ;   (3)  "  of  note  among 


40 


ANEM 


'apostles,'"  i.e.  among  the  delegates  of  the 
churches  eraployed  on  special  missions,  as  was 
Epaphroditus  {your  messenger,  Gk.  apostle.  Ph. 
2.25);  (4)  "in  Christ  before  mc."       [e.r.b.] 

Anem',  a  city  of  Issachar,  belonging  to 
the  Gershonites  {iChr.6.73).  Probably  'Anin, 
9  miles  N.W.  of  Jenin,  or  En-gannim,  which 
is  named  instead  in  Jos. 21. 29.  [c.r.c] 

Anep',  one  of  the  three  Amorite  chiefs  who 
aided  Abraham  in  the  pursuit  after  the  four 
invading  kings  (Gen. 14. 13, 24). 

Aner',  a  city  of  Manasseh  W.  of  Jordan, 
given  to  the  Kohathites  (iChr.6.70).  Possibly 
'Elldr,  8  miles  N.W.  of  Samaria.  [c.r.c] 

Aneth'othite  (2Sam.23.27),  Anet'othite 
{iChr.27.i2),  and  An'tothite  (1Chr.ll.28, 
12.3),   inhabitants  of  Anathoth. 

Angel  (Gk.  angelos,  "  messenger  "  =  Heb. 
maVdkh;  both  frequently  of  men,  e.g.  Hag.l. 
13;  'abbir,  "mighty,"  Ps.78.25  only).  Other 
terms  used  of  angels  are  "  sons  of  God  " 
(¥nd  'elohim).  Gen. 6. 2,  Job  1.6,38.7  :  sons  of 
gods  (b'-nS  'elim),  Ps. 29.1,89.6  (.^.V.  sows  of  the 
mighty);  "holy  ones,"  JobS.i,  Ps.89.5.7,  Dan. 
8.13  (A.V.  saints) ;  "  a  watcher  and  a  holy  one," 
Dan. 4. 13, 23,  cf.  ver.  17;  "spirits,"  Heb. 1. 14. 
The  doctrine  of  angels  existed  in  Babylon 
before  the  time  of  Abraham  (the  Sukalli  being 
apparently  inferior  gods  who  were  the  mes- 
sengers from  the  higher  gods  to  dwellers  on 
earth) ;  it  was  elaborated  especially  in  the  Per- 
sian empire,  heir  of  much  of  the  religion  as  well 
as  of  the  power  of  Babylon  ;  and  was  modified 
in  the  Levant  by  Hellenism,  which  taught  the 
need  of  intermediate  beings  between  man  and 
God.  The  Biblical  doctrine  shows  traces  of  non- 
Israelite  influence  through  all  the  periods. — 
I.  O.T.  Angels  are  mentioned  in  the  "  primi- 
tive strata"  (even  according  to  the  alleged 
"sources"  quoted  below;  for  an  account  of 
which  see  Pentateuch)  of  Bible  history,  both 
directly  and  indirectly  (cf.  Lord  of  hosts,  i.e. 
originally  the  heavenly  hosts),  (i)  In  the  earliest 
histories  the  distinction  between  God  and  angels 
is  not  clearly  expressed,  (i)  This  is  especially 
the  case  with  the  term  "  the  Angel  of  the  Lord  " 
(J  and  Judg.),  "the  Angel  of  God"  (E  and 
Judg.^),  "the  Angel"  (E,  JE).  This  use  of 
"angel"  is  not  found  in  D  or  P.  He  speaks 
sometimes  as  messenger  (Judg.  13. 16),  but 
sometimes  as  God  Himself  (Judg. 13. 18  ;  Ex. 
3.2,6,14  ;  Gen. 22. 15),  and  accepts  worship 
(Judg. 13. 20-22).  Cf.  Is. 63. 9,  "  the  angel  of 
His  presence,"  i.e.  perhaps  an  angel  who  dwelt 
in  God's  immediate  presence[cf.  infra,  II.  (3)], 
but  more  probably  the  angel  in  whom  God's 
presence  was  especially  revealed  ( Ex. 33. 2, 3  with 
14,15;  cf.  Deut.4.37,  R.V.);  but  probably  not 
maVdkh  habb'rith  (Mal.3.i),  which  at  that  date 
naturally  meant  "messenger  of  the  covenant." 
(ii)  We  find  Theopuanies,  where  God  is  mani- 
fested as  an  angelic  being  in  human  form  to 
Abraham  (Gen. 18. 2, 22  ;  cf.  19. i),  to  Jacob  at 
Penuel  (32.24,30;  H0.I2.4),  to  Joshua  at 
Gilgal  (Jos. 5. 13-15).  Christians  naturally  con- 
nect this  identification  of  angelic  beings  and 
God  with  the  Word  Who  reveals  God  and  was 
afterwards  incarnate  (see  a  summary  of  pat- 
ristic views  in  Buel,  Dogmatic  Theology  (1890), 
i.  105  ff.  from  Burton,  Testimonies  of  Ante- 
Nicene  Fathers  (1829),  pp.  38  ff.).  (2)  Generally 
tbe  distinction  is  plain,    (i)  They  have  various 


ANGEL 

activities.  Thev  are  "  with  God  in  theophanies 
(Gen. 28.12, 32.2' [JE]),  praising  Him  (Ps.l03. 
20,148.2)  ;  in  His  sight  not  without  error 
(Job  4.18)  ;  charged  with  the  care  of  the  pious 
(Ps.91.li  ;  cf.  Dan. 3. 25, 28, 6. 22)  ;  sent  to  a 
prophet  (iK. 13. 18,19.5, 7  ;  2K.1.3,i5  ;  Zech. 
l.y,  and  18  times  in  1-6;  cf.  Ezk.8.2ff.,9.2£f., 
10.2ff.,40.3ff.);  excellent,  wise,  powerful  (iSam. 
29.9;  2Sam. 14.17,20,19.27  ;  Zech. 12.8)  ;  en- 
camping round  about  the  faithful  (Ps.34.7; 
cf.  2K.6.17,  Ps.68.17) ;  chasing  His  enemies 
(Ps.35.5,6);  destroying  by  the  Judgment  of  Yah- 
weh  (2Sam.24.i6,i7  =  iChr.21.12-30;  2K.I9. 
35  =  Is.37.36  =  2Chr.32.21) "  (Oxford  Heb.  Lex.). 
There  are  hosts  round  God  as  king  (Is. 6. 2-5  ;  i 
K. 22.19  ;  Dan. 7. 10),  Who  has  a  council  of  the 
holy  ones  (Ps.89.7).  (ii)  They  are  guardians. 
The  germ  of  guardianship  of  a  person  is  seen 
in  Gen. 24. 7, 40.  One  has  the  guardianship  of 
the  nation  of  Israel  (Ex. 23. 20,23, 32.34, 33. 2). 
He  has  Michael  with  him  in  this  office  (Dan. 
10,20,21),  and  perhaps  others  who  are  called 
"  watchmen  "  (Is. 62. 6).  There  are  also  guar- 
dians of  Persia  and  of  Greece  (Dan. 10. 13, 20). 
Possiblv  Is. 24.2 1  alludes  to  guardians  of 
nations^  as  the  LXX.  of  Deut.32.8  (c/.  29.26) 
certainly  does.  (iii)  Gradation  in  rank  is 
implied  in  Dan. 10. 13  ("  Michael,  one  of  the 
chief  princes ")  ;  see  below,  (iv)  Names. 
Gabriel  (8.16,9.21),  Michael  (10.13,21, 
12.1)  ;  also  "  the  Satan,"  i.e.  the  Adversary 
(Job  1,2;  Zech. 3. 1, 2). — II.  Apocrypha  and 
Psettdepigrapha.  These  present  so  much  of 
the  popular  religion  current  among  the  Jews 
in  N.T.  times  that  it  is  important  to  consider 
them  here.  The  principles  are  the  same  as  in 
O.T.,  but  carried  further.  Only  some  par- 
ticulars can  be  mentioned,  (i)  They  direct 
the  elements  (cf.  Persian  Fravashi).  Cf.  the 
O.T.  reference  of  pestilence  and  other  judg- 
ments to  them  [sw/jm,  I.  (2)  (i)].  So  repeatedly 
in  Ethiopian  Enoch  (e.g.  Ix.  15-22);  the  Slav- 
onic Enoch,  xix.  xx.  i  :  Bk.  Jubilees,  ii.  2. 
(2)  They  become  clearly  guardians  of  indi- 
viduals, e.g.  Tobit  (Jub.  xxxv.  17).  For 
guardianship  of  nations,  see  Ecclus.i7.17,  "For 
every  nation  he  appointed  a  ruler  ;  and  Israel 
is  the  Lord's  portion";  but  not  over  Israel 
(Jub.  XV.  31,  32).  (3)  Their  ranks  are  more 
defined.  Seven  archangels  (Tob.i2.15  ;  Eth. 
En.  xc.  21,  22  [probably  due  ultimately  to  the 
seven  Babylonian  planets])  ;  ten  orders  (Slav. 
En.  XX.  I,  3)  ;  four  presences  (Eth.  En.  xl.  2  ; 
cf.  Ixi.  10)  ;  "  the  angels  of  the  presence  " 
(Jub.  ii.  2)  ;  "  the  one  .  .  .  from  the  seventh 
heaven  "  (Asc.  Isa.  vi.  13).  (4)  They  fight  on 
behalf  of  Israel  (Ass.  Moses  x.  2  ;  Asc.  Isa.  vii. 
9);  cf.  Michael.  (5)  They  intercede  for  men 
(Eth.  En.  xl.  6,  xlvii.  2,  civ.  i  ;  cf.  xv.  2  ; 
Test.  xii.  Patr.  Levi.  v.  6).  (6)  Additional 
names  in  the  Apocrvpha  are  Jeremiel 
(2Esd.4.36,  K.V.  ;  Uriel.  A.V.)  ;  Phai.tiel 
(2Esd.5.i6,  R.V. ;  Salathiel,  A.V.);  Raphael 
(Tob.  passim;  Eth.  Enoch);  Uriel  (2Esd. 
4.1,  etc.:  Eth.  En.  xx.  7.  etc.).— III.  N.T.  (i) 
Rejecting  the  luibelief  of  the  Sadducees  (Ac. 
23.8)  and  accepting  the  doctrine  of  the  Phar- 
isees (ver.  9)  and  of  the  popular  religion,  the 
N.T.  writers  assume  tlic  existence  of  angels, 
and  indeed  regard  them  as  almost  numberless 
(Mt. 26.53  :  Lu-2.i3  ;  Hel).12.22  ;  Rev.5.ii,12.7). 
(i)  The  forms  of  their   activity  are  various, 


ANIAM 

representing  the  providence  of  God,  e.g.  to- 
wards Joseph  (Mt.l.2o),  Zacharias  (Lu.l.ii), 
the  Virgin  Mary  (I.26),  St.  Peter  and  St.  John 
(Ac.5.19),  Cornelius  (IO.3),  St.  Peter  (12-7), 
St.  Paul  (27.23),  also  at  the  beginning  (Mk.l. 
13)  and  end  (Lu.22.43)  and  perhaps  during 
(Jn.1.51)  the  three  years  of  our  Lord's  public 
life.  Also  the  law  is  said  to  have  been  given 
through  them  (Ac.7.53  ;  Gal.3.19  ;  Heb.2.2  ; 
cf.  Jub.  i.  27,  "  And  He  said  to  the  angel  of  the 
presence,  Write  for  Moses,"  etc. ;  also  cf. 
LXX.  of  Deut.33.2).  Thev  govern  elements — 
fire  (Rev.l4.i8),  waters  (16.5  [cf-  Te.xt.  Rec. 
Jn.5.4];  cf.  Rev.9.iiff.),  winds  (7.i).  So  also 
a  common  interpretation  of  cTOLxeicL  in  Gal. 4. 
3,9,  Col. 2. 8, 20.  [Elements.]  (ii)  They  are 
guardians  of  persons  (Mt.18.io  [probably] ;  cf. 
Ac. 12.15)  and,  probably,  of  local  churches  (Rev. 
1.20,2.1,  etc.;  cf.  "the  angel  of  the  Christian 
Church,"  Asc.  Isa.  iii.  15).  Apparently  they 
are  present  in  church  assemblies  (iCor.ll.io). 
They  are  deeply  interested  in  the  salvation  of 
men  (Lu. 2. 9-14, 15. 10  ;  iPe.l.12).  (iii)  Some 
fell(Ju.6;  2Pe.2.4).  The  cause  is  not  stated, 
but  perhaps  was  pride  (iTim.3.6,  etc.)  or 
lust  {cf.  Gen. 6. 2,  and  Eth.  En.  xii.  4,  .\v.  3  ff.). 
[Satan.]  The  dragon  and  his  angels  fight 
Michael  and  his  angels  (Rev.12.7).  (iv)  They 
have  many  ranks  (so  probably  Ro.8.38;  Col. 
1.16;  Eph.l.2i)  and  an  archangel  (iTh.4.i6). 
(2)  Yet  N.T.  guards  against  certain  wrong 
tendencies  and  points  out  that  (i)  Christ, 
though  man,  is  not  inferior  to  angels  but  far 
above  them  (Heb.l. 4-2.9  ;  Col.l. 16,2.15). 
(ii)  Prayer  to  angels  is  wrong  (Rev. 19. 10, 22. 
8,9).  So  also  Col. 2. 18,  the  Colossian  Christians 
being  incUned  to  identify  the  local  gods  with 
angels  (doubtless  especially  Michael,  as  later 
history  tells  of  his  worship  there). — IV. 
Their  Nature  and  Form.  Little  is  said  in 
Scripture  of  this.  They  are  termed  "  spirits  " 
(Heb.l. 14),  but  it  is  not  asserted  that  they 
are  incorporeal.  Our  Lord  seems  to  imply 
the  contrary,  for  they  that  attain  that  Age 
and  the  resurrection  from  the  dead  do  not 
marry  because  they  cannot  die,  and  they 
cannot  die  because  they  are  equal  to  angels 
(Lu. 20.35, 36),  or  "  as  angels  "  (Mt. 22.30  ;  Mk. 
12.25).  They  appear  always  in  human  form 
(e.g.  Gen. 18  ;  Ac.l.io),  but  often  glorious 
(Dan. 10. 6  ;  Lu.24.4).  In  Jacob's  dream  they 
ascend  and  descend  by  a  ladder,  i.e.  they 
apparently  are  wingless  (Gen. 28. 12).  Else- 
where they  "  fly  "  (Dan. 9.2 1  [Gabriel];  Rev. 
14.6  [cf.  Text.  Rec.  8.13])  ;  and  the  Seraphim 
of  Is. 6. 2  are  depicted  with  wings.  [Sera- 
phim ;  Cherubim.]  Everling,  Die  paulinische 
Angelogie  «.  Ddmonologie  (1888);  Lueken, 
Michael  (1898);  Jew.  Encyc,  art.  "  Angel- 
ology";  J.  M.  Fuller,  "Introduction  to 
Tobit,"  excursus  ii.,  in  Speaker's  Comm. ;  J.  T. 
Marshall  in  Diet,  of  Christ  and  the  Gospels 
(especially  valuable  for  the  relation  of  modern 
thought  to  a  belief  in  angels).  [a.l.w.] 

Aniam',  a  Manassite,  son  of  Shemidah 
(iChr.7.19). 

Anim',  a  city  in  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
named  with  Eshtemoh  (es  Semil'a)  (Jos. 15. 
50).  Eusebius  and  Jerome  mention  a  place 
called  Anea  in  Daroma,  9  miles  S.  of 
Hebron  (Onomasticon),  now  el  Ghuwein,  2 
piiles  S.  of  Eshtemoh.     It  is  the  Aina  of  the 


ANNAS 


41 


list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  95),  immediately 
preceding  Carmel  of  J udah.  [c.r.c] 

Anise  (Gk.  anethon)  occurs  only  in  Mt. 
23.23.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  whether  the 
anise  (Pimpinella  anisum,  Lin.)  or  the  dill  (An- 
ethum  graveolens)  is  here  intended,  though  the 


COMMO.N  DILL  {Anetlium  sraredeiis) 


latter  is  more  probable.  Both  belong  to  the 
natural  order  Umhelliferae,  and  are  much  alike 
in  external  character  ;  and  the  seeds  of  both 
are,  and  have  long  been,  employed  as  condi- 
ments and  carminatives.  Anethum  is  more 
especially  a  genus  of  Eastern  cultivation  than 
the  other  plant,  according  to  Dr.  Royle.  Anise 
and  dill  were  confounded  by  the  Greeks  under 
the  one  name  &v7]aov  or  durjOoy.  When  distin- 
guished, the  variant  spellings  in  Latin  (anisum 
and  anethum)  were  used  for  that  purpose. 

Anklet.  This  word  does  not  occur  in  A.V., 
but  is  referred  to  in  Is.3.i6,i8,2o,  where  the 
prophet  speaks  of  "  the  tinkling  ornaments  " 
about  the  feet  of  the  daughters  of  Zion,  and  of 
the  "  ornaments  of  the  legs."  Anklets  were 
as  common  as  bracelets  and  armlets,  and  made 
of  much  the  same  materials  ;  the  pleasant 
jingling  and  tinkling  which  they  made  as  they 
knocked  against  each  other  was  no  doubt  one 
of  the  reasons  why  they  were  admired.  They 
are  still  worn  in  the  East,  and  Lane  quotes 
from  a  song,  in  allusion  to  the  pleasure  caused 
by  their  sound,  "  the  ringing  of  thine  anklets 
has  deprived  me  of  reason."  Hence  Mo- 
hammed forbade  them  in  public  ;  "  let  them 
not  make  a  noise  with  their  feet,  that  their 
ornaments  which  they  hide  may  [thereby]  be 
discovered  "  (Koran  xxiv.  31). 

An'na.— 1.  The  wife  of  Tobit  (Tob.l.gff.). 
— 2.  An  aged  "  prophetess  "  of  the  tribe  of 
Asher  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's 
presentation  in  the  temple  (Lu.2.36-38). 

Anna'as  (iEsd.5.23)  =  Senaah. 

Annas, — 1.    (iEsd.9.32)  =  Harim,    4. — §• 


42 


ANNUUS 


Son  of  Scth,  appointed  high-priest  by  Quirinus, 
imperial  governor  of  Syria,  A.n.  7,  deposed  by 
Valerius  dratus  the  procurator  in  a.d.  15.  He 
lost  office,  but  not  power,  for  five  of  his  sons 
held  the  office  of  high-priest  as  well  as  his  son- 
in-law  Joseph,  who  assumed  the  name  Caiaphas 
(In. 18. 13).  Thesonsof  Annas  monopolized  the 
sale  of  all  the  materials  for  sacrifice,  and  so 
made  the  temple  "  a  den  of  robbers  "  (Mk.ll. 
17;  cf.  Edersheim;  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus, 
vol.  i.  pp.  371-375)-  The  title  high-priest  was 
retained  by,  and  accorded  to,  one  who  had  held 
the  office,  hence  the  usage  in  Ac. 4. 6  ;  that  in 
Lu.3.2  is  unparalleled.  The  chief  interest  in 
Annas  centres  in  the  correction  made  by  St. 
John  of  the  confusion  in  the  first  two  gospels 
between  the  stages  of  our  Lord's  trial  (Mt.26. 
57,27.1  ;  Mk. 14.53, 15.1).  St.  Luke  avoids 
their  mistake  of  transferring  the  morning 
meeting  of  the  Sanhcdrin  to  the  previous  night, 
and  leaves  room  for  such  an  informal  inquiry  as 
that  of  Annas  really  was  (Lu. 22.54).  St.  John 
shows  how  Annas'  inquiry  could  but  have  one 
issue,  and  that  it  was  as  a  condemned  prisoner 
that  Jesus  was  sent  to  Caiaphas  (Jn. 18. 19-24  ; 
cf.  Mk.  14.64).  The  Sanhedrin  met  at  this  time 
in  the  headquarters  of  the  Annas  faction,  and 
it  may  have  been  when  passing  through  the 
court  from  the  apartments  of  Annas  to  the 
council-chamber  that  "  the  Lord  turned  and 
looked  upon  Peter  "  (Lu.22.6i  ;  cf.  Westcotton 

Jn.l8.25).  [C.R.D.B.] 

Annu'us  (iEsd.8.48).  Possibly  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  Heb.  word  rendered  "  with  him  " 
(cf.  Ezr.S.ig). 

Anointingr-  I-  The  hot  climate  of 
Eastern  countries  gave  rise  to  the  use  of  un- 
guents for  purposes  of  the  toilet.  The  ap- 
plication of  Oil  to  the  exposed  parts  of  the 
skin,  scorched  by  the  sun,  had  a  soothing 
effect,  and  was  in  daily  use  among  the  Jews 
for  this  purpose  (Mt.6.17).  Indeed,  to  such 
an  extent  was  this  use  of  oil  regarded  as  a 
necessity  of  life  that  the  failure  of  the  olive 
harvest,  from  which  the  oil  was  chiefly  ob- 
tained, is  taken  as  typical  of  national  calamity 
(Mi. 6. 15),  and  is  especially  regarded  as  a 
mark  of  God's  anger  (Deut.28.40).  The  more 
expensive  oils  were  prepared  with  great  care, 
and  their  use  was  a  mark  of  luxury  (Am. 6. 6). 
From  this  entirely  natural  use  of  anointing, 
various  ceremonial  and  symbolical  customs 
arose,  (i)  Social  Significance.  Anointing  was 
practised  preparatory  to  a  visit  of  ceremony, 
as  when  Kuth  anointed  herself  before  visiting 
Boaz  (Ru.3.3);  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
laws  of  hospitality  required  that  the  host 
should  anoint  his  guest.  It  was  by  failure 
to  perform  this  act  of  ceremony  that  Simon 
showed  discourtesy  to  our  Lord  (Lu.7.46). 
(2)  Official  Significance.  An  important  use  of 
anointing  was  its  employment  as  symbolic  of 
admission  to  office  ;  and  here  we  find  the 
introduction  of  a  religious  idea.  The  act  of 
anointing  represents  a  consecration,  being  the 
admission  to  an  office  wliich  involves  a  special 
religious  obligation,  (i)  /Vo/j/(f/i' are  anointed 
to  their  office.  Iilijah  is  bidden  to  anoint 
Elisha  (iK. 19.16).  Prophets  are  regarded  as 
being  in  a  special  sense  the  Lord's  "  anointed 
ones"  (Ps.lO5.15.  K.V.).  [ii)  Priests.  The 
consecration  of  Aaron  is  described  in  detail, 


ANOINTING 

as  being  a  typical  example  of  the  high-priestly 
consecration.  It  included  a  two-fold  anointing, 
first  after  the  robing  and  again  after  the 
sacrifice  of  consecration  (Lev. 8. 12,30).  For 
this  purpose  a  special  oil  was  to  be  prepared 
which  might  be  put  to  no  other  use  (Ex.3O.32). 
The  ordinary  priests,  of  whom  Aaron's  sons 
are  taken  as  typical,  were  anointed  once  only, 
and  that  by  sprinkling  (Lev.8.30).  (iii) 
Kings.  Under  special  circumstances  a  man 
might  be  designated  for  the  office  of  king  by 
the  ceremony  of  anointing,  as  in  the  case  of 
Saul  (iSam.lO.i)  and  of  David  (1Sam.l6.13), 
and  might  be  anointed  a  second  time  on  his 
actual  accession  to  the  kingship  (2Sam.2.4). 
A  conspicuous  example  of  the  act  of  anointing, 
as  a  public  ceremony,  is  to  be  found  in  the 
anointing  of  Joash  by  Jehoiada  (2K.II.12). 
The  custom  was  a  widespread  one,  being 
found  in  other  nations,  as  is  recognized  in 
Jothani's  parable  (Judg.9.8),  and  it  has 
passed  into  the  usage  of  Christian  countries. 
An  extension  of  this  xise  of  oil  for  the  purpose 
of  consecration  to  office  is  to  be  found  in  the 
consecration  of  inanimate  objects  to  sacred 
purposes.  Jacob  consecrated  the  stone  of 
his  pillow  at  Bethel  (Gen.28.i8).  The  taber- 
nacle and  its  furniture  were  consecrated  by 
the  oil  specially  compounded  for  the  purpose 
(Ex. 30. 26).  From  this  ceremonial  use,  the 
idea  of  anointing  comes  to  be  used  meta- 
phorically to  express  the  setting  apart  of 
persons  for  some  special  relationship  to  God. 
The  prophets  look  forward  to  the  coming  of 
one  Who  in  a  unique  sense  shall  be  "  the 
anointed  one  "  (Dan. 9. 25,  R.V.),  and  Whose 
anointing  shall  be  from  God  Himself  (Ps.45.7). 
These  prophecies  are  fulfilled  in  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  (Heb.l.9),  Who,  unlike  any  of  His 
types,  was  "  anointed  "  to  all  three  offices. 
Christians,  as  having  received  the  gift  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  are  similarly  spoken  of  as  God's 
anointed  (2Cor.l. 21 ;  ijn.2.20,27).  [Laving 
ON  OF  Hands.] — -11.  Oil  was  widely  recognized 
in  the  ancient  world  as  having  a  remedial 
value.  It  was  prescribed  for  use  in  diseases 
of  the  skin,  and  for  the  healing  of  wounds. 
Thus  it  was  used  by  the  Good  Samaritan 
(Lu. 10.34).  So,  too,  it  was  used  as  a 
remedy  by  the  Twelve  on  their  mission  to  the 
cities  (Mk.6.13).  Here,  however,  a  fresh 
element  is  introduced  in  the  fact  that  special 
powers  of  healing  were  bestowed  upon  the 
apostles.  In  conjunction  with  their  exercise 
of  these  powers,  they  employed  the  natural 
remedy  with  which  men  were  familiar.  After 
the  Ascension  the  disciples  seem,  in  part  at 
least,  to  have  changed  their  method.  They 
laid  their  hands  upon  the  sick  for  the  purpose 
of  healing  them  (Mk.l6.i8  ;  Ac.28.8),  following 
in  this  the  example  of  the  Lord  Himself.  But 
the  use  of  anointing  still  survived,  at  least 
among  the  Jewish  Christians  (J as. 5. 14).  In 
this  practice  the  fact  that  oil  possesses 
qualities  as  a  natural  remedy  is  still  tlie  under- 
lying idea  ;  but  tlie  power  of  faith  is  recog- 
nized as  quickening  its  beneficial  effect.  In- 
cidentally this  use  of  oil  is  connected  by  St. 
James  with  the  forgiveness  of  sins.  Sickness 
was  regarded  as  being  frequently  the  result 
of  some  definite  sin  (1Cor.ll.30).  In  such  a 
case  the  act  of   faith,  by  which  the  remedial 


ANOS 


ANTIOCH 


43 


application  of  the  oil  is  accompanied,  will 
win  the  forgiveness  of  the  sin  and  so  make  the 
bodily  healing  possible  (Jas.5.15).  In  later 
times  the  bodily  healing,  which  is  the  purpose 
of  the  act  of  anointing  as  described  by  St. 
James,  in  some  cases  passed  out  of  sight  ;  and 
so  sprang  up  the  doctrine  of  extreme  unction, 
which  has  obscured  and  prejudiced  the  right 
and  Scriptural  use  of  unction.        [j.c.v.d.] 

Anos'  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Vaniah. 

Ant  (Heb.  wmald).  This  insect  is  men- 
tioned twice  in  O.T.  :  in  Pr.6.6  the  dili- 
gence of  this  insect  is  quoted  as  an  example 
worthy  of  imitation  ;  in  Pr.3O.25  the  ant's 
wisdom  is  pointed  out.  The  ancients  be- 
lieved that  ants  stored  up  food  in  summer 
for  winter  consumption  ;  and  although  this 
is  incorrect,  there  is  considerable  justification 
for  the  idea,  owing  to  their  habit  of  carrying 
many  kinds  of  objects  (not  to  mention  their 
own  pupae)  to  and  from  their  nests.  Euro- 
pean ants  become  dormant  in  winter,  and 
consequently  require  no  food.  The  words  of 
Solomon  do  not  necessarily  teach  that  ants 
store  up  food  for  future  use,  although  they 
seem  to  imply  that  such  was  the  case.  If 
this  was  the  general  opinion,  it  is  no  matter 
for  surprise  that  the  wise  man  should  select 
the  ant  as  an  instance  on  which  to  ground  a 
lesson  of  prudence  and  forethought.  Numer- 
ous species  of  ants  inhabit  Palestine,  some  of 
which  are  referable  to  the  typical  genus 
Formica  and  others  to  Myrmica.  [r.l.] 

Antichpist,  a  word  first  used  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church  by  Christian  prophets,  rather  than 
made  by  St.  J  ohn  (as  Grimm  wrongly  supposes  ; 
see  ijn.2.i8,  "as  ye  heard  "),  means  properly 
"counter-Christ,"  one  over  against  the  Christ. 
It  adds  to  the  idea  of  antagonism  or  impiety 
the  idea  of  deceptive  substitution  [cf.  "  evil 
men  and  impostors,"  2Tim.3.i3,  R.V.).  St. 
John  says  there  were  many  already.  The  idea 
belongs  to  the  Christian  age,  called  empha- 
tically "  the  last  time,"  because,  though  the 
thing  is  old  (as  old  as  anything  Messianic  :  Gen. 
3.15  ;  Dan.7.11  ;  cf.  Auberlen,  Gunkel),  its 
chief  development  is  as  opposed  to  the  historic 
Jesus.  To  make  it  a  piece  of  Christian  folklore 
is  shallow  exegesis  and  shallow  thought.  It  is 
the  last  development  of  an  ancient  war  with 
subtler  deception.  All  that  Bousset's  interest- 
ing researches  in  the  later  pseudo- apocalyptic 
literature  have  proved  is  that  it  is  a  point  of 
Christian  doctrine,  which  by  its  mysterious 
appeal  to  unchastened  curiosity  has  ever  lent  it- 
self, with  additions  from  elsewhere,  to  heretical 
perversion  and  Christian  mistake.  The  terrific 
images  of  Rev.13,17  have  their  roots  deep 
iA  history  and  experience.  We  have  seen  the 
resurrection  of  the  old  world-power  as  opposed 
to  God,  the  subtle  thought  and  wonder  that 
incites  its  worship,  and  the  false,  adulterous, 
religious  sanction  and  sentiment  that  courts 
and  guides  it  (see  Auberlen,  Kliefoth;  Arch- 
bishop Benson,  Apocalypse,  p.  45).  If  the  N.T. 
had  nothing  to  say  of  these  things,  we  should  be 
without  chart  or  compass.  That  the  presence 
and  word  of  Christ  destroys,  and  will  destroy 
them,  is  bound  up  with  our  belief  in  goodness. 
The  chief  references  to  this  subject  in  N.T.  are 
Mt.24,  Mk.l3,  Lu.21  (our  Lord's  eschato- 
iogical  discourse);     iTh.5.i-n  ;     3Th.2.i-i4 ; 


iTim.4.i-5  ;  2Tim.3.i-io  ;  Rev.13,17.  In  the 
midst  of  much  diversity  of  presentation,  there 
is  a  singular  unity  in  thought.  The  marks  of 
Antichrist's  reign  will  be  :  (i)  A  general  decay 
in  Christian  life  (Mt.24.ii-i3  ;  2Th.2.3  ;  iTim. 
4.1;  2Tim.3.5;  Rev.l3.8,i7).  (2)  A  false  con- 
tentment and  the  exaltation  of  man,  even 
above  all  that  has  been  called  or  thought 
divine  (Mt. 24.38  ;  Lu.17.27,28  ;  iTh.5.2,3  ; 
2Th.2.4,9  ;  Rev. 13. 6,7).  (3)  The  consequent 
weakening  of  moral  and  spiritual  obligations 
(Mt.24.io;  iTim.4.2  ;  2Tim.3.i-6).  (4)  Great 
increase  of  subtlety  "  to  deceive,  if  it  were 
possible,  even  the  elect  "  with  false  wonders, 
evidently  such  as  are  fitted  to  their  age 
(Mt. 24.24  ;  Mk.13.22  ;  2Th. 2.9,10;  Rev.i3.13, 
14).  (5)  The  gathering  of  these  characteristics 
into  a  type  (Mt. 24.23  ;  Mk.i3.22  ;  Jn.5.43  ; 
2Th.2.3  ;  Rev.l3.i8).  (6)  The  continuous  vic- 
tory of  suffering  truth  (Mt. 24.13, 14  ;  iTh.5.4, 
5  ;  Rev.l4.i,15.2) ;  and  finally  (7)  the  abrupt 
termination  of  all  these  oppositions,  associated 
with  the  presence  and  word  of  Christ  Himself 
(Mt.24.30,31  ;  Mk.13.26,27;  Lu.21. 27  ;  iTh. 
5.3  ;  2Th.2.8  ;  2Tim.3.9  ;  Rev.20.io).  St. 
Paul's  earliest  letters  embody  the  idea  of  An- 
tichrist in  a  person,  "  the  lawless  one."  The 
early  Church  followed  him.  In  his  last  letters 
he  speaks  only  of  principles.  The  idea  of  Anti- 
christ has  been  embodied  in  men — e.g.  Nero, 
Bar-cochab  and  his  false  prophet  Akiba, 
Mohammed,  Napoleon.  Whether,  in  its  most 
deceptive  phase,  it  is  to  be  finally  and  com- 
pletely so  embodied,  is,  we  believe,  intention- 
ally left  uncertain.  But  the  destruction  of 
all  sense  of  revelation,  the  deification  of 
human  faculty  and  invention  (Strauss),  and 
the  substitution  of  a  false  philanthropy, 
would  leave  the  world  clear  for  it  (2Th.2.6). 
The  idea  of  Antichrist  is  necessary  for  those 
who  hold  the  real  progress  of  the  world  and  yet 
would  not  be  misled  by  its  false  lights.  There 
is  an  important  sermon  on  this  subject  by 
Bishop  Harold  Browne,  Church  Congress  Report, 
1883  ;  see  also  Swete,  Milligan,  and  Hunting- 
ford  on  places  in  Rev.  ;  Alford  ;  Wohlenberg 
(in  Zahn's  Kommentar)  on  2Th.  ;  Bousset's  Der 
Antichrist  (Gottingen),  with  criticism  of  Gun- 
kel ;  Gunkel's  Schopfung  und  Chaos  in  Urzeit 
und  Endzeit  (Gottingen) ;  Bishop  Martensen's 
Christian  Ethics  (T.  &  T.  Clark,  or  Berlin), 
suggestive  on  this  subject  throughout,  last 
chapter  on  Antichrist  ;  Bishop  Gibson's  War- 
biirtonian  Lectures,  1903-1907,  suggestive  as  to 
Christ's  eschatological  discourse;  and  see  art. 
in  this  Diet,  on  Thessalonians  II.  [f.e.s.] 
Antilibanus  (Jth.1.7).  [Lebanon. 1 
An'tioch. — 1.  The  Greek  capital  of  Syria, 
built  by  Seleucus  in  300  e.g.  (iMac.3.37,4.35, 
11.13  ;  2Mac.4.33,5.2i,8.35,11.36,13.23,),  men- 
tioned as  near  Daphne.  Now  the  small 
town  of  Antdkia  on  the  S.  bank  of  the  Orontes, 
with  ruins  of  mediaeval  walls  and  buildings, 
extending  S.  up  the  steep  slopes  of  mount  Sil- 
pius.  Only  a  few  fragments  of  Gk.  texts  have 
laeen  found,  with  one  of  greater  importance 
(Waddington  2713  a)  at  Daphne  dating  from 
189  B.C.,  and  fixing  the  site  of  the  famous 
temple  of  Apollo,  which  the  emperor  Julian 
found  neglected  when  visiting  Antioch.  The 
city  lay  on  the  main  trade  route  from  Assyria, 
and  had  a  port  [Sei-eucja]  at  the  river  mouth. 


44 


ANTIOCHIA 


It  was  made  a  free  city  by  Pompey  (65  b.c). 
and  a  pillared  street  was  built  by  Herod  the 
Great  (i  Wars  xxi.  11).  Seleiicus  had  made 
the  Jews  citizens  of  his  capital  (12  Ant.  iii.  i). 
The  Roman  emperors  added  amphitheatres, 
baths,  and  aqueducts.  The  city  remained  the 
capital  of  Syria  down  to  1268  a. d.,  when  it  was 
destroyed    by    the    Egyptian    sultan    Bibars. 


"GATU  UF  Sr.    I'AUL,"  ANTIOCIl. 

Nicholas  of  Antioch  was  one  of  the  first  deacons 
of  the  Christian  Church  (Ac. 6. 5),  and  a  mission 
to  the  Jews  of  Antioch  began  after  the  death 
of  St.  Stephen  (11.19,27),  before  the  conversion 
of  St.  Paul  (13. i),  who  returned  to  the  city 
after  his  first  journey  (14.26),  when  the  dis- 
pute concerning  Jewish  rites  there  took  place 
(15.1,2)  on  St.  Peter's  arrival  (Gal. 2. 11).  In 
Antioch  the  "  Christians "  first  received 
that  name  (Ac. 11. 26).  St.  Paul  revisited  the 
city  in  56  a.d.  (18. 22). — 2.  Antioch  in 
PisiDiA  (Ac.l3. 14, 14.19,21 ;  2Tim.3.ii),  on  the 
borders  of  Phrygia  (now  Yalowatch),  was  also 
founded  by  Seleucus  I.,  and  was  a  Roman 
colonia  ;  also  called  Caesarea.  [c.R.c] 

Antiochi'a  (iMac. 4.35, 6.63  ;  2Mac.4.33, 
5.21).      [.\ntiocii,   I.] 

Antlochi'ans,  partizans  in  Jerusalem  of 
Antiochus  Epiphaues,  organized  by  Jason,  4 
(2Mac.4.9,i9). 

Anti'ochis,  concubine  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes  (2Mac.4.3o). 

Anti'ochus,  father  of  Numenius  (iMac. 
12.16,14.22). 

Anti'ochus  II., l<ing of  Syria  (261 -246  B.C.), 
is  distinguished  by  the  title  9e6s  bestowed  upon 
him  by  the  Milesians  for  freeing  them  from 
their  tyrant  Tiinarchus.  He  was  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Antiochus  I.  (Soter).  He  inherited 
from  his  father  the  war  against  Ptolemy  Phila- 
dclphus,  king  of  Egypt.  During  this  conflict 
I'tolemy  laid  waste  most  of  the  Western  Asiatic 
countries  in  dispute,  and  compelled  his  adver- 
sary to  sue  for  peace.  Antiochus  was  weak- 
ened at  this  time  by  the  revolt  of  Hyrcania, 
P^rthia,  and  Bactria,  which  finally  succeeded 


ANTIOCHUS  III, 

in  throwing  off  the  Seleucide  yoke  and  found- 
ing the  Parthian  dynasty  of  the  Arsacides  (c. 
250  B.C.).  In  accordance  with  the  treaty  be- 
tween Syria  and  Egypt,  concluded  in  the  same 
year,  Antiochus  divorced  his  wife  Laodice  and 
married  Ptolemy's  daughter  Berenice,  under- 
taking to  leave  the  throne  to  the  new  queen's 
firstborn  son  (Dan. 11. 6).  But  when  Ptolemy 
died  (247  B.C.),  Antiochus  sent  away  Berenice 
and  her  infant  son  and  restored  Laodice  to  her 
former  position.  Antiochus  died  in  246,  it  is 
supposed  by  poison  administered  by  Laodice, 
who  instigated  her  own  son  Seleucus  to  murder 
Berenice  and  her  child  at  Daphne.  To  avenge 
his  sister's  murder,  Ptolemy  Euergetes  of 
Egypt  invaded  Syria  and  would  have  entirely 
overthrown  Seleucus  Callinicus  had  not  a  re- 
volt in  Egypt  compelled  him  to  return  home 
(Dan. 11. 7-9)  with  much  booty,      [w.st.c.t.] 

Anti'ochus  III.(  I  Mac.l.io),surnamed  "the 
Great,"  Seleucide  king  of  Syria  (223-187  B.C.), 
was  son  of  Seleucus  Callinicus.  When  quite 
young  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  on  the 
murder  of  his  brother  Seleucus  Ceraunos. 
Ptolemy  Philopator  of  Egypt  was  then  in  pos- 
session of  Coelos^Tia  and  Phoenicia.  To  e.xpel 
him  thence,  Antiochus  twice  attacked  him, 
and  on  each  occasion  pressed  forward  victori- 
ously as  far  as  Dora,  8  miles  N.  of  Caesarea. 
On  the  second  occasion  a  four  months'  truce 
was  made,  and  -Antiochus  withdrew  his  forces 
to  the  Orontes  (Dan. 11. 10).  Hostilities  being 
renewed,  Antiochus  was  again  successful  (218), 
overran  Samaria  and  Gilead,  drove  the  Egyp- 
tian army  back  to  Sidon,  and,  advancing  still 
farther,  went  into  winter  quarters  at  Acre. 
But  the  tide  turned  in  217,  when  he  was 
defeated  at  Raphia,  near  Gaza,  with  a  loss  of 
over  10,000  dead  and  4,000  prisoners.  Peace 
was  then  made  for  a  time,  Coelosyria,  Palestine, 
and  Phoenicia  being  surrendered  to  Ptolemy 
(11.11,12).  When  l^tolemy  Philopator  died  in 
205,  .\ntiochus  renewed  the  war,  hoping  that 
the  minority  of  Ptolemy  V.  (Epiphanes)  would 
enable  him,  in  conjunction  with  Philip  III.  of 
Macedon,  to  conquer  the  whole  of  the  Egyptian 
dominions  (11. 13).  Aided  by  a  party  among 
the  Jews,  Antiochus  seized  the  three  provinces 
which  had  so  long  been  the  objective  in  the 


COIN  or  ANiiocm  s  111. 

struggle  between  Syria  and  Egypt,  but  they 
were  soon  after  recovered  by  Ptolemy's  forces, 
owing  to  the  outbreak  of  a  war  between  Philip 
and  the  Romans  on  the  one  side,  and  between 
Antiochus  and  Attains  I.  of  Pergamos  on  the 
other.  But  when  .Antiochus  returned  to  Pal- 
estine,he  defeated  the  Egyptian  general  Scopas 
at  Paneas  (198  b.c,)  and  compelled  him  to  suf- 


ANTIOCHUS  IV. 


ANTIOCHUS  V. 


45 


render  at  Sidon  soon  afterwards  (11. 15).  The 
Jews  welcomed  Antiochus  as  their  deliverer 
from  rapine.  Antiochus  was  compelled  by 
Roman  ambassadors  to  desist  from  following 
up  his  success  by  invading  Egypt.  He  ac- 
cordingly made  a  treaty  with  Ptolemy  Epi- 
phanes,  promising  to  restore  to  him  {at  the 
command  of  Rome)  the  Phoenician  prov'inces, 
but  giving  them  ostensibly  as  the  dowTv  of  his 
daughter  Cleopatra,  who  became  the  bride  of 
the  Egyptian  monarch,  and  afterwards  took 
her  husband's  part  against  her  father  (11. 17). 
Antiochus  after  this  crossed  the  Aegean,  gain- 
ing certain  successes  among  its  islands,  and,  by 
the  advice  of  the  Aetolians  and  Hannibal,  de- 
clared war  against  the  Romans.  Defeated  at 
Thermopylae  in  191,  he  returned  to  Asia,  where 
the  Scipios,  with  the  aid  of  Eumenes  of  Per- 
gamos,  completely  overthrew  him  at  Magnesia 
(190  B.C.),  where  he  is  said  to  have  lost  50,000 
killed  and  11,000  prisoners.  Compelled  to  sue 
for  peace,  Antiochus  had  to  cede  all  his  do- 
minions in  Asia  Minor,  surrender  his  ships, 
captives,  and  deserters,  and  pay  an  enormous 
war  indemnity  to  the  Romans  (188  b.c). 
Partly,  perhaps,  to  raise  this  money,  he  next 
year  endeavoured  to  plunder  a  temple  in 
Elymais — that  of  the  "Elymaean  Jove,"  says 
Trogus  Pompeius — but  was  slain  in  the  at- 
tempt (11. 19).  He  was  succeeded  by  Seleucus 
Philopator,  his  son.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Anti'ochus  IV.  {'EwKpapris),  afterwards 
called  in  mockery 'ETri/xavi^s  (the  Maniac  instea.d 
of  the  Illustrious)  (iMac.l.io  ff.),  was  king  of 
Syria  (175-164  b.c.)  and  second  son  of  Antio- 
chus III.  After  the  battle  of  Magnesia  he  was 
given  as  a  hostage  to  the  Romans  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  terms  imposed  upon  his  father ;  but 
after  the  latter's  death  his  eldest  son  Seleucus 
IV.  (Philopator),  who  succeeded  him,  gave  his 
own  son  Demetrius  as  hostage  in  his  brother's 
stead  (175  B.C.)  and  secured  Antiochus'  release. 
Shortly  after  this  (Dan. 11. 20)  Seleucus  was 
murdered  by  Heliodorus,  and  Antiochus 
usurped  the  throne,  to  the  exclusion  of  his 
nephew  Demetrius,  having  enlisted  the  assis- 
tance of  Eumenes  II.  and  then  of  his  son  Atta- 
ins II.  of  Pergamos  to  enable  him  to  put  down 
Heliodorus  (11. 21).  It  was  the  policy  of  An- 
tiochus   to    Hellenize    the    Jews    in  religion, 


COIN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  IV.   (EPIPHANES). 

manner  of  life,  and  language,  so  as  to  make 
Palestine  a  more  integral  part  of  his  kingdom. 
A  party  among  the  Jews  was  only  too  ready 
to  favour  the  scheme.  Led  by  Joshua,  brother 
of  Onias  III.,  the  high-priest,  whose  office  he 
obtained  for  himself  through  bribery,  the  Hel- 
lenizers  for  a  time  became  supreme  in  Jerusa- 


lem. A  gymnasium  was  erected  to  train  the 
Jews,  as  the  heathen  Greeks  were  trained, 
amid  heathen  surroundings  ;  and  their  pro- 
gress in  what  was  supposed  to  be  enlighten- 
ment and  liberality  of  thought  was  still  further 
displayed  by  sending  deputies  and  presents  to 
T>Te  to  the  quinquennial  games  in  honour 
of  Hercules.  [Hellenist.]  In  172  Joshua 
(who  adopted  the  Gk.  name  of  Jason)  was  de- 
posed in  favour  of  Menelaus,  who  had  offered 
the  king  a  larger  bribe.  Antiochus  marched 
against  Ptolemy  VI.  (Pkilometor),  king  of 
Egypt,  in  171  b.c,  and  took  him  prisoner  in 
170  B.C.  Antiochus  then  endeavoured  to  con- 
quer the  whole  country.  He  unsuccessfully 
laid  siege  to  Alexandria  in  169  b.c.  Another 
campaign  in  168  gave,  however,  every  prospect 
of  entire  success,  until  prevented  by  the  ar- 
rival of  "  ships  of  Kittim  " — i.e.  the  Romans 
sent  Popilius  to  command  Antiochus,  under 
penalty  of  being  declared  an  enemy  of  the 
Roman  people,  to  withdraw  from  Egypt.  On 
his  return  homewards  through  Palestine  he 
found  that  Jason  had  attacked  Jerusalem  and 
deposed  Menelaus.  This  gave  Antiochus  an 
opportunity  of  satisfying  his  arm}-,  disap- 
pointed in  their  hope  of  plundering  Egypt. 
He  sent  Apollonius  with  a  large  force  to  take 
possession  of  the  holy  city  and  punish  the 
Jews  for  their  unruliness.  Two  years  before 
they  had  received  a  severe  lesson,  when  An- 
tiochus had  plundered  the  temple  and  "  made 
a  great  massacre"  (iMac.l.24);  but  now  the 
king  resolved  to  put  down  the  law  of  God  and 
compel  the  Jews  to  conform  to  the  religion  and 
practices  of  the  rest  of  his  dominions.  He 
issued  an  edict  "  that  all  should  be  one  people  " 
(1.4iff.).  All  copies  of  the  Law  which  could 
be  found  were  destroyed,  while  burnt-offerings 
and  sacrifices  in  the  temple  were  forbidden. 
An  altar  in  honour  of  Jupiter  Olympius,  pro- 
bably "  the  Abomination  of  Desolation  " 
(Dan. 11. 31  ;  iMac.l.54),  was  set  up  on  the 
altar  of  God  on  Kislev  15,  and  on  the  25th 
sacrifice  to  the  heathen  deity  was  offered 
thereon.  But  the  cause  of  religious  freedom 
was  nobly  upheld,  at  first  by  Mattathias,  and, 
after  his  death,  by  his  son  J  udas  Maccabaeus, 
who  rose  in  arms  against  the  tyrant.  In  the 
battle  of  Beth-horon  (167  B.c.)  Judas  utterly 
defeated  the  Syrian  host  under  the  command 
of  Seron  (and  Apollonius  ?),  and  overthrew 
an  army  of  47,000  men  under  Gorgias  near 
Emmaus  later  in  the  same  year.  In  166  Lysias' 
army  of  65,000  men  was  defeated  at  Beth-sura 
(Beth-zur),  after  which  Judas  captured  Jeru- 
salem and  cleansed  and  re-dedicated  the 
temple.  Meanwhile  Antiochus  had  crossed 
the  Euphrates  at  the  head  of  an  army  and 
marched  into  Elymais.  There  he  attempted 
to  plunder  a  temple  dedicated  to  Anaitis  or 
Nanea,  but  was  repulsed.  He  retired  to 
Babylon,  and  marched  thence  into  Persia, 
where  in  164  he  died,  having  failed  in  every 
one  of  his  leading  projects.  He  left  the  throne 
to  his  young  son  Antiochus  Eupator.  [Mac- 
cabees, The.]  Winer,  Bibl.  Realworterbuch 
(of.   Dan.ll. 21-45).  [w.st.c.t.] 

Anti'ochus  V.  (Eupator,  164-162  b.c), 
son  and  successor  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
was  only  9  (others  say  13^)  years  of  age  when 
he  ascended  the  throne.     His  father  had  on 


46 


ANTIOCHUS  VI. 


his  death-bed  named  Philip  his  foster-brother 
regent  and  guardian  of  the  young  king  (iMac. 
6.i4f.,55).  But  Lysias,  governor  of  the  whole 
region  between  the  Euphrates  and  Egypt,  had 
been  previously  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the 
prince's  person  (3.32f.,6.i7),  and  now  made 
himself  regent.  For  the  struggle  between 
Philip  and  Lysias  for  the  possession  of  the 
young  king,  and  for  the  war  waged  by  Lysias 
against  the  Jews,  see  Philip,  3,  Lysias. 
Finally,  Lysias  overthrew  Philip,  but  mean- 
while Demetrius,  cousin  of  the  young  king, 
had  escaped  from  his  captivity  as  a  hostage  in 
Rome  and  landed  at  Tripolis.  His  claim  to 
the  throne  obtained  popular  support,  and  he 
captured  and  put  to  death  both  Antiochus  and 
Lysias  in  162  b.c.  (iMac.7.2-4;  2Mac.l4.i,2  ; 
Jos.  12  Anl.  X.  1 ;  Polyb.  xxxi.  19).  [w.st.c.t.] 
Anti'ochus  VI.  (1Mac.ll.54),  king  of  Syria 
(145-143  B.C.),  surnamed  Geos,  was  son  of 
Alexander  Balasbyhiswife  Cleopatra,  daughter 
of  Ptolemy  Philometor.     Brought  forward  by 


COIN  OF  AMIOCIIUS  VI. 

Tryphon  (Diodoius)  as  a  rival  to  Demetrius  IL, 
Antiochus  was  put  to  death  by  the  ambitious 
general  in  143  while  still  very  young  (I3.31 ;  cf. 
12.39).     [Demetrius   II.]  [w.st.c.t.] 

Anti'ochus  VII.  (iMac.15),  king  of  Syria 
(137-128  B.C.),  surnamed  Sidetes  from  having 
been  brought  up  at  Side  in  Pamphylia,  was  the 
and  son  of  Demetrius  I.  (Soter),  and  is  sometimes 
styled  EvepytTrjs  {Benefactor)  and  sometimes 
Ei)(re/377S  (the  Pious).  After  the  capture  of  his 
brother  [Demetrius  II. ]  by  the  Parthians, 
Antiochus  made  a  treaty  with  Simon  the 
Hasmonaean,  granting  him  many  privileges, 
among  others  the  right  to  coin  money.  He  then 
marched  against  the  usurper  Tryphon,  who 
with  a  small  force  took  refuge  in  "  Dora,  which 
lieth  by  the  seaside  "  (iMac.15.ii),  most  of  his 
troops  having  joined  Antiochus.  The  latter 
besieged  the  town  by  land  and  sea,  and,  when 
Trypho  escaped,  pursued  and  overthrew  him, 
recovering  the  revolted  cities  which  had  owned 
his  sway  (137  b.c).  Antiochus  had  mean- 
while broken  his  agreement  with  the  Jews,  and 
demanded  the  payment  of  tribute  and  the  sur- 
render of  the  tower  in  Jerusalem,  which  had 
been  in  Simon's  possession  since  141,  from 
which  year  the  Jews  dated  their  freedom  from 
the  Syrian  yoke.  To  enforce  these  demands 
he  sent  an  army  under  Cendebaeus  to  invade 
Judaea.  After  some  slight  successes,  the 
Syrians  were  entirely  defeated  at  Jamnia  by 
Judas  and  John,  sons  of  the  aged  Simon.  The 
latter  with  his  sons  Mattathias  and  Judas  was 


APAltl! 

soon  after  (135  b.c.)  treacherously  murdered  by 
a  traitor,  Ptolemy,  son  of  Abubus,  who  then 
sent  to  invite  Antiochus  to  invade  the  country. 
Having  nothing  further  to  fear  from  Tryphon, 
Antiochus  marched  against  John  H>Tcanus, 
2nd  son  of  Simon  and  his  successor  in  the  high- 
priesthood.  Besieging  him  for  a  year  in  Jeru- 
salem, he  compelled  him  to  surrender  and 
become  tributary  (133  e.g.),  but,  fearing  Roman 
interference,  granted  him  favourable  terms. 
.\ntiochus  then  turned  his  arms  against  the 
Parthians,  JohnHyrcanus  and  a  body  of  Jew- 
ish troops  accompanying  him.  The  Syrians 
gained  three  battles  and  occupied  Babylonia. 
This  induced  many  provinces  of  the  Parthian 
empire  to  revolt  and  join  the  invaders.  But 
in  128  Antiochus  fell  in  battle  and  his  army 
was  destroyed.  His  body  was  placed  in  a 
silver  cof&n  and  sent  by  Phraates  to  be  buried 
in  Syria.  Antiochus'  defeat  and  death  enabled 
Hyrcanus  and  the  Jews  to  recover  their 
liberty.  [w.st.c.t.] 

An'tipas. — 1.  Mart>T  at  Pergamos  (Rev. 
2.13),  according  to  tradition  bishop  of  that 
place,  and  martyred  under  Domitian  (Menol. 
Gr.i'n.  51). — 2.  [Herod.] 

Anti  patep,  son  of  Jason  and  Jewish 
ambassador  to  the  Lacedaemonians  (i  Mac.  12. 
16,14.22). 

Anti'patris  (Ac.23.31),  a  town  between 
Jerusalem  and  Caesarea,  no  doubt  on  the 
Roman  road  to  the  latter  seaport.  It  was 
built  by  Herod  the  Great,  in  the  plain  of 
Caphar-Saba  (16  Ant.  v.  2),  at  a  place  with 
"rivers  and  trees"  (i  Wars  xxi.  9),  which 
does  not  apply  to  Kefr  Sdba,  though  one 
passage — perhaps  corrupt — seems  to  identify 
the  two  (13  Ant.  xv.  i).  In  the  Talmud  they 
are  distinct,  for  Antipatris  was  on  N.W. 
boundary  of  Judaea  (Tal.  Bab.  Gittin  76a; 
Sanhed.  94  b),  while  Caphar-Saba  was  in 
Samaria  (Tal.  Jer.  Demoi  ii.  2).  The  true  site 
appears  to  be  at  Rds  el  'A  in,  the  source  of  the 
river  'A  iijeh,  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  on  the 
Roman  road  to  Caesarea,  as  the  following 
distances  indicate  : 

Jerusalem  Itinerary. 
Lydda  (Ludd)  to  Antipatris,   10  miles  (11  J). 
Bether  (Tireh)  „  „  10     „         (9J). 

Antonine  Itinerary. 
Caesarea  to  Antipatris,  28  miles  (30J). 

Onomasticon. 
Galgula  to  Antipatris,  6  miles  (6J). 
The  actual  distances  (in  brackets)  are  as 
close  as  could  be  expected.  Fine  springs  here 
gush  out  under  the  ruins  of  the  Crusader's 
castle,  Mirabel.  The  ditch  dug  from  Antipa- 
tris to  the  sea,  by  Alexander  Jannaeus  (i  Wars 
iv.  7),  probably  canalized  the  'Aujeh,  and 
Antipatris  is  here  placed  "  near  the  moun- 
tains," which  does  not  fit  Caphar-Saba  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  ii.  p.  258).  [c.r.c] 

Antothljah',  a  Benjamite  of  the  sons 
of  Shashak  (iChr.8.24). 

An'tothite.     [Anethothite.] 
Anub',    son    of     Coz   and   descendant   of 
Judah     through    Ashur     the    "father"    of 
Tekoa  (iChr.4.8). 

Anus'  (il  sd.9.48)  =  Bani,  7. 
Ap'ame,      concubine      of      Darius,      and 
daughter     of     "  the     admirable     Bartacus " 
(i£sd.4.29  ;  cf.  Josephus,  11  Ant.  iii.  5). 


APELLES 


APdLLOS 


47 


Apelles  (Ro.16.io),  honoured  by  St.  Paul 
with  the  designation  "  approved  in  Christ." 
Horace  (i  Sat.  v.  loo)  takes  Apella  as  a 
representative  Jewish  name.  See  Lightfoot, 
Philipp-,  note  on  Caesar's  household,  [e.r.b.] 
Apes  (Heb.  qophim)  are  mentioned  in  iK. 
10.22,  "  Once  in  three  years  came  the  navy  of 
Tharshish,  bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory,  smd 
apes,  and  peacocks,"  and  in  the  parallel  pas- 
sage of  2Chr.9.2i.  Since  peafowl  are  re- 
stricted to  the  Indo-Malay  countries,  where 
elephants  and  apes  (if  the  latter  term  be  taken 
to  include  the  species  commonly  designated 
monkeys)  are  also  found,  there  is  a  strong 
presumption  that  "  Tharshish  "  refers  to  some 
part  of  India  or  Ceylon,  unless  indeed  it  be 
a  general  term  for  those  countries.  This 
is  supported  by  Sir  E.  Tennent's  statement 
that  the  Tamil  names  for  monkey,  elephant, 
and  peacock  are  identical  with  their  Hebrew 
titles.  On  the  other  hand,  as  African  ivory 
is  now  carried  from  Zanzibar  to  Bombay  and 
thence  re-exported,  so  anciently  peacocks  may 
have  been  transported  from  Ceylon  or  India 
to  the  Zanzibar  coast,  and  thence  reshipped  by 
Solomon's  merchantmen  with  African  ivory 
and  apes  or  monkeys.  A  totally  different  in- 
terpretation is  given,  however,  by  Paul  Haupt 
(John  Hopkins  Univ.  Circular,  No.  163,  p.  51, 
and  Proc.  Amer.  Phil.  Soc.  xlvi.  p.  151,  1907), 
who  claims  that  Tharshish  (or  Tarshish)  is  a 
Phoenician  word,  originally  signifying  the 
dressing  of  ores,  but  referring  in  this  instance 
to  the  mining  district  of  southern  Spain. 
"  Stones  of  Tharshish,"  he  urges,  are  crystals 
of  cinnabar  from  the  Spanish  mines.  Ships 
sailing  from  the  S.  of  Spain  might  obtain 
apes  and  ivory  from  the  African  coast  ;  but 
peacocks  in  this  connexion  present  an  ap- 
parently insuperable  difficulty;  but  see  also 
Tarshish  for  yet  another  explanation,  [r.l.] 
Aphapsathcliites,  Apharsites, 
Aphapsachites,  names  formed  from  cities  or 
districts  from  which  colonies  had  been  settled 
in  Samaria  by  the  AssNTian  ruler  Asnapper 
(Ezr.4.9,5.6).  The  first  and  last  have  been 
regarded  as  the  same,  but  none  have  as  yet 
been  identified.  Asnapper  has  been  identified 
with  the  Ass\Tian  king  Assur-bani-pal,  but 
his  records  contain  no  names  which  can  be 
compared  with  these.  [t.g.p.] 

Aphek'  {strong),  Aphekah'  (Jos.i5.53), 
Aphik'  (brook),  Judg.l.31. — 1.  A  roi'al  city 
in  Lower  Galilee  (Jos.l2.i8),  perhaps  N.  of 
Jezreel  (iSam.29.i). — 2.  A  town  of  Asher 
from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  driven 
out  (Jos.19.30  ;  Judg.1.31). — 3.  Noticed  with 
Gebal,  now  Afqa,  the  source  of  the  Adonis 
River  (J0S.I3.4). — 4.  A  Philistine  camp 
perhaps  near  Ebenezer  (iSam.4.i). — 5.  A 
city  of  the  mishor  o^ plateau  of  Bashan,  now 
Fiq,  E.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee  (iK. 20.25,26, 30  ; 
2K.13.17). — 6.  Aphekah  in  the  mountains 
S.W.  of  Hebron  (Jos.i5.53).  [c.r.c] 

Aphepema  (1Mac.ll.34),  capital  of  a 
district  added  to  Judaea  about  146  b.c.  It  is 
noticed  with  Lvdda  and  Ramathem  ;  and 
is  probably  the  town  Ephraim.         [c.r.c] 

Aphep  pa,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  servants 
of  Solomon  whose  descendants  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.34  only). 
Aphi'ah,  a  forefather  of  Saul  (iSam.9.i). 


Aphik'.    [Aphek.] 

Aphpah',  The  house  of  (Mi.l.io),  pos- 
sibly a  temple  at  Gath.  [c.r.c] 

Aphses',  chief  of  the  iSth  of  the  24  courses 
in  the  service  of  the  temple  (iChr.24.i5). 
Apocalypse.  [Revelation  of  St.  John.] 
Apoe'pypha,  the  collection  of  14  books 
reckoned  non-canonical  by  the  English 
Church,  which  "  the  Church  doth  read  for  ex- 
ample of  life  and  instruction  of  manners ;  but 
vet  it  doth  not  apply  them  to  establish  any 
doctrine  "  (.Art.  VI.).  The  primary  meaning 
of  Apocrypha  is  "  hidden,  secret,"  i.e.  eso- 
teric ;  but,  much  later,  the  word  came  to 
mean  "  of  doubtful  authority "  or  authen- 
ticity, and  the  books  would  more  correctly  be 
described  as  "  Deutero-canonical  "  or  "  Ec- 
clesiastical." For  the  several  books,  see  under 
their  titles.  For  their  relation  to  the  canonical 
books  of  O.T.,  see  Canon.     [Versions.] 

Apollo'nia,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  through 
which  SS.  Paul  and  Silas  passed  on  their  way 
from  Philippi  and  Amphipolis  to  Thessalonica 
(Ac.17.1).  According  to  the  Antonine  Itiner- 
ary, it  was  30  Roman  miles  from  Amphipolis, 
and  37  from  Thessalonica.     Now  Pollina. 

Apollo'nius. — 1.  Son  of  Thrasaeas,  and 
governor  of  Coelosyria  and  Phoenice,  under 
Seleucus  IV.  (Philopaior),  i87ff.  b.c  (2Mac. 
4.4).  He  convej-ed  to  the  king  the  presenta- 
tions of  Simon,  governor  of  the  temple,  which 
induced  him  to  make  his  unsuccessful  attempt 
on  the  temple  treasures  (3.5ff.). — 2.  A  gover- 
nor of  Samaria,  sent  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
with  a  large  force  against  Judas  Maccabaeus, 
but  defeated  and  slain,  166  b.c  He  is  pro- 
bably identical  with  the  "  chief  collector  of  tri- 
bute "  (iMac.1.29)  sent  by  Epiphanes  to  Jeru- 
salem, where  this  "  detestable  ringleader  " 
took  advantage  of  the  sabbath  to  slay  numbers 
of  the  unresisting  inhabitants  (2Mac.5. 24-26) 
and  occupy  a  fortified  position  (iMac.l.3off.). 
— 3.  Son  of  Menestheus  ;  an  envoy  commis- 
sioned (173  B.C.)  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to 
congratulate  Ptolemy  Philometor  on  his  en- 
1  thronement  (2Mac.4.2i).^-4.  Son  of  Gennaeus, 
a  S^Tian  general  under  Antioc'nus  V.  (Eupator), 
c.  163  B.C.  (12.2 ). — 5.  A  governor  of  Coelo- 
syria under  Alexander  Balas,  who  embraced 
the  cause  of  his  rival  Demetrius  Nicator,  raised 
a  large  force,  and  attacked  Jonathan,  the  ally 
of  Alexander,  but  was  defeated  (147  b.c)  near 
.\zotus  (iMac.lO.69-87). 

Apollo'phanes,  a  SjTian,  killed  by  Judas 
Maccabaeus  at  Gazara  (2Mac.lO.37). 

Apol'los,  a  Jew  from  Alexandria,  eloquent 
(or,  though  less  probably,  learned)  and  mighty 
in  the  Scriptures.  He  had  been  instructed  in 
"  the  way  of  the  Lord,"  according  to  the  teach- 
ing of  St.  John  Baptist  (Ac.l8.25),  and  after- 
wards at  Ephesus  was  more  fully  taught  by 
Aquila  and  Priscilla.  After  this  he  became  a 
preacher  of  the  gospel,  first  in  Achaia  and  then 
in  Corinth  (18. 27, 19. i),  where  he  watered  that 
which  St.  Paul  had  planted  (iCor.3.6).  When 
St.  Paul  wrote  iCor.,  Apollos  was  with  or  near 
him  (1C0r.l6.12),  probably  at  Ephesus  in  57 
A.D.  :  we  hear  that  he  was  then  unwilling  to 
journey  to  Corinth,  but  would  do  so  at  a  more 
convenient  time.  His  reluctance  to  revisit 
Corinth  at  the  moment  probably  arose  from 
his  loyalty  to  St.  Paul.     Despite  his  wish,  he 


48 


APOLLYON 


had  been  made  to  figure  as  a  party  leader,  in 
opposition  to  St.  Paul,  among  the  Corinthian 
Christians,  and  his  reappearance  in  their  city 
might  have  revived  that  spirit  of  faction  so 
sternly  rebuked  in  iCor.  He  is  mentioned  but 
once  more  in  N.T.,  in  Tit.3.13,  where  Titus  is 
desired  to  "  bring  Zenas  the  lawyer  and  Apollos 
on  their  way  diligently,  that  nothing  may  be 
wanting  to  them."  After  this  nothing  is 
known  of  him.  Tradition  makes  him  bishop 
of  Caesarea.  It  has  been  supposed  by  Luther 
and  others  that  .^polios  was  the  author  of  the 
epistle   to   the   Hebrews. 

Apollyon.     [Abaddon.] 

Apostle.  I.  Meaning  and  usage  of  the 
word.  Literally  "envoy,"  derived  from  Gk. 
dTTOffTfWu,  to  send  on  a  special  mission  (Jn. 17. 
18).  Christ  Himself  was  the  "  apostle  "  of  the 
Father  (Heb.S.i).  The  word  was  already  in 
use  among  the  Jews  for  the  delegates  who 
collected  the  tribute  for  the  temple  service, 
and  was  applied  in  a  similar  sense  to  Chris- 
tians charged  by  St.  Paul  or  the  Churches  with 
various  commissions,  as  in  2Cor.8.23,  Ph. 2. 
25,  and  probably  R0.I6.7.  But  the  ordinary 
N.T.  application  is  to  the  twelve  disciples  and 
to  those  subsequently  added  to  their  body — 
Paul,  Barnabas,  Silas  (and  perhaps  James,  the 
Lord's  brother).  Though  the  name  was  con- 
ferred on  the  Twelve  by  Christ  Himself  (Lu.6. 
13),  it  seldom  occurs  in  the  Synoptists  (once 
only  in  Mt.  and  Mk.),  and  never  in  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  where  they  are  always  called  "  the 
disciples."  It  did  not  obtain  currency  at  first, 
because  discipleship,  not  apostleship,  was  in 
Christ's  lifetime  the  primary  function  of  the 
Twelve.  Late  in  the  ist  cent,  the  name  was 
assumed  by  travelling  evangelists,  and  traces 
of  this  begin  to  appear  in  2C0r.ll.13,  Rev. 2.2. 
— II.  Call  and  Training.  Restricting  the  title 
to  the  Twelve,  we  may  distinguish  in  the  special 
instances  given  us  three  stages  in  the  associa- 
tion of  the  apostles  with  Christ,  (i)  Their 
individual  acquaintance  with  Him  (Jn.l. 35-51). 

(2)  Definite  call  to  follow  Him  (Mk. 1.16-20). 

(3)  Selection  of  the  Twelve  from  a  larger  body 
of  followers  (Lu.6. 13).  We  next  observe  the 
twofold  purpose  of  the  selection  as  given  us 
by  St.  Mark — that  they  might  be  with  Him,  and 
that  He  might  send  them  forth  (airocTiWri)  to 
preach  (Mk.3.14).  These  two  clauses  summarize 
the  training  of  the  Apostles:  (i)  the  personal 
influence  of  close  association  with  Christ,  in- 
cluding His  teaching  by  word  and  act ;  (2)  the 
mission  on  which  they  were  sent  (Mt.ll.i), 
which  could  not  have  lasted  long,  and  must  be 
regarded  chiefly  as  part  of  the  training  of  their 
faith,  discretion,  and  courage  (10.7,16,31),  and 
as  conveying  lessons  for  future  endeavours. 
As  the  training  by  association  and  teaching 
includes  the  greater  part  of  the  gospel  narra- 
tives, it  is  impossible  to  present  a  summary  of 
it,  but  one  or  two  aspects  must  be  given.  The 
wandering  life  to  which  they  were  called  (8.19, 
20)  was  necessary  in  order  to  detach  them 
from  the  world.  The  method  of  teaching  by 
parables  was  stimulating  to  their  intellectual 
life  on  the  spiritual  side.  The  miracles  taught 
them  faith  in  Christ's  Person  and  in  His  power 
to  sustain  them  (Mk. 4.37-40).  Their  Master's 
insight  into  their  thoughts  and  His  calm  re- 
proofs dealt  with  wrong  tendencies  as  they 


APOSTLB 

arose  (9.33,34)     On  the  side  of  belief  they  had 
begun  by  acknowledging  Jesus  as  the  Messiah, 
but   the  political  conception  of  Messiahship 
which  they  held  in  common  with  the  men  of 
their  time  had  to  be  transformed.     St.  Peter's 
confession  (Mt.16.13-20)  means    that    a    real 
advance    had    been    made.      The     last    dis- 
courses (Jn. 14-16)  assume  a  still  greater  ad* 
vance  ;    but  the  lesson  was  not  completed  till 
they  looked  back  on  all  that  they  had  heard 
and  seen  in  the  light  of  the  Resurrection.     It 
would  be  a  mistake  to  regard  the  training  of 
the    Twelve    as    exclusively    the    training   of 
missionaries  or  of  rulers  of  the  Church.     The 
apostolic  band   is  rather  to  be  regarded  as 
the  nucleus  of  the  Churcli,  to  which  was  to  be 
committed  a  true  conception  of  the  Person, 
character,  will,  and  work  of  the  Saviour. — III. 
The  Work  of  the  Apostolate.    Neither  the  gift  of 
the  Spirit  by  the  risen  Lord  (Jn.2O.22)  nor 
that  from  the  ascended  Lord  (Ac. 2.1-4)  can  be 
regarded  as  confined  to  the  Apostolic  College. 
But  the  lead  at  once  taken  by  it  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Church  needs  no  proof  in 
detail.     More  than  twenty  times  in  the  first 
half  of  Acts  the  apostles  are  spoken  of  in  the 
plural  as  acting  in  a  body,  and  the  new  con- 
verts  are   described   as   continuing  in    "  the 
apostles'    doctrine"    (2.42)   as    the    norm  of 
Christian  faith  and  practice.     The  point  which 
causes  surprise  is  the  slowness  with  which  the 
extension   of   the   apostolic   mission    beyond 
Judaism     was    apprehended,    although    defi- 
nitely authorized  and  enjoined  by  Christ  (Mt. 
28.19;     Lu.24.47  ;     Ac.1.8).     TMs    point    is 
dealt  with  elsewhere  [Paul],  but  it  leads  on  to 
the  necessary  enlargement  of  the  Apostolic 
College  by  the  addition  of  men  whose  ante- 
cedents had  prepared  them  for  the  work  which 
remained   to  be  done.     St.    Paul's  energetic 
assertion  of  his  apostolate  in  iCor.9,   2Cor.l2, 
Gal. 1,2,  need  not  be  dwelt  on,  and  indeed  it  is 
from  him  rather  than  from  any  of  the  Twelve 
that  the  ordinary  conception  of  the  apostolic 
office  is  derived,  though  there  is  little  proba- 
bility that  the  work  of  the  Twelve  at  all  re- 
senabled  that   to  which  he  devoted  himself. 
It  is  to  be  noticed  that  as  time  goes  on  the 
apostles  associate  with  tliemselves  presbyters 
and  the  body  of  the  Church  as  depositaries  of 
authority  (Ac. 15),  and  are  presided  over  by 
one  who  had  not  been  an  original  member  of 
the  Twelve.    [James.]    The  traditions  as  to  the 
missionary  activity  of  the  apostles  of  the  cir- 
cumcision are  for  the  most  part  late  and  un- 
trustworthy.— IV.  Qualification  and  Privileges. 
The  one  essential  qualification  was  to  have 
been  a  witness  of  the  Resurrection  (.^0.1.21)  ; 
and,  comparing  iCor.9.i  with  iCor.15.8,  this 
evidently  means  to  have  seen  the  Lord  after 
He  had  risen.     Their  function  was  first  of  all 
that  of  witnesses  (Lu. 24.48,  and  so  repeatedly 
in  Acts).      In  this  qualification  of  first-hand 
witnesses  the  apostles  could  have  no  successors. 
Other  marks  of  an  apostle  were  the  power  to 
communicate  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  (Ac. 8.17,19. 
6);    to  i)priorm  miracles  (2Cor. 12.12)  ;    and  to 
found    Churches     (iCor.9.1.2).     Ciiurches    so 
founded  were  called  "  apostolic,"  and  in  the 
2nd  cent,  were  held  to  have  a  certain  prestige 
or  nobility  (generositas).      St.  Paul  exercised 
strong  disciplinary  authority  directly,  or  by 


APOTHECARY 

delegates,  such  as  SS.  Timothy  and  Titus,  over 
the  Churches  he  had  founded.  When  he  claims 
this  authority,  he  puts  forward  his  apostleship 
(Gal.l.i)  ;  and  a  similar  claim  may  be  re- 
cognized in  the  epistles  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
John.  The  apostolate  as  the  foimdation  of 
the  Church  is  emphasized  in  Eph.2.20  and 
Rev.2i.14 — passages  which  look  back  to  the 
Lord's  words  to  Peter  {Mt.l6.i8).  Sustenta- 
tion  by  the  Church  was  an  established  privilege 
of  apostles  (iCor.9.4-7),  though  this  is  extended 
at  a  later  date  to  the  elders  {iTim.5. 17.18). 
On  the  name  and  office  of  an  apostle  reference 
should  be  made  to  Lightfoot's  Galatians,  de- 
tached note  on  Gal.l  ;  on  the  training  of  the 
apostles  to  Latham's  Pastor  Pastorum,  especi- 
ally ch.  viii.,  ix.,  x.  ;  and  to  Bruce's  Train- 
ing of  the  Twelve.  For  the  relation  of  the 
apostles  to  the  Church,  Hort's  Christian 
Ecclesia  should  be  studied,  especially  lect.  ii. 
[Bishop  ;  Church.]  [e  r.b.] 

Apothecary.  The  Heb.  root  (rdqah) 
means  "  to  mix  ointments  or  spices  "  ;  "  per- 
fumer "  would  therefore  be  a  more  correct 
rendering,  which  agrees  with  the  context 
in  Ex. 30.25, 35  and  the  four  other  passages 
in  which  the  word  occurs.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Appa'im,  younger  son  and  successor  of 
Nadab,  in  the  line  of  Jerahmeel  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  (iChr.2.30,31). 

Appeal.  For  this  subject  in  O.T.  see 
Judge.  Heb.  law  made  no  provision  for 
appeal  to  a  higher  tribunal  for  the  rehearing 
of  a  cause  which  had  been  decided  by  an  in- 
ferior one.  In  N.T.  times,  when  a  local  Heb. 
court  failed  to  come  to  a  finding,  the  cause 
could  be  taken  before  the  two  Lesser  Sanhedrin 
in  Jerusalem,  and  thence  if  necessary  to  the 
Great  Sanhedrin,  whose  decision  was  final 
(Mishna,  Sank.  xi.  2).  [Sanhedrin.]  But 
this  did  not  constitute  appeal  in  the  true  sense. 
St.  Paul  exercised  his  privilege  as  a  Roman 
citizen  (Ac. 22. 25-29)  when  he  appealed  from 
the  provincial  to  the  supreme  Roman  tribunal 
— Caesar  himself  (25.ii).  The  magistrate 
could  use  his  discretion  as  to  whether  the  cir- 
cumstances justified  an  appeal  (25.12,25),  but 
he  refused  the  claim  at  his  peril  (Suetonius, 
Galba,   9).  [h.h.] 

Apphi'a,  a  Christian  woman  (Ph.2)  whose 
name  occurs  between  those  of  Philemon  and 
Archippus,  probably  wife  of  the  former  and 
mother  of  the  latter.  Lightfoot  has  shown 
that  it  is  a  Phrygian  name,  and,  so  far,  a  testi- 
mony to  the  genuineness  of  the  epistle,  as  her 
home,  Colossae,  was  a  Phrygian  city,  [e.r.b.] 
Ap'phus,  "the  Dissembler,"  a  surname  of 
Jonathan  the  Hasmonaean  (iMac.2.5),  perhaps 
earned  by  his  feat  of  iMac.9. 37-41.        [c.d.] 

Ap'pii  Fop'um,  a  well-known  station  on 
the  Appian  Way,  the  great  road  which  led 
from  Rome  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  bay 
of  Naples.  St.  Paul,  having  landed  at  Puteoli 
(Ac.28.13)  on  his  arrival  from  Malta,  pro- 
ceeded under  the  charge  of  the  centurion 
along  the  Appian  Way  towards  Rome,  and 
found  at  Appii  Forum  a  group  of  Christians 
who  had  gone  to  meet  him  (ver.  15).  Its 
position  is  fixed  by  the  ancient  Itineraries  as 
43  miles  from  Rome.  Horace  describes  it 
as  full  of  taverns  and  boatmen.  This  arose 
from  the  circumstance  that  it  was  at  the  N. 


APPLE-TREE,  APPLE 


49 


end  of  a  canal  which  ran  parallel  with  the 
road  through  a  considerable  part  of  the 
Pontine    Marshes.      There    is    no    difficulty 


in  identifying  the  site  with  some  ruins  near 
Treponti ;  and  in  fact  the  43rd  milestone  is 
preserved  there.     [Three  Taverns.] 

Apple-tpee,  Apple  (Heb.  tappviah).  The 
tree  is  mentioned  in  A.V.,  in  Can.2.3,8.5  and 
JI.I.12,  where  it  is  named  with  the  vine,  fig, 
pomegranate,  and  palm-trees,  as  withering  un- 
der the  attacks  of  the  locust,  palmer-worm,  etc. 
The  fruit  is  mentioned  in  Pr.25.ii;  Can.2.5 
and  7.8.  It  is  difficult  to  say  what  tree  is 
denoted  by  the  Heb.  tappuah.  The  quince, 
citron,  and  apricot  have  been  supported  by 
modern  writers.  The  fragrance  of  the  quince 
was  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  ancients.  "  Its 
scent,"  says  an  Arabic  author,  "  cheers  my  soul, 
renews  my  strength,  and  restores  my  breath." 
The  quince  was  sacred  to  Venus.  Dr.  Royle 
says,  "  The  rich  colour,  fragrant  odour,  and 
handsome  appearance  of  the  citron,  whether  in 
flower  or  in  fruit,  are  particularly  suited  to  the 
passages  of  Scripture  mentioned  above."  But 
neither  the  quince,  citron,  nor  apple  appears  to 
satisfy  all  the  scriptural  allusions.  The  tap- 
puah must  be  some  tree  the  fruit  of  which  is 
sweet,  and  possessing  fragrant  and  restorative 
properties.  Neither  the  quince  nor  the  citron  is 
sweet.  As  to  the  apple-tree  (Arab,  tuff  ah),  tra- 
vellers assert  that  its  fruit  is  generally  of  inferior 
qualitv.  Moreover,  the  apple  would  hardly 
merit  the  character  for  excellent  fragrance 
which  the  tappuah  is  said  to  have  possessed. 
On  the  whole,  Canon  Tristram  decides  in  favour 
of  the  apricot.  The  citron  yields  no  shade,  and 
the  fruit  is  hard  and  indigestible.  Oranges 
were  unknown  sufficiently  early,  and  our  apple 
will  not  meet  the  requirements — a  term  more- 


50 


APRON 


over  which  was  used  with  the  widest  latitude. 
The  apricot,  a  native  of  Armenia,  was  probably 
introduced  as  early  as  the  vine.  The  Neapoli- 
tan name  for  it,  crisuommolo,  is  identical  with 
Pliny's  chrysomela,  a  kind  of  quince,  or  golden 
apple.  The  apricot  is  one  of  the  most  abundant 
fruits  in  Palestine,  and  like  the  quince  is  made 
into  excellent  marmalade.  There  need  be  little 
hesitation  in  accepting  it  as  the  "  apple,"  or 
tappilah,  a  word  whose  root  signifies  scent. 
"  There  can  scarcely  be  a  more  deliciously  per- 
fumed fruit  than  the  apricot,  and  what  can 
better  fit  the  epithet  of  Solomon  (Pr.25.ii)?" 
(Tristram,  Land  of  Israel).  It  is  right  to 
mention,  however,  that  one  competent  autho- 
rity at  least  (Post)  still  believes  it  to  be  the  true 
apple.  Col.  Conder  also,  in  our  Palestine 
article,  says  that  El  Muqaddasi  speaks  of 
"  excellent  apples  "  from  Jerusalem  (985  a.d.). 
[For  "  apples  of  Sodom,"  see  Vine  of  Sodom.] 
The  expression  ''apple  of  the  eye"  occurs 
in  Deut.32.io;  Ps.17.8  ;  Pr.7.2  ;  Lam.2.i8  ; 
Zech.2.8.  The  Eng.  word  here  represents  the 
Heb.  'ishon,  "little  man" — the  exact  equiva- 
lent of  Eng.  pupil,  Lat.  piipillus.        [h.c.h.] 

Appon.     [Handkerchief.] 

Aquila,  a  Jew  of  the  province  of  Pontus 
(Ac. 18. 2),  who  had  left  Rome  when  the  Jews 
were  expelled  by  Claudius.  St.  Paul  found 
him  and  his  wife  Priscilla  at  Corinth,  and 
joined  them  at  once,  which  implies  that  they 
were  already  Christians.  St.  Paul  worked 
with  them  at  their  trade,  the  manufacture  of 
tents  from  the  rough  Cilician  haircloth,  a 
product  of  St.  Paul's  native  city  of  Tarsus. 
When  he  left  Corinth,  they  accompanied 
him  to  Ephesus,  where  they  remained  till 
his  return.  For  their  share  in  the  in- 
struction of  ApoUos,  see  Apollos.  Ac. 18. 26 
confirms  the  impression  given  by  R0.I6.4, 
that  both  at  Ephesus  and  elsewhere  the 
Gentile  church  owed  much  to  Aquila  and 
Priscilla.  Moreover,  they  had  rendered  some 
personal  service  to  St.  Paul  at  the  risk  of 
their  own  lives  (R0.I6.4).  Hence  their 
names  are  honoured  with  the  first  place  in 
the  salutations  to  the  Christians  at  Rome, 
to  which  city  they  had  returned  at  the  date 
of  that  epistle.  Later  we  find  them  again 
at  Ephesus  (2Tim.4.i9).  Both  at  Ephesus 
and  Rome,  their  house  was  a  centre  of  Chris- 
tian worship  (see  Lightfoot,  Col. 4. 15  note). 
Prisca  (this  form  is  used  by  St.  Paul,  and 
Priscilla,  its  diminutive,  by  St.  Luke)  pre- 
cedes her  husband  Aquila  in  four  of  the  six 
passages,  in  which  they  are  mentioned  to- 
gether. This  has  been  explained  as  implying, 
either  that  she  was  more  active  in  Christian 
work,  or  that  she  was  of  higher  social  rank. 
Her  importance  in  Roman  tradition  seems 
to  point  to  the  latter  view  (Ramsay,  Paul  the 
Traveller,  p.  268).  The  jiromiuence  given  to 
Priscilla  accords  with  the  marked  recognition 
of  the  ministry  of  women  by  St.  Luke  both  in 
his  Gosiiel  and  in  Acts.     [Damaris.]     [e.r.b.] 

Ap,  or  Ap  of  Moab,  one  of  the  chief 
places  of  Moab  (ls.15.1  ;  Num. 21. 28).  In 
later  times  the  place  was  supposed  to  be 
Areopolis  or  Rabbatii-moab,  i.e.  the  great 
city  of  Moab,  a  site  still  called  Rabba,  half- 
way between  Kerak  and  the  Arnon,  lo  or  11 
miles   from   each,   the    Roman   road   passing 


ABABIA 

through  it.     The  remains  are  not  important. 
See  Deut.2.9,18,29  ;  and  also  Num.21. 15. 

Apa',  son  of  Jether,  an  Asherite(iChr.7.38). 

Apab',  a  city  of  Judah  in  the  mountainous 
district  of  Hebron,  mentioned  only  in  Jos.  15. 
52.  Probably  the  ruin  er  Rabiyeh,  8  miles  S.W. 
of  Hebron.     [Aruboth.]  [c.r.c] 

Apabah'.  Although  this  word  appears  in 
A.V.  in  its  original  shape  only  in  Jos. 18. 18,  in 
the  Heb.  text  it  is  of  frequent  occurrence.  It 
is  used  generally  to  indicate  a  barren  district, 
but  "  the  Arabah"  indicates  more  particularly 
the  valley  extending  from  the  slopes  of  Hermon 
to  the  Elanitic  Gulf  (gulf  of  \4qabah)  of  the 
Red  Sea.  [Edgm.]  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea  the 
valley  retains  its  old  name  as  Wddy  el-' Arabah. 
In  Deut. 1.1,2.8  (.\.V.  plain  in  both  cases) 
the  allusion  is  to  the  southern  portion. 
In  Deut. 3.17,4.49  ;  Jos.3.i6,11.2,12.3  ;  and 
2 K. 14.25,  both  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  sea  of 
Cinneroth  (Gennesaret)  are  named  in  close 
connexion  with  the  Arabah.  The  allusions  in 
Deut. 11. 30  ;  Jos.8.i4,12.i,18.i8  ;  2Sam.2.29, 
4.7  ;  2K.25.4  ;  Je. 39. 4, 52. 7,  become  at  once 
intelligible  when  the  meaning  of  the  Arabah 
is  known.  In  Jos. 11. 16  and  12.8  the  Arabah 
takes  its  place  with  "  the  mountain,"  "  the 
lowland,"  "  the  south,"  and  "  the  valley  "  of 
Coelosyria,  as  one  of  the  great  natural  divi- 
sions of  the  conquered  country.  In  all  these 
cases  R.V.  reads  Arabah.  [c.r.c] 

Apabat'tine  (iMac.5.3).     [Akrabbim.] 

Apa'bia.  The  great  peninsula  stretching 
S.E.  of  Palestine,  between  the  Red  Sea  and 
the  Persian  Gulf,  to  a  length  of  1,500  miles, 
with  a  width  of  700  in  the  N.  and  1,200  in  the 
S.,  and  including  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  S.  of 
Beer-sheba.  The  Arabia  of  St.  Paul  (Gal. 1. 17) 
is,  however,  the  desert  S.  of  Damascus,  which, 
after  105  a.d.,  became  the  Roman  province 
of  Arabia  Prima,  with  its  capital  at  Bostra,  E. 
of  Bashan.  This  region  had  an  Arab  popula- 
tion yet  earlier.  The  classic  division  of  Arabia 
included  the  three  regions  Arabia  Felix,  or  the 
Yemen  (the  south),  in  the  S.W.  part  of  the 
peninsula;  Arabia  Deserta,  or  the  main 
plateau  ;  and  Arabia  Petraea,  or  the  deserts 
of  Petra  and  Sinai.  The  main  provinces  are 
now  called  the  Hijdz,  or  the  W.  shores  and 
hills,  including  the  trading  towns  of  Mekkah 
and  Medinah  ;  the  Nejed,  or  central  plateau  ; 
the  Yemen,  with  its  towns  of  Aden  and  .Mocha 
and  its  capital  at  San'aa  {the  tank,  origin- 
ally called  Auzal)  ;  Hadramaut  [Hazar- 
maveth],  the  desolate  region,  inland  of  the  S. 
shores,  between  the  Yemen  and  Oman  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Persian  Gulf ;  N.  of  the  last 
two  is  the  desert  region  of  Yemdma.  The 
great  Nejed  plateau  is  mainly  a  bare  expanse 
of  red  gravel  ;  but  Arabia  is  not  destitute  of 
rain,  and  includes  oases  and  pastoral  regions. 
It  has  always  had  a  considerable  settled  popu- 
lation, called  'Arab  el  Hadr,  or  "Arabs  of  the 
enclosures,"  as  contrasted  witli  the  nomads 
('Arab  el  liedtt,  or  "Arabs  of  the  waste"). 
The  trading  route  from  the  \'cmen  [Sheba], 
passing  N.  to  Eloth  and  Petra,  appears  to 
have  been  very  ancient  ;  and  the  traders  not 
only  brought  myrrh  and  other  products  of 
Arabia,  but  gold,  probably  sometimes  from 
Abyssinia,  over  the  straits  at  Aden.  Arabia 
is    first    mentioned    by    name    in    the    time 


ARABIA 

of  Solomon,  to  whom  the  "  kings  of  Arabia  " 
brought  presents,  and  whom  the  queen  of 
Sheba  visited,  bringing  gold,  spices,  and 
precious  wood  (iK. 10. 2, 10,15  ;  2Chr.9.i,9,io, 
14  ;  Ps.72.i5).  The  gold  came  from  Ophir,  in 
Arabia  itself  {Gen.lO.29  ;  iK.9.28  ;  Is.l3.i2) ; 
and  Diodorus,  shortly  before  the  Christian  era, 
also  speaks  of  gold  dug  from  the  ground  in  S. 
Arabia  (ii.  4).  These  riches  were  brought  on 
"  camels,"  no  doubt  along  the  Hijdz  trade 
route.  But  Arab  sea  trade  brought  also 
"  sweet  cane  from  a  far  country,"  as  well  as 
incense  from  Sheba  (Je.6.20)  ;  and  Herodotus 
(iii.  Ill)  also  says  that  the  cinnamon  in  which 
the  Arabs  traded  came  (in  5th  cent,  b.c.)  from 
some  far  land — apparently  India.  Isaiah 
(21.13)  speaks  of  the  thickets  of  Arabia,  and 
of  its  "  travelling  companies,"  referring  (see 
ver.  11)  to  the  N.W.  near  Dumah.  Jeremiah, 
again,  mentions  the  "  kings  of  Arabia " 
(25.23,24),  also  in  the  N.W.  near  Dedan, 
Tema,  and  Buz.  In  a  later  chapter  of  Isaiah 
(60.6-7)  the  gold  and  incense  of  Sheba  are 
mentioned  with  the  camels  of  Midian,  and  the 
flocks  of  Kedar  and  Nebaioth.  In  Ezekiel 
we  find  the  Tyrian  trade,  about  600  B.C.,  to 
have  included  the  sheep  and  goats  of  Arabia, 
and  of  the  "princes  of  Kedar"  (27. 21). 
Arab  "  nomads  "  fought  as  allies  of  the  Greeks, 
according  to  a  late  account  (2Mac.i2.11), 
against  Judas  Maccabaeus,  and  gave  tribute  of 
cattle.  In  most  of  these  notices  the  region 
immediately  S.E.  of  Edom  seems  to  be  in- 
dicated. St.  Paul  includes  Sinai  in  Arabia 
(Gal. 4. 25),  like  the  classical  writers.  Herodo- 
tus, in  the  5th  cent.  B.C.,  speaks  of  the  bowmen 
and  camels  of  Arabia  (vii.  69,  86),  and  gives  an 
account  of  the  riches  brought  by  Arab  -traders 
to  the  Phoenicians,  who  carried  them  to  the 
Greeks,  specifying  frankincense,  myrrh,  cassia, 
cinnamon  (from  India  probably),  and  ladanum, 
or  gum-cistus.  His  account  agrees  therefore 
with  earher  O.T.  notices  (iii.  107-113). — 
Inhabitants.  [Arabians.]  The  earliest  in- 
habitants were  Cushites  (Gen.lO.7),  apparently 
of  the  same  race  with  the  non-Semitic  Akka- 
dians of  Chaldea,  and  probably  settling  on  the 
W.  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  [Cush.]  The 
Semitic  inhabitants  came  from  the  same 
region  (IO.26),  and  the  name  Joktan  (the 
Qahtan  of  Arab  tradition)  signifies  the 
"  lesser  "  or  younger  branch  of  the  Semitic 
race  of  Babylonia.  The  known  regions  men- 
tioned as  inhabited  by  these  immigrants 
include  Uzal,  Sheba,  and  Hazar-maveth, 
representing  a  dispersion  over  the  S.  and  S.W. 
of  the  peninsula.  The  Ishmaelites  (closely 
akin  by  race  to  Hebrews  and  Egyptians) 
appear,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  been  tribes 
of  the  N.W.,  mentioned  according  to  their 
"towns  and  forts"  (Gen. 25. 13-16),  for  the 
known  names  in  this  list  include  Nebaioth, 
Kedar,  Dumah,  and  Tema,  with  Kedemah 
or  the  "  eastern "  region.  Arameans  also, 
from  Aram,  spread  S.  to  the  same  region,  ac- 
cording to  the  Assyrian  localization  of  Huz 
and  Buz  (Gen.22.2i)  ;  and  other  descendants 
of  Abraham  are  noticed  in  Sheba  and  Dedan 
among  the  sons  of  Keturah,  who  also  dwelt 
in  some  cases  in  Midian  (Gen. 25.2-4).  The 
little  that  we  know  of  Arabia  from  monuments 
confirms  this  account,  as  the  Arab  and  Baby- 


ARABIA 


M 


Ionian  languages  are  akin,  while  the  Aramaic 
of  N.W.  Arabia  is  nearer  to  the  Hebrew. 
[Semitic  Languages.]  Accounts  of  the 
stepped  pyramid  of  Ghumdan  and  the  worship 
of  the  gods  Istar,  Sin,  and  Nebo  in  Hadramaut 
also  indicate  an  early  Babylonian  influence. 
— History.  At  Zirgul  (now  Tell  Loh),  in 
Chaldea,  the  statues  erected  by  prince 
Gudea  (about  2800  e.g.)  are  of  granite 
similar  to  that  of  Sinai  ;  and  the  inscriptions 
inform  us  that  the  stone  was  brought  by 
ship  from  Md-gan  (ship-port),  which  is  the 
name  given  by  the  later  Assyrians  to  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula,  or  to  some  port  in  the 
gulf  of  Suez.  These  data,  taken  together, 
seem  to  indicate  that,  at  this  very  early 
period,  the  Akkadians  of  Chaldea  had  cir- 
cumnavigated the  peninsula  of  Arabia  to 
reach  Md-gan,  and  in  order  (as  the  same 
inscriptions  state)  to  bring  gold  dust  from 
Melukhkha,  or  Upper  Egypt — probably  Abys- 
sinian gold.  The  history  of  Arabia,  from 
sources  other  than  the  Bible,  does  not,  however, 
begin  before  the  time  of  Tiglath-pileser  III., 
who  invaded  it  from  Edom  in  734  b.c  A 
picture,  accompanying  his  account,  represents 
an  Arab  on  his  camel  pursued  by  an  Assyrian 
horseman,  and  might  serve  for  a  representa- 
tion of  a  modern  Bedawi.  The  Assyrians, 
however,  penetrated  only  into  the  N.W.  of 
Arabia,  on  the  borders  of  Edom.  They 
attacked  Samsi,  successor  of  Zabibeh — each 
called  "  queen  of  the  Arabs " — capturing 
30,000  camels  and  20,000  oxen,  with  the 
queen,  and  defeating  Sabeans  and  other 
tribes.  A  certain  Hazael  from  the  same  region 
was  subject  to  Esar-haddon,  and  recovered 
from  Nineveh  the  images  of  Arab  gods  which 
Sennacherib  had  captured.  Esar-haddon 
(after  680  b.c)  marched  900  miles  from 
Nineveh  into  N.  Arabia,  to  the  region  of 
Hazu  and  Bazu  (Huz  and  Buz),  which  would 
thus  have  been  not  more  than  200  miles  S. 
of  Elath.  He  defeated  eight  local  rulers, 
including  Akbar  of  Nebaioth,  Mansaku  of 
Marabanu  (perhaps  jM'arib),  Yapah  "queen" 
of  Dedan,  and  B'ailu  "queen"  of  Idilu 
(perhaps  Uzal,  Aiizdl,  though  this  seems  too 
far  S.)  ;  and  he  afterwards  received  tribute 
from  Yautah,  the  son  of  Hazael,  including 
an  additional  fine  of  10  manehs  of  gold,  50 
camels,  gems,  etc.  The  frequent  notice  of 
queens  besides  kings  in  Arabia,  in  this  age, 
agrees  with  O.T.  notices  of  the  queen  of  Sheba 
and  of  the  kings  of  Arabia.  In  the  next  reign, 
when  Assur-bani-pal  was  confronted  (about 
650  B.C.)  by  the  revolt  of  Babylon,  Yautah 
and  his  queen  Adiya,  joined  by  the  king  of 
Kedar,  invaded  Edom,  Gilead,  and  Moab,  but 
was  defeated  by  Assyrian  generals  in  Zobah, 
and  deserted  by  the  Nabathean  king  Nathan. 
He  and  his  queen  were  taken  as  prisoners  to 
Nineveh.  Other  Arabs  had  marched  to  Baby- 
lon to  aid  Samas-sum-ukin,  the  revolting  bro- 
ther of  Assur-bani-pal,  and  perished  (in  648 
B.C.)  in  the  siege,  by  famine  after  a  vain  sally. 
Yautah  II.,  nephew  of  the  former  Yautah, 
joined  by  Nathan  the  Nabathean,  raided  the 
Assyrian  borders  a  little  later  ;  and  Assur- 
bani-pal  marched  700  miles  from  Nineveh  to 
the  desert  to  confront  them,  but  this  measure- 
ment only  brings  us  to  the  Nabathean  country 


62 


Arabia 


ARAltf 


near  Edom.  The  Assyrians  suffered  from 
thirst,  but  took  many  captives  back  to 
Damascus.  After  these  events  we  hear 
nothing  of  Arabia — excepting  the  deserts 
E.  of  Edom  and  Gilead — until  the  Roman 
age,  when  Aelius  Gallius  (in  24  b.c.)  con- 
ducted an  unsuccessful  attack  on  the  Sabeans. 
The  Arab  sea-trade  had  prospered  under  the 
Ptolemies,  and  the  Sabeans  were  celebrated 
for  their  wealth  (see  Horace,  Odes  i.  29  ; 
ii.  12  ;  iii.  24)  ;  their  power  extended  not 
only  over  the  Yemen,  but  also  into  the  low- 
lands of  Abyssinia.  They  became  the  great 
carriers  of  the  East  in  our  2nd  cent.,  trading 
with  India,  and  with  Africa  down  to  the 
Zambesi.  The  power  of  the  Himyarites,  or 
Sabeans,  continued  till  about  522  a.d.,  when 
they  became  subject  to  the  Arab  kings  of 
Axum  in  Abyssinia.  Arabia  was  included 
in  the  Persian  empire  of  Chosroes  I.  (about 
541  a.d),  and  Mekka  was  unsuccessfully  at- 
tacked by  an  Ab^'ssinian  army  with  elephants 
in  570  A.D.  Arabia  became  finally  a  free 
country  under  Muhammad  in  630  a.d., 
though  afterwards  owing  allegiance  to  Egypt 
and  to  the  Turks. — Antiquities.  The  study 
of  ancient  Arab  inscriptions  began  with  the 
discoveries  of  Seetzen  in  1810,  Halevy  in 
i860,  and  Doughty  in  1875.  Glaser  aidded 
1,000  texts,  from  M'arib  and  elsewhere, 
twenty  years  later.  [Writing.]  But  none  of 
these  records  appear  to  be  of  very  high  an- 
tiquity. The  Assyrian  and  Greek  influences 
are  visible  in  the  rock-cut  tombs  and  buildings 
of  the  N.W.  ;  and  Doughty's  texts,  from 
M'adn  and  farther  S.,  are  in  an  Aramean 
alphabet  probably  not  older  than  500  B.C. 
The  coins  and  texts  of  the  Sabeans,  as  far  as 
they  can  be  dated,  belong  to  the  3rd  rent.  B.C., 
and  those  discovered  by  Glaser  in  Hadramaut 
and  at  M'ain  are  possibly  quite  as  late.  The 
Sabeans  were  ruled,  it  appears,  by  kings,  who 
called  themselves  by  the  title  maqriib  (sup- 
plicant) on  votive  monuments,  and  "  kings 
of  Saba  "  ;  as  late  as  the  6th  cent.  a.d.  they 
were  still  styled  "  Kings  of  Saba,  Dhu-Raidan, 
Hadramaut,  and  Vamnat."  The  Sabeans  and 
the  Mincans  (of  M'ain,  or  of  M'aan  in  the 
N.)  fought  one  another;  and  one  interest- 
ing text  refers  to  a  Minean  king,  Abiyad'a, 
as  having  a  governor  in  Musran  (Egypt). 
A  king  so  named  was  set  up  by  Assur-bani-pal 
about  648  B.C.,  and  even  Tiglath-pileser  III. 
made  an  Arab  chief  a  governor  in  N.  Egypt. 
The  wars  between  Yamnat  and  Shaniat  [the 
south  and  the  north),  and  the  hosts  of 
"  Saba  and  Khawiliin  "  [Havii.ah],  are 
noticed  in  a  votive  text  in  honour  of  'Athtar 
(Istar),  set  up  by  Ma'an  traders  (Halevy, 
535  and  378),  who  led  caravans  from  Egypt 
to  Assyria  and  the  regions  "  beyond  the 
rivers."  This  record  has  been  sujiposed  to 
be  as  late  as  525  B.C.  In  others  a  trade 
with  Egypt  in  incense  is  said  to  have  taken 
the  route  to  Gaza. — Religion.  The  Arabs 
worshiiiped  many  gods,  symbolized  by  rough 
stones.  Tiie  chief  deity  was  Aumo,  the 
god  of  "  heat,"  whose  name  is  found  not 
only  in  S.  Arabia  and  among  Salicans  of 
Abyssinia,  but  even  in  Gk.  texts  of  Bashan  set 
up  by  (ihassan  Aralis  there  settled.  Samsi, 
"  the  sun,"   was  female,  the  'Athtar  (Istar), 


"  the  moon,"  was  male  in  Arabia.  In 
Hadramaut  the  latter  was  adored  with  Nebo 
and  Sin  (Babylonian  gods).  The  Assyrian 
texts  speak  of  Adar-Samain  as  a  supreme 
Arab  deity,  and  among  others  were  Nisr 
(Eagle),  Al-makah,  and  Dhat-Asran  (a 
goddess).  In  the  Koran  many  Arab  idols 
are  named,  and  others  by  Herodotus,  the 
chief  goddess  being  Allat  or  Lat,  who  is 
mentioned  in  S.  Arabian  texts.  [c.r.c] 

Apa'bians,  the  nomadic  tribes  inhabiting 
the  country  to  the  E.  and  S.  of  Palestine. 
Their  roving  pastoral  life  in  the  desert  is 
alluded  to  in  Is.l3.2o;  Je.3.2  ;  2Mac.i2.11. 
[Arabia.]  During  the  prosperous  reign  of 
Jehoshaphat,  the  Arabians,  in  conjunction 
with  the  Philistines,  were  tributary  to  Judah 
(2Chr.i7.11),  but  in  the  reign  of  his  successor 
they  revolted,  ravaged  Judah,  plundered  the 
royal  palace,  slew  all  the  king's  sons  with 
the  exception  of  the  youngest,  and  carried  off 
the  king's  wives  (2Chr.21.i6,i7,22.i).  The 
Arabians  of  Gur-baal  (Mehunims  from  M'adn 
in  Edom)  were  again  subdued  by  Uzziah 
(2Chr.26.7).  They  were  among  the  foremost 
in  hindering  Nehemiah  in  his  work  of  restora- 
tion, and  plotted  with  the  Ammonites  and 
others  (Ne.4.7).  Geshem,  or  Gashmu,  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  was  of  this 
race  (Ne. 2. 19, 6.1).  In  later  times  the  Arabians 
served  under  Timotheus  in  his  struggle  with 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  but  were  defeated  (iMac.5. 
39  ;  2Mac. 12.10, 11).  The  Zabadeans,  an  Arab 
tribe  in  Syria,  were  routed  by  Jonathan,  the 
brother  and  successor  of  Judas  (1Mac.i2.31). 
Zabdiel,  the  assassin  of  Alexander  Balas 
(1Mac.ll.17),  and  Simalcue,  who  brought 
up  Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  Alexander 
(iMac.11.39),  afterwards  Antiochus  VI.,  were 
both  Arabians. 

Apad',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah,  3 
(iChr.8.15). 

Apad'  (Jos.i2.14),  a  royal  city  of  the 
Canaanites,  in  the  negebh  region  (Judg.l.i6). 
In  Num.21. 1,33.40  "  the  Canaanite  king  of 
Arad  "  (see  R.V.)  is  noticed.  It  is  mentioned 
in  the  Onomasticon  as  4  miles  from  Malatha, 
and  20  from  Hebron.  Now  Tell  'Ardd,  a 
ruined  town  17  miles  S.  of  Hebron,  and  7 
miles  N.E.  of  cl  Mill;  or  Malatha.         [c.r.c] 

Ap'adus  (1Mac.i5.23)  =  Arvad. 

Apah'. — 1.  An  Asherite,  of  the  sons  of 
Ulla  (iChr.7.30). — 2.  The  sons  of  .^rah  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (I';zr.2.5  ;  Ne.T.io). 
His  descendant  Shechaniah  was  father-in- 
law  of  Tobiah  tlie  .-Xmniouite  (Nc.6.iS). 

Apaiti'  (highland).  Gen. 10. 22.  The  name 
in  Heb.  of  the  high  regions  of  Lebanon  and 
the  Taurus  (Syria  in  A.V.)  and  of  the  hills  in 
N.  Mesojiotamia,  called  more  especially  Aram- 
naharaim  (Gen. 24. 10,  see  K.V.  marg.),  or 
"  higiiland  of  tiio  two  rivers  " — the  liuphrates 
and  the  Tigris.  The  Svrian  Aram  included 
petty  kingdoms  called:  (i)  ARAM-ZOBAH, 
or  Zobah  (1Sam.i4.47;  2Sain.8.3  ;  iChr.18.5, 
19.6;  Ps.60,  title),  mentioned  (as  in  Assyrian 
texts  also)  with  namascus,  and  extending  N. 
in  the  .\nti-Lel)anon  aloii),'  the  trade  route  of 
Tadmor  :  (2)  ARAM  BETH-RFHOR.  or 
Rehol)  (2Sam.l0.6).  noticed  witli  the  jireced- 
ing  .  (3)  ARAM-MAACHAH  (iChr.19.6).  or 
I  Maachah   (2Sam.l0.6),    apparently   including 


ARAMITESS 

Hermon  ;  (4)  Geshur  "  in  Aram,"  near  the 
preceding  (Deut. 3. 14;  Jos.13.ii, 13) ;  (5)  Aram 
of  Damascus  (2Sam.8.5,6;  iChr.18.5,6),  all 
these  "  Syrian "  principalities  lying  close 
to  the  land  of  Israel  on  the  N.E.  In  the 
loth  cent.  B.C.  they  owed  allegiance  to  Da- 
mascus (1K.2O.1),  and  were  allied  a  century 
later  to  oppose  the  Assyrians.  Even  c. 
1000  B.C.  the  king  of  Damascus  ruled  Aram 
(iK.11.25,  see  15.18),  for  "the  head  of 
Aram  is  Damascus"  (Is.7.8).  The  Assyrians 
are,  however,  also  called  Arameans  (Je.35.ii), 
and  their  language  Aramean  (2  K. 18. 26  ; 
Is. 36. 11).  The  family  of  Laban  (Gen. 25. 20) 
belonged  to  the  Arameans  of  Padan-aram, 
"  the  tilled  highland  "  in  Haran  (Gen.28.2) 
or  "the  East"  (29.i,4;  Deut. 26. 5).  In  early 
Egyptian  accounts,  and  in  the  Amarna  letters, 
Naharina  is  often  mentioned,  referring  to 
Aram-naharaim,  otherwise  rendered  Meso- 
potamia (Judg.3.io)  in  A.V.  As  a  per- 
sonal name  Aram  occurs  (iChr.7.34)  for  a  son 
of  Asher,  and  in  N.T.  (Mt.1.4 ;  Lu.3.33)  for 
Ram.  But  "  the  father  of  Aram  "  (Gen.22.2i) 
appears  to  mean  the  ancestor  of  the  Aramean 
family  ui  Haran  (Gen. 11. 31).  [c.R.c] 

Apami'tess,  a  female  inhabitant  of  Aram 
the  mother  of  Machir  (iChr.7.14).     [Aram.] 
Apain'-nahapa'ini(Ps.60,  title).  [Aram.] 
Apam'-zobah'  (Ps.60,  title).     [Aram.] 
Apan',  a  Horite,  son  of  Dishan  (Gen. 36. 28  ; 
iChr.1.42). 

Apapat,  a  mountainous  district  in  Asia, 
mentioned  as  the  resting-place  of  the  ark  after 
the  Deluge  (Gen. 8. 4)  ;  as  the  refuge  of  the  sons 
of  Sennacherib  (2K.19.37  ;  Is.37.38;  A.V.  Ar- 
menia) ;  and  politically  as  the  ally  of  Minni 
and  Ashkenaz.  The  name  is  exceedingly  an- 
cient, the  Assyro-Babylonian  syllabaries  giving 
it  as  Urtu,  and  the  later  Assyrian  inscriptions 
as  Urartu.  In  the  Alarodians  of  Herodotus 
(iii.  94)  the  first ;'  has  become  /.  Moses  of  Cho- 
rene  gives  the  name  of  Araratia  to  the  central 
province,  but  in  O.T.  it  stands  for  the  Arme- 
nian highlands  in  general — the  lofty  plateau 
overlooking  the  plain  of  the  Araxes  on  N.  and 
Mesopotamia  on  S.  This  district  has  an  ele- 
vation of  6,000  or  7,000  ft.  above  sea-level. 
From  its  extensive  plains  spring  other  lofty 
mountain-ranges,  having  a  generally  parallel 
direction  from  E.  to  W.,  and  connected  by 
transverse  ridges  of  moderate  height.  Both 
plains  and  mountains  give  signs  of  volcanic 


ARARAT 


53 


agency.  As  Armenia  has  the  peculiarity  of 
expanding  into  plains  or  steppes,  separated  by 
graduated  subordinate  ranges,  it  is  far  more 
accessible,  both  from  without  and  within  its 
own  limits,  than  other  districts  of  similar  ele- 
vation. The  Araxes,  which  flows  into  the 
Caspian,  rises  W.  of  either  branch  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  at  first  runs  N.  ;  t'le  Euphrates, 
which  flows  S.,  rises  N.  of  the  Araxes,  and 
takes  a  westerly  direction,  indicating  that  the 
fall  of  the  ground  in  the  centre  of  the  plateau 
is  not  decided  in  any  direction.  The  winter 
(Oct.  to  May)  is  severe,  and  is  succeeded  by  a 
brief  spring  and  a  hot  summer.  Pasture  is 
abundant,  and  wheat,  barley,  and  grapes  ripen 
at  high  altitudes,  the  vine  being  indigenous  in 
the  country.  There  are  various  statements  as 
to  the  spot  where  the  ark  rested.  Berosus  the 
Chaldean  sets  it  in  the  mountains  of  the  Cor- 
dyaeans  or  Kurds  (Josephus,  i  Ant.  iii.  6),  and 
Nicolaus  Damascenus  states  that  a  mountain 
named  Baris,  beyond  Minyas  [Minni),  was  the 
spot  (ib.).  Baris  is  given  more  correctly  as 
Lubar  in  the  book  of  Jubilees,  and  was  the 
boundary  between  Armenia  and  Kurdistan. 
In  the  Babylonian  Flood-story  the  mountain 
of  the  ark  is  Nisir  or  Nizir,  E.  of  Assyria.  It 
is  natural  that  the  scene  of  such  an  interesting 
event  should  be  transferred  to  the  loftiest  and 
most  imposing  mountain  in  the  district.  J  ose- 
phus  (i  Ant.  iii.  5)  states  that  Noah's  landing- 
place  was  called  "  the  place  of  descent  "  (Apo- 
baterion),  the  site  of  which  has  been  seen  in 
Nakhitchevan,  on  the  banks  of  the  Araxes. 
The  Armenians  have  so  closely  connected  Noah 
with  the  district  of  Ararat,  that  Europeans 
have  applied  that  name  exclusively  to  the 
mountain,  which,  however,  is  called  Massis  by 
the  Armenians,  Agri-dagh  (painful  mountain, 
so  Redhouse ;  or  snowy  mountain,  so  Conder) 
by  the  Turks,  and  Koh-i-Nith  (Noah's  moun- 
tain) by  the  Persians.  Rising  out  of  the  plain 
of  the  Araxes,  it  terminates  in  two  conical 
peaks,  named  the  Great  and  the  Less  Ararat, 
about  7  miles  apart.  The  former  reaches  a 
height  of  17,260  ft.  above  sea-level,  and  about 
14,000  above  the  plain  of  the  Araxes,  whilst 
the  latter  is  4,000  ft.  lower.  The  summit  of 
the  higher  is  covered  by  eternal  snow  for  about 
3,000  ft.,  and  is  of  volcanic  origin.  Regarded 
as  inaccessible,  it  was  first  ascended  by  the 
German  Prof.  Parrot  in  1829  from  N.W.  He 
described  a  secondary  summit  about  400  yds. 


VIEW  OF  ARARAT, 


54 


ARARATH 


from  the  highest,  and  surmises  that  tlie  ark 
rested  on  the  gentle  depression  which  connects 
the  two.  Below  the  snow-line  there  is  a  bar- 
ren and  lifeless  region.  Argiiri,  the  only  vil- 
lage known  to  have  been  built  on  its  slopes,  is 
the  traditional  spot  of  Noah's  vineyard  ;  Nak- 
hitchevan,  his  reputed  burial-place,  is  lower 
down,  on  the  plain  of  the  Araxes — History  of 
the  Tract.  According  to  Sayce,  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  cuneiform  syllabary  into  Armenia 
was  due  to  the  northern  campaigns  of  ASsur- 
nasir-apli  and  his  son  Shalmaneser  II.  in  the 
9th  cent.  B.C.  In  860  B.C.  the  latter  attacked 
Aranie,  king  of  Ararat,  and  captured  the  city 
Sugunia,  and  in  556  b.c.  defeated  him 
again  at  Arsasku,  his  royal  city,  which  was 
destroyed.  Pictures  of  the  campaigns  of  Shal- 
maneser II.  in  Ararat  are  given  on  the  bronze 
gate-coverings  discovered  by  Mr.  Rassam  at 
Balawat  (see  The  Bronze  Ornaments  of  the 
Palace-gates  of  Balawat,  strips  A,  B,  G).  In 
833  B.C.  Shalmaneser  sent  his  general  against 
Seduri  (Sarduris  I.),  who,  as  he  calls  himself  the 
son  of  Lutipris,  seems  to  have  been  the  founder 
of  a  new  dynasty.  He  was  succeeded  by  Ispu- 
inis,  who  associated  his  son  Menuas  with  him 
on  the  throne.  This  last,  who  was  a  great 
conqueror  and  builder,  claims  to  have  fought 
with  and  defeated  the  Hittites.  Argistis  I., 
his  son,  followed  in  his  footsteps,  and  states 
that  he  fought  with  the  Minni  and  defeated  the 
Assyrians.  His  son,  Sarduris  II.,  followed 
him,  and  continued  the  conquests  of  his  pre- 
decessors ;  but  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  seeing  in 
him  a  dangerous  enemy,  invaded  his  country 
and  penetrated  to  the  gates  of  Turuspa  (Tus- 
pas  or  Van).  Ursa  (Rusas  I.)  tried  to  make 
headway  against  the  Assyrians,  but  killed 
himself  in  despair  after  Sargon  captured  Musa- 
sir,  whose  ruler,  Urzana,  had  trusted  to  Ursa 
for  protection.  His  successor  was  Argistis  II., 
under  whom  the  country  prospered,  as  also  in 
the  time  of  Erimenas,  to  whose  court  the  sons 
of  Sennacherib  fled  after  assassinating  their 
father.  His  son  was  Rusas  II.,  who  built  a 
great  palace  at  Van  adorned  with  various 
works  of  art.  Sarduris  II.  made  alliance  with 
AS4ur-bani-aiili  c.  645  B.C.  The  invasions  of 
the  Cimmerians  and  Scyths  probably  brought 
about  the  fall  of  the  old  dominion,  and  led  to 
the  rise  of  the  Aryan  Armenians,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Herodotus  (vii.  73),  were  Phrygian 
settlers.  The  district  of  Ararat  was  conquered 
by  Cyrus  in  546  b.c,  after  which  there  is  no 
history  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.  A  prince 
named  Tigranes  (?)  ruled  in  the  time  of  the 
Parthian  dynasty  in  Babylonia.  See  Sayce, 
.s.T'..  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (vol.  i.  1898).    [t.g.p.] 

Ara'path  (Tob.l.21)  =  Arakat. 

Apau'nah,  a  Jebusite  who  sold  his  thresh- 
ing-floor on  mount  Moriah  to  David  as  a  site 
for  an  altar  to  Jehovah,  together  with  his 
o.xen  (2Sani. 24. 18-24  :  1Chr.2i.25).  His  name, 
written  Oman  in  1Chr.2i.15ff.,  2Chr.3.i,  has 
even  more  variants  in  the  Heb.      [Tkmple.] 

Apba'  (Jos.i4.15, 15. 13, 21. 11),  Apbah' 
((;en.35.27  ;    R.V.   Kirialh-arba).     [Hebron  ; 

KlKJATM-AkllA.] 

Ap'bathlte,  The,  probably  a  native  of 
till'  XiiAiiAM.  Abialbou  (— Abiel  ;  1Chr.ll.32) 
tlie  Arbatliitc  was  one  of  David's  mightv  men 
(2Sam.23.31). 


ARCHITECTURE 

Apbat'tis,  a  district  of  Palestine  (iMac.5. 
23  only),  perhaps  a  corruption  of  Acrabattine, 
the  district  or  toparchy  S.E.  of  Shecliem  near 
the  present  village  'Aqrabeh.  [c.r.c] 

Apbe'la,  mentioned  in  i  Mac. 9. 2  only,  as 
defining  the  situation  of  Masaloth,  a  place 
taken  by  Bacchides.  According  to  Josephus 
(12  Ant.  xi.  I),  this  was  Arbela  of  Galilee,  a 
place  remarkable  for  impregnable  caves,  the 
resort  of  robbers  and  insurgents  (14  Ant.  xv. 
5).  The  topographical  data  are  fully  met  by 
the  existing  Irbid,  a  site  with  a  ruined  syna- 
gogue W.  of  Mejdel,  S.  of  Wddy  Hamdm,  in  a 
small  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  of  Qurn 
Ha((rn.  The  caverns  arc  in  the  opposite  face 
of  the  ravine,  and  are  called  Qul'at  Ibn  Man. 
[Beth-arbel.]  [c.r.c] 

Ap'bite,  The.  Paarai  the  Arbite  was  one 
of  David's  guard  (2Sam.23.35).  The  word 
signifies  a  native  of  Arab. 

Apbona'i,  River  of  (Jth.2.24).  The  Vat. 
MS.  reads  Abrona  ;  apparently  the  Khabur 
river    [Habor]   is   meant.  [c.r.c] 

Apchangel-     [Angel  ;  Michael.] 

Apchelaus,  son  of  Herod  the  Great  by  Mal- 
thake,  brought  up  at  Rome  with  his  younger 
brother  Antipas.  His  father's  third  and  last 
will  gave  him  the  largest  and  most  valuable 
share  of  the  Herodian dominions,  including  Ju- 
daea, Idmnaea,  and  Samaria,  with  the  title  of 
king.  The  ratification  of  the  will  was  depen- 
dent on  the  decision  of  Augustus,  to  obtain 
which  Archelaus  went  to  Rome.  A  Jewish  em- 
bassy followed,  praying  the  emperor  to  deliver 
them  from  such  rulers  as  the  Herods,  and  to 
annex  J  udaea  to  the  province  of  S^yTia.  Doubt- 
less the  journey  of  Archelaus,  and  the  embassy 
sent  after  him,  suggested  the  similar  features  in 
the  parable  of  the  pounds  (Lu.l9.i2flf.).  Au- 
gustus confirmed  the  will,  but  gave  Archelaus 
the  title  of  ethnarch  only.  The  words  "  did 
reign"  (Mt.2.22)  are  usedloosely,  and  need  cause 
no  difficulty,  for  Josei^hus  also  speaks  of  him  as 
king.  His  reign  lasted  till  6  a.d.,  when  another 
deputation  from  Judaea  and  Samaria  went  to 
Rome  to  complain  of  his  cruelties.  The  em- 
peror condemned  him,  and  sentenced  him  to 
banishment  at  Vicnnc,  where  he  died,    [e.r.b.] 

Apchep.     [Arms.] 

Ap'chevltes,  evidently  inhabitants  of 
Erech  who  had  been  placed  as  colonists  in 
Samaria  (Ezr.4.9). 

ApchI'  (J0S.I6.2),  whence  Hushai,  David's 
friend,  was  called  "  the  Archite"  (2Sam.i5.32, 
17.5,14  ;  iChr.27.33).  The  "  border  of  Ha- 
Archi"  lay  between  Bethel  and  Bcth-horon. 
The  name  survives  at  'A in  'Arik,  2  miles 
N.E.  of  the  latter,  though  the  Heb.  aleph 
(as  in  the  case  of  Ashkelon,  etc)  becomes  a 
guttural  'ayin.  [c.r.c] 

Apchip'pus,  a  Christian  teacher  in  Colos- 
sac  (Col. 4. 17),  called  by  St.  Paul  his  "  fellow- 
soldier  "  (Ph. 2).  As  this  last-quoted  epistle 
is  addressed  to  him  jointly  with  Philemon 
and  Apphia,  it  seems  probable  that  he  was 
a  member  of  Philemon's  family.  There  is  a 
legend  that  he  was  one  of  the  Seventy,  and 
suffered  martyrdom  at  Chonae,  near  Laodicea, 
but  it  li.'is  no  historic,  weight. 

Apchlte.     [Archi.] 

Apchltectupe.  The  fust  notice  of  building 
style  in  O.T.  (Gen. 11.3-9)  refers  to  a  tower  of 


ARCHITECTURE 

burned  brick  set  in  bitumen  [Babel,  Tower 
of],  describing  one  of  the  ziqqurat  towers  of 
Babylonia.  The  Phoenicians  aided  as  masons 
and  carpenters  (iK.5.6,i8)  in  building  Solo- 
mon's Temple  and  Palace,  and  the  descrip- 
tion of  these  buildings  (iK.6,7)  shows  that 
they  resembled  in  style  the  contemporary 
architecture  of  the  Phoenicians,  Hittites,  and 
Babylonians,  being  constructed  of  large 
squared  stones,  with  roofs  and  pillars  of  cedar, 
and  adorned  with  precious  metals  and  with 
bas-reliefs,  representing  symbolic  winged 
animals  flanking  palm-trees.  Ivory  seems 
also  to  have  been  often  used  in  decoration  (iK. 
10.18,22.39  ;  Am.3.15)  ;  lions  and  oxen  were 
represented  as  well  as  the  Cherubim  (iK.6. 
23-36),  just  as  they  are  in  Phoenicia  and  Baby- 
lonia. The  ordinary  Hebrew  architecture 
[Cities;  Gezer;  Lachish;  Palace  ;  Palestine] 
presents  few  special  features  of  style ;  houses 
and  town  walls  being  of  rudely  squared  stones 
of  no  great  size,  or  of  sun-dried  bricks  [House]. 
The  bronze  pillars  of  the  temple  had,  however, 
capitals  as  elaborate  as  those  of  Egyptian  or 
Assyrian  shrines.  [Chapiter.]  Stone  struc- 
tures already  existed  when  Israel  conquered 
Palestine  (Lev.14.34,35  ;  Deut.6.ii).  Many 
kings  of  Judah  and  of  Israel  were  builders 
(iK.15.17,23,16.24,32, 22.39  ;  2K.12.ii,i2,20. 
20,22.6;  2Chr.32.27-3o).  After  the  Captivity 
the  temple  appears  to  have  been  restored  in 
its  original  style,  and  on  its  original  site  (Ezr. 
3.7,5.8  ;  Ne.2.8).  [Temple.]  But  after  c. 
200  B.C.  the  Gk.  influence  in  Palestine  led  to 
a  gradual  adoption  of  Gk.  style.  The  palace 
of  Hyrcanus  in  Gilead  built  before  176  B.C. 
[Palestine]  presents  drafted  stones  8ft.  high 
and  20  ft.  long  ;  it  is  adorned  with  carved 
lions :  many  details  are,  however,  purely 
Gk.  The  tombs  of  this  age  throughout  Pal- 
estine present  rock  pillars  in  their  porches  with 
Doric  and  Ionic  capitals,  triglyphs  forming  a 
frieze  above,  while  vine  bunches  and  other 
designs  of  native  origin  give  a  mixed  character 
to  this  Jewish  style.  The  art  of  the  later 
Hasmonaean  coins  is,  similarly,  half  Greek, 
half  native.  Herod  the  Great  also  adopted  a 
similar  architecture  for  his  temples,  the  finely 
squared  masonry  being  drafted  after  the  Gk. 
fashion,  and  the  stones  being  3  to  6  ft.  high, 
and  sometimes  40  ft.  in  length  (Mk.13.2  ;  Lu. 
21.5).  He  used  the  arch  in  building  the  great 
TjTopoeon  bridge  ;  and  at  the  Double  Gate  on 
S.  side  of  the  Jerusalem  temple,  the  gate-house 
has  four  flat  domes  supported  on  two  pillars 
6  ft.  each  in  diameter.  Their  capitals  are  of 
simple,  semi-Egyptian  design,  and  one  dome 
is  adorned  with  geometrical  patterns  in  low 
relief,  connected  by  a  vine,  such  as  also  sur- 
rounded the  Great  Gateway  of  the  temple  both 
at  Jerusalem  and  at  SVa  in  Bashan.  At  the 
latter  site  the  pillars  are  of  semi-Corinthian 
style,  like  those  of  the  royal  cloister  at  Jeru- 
salem (Josephus,  15  Ant.  xi.  5).  The  yet 
larger  masonry  at  Ba'albek,  Gerasa,  and  Rd- 
met  el  Khulil  [Abraham' s  tank)  near  Hebron, 
differs  entirely — in  the  tooling  of  the  stones, 
and  in  other  details — from  Herodian  work, 
and  in  each  case  belongs  to  the  great  age  of 
Roman  architecture  (2nd  and  3rd  cents,  a.d.). 
The  latest  Jewish  buildings— in  Greco- Roman 
style^are  the  Galilean  synagogues,  which  are 


ARETAS 


55 


also  probably  not  older  than  2nd  cent.  a.d. 
The  Ba'albek  masonry  is  marked  with  Gk. 
letters,  while  that  of  Herod  has  Hebrew  ma- 
sons' marks.  The  Herodian  style  is  best  il- 
lustrated by  tbe  plates  of  de  Vogiie's  Temple 
de  J erusalem,  and  by  those  giving  the  details  of 
the  SVa  temple  by  the  same  authority,  [c.r.c] 

Apctu'pus.  The  Heb.  words  'ash 
and  'ayish,  rendered  "  Arcturus "  in  A.V. 
of  Job  9.9,38.32,  as  in  the  Vulg.  of  the  former 
passage,  are  now  generally  believed  to  be 
identical,  and  to  represent  the  constellation 
Ursa  Major,  known  commonly  as  the  Great 
Bear,  or  Charles's  Wain.  Niebuhr  {Desc. 
de  I  Arab.  p.  loi)  relates  that  he  met  with  a 
Jew  at  San'aa,  who  identified  the  Heb.  'ash 
with  the  constellation  known  to  the  Arabs 
by  the  name  Umm  en-n'ash,  or  N'ash  simply, 
as  a  Jew  of  Bagdad  informed  him.  The  four 
stars  in  the  body  of  the  Bear  are  named  En- 
n'ash  in  the  tables  of  Ulugh  Bev,  those  in  the 
tail  being  called  el  Bendt,  "  the  daughters  " 
(cf.  Job  38.32).  The  ancient  versions  differ 
greatly  in  their  renderings.  The  LXX. 
render  'ash  by  the  "Pleiades"  in  Job 9.9 
(unless  the  text  which  they  had  before  them 
had  the  words  in  a  different  order),  and  'ayish 
by  "Hesperus,"  the  evening  star,  in  Job  38.32. 
In  the  former  they  are  followed  or  supported 
by  the  Aram.,  in  the  latter  by  the  Vulg. 
R.  David  Kimchi  and  the  Talmudists  under- 
stood by  'ash  the  tail  of  the  Ram  or  the  head 
of  the  Bull,  by  which  they  are  supposed  to 
indicate  the  bright  star  Aldebaran  in  the 
Bull's  eye.  But  the  greatest  difficulty  exists 
in  the  rendering  of  the  Syriac  translators, 
who  give  as  the  equivalent  of  both  'ash 
and  'ayish  the  word  lyyiilha,  which  is  inter- 
preted to  signify  the  bright  star  Capella  in 
the  constellation  Auriga,  and  is  so  rendered 
in  the  Arabic  translation  of  Job.  On  this 
point,  however,  great  difference  of  opinion 
exists.  Bar  'Ali  conjectured  that  lyyiltha 
was  either  Capella  or  the  constellation  Orion  ; 
while  Bar  Bahlul  hesitated  between  Capella, 
Aldebaran,  and  a  cluster  of  three  stars  in  the 
face  of  Orion.  Following  the  rendering  of 
the  Arabic,  Hyde  was  induced  to  consider 
'ash  and  'ayish  distinct  ;  the  former  being 
the  Great  Bear,  and  the  latter  Capella,  the 
brightest  star,  a,  in  the  constellation  Auriga. 

Apd,  a  son  (Gen. 46. 21)  or  grandson  (Num. 
26.40)  of  Benjamin.  In  iChr.8.3  he  is  called 
Addar  (LXX.  Ared). 

Apdath  (the  field  called  Ardath  :  2Esd.9. 
26).  Unknown,  but  suggested  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  'Arbath,  "  desert,"  indicating  the 
condition  of  the  land  (cf.  10.21,22).     [t.g.p.] 

Apd'ites,  descendants  of  Ard  (Num.26.40). 

Apdon',  a  son  of  Caleb  ben  Hezron  by  his 
wife  Azubah  (iChr.2.i8). 

Apeli',  a  son  of  Gad  (Gea.46.i6).  His  de- 
scendants are  called  Apelites  (Num. 26. 17). 

Apeo'pagite,  a  member  of  the  court  of 
Apeopag-us.  The  title  is  given  to  Dionysius 
(Ac.17.34).     [M\rs'  Hill.] 

A'pes  (iEsd.5.10)  =  Arah,  2. 

A'petas,  the  name  (Harith)  of  several 
kings  of  the  Nabatean  Arabs. — 1.  A  contem- 
porary of  AntiochusEpiphanes  (2Mac.5.8). — 2- 
"Aretas  the  king"  (2Cor.ll.32),whoseethnarch 
(governor),  at  the  instance  of  the  Jews  (Ac.9. 


56 


ARETJS  I. 


ARISTOBULTJS 


23-24),  was  on  the  watch  to  arrest  St.  Paul 
if  he  attempted  to  leave  Damascus.  This 
notice  is  of  importance  for  the  date  of  St. 
Paul's  conversion.  The  evidence  of  coins 
shows  that  Damasci's  was  a  part  of  the 
province  of  S>Tia  till  at  least  34  a.d.,  and 
again  in  54  a.d.  But  thn  absence  of  Damas- 
cene imperial  coins  between  these  dates 
suggests  that  it  may  for  a  time  have  come 
into  the  hands  of  Aretas,  probably  by  grant 
from  Tiberius  or  Caligula.  The  city  had 
five  times  changed  hands  since  85  b.c.  The 
history  of  Herod  the  Great  shows  the  Arabs 
ever  on  the  watch  for  opportunities  of  en- 
croachment along  the  vv'hole  eastern  border 
of  Palestine.  Herod  Antipas  married  the 
daughter  of  this  Aretas,  and  divorced  her 
to  make  room  for  Herodias.  [e.r.b.] 

Ape'us  I.,  king  of  Sparta  309-265  b.c, 
wrote,  at  some  date  between  309  and  300  b.c, 
to  Onias  I.,  high-priest  323-300  B.C.,  a  letter 
which  is  quoted  in  the  letter  sent  by  Jonathan 
Maccabaeus  to  Sparta  c.  144  b.c  (iMac.12.7, 
20-23).       [Sparta.] 

Apgob',  a  tract  of  country  E.  of  Jordan, 
in  Bashan,  containing  60  great  and  fortified 
cities.  Argob  was  allotted  to  the  half-tribe 
of  Manasseh,  and  was  taken  possession  of 
by  Jair,  a  chief  man  in  that  tribe.  It  after- 
wards formed  one  of  Solomon's  districts, 
under  the  charge  of  an  officer  whose  residence 
was  at  Ramoth-gilead  (Deut.3.4,13,14  ;  iK.4. 
13).  Argob  means  "stone  heaps."  In  later 
times  it  was  called  Trachonitis,  or  "  basalt 
region  "  ;  and  it  is  now  called  the  Lejah, 
from  a  local  word  for  "  basalt."  It  is  a  very 
remarkable  district,  S.  of  Damascus,  about 
22  miles  from  N.  to  S.  by  14  from  W.  to  E., 
and  of  a  regular,  almost  oval,  shape,  de- 
scribed as  an  ocean  of  basaltic  rocks  and 
boulders,  tossed  about  in  the  wildest  con- 
fusion, with  fissures  and  crevices  in  every 
direction.  But  this  forbidding  region  has 
many  deserted  villages,  solidly  built  and  of 
considerable  antiquity.  More  than  100  Gk. 
te.xts  have  been  copied  here.  [c.r.c] 

Apgob'  (2K.t5.25).  Probably  a  place. 
[Arieh.]  Jarchi  regards  both  words  as 
local.  Perhaps  Riljib,  a  village  2  miles  S.E. 
of  Shechem.  [c.r.c] 

Ariadi',  ninth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.9.9). 

Ariapa'thes  V.  (Philopator),  king  of  Cap- 
padocia  163-130  b.c  For  his  obedience  to 
Rome  he  was  expelled  by  Demetrius  Soter, 
158  B.C.,  but  he  was  presently  restored. 
Letters  were  addressed  to  him  from  Rome  in 
favour  of  the  Jews,  139  b.c  (1Mac.i5.22). 

Apidatha',  sixth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.9.8). 

Apleh'  (Heb.  ^aayiV/;=  "  the  lion  "  ;  2K.15. 
25).  The  L.\X.,  in  here  describing  the  murder 
of  Pekahiah  by  Pekah,  reads  yufrd  tov  before 
both  Argou  and  Arieh,  which  suggests  the 
translation  "they  slew  him  in  Samaria,  at  a 
castle — a  king's  house — near  Argob,  and  near 
the  lion  [monument]."  [c.r.c] 

Aplel'.  The  etymology  of  the  word  is  un- 
certain.— 1.  The  name  of  one  of  the  chief  men 
among  the  returning  exiles  (I';zr.8.i6). — 2. 
"  The  two  sons  of  Ariel  of  Moab  "  (K.V.)  whom 
Benaiah  smote  (2Sam.23.20;  1Chr.ll.22;  see 
LX.X.  In  A.V.  "lion-like  men  "  ;  see  Moah). 
— 3.  Applied  to  Jerusajein /Js.29.i,2,7).     The  I 


city,  which  has  been  designated  Ariel  (ver.  i), 
is  then  rcinpared  to  Ariel  (ver.  2),  perhaps  with 
reference  to  the  blood  that  would  be  shed  in  the 
coming  siege.  In  this  respect  the  city  would  be 
as — 4.  The  Ariel  of  the  Altar  (Ezk.43.r5,i6, 
see  R.V.  marg.),  the  altar  hearth  on  which  the 
sacrifices  were  consumed  by  fire.  Hence  some 
translate  No.  2  as  "  the  altar  hearths  of  Moab." 
It  has  also  been  suggested  that  the  Ariels  were 
altar-pillars  on  which  sacred  fire  was  fed  by  the 
fat  of  sacrifices.  In  the  Mesha  inscription,  line 
12,  the  Aral  is  something  movable.  Fire 
hearths  on  the  top  of  monoliths  have  been 
found  in  Abyssinia  (Theodore  Bent,  Sacred  City 
of  Ethiopians,  180  If.).  In  the  first  dynasty  of 
Egypt  the  serpent,  an  object  of  popular  wor- 
ship, appears  as  a  fender  around  the  hearth 
(Petrie,  Relig.  of  Anc.  Egypt,  21,  26).  The 
derivation  "  lion  [lioness]  of  God  "  has  been 
suggested.  See  also  Smith,  Relig.  of  Semites,  i. 
469  ;  Toy,  Ezckiel  in  Sacred  Books  of  O.T.  191  ; 
Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  and  Mon.  349,  376.     [u.h.] 

Apimathae'a,  "a  city  of  the  Jews" 
(Lu.23.51).  the  home  of  Joseph,  "a  counsel- 
lor "  (see  Mt. 27.57  ;  Mk.i5.43  ;  Jn.i9.38)  who 
had  a  tomb  just  outside  Jerusalem.  The  site 
of  this  city  is  uncertain.  It  might  be  the 
same  as  Ramathem  (1Mac.ll.34)  or  Ramah 
of  Benjamin ;  but,  according  to  Eusebius 
and  Jerome  (Onomasticon),  Armathem  lay 
N.  of  Lydda.  They  refer  either  to  Rantieh, 
a  village  6  miles  N.  of  Lydda,  or  to  Rentis 
{Onomast.  Remphis  probably  for  Remthis), 
8  miles  N.E.  of  Lydda,  which  "  many  said  " 
was  Arimathaea.  [c.r.c] 

Apioch'. — 1.  King  of  Ellasar,  one  of  the 
four  kings  who  invaded  Palestine  in  the  time 
of  Abraham  (Gen.l4. i).  In  the  Babylonian 
monuments  the  name  Eri-aku,  king  of  Larsa 
(identified  with  Senqereh  in  Lower  Babylonia) 
and  contemporary  of  Hammurabi,  frequently 
occurs. — 2.  Captain  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  body- 
guard (Dan. 2. 14). — 3.  King  of  the  Elvmaeans 
or  Elam  (Jth.1.6).  '  [j-R-] 

Apisai',  eighth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.9.9). 

Apistapchus,  a  Jew  (cf.  Col. 4. 10  with 
4.11)  of  Thcssalonicu  (.\c.20.4,27.2),  first  men- 
tioned at  Ephesus  as  a  travelling-companion 
of  St.  Paul,  and  as  being  dragged  into  the 
theatre  by  the  rioters  (I9.29).  He  accom- 
panied St.  Paul  on  his  departure  from  Mace- 
donia for  Jerusalem,  at  the  close  of  the  third 
missionary  journey  (20. 4),  probably  going  as 
delegate  for  the  church  of  Thessalonica  in 
charge  of  their  share  of  the  contribution  to 
the  poor  at  Jerusalem.  He  seems  to  have 
remained  in  Judaea  during  St.  Paul's  imprison- 
ment, and  may  have  been  one  of  those  who 
were  suffered  to  minister  to  him  (24.23).  He 
embarked  with  the  apostle  on  his  voyage  to 
Rome,  and  was  with  him  there  when  St.  Paul 
wrote  to  the  Colossians  and  to  Philemon  (Col. 4. 
10;  Ph. 24).  For  a  discussion  of  "fellow  pri- 
soner," sec  I,iglitf(ii>t.  Colossians,  I.e.    [e.r.b.] 

Apistobu'lus. — 1.  (2Mac.l.io.)  AJewof 
priestly  descent,  "  teacher "  of  Ptolemy 
Philomctor  (180-145  b.c);  identified  by 
CMement  of  Alexandria  and  Eusebius  with 
the  Hellenistic  philosopher  of  that  name. 
Aristobulus  wrote  anaccount  of  the  Pentateuch, 
in  which  he  contended  that  the  Gk.  philo- 
sophers derived  their  teaching  from  Moses. — 2- 


ARK,  NOAH'S 

(Ro.16.io.)  St.  Paul  salutes  "them which  are 
of  the  household  of  Aristobulus  "  {tovs  (k  tQv 
'  ApL(XTopov\ov).  Lightioot(  Philip  plans,  p.  175) 
surmises  that  this  Aristobulus  was  the  grandson 
of  Herod  the  Great,  and  friend  of  Claudius. 
Assuming  that  Aristobulus  died  shortly  before 
the  epistle  was  written,  it  would  be  usual  that 
his  household,  which  would  contain  many  J  ews, 
should  on  passing  to  the  emperor  retain  their 
former  master's  name.  See  also  Sanday  and 
Headlam,  Romans,  p.  425.  Aristobulus  is  said 
to  have  been  one  of  the  Seventy,  and  is 
mentioned  as  bishop  in  Britain.  [j.a.d.] 

Apk,  Noah's.     [Noah.] 

Ark  of  the  Covenant  {Ex.25. 10-15, 37. 
1-5).  (i)  Names.  The  ark  ;  the  holy  ark  (2 
Chr.35.3) ;  ark  of  the  Lord  ;  of  God  ;  of  the 
Testimony  ;  of  the  covenant  ;  of  the  coven- 
ant of  the  Lord.  (2)  Structure.  A  chest  2J 
cubits  long  by  i^  broad  and  deep  ;  of  acacia 
wood,  overlaid  inside  and  out  with  pure  gold  ; 
a  moulding  of  gold  round  the  top  ;  four  gold 
rings,  one  at  each  "  foot  "  or  corner,  through 
which  were  passed  two  staves  of  acacia  wood 
overlaid  with  gold,  used  in  carrying  it.  These 
staves  were  not  to  be  removed  (but  cf.  Num.4. 
6),  and  in  the  temple  of  Solomon  were  seen 
from  the  Holy  Place,  but  not  from  the  entrance 
to  the  Tabernacle  (iK.8.8),  probably  when  the 
veil  was  drawn  aside  for  the  high-priest  to 
enter  the  Holy  of  Holies.  The  ark  was  made 
by  Bezaleel  (Ex.37. i),  after  the  pattern  shown 
to  Moses  in  the  mount  (25.9).  According 
to  Deut.10.3  Moses  made  an  ark  of  acacia 
wood  before  ascending  the  mount  to  receive 
the  second  copy  of  the  Decalogue.  It  was 
consecrated  with  the  holy  anointing  oil  (Ex. 
30.26),  and  stood  within  the  Holy  of  Holies 
(40.3).  When  the  tabernacle  was  taken  down, 
Aaron  and  his  sons  covered  the  ark  with  the 
veil  of  the  screen,  then  a  covering  of  sealskin 
(R.V.),  and  over  all  a  cloth  of  blue  (Num.4. 
5,6).  The  carrying  of  the  ark  devolved  on  the 
Kohathites  (4.4).  It  was  a  complete  coffer,  on 
the  top  of  which  was  placed  a  plate  or  slab  of 
gold  of  the  same  length  and  width  as  the  ark. 
The  thickness  is  not  specified  (Ex. 25. 17-21, 
37.6-9).  The  Heb.  term  for  this  covering  is 
rendered  "  mercy-seat  "  in  E.V.  ;    R.V.  marg. 


ARK  OF  THE  COVENANT 


57 


EGYPTIAN  ARK  OR  SHRINE. 


"  covering  "  ;  "  propitiatory  "  is  better.  (Ham- 
burger, Realencyc.  des  Judentums,  i.  igg, 
"  Siihndeckel  ").  LXX.  VKaar-qpiov,  occurs  also 
in  Heb. 9.5,   R.V,  marg.,   Gk.    "  the  propitia- 


tory." On  the  Day  of  Atonement  the  high- 
priest  sprinkled  the  blood  of  the  bullock  and  of 
the  goat  on  the  Mercy-seat  (Lev.l6.14, 15).  On 
this  golden  slab  were  fixed  two  Cherubim,  one 
at  each  end  (Ex.25. 18-20,37.7-9).  They  were 
of  solid  gold,  of  beaten  work,  and  faced  each 
other,  their  wings  meeting  above.  This  was 
the  throne  from  which  Jehovah  would  speak 
with  Moses  (Num.7.8g).  (3)  Historical  Notices. 
At  the  river  Jordan  (Jos. 4.7)  and  the  siege  of 
Jericho  (6.4ff.).  In  the  midst  of  the  congrega- 
tion when  the  Law  was  read  at  Ebal  and  Geri- 
zim  (8.33  ;  tabernacle  set  up  at  Shiloh,  18. i). 
In  Bethel  at  the  time  of  the  battle  between 
Israel  and  Benjamin  at  Gibeah  (Judg.2O.27). 
In  Shiloh  (iSam.3.3)  ;  taken  into  the  battle 
with  the  Philistines  at  Ebenezer  (4.5)  ;  cap- 
tured (4.n),  and  set  up  in  the  house  of  Dagon 
at  Ashdod  (5.2)  ;  sent  to  Gath  (5.8)  and  Ekron 
(5. 10)  ;  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines  7  months. 
Returned  by  the  Philistines,  on  a  cart,  with  a 
coffer  containing  presents  of  golden  mice  and 
tumours  (6.8).  Men  of  Beth-shemesh  smitten 
for  "looking  into  the  ark"  (6.19);  20  years 
in  the  house  of  Abinadab  at  Kirjath-jearim 
(7.1,2).  With  Israel  at  Gibeah  during  the 
war  with  the  Philistines  (14. 18, 19,  where 
LXX.  has  "ephod"  for  "ark"  ;  cf.  iChr. 
13.3,  "  We  sought  not  unto  it  [i.e.  the  ark] 
in  the  days  of  Saul").  David  had  it  taken 
thence  in  a  new  cart ;  LTzzah  was  smitten 
by  God  for  touching  the  ark  (2Sam.6.6,7). 
Three  months  in  the  house  of  Obed-edom  the 
Gittite  (vii.  10,11).  Carried  by  Levites  (iChr. 
15.2)  into  the  city  of  David  (2Sam.6.i2),  and 
put  in  the  tent  prepared  for  it  (ver.  17).  With 
the  army  at  the  siege  of  Rabbah  (11. 11). 
David  would  not  permit  the  ark  to  be  carried 
with  him  when  he  fled  before  Absalom  (15. 
24-29).  Solomon  had  it  placed  in  the  Holy  of 
Holies  in  the  temple  (iK.6.19,8.6  ;  2Chr.5.7). 
It  was  probably  removed  by  Manasseh  when 
he  set  up  the  idol  {2Chr.33.7)  ;  restored  by 
Josiah  (35.3).  Its  ultimate  fate  is  not  known, 
but  it  probably  perished  when  the  temple  was 
destroyed  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (2K.25.9). 
There  is  a  legend  that  Jeremiah  hid  the  ark 
with  the  tabernacle  and  altar  of  incense  in  a 
cave  on  mount  Horeb  (2Mac.2.4-io).  Men- 
tioned Je.3.i6  ;  Ps.78.6i, 132.8;  c/.  Rev.  11. 19. 
There  was  no  ark  in  the  second  temple  (Jose- 
phus,  5  Wars  v.  5).  (4)  Purpose.  It  was  the 
receptacle  for  the  two  tables  of  the  law  (Ex. 
25.21,40.20;  Deut.10.2  ;  c/.  iK.8.9)  ;  and  in  a 
special  sense  the  dwelling-place  of  Jehovah 
(Ex.25.8  ;  iSam.4.4  ;  2Sam.6.2  ;  iK.8.12,13). 
Hence  it  was  more  than  a  symbol  of  the  pre- 
sence of  Jehovah  ;  He  was  personally  present 
in  it.  "  Let  us  fetch  the  ark  .  .  .  that  it  may 
come  among  us  and  save  us  out  of  the  hand 
of  our  enemies"  (iSam.4.3).  It  was  consulted 
by  the  Israelites  after  their  defeat  by  Benja- 
min at  Gibeah  (Judg.2O.27)  ;  Saul  was  too 
impatient  to  consult  it  before  engaging  in 
battle  with  the  Philistines  (rSam.l4. 18,19  ;  cf. 
iChr.13.3).  Joshua  lamented  before  it  after 
the  defeat  at  Ai  (Jos. 7. 6-9)  ;  and  Solomon 
worshipped  before  it  (1K.3.15).  In  form  it 
resembled  the  movable  shrines  in  which  the 
Egyptians,  Babylonians,  etc.,  carried  their 
idols  about.  According  to  Heb. 9. 4,  the  ark 
contained,  besides  the  two  tables,  Aaron's  rod 


PLATE    I 


1  ^' 


USE   OF   BATTERING-RAM  L\   SIEGE.     (From  a  monument  in  the  Ximrud  GaUery,  Brit.  Mus.) 


■586]  PORTION  OF  BATTLE-PIECE. 

(From  a  monument  of  Assnr-bani-pal  in  Brit.  Mns.,  showing  shields,  spears,  etc.) 


ARMS,  ARMOUK 

meaning  of  the  Heb.  (ndphaf),  "  to  shatter," 
sufficiently  explains  its  use.  (2)  Next  in  age 
would  be  the  SZing(Judg.20.i6;  1Sam.i7.40;  2 
Chr.26.14).  Besides  being  a  weapon  for  war,  it 
was  used  by  shepherds,  as 
well  as  hunters.  Its  use  was 
fairly  universal,  as  Assyrians, 
Egyptians,  Persians,  and 
Greeks  employed  it  in  war- 
fare. It  was  made  of  the 
sinews  of  animals,  or  of 
leather,  sometimes  also  of  the 
hair  of  animals  plaited  to- 
gether, and  was  some  five  feet 
in  length.  In  the  centre  it 
was  broader  than  at  the  ends. 
When  about  to  be  used,  a  stone  was  placed  in 
the  centre,  and  the  slinger  took  hold  of  the  two 
ends  and  swung  it  round  over  his  head  a  few 
times,  and  then  let  go  of  one  end.  (3)  Next  in 
order  of  antiquity  comes  the  Spear.  There  were 
two  distinct  kinds ;  firstly,  the  hdnith.  Another 
word  for  spear  is  romah  (called  "lancet  "  in 
I K. 18. 28,  A. v.,  and  "  javelin  "  in  Num. 25.7, 
A..W.,  while  R.V.  uses  this  latter  term  more 
suitably  for  the  kidhon),  but  the  difference 
between  these  two  is  unknown.  That  there 
was  a  difference  is  clear  from  iChr.12.8,24,34, 
according  to  which  the  men  of  Naphtali  used 
the  former,  those  of  Judah  and  Gad  the  latter  : 
the  Arab,  rumh  is  a  lance  15  ft.  long.  The 
spear  consisted  of  a  wooden  shaft  (2Sam.2i.i9), 
with  a  bronze  (later,  iron)  point  fixed  into  it 
(rSam.i3.19).  On  account  of  the  bright  metal, 
when  polished,  it  was  called  a  "  flame  "  and 
"lightning"  (see  iSam.17.7  ;  Na.3.3,  Heb.). 
The  other  kind  of  spear  was  shorter,  and  was 
used  for  throwing  (Jos.8.18).  This  was  called 
kidhon.  Of  similar  character  was  the  shelah, 
the  root  of  which  word  shows  that  it  was  some- 
thing that  was  thrown  ;  but  otherwise  we  know 
nothing  of  its  use.  It  was  probably  only  another 
name  for  the  kidhon.  (4)  The  Sword  (herebh) 
was  made  of  iron  (iSam. 13.19  ;  Is. 2. 4).  It  was 
straight,  andsometimes  two-edged (Judg.3. 16). 
It  was  apparently  carried  in  a  leathern  sheath 
{cf.  Ex. 15. 9  ;  Ezk. 21. 28-30),  and  fastened  to  a 
girdle  on  the  left-hand  side  (Ex. 32. 27),  out- 
side the  apparel  (1Sam.i7.39).  It  was  used 
for  smiting  (2Sam.l2.9)  and  for  thrusting 
(iSam.31.4).  In  Jth.13.6  A.V.  uses  the  word 
fauchion,  probably  a  curved  sword  (Pers.). 
(5)  The  Bow  (qesheth)  and  Arrows  (hiccim),  car- 
ried in  a  Quiver  ('ashpah),  formed  with  spear 
and  sword  the  commonest  offensive  weapons. 
Bows  were  made  of  wood,  and  sometimes  of 
copper  or  bronze  (2Sam. 22.35  =Ps.l8.34  ;  Job 
20.24 ;  see  Steel).  Those  of  wood  were  probably 
drawnwith  thehand(2K.13.i6);  for  the  "steel" 
ones  the  foot  was  used — hence  the  expression 
"  tread"  the  bow.  At  Susa  Dr.  Morgan  found 
a  small  model  of  a  bow  made  of  bronze.  The 
string  of  the  bow  was  made  of  animal  gut,  ox 
or  camel ;  the  arrows  of  light  wood,  with  iron 
tips — in  early  times  the  tips  were  of  stone.  The 
quiver  was  worn  on  the  back,  or  left-hand  side, 
or  else  on  the  outside  of  the  chariot,  according 
to  whether  the  archer  was  a  foot -soldier  or 
charioteer.  Arrows  were  sometimes  poisoned 
(Job  6.4).  At  other  times,  during  sieges,  burning 
substances  were  attached  to  them  (Ps.7.13  ; 
Is.50.ii).    (6)  Another  offensive  weapon,  used 


ARMS,  ARMOUR 


59 


only  at  sieges,  was  the  Battering-ram  (kar). 
The  root  means  to  "  dig,"  the  reference  being 
to  the  breaches  made  in  the  walls  of  the 
beleaguered  city  (Ezk.21.22[27]).  It  ran  on 
wheels,  and,  judging  from  Ass>Tian  sculptures, 
archers  (shielded  by  a  wicker-work  screen) 
stood  on  it  (2Chr.26.15).  The  word  here 
used  (hishshdbhon)  means  simply  "  contriv- 
ance." It  was  undoubtedly  borrowed  from 
Assyria.  In  A.V.  and  R.V.  this  is  called  en- 
gine.— Defensive,  (i)  The  earliest  form  of  defen- 
sive armour  was  the  Shield.  Of  the  two  kinds 
mentioned  in  the  Bible,  the  mdghen  (usually 
buckler  in  A.V.)  was  the  smaller.  It  was  round, 
and  easily  carried,  and  was  usedbyarchers  (2Chr. 
14. 8[7],  where  R.V.  renders  wrongly  "buckler" 
for  cinnd,  and  "shield"  for  mdghen),  as  well  as 
by  the  ordinary  swordsman  (iChr.5.i8).  The 
larger  one,  cinnd  (often  target  in  E.V.),  covered 
the  whole  bodv,  and  was  accordingly  of  oblong 
shape.  Another  word  for  it  is  soherd  (Ps.91.4 
only).  The  shields  were  made,  at  first,  of 
wicker-work  (cf.  the  shields  on  the  battering- 
rams  referred  to  above),  covered  with  leather, 
and  could  therefore  be  burned  (Ezk. 39. 9). 
Metal  shields  were  used  later  (1K.i4.26ff.  ; 
2Chr.i2.9ff. ;  Na.2.3[4]),  both  for  ornaments 
and  for  war ;  and,  judging  from  Job  15.26,  were 
sometimes  ornamented  with  bosses.  They 
were  smeared  with  oil,  either  for  the  pur- 
pose of  polishing  or  against  damp.  But  this 
"  anointing "  may,  in  early  days,  have  had 
another  meaning,  according  to  which  the  oil 
made  the  shield  a  charm  against  wounds. 
The  shield  was  worn  on  the  left  arm,  to  which 
it  was  attached  by  a  strap,  and  for  its  better 
preservation  it  was  kept  covered  (Is. 22.6)  when 
not  in  actual  use.  In  the  metaphorical  language 
of  the  Bible,  the  shield  generally  represents 
the  protection  of  God  [e.g.  Ps.3.3,28.7) ;  but  in 
Ps.47.9  it  is  applied  to  earthly  rulers,  and  in 
Eph.6.i6  to  faith.  The  shield  is  the  only  piece 
of  defensive  armour  of  which  the  early  Israelites 
knew.  {2)The Breast-plate,  ov Coat-of -mail (shir- 
yon),  was,  it  is  true,  introduced  in  one  or  two 
rare  cases — probably  from  foreign  countries — 
but  it  was  only  worn  by  the  king  (1Sam.i7.38  ; 
iK.22.34,  marg.;  c/.  iSam.  17. 5,  where  the  Philis- 
tine giant,  Goliath,  is  said  to  have  worn  one). 
A  similar  word  (shiryd)  occurs  in  Job  41-26, 
where  it  is  rendered  habergeon  in  A.V.  The 
R.V.  marg.  has  "  coat-of-mail,"  but  in  the  text 
"pointed  shaft."  In  Je.46.4  it  is  rendered 
brigandine  by  A.V.  (coat  of  Mail,  R.V.).  In 
later  days,  it  is  possible  that,  owing  to  Assyrian 
example,  breast-plates,  as  well  as  (3)  Greaves, 
were  more  widely  used.  Greaves  are  said  to  have 
been  part  of  Goliath's  armour  (iSam.17.6). 
Thev  covered  the  shin,  while  the  s^'on 
(leather  boot)  served  as  a  protection  to  the  feet. 
Though  this  latter  hardly  comes  under  defensive 
armour,  it  may  be  here  mentioned,  as  it  was 
only  worn  by  soldiers,  and  was  common  among 
the  Assyrian  soldiery  (c/.Is. 9. 4).  Thes<^'o»  was 
ancient,  being  mentioned  in  the  Amarna  tab- 
lets. (4)  Like  the  breast-plate,  the  Helmet 
(qoVa)  was,  in  early  days,  worn  only  by  those 
in  high  estate  (1Sam.i7.38) — it  was  of  bronze. 
Judging  from  the  inscriptions,  it  is  possible 
that  the  Israelite  soldiers  wore  leathern  or  felt 
caps  ;  for  the  inscriptions  present  to  us  Hittite 
and  Syrian,  as  well  as  Egyptian,  soldiers  with 


60 


ARMY 


a  head-protection,   which  represents  a  cap  of 
this  kind  still  worn  in  Syria.  [w.o.e.o.J 

ApiTiy.  I.  Hebrew  Army.  From  the  time 
the  Israelites  entered  the  land  of  Canaan 
until  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom,  little 
progress  was  made  in  military  affairs  :  their 
wars  resembled  border  forays.  No  general 
muster  was  made  at  this  period  ;  but  the 
combatants  were  summoned  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment.  With  the  kings  arose  the  custom 
of  maintaining  a  body-guard,  which  formed 
the  nucleus  of  a  standing  army.  Thus  Saul 
had  a  band  of  3,000  select  warriors  (iSam.13.2, 
14.52,24.2).  David  further  organized  a  na- 
tional militia,  divided  into  twelve  regiments 
under  their  respective  officers,  each  of  which 
was  called  out  for  one  month  in  the  year 
(iChr.27.i)  ;  in  active  service  he  appointed 
a  commander-in-chief  (1Sam.i4.50).  Hither- 
to the  army  had  consisted  entirely  of  infantry 
(4.10,15.4),  the  use  of  horses  being  restrained 
by  divine  command  (Deut.l7.i6) ;  but  as  the 
foreign  relations  of  the  kingdoms  extended, 
much  importance  was  attaclied  to  them  for 
use  in  chariots.  David  reserved  a  hundred 
chariots  from  the  spoil  of  the  Syrians  (aSam. 
8.4).  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  the 
system  established  by  him  was  maintained  by 
the  kings  of  J  udah  ;  but  in  Israel  the  proximity 
of  the  hostile  kingdom  of  Syria  necessitated 
the  maintenance  of  a  standing  army.  Occa- 
sional reference  is  made  to  war-chariots  (2K. 
8.21) ;  but  in  Hezekiah's  reign  the  Jews  were 
obliged  to  seek  the  aid  of  Egypt  for  horses 
and  chariots  (18.23,24  ;  Is.31.i).  With  regard 
to  the  arrangement  and  manoeuvring  of  the 
army  in  the  field,  we  know  but  little.  A 
division  into  three  bodies  is  frequently  men- 
tioned (Judg.7.16,9.43  ;  iSam.ll.ii  ;  2Sam.l8. 
2).  Jehoshaphat  divided  his  army  into  live 
bodies,  apparently  retaining,  however,  the 
threefold  principle  of  division,  the  heavy- 
armed  troops  of  J  udah  being  considered  as 
the  proper  army,  and  the  two  divisions  of 
light-armed  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  as  an 
appendage  (2Chr.l7. 14-18).  The  maintenance 
and  equipment  of  the  soldiers  at  the 
public  expense  dates  from  the  establishment 
of  a  standing  army.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  soldier  ever  received  pay  even  under  the 
kings  (the  only  mention  of  pay  applies  to 
mercenaries,  2Chr.25.6)  ;  but  he  was  main- 
tained, while  on  active  service,  and  provided 
with  arms  (iK. 4.27,10.16, 17  ;  2Chr.26.14). 
The  numerical  strength  of  the  Hebrew  army 
is  doubtful,  the  numliers,  as  given  in  the 
text,  being  manifestly  incorrect. — II.  Roman 
Army.  The  Roman  army  was  divided  into 
legions,  the  number  varying  considerably, 
each  under  si.x  tribuni  ("chief  cajitain," 
Ac. 21. 31),  who  commanded  by  turns.  The 
legion  was  subdivided  into  ten  cohorts 
("band,"  AclO.i),  the  cohort  into  three 
maniples,  and  the  maniple  int(j  two  centuries, 
containing  originally  100  men,  as  the  name 
implies,  but  subso(nicntly  fmni  50  to  100  men, 
accf)rding  to  the  strength  of  the  legion. 
There  wen-  thus  60  ceiituries  in  a  legion,  each 
imder  the  conunand  of  a  centurion  (.Ac. 10. 1, 22  ; 
Mt.8.5,27.54).  In  addition  to  the  legionary 
cohorts,  independent  coiiurts  of  volunteers 
served  under  the  Roman  standards.     One  of 


ARPAD 

tliese  cohorts  was  named  the  Italian  (Ac.lO.i), 
as  consisting  of  volunteers  from  Italy.  The 
cohort  named  ".Augustus'"  (.\c.27.i)  may 
have  consisted  of  volunteers  from  Sebaste. 
Others,  however,  think  that  it  was  a  cohors 
Auf^usta,  similar  to  the  legio  Augusta.  The 
head-quarters  of  the  Roman  forces  in  Judaea 
were  at  Caesarea. 

Apna'  (2Esd.l.2)  occupies  the  place  of 
Zerauiah,  I,  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra. 

Annan'.  In  the  received  Heb.  text  "the 
sons  of  Arnan  "  are  mentioned  in  the  genealogy 
of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.2i).  According  to  the 
LX.X..  .Arnan  was  apparently  the  son  of 
kepliaiali. 

Arnon',  the  river  or  torrent  which  formed 
the  boundary  between  Moab  and  the  Amorites 
(Num. 21. 13, 14, 24, 26, 28),  and  afterwards  be- 
tween Moab  and  Israel  (I)eut.2.24,36,3.8,i2, 
16,4.48;  Jos.12.1,2,13.9,16;  J udg.ll. 13,18,22, 
26).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Wddy  el 
Mojeb  is  the  Arnon.  Its  principal  source  is 
near  Qatrdneh  on  the  Hdj  route.  It  flows 
W.  in  a  deep  gorge,  on  the  N.  bank  of  which 
is  the  ruin  'Ar'air.  [.Aroer,  i.]  The  width 
of  the  gorge  is  about  2  miles  ;  the  descent 
on  the  S.  side  is  extremely  steep.  The  stream 
is  some  40  yds.  in  width,  with  a  few 
oleanders  and  willows  on  the  margin,  and 
grass  in  places.  [c.R.c] 

Apod'  (  -  Apodi,  Gen.46.i6),  a  son  of  Gad 
and  ancestor  of  the  Apodites  (Num. 28. 17). 

Apoep'  (bare). — 1.  A  city  "  by  the 
brink,"  or  "  on  the  bank  of,"  or  "  by  "  the 
torrent  .Arnon,  the  southern  point  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Sihon,  king  of  the  .Amorites,  and  after- 
wards of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Deut.2.36,3.12, 
4.48;  Jos.l2.2,13.<),i6:  Judg.11.26;  2K.IO. 
33;  iChr.5.8 ;  Je.48.19).  Burckhardt  found 
ruins  with  the  name  'Ar'air  on  the  old  Roman 
road,  upon  the  very  edge  of  the  precipitous  N. 
bank  of  Wddy  el  Mojeb.  [.Arnon.]  Mesha 
of  Moab  on  his  stone  (at  Dibon)  says  (in  9th 
cent.  B.C.),  "  I  built  Aroer,  and  I  made  the 
steps  at  Arnon."  It  is  probably  intended  in 
Num.32. 34. — 2.  Aroer  "  facing  Rabbah  " 
(Rabbah  of  Amnion),  a  town  of  Gad  (Jos. 13. 25: 
2Sam.24.5).  This  is  probably  mentioned  in 
J  udg.ll. 33,  now  unknown. — 3.  .Aroer,  in 
Is.17.2,  if  a  place  at  all  (see  E.X.X.),  is  probably 
'.'Ir'ar  in  Bashan,  9  miles  S.E.  of  .Ashtaroth. 
It  is  noticed  in  the  .Amarna  letters  (Brit.  .Mus. 
64)  with  the  latter,  in  15th  cent.  e.g. — 4.  A 
town  in  J  udah,  named  only  in  iSam.30.28. 
Robinson  identified  it  at  the  ruin  'Ar'arah, 
12   miles  E.  of  Heer-sheba.  [c.r.c] 

Apo'epite.  Hotlian  the  Aroerite  was  the 
father  of  two  of  David's  captains  (iChr.  11. 44). 
[Aroer.] 

Apom'.  Thirty-two  "  sons  of  .Arom  "  were 
among  those  who  rcturiu'd  with  Zerubbabel 
(iEsd.5.i6).  I'rohaiily  a  mistake  for  Asom 
(iEsd.9.33  ;  cf.  Ezr. 10.33),  and  therefore  re- 
presenting Hasmtm  (I"zr.2.i9  ;   Ne.7.22). 

Appad'  or  Apphad'  (Is. 36.io. 37.13 ; 
Je.49.23),  a  city  in  Syria.  It  is  named  with 
Haniatii,  as  ccMiquorcd  by  .Assyrians  (2K.I8. 
34,19.13;  Is.10.9).  Now  7'W/  krfdd,  13  miles 
N.W.  of  Aleppo.  It  is  nf)ticcd  in  an  Amarna 
letter  (Berlin  158)  in  15th  cent.  B.C.  It  was 
attacked  by  Assyrians  in  806  and  754  B.C., 
and  fell  in  740  u.c.  [c.R.c] 


PLATE    III 


wwm 


^^ 


^^ 


ASSYRIAN   WAR-ENGINE. 
(From  Botta,  pi.  i6o.) 


ASSYRIAN  CHARIOT  WITH  QUIVERS. 


iff- 


,COAT  OF  MAIL 


A  "SHAYRETANA"  OF 

THE  GUARD. 
p.  60] 


BATTERING-RAM. 


ARPHAXAf) 

Apphaxad'  ('arpakJishadh). — 1.  Son  of 
Shem  and  ancestor  of  Eber(Gen. 10.22, 24,11.10). 
Schrader  has  suggested  that  the  word  means 
"the  coast  of  the  Chaldeans,"  and  Hommel  at 
one  time  regarded  it  as  being  an  Egyptianized 
form  of  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Ur-pa-Keshed). 
Ewald rendered  it  "the  strongholdof  the  Chal- 
dees," and  the  name  has  also  been  compared 
with  Arrapachitis  [Arrapkha)  in  N.  Assyria. — 
2.  A  king  "  who  reigned  over  the  Medes  in 
Ecbatana,  and  strengthened  the  city  by  vast 
fortifications"  (Jth.l.iff.).  He  is  often  iden- 
tified with  Deioces,  the  founder  of  Ecbatana 
(699-646  B.C.).  Niebuhr  has  suggested  As- 
tyages  (584-549  b.c),  which  would  suit  much 
better.  As,  however,  this  king  was  captured 
by  Cyrus,  he  could  not  have  been  put  to  death 
by  Nebuchadnezzar.  Both  identifications  are 
very  uncertain.  [t.g.p.] 

Appows.     [Arms.] 

Apsa'ces  VI.,  a  Parthian  king,  better 
known  as  Mithridates  I.  He  is  called  king  of 
Persia  and  Media  (iMac.14.2),  the  two  chief 
provinces  of  his  kingdom  giving  their  name  to 
the  whole.  His  general  defeated  the  army  of  De- 
metrius Nicator,  138  b.c,  captured  Demetrius, 
and  brought  him  to  Mithridates,  who  treated 
him  well,  but  kept  him  a  prisoner  till  his  own 
death,  130  e.g.  Arsaces  was  the  name  of  the 
first  Parthian  king,  but  was  assumed  by  all 
his   successors.  fc.D.J 

Apsapeth  (2Esd.i3.45),  explained  by 
Schiller  Szinessy  as  a  corruption  of  'erec 
'a/zt-rf//!,  "  another  land."   C/.  ver.  40.    [t.g.p.] 

Aptaxepxes  (Heb.  Ariakhshashtd.  Akh- 
aem.  Pers.  A  rtahshatrd ;  Ass.  Inscr.  A  rtahshaar, 
Artahsassu,  Artaksatsu  ;  fr.  Akhaem.  Pers. 
arta  ^[Skt.  fita"\,  Avest.  areta,  ereta,  "  high," 
"  true,"  and  khshntram,  "  sovereignty  "). 
There  is  only  one  king  of  this  name  mentioned 
in  the  Bible,  Artaxerxes  I.  (465-424  b.c), 
yiaKpdxeip  (Longimanus).  Ezr.  4.6-23  inclusive 
is  an  early  addition  to  the  book,  probably  a 
marginal  note  (Lord  A.  Hervey,  Expositor, 
July  1893),  just  as  Ezr. 2  is  extracted  from  Ne. 
7.6-73.  This  removes  the  difficulty  which  led 
Josephus  (11  Ant.  ii.  i,  2)  wrongly  to  identify 
Artaxerxes  in  Ezr. 4  with  Camtjyses.  Heng- 
stenberg,  Christologie,  ii.  143,  etc.;  Schrader 
(Riehm's  Handworterbuch,  s.v.) ;  Sayce,  Ezra, 
Nehemiah,  and  Esther ;  Oettli  (Strack  u. 
Zockler'sKgf.Komm).  [Persians.]   [w.st.ct.] 

Ap'temas,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul 
(Tit. 3. 12).  According  to  tradition  he  was 
bishop  of  Lystra. 

Apts.  The  Hebrews  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  naturally  an  artistic  people.  Most  of 
their  works  of  art  were  either  imported,  or 
made  by  foreign  workmen.  The  stern  spiritu- 
ality of  the  Heb.  religion,  however  far  the 
practice  fell  short,  and  the  forbidding  of 
"graven  images"  by  lawgiver  and  prophet, 
contributed  undoubtedly  to  repress  a  free 
development  of  art.  Yet  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  arts  in  themselves  were  recog- 
nized as  a  gift  of  the  Spirit  of  God  (Ex. 31. 1-6). 
The  period  of  the  judges  was  certainly  not 
favourable  to  the  growth  of  art.  Although  the 
architecture  of  the  Egyptians  and  the  Canaanites 
was  known  to  the  Israelites,  no  trace  of  build- 
ing on  any  scale  of  splendour  is  found  before 
the  period  of  the  monarchy,   and  then  it  is 


AsA 


61 


obviously  an  imported  art.  The  temple  and 
other  buildings  of  Solomon  were  Phoenician  in 
design,  and  partly  also  in  materials.  The 
decorations — e.g.  the  gold  and  ivory  plating, 
the  hollow  pillars  of  brass  ("  Jachin  and 
Boaz  ") — are  characteristically  Tyrian.  At  a 
later  period  the  prophets  allude  with  dis- 
approval to  the  growing  splendour  of  domestic 
Architecture  (Is. 5. 9  ;  Je.22.i4  ;  Am. 6. 4  ; 
Hag. 1.4).  Engineering  works  are  attributed  to 
several  of  the  kings,  notably  to  Uzziah  (2Chr. 
26),  Ahaz  (Is.22),  and  Hezekiah  (2K.2O.20). 
These  were  chiefly  concerned  with  fortification, 
and  the  conveyance  and  storage  of  water. 
Sculpture  was  mostly  of  foreign  importation — 
e.g.  the  lavers  in  Solomon's  temple  (iK.7.40) — 
though  apparently  native  artists  had  fashioned 
the  cherubim  for  the  tabernacle,  and  Aaron 
at  Sinai  had  shown  a  too-ready  skill  in  making 
the  golden  calf.  The  prophets  mention 
sculpture  to  denounce  it  as  connected  with 
idolatry.  Its  methods  are  graphically  de- 
scribedin  Is. 44. 12-17.  Cf.  the  imitation  of  this 
passage  in  Wis. 13. 10-16.  Painting  is  chiefly 
connected  in  O.T.  with  the  service  of  idols  or 
with  female  adornment  (see  2  K. 9. 30;  Ezk.8.10, 
23.14).  [Colours.]  The  contrast  which  the 
art  and  civilization  of  neighbouring  nations 
must  have  presented  to  the  simpler  life  of  the 
Hebrews  is  well  seen  in  such  passages  as  the 
famous  description  of  Tyre,  Ezk.27.  Camb. 
Companion  to  the  Bible  (1893),  art.  on  "The 
Arts,  Trade,  and  Commerce."  [a.r.w.] 

Apuboth'  (R.V.  Arubboth),  the  third 
of  Solomon's  districts  (1K.4.10).  It  in- 
cluded Sochoh,  and  Hepher  in  the  Hebron 
mountains,  and  was  probably  a  district 
named  from  Arab.  [c.r.c] 

Apumah',  a  place  apparently  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Shechem,  at  which  Abime- 
lech  resided  (Judg.9.41).  Perhaps  el  "Ormeh, 
6  miles  S.E.  of  Shechem.  [c.r.c] 

Apvad',  Apa'dus,  a  town  on  a  small 
rocky  island  off  the  coast  of  Phoenicia,  13 
miles  N.W.  of  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eleu- 
THERus.  The  Apvadites  were  Canaanites 
(Gen. 10.18),  and  great  sailors  (Ezk.27. 8, 11), 
allied  to  the  Tyrians.  It  is  mentioned  with 
Simyra  as  early  as  the  i6th  cent.  B.C.  as 
taken  by  Thothmes  III.  In  the  Amarna 
letters,  a  century  later,  the  ships  of  Ardda 
are  noticed  ;  they  joined  with  the  Amorites 
in  attacking  Tyre  (Berlin  51,  Brit.  Mus.  28, 
44)  ;  and  c.  1130  b.c  Tiglath-pileser  I.  em- 
barked on  a  ship  of  Arvad  to  hunt  dolphins. 
The  second  (or  third)  monarch  of  this  name, 
in  732,  received  tribute  from  Matab'al  of 
Arvad,  and  Sennacherib,  30  years  later,  from 
another  ruler  of  the  island.  Assur-bani-pal 
even  married  an  Arvadite  princess.  The 
island  is  now   called  er  Ruwdd.       [c.r.c] 

Apza',  prefect  of  the  palace  at  Tirzah  to 
Elah  king  of  Israel,  who  was  assassinated  at  a 
banquet  in  his  house  by  Zimri  (1K.I6.9).  In 
theTargum  of  Jonathan  the  name  is  taken  as 
that  of  an  idol,  and  in  the  Arab,  version  in  the 
London  Polyglot  the  last  clause  is  rendered 
"  which  belongs  to  the  idol  of  Beth-arza." 

Asa'  (?  healer). — 1.  Son  of  Abijah,  and  third 
king  of  Judah  (c.  927-886  b.c),  was  con- 
spicuous for  his  earnestness  in  supporting  the 
worshipof  God.     In  his  zeal  against  immor- 


fi2 


ASADlAS 


&lity  and  idolatrous  rites  he  did  not  spare  his 
grandmother  Maachah,  vvlio  occupied  the 
special  dignity  of  "  king's  mother,"  to  which 
great  importance  was  attached  in  the  Jewish 
court.  Asa  burnt  the  symbol  of  her  religion 
(rK.i5.13),  threw  its  ashes  into  the  brook 
Kidron,  and  then  deposed  Maachah  from  her 
dignity.  He  also  placed  in  the  temple  certain 
gifts  which  his  father  had  dedicated,  and  re- 
newed the  great  altar  which  the  idolatrous 
priests  apparently  had  desecrated  (aChr.lS.S). 
Besides  this,  he  fortified  cities  on  his  frontiers, 
and  raised  an  army,  amounting,  according  to 
2Chr.l4.8,  to  580,000  men,  perhaps  an  error 
in  figures.  Thus  Asa's  reign  marks  the  return 
of  Judah  to  a  consciousness  of  the  high  destiny 
to  which  God  had  called  her.  The  good 
effects  of  this  were  visible  in  the  enthusiastic 
resistance  offered  by  the  people  to  Zerah,  an 
invader  who  is  called  a  Cushite  or  Ethiopian. 
[Zerah.]  At  the  head  of  an  enormous  host 
("  a  thousand  thousand,"  the  expression  pro- 
bably meaning  only  that  the  host  was  too 
great  to  number),  he  attacked  Mareshah  or 
Marissa  in  the  S.W.  of  the  country,  near  the 
later  Eleutheropolis  (2Chr.l4.9).  There  he 
was  utterly  defeated,  and  driven  back  with 
immense  loss  to  Gerar.  The  peace  which  fol- 
lowed was  broken  by  the  attempt  of  Baasha 
of  Israel  to  fortify  Ramah  as  a  frontier  strong- 
hold (1K.I5.17).  To  stop  this  Asa  purchased 
the  help  of  Benhadad  I.,  king  of  Damascus,  by 
a  large  payment  of  treasure  taken  from  the 
temple  and  palace,  forced  Baasha  to  abandon 
his  purpose,  and  destroyed  the  works  which  he 
had  begun  at  Ramah.  The  "pit"  which  he 
sunk  at  Mizpeh  was  famous  in  Jeremiah's 
time  (41.9).  The  chronicler  tells  us  that  his 
alliance  with  Damascus  was  censured  by  the 
prophet  Hanani,  who  seems  even  to  have  ex- 
cited some  discontent  in  Jerusalem,  for  which 
he  was  imprisoned,  and  suffered  other  punish- 
ments (2Chr.l6.10).  In  his  old  age  Asa 
suffered  from  gout,  and  "  he  sought  not  to  the 
Lord,  but  to  the  physicians."  He  died  greatly 
loved  and  honoured. — 2.  Ancestor  of  Bere- 
chiah,  a  Levite  who  resided  in  one  of  the  vil- 
lages of  the  Netophathites  after  the  return 
from  Babylon  (iChr.9.i6). 

Asadi'as,  an  ancestor  of  Baruch  (Ba.l. 
i).  The  name  is  probably  the  same  as 
Hasadiah  (iChr.3.20). 

Asaer,  an  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.l.i) ;  per- 
haps the  same  as  J  aiizeel  or  J  ahziel,  one  of  the 
four  sons  of  Naphtali  (Gen. 46. 24  ;  iChr.7.13). 

Asahel'. — 1.  Nephewof  David  andyoungest 
son  of  his  sister  Zeruiah.  He  was  celebrated 
for  his  swiftness  of  foot,  a  gift  much  valued 
in  ancient  times,  and  was  one  of  David's  30 
heroes  (2Sam.23.24).  When  fighting  under  his 
brother  Joab  against  Ishbosheth's  army  at 
(iibeon,  he  pursued  Abner,  who,  after  vainly 
warning  him  to  desist,  was  obliged  to  kill  him 
in  self-defence  (2Sam.2.i8ff.).  [."XnNER.l — 2. 
One  of  the  Levites  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat, 
who  went  throughout  the  cities  of  Judah  to 
instruct  the  people  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law 
(2Chr.l7.8). — 3.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah,  who  had  charge  of  the  tithes  and  dedicated 
things  in  the  temple  imdcr  Cononiah  and 
Shimei  (2Chr.3i.13). — 4.  A  priest,  father  of 
Jonathan  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.lO.15). 


ASCENSION 

Asahi'ah,  a  servant  of  king  Josiah,  one  of 
those  sent  by  him  to  inquire  of  Jehovah  re- 
specting the  book  of  the  law  which  Hilkiah 
found  in  the  temple  (2K. 22. 12, 14  ;  Asaiah  in 
2Chr.34.20,  as  R.V.  in  both  passages). 

Asai'ah. — 1.  One  of  the  Simeonite  princes 
who  drove  out  the  Hamite  shepherds  from 
Gedor  (iChr.4.36). — 2.  A  Merarite  (iChr.6.30) 
who  took  part  in  bringing  the  ark  from  the 
house  of  Obed-edom  to  the  citv  of  David 
(iChr.l5.6,ii).— 3.  The  firstborn  of  "the 
Shilonites,"  who  with  his  family  dwelt  in 
Jerusalem  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
(iChr.9.5).  In  Ne.11.5  he  is  called  Maaseiah, 
and  his  descent  is  there  traced  from  Shiloni, 
explained  by  theTargum  of  R.  Joseph  on  iChr. 
as  a  patronymic  from  Shelah,  son  of  Judah, 
by  others  as  "  the  native  or  inhabitant  of 
Shiloh." — 4.  (2Chr.34.20.)     [AsAHiAn.] 

Asana'   (iEsd.5.31)  =  Asnah. 

Asaph'. — 1.  A  Levite  (iChr.6.39.15.17), 
to  whom  are  attributed  Ps.50  and  73-83;  one 
of  those  "  whom  David  set  over  the  service  of 
song  in  the  house  of  the  Lord"  (Ne.i2.46  ;  cf. 
iChr.6.31),  was  known  later  as  "  a  seer"  (2Chr. 
29.30).  After  him  were  named  "  the  singers, 
the  sons  of  .A.saph  "  (iChr.25.i  ;  2Chr.2O.14  ; 
Ezr.2.4r;  Ne.7.44). — 2.  Recorder  or  chronicler 
to  Hezekiah  and  father  of  Joah  (2K. 18. 18, 37  ; 
Is. 36. 3, 22). — 3.  The  keeper  of  the  king's 
forest  whom  Artaxerxes  ordered  to  supply 
Nehemiah  with  timber  (Ne.2.8). — 4.  Ancestor 
of  Mattaniah,  the  conductor  of  the  temple 
choir  after  the  return  from  Babylon  (iChr.9. 
15  ;  Ne.ll.17. — 5.  (iChr.26.i)  =  Abiasaph  ; 
cf.  A.V.  marg.  and  9.19.  [c.r.p.b.] 

Asapeel',  a  son  of  Jehaleleel  in  the  gene- 
alogies of  Judah'(iChr.4.i6). 

Asape'lah,sonof  Asaph,  head  of  the  seventh 
ward  of  the  Levite  musicians  who  were  set 
apart  by  David  to  "  prophesy  with  harps  and 
with  psalteries  and  with  cymbals  "  (iChr.25. 
2  ;  =  Jesharelah.  ver.  14). 

Ascalon.     [Ashkelon.] 

Ascension,  (i)  The  position  in  the  gospels 
of  the  Ascension  is  obscurer  than  might  have 
been  expected.  Whether  St.  Mark's  original 
ending  contained  it  cannot  be  certainly 
affirmed  or  denied.  St.  Matthew's  gospel 
"  cannot  be  fairly  said  to  omit  the  Ascension, 
for  it  does  not  carry  the  reader  so  far,  stopping 
short  with  the  meeting  in  Galilee"  (Swete, 
Apostles'  Creed,  p.  65).  St.  Luke  contains 
interpolations.  When  these  have  been  re- 
moved, the  text  runs :  "  And  it  came  to  pass 
while  He  blessed  them,  He  parted  from  them, 
and  was  carried  up  into  heaven"  (R.V.). 
Some  uncertainty  remains  about  the  last  six 
words.  Even  if  they  ought  to  be  omitted,  the 
apostles'  return  to  Jerusalem  "  with  great 
joy  "  seems  to  imply  Ascension — a  parting  from 
them  different  in  character  from  any  previous 
experiences  (cf.  Plummor  on  5.  Luke).  Westcott 
and  Hort  consider  that  the  Ascension  belongs 
rather  to  the  history  of  the  Church  than  to  the 
gospel,  and  therefore  begins  the  Acts  (Notes 
on  Select  Readings,  p.  73 ;  but  see  Chase  in 
Camh.  Tlieol.  [assays,  397,  midSyrn- Latin  Text  0/ 
Gospels,  p.  130).  On  the  other  hand,  the  pre- 
sent ending  of  St.  Mark,  which  "  belongs  at  the 
latest  to  the  earlier  sub-apostolic  age"  (Swete, 
Apostles'  Creed,  p.  66;  see  Conyheare, Expositor, 


ASCENSION 

Ser.  iv.  vol.  viii.  for  ascription  to  Aristion ; 
Nestle,  Textual  Crit.  Gk.  Test.  266),  contains  it 
in  the  plainest  terms.  The  Fourth  Gospel  con- 
tains significant  allusions  (Jn. 6. 62, 20. 17).  In 
the  epistles  see  Eph.4.8-io  ;  iTim.3.i6  ;  iPe.3. 
21,22.  The  analogy  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews 
suggests  visible  entrance  into  the  heavenly 
place.  Except,  however,  in  this  epistle,  the 
Ascension  is  not  assigned  great  doctrinal  pro- 
minence in  N.T.,  being  subordinated  to,  per- 
haps assumed  as  included  in,  the  Resurrection, 
of  which  it  is  the  sequel  and  consummation 
(but  cf.  Ac. 2. 34).  "  On  the  whole  it  may  be 
said  that  while  the  epistles  give  great  pro- 
minence to  the  thought  of  our  Lord's  exalta- 
tion, they  subordinate  the  process  by  which 
that  exaltation  was  achieved  ;  nevertheless, 
they  express  themselves  precisely  as  they 
would  do  if  the  fact  of  the  visible  Ascension 
were  tacitly  assumed  as  known  in  the  general 
first  principles  of  Christian  conviction"  (Our 
Lord's  Resurrection  [Oxford  Library],  p.  193). 

(2)  As  to  the  evidential  necessity  of  the 
Ascension,  a  distinction  must  be  drawn 
between  Christ's  spiritual  exaltation  and 
the  visible  process  of  withdrawal  from  the 
earth,  (i)  The  latter  was  not  necessary  for  His 
sake,  (ii)  but  for  the  disciples'  sake  it  was  very 
necessary  indeed,  as  terminating  the  period  of 
manifestation,  as  suggesting  transcendence  of 
earthly  conditions  and  exaltation  to  heavenly 
glory.  The  visible  Ascension  was  not  created 
by  belief  in  His  exaltation,  but  conversely, 
belief  in  the  latter  was  strengthened  by  sight 
of  the  former,  (iii)  It  was  not  only  necessary 
for  apostolic  faith,  it  is  necessary  still.  "  A 
gifted  critic  of  our  time  says  he  can  well 
imagine  that  many  minds  exist  of  such  a  type 
that  for  them,  at  any  rate,  a  physical  joturney 
up  through  clouds  is  a  necessary  medium  for 
belief  in  the  abstract  idea.  May  we  not  fairly 
ask  whether  in  this  case  it  is  not  also  conceiv- 
able that  the  Almighty,  Who  is  well  aware 
of  this  uncultivated  multitude  and  their 
profoundly  human  needs,  should  not  have 
provided  that  symbolic  medium  for  the  con- 
veyance of  the  idea  which  the  critic  himself 
acknowledges  to   be  necessary   for   them  ?  " 

(3)  The  difficulties  presented  to  modern  thought 
by  the  physical  Ascension  are  :  (i)  Its  relation 
to  the  laws  of  Nature.  How  could  a  natural 
body  defy  the  principle  of  gravitation  ?  But 
Christ's  Resurrection  Body  was  a  Body 
Spirituahzed,  of  Whose  capacities  and  hmita- 
tions  we  can  know  practically  nothing.  What 
the  apostles  saw  was  a  temporary  form  of  visible 
self-manifestation,  (ii)  Its  locahzation  of  the 
spiritual  world.  But  such  locahzation  is  a 
necessity  to  our  complex  existence.  While 
it  is  true  that  heaven  is  no  more  over  our 
heads  than  under  our  feet,  it  is  also  true  that 
our  half-material  state  necessitates  symbolical 
expressions  ;  nor  is  it  completely  adequate  to 
say  that  heaven  is  a  condition  rather  than  a 
place.  So  long  as  language  describes  the  dead 
as  the  departed  it  must  be  justifiable  to  re- 
present the  exalted  as  the  ascended.  We  are 
compelled  by  our  constitution  to  utterances 
not  necessarily  conforming  with  metaphysical 
exactness.  (4)  The  dogmatic  value  of  the 
Ascension,  as  expressing  Christ's  exaltation 
and     heavenly     priesthood.     This     we     owe 


ASHDOD 


63 


cliieily  to  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews.  The 
priestly  functions  of  Christ  are  discharged 
in  the  heavenly  sphere  (Heb. 9.24,10.12, 4.14 ; 
"passed  through  the  heavens").  Christ,  by 
His  sacrificial  death,  obtains  entrance  into  the 
Eternal  Sanctuary ;  that  entrance  being  the 
consummation  of  His  great  redemptive  act.  It 
is  an  abidingpresence  in  the  Eternal  Sanctuary, 
and  permanently  efifective.  Thus  the  Ascen- 
sion realizes  what  the  symbolism  of  the  Jewish 
sanctuary  shadowed  and  suggested.  For  St. 
Luke's  text,  cf.  Graefe  in  Studien  nnd  Kritiken 
for  1888  and  1896.  For  the  Ascension,  cf. 
B.  Weiss,  Life  of  Christ ;  Swete,  Appearances  ; 
Liddon,  sermon,  Our  Lord's  Ascension  the 
Church's  Gain  ;  Milligan,  Ascension  and 
Heavenly  Priesthood ;  Lacey.  The  Historic 
Christ,  pp.  i3r-i49.  [w.j.s.s.] 

Ase'as  (iEsd.9.32)  =  Ishijah. 

Asebebi'a  (iEsd.8.47),  called  Esebrias 
(ver.  54)  =  Sherebiah. 

Asebi'a  (iEsd.8.48),  called  Assanias  (ver. 
54)  =  Hashabiah,  7. 

Asenath  ('ds^'nath ;  ' Xaivved,  'Aaevid), 
daughter  of  Poti-pherah,  priest  of  On  (Gen.41. 
45,50),  wife  of  Joseph  and  mother  of  his  two 
sons,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim.  No  satisfactory 
explanation  has  been  given  of  this  Egyptian 
name.  The  last  syllable  has  been  connected 
with  the  name  of  the  goddess  Neith — "  she 
who  belongs  to  Neith  "  ;  but  Neith  is  not  a 
divinity  of  On.  Others  have  recognized  there 
the  name  Senit,  or  the  fem.  form,  Asenit,  of  the 
masc.  Asen.  [e.n.] 

A'sep. — 1.  (Tob.1.2) ;  probably  =  Haze r,  8. 
—2.   (Lu.2.36  ;    Rev.7.6)  ;  =  Asher. 

A'sepep  (iEsd.5.32)  =  Sisera,  2. 

Ash  (Heb.  'oren)  occurs  only  in  Is. 44. 14,  as 
one  of  the  trees  out  of  the  wood  of  which  idols 
were  carved.  It  is  impossible  to  determine 
what  tree  is  denoted  by  'or en.  The  LXX.  and 
the  Vulg.  understand  some  species  of  pine. 

Ashan',  a  city  in  the  low  country  of 
Judah  (Jos.15.42).  In  Jos.19.7  and  iChr.4. 
32  it  is  given  to  Simeon,  and  in  iChr.6.59 
mentioned  as  a  priests'  city  ;  it  stands  for 
AiN  in  Jos.21.i6.  The  notice  (Jos.19.7)  with 
Remmon  suggests  the  ruin  'Aseileh,  3^  miles 
from  Remmon.  [c."r.c.] 

Ashbe'a,  House  of,  a  proper  name,  but 
whether  of  a  person  or  place  is  uncertain 
(iChr.4.2i).  Possibly  the  Aramaic  form  for 
Sheba  (Jos.19.2).  The  family  made  fine 
linen.     [Sheba.]  [c.r.c] 

Ashbel',  second  son  of  Benjamin  and  an- 
cestor of  the  Ashbelites  (Gen. 46. 21  ;  Num. 
26.38  ;   iChr.8.1).      [Jediael,    I.] 

Ashchenaz'  (iChr.1.6  ;  Je.51.27)  =  Ash- 
kenaz,  as  R.V. 

Ashdod'  (fortified),  one  of  the  five  cities 
of  the  Philistine  princes.  It  is  now  the  mud 
village  Esdud,  on  S.  slope  of  a  great  sand- 
dune,  2i  miles  from  the  sea-shore,  and  8  miles 
N.E.  of  Ashkelon.  On  the  S.W.  a  fine  khan 
lies  in  ruins,  near  a  marsh  which  is  of  con- 
siderable size  in  spring.  Gardens  siu-round 
the  village.  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  409,  422.) 
In  later  times  it  is  called  Azotus  (iMac.5.68, 
10.84;  Ac.8.40).  Though  claimed  by  Judah 
(Jos.15.47),  it  remained  a  Philistine  town 
(iSam.6.17),  probably  till  the  time  of  Solomon. 
The  inhabitants  spoke  a  peculiar  dialect  even 


64 


ASHt)ODlTES 


in  Nehemiah's  time  (Ne.13.23,24).  Isaiah 
notices  its  capture  by  a  Tartau,  or  general, 
sent  by  Sargon  (20.i),  which  happened  in 
711  B.C.  A  "  remnant  "  of  its  old  population 
remained  in  607  b.c.  (Je.25.2o),  and  in  the 
early  part  of  the  8th  cent,  it  was  a  prosperous 
Philistine  town  (Am.l.8,3.9  ;  see  Zeph.2.4)  as 
well  as  c  530  B.C.  (Zech.9.6).  Judas  Macca- 
baeus  destroyed  its  idols  c.  162  b.c,  and  Simon 
his  brother  burned  its  temple  of  Dagon  in 
147  B.C.  The  monumental  notices  include  the 
capture  of  Ashdod  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  c. 
734  B.C.,  the  capture  by  Sargon  in  711,  and  by 
Sennacherib  in  702  b.c  The  latter  mentions 
Mitinti  as  its  king.  Mitinti  had  been  estab- 
lished after  the  defeat  of  Yavan,  an  usurper  of 
the  throne  of  Azuri  and  of  his  brother  Ahimiti, 
established  by  Sargon,  Yavan  being  betrayed 
by  the  Pharaoh  to  whom  he  fled.  A  Mitinti 
(in  734  B.C.)  was  also  king  of  Ashkelon.  In 
680  B.C.  Esar-haddon  received  tribute  from 
Ahimelek,  king  of  Ashdod.  [c.r.c] 

Ash'dodites,  the  inhabitants  of  Ashdod 
(Ne.4.7)  ;  called  Ashdothites  in  Jos.13.3. 

Ashdoth'-pisgrah'  (//if  streams  of  Pisgah  ; 
Deut. 3.17,4.49  ;  Jos.12.3,13.20),  the  stream 
immediately  N.  of  the  ridge  of  Nebo.  There 
are  two  springs  ('Ayiin  iMiisa)  noticed  by  St. 
Silvia  in  380  a.d.,  and  called  "  the  baths  of 
Moses  "  by  Antoninus  Martyr  c.  570  a.d.  One 
on  N.  flows  to  a  precipice  30  ft.  high,  and 
forms  a  waterfall  ;  about  100  ft.  farther  W., 
on  S.  of  this  stream,  a  second  spring  forms  a 
shallow  pool  8  ft.  across,  with  a  pebbly  bed, 
this  stream  joins  the  other,  which  accounts 
for  the  plur.  in  the  Heb.  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp. 
89-90.)      ^  [c.R.c] 

Ashep'  (in  Apoc.  and  N.T.,  Aser),  Jacob's 
eighth  son,  and  the  second  of  Zilpah,  Leah's 
maid.  He  was  named  "happy"  from  Leah's 
exclamation  at  his  birth  (Gen.30.12,13).  He  is 
recorded  to  have  had  four  sons  and  a  daughter 
(46.17;  iChr.7.30;  cf.  Num. 26. 44-47).  In  the 
wilderness,  under  I'agiel  (Num. 2.27),  the  tribe 
marched  on  the  N.  flank.  Its  numbers  in- 
creased (1.41,26.47),  but  it  was  not  one  of 
the  strongest  tribes.  The  surveyor  selected 
from  it  was  Ahihud  (34.27),  and  the  spy  was 
Sethur  (13. 13).  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob  we 
read,  "  Asher,  his  bread  shall  be  fat  "  (Gen. 
49.20,  R.V.  marg.)  ;  and  the  blessing  of  Moses, 
which  refers  to  the  meaning  of  the  name,  pre- 
dicts that  Asher  shall  "  dip  his  f(K)t  in  oil  " 
(Deut. 33.24),  no  doubt  in  allusion  to  the  olive 
groves  on  the  low  hills  of  the  assigned  lot. 
The  tribe  stood  on  Ebal  to  respond  to  the 
curses  of  the  law  (27.13).  Asher  did  not  join 
in  Barak's  revolt,  but  "  sat  still  at  the  haven 
of  the  sea,  and  abode  in  his  creeks  "  (K.V. 
Judg.5.17).  The  tribe  was  probably  weak, 
and  had  not  succeeded  in  conquering  the 
Phoenician  seaports  of  Accho,  Zidon,  etc.  (1. 
31).  It,  however,  aided  Ciideon  (6.35,7.23). 
It  formed  Solomon's  ninth  district  (iK.4.i6), 
but  is  omitted  from  the  account  of  David's 
census  (iChr. 27. 16-22),  though  the  warriors 
of  Asher  are  elsewhere  noticed  in  his  time 
(7.40,12.36).  Some  of  the  tribe  came  to 
Hezekiah's  passover  (2Chr.3O.11),  and  the 
name  occurs  in  Lzckiel  (48.2,3,34).  'n  N.T. 
the  projihetcss  Anna  is  mentioned  as  a  de- 
scendant of  Aser  (Lu. 2.36),  and  the  name  of 


ASHER 

the  tribe  appears  last  in  Rev.7.6.  The  Tribal 
Lot  included  some  300  square  miles  of  shore 
plains  and  low  hills  W.  of  Naphtali  (Jos.l9. 
34)  and  N.  of  Manasseh  (17. 10,11),  and  this 
included  fertile  and  well-watered  corn  lands, 
and  hills  fit  for  the  olive,  fig,  and  vine.  The 
W.  border  was  the  sea  "  to  Carmel  west- 
wards "  ( 19.26),  including  "  the  region  of 
AcHziB  "  (R.V.  ver.  29),  but  not  the  cities  of 
.^ccho,  Tyre,  Hosah,  and  Sidon,  held  by  the 
Canaanites.  Carmel  was  apparently  the  S. 
boundary  ;  for  though  Dor  belonged  to  Asher, 
it  was  held  by  iManasseh  (17.ii),  and  Josephus 
(5  Aiil.  i.  23)  includes  Dora  in  the  latter  tribe, 
and  speaks  of  Asher  as  holding  the  "  valley  " 
over  against  Sidon.  The  N.  border  was  pro- 
bably extended  after  David's  conquests  in 
Syria.  The  E.  border  marched  with  Naphtali 
and  with  Zebulun,  running  S.  to  Neiel,  and 
thence  W.  to  Bfth-dagon  (19.27).  Appar- 
ently the  shore  S.  of  Accho  was  claimed  by 
.A.sher  to  the  foot  of  the  Carmel  promontory, 
and  it  has  been  thought  that  the  "  haven  " 
(Judg.5.17,  R.V.)  of  Asher  was  the  later  town 
of  Haifa  (at  S.  end  of  the  bay  of  Accho), 
which  is  mentioned  in  the  Talmud  (Tal.  Bab. 
Sabbath  26  a).  [c.r.c] 

Ashep'  (Jos.17.7),  a  place  on  the 
border  of  Manasseh  mentioned  with  Mich- 
METHAH.  The  description  is  not  easily 
followed,  as  these  ancient  names  have  not 
survived.     The  LXX.   (Vat.   MS.)  has  quite 


another  reading  :  "  And  the  border  of  the 
sons  of  Manasseh  was  Delanath  [Sr]\ai>dff\ 
which  is  opposite  the  sons  of  Anath,  and 
placed    on   the  border  on  lamin  [Heb.    right 


hand,  or  S.]  and  lassib,  on  the  spring  Taph- 
thoth  "  (Heb.  En-tappuah).  Anath  may  be 
connected  with  Anuath  (Josephus,  3  Wars 
iii.  5),  on  the  border  of  Samaria,  placed  by  the 
Onomasttcon  15  Roman  miles  S.  of  Shechem ; 
now  the  spring  'Aina,  near  Borkeos  (Berqit), 
with  which  it  is  noticed.  The  site  of  lassib 
(representing  Heb.  Yashubi,  A.V.  inhabitants) 
would  thus  be  Ydsuf,  a  village  2  miles  N.W. 
of  Berqit.  It  has  a  fine  spring,  which  may 
be  the  En-tappuah,  or  "  spring  of  apples." 
This  line  agrees  with  the  situation  of  the 
river  Kanah,  near  Tappuah  (Jos.16.8),  for 
Wddy  Qdnct  rises  at  Yasuf.  It  also  agrees 
with  the  supposition  that  Michmethah  was 
the  Mukhnah  Plain.  The  name  Asher  does 
not  occur  anywhere  near.  [c.r.c] 

Ashepah',  and  plur.  Ashepim'  (three 
times  Asheroth),  the  original  word  retained  by 
R.V.,  which  A. v.,  following  LXX.  and  Vulg., 
translates  "  grove,  groves."  It  is  usually  de- 
fined by  the  article,  and  in  the  great  majority 
of  the  passages  it  evidently  denotes  a  wooden 
stake  or  pole,  erected  in  the  vicinity  of  an  altar, 
and  often  occurs  in  conjunction  with  a  stone 
pillar  or  obelisk  (niacfebhd).  It  was  a  feature  of 
the  Canaanite  worship,  which  the  Israelites 
were  commanded  to  uproot  (Ex.34. 13  ;  Deut. 
16.21 ;  Judg.6.25),  but  to  which  they  largely 
conformed  (2K. 17.10  ;  Is. 27. 9;  Mi.5.14),  even 
in  connexion  with  the  temple  at  Jerusalem 
(2K.23.6).  What  was  its  original  intention  is 
not  clear,  whether  merely  to  indicate  a  sacred 
locaUty,  or  more  probably  to  be  a  symbol  of 
the  deity  that  was  worshipped,  as,  e.g.,  in 
Judg.6.25,  where  one  is  found  beside  an  altar 
of  Baal.  Some  have  supposed  that  there  was 
a  Canaanite  goddess  Ashera,  of  which  the  post 
was  the  symbol ;  and  some  countenance  is 
given  to  this  by  the  manner  in  which  later 
writers,  recognizing  the  idolatrous  nature  of 
the  object,  speak  of  it  (2K.2I.7  ;  cf.  ver.  3,23.7) 
as  of  an  idol.  The  inscriptions  and  monuments 
can  scarcely  be  said  to  give  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  existence  of  a  goddess  so  named.  Ash- 
toreth  is  spelled  differently.  [j-R-] 

Ash'epites,  descendants  of  Asher,  and 
members  of  his  tribe  (Judg.l.32). 

Ashes.  The  ashes  on  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering  were  gathered  into  a  cavity  in  its  sur- 
face. On  the  days  of  the  three  solemn  festi- 
vals they  were  not  removed  until  the  next 
morning,  the  priests  casting  lots  for  the  office. 
The  ashes  of  a  red  heifer  burnt  entire,  accord- 
ing to  regulations  prescribed  in  Num.19,  had 
the  ceremonial  efficacy  of  purifying  the  un- 
clean (Heb. 9.13),  but  of  polluting  the  clean. 
[Sacrifice.]  Ashes  about  the  person,  especi- 
ally on  the  head,  were  used  as  a  sign  of  sorrow. 
[Mourning.] 

Ashima',  a  deity  whose  worship  was  in- 
troduced into  Samaria  by  the  Hamathite 
colonists  whom  the  Assyrian  king  settled  there 
(2 K. 17.30).  Nothing  further  is  known  about 
the  name.  [a.h.s.] 

Ashkelon',  Askelon',  Ascalon',  one 
of  the  five  cities  of  the  Philistine  lords,  now 
the  ruined  fortress  'Asqaldn  on  low  cliffs  with 
a  small  port,  between  Ashdod  and  Gaza  ; 
inhabited  by  Eshkalonites  (J0S.I3.3).  It 
is  not  mentioned  as  belonging  to  Judah  (see 
Jos.15.45-47)  even  in  Judges  (I.18),  according 


ASHTEBOTH  KAENAIM 


65 


to  the  LXX.^  reading^"  took  not,"  which 
agrees  with  ver.  19.  It  was  a  Philistine  city 
in  the  time  of  Samson  (Judg.i4.19),  and  of 
Samuel  (iSam.6.17)  and  David  (2Sam.l.2o). 
It  still  had  a  Philistine  king  in  6th^cent.  b.c. 
(Je.25.2o;  Am.1.8  :  see  Zeph. 2.4,7 ;  Zech.9.5). 
It  surrendered  to  Jonathan  the  Hasmonaean  in 
147  B.C.  (iMac.l0.86,11.6o).  The  Jerusalem 
Talmud  [Shebiith  vi.  i)  places  it  just  outside 
Judaea.  Herod  the  Great  adorned  the  city 
(i  Wars  xxi.  11),  which  continued  to  be 
famous  down  to  1192  a.d.,  when  the  walls, 
rebuilt  by  Richard  Lionheart,  were  destroyed 
by  Saladin.  They  still  lie  in  ruins ;  the 
interior  is  covered  partly  with  sand,  partly 
with  gardens.  The  lake  of  the  Philistine 
goddess  Derceto  (Diodorus  Sic.  ii.  i)  was 
probably  at  El  Jurah  (the  hollow),  just  N. 
of  the  walls.  Semitic  rulers  of  Askaluna  are 
noticed  in  the  Amama  tablets  as  subject  to 
Egypt  c.  1480  B.C.,  but  the  place  was 
taken  by  the  'Abiri,  or  gave  tribute  (Berlin 
103,  119,  121,  122,  129  ;  Brit.  Mus.  52,  53,  54, 
74).  It  was  recaptured  about  150  years  later 
by  Ramses  II.  In  734  e.g.  Mitinti  of  Ash- 
kelon rebelled  against  Tiglath-pileser  III., 
but  died,  leaving  a  son,  Rukibti,  who  sub- 
mitted to  Assyria.  In  702  e.g.  Sermacherib 
took  the  city,  and  sent  its  king  Zidka  with  his 
family  prisoners  to  Assyria,  establishing  Sar- 
ludari,  son  of  Rukibti,  in  his  stead.  A  seal 
found  near  Ascalon  represents  a  man-fish. 
The  kings  of  the  15th  cent.  e.g.  bore  the  names 
Dagon-takala,  and  Yamir-Dagon,  showing  the 
worship  of  this  god  by  a  Semitic  race. 
[Dagon.]  [g.r.c.] 

Ashkenaz',  eldest  son  of  Gomer  (Gen. 10. 
3).  In  Je.51.27  Ashchenaz  is  coupled  with 
Axarat  and  Minni.  Hence  the  name  has  been 
identified  with  that  of  the  Asguza  (identified 
by  Wincklerwith  the  classical  Scythians),  who 
together  with  the  Medes  and  Cimmerians  (or 
Gomer)  attacked  Assyria  in  the  reign  of  Esar- 
haddon.  Others  see  in  it  the  Askaeni  of  lake 
Ascanius  in  Asia  Minor.  [a.h.s.] 

Ashnah',  the  name  of  two  cities,  both  in 
the  sh'pheld  of  Judah  :  (i)  named  between 
Zoreah  and  Zanoah  (Jos. 15. 33)  ;  and  (2) 
between  Jiphtah  and  Nezib  (Jos. 15. 43). 
Neither  of  the  two  is  known.  [g.r.c] 

Ashpenaz',  the  master  of  the  eunuchs  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.1.3). 

Ashpiel',  properly  Asriel'  (iChr.7.14). 

Ashtapoth.     [Ashteroth  Karnaim.] 

Ashte'pathite,  an  inhabitant  of  Ashta- 
roth.  Uzzia  the  Ashterathite  was  one  of 
David's  mighty  men  (1Chr.ll.44). 

Ashtepoth'  Kapna'lm  {the  horned  Ash- 
toreths),  one  of  the  two  capitals  of  Og,  king 
of  Bashan,  a  city  of  Rephaim  ("  giants  ")  in 
Abraham's  time  (Gen.14.5),  otherwise  Ashta- 
roth  only  (Deut. 1.4;  Jos.9.io,12.4)  ;  given  to 
Manasseh  (Jos.i3.31),  and  to  the  Levites  (iChr. 
6.71).  It  is  called  later  Carnaim,  or  Carnion 
(iMac.5.26;  2Mac.l2.2i,26),  and  was  near  a 
"  brook,"  having  a  temple  which  J  udas  Macca- 
baeus  destroyed  (iMac.5.42-44).  Eusebius 
{Onomasttcon)  places  it  6  Roman  miles  from 
Edrei,  but  the  passage  is  corrupt  in  the  Gk. — 
probably  16  is  the  proper  reading.  Now 
the  ruined  town,  Tell  'Ashtarah,  16  miles  W. 
of  Edrei.     The  site  stands  80  ft.  above  the 


ao 


ASHTORETH 


plain,  and  remains  of  fortifications  are  trace- 
able. It  is  well  watered  by  a  fine  "  brook," 
running  S.  on  its  W.  (Schumacher,  Across  the 
Jordan,  p.  209).  It  was  evidently  named  from 
a  temple  of  Ashtoreth  (Atergatis,  2Mac.i2.26). 
In  the  Amarna  tablets  of  15th  cent.  B.C.  it  is 
called  'Astarti  (Brit.  Mus.  43,  64),  and  is  con- 
nected with  seven  cities,  all  of  which  retain 
their  names  in  the  same  district.  It  appears 
as  'Astaratu  in  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No. 
28)  a  century  earlier.  [c.r.c] 

Ashtoreth,  the  chief  female  divinity  of 
the  Canaanites  and  the  counterpart  of  Baal. 
As  there  were  many  forms  of  Baal,  there  were 
correspondingly  many  forms  of  Ashtoreth, 
collectively  spoken  of  as  Ashtaroth  (Judg.lO. 
6;  iSam.7.4).  Originally  Ashtoreth  had  been 
derived  from  Babylonia,  where  she  was  called 
Istar  and  identified  with  the  evening  star. 
When  the  identity  of  the  evening  and  morning 
stars  became  known,  the  morning  star  also  was 
identified  with  her,  and  she  was  described  as 
androgynous,  both  male  and  female.  In 
Canaan,  however,  her  male  and  female  attri- 
butes were  divided  ;  the  female  Istar  was  pro- 
vided with  the  feminine  suffix  (th)  and  in  time 
identified  with  the  moon  (which  was  a  male 
deity  among  the  Babylonians),  while  the  male 
Istar  survived  among  the  Moabites,  'Ashtar  on 
the  Moabite  Stone  being  identified  with  the  god 
Chemosh.  In  South  Arabia,  too,  we  find 
'Athtar  (for  'Ashtar)  without  the  feminine 
suffix.  In  Babylonia  and  Assyria  Istar  was 
the  virgin  goddess  of  war  and  love,  in  whose 
honour  prostitution  was  practised.  Doves 
were  sacred  to  her,  and  in  later  times  the 
Syrians  united  her  name  with  that  of  the  god- 
dess 'Ati,  whence  the  classical  Atargatis.  The 
Phoenician  colonists  in  Cyprus  carried  the  wor- 
ship of  Ashtoreth  to  Cyprus,  where  a  temple 
was  erected  to  her  at  Paphos,  and  she  was 
adored  under  the  form  of  a  conical  stone.  As 
Aphrodite  her  name  and  cult  passed  to  the 
Greeks,  who,  however,  in  the  classical  age  more 
correctly  transcribed  the  name  Astarte.  Ash- 
toreth must  be  distinguished  from  Asherah, 
another  Canaanite  goddess  of  Babylonian 
origin.     [See  Plate  XIV.]  [a.h.s.] 

Ashup',  the  posthumous  son  of  Hezron  by 
his  wife  Al)iah  ( iChr.2.24,4.5).  He  became 
"  father  "  or  founder  of  the  town  of  Tekoa. 

Ashupites.  In  2Sam.2.()  Abner  made 
Ishbosheth,  the  son  of  Saul,  king  over  Gilead, 
the  Ashuritcs,  Jezrcel,  Kphraini,  Benjamin,  and 
'■  over  all  Israel."  For  Ashiiriles  the  Svr.  and 
\'ulg.  read  "  Cieshurites."  (ieshur  was,  however, 
an  independent  kingdom  at  this  time  (2Sam.3. 
3,13.37).  Perhaps  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  is 
right  in  rendering  the  word  '"  the  house  of 
Asher."  The  Asherites  would  then  include  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  W.  of  Jordan  and  N. 
iif  (  armcl.     [.Ashek.]  [f-J-f--J-] 

Ashvath',  one  of  the  sons  of  Japhlet,  of 
the  tribe  of  Asher  (iChr.7.33). 

Asia.  The  passages  in  N.T.  where  this 
word  occurs,  are:  Ac. 2.9,6.0,16. 6, 19.10,22, 26, 
27,20.4,16,18,21.27.27.2;  iC()r.l6. 19;  2Cor.l.8; 
2Tim.l.i5;  iPe.l.i;  Kcv.l.4,11.  [Chief  of 
Asia  :  see  Asiarciiae.]  In  all  these  it  may  be 
confidently  stated  that  the  word  is  used,  not 
for  "  the  continent  of  Asia,"  nor  for  what  we 
commonly  understand  by  "  Asia  Minor,"  but 


ASNAPPER 

for  a  Roman  province  which  embraced  the  W. 
of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  with  Ephesus 
as  its  capital.  This  province  originated  in 
the  bequest  of  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus 
(or  Asia),  who  left  to  the  Roman  Republic  his 
hereditary  dominions  in  the  W.  of  the  penin- 
sula (133  B.C.).  In  the  division  made  by 
Augustus  of  senatorial  and  imperial  provinces, 
it  was  placed  in  the  former  class,  and  was 
governed  by  a  proconsul.  It  contained  many 
important  cities,  including  the  seven  churches 
of  the  Apocalypse,  and  was  divided  into  assize 
districts  for  judicial  business  (Ac. 19. 38).  It 
included  the  territory  anciently  subdivided 
into  Aeolis,  Ionia,  and  Doris,  and  afterwards 
into  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria.  The  title 
"  king  of  Asia  "  was  used  by  the  Seleucid 
monarchs  of  Antioch  (1Mac.ll.13). 

Asiarchae(Ac.l9.3i  ;  chiefs  of  Asia).  The 
Asiarch  was  the  president  of  the  confederation 
of  the  cities  of  the  province  of  Asia  (to  koivov  ttj^ 
Acrias).  The  duties  included  the  superintend- 
ence of  a  great  festival  and  games,  defraying 
most  of  the  expenses  ;  thus  the  office  was  limited 
to  wealthy  men.  Past  presidents  retained  the 
title.  It  was  also  assumed  by  the  high-priests 
of  the  worship  of  Rome  and  of  the  emperor  at 
Ephesus,  and  probably  in  other  cities.  The 
correctness  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  Acts 
is  now  confirmed  by  monumental  evidence. 
Nicol,  Recent  Archaeol.  of  Bible,  p.  313.  [h.s.] 

Asibi  as  (iKsd.9.26)  =  Malchijah,  3. 

Asiel'. — 1.  A  Simconite  whose  descend- 
ant Jehu  represented  the  family  in  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah  (iChr.4.35). — 2.  One  of  the  five 
swift  writers  whom  Ezra  was  commanded  to 
take  to  re-write  the  law  and  the  history  of  the 
world  (2Esd.i4.24). 

As  ipha  (iEsd.5.29)  =  Hasupha. 

Askelon.     [Ashkelon.] 

Asmodeus  (R.V.  Asmodaeiis;  LXX.  [A], 
'Afffj-odaios;  in  Rabbinical  Hcb.  Ashmedai),  in 
Rabbinical  theology  the  king  (as  Lilith  [Owl] 
is  the  queen)  of  that  inferior  order  of  demons 
which  originated,  according  to  one  account, 
from  the  intercourse  of  fallen  angels  with  Eve, 
or,  according  to  another  account,  with  "  the 
daughters  of  men  "  of  Gen. 6.  These  demons 
were  supposed  to  be  semi-corporeal,  of  both 
sexes,  and,  though  long-lived,  mortal.  [De- 
mon.] In  Tobit,  Asmodeus  appears  as  the 
demon  lover  of  Sara,  daughter  of  Raguel. 
He  slays  her  seven  successive  husbands  on 
their  wedding-night,  and  is  finally  put  to 
flight  by  Tobias  with  the  assistance  of  the 
angel  Raphael,  who  binds  the  demon  in  the 
uppermost  parts  of  Egypt  (Tob. 3. 8, 17, 6.7, 13- 
17,7.11-8.15).  Some  identify  Asmodeus  with 
the  Persian  e\il  angel  .Aeshma  Daeva.  More 
probably  the  name  is  Heb.,  signifying  "  des- 
troyer," from  shdmadh,  "  to  destroy"  (c/.  "  the 
destroyer,"  Wis. 18. 25,  and  Apollyon,  Rev. 9. 
11).     [Abaddon.]  [c.h.] 

Asnah'.  The  children  of  Asnah  were 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2.30).  In  the  list  of  Ne.7..')2  the  name  is 
omitted,  and  in  il{s(1.5.3i  written  Asana. 

Asnappep'  (Ezr.4.io),  described  as  "  the 
great  and  noble."  He  has  been  variously 
identified  with  Shalmaneser,  Sennacherib,  and 
Esar-haddon.  As,  however,  he  is  mentioned 
as  the  personage  who  settled  the  Dinaites,  the 


ASOM 

Archevites  (people  of  Erech),  the  Babylon- 
ians, the  Susanchites  (Susanians),  the  Dehav- 
ites,  and  the  Elamites  in  Samaria,  the  general 
opinion  now  is  that  Assur-bani-apli  (Assur- 
bani-pal),  being  the  only  ruler  who  could  have 
moved  the  Babylonians  and  the  Elamites  to  a 
distance  at  that  period,  is  the  prince  intended. 
Assur-bani-apli  was  the  eldest  son  of  Esar- 
haddon,  and  ascended  the  throne  of  Assyria 
in  668  B.C.,  §amas-sum-ukin  (Saosduchinos), 
his  brother,  assuming  the  sovereignty  of  Baby- 
lonia. His  armies  made  two  expeditions  to 
Egypt,  with  varying  success  ;  besieged  Tyre, 
and  brought  it,  with  the  neighbouring  districts, 
into  subjection.  Lydia  and  the  Vannites  were 
also  conquered.  Later,  he  repulsed  the  in- 
vasion of  Urtak,  king  of  Elam,  and  afterwards 
carried  the  struggle  into  the  enemy's  country, 
routing  the  army  of  Te-umman,  Urtak's  suc- 
cessor, and  placing  Umman-igas  on  the  throne. 
He  also  defeated  the  combined  forces  of  the 
Babylonians,  Elamites,  and  Arabians,  and  an- 
nexed Babylonia  to  Assyria,  his  "  rebellious 
brother  "  setting  fire  to  his  palace,  and  perish- 
ing in  the  flames.  Elam  was  again  subjugated 
under  king  Umman-khaldas,  who,  having  been 
captured,  was  brought  to  Nineveh  and  com- 
pelled, with  other  captive  princes,  to  drag  his 
chariot  to  the  temple  called  E-masmas. 
Assur-bani-apli  thus  appears  as  a  conqueroi 
in  some  of  the  districts  where  Asnapper  would 
seem  to  have  held  sway,  and  his  sculptures 
represent  him  as  having  a  presence  which 
could  be  described  as  noble.  He  was  one  of 
Assyria's  greatest  rulers,  and  probably  also 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  time.  The 
R.V.  has  Osnappar.  but  in  view  of  the  identi- 
fication, Asenapar  is  probably  the  pronuncia- 
tion intended  (-4s  =  A  ssur  ;  ena  =  bani ;  par  = 
pal,  the  late  pronunciation  for  dpi  or  dpli). 
See  G.  Smith,  History  of  A  ssur -bant -pal  (1871) ; 
S.    A.    Smith,    KeilschrUtteste    Assurbanipals 

(1887).  [T.G.P.] 

Asom'  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Hashum,  i. 

Asp  (pethen).  The  Heb.  word  occurs  in 
six  passages  :  Deut.32.33  ;  Job  20.14,16  ;  Ps.58. 
5,91.13  ;  Is.11.8.     It  is  translated  in  Ps.  adder 


ASS 


67 


THE  EGYPTIAN  COBRA   (A 


in  the  text  of  A.V.,  and  asp  in  the  margin  ;  else- 
where the  text  of  A.V.  has  asp  as  the  equiva- 
lent of  pethen.  That  some  kind  of  venomous 
serpent  is  denoted  is  clear  from  the  above  pas- 


sages ;  while  from  Ps.58. 5  we  see  that  pethen 
was  a  snake  upon  which  the  serpent-charmers 
practised.  The  wicked  are  there  compared  to 
"  the  deaf  adder  that  stoppeth  her  ear,  which 
will  not  hearken  to  the  voice  of  charmers,  charm- 
ing never  so  wisely  "  ;  and  from  Is.11.8,  "  the 
sucking  child  shall  play  on  the  hole  of  the  asp," 
it  would  appear  that  the  pethen  dwelt  in  holes 
of  walls,  etc.  The  explanation  of  Ps.58. 5  is 
that  there  are  certain  serpents  which  defy  all 
attempts  of  the  charmer  ;  and  in  this  sense 
may  be  termed  deaf.  [Snake-charming.] 
Since  the  cobra  (Naia  haie),  which  infests  old 
buildings  and  ranges  from  Egypt  to  India,  is 
the  species  upon  which  snake-charmers  chiefly 
exercise  their  skill,  it  has  the  best  claim  to  repre- 
sent the  pethen.  Cobras  do  not  belong  to  the 
viper  tribe  (Viperidae),  but  to  the  Coliibridae, 
which  includes  the  harmless  British  grass- 
snake,  [r.l.] 

Aspal'athus,  mentioned  as  some  sweet  per- 
fume in  Ecclus.24.15.  Theophrastus  includes 
it  with  cinnamon,  cassia,  and  many  other  articles 
as  used  for  ointments.  The  Lignum  rhodianum 
is  by  some  supposed  to  be  the  substance  indica- 
ted by  the  aspalathus.  The  plant  which  yields  it 
is  the  Convolvulus  scoparius  of  Linnaeus.  Pliny 
says  :  "  In  the  same  tract  [Egypt,  Cyprus] 
groweth  Aspalathus  :  a  white  thornie  shrub  it 
is  of  the  bignesse  of  a  small  tree,  and  beareth  a 
flower  resembling  a  rose.  The  root  of  it  is  in 
request  for  the  making  of  sweet  perfumes  and 
ointments  .  .  .  Some  call  it  Erisisceptrum,  and 
others  Sceptrum.  The  good  Aspalathus  is  red 
or  rather  of  a  fiery  colour,  massie  and  heavie  in 
hand,  with  a  smell  of  Castoreum.  It  is  sold 
for  fifteene  deniers  the  pound."  (Holland's 
translation,  1601,  xii.  24.)  [h.c.h.] 

Aspatha',  third  son  of  Haman  (Esth.9.7). 

As'phap,  the  pool  in  the  "  wilderness  of 
Thecoe  "  (iMac.9.33).  There  is  a  well  called 
Z'aferdn  3  miles  S.  of  Tekoa.  [c.r.c] 

Aspha'pasus  (iEsd.5.8)  =  Mispereth. 

Aspiel',  son  of  Gilead  and  great-grandson 
of  Manasseh  (Num.26. 31  ;  Jos. 17. 2);  the 
founder  of  the  family  of  the  Aspielites.  The 
name  is  erroneously  written  Ashriel  in  A.V. 
of  iChr.7.14.  According  to  the  LXX.,  he  was 
son  of  Manasseh  by  his  Syrian  concubine. 

Ass.  Five  Heb.  names  referring  to  various 
kinds  of  asses  occur  in  O.T.  (i)  hdmor  de- 
notes the  male  domesticated  ass,  though  the 
word  was  no  doubt  used  to  express  any  ass. 
The  ass  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
and  was  used  for  burdens,  for  riding,  plough- 
ing, and  grinding  at  the  mill.  Jews  of  high 
rank  rode  on  asses  ;  and  in  this  manner  our 
Lord  made  His  entry  into  Jerusalem  (Mt.21. 
2),  fulfilling  the  prophecy  of  Zech.9.g.  He 
came  "  meek  and  lowly,"  but  it  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  the  fact  of  His  riding  on 
an  ass  had  aught  to  do  with  this  meekness, 
although  doubtless  meant  to  show  the  peace- 
able nature  of  His  kingdom,  as  horses  were 
used  for  war  purposes.  White  asses  (see  Judg. 
5.10)  are  still  used  in  Palestine  and  Egypt 
for  riding,  and  Baghdad  is  famous  for  a  much- 
esteemed  breed.  In  Deut.22.io  "plowing 
with  an  ox  and  an  ass  together  "  was  for- 
bidden by  Moses,  probably  because  they  could 
not  pull  evenly  together  ;  perhaps  also  this 
prohibition  may  have  some  reference  to  the 


6& 


ASSABIAS 


law  given  in  Lev. 19. 19.  The  ass  was  not 
used  for  food,  the  Mosaic  law  considering 
it  unclean,  as  "  not  dividing  the  hoof  and 
chewing  the  cud."  In  extreme  cases,  how- 
ever, as  in  the  famine  of  Samaria,  when  "  an 
ass's  head  was  sold  for  eighty  pieces  of  silver  " 
(2K.6.25),  the  flesh  was  eaten.  The  state- 
ment that  it  chews  the  cud  is  incorrect.  (2) 
'dthon,  the  domesticated  she-ass.  Balaam 
rode  on  a  she-ass  ;  the  asses  of  Kish  which 
Saul  sought  were  she-asses  ;  and  the  Shunam- 
mite  (2  K. 4.22, 24)  rode  on  one  when  she  went 
to  seek  Elisha.  She-asses  formed  the  care  of 
one  of  David's  officers  (iChr.27.30).  (3)  'ir, 
the  name  of  a  young  ass,  which  occurs  Gen. 32. 
15.49.11  ;  Judg.10.4, 12.14;  Job  11.12  ;  Is.30.6, 
24 ;  Zech.9.9.  Sometimes  'ir  is  used  for 
asses  old  enough  for  riding,  carrying  burdens, 
and  ploughing.  {4)  pere',  a  wild  ass  mentioned 
Gen.l2.i6;  Ps.l04.ii;  Job 6.5,11.12,24.5,39.5  ; 
Ho.8.9;  Je.2.24,14.6;  Is.32.14.  Hosea  com- 
pares Israel  to  a  wild  ass  of  the  desert,  and  Job 
(39.5)  gives  a  vivid  description  of  this  animal. 
(5)  'drodh  occurs  in  Job 39.5  ;  but  in  what 
respect  the  animal  indicated  differs  from  pere' 
is  uncertain.  Two  entirely  distinct  types  of 
wild  ass  were  probably  known  to  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  Palestine :  first,  the  Nubian 
wild  ass  (Equiis  asinus  africaniis),  a  tall,  long- 
eared,  grey  animal,  which  (or  its  near  relative 
the  Somali  wild  ass,  E.  a.  somaliensis)  is  the 
ancestor  of  the  domesticated  breeds  ;  second, 
the  Syrian  onager  {E.  onager  hemippus),  a 
smaller,  redder,  and  shorter-eared  animal, 
connecting  the  African  asses  in  some  measure 
with  the  horse.  Other  races  of  the  onager,  or 
ghor-khar,  are  found  in  Persia  and  N.W. 
India.  The  wild  ass  of  Scripture  is  doubtless 
the  onager,  which  inhabits  desert  tracts  in 
herds  of  considerable  size,  and  is  noted  for  its 
fleetness.  [r.l.] 

Assabi'as  (iEsd.l.9)  —  Hasiiabiah,  6. 

Assal  imoth  (iEsd.8.36)  =Shelomith,  6. 

Assani'as    (il-"s(1.8.54)  =  Hashariah,  8. 


ASSOS 

Asshup.     [Assyria.] 

Asshupim'  (plur.  form),  an  Arab  tribe  des- 
cended from  Abraham  and  Keturah  ;  the  three 
"sons"  of  Dcdan,  being  Asshurim,  Letushim, 
and   Lcummim  (Gen. 25. 3).  [f.J.f.-j.] 

Asside'ans  (K.V.  Hasidaeans),  i.e.  the 
pious,  a  Jcwisii  party,  not  identical  (in  spite  of 
2Mac.l4.6)  with  the  followers  of  the  Hasmo- 
I  naeans,  which  arose  in  opposition  to  the  efforts 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  168  b.c,  to  Hellenize 
Judaism.  Indifferent  to  national  independence, 
the  Assideans  aimed  solely  at  religious  freedom 
and  the  preservation  of  the  national  faith. 
Thus  they  supported  Mattathias,  168-166  B.C. 
(iMac.2.42).  But  when,  162  B.C.,  they  had  in 
Alcimus  "  apriest  of  theseed  of  Aaron  "  (7.13), 
they  acquiesced  in  the  Syrian  domination. 
'  As  the  Macrabaean  struggle  became  political 
rather  than  religious,  the  Assideans  fell  into 
the  background,  to  reappear  under  John  Hyr- 
[  canus  (135-104  B.C.)  as  the  Pharisees,     [c.d.] 

Assip'. — 1.  Son  of  Korah  (Ex. 6. 24  ;    iChr. 

6.22). — 2.  Son  of  Ebiasaph  (iChr.6.23,37)."^ 

3.  Son  of  Jeconiah  (iChr.3.17),  unless  "  Je- 

coniah  the  captive  "   (R.V.)  be  correct. 

I      As'sos  or  As'sus,  a  seaport  of  the  Roman 

[  province   of  Asia,   in   the   district   anciently 

called  Mysia.     It  was  situated  on  the  N.  shore 

of  the  gulf  of  Adramvttium,  and  was  only 

i  about   7    miles    from    the   opposite   coast    of 

Lesbos,    near    Methymna.     A    good    Roman 

road,  connecting  the  towns  of  the  central  parts 

of     the     province     with     Alexandria     Troas 

[Troas]  passed  through  Assos,  the  distance 

between  the  two  latter  places  being  about  20 

miles.       These    points    illustrate    St.    Paul's 

rapid  passage  through  the  town  (Ac. 20. 13, 14). 

I  The  ship  in  which  he  was  to  voyage  from 

Troas  to  Caesarea  vsent  round  Cape  Lectum, 

!  while  he  took  the  much  shorter  journey  by 

'  land.     Thus   he   was   able   to   join   the   ship 

1  without   difficulty,   and   in  sufficient   time  to 

j  anchor  off  Mitylene  at  the  close  of  the  day  on 

which  he  had  left  Troas. 


ASSTTERUS 

Assue'pus  (Tob.l't.15)  =  Ahasuerus. 
Assup'.— 1.    (Ezr.4.2  ;      Ps.83.8  ;     2Esd.2. 
8;   Judg.2.14,  etc.)  —  Assyria. — 2.  (iEsd.5. 
31)  =  Harhur. 

Assurance.  The  words  "  assurance " 
and  "  full  assurance,"  which  occur  in  A.V.  as 
a  translation  of  Tr\r]po<pof)ia  in  Col. 2. 2,  iTh.l.5, 
Heb.6.ii,10.22,  can  scarcely  be  appealed  to  in 
support  of  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  "  assur- 
ance," by  which  is  meant  a  supposed  inward 
conviction  of  the  individual  believer  that  his 
personal  salvation  is  assured.  The  Gk.  word 
means  rather  a  conviction  of  the  certainty  of  the 
Christian  faith  and  hope,  as  divine  truth.  It 
is  certainly  the  teaching  of  N.T.  that  personal 
experience  of  the  blessings  of  faith  does  con- 
stitute an  irrefragable  evidence  of  the  truth 
of  the  gospel  (c/.  e.g.  Jn.7.17).  There  are 
also  passages  which  seem  to  imply  an  inward 
witness  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  the  soul  of  the 
believer  that  he  is  in  a  state  of  grace  and  cove- 
nant with  God — e.g.  R0.8.16  ;  ijn.3.19,24, 
4.13,5.10.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  nothing 
to  justify  the  idea  that  the  mere  feeling  of 
assurance  is  always  trustworthy,  but  rather 
there  are  warnings  to  the  reverse  (Mt.7.22,23). 
And,  in  the  light  of  iCor.9.27  and  Ph. 3. 11, 12, 
it  must  seem  presumptuous  for  any  individual 
Christian  to  regard  his  own  final  salvation  as 
already  assured.  See  Schaff,  Creeds  of  Christen- 
dom, on  "The  Lambeth  Articles,"  4th  ed.  1884; 
Harold  Browne,  Exposition  of  XXXIX.  Arts. 
(Arts.  xvi.  and  xvii.),  12th  ed.  1882.  [a.r.w.] 
Assyria,  Asshup,  an  important  nation 
dwelling  by  the  Tigris  (Gen. 2. 14),  whose  capital 
was  Nineveh  (10. 11,  etc.).  According  to  A.V., 
Assyria  was  colonized  from  Babylonia  by  As- 
shur,  but  R.V.  makes  the  colonizer  to  have 
been  Nimrod,  who  built  its  great  cities.  The 
country  is  named  after  its  old  capital  Assur, 
whose  god  AUr,  Asiir,  or  Assur  became  the 
national  deity.  At  first  merely  a  province 
governed  by  a  viceroy  (patesi  or  issaku),  As- 
syria gradually  extended  its  borders  until  it 
embraced  the  whole  region  from  the  Armenian 
mountains  on  N.  to  the  borders  of  Babylonia 
on  S.,  and  from  the  Zagros  mountains  on  E.  to 
the  desert  on  W.  On  N.  and  E.  the  high 
mountain-chains  of  Armenia  and  Kurdistan 
are  succeeded  by  low  ranges  of  limestone  hills 
of  a  somewhat  arid  aspect,  which,  separating 
from  the  principal  chains,  run  parallel  there- 
with, and  occasionally  enclose  rich  plains  and 
fertile  valleys.  To  these  ridges  succeeds  an 
undulating  tract,  well  watered  and  productive, 
ending  somewhat  suddenly  in  the  great  Meso- 
potamian  plain  (al  Jezireh),  which,  extending 
for  250  miles,  is  interrupted  by  a  single  moun- 
tain-range, Jebel  Sinjar.  It  is  less  abundantly 
watered  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tigris  than 
on  the  left,  and  numerous  ruin-mounds  testify 
to  its  having  anciently  supported  a  large  popu- 
lation. The  classical  geographers  divided  As- 
syria into  provinces,  named  after  certain  of  its 
chief  cities  :  Arbelitis  from  Arbela  ;  Calacene  j 
from  Calah  (Gen.lO.ii);  Apolloniatis  from 
Apollonia,  E.  of  the  Tigris  ;  Sittacene  from  1 
Sittace  in  the  same  neighbourhood  ;  Adiabene,  ' 
supposed  to  be  the  district  of  the  river  Zab  ;  j 
Arrapachitis,  from  Arrapha,  etc.  The  chief 
cities  were  A§sur,  now  Qala'-sherqat  ;  Ninua 
or  Nineveh  ;     Kalah  or  Calah  ;    A  rba-ilu  or  | 


ASSYBIA,  ASSHXJR 


69 


j  Arbela  ;     DUr-Sarru-ukin,    now    Khorsabad  ; 
Up£  or  Upia,  the  classical  Opis  ;    Resen,  sup- 
posed to  be  the  modern  Selamieh  ;     Tarbisi, 
I  now  Sherif  Khan  ;    Ribit  Ninua  ( Rehoboth- 
Ir)  ;    and  others  whose  sites  have  to  be  iden- 
;  tified.     There  seems  to  be  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  statement  in  Gen.lO.ii  that  Assyria  was 
I  colonized  from  Babylonia,  though  there  may 
j  have  been  aboriginal  inhabitants  before  the 
,  foundation    of    Assur.     In   Herodotus  (i.  7), 
j  Ninus,  the  mythical  founder  of  Nineveh,  was 
.  son    of    Belus    (  =  Merodach  =  Nimrod),    the 
I  founder  of  the  great  cities  of  Babylonia.     This 
,  naturally   points   to   the   higher   antiquity   of 
Babylonia,  from  which  Assyria  obtained  her 
civilization.     From  the  recent  German  exca- 
vations at  Assur,  it  would  seem  that  the  his- 
j  tory  of  the  country  goes  back  beyond  2100  B.C., 
i  which  is  about  the  date  of  Uspia,  the  builder 
j  of  the  temple  of  Assur  in  that  city.     As  in  the 
case   of  the   earlier  kings   of   Babylonia,    the 
I  rulers  of  Assur  were  at  first  not  called  kings, 
i  but  viceroys,  indicating  that  the  country  ac- 
j  knowledged  Babylonian  overlordship.     To  all 
appearance  there  were  kings  of  Assyria  before 
I  there  were  viceroys,  as  one  of  the  Babylonian 
1  chronicles  makes  Ilu-summa,  king  of  Assyria, 
to  have  been  contemporary  with  the  Babylon- 
ian king  Su-abu,  who  reigned  about  100  years 
before  Hammurabi.   [Amraphel.]   This  title  of 
"  king,"   however,   may  be  simply  due  to  a 
Babylonian  usage.     Among  other  early  rulers 
were   Kikia,    Ikunum,   Sar-kenkate-Asir,    and 
Asir-nirari  son  of  Isme-Dagan,  who  are  men- 
tioned as  having  built  the  wall  of  the  city  of 
Assur,  which  was  restored  by  Asir-rim-nise-su 
c.  1500  B.C.     Assur-bel-nise-su  somewhat  later 
made  a  treaty  with  Kara-indaS,  king  of  Baby- 
lon,   as    did    also    Puzur-Assur    with    Burna- 
Burias   c.   1440   B.C.     As§ur-uballit   [c.   1410) 
married  his  daughter  to  a  Babylonian  king, 
who,  however,  was  killed  by  the  KasSites,  thus 
enabling  Assyria  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
Babylonia,  and  set  Kuri-galzu  on  the  throne. 
Tukulti-Nirig  (c.   1300  B.C.)  conquered  Baby- 
lonia   and    N.    Syria ;     Assur-dan,    who    also 
warred  in  Babylonia,  is  said  to  have  attained 
to  great  length  of  years.     Tiglath-pileser  I. 
(c.  1120  B.C.)  gives  long  and  detailed  accounts 
of  his  conquests,  and  we  learn  that  he  led  his 
armies   against   Mesech,    Comagene,    Mesopo- 
tamia,  etc.,    and  also  punished  the   Hittites. 
Assur-nasir-apli  (884  b.c.)  has  likewise  left  ex- 
tensive records  of  his  reign,  and  states  that  he 
received  the  tribute  of  the  Tyrians,  Sidonians, 
Gebalites,  and  of  Arvad,  which  is  in  the  midst 
of  the  sea.     His  son  Shalmaneser  II.  (860  b.c) 
aimed  at  the  destruction  of  what  is  known  as 
the  Syrian  league,  which  seems  to  have  been 
headed   by   Adad-'idri    (probably    Bin-Adad- 
'idri  =  Ben-hadad)of  Damascus,  and  included 
Ahabbu  the  Sir'ilite,  who  is  generally  regarded 
as^AHAB  of  Israel.     Shalmaneser  had  at  least 
three  conflicts  with  Adad-'idri,  and  received 
tribute  later  from  Hazael,  who  then  sat  upon 
the  throne  of  Damascus,  as  well  as  from  Tyre 
and  Sidon,  and  from  Jehu,  "son  of  Omri"  (= 
the  Israelite)  (842  b.c).    Samsi-Adad  (825  b.c.) 
warred  in  Babylonia,  but  never  came  nearer  to 
Syria  than  Carchemish.     His  son  Adad-nirari 
III.  (812  B.c.)^also  warred  in  the  W.,  includ- 
ing Tyre,    Sidon,   the  land  of   Omri  (Isr2^el|, 


70 


ASSYRIA,  ASSHUR 


Philistia,  and  Damascus.  Schradcr  sees  in 
Adad-nirari  the  deliverer  sent  in  answer  to  the 
prayers  of  Jehoahaz  (2K.I3.5).  The  queen  of 
this  king  was  named  Sammuramat,  generally 
compared  with  the  somewhat  mythical  Semi- 
ramis  of  Herodotus.  Adad-nirari  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Shalmaneser  III.  in  783  b.c.  He 
fought  against  Damascus  and  Hatarika, 
which,  it  is  suggested,  may  be  Hadrach  (Zech. 
9.1).  The  next  ruler  was  Assur-dan  (773  b.c), 
who  also  warred  in  Hatarika.  An  eclipse  of 
the  sun  which  took  place  in  his  reign  has  been 
identified  with  that  of  June  15,  763  B.C.,  and 
is  thought  to  be  referred  to  in  Am.S.g.  This 
ruler  had  to  contend  with  plague  and  rebellion 
within  his  dominions.  Assur-nirari  II.  (754 
B.C.),  his  successor,  warred  against  Hatarika 
and  Arpad.  Discontent,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  rife,  and  a  rebellion  broke  out,  in 
consequence  of  which,  seemingly,  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.,  also  called  Pul  (2K.I5.19)  seized 
the  throne  (745  B.C.).  This  ruler  warred  in 
Babylon,  as  well  as  on  the  E.  and  N.  In  739 
B.C.  he  captured  Kullanu,  possibly  the  Calno  of 
Is.10.9.  Azariah  of  Judah  is  mentioned  at  least 
four  times  in  his  inscriptions,  but  the  earlier 
notices  are  obscure.  Nineteen  districts  own- 
ing allegiance  to  Azariah  were  captured,  and 
Menahem  of  Samaria  paid  tribute.  After  this, 
various  operations  took  place  in  Mesopotamia, 
Media,  etc.  An  expedition  to  Philistia  was 
undertaken  in  734,  when  Abil-akka,  on  the 
borders  of  Israel,  was  attacked,  and  later 
Ijon,  Abel-beth-maachah,  etc.  (2K.15.29).  The 
prayer  of  .Ahaz  to  deliver  him  from  Syria  and 
Israel  led  Tiglath-pileser  to  capture  Hadara, 
Rezon's  native  city,  and  devastate  the  district 
around.  He  refers  to  the  overthrow  of  Pekah 
and  the  payment  of  tribute  by  Hoshea,  but 
there  is  no  reference  to  the  visit  paid  by  Ahaz 
of  Judah  to  the  Assyrian  king  at  Damascus 
(2K.I6.10).  Tiglath-pileser  died  in  727  b.c, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Shalmaneser  IV.  (2K. 
17.3,18.9),  who  carried  the  Israelites  captive, 
and  is  mentioned  in  the  Babylonian  Chronicle 
as  having  captured  Sabarain  or  Samarain  (? 
Samaria).  This  ruler  besieged  Tyre  for  many 
years.  The  next  king  was  Sargon,  who  took 
the  throne  in  722  b.c  He  prosecuted  the 
Syrian  war  with  vigour,  and  claims  the  capture 
of  Samaria.  Later,  he  had  considerable  suc- 
cess at  the  battle  of  Kaphia,  and  Carchcmish 
was  made  part  of  the  .Assyrian  empire  in  717 
B.C.  In  71 1  Ashdod  was  captured  and  its  king 
Azuri  deposed.  J  udah  is  mentioned  with  Edom 
and  Moab  as  a  country  which  went  after  Pir'u, 
king  f)f  Musri,  a  prince  who  could  not  help 
them.  Sargon  defeated  Merodach-baladan,  the 
Babylonian  pretender,  in  709  b.c,  and  died 
(to  all  appearance  was  assassinated)  in  705  b.c 
He  was  succeeded  by  Sennacherib,  whose  siege 
of  Jerusalem  is  referred  to  in  2K.l8.17ff.  Ac- 
cording to  Sennacherib's  inscrii^tions,  Heze- 
kiah  had  sided  with  the  I-"kronites  against  Padi, 
their  king,  and  shut  him  u])  in  Jerusalem  for 
safe  keejiing.  Forty-six  cities  of  Judah  were 
taken.  Padi  was  delivered  and  set  on  the 
Ekronite  throne  again,  and  Hezekiah  paid 
tribute.  The  general  opinion  is,  that  two  ex- 
peditions against  Hezekiah  took  )>lace,  thr)ugh 
only  one  seems  to  be  referred  to.  In  7t>3  h.c 
Sennacherib  fought  with  the  pretenders,  one  of 


ASSYRIA,  ASSHUR 

them  being  Merodach-baladan,  who  had  arisen 
in  Babylonia.  Later  he  attacked  the  Elam- 
ites,  who  had  carried  off  his  son,  Assur-nadin- 
§um,  king  of  Babylonia  ;  and  Berosus  and 
Herodotus  say  that  he  made  an  expedition  to 
Egypt.  He  was  killed  by  his  sons  (the  Baby- 
lonian Chronicle  says  "  a  son  ")  in  680  b.c. 
Esar-haddon,  who  succeeded  him,  tried  to 
pacify  the  Babylonians,  whom  Sennacherib's 
severity  had  aroused.  His  first  act  was  to 
make  an  expedition  to  Armenia,  where  his 
brothers,  after  the  naurder,  had  taken  refuge. 
Later,  he  put  down  a  revolt  in  Babylonia 
headed  by  the  son  of  Merodach-baladan.  In 
673  B.C.  the  king  of  Sidon  was  beheaded  by  his 
orders,  and  he  then  assembled  all  the  kings  of 
Hatti  and  the  sea-coast.  It  was  possibly  on 
this  occasion  that  he  "  took  Manasseh  with 
hooks"  or  "chains"  (2Chr.33.ii) ;  but  the 
Israelitish  king  is  only  referred  to  in  the  in- 
scriptions as  one  of  the  rulers  who  paid  tribute. 
Esar-haddon  attacked  "  those  who  dwell  in 
Til-Assur,"  the  Medes,  Chaldeans,  and  Ara- 
bians. He  made  two  expeditions  to  Egypt, 
but  died  on  the  road  whilst  returning  frf)m  the 
second,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  .-VSsur- 
bani-apli  (Assur-bani-pal)  in  .Assyria,  and 
Saosduchinos  in  Babylonia  (668  B.C.).  The 
former,  who  is  identified  with  "  the  great  and 
noble  Asnapper  "  of  Ezr.4.io,  was  one  of  the 
greatest  of  Assyrian  monarchs.  He  also 
received  tribute  from  Manasseh,  and  his  armies 
made  determined  attempts  to  complete  the 
conquest  of  Egypt,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
retaining  the  country.  He  recei\ed  the  sub- 
mission of  tiyges,  king  of  Lydia,  and  later  of 
his  son,  and  his  wars  with  the  Elamitcs  throw 
a  vivid  light  on  the  condition  of  that  country. 
As  his  brother  would  not  acknowledge  his  over- 
lordship.  Babylonia  was  again  annexed  to 
Assyria,  Saosduchinos  ha\ing  apparently  com- 
mitted suicide  by  perishing  in  the  flames  of  his 
burning  palace.  We  are  greatly  indebted  to 
Assur-bani-apli  for  most  excellent  copies  of  the 
tablets  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  He  died  in 
626  B.C.,  and  was  succeeded  by  AJsur-etil- 
ilani-ukinni,  of  whose  reign  nothing  is  known. 
The  last  king  of  .Assyria  was  Sin-sarra-iskun 
(Saracos),  who  is  said  to  have  sent  his  general 
Nabopolassar  to  put  down  a  revolt  in  Baby- 
lonia. Ha\-ing  clone  this.  Nabopolassar  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Medes,  and  marched 
against  Nineveh,  which  was  taken  after  a  two 
years'  siege  ;  whereujion  Saracos  raised  a  funeral 
pyre,  and  perished  in  the  flames  with  all  his 
entourage  (606  b.c).  After  this,  the  country 
has  no  history,  though  Cyrus  mentions  the  city 
of  A^sur  as  one  of  the  places  to  which  he 
returned  the  gods  which  had  been  carried 
away  in  former  times,  apiiarently  by  the  Baby- 
lonians, and  possibly  under  Nabopolassar.  It 
was  a  great  and  sudden  downfall  which  over- 
took the  empire  of  .Assyria.  .About  30  years 
before  the  end,  .Assyria  had  claimed  dominion 
from  VA.im  on  Iv.  to  I'-gypt  on  W.,  and  from 
.Armenia  and  Lydia  on  N.  to  the  Persian  Ciulf 
on  S.  .Among  the  princes  who  had  acknow- 
ledged her  supremacv  had  been  Menahem 
(2K. 15.19).  Ahaz  (I6.9).  Hoshea  (I7.4),  Heze- 
kiah (18. 14),  and  Manasseh  {2Chr.33.i  1-13).  as 
well  as  numerous  rulers  of  states  on  exery  side, 
especially  the  W.     Sargon,  indeed,  set  up  an 


ASSYRIA,  ASSHTJR 

image  of  himself,  with  an  inscription,  in  the 
island  of  Cyprus.  It  is  not  quite  certain 
whether  Assyria  required  religious  conformity 
from  the  people  subject  to  her,  but  there  seems 
to  have  been  no  real  compulsion  in  that  respect; 
if  a  ruler  acknowledged  the  Assyrian  gods,  it 
was  probably  to  curry  favour.  The  Assyrian 
religion  was  the  complex  polytheism  of  Baby- 
lonia, differing,  however,  in  having  at  its  head 
the  national  deity  Assur,  the  great  protector 
of  the  land,  its  people,  army,  and  king.  The 
gods  most  often  mentioned  by^  Assur-bani-apli 
are  Assur,  Sin  {the  moon),  Samas  (the  sun), 
Adad  (Hadad),  Bel.  Nebo,  Istar  of  Nineveh, 
the  divine  queen  of  Kidmuri,  Istar  of  Arbela, 
Nirig,  Nergal,  and  Nusku  ;  but  the  religious 
inscriptions  mention  many  other  deities,  be- 
sides protecting  spirits  and  demons.  To  all 
appearance  the  civilization  of  Assyria  was 
derived,  with  its  writing  and  literature,  from 
Babylonia.  Like  the  Babylonians,  the  As- 
syrians were  Semites,  with,  probably,  a  certain 
admixture  of  Sumero-Akkadian  blood,  as  the 
statement  in  Gen.lO.ii  suggests — Nineveh, 
indeed,  must  have  been  a  Babylonian  (non- 
Semitic  Sumerian)  foundation.  Besides  their 
writing  and  literature,  their  religion  and  wor- 
ship, the  construction  of  their  temples  and  the 
custom  of  building  temple-towers,  their  method 
of  ornamentation,  and,  last  but  not  least, 
their  language,  were  all  derived  from  Baby- 
lonia. In  the  course  of  years,  however,  their 
national  characteristics  naturally  became  more 
pronounced,  so  that  they  no  longer  thought  of 
themselves  as  being  of  Babylonian  race.  Their 
laws  became  somewhat  different  from  those  of 
Babylonia,  their  art  assumed  a  style  quite  its 
own,  with  a  spirit  and  boldness,  and  with 
efforts  towards  fidelity  and  realism,  which  are 
altogether  admirable.  Their  pictures  of  war, 
the  chase,  and  the  camp,  with  the  few  repre- 
sentations of  the  more  peaceful  incidents  of 
life  which  have  come  down  to  us,  attract  as 
much  on  account  of  these  characteristics  as 
because  of  the  talent  which  their  sculptors 
display.  The  advanced  civilization  of  the 
country  is  proved  alike  by  the  details  of  their 
sculptures  and  the  remains  of  their  buildings. 
In  many  respects  they  were,  even  at  their  most 
advanced  period,  barbarians,  though  probably 
not  more  so  than  the  nations  among  whom 
they  lived.  Their  government  was  despotic, 
but  probably  benevolent,  their  conduct  in  war 
often  cruel,  and  their  art  largely  materialistic. 
Like  the  Babylonians  and  the  Semites  in 
general,  they  were  exceedingly  religious  ;  their 
religion,  especially  in  the  worship  of  "  the 
merciful  Merodach,"  was  on  a  high  level,  and 
there  are  signs  of  that  tendency  to  monotheism 
which  characterized  the  original  Babylonian 
form.  Nevertheless,  they  were  always  very 
superstitious,  and  believed  in  the  efficacy  of 
charms,  incantations,  magic,  and  all  things 
connected  therewith.  They  studied  astron- 
omy for  the  purpose  of  fixing  the  date  of  the 
equinoxes,  and  also  to  foretell  events.  Divin- 
ation was  practised,  and  calendars  of  lucky  and 
unlucky  days  consulted.  Their  knowledge  of 
medicine  was  primitive,  but  probably  not 
more  empirical  than  that  in  use  in  the  same 
part  of  the  world  at  the  present  day.  Their 
literature  shows,  however,  that  whatever  their 


ATER 


71 


faults,  the  Assyrians  were  a  great  nation,  and 
had  not  their  empire  come  to  an  untimely  end, 
there  is  every  probability  that  they  would  have 
advanced  along  the  road  of  civilization  until 
arrested  by  the  cause  which  has  retarded  it 
throughout  the  Semitic  East.  [t.g.p.] 

Astapoth     (Deut.1.4  ;     R.V.     Ashtaroth). 

[ASHTEROTH    KaRNAIM.] 

As'tath  (iEsd.8.38)  =  AzGAD. 

Asty'ag-es,  last  king  of  the  Medes,  584- 
549  B.C.  He  was  conquered  by  Cyrus,  son  of 
his  daughter  Mandane.  Thus  "  Cyrus  the 
Persian  received  his  kingdom  "  (Bel  i).       [c.D.l 

Asuppim',  and  House  of  (iChr.26.15,17, 
A.V.  marg.  the  house  of  the  gatherings,  R.V. 
storehouse;  Ne.i2.25,  A.V.  thresholds  of  the 
gates,  marg.  treasuries  or  assemblies,  R.V. 
storehouses  of  the  gates).  Nothing  is  known  of 
it,  except  that  it  is  the  name  of  a  storehouse 
outside  the  court  of  king  Solomon's  temple, 
where  certain  of  the  porters  and  Levites  kept 
watch  by  night.  From  the  context  (iChr.26.i4, 
16,17,18)  it  may  be  assumed  that  the  situation 
was  towards  the  S.W.  of  the  temple  courts. 
The  Vulg.  seems  to  have  understood  the  word 
to  refer  to  the  council-chambers  immediately 
outside  the  courts  of  the  temple,  in  which  the 
elders  held  their  deliberations.  [c.w.] 

Asyn'cpitus,  a  Christian  at  Rome  (Ro. 
16. 14).  A  doubtful  tradition  makes  him 
bishop  of  Hyrcania. 

Atad'  (thorn),  a  threshing-floor  (gdren) 
between  Egypt  and  Hebron  (Gen. 50. 10). 
[Abel,  4.]  [c.r.cI 

Atapah',  a  wife  of  Jerahmeel,  and  mother 
of  Onan  (iChr.2.26). 

Atap'g-atis,  corrupted  by  Gk.  writers  into 
Derketo,  a  Syrian  goddess  who  owed  her  name 
and  attributes  to  a  combination  of  'Athtar,  the 
Assyrian  Istar  [AshtorethI,  and  'Ati  (Gatis  in 
Gk.),  a  Syrian  goddess  of  allied  nature.  Her 
most  famous  temples  were  at  Hierapolis  (Ma- 
bug)  and  Ascalon.  Plutarch  says  that  some 
regarded  her  as  "  Aphrodite,  others  as  Here, 
others  as  the  cause  and  natural  power  which 
provides  the  principles  and  seeds  for  all  things 
from  moisture."  A  temple  of  Atargatis 
(2Mac.i2.26)  at  Carnion  was  destroyed  by 
Judas  Maccabaeus  (iMac.5.44).  [a.h.s.] 

Atapoth'. — 1.  One  of  the  towns  taken  and 
built  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num. 32. 3, 34),  men- 
tioned with  DiBON.  On  the  Moabite  Stone, 
in  9th  cent,  e.g.,  it  is  noticed  as  a  "  land  " 
where  "  the  men  of  Gad  dwelt  from  of  old." 
The  name  survives  in  Jebel  'Affanls,  with  ruins 
of  the  same  name,  N.W.  of  Dibon. — 2.  A  place 
on  the  boundary  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (J  os. 
i6.7),nowunknovfn.— 3.  ATA' ROTH- AD AR', 
or  -ADDAR',  on  the  border  of  Benjamin, 
"near  the  'mountain'  that  is  on  the  S.  side 
of  the  nether  Beth-horon  "  (Jos.16.2,5,18.13). 
Evidently  the  ruin  ed  Ddrieh,  in  the  required 
position. — 4.  "  Ataroth',  the  house  of  Joab," 
a  place  occurring  in  the  list  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Judah  (iChr.2.54).  [c.r.c.] 

Atep'. — 1.  The  children  of  Ater  were 
among  the  porters  or  gate-keepers  of  the 
temple  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2. 
42  ;  Ne.7.45).  Thev  are  called  in  iEsd.5.28, 
"  the  sons  of  Jatal." — 2.  The  children  of 
"  Ater,  of  Hezekiah  "  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2,16  ;     Ne,7.2i),    and   were    among   the 


72 


ATEREZIAS 


heads  of  the  people  who  signed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (IO.17).  In  iEsd.5.15  the 
name  is  contracted  into  Aterezias. 

Aterezi'as.     [Ater,  2.] 

Athach',  a  city  friendly  to  David  while 
at  Ziklag  (1Sam.3O.30).  The  Vat.  MS.  reads 
Nombe,  perhaps  for  Nebo,  or  Nuba,  a  village 
4  miles  S.  of  Adullam.  [c.r.c] 

Athai'ah,  a  descendant  of  Pharez  the  son 
of  Judah,  dwelling  at  Jerusalem  after  the  re- 
turn from  Babylon  {Ne.ll.4). 

Athaliah'. — 1.  DaughterofAhab  and  Jeze- 
bel, and  grand-daughter  of  Omri,  king  of  Israel. 


ATHALIAH 

On  the  making  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the 
two  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel,  after  a  war 
of  60  years,  she  was  married  to  the  crown- 
prince  of  Judah,  Jehoram,  son  of  Jehoshaphat. 
The  bridegroom  was  not  more  than  eighteen 
years  of  age,  and  she  was  still  younger.  Not 
till  'he  was  32  years  old  did  Jehoram  come 
to  the  throne.  His  first  act  was  to  destroy  his 
six  younger  brothers,  as  possible  religious 
rivals  and  claimants  to  the  throne,  together 
with  those  princes  of  Judah  who  were  zealous 
for  the  ancient  faith  of  the  nation.  Athaliah 
inherited  the  strength  of  mind  of  her  mother, 


lla/ier  ir  Boutatlse, 


I'LAN  t)li  A  llll;N-^,     (I-'roin  .Siiiitli's  Classical  Dulionary.)     Sec  art.  "  Alhc" 


ATHAT.IAH 

as  well  as  her  fervent  devotion  to  the  cult  of  the 
Phoenician  god,  Melkarth — usually  addressed 
as  Baal  or  Lord — and  it  is  to  her  influence  over 
her  husband  that  we  must  attribute  this  act 
of  "unnaturanferocity.  Athaliah  survived  her 
husband,  who  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ahaziah, 
over  whose  mind  she  exercised  the  same 
sinister  influence  as  over  her  late  husband. 
Ahaziah  was'married  to  a  daughter  of  the  house 
of  Ahab,  whose  name  is  not  given ;  and  when, 
after  a  reign  of  a  single  year,  he  died,  Athaliah 
procured  the  massacre  of  her  grand-children — 
Jehoash  excepted,  who  was  rescued  by  an  aunt. 
She  now  seized  the  reins  of  power  in  Jerusalem 
and  ruled  for  six  years  (2K.II;  2Chr.22.io- 
23.15).  Two  events  alone  of  this  dark  period 
in  Hebrew  history  can  be  extracted  from  the 
records  of  the  time,  (i)  A  portion  of  the 
temple  of  Jehovah  was  broken  up,  and  its 
materials  used  for  the  erection  of  a  house  of 


ATIPHA 


73 


Athapi'as    (xEsd.5.40),    a    corruption    of 

the    TiRSHATHA. 

Athenians,  people  of  Athens  (Ac.17.2i). 

Atheno'bius,  an  envoy  sent  by  Antiochus 
Sidetes  to  Simon  the  Jewish  high-priest  to 
demand  the  surrender  of  Joppa  and  Gazara 
(iMac.15.28-36). 

Ath'ens,  the  capital  of  Attica,  and  the 
chief  seat  of  Grecian  learning  and  civilization 
during  the  golden  period  of  the  history  of 
Greece.  It  is  only  mentioned  in  the  Bible  in 
connexion  with  St.  Paul,  who  visited  it  in  his 
journey  from  Macedonia,  and  appears  to  have 
remained  there  some  time  (Ac.17.14-34  ; 
cf.  iTh.3.1).  During  his  residence  he  de- 
livered his  memorable  discourse  in  the  Areo- 
pagus to  the  "  men  of  Athens  "  (Ac.17.22-31). 
The  Agora  or  "  market,"  where  he  disputed 
daily,  was  situated  in  the  valley  between  the 
Acropolis  on  the"N.E.  and  E.,  the  Areopagus 


ACROPOLIS,  ATHENS.     (Suggested  restoration  by  Rd.  Bolin.) 


Baal  in  Jerusalem,  (ii)  The  Zadokian  high- 
priesthood  was  changed  from  the  family  of 
Ahimaaz  to  that  of  Meshullam — Jehoiada,  who 
had  married  a  daughter  of  Athaliah,  being  now 
promoted  to  the  primacy.  This  action  led  to 
the  undoing  of  the  usurper,  as  Jehoiada  proved 
staunchly  true  to  the  religion  of  Jehovah.  For 
six  years  he  and  his  wife  jehosheba  concealed 
in  their  private  apartments,  near  the  temple, 
the  youngest  child  of  Ahaziah,  rescued  at  the 
time  of  the  massacre,  and  then  six  years  old. 
When  he  was  thirteen  a  revolution  was  planned, 
in  conjunction  with  all  the  better  elements 
of  the  nation,  and  Jehoash  proclaimed  king. 
Athaliah's  personal  attempt  to  stay  the  revolt 
failed,  and  she  was  cut  down  by  one  of  the 
soldiers  at  the  door  of  her  palace,  as  she  fled 
from  the  temple.  The  years  of  her  reign  are 
not  counted  separately  by  the  Heb.  historio- 
graphers, but  are  taken  to  form  part  of  the 
reign  of  Jehoash.  [Chronology.] — 2.  A 
Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Jehoram  (iChr.8.26). 
-^3-   Father  of  Jeshaiah,  3  (Ezr.8.7).  [vv.s.c] 


on  the  N.,  the  Pnyx  on  the  N.W.  and  W.,  and 
the  Museum  on  the  S.,  as  shown  in  the  annexed 
plan.  The  remark  of  the  sacred  historian 
respecting  the  inquisitive  character  of  the 
Athenians  (17.21 )  agrees  with  the  unanimous 
witness  of  antiquity.  Demosthenes  rebukes  his 
countrymen  for  their  love  of  constantly  going 
about  in  the  market,  and  asking,  What  news  ? 
The  remark  of  St.  Paul  upon  the  "  superstiti- 
ous" character  of  the  Athenians  (17.22)  is  also 
confirmed  by  ancient  writers.  Thus  Pausanias 
says  that  the  Athenians  surpassed  all  other 
states  in  the  attention  which  they  paid  to  the 
worship  of  the  gods  ;  and  hence  the  city  was 
crowded  in  every  direction  with  temples,  altars, 
and  other  sacred  buildings.  Of  the  Christian 
church  founded  by  St.  Paul  at  Athens, 
DiONYSius  the  Areopagite  was,  according  to 
ecclesiastical  tradition,  the  first  bishop. 

Athlai',  an  IsraeUte  who  put  away  his 
foreign  wife  at  the  exhortation  of  Ezra  (Ezr. 
10.28)  ;    called  Amatheis  in  iEsd.9.2g. 

At'ipha  (iEsd.5.32)  ==  Hatipha, 


74 


ATONEMENT 


Atonement.  This  is  the  A.V.  translation 
of  a  word  which  R.V.  translates  reconciliation 
{Ro.5.11  ;  2Cor.5.i8),  and  in  early  English 
means  precisely  the  same,  and  is  better  written 
At-one-ment.      Cf.    Beaumont    and    Fletcher: 

From  this  atonement  let  our  lives  begin  ; 
Be  all  the  rest  forgotten. 

The  current  meaning  of  the  word  as  expiation 
has  arisen  from  a  false  explanation  of  the 
Jewish  sacrifice,  which  regards  the  death  of  the 
victim  as  representing  the  vicarious  punish- 
ment of  the  worshipper.  [Sacrifice,  B  ; 
Atonement,  Day  of.]  Truer  views  of  sacri- 
fice in  O.T.  show  that  it  was  intended  as  the 
expression  of  obedience,  that  expression  being 
most  clearly  marked  in  the  whole  burnt -offering 
and  in  the  presentation  of  "  the  blood  which  is 
the  life"  (Lev.17.ii).  We  must  therefore 
regard  Christ  as  representing  the  obedience 
of  the  human  race,  and  thereby  cancelling  its 
rebellion  against  God,  and  "  putting  away  sin 
by  the  sacrifice  of  Himself  "  (Heb.9.26).  The 
atonement  of  Christ  has  therefore  an  objective 
value,  and  Christ  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  pro- 
pitiation for  the  sin  of  the  world  in  exactly  the 
same  sense  as  every  Jewish  sacrifice  was  a 
propitiation.  Christ,  by  fulfilling  the  law 
"  even  unto  death,"  satisfied  it  in  a  far 
deeper  and  more  real  way  that  it  could  be 
said  to  be  satisfied  by  the  infliction  of  punish- 
ment upon  an  innocent  substitute.  This 
explanation  is  free  from  the  moral  difficulties 
of  substitution,  which  seem  greater  the  more 
they  are  considered.  The  weakness  of  the 
popular  doctrine  lies  in  the  small  place  it  affords 
for  the  human  side  [Repentance  ;  Faith  ; 
Conversion],  and  in  the  too  great  stress  it 
lays  on  the  removal  of  punishment  in  place  of 
the  removal  of  sin.  Christ  most  certainly  bore 
our  sins  in  the  sense  that  He  removed  them 
out  of  the  way,  so  that  they  need  no  longer  be 
a  barrier  between  man  and  God.  In  the 
obedience  and  sacrifice  of  Christ  man  is  called 
to  share.  This  seems  the  main  significance  of 
both  sacraments  ;  and  is  essential  to  justifica- 
tion and  salvation.  See  also  Saviour  ;  Salva- 
tion ;  and  for  the  Pauline  doctrine  see  Paul. 
Moberly,  A.  and  Personality.  McLeod  Camp- 
bell, Nature  of  the  A.  Dale,  Lect.  on  the  A. 
Scott  Lidgett,  Spiritual  Principle  of  the  A. 
Aubrey  Moore,  Appeal  and  Claims  of  Christ. 
Du  Bose,  Soteriolo^y  of  N.T.  Leighton  PuUan, 
Atonement.  ].].  Lias,  Atonement.  Oxenham, 
Catholic  Doct.  of  the  A.  Denney,  Death  of 
Christ ;  A .  and  the  Modern  Mind.  D.  W. 
Simon,  Reconciliation  by  Incarnation.  M. 
Scott,  Crux  Crucis.  Bushnell,  Forgiveness  and 
Law.  Liddon,  Passiontide  Sermons.  Art.  in 
Lux  Miindi.  s.v.     | Jesus  Christ.]       [m.s.] 

Atonement,  Day  of  (row  hakkippiirim  = 
lit.  day  of  corerini^s,  or  of  wipinns-off).  observed 
on  the  loth  day  of  the  7th  month  [Tishri  = 
Sept. -Oct.),  5  days  before  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, being  the  only  periodical  fast-day 
represented  as  of  Mosaic  origin  [Fasts),  was 
styled  in  later  days  (Ac.27.9),  '•  The  Fast." 
Its  annual  observance  is  referred  to  in  Ex.30. 
10,  and  described  in  Lev. 16.  It  occurs  as  a  day 
of  hiuuiliation  and  of  obligatory  abstinence 
frum  work  and  food,  in  the  list  of  special  davs 
in    23.27,28,    and    the    priestly    calendar     of 


ATONEMENT,  DAY  OF 

Num.28,29  (see  29.7-11)  ;  and  is  mentioned  in 
Lev. 25. 9  as  the  day  on  which  the  jubile  year 
was  to  be  proclaimed.  The  principle  of  atone- 
ment is  enunciated  in  17. 11 — "  it  is  the  blood 
that  maketh  atonement,  by  reason  of  the 
life  "  [Atonement],  and  in  that  book  alone 
the  verb  kdphar  occurs  more  than  40  times  in 
very  varied  contexts,  from  the  formal  sacri- 
fices of  burnt-,  sin-,  and  guilt-offerings  (I.4, 
4.40,5.16,  etc.,  etc.)  and  those  connected  with 
priestly  consecration  (8.34,9.7),  to  the  rites  of 
purification  of  a  woman  after  child-birth  (12. 
8),  a  leper  (14. 18,  etc.),  a  "leprous  house" 
(14. 53)  and  other  uncleannesses,  physical  (15. 
15,20)  and  moral  (19.22).  This  comprehensive- 
ness reflected  in  some  degree  the  wide  scope  of 
the  rites  of  the  Day ;  which,  however,  in  spite  of 
the  summary  language  of  Lev.l6.30,  inter- 
preted most  liberally  by  later  Judaism,  cannot 
be  supposed  to  have  touched  those  "  high- 
handed "  sins  expressly  exempted  from  for- 
giveness in  Num. 15. 30  f.  Outside  the  Penta- 
teuch the  verb  occurs  four  times  (2Sam.21.3  ; 
iChr.6.39  ;  2Chr.29.24  ;  Ne.10.33)  ;  but  the 
Levitical  Day  of  Atonement,  though  possibly 
alluded  to  in  Zech.3.9,  is  nowhere  named  in 
the  prophetical  or  later  historical  books  of 
the  O.T.  The  first  unquestioned  reference 
outside  the  Pentateuch  is  Ecclus.50.5,  i.e.  c. 
180  B.C.  Passing  over  Ac. 27. 9,  where  "  the 
Fast  "  is  mentioned  simply  as  ushering  in 
the  rough  weather  of  autumn,  the  day 
plays  an  important  part  in  the  symbolism 
of  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews  (see  below). — In 
describing  the  clay's  ceremonies  we  follow 
the  order  of  Lev. 16,  supplementing  where 
necessary  from  other  passages.  Further  details 
of  the  ritual  as  practised  in  N.T.  times  may  be 
gathered  from  Philo,  Josephus,  and  the  Mishnic 
treatise  Yoma.  Besides  the  normal  morning 
and  evening  daily  burnt-offering  (Ex. 29. 38-42  ; 
Num. 28. 3-8),  Num.29.7-11  prescribes  festal 
sacrifices  for  this  day — viz.  as  burnt-offerings 
a  bullock,  a  ram,  and  seven  young  lambs, 
and  a  he-goat  as  sin-offering ;  distinct 
from  the  goats  of  the  atonement  ceremony, 
which  is  described  as  follows  (Lev.  16. 2 -2 8,  cf. 
29-34).  The  high-priest  having  selected  his 
own  offerings  (a  bullock  for  sin-offering  and 
a  ram  for  burnt-offering),  bathed,  and  vested 
himself  in  white  linen  garments.  Then  he 
received  the  people's  offerings  at  the  door  of 
the  tent  of  meeting  (Holy  Place) — a  ram  for 
burnt-offering  and  two  goats  for  sin-ofTering. 
From  these  latter  he  selected  by  lot  one  ft)r  the 
Lord  and  one  "  for  Azazel  "  (see  below).  Next 
he  killed  his  own  sin-offering  and  with  its 
blocjd  entered  within  the  veil  into  the  Most 
Holy  Place  (Holy  of  Holies),  carr\ing  also  a 
censer  with  live  coals  from  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering,  and  a  handful  of  incense.  Having 
censed  the  ark  and  the  mercy-seat  by  casting 
the  incense  on  the  coals,  he  dipped  his  finger 
in  the  blood  and  sprinkled  it  once  upon  the  E. 
side  (front)  of  the  merrv-seat,  and  seven  times 
in  the  space  before  it.  Hitherto  (I6.1-11 )  he  had 
been  acting  for  himself  and  his  family  ;  next 
he  proceeded  to  act  for  the  people.  Returning 
from  the  Holy  of  Holies  to  the  Holy  Place,  he 
slew,  as  the  peojile's  representative,  the  goat 
selected  for  the  Lord,  and  re-entering  within 
the  veil,  dealt  with  its  blood  as  with   that  of 


ATONEMENT,  DAY  OF 

the  bullock,  thus  completing  the  purification 
or  "atonement  "  of  the  Holy  of  Holies.  Next 
he  proceeded  in  solitude  to  purify  the  Holy 
Place,  sprinkling  the  victim's  blood  (see  Ex. 30. 
lo)  on  the  horns  of  the  golden  altar  of  in- 
cense ;  after  which,  emerging  into  the  court  of 
the  tabernacle,  he  "  atoned  for  "  the  altar  of 
burnt-offering,  sprinkling  its  horns  with  the 
blood  of  his  own  bullock  and  of  the  people's 
goat  (Lev. 16. 15-19).  This  completed  the  three- 
fold purification  of  the  Holy  of  Holies,  the 
Holy  Place,  and  the  altar  representing  the 
outer  court.  The  goat  for  Azazel,  or  "  scape- 
goat," was  now  presented  by  the  high-priest, 
who,  laying  his  hands  upon  it,  made  a  com- 
prehensive confession  of  all  the  sins  of  the 
people ;  after  which  it  was  led  off  to  the  wilder- 
ness by  one  waiting  in  readiness,  as  a  symbol 
of  the  putting  away  of  the  nation's  iniquities 
(cf.  Ps.lO3.12).  The  high-priest  then  returned 
to  the  tent  of  meeting,  bathed,  donned  his 
official  robes  of  gold,  and  offered  the  two  rams 
of  burnt-offering,  his  own  and  the  people's 
(Lev. 16. 20-24  ;  c/.  I't'.  3  and  5 ).  Thus  the  day's 
ceremonies  were  completed.  When  the  fat  of 
the  burnt -offerings  had  been  consumed,  the 
remains  of  the  victims  were  carried,  as  usual 
(4.11,12),  outside  the  camp;  and  those  who 
performed  this  service,  as  also  the  conductor 
of  the  goat,  were  to  wash  themselves  and  their 
clothes  before  returning  to  the  encampment 

(I6.25-28).  The  phrase 'ptNTi;^  =  "for  Azazel" 
(R.V.),  rendered  in  A.V.  scape-goat  [cf.  LXX. 
0  a.TTOTrofxiraio'i,  Aq.  o  Tpi'yo^  aTroXe\v/j.€vos, 
Sym.    6.    Tp.    dvepx^jJievos,    Vulg.    caper  emis- 

sarins ;  as  though  =  "pTS  Wi  "  goat  for  going 
away."),  occurs  in  this  context  only.  The 
root  7NT  is  not  actually  found,  but  inferred 
from  Arabic  'azala="  to  remove  to  a  distance." 
The  phrase  may  thus  signify  "  for  dismissal  " 
(as  R.V.  marg.)  ;  .but  in  the  context  the  paral- 
lelism with  mnv  makes  it  probable  that 
Azazel  is  a  proper  name  denoting  an  evil 
spirit  inhabiting  remote  and  desolate  places 
(so  Origen  makes  'Afa^T^X  =  o  otd/3o\os).  If 
so,  he  may  be  the  'Azalzel  who  appears  in  the 
book  of  Enoch  (c.  2nd  cent.  B.C.)  as  leader  of 
the  bad  angels  of  Gen. 6. 2-4.  In  any  case  the 
symbolic  meaning  of  the  ceremony  is  broadly 
the  same.  The  Mishnic  tract  Yoma  supplies 
various  details  of  this  ceremony,  some  of  which 
are  inconsistent  with  Lev. 16.  Our  view  of 
the  date  at  which  this  group  of  ceremonies  as- 
sumed the  form  here  depicted  will  depend  upon 
critical  problems  which  are  discussed  in  the 
arts.  Law  in  O.T.  ;  Pentateuch;  Leviticus, 
to  which  the}'  more  properly  belong.  But 
apart  from  these,  it  has  been  urged  that  if  the 
ceremony  had  been  traditional  in  Ezekiel's 
day  (c.  592-570),  a  reference  to  this  climax  of 
the  Levitical  system  would  have  been  natural 
in  the  passage  (Ezk. 45. 18-20)  where  the  priest- 
prophet  speaks  of  two  atoning  rites,  on  the  ist 
and  7th  days  of  the  ist  month.  Hence  some 
critics  have  regarded  Ezekiel's  words  as  fur- 
nishing the  original  idea  from  which  the  rite 
of  Lev. 16  was  subsequently  developed. 
Stress  has  also  been  laid  on  the  fact  that 
Zechariah  (c.  520  b.c),  while  referring  (7.3-5, 
8. 1 9 )  to  four  commemorative  fasts,  one  of  them 


ATTAL.IA 


75 


actually  in  the  7th  month,  makes  no  allusion  in 
that  context  to  the  Day  of  Atonement ;  and  also 
upon  Ne.8  and  9,  where  three  observances  are 
recorded,  all  in  the  7th  month  of  444  e.g. — (a) 
Feast  of  Trumpets  on  the  ist  day  ;  (b)  Taber- 
nacles, i5th-22nd;  (c)  a  general  fast  on  24th — 
but  which  says  nothing  of  the  fast  of  the  loth 
day.  It  has  been  inferred  that  Lev.l6  (and  the 
parallel  passages),  as  being  part  of  the  "  New 
Code  "  just  introduced  (Ne.8),  was  not  yet  in 
force.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  fast 
summarily  described  in  Ne.9.i  may  be  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  transposed,  like  Hezekiah's 
Passover  (2Chr.3O.15),  for  practical  reasons  ; 
especially  as  the  following  chapter  (Ne.lO.33) 
refers  to  a  provision  "  for  the  sin-offerings  to 
make  atonement  for  Israel."  Nor  was  it  ab- 
solutelv  necessary  that  Ezekiel,  Zechariah,  or 
Nehemiah  (of  whom  the  second  alone  mentions 
the  Passover)  should  name  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, even  were  it  a  living  institution  of  their 
times.  Thus,  even  apart  from  the  question  of 
the  age  of  Leviticus,  we  may  doubt  whether 
the  post-Exilic  institution  of  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment has  been  demonstrated,  and  whether, 
however  considerable  the  subsequent  develop- 
ment, the  Mosaic  nucleus  in  its  ceremonial  may 
not  yet  prove  to  be  much  greater  than  has 
been  supposed.  Certain  it  is  that  the  principle 
of  fasting  and  humiliation  in  religion  is  of 
immemorial  antiquity  [Fasts],  and  must  have 
found  some  expression  among  the  Hebrews 
earlier  than  the  6th-cent.  fast-days  of  Ezekiel. 
But  the  permanent  significance  of  the  cere- 
mony— fully  enacted,  at  any  rate,  in  N.T. 
times,  as  Philo  and  Josephus  testify — is  inde- 
pendent of  the  exact  date  of  its  origin.  That 
significance  lies  in  its  relation  to  the  atoning 
work  of  Christ,  as  expounded  in  Heb.9  and  10. 
In  Christ's  atoning  death  there  is  nothing  of 
the  figurative,  imperfect,  limited  character 
which  marks  the  Levitical  ordinance.  The 
high-priest  enters  the  material  Holy  of  Holies 
once  a  year  with  blood  of  external  victims  ; 
Christ  enters  once  for  all  into  God's  actual 
Presence  with,  and  through,  His  own  in- 
finitely more  efficacious  Blood,  wherewith  He 
obtains  no  temporal  but  an  eternal  deliver- 
ance. Moreover,  access  to  the  throne  of  grace, 
open  of  old  to  the  high-priest  alone,  and  that 
under  strict  limitations  of  time  and  mode,  is 
now,  by  Christ's  "  new  and  living  way,"  free 
at  all  times  to  those  mystically  purged  by  His 
atoning  Blood.  [Hebrews,  Ep.  to.]  Oehler, 
O.T.  Th.  §  140  f.  ;  Edersheim's  Temple,  pp. 
263-288  ;  Willis,  Worship  of  the  Old  Covenant, 
pp.  190-214  ;  Westcott,  Hebrews,  pp.  279-280  ; 
Driver,  Introd.  Lit.  O.T.  ;  Philo,  Lift,  de  Sep- 
tenario  ;  Josephus,  3  Ant.  x.  ;  Mishna,  Yoma 
(ed.  Surenhusius,  ii.).  [l.r.] 

Atpoth',  a  city  of  Gad  (Num.32.35).  Per- 
haps the  name  should  be  taken  with  that 
following  it,  Shophan,  to  distinguish  this  place 
from  Ataroth  in  the  same  neighbourhood. 

Attai'. — 1.  The  son  of  Ahlai,  by  Jarha, 
an  Egyptian  slave  (iChr.2.35,36). — 2.  One  of 
the  warriors  of  Gad,  captains  of  the  host,  who 
joined  David  in  the  wilderness  (12.ii). — 3. 
Second  son  of  king  Rehoboam  by  Maachah  the 
daughter  of  Absalom  (2Chr.ll.20). 

Attali'a,  a  coast-town  of  Paraphylia 
from  which  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas  sailed  on 


76 


ATTALTJS  II. 


their  return  to  Antioch  from  their  missionary 
journey  in  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor  (Ac. 14. 
25).  it  was  built  by  Attains  Philadelphus, 
king  of  Pergamus,  and  named  after  him.  All 
its  remains  are  characteristic  of  the  date  of  its 
foundation.  Leake  fixes  Attalia  at  Adalia,  on 
the  S.  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  N.  of  the  Diiden 
Su,  the  ancient  Catarrhactes. 

At'talus  n.  (Philadelphus) -was  king  oi  Per- 
gamum,  139-138  b.c.  To  him  were  addressed 
letters  from  Rome  in  favour  of  the  Jews,  139 
B.C.  (iMac.15.22),  in  response  to  the  embassy 
sent    to    Rome    by   Simon    the    Hasmonaean 

(14.24).  [CD.] 

Atthara'tes  (iEsd.9.49),  a  corruption  of 

the  TiRSHATHA. 

Au'g'la  (iEsd.5.38),  daughter  of  Berzelus 
(Barzillat,  Ezr.2.6i).  Her  name  is  not  given 
in  the  parallels  in  Ezra  or  Neh.     [Addus.] 

Aug-ustus,  first  Roman  emperor,  in  whose 
reign  Christ  was  born  (Lu.2.i).  His  father 
was  C.  Octavius,  and  his  mother  Atia,  daughter 
of  Julia,  the  sister  of  C.  Julius  Caesar.  He 
came  under  the  care  of  his  great-uncle,  the 
Dictator,  who  made  him  his  heir.  After 
Caesar's  murder,  Octavius  was  adopted  into 
the  Julian  family,  and  was  thenceforth  known 
as  C.  Julius  Caesar  Octavianus.  He  became 
triumvir  with  Anthony  and  Lepidus,  and  the 
struggle  between  them  for  supreme  power 
ended  in  his  defeating  Antony  at  Actium,  31  b.c. 
On  his  return  to  Rome,  29. e.g.,  he  did  not 
surrender  his  command  of  the  military  and 
naval  forces,  but  by  degrees  strengthened  his 


Ili-AD  1)1'  AUGUSl  us  CAi;SAR.     (P.rit.  Mils.)     W.D.A. 

position  by  one  after  another  of  the  higher 
magistracies.  The  surname  Augustus  by 
which  he  is  usually  spoken  of  was  conferred  on 
him  by  the  senate,  27  n.c.  It  did  not  bestow 
political  power,  but  suggested  a  sacred  and 
awful  character.  As  such  it  was  continued  to 
his  successors,  and  designates  Nero  in  Ac. 25. 
21,25.  The  priifipal  link  between  Augustus 
and  Jewish  history  lies  in  his  relations  to  Herod 
the  Great  described  by  Josephus  (15  Anl. 
vi.  5  ;  vii.  3).  Augustus  died  at  Nola,  14  a.d., 
aged  77.  The  peace  which  his  reign  gave  to 
the  Roman  world  has  been  regarded  as  a  pre- 


AXE 

paration  for  the  birth  of  Christ  (Milton's  Hymn 
on  the  Nativity,  iv.).  [e.r.b.] 

Augustus'  band  (Ac.27. 1).     TArmv.] 

Aupa'nus,  leader  of  a  riot  at  Jerusalem  (2 
Mac.4.40). 

Aute'as  (iEsd.9.48)  =  Hodijah,  x. 

Authorized  Version.  [Version,  Au- 
thorized.] 

Ava'  (properly  'awwd),  a  place  conquered 
by  the  .^ssvrians  and  apparentlv  the  same  as 

Ivah    (2K. 17.24).       [IVAH.]  '  [T.G.P.] 

Av'apan  (i  Mac. 2. 5)  or  Sav'apan  (6.43), 
the  surname  of  Eleazar,  8.  It  probably  means 
"the  pale  "  ;  but  one  derivation  makes  it  mean 
"the  piercer,"  in  connection  with  the  feat  of 
6.43-45.  [CO.] 

A'ven  (empty). — 1.  Am.1.5,  a  plain 
mentioned  with  places  in  Syria.  The  LXX. 
seems  to  understand  On  in  Egypt. — 2.  Ezk.30. 
17,  mentioned  with  Pibeseth  ;  this  is  the 
Egyptian  On  or  Heliopolis,  the  city  of  Un 
(the  rising  sun),  in  Egypt. — 3.  Ho.10.8 
(cf.  Beth-aven,  4.15).  The  "  high  places  of 
Aven  "  were  idolatrous  shrines  apparently  at 
Bethel  (1K.12.29;  Am. 7. 10),  which  is  now 
Beitin  ;  for  the  wilderness  of  Beth-aven  (Jos. 
18.12,13)  was  E.  of  Bethel.  [c.r.c] 

Aveng-ep  of  blood.  [Goel  ;  Homicide  ; 
Crimes.] 

Avim',  Avites,  correctly  Avvim  (as  R.V.). 
The  LXX.  identifies  them  with  the  Hivites, 
rendering  both  names  by  ^vatoi-  In  Deut.2.23 
the  Avim  are  mentioned  as  an  ancient  race 
destroyed  by  the  Caphtorim  who  occupied 
their  land  in  Hazerim  (probably  not  a  proper 
name,  but  =  villages)  "  even  unto  Azzah  " 
(Gaza).  It  has  been  inferred  that  they  were 
one  of  the  ancient  giant  races  of  Palestine. 
In  Jos. 13. 3  the  Avites  are  mentioned  after 
the  five  lords  of  the  Philistines,  six  instead  of 
five  districts  being  enumerated.  In  Jos. 18. 23 
a  city  allotted  to  Benjamin  is  called  hd'avvim  = 
the  Avites,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  dis- 
trict assigned  to  Benjamin  was  Hivite  (Jos. 9. 
7,27).  [The  word  means  apparently  "  inhabi- 
tants of  ruins."  Some  trace  of  the  root  may 
survive  at  Beit  'Anwa,  a  group  of  ruined  sites 
about  12  miles  S.W.  of  Hebron,  in  the  lower 
hills  30  miles  E.  of  Gaza,  c.r.c.]  The  .\vim 
have  also  been  identified  with  the  Anakim  ; 
and  the  city  hd'avvim  (Jos. 18. 23)  is  supposed 
to  be  a  misreading  for  the  Benjamite  town  of  .Ai 
[Samaria]  (2K.i7.3r).     [.A.va.]        [f.j.f.-j.) 

Avlth'  (ruins),  the  city  of  Hadad  ben- 
Bedad,  one  of  the  kings  of  Edom  before  there 
were  kings  in  Israel  (Gen. 36. 35  ;  iChr.l.46). 
Perhaps  the  same  as  IiM  (=  ruins),     [c.r.c] 

Awl  (marrea'),  a  tool,  the  only  notice  of 
which  is  in  connexion  with  boring  the  ears  of 
slaves  (Ex.21.6  ;  Deut.l5.i7).  The  Heb.  root 
means  to  "  pierce,"  and  the  cognate  Arab,  root 
means  to  "  stab."  We  may  assume  that  in 
form  this  instrument  resembled  a  small  pointed 
bar  of  iron.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Axe.  Seven  Heb.  words  are  rendered 
"  ax  "  in  A.V.  (1)  Rarzen,  from  a  root  signify- 
ing "  to  cut  or  sever,"  as  "  hatchet,"  from 
"  hack,"  corresponds  to  the  Lat.  securis.  It 
consisted  of  a  head  of  iron  (cf.  Is.lO.34), 
fastened,  with  thongs  or  otherwise,  upon  a 
handle  of  wood,  and  so  liable  to  slip  off 
(Deut.19.5  ;    2K.6.5).     It  was  .used  for  felling 


AZAEL 


AZARIAH 


77 


trees  (Deut.2O.19),  .and  also^  for  shaping  the 
wood  when  felled,  perhaps  like  the  modern 


EGVPrlAN  AXE.     (Brit.  Mils.) 


adze  (iK.6.7).  (2)  herebh,  usually  rendered 
Sword,  is  once  rendered  "  axe  "  (Ezk.26.9), 
evidently  denoting  a  weapon  for  destroying 
buildings,  a  pick-axe.  (3)  kashshil  (Ps.74.6 
only)  denotes  a  large  axe.  It  is  also  found  in 
the  Targum  of  J e. 46. 22.  (4)  maghzera  (2Sam. 
12.31)  and  t5)  m-ghera  (iChr.20.3)  are  found 
in  the  description  of  the  punishments  inflicted 
by  David  upon  the  Ammonites  of  Rabbah. 
The  latter  word  is  properly  "  a  saw,"  and  is 


EGYPTIAN   ADZE.     (Brit.  Mus.) 

apparently  an  error  of  the  transcriber  for  the 
former.  (6)  ma'dfddh,  rendered,  "ax"  in  the 
marg.  of  Is. 44. 12  and  Je.lO.3,  was  an  instru- 
ment employed  both  by  the  iron-smith  and  the 
carpenter,  and  is  supposed  to  be  a  curved  knife 
or  bill,  smaller  than  : — (7)  qardom,  which  was 
a  large  axe  used  for  felling  trees  (Judg.9.48; 
Ps.74.5,  etc.).  The  words  i,  5,  and  7  have  an 
etymological  affinity  with  each  other,  "  cut- 
ting "  being  the  idea  expressed  by  their  roots. 

Az'ael  (iEsd.9.14)  =  AsAHEL,  4. 

Azae'lus,  mentioned  iEsd.9.34,  but  not 
Ezr.lO.41,  as  putting  away  his  "  strange " 
wife  in  the  time  of  Ezra.  [c.d.] 

Azal'  (R.V.  Azel),  a  name  only  occurring 
in  Zech.14.5.  Perhaps  not  a  proper  name. 
The  Heb.  may  mean,  "  Ye  shall  flee  the  ravine 
of  my  mountain :  for  the  ravine  of  the 
mountains  shall  come  close  " — referring  to  the 
earthquake,  as  in  the  next  clause.       [c.r.c] 

Azali'ah,  the  father  of  Shaphan  the  scribe 
in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2K.22.3  ;   2Chr.34.8). 

Azani'ah,  the  father  or  near  ancestor  of 
Jeshua  the  Levite  (Ne.lO.9). 

Aza'phion   (iEsd.5.33;   R.V.  Assaphioth) 

=  SOPHERETH. 

Az'apa,  one  of  the  "  servants  of  the  tem- 
ple "  (iEsd.5.31). 

Aza'pael,  a  Levite-musician  (Ne.i2.36). 

Aza'peel  (R.V.  Azarel). — 1.  A  Korhite 
who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.6). — 
2.  A  Levite-musician  of  the  family  of  Heman 
(25.18)  ;  called  Uzziel  in  25.4. — 3.  Son  of 
Jeroham,  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  when 
David  numbered  the  people  (27.22).— 4.  A 
son  of  Bani,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  on 
the  remonstrance  of  Ezra  (Ezr.lO.41)  ;  appar- 
ently =  Esril  in  iEsd.9.34. — 5.  A  priest,  the 
son  of  Ahasai  (Ne.ll.13).  [h.c.b.] 

Azaplah',  a  common  name  in  Heb.,  es- 


pecially in  the  families  of  the  priests  of  the 
line  of  Eleazar,  whose  name  has  the  same 
meaning  as  Azariah.     It  is   nearly  identical, 
and  often  confounded,  with  Ezra,  Zerahiah, 
and  Seraiah. — 1.  Son  of  Ahimaaz  (iChr.6.9). 
He  appears  from  iK.4.2  to   have   succeeded 
Zadok,  his  grandfather,  in  the  high-priesthood, 
in  the  reign  of  Solomon,  Ahimaaz  having  died 
before  Zadok.     [Ahimaaz.]     To  him,  instead 
of  to  his  grandson,  Azariah  the  son  of  Johanan, 
probably    belongs    the    notice    in    iChr.6.io, 
"  He  it  is  that  executed  the  priest's  office  in 
the  temple  that  Solomon  built  at  Jerusalem." 
— 2.  A  chief  officer  of  Solomon's,  the  son  of 
Nathan,  perhaps  David's  grandson  (iK.4.5). — 
3.  Tenth  king  of  Judah,  more  frequently  called 
UzziAH  (2K.14.21,  etc.).   Heis  called  'Azriydhu 
in  an  Assyrian  text. — 4.  Son  of  Ethan,  of  the 
sons  of  Zerah,  though  Zerahiah  is  the  more 
probable  reading  (iChr.2.8). — 5.  Son  of  Jehu 
and   grandson   of  Obed,  of  the  family  of  the 
Jerahmeelites,  and  descended  from  Jarha  the 
Egyptian   slave    and    son-in-law   of   Sheshan 
(2.38,39).     He  was  possibly  identical  with  one 
of   the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the  time  of 
Athaliah,  called  the  son  of  Obed  (2Chr.23.i). — 
6.  The  son  of  Johanan  and  father  of  Amariah 
(iChr.6.io,ii  ;  cf.  Ezr.7.3,  where  several  pre- 
ceding   generations    are    omitted).      He    was 
probably  high-priest  in  the  reigns  of  Abijah 
and  Asa,  as  we  know  his  son  Amariah  was  in 
the  days  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Asa. — 7. 
Another  Azariah  is  inserted  between  Hilkiah, 
in  Josiah's  reign,  and  Seraiah,   who  was  put 
to  death  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  iChr.6.13,14. 
The  name  may  have  been  inserted  here  to  assi- 
milate the  genealogy  to  that  of  Ezr.7.i. — 8. 
Son  of  Zephaniah,  a  Kohathite,  and  ancestor  of 
Samuel  the  prophet  (iChr.6.36).     Apparently 
the  same  as  Uzziah  in  ver.  24. — 9.  Azariah, 
the  son  of  Oded   (2Chr.l5.i),   called  simply 
Oded  in  ver.  8,  was  a  remarkable  prophet  in 
the  days  of  king  Asa,  and  a  contemporary  of 
Azariah  the  son  of  Johanan  the  high-priest, 
and  of  Hanani  the  seer. — 10,  11.  Two  sons  of 
Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah  (21.2). — 12.    In 
22.6  Azariah  is  a  clerical  error  for  Ahaziah. — 
13.  Son  of  Jeroham,  one  of  the  captains  of 
Judah  in  the  time  of  Athaliah  (23. i). — 14.  The 
high-priest   in  the    reign  of   Uzziah,   king   of 
Judah.    The  most  memorable  event  of  his  life 
is  recorded  in  26.17-20.    When  king  Uzziah, 
elated  by  his  prosperity  and  power,  "  trans- 
gressed against   the  Lord  his  God,  and  went 
into  the  temple  of  the  Lord  to  burn  incense 
upon  the  altar  of  incense,"  Azariah  the  priest, 
accompanied  by  eighty  of  his  brethren,  went  in 
boldly  after  him,  and  withstood  him.    Azariah 
was   contemporary  with   Isaiah  the  prophet, 
and  with  Amos  and  Joel,  and  doubtless  wit- 
nessed the  great  earthquake  in  Uzziah's  reign. 
— 15.  Son  of  Johanan  ;  one  of  the  captains  of 
Ephraim   in  the   reign  of  Ahaz  (28.12),  who 
sent  back   the  captives  and  spoil  that  were 
taken  in  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  Pekah.^ 
16.  A  Kohathite,  father  of  Joel  in  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah  (29.12). — 17.  A  Merarite,  son  of 
Jehalelel,  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  contem- 
porary with  the  son  of  the  preceding  (29.12). 
— 18.  The  high -priest  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah 
(31.10,13).     He  may  have   co-operated  with 
the    king    in    the    thorough    purification    of 


78 


AZ  ARIAS 


the  temple  and  in  the  restoration  of  the 
temple  services.  He  succeeded  Urijah,  the 
high-priest  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz. — 19.  Son  of 
Maaseiah,  who  repaired  part  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Ne.3.23,24).  —  20.  One  of  the 
leaders  of  the  children  of  the  province  who 
went  up  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (7.7). 
Called  Seraiah  (Ezr.2.2)  and  Zacharias 
(iEsd.5.8). — 21.  One  of  the  Levites  who  as- 
sisted Ezra  in  instructing  the  people  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  law  (Ne.8.7).  Called  Azarias 
in  iEsd.9.43. — 22.  One  of  the  priests  who 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Ne.lO.2), 
and  probably  the  same  as  the  Azariah  who  as- 
sisted in  the  dedication  of  the  city  wall  (12. 33). 
—23.  (Je.43.2.)  [Jezaniah.]— 24.  The  original 
name  of  Abed-nego  (Dan. 1.6, 7, 11,19). 

Azapi'as — 1.  (iEsd.9.2i)  =  Uzziah,  3. — 
2.  (9.43)  possibly  =  Urijah,  3.-3.  (9.48)  = 
Azariah,  21. — 4.  Priest  in  the  line  of  Ezra 
(2Esd.l.r),  elsewhere  Azariah,  7,  andEzERiAS. 
— 5.  Name  assumed  by  the  angel  Raphael 
(Tob. 5. 12, 6. 6. 13, 7. 8, 9. 2). — 3.  A  captain  in 
the  army  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (iMac.5.i8, 
56,60). 

Azaz',  a  Reubenite,  father  of  Bela  (iChr. 
5.8). 

Azazi'ah. — 1.  A  Levite-harpist  when  the 
ark  was  brought  from  the  house  of  Obed-edora 
to  Jerusalem  (iChr.l5.2i).— 2.  The  father  of 
Hoshea  the  prince  of  Ephraim  when  David 
numbered  the  people  (27. 20). — 3.  One  of  the 
Levites  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  who  had 
charge  of  the  tithes  and  dedicated  things  in 
the  temple  (2Chr.3i.13). 

Azbaz'areth,  king  of  the  Assyrians,  pro- 
bably a  corruption  of  Esar-haddon  (iEsd.5. 
69  ;    cf.  Ezr.'t.2). 

Azbuk',  father  or  ancestor  of  Nehemiah 
the  prince  of  part  of  Beth-zur  (Ne.3.i6). 

Azekah',  a  town  of  Judah,  with  depend- 
ent villages,  lying  in  the  sh'^phela,  near 
Shochoh  (iSam.l7.i).  Joshua's  pursuit  of 
the  Canaanites  after  the  battle  of  Beth-horon 
extended  to  Azekah  (Jos.l0.io,ii.l5.35),  which 
was  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2Chr.ll.Q),  and  was 
still  standing  at  the  time  of  the  Babylonian 
invasion  (Je.34.7),  and  is  mentioned  as  one  of 
the  places  reoccupied  by  the  Jews  after  the 
Captivity  (Ne.ll.30).  The  position  of  Azekah 
is  still  doubtful.  [c.r.c] 

Azel',  a  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.8.37,38, 
9. 43. 44)-  ^ 

Azem',  a  city  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah 
(Jos. 15. 29),  afterwards  allotted  to  Simeon  (19. 
3).     Called  in  rChr.4-29  Ezem. 

Azephupith'  (R.V.  Arsiphurilh).  The 
name  answers  in  the  LX.X.  of  iEsd.5.i6  to 
Jorah  in  Ezr.2.i8  and  Hariph  in  Ne.7.24.  It 
perhaps  originated  in  a  mistaken  combination 
f)f  these  two  names,  C  being  read  for  £  .  The 
Vulg.  omits  it.  [c.D.J 

Aze'tas.    [Ceilan.] 

Azg-ad'.  The  children  of  Azgad,  to  the 
number  of  1,222  (Ezr.2.i2  ;  2,322,  Ne.7.i7), 
were  among  the  laymen  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel.  A  second  detachment  of  no,  led 
by  Johanan,  accompanied  Ezra  in  the  second 
caravan  (Ezr.8  12).  They  joined  in  the  cove- 
nant (Ne.lO.15).  The  name  appears  as  Astath 
in  iEsd.8.38  and  Sadas  in  5.13,  where  the 
number  is  given  as  3,222. 


AZZtTA 

Azi'a  (iEsd.5.31)  =  UzzA,  3. 

Azi'ei  (2Esd.l.2),  an  ancestor  of  Ezra,  called 
Azariah,  6  (Ezr.7.3),   and  Ezias  (iEsd.8.2). 

Aziel',  a  Levite  (iChr.l5.2o).  A  shortened 
form  of  Jaaziel  (ver.  18). 

Aziza',  an  Israelite  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
(Ezr.10.27)  ;    called  Sardeus  in  iEsd.9.28.' 

Azma'veth. — 1.  One  of  David's  mighty 
men  (2Sam.23.31  ;  1Chr.ll.33). — 2.  A  de- 
scendant of  Mephibosheth,  or  Merib-baal(iChr. 
8.36,9.42).— 3.  The  father  of  Jeziel  and  Pelet, 
two  Benjamite  slingers  and  archers  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (12. 3). — 4.  Overseer  of 
David's  royal  treasures  (27.25).  Probably  i, 
3,  and  4  are  identical. 

Azma'veth,  a  place  in  Benjamin,  named 
with  Anathoth.  Forty-two  Bene-Azmaveth  re- 
turned from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel (Ezr.2. 
24).  The  "  sons  of  the  singers  "  settled  there 
(Ne.12.29).  See  Beth-azmaveth  (Hizmeh,  2 
miles  N.  of  Anathoth).  [c.r.c] 

Azmon',  a  place  on  the  S.  boundary  of  the 
Holy  Land,  apparently  near  the  torrent  of 
Egy^t  {Wddy  el-^Arish  ;  Num. 34. 4, 5  ;  J0S.I5.4). 
It  has  not  yet  been  identified. 

Aznoth  -tabop'  (Jos.i9.34  ;  ears  of  Tabor), 
a  place  at  the  foot  of  Tabor  on  W.  The  name 
has  not  been  recovered.  [c.r.c] 

A'zop,  son  of  Eliakim,  in  our  Lord's  geneal- 
ogy (Mt. 1.13,14). 

AzOtUS.       [ASHDOD.] 

Azotus,  Mt.  (iMac.9.15),  the  place  where 
Judas  Maccabaeus  was  killed  in  battle,  after 
advancing  from  Eleasa.  Josephus  places  Mt. 
Aza  near  Berzetho  or  Bethzetho  (12  Ant.  x.  2, 
xi.  2),  the  scene  of  the  battle  ;  now  Bir  ez  Zeit, 
a  village  on  high  ground  commanding  the 
Roman  road  from  Antipatris  to  Jerusalem,  4 
miles  N.W.  of  Bethel.  [c.r.c] 

Azpiel'. — 1.  The  head  of  a  house  of  the 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan,  a  man 
of  renown  (iChr.5.24). — 2.  -A.  Naphtalite, 
ancestor  of  Jerimoth,  6  (27. iq). — 3.  Father 
of  Seraiah,   12  (Je.36.26). 

Azpikam'. — 1.  A  son  of  Neariah  of  the 
royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.23). — 2.  Eldest 
son  of  Azel,  and  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.8. 
38,9.44). — 3.  A  Levite.  ancestor  of  Shemaiah, 
5  (iChr.9.14;  Ne.ll.15). — 4.  Governor  of  the 
house,  or  prefect  of  the  palace  to  king  Ahaz, 
who  was  slain  by  Zichri,  an  Ephraimite  hero, 
in  the  successful  invasion  of  the  southern  king- 
dom bv  I'ekah.  king  of  Israel  (2Chr.28.7). 

Azubah'.— 1.  Wife  of  Caleb,  2  (iChr.2.i8. 
19). — 2.  Daughter  of  Shilhi  and  mother  of 
king  Jehoshaphat   (iK.22.42;    2Chr.2O.31). 

Azup,  properly  Azzup'. — 1.  One  of  the 
heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant 
(Ne.lO.17). — 2.  A  Benjamite  of  Gibeon,  and 
father  of  Hananiah  the  false  prophet  (Je.28.i). 
— 3.  F'athcr  of  Jaazaniah,  one  of  the  princes 
of  the  people  against  whom  Ezekicl  was  com- 
manded to  prophesy  (Ezk.ll.i). 

Azupan'.  The  sons  of  .\zuran  are  enumer- 
ated in  iEsd.5.15  among  those  who  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  ;  perhaps 
identical  with  .Azzur  in  Ne.lO.17. 

Azzah'  (K.\'.  Gaza),  the  more  accurate  ren- 
dering of  Gaza  (Deut.2.23  ;  I K. 4.24  ;  J e. 25.20). 

Azzan  ,the  father  of  Paltiel (Num. 34.26). 

Azzup'.     [Azuk,  i.] 


PLATE    IV 


WORSHIP    OF   THE    SUX-GOD    AT   SIPPARA,    c.  900   B.C. 
(From  a  stone  tablet  in  the  Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.  "  Baal." 


P-  7S]  SARCOPHAGUS    FROM    SIDON. 

(Hamdi  Pasha  supposed  this  to  be  the  tomb  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
but  this  is  highly  improbable.    See  art.  "Sidon.") 


SAAL 


Ba'al. — 1.  A  Reubenite,  father  or  an- 
cestor of  Beerah  (iChr.5.5). — 2.  The  son  of 
Jehiel,  father  or  founder  of  Gibeon,  by  his 
wife   Maachah    {iChr.8.30,9.36). 

Ba'al  (plur.  ba'alim),  a  word  found  in  all  the 
Semitic  dialects  in  the  sense  of  master,  owner 
(not  ruler),  as,  e.g.,  owner  of  a  house,  land,  ox, 
etc.  It  is  also  used  in  the  sense  of  husband, 
though  not  applied  to  the  owner  of  a  slave. 
Some  suppose  it  was  used  in  N.  Israel  as  equiva- 
lent to  the  word  'ddhon  (lord)  used  in  the  S., 
but  the  words  are  not  equivalent.  It  is  found 
particularly  in  connexion  with  the  local  wor- 
ship of  the  Canaanites,  which  the  Israelites 
found  on  their  entrance  into  Canaan,  and  to 
which  they  so  largely  conformed.  A  local 
divinity  was  supposed  to  have  his  seat  in  a 
particular  spot  or  district  of  which  he  was  lord, 
and  to  exercise  special  influence  over  the  agri- 
cultural operations  of  the  district.  The  Is- 
raelites, in  their  transition  from  a  pastoral  to 
an  agricultural  life,  became  habituated  to  the 
modes  of  speech  of  their  neighbours,  and  con- 
formed to  their  customs,  celebrating  the  days 
of  the  ba'alim,  and  giving  offerings  of  the  pro- 
duce to  the  local  deities  who  were  supposed  to 
confer  fertility  (Ho. 2. 5, 13).  This  conformity 
was  the  more  insidious  that  the  word  ba'al,  or 
lord,  harmless  enough  in  itself,  was  actually  ap- 
plied by  the  Israelites  to  their  own  God,  and 
they  no  doubt  persuaded  themselves  that  they 
were  giving  Him  reverence  by  this  service.  The 
result  was  practically  the  worship  of  the  ba  'dlim , 
with  all  the  immoral  accompaniments  of  that 
worship  (Ho. 4.13, 14).  So  it  was  reprobated 
by  the  prophets  as  a  defection  from  the  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah  ;  and  so  heinous  did  it  appear 
to  Hosea  that  he  rebuked  it  as  open  idolatry, 
and  said  the  time  would  come  when  Israel 
would  see  its  error,  and  the  very  name  ba'al 
would  be  so  abhorred  that  it  would  not  be  men- 
tioned. [IsHi.]  Hence  later  writers  substitute 
for  it  the  word  bosheth  [shame]  in  com- 
pound words  forming  proper  names,  writing 
Ishbosheth  for  Ishbaal,  Mephibosheth  for 
Meribbaal,  etc.,  though  these  names  had  been 
at  first  used  without  any  conscious  reference  to 
the  Baal -worship,  and  in  families  most  devoted 
to  the  Jehovah  religion.  As  the  word  6a '«/ is  not 
confined  to  Hebrew,  so  we  find  Baal-worship 
outside  the  bounds  of  Palestine.  The  Baal  of 
Tyre  was  Melkart,  and  it  was  the  worship 
of  this  deity  that  was  introduced  into  N. 
Israel  by  Ahab,  under  the  influence  of  his 
Sidonian  wife  Jezebel.  This  seems  to  have 
been  a  worship  of  a  much  more  elaborate  na- 
ture than  that  of  the  local  ba'alim  (1K.I8.22) ; 
and  though  perhaps  it  was  not  designed  by 
Ahab  to  take  the  place  of  the  worship  of  Jeho- 
vah, Elijah  perceived  clearly  that  the  nation 
must  choose  between  the  two,  and  made  that 
solemn  appeal  and  trial  by  fire  which  gave  a 
check  to  the  foreign  worship.  It  is,  however, 
to  be  noted  that  though  this  form  of  Baal- 
worship  was  stamped  out  by  Jehu  at  a  suc- 
ceeding time,  the  worship  of  the  local  ba'alim, 
associated  from  time  immemorial  with  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil,  and  claiming  to  be  not 
inconsistent  with  the  acknowledgment  of 
J  ehovah  as  the  national  God, was  still  practised, 


BAAL,  BAAL  AH,  BAAlATH       79 

as  the  book  of  Hosea  shows.  Though  put 
down  from  time  to  time  by  reforming  leaders, 
it  ever  again  reasserted  itself  (cf.  Judg.6.25 
with  8.33,  Judg.lO.io  with  iSam.7.4,  2K.3.2), 
and  seems  never  to  have  been  permanently 
abolished  till  the  Exile  (2K.I7.16).  In  the 
Assyro-Babylonian  religion  the  name  occurs 
in  the  form  of  Bel,  who  is  one  of  the  first  triad 
of  gods,  the  god  of  the  earth,  as  Anu  is  god  of 
the  heavens,  and  Ea  the  god  of  the  abyss.  At 
a  later  stage  he  became  identified  with  Mar- 
duk,  the  city-god  of  Babylon.  Among  wor- 
shippers of  the  heavenly  bodies  the  name  Baal 
would  be  naturally,  and  apparently  was  some- 
times, given  to  the  sun  ;  but  this  does  not 
warrant  the  conclusion  that  Baal  was  origin- 
ally the  sun.  In  2K.23.5  the  worship  of  Baal 
is  distinguished  from  the  worship  of  the  sun. 
The  name  enters  into  a  great  many  com- 
pounds, denoting  the  god  of  a  locality  or 
potency,  and  then  the  name  of  the  place  of  this 
supposed  influence.  It  also  enters  into  the 
formation  of  some  personal  names.  The  chief 
of  these  compounds  (besides  the  place-names  in 
next  art.)  are  :— 1.  BAAL-BERITH'  (lord  of 
covenant),  also  called  El-berith,  a  deity  wor- 
shipped at  Shechem  (Judg.9.4,46). — 2.  BAAL- 
GAD'  (lord  of  good  fortune),  in  the  valley  of 
Lebanon  under  mount  Hermon,  identified  by 
some  with  Ba'albek,  by  others  supposed  to  be 
the  same  as  Baal-hermon,  and  located  at 
Hasbeya  (see  next  art.  and  Gad). — 3.  BAAL- 
HA  NA  N'  (Baal  has  been  gracious),  proper  name 
of  (a)  one  of  the  kings  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 
38),  (b)  one  of  David's  officers  (iChr.27.28). — 
4.  BAAL-PEOR'  (lord  of  Peor),  a  Moabite 
deitv,  into  whose  impure  worship  the  Israelites 
fell  (■Num.25. 3) — 5.  BAAL-ZEBUB' (q.v.).  W. 
Robertson  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Semites,  lect. 
iii.  ;  F.  Baethgen,  Beitrdge  zur  semitischen 
Religionsgeschichie  (1888),  pp.  17 ff.       [j.R.] 

Ba'al,  Baalah',  Baalath'  (geographical). 
"  High,"  an  element  in  various  town  names. — 
1.  BAAL  (iChr.4.33),  <5nS.  borderof  Simeon, in 
the  Beer-sbeba  desert,  called  also  BAALATH- 
BEER  (J  OS. 19. 8  ;  height  of  the  well),  otherwise 
Ramath-neghebh  (i  Sam. 30. 27  ;  height  of  the  dry 
region).  The  site  is  unknown. — 2.  BAALAH 
(]os.i5.g),  BAALE  (2S&m..G.2),  or  K I RJATH- 
BAAL  (Jos.15.6o, 18. 14),  names  for  Kirjath- 
JEARIM  ('Erma).  It  is  noticed  in  the  Amarna 
tablets,  in  15th  cent,  b.c,  as  Bit  Belatu  (Berlin 
106),  rebelling  from  Jerusalem  (see  9.17). — 3. 
Mount  BAALAH  (15.ii),  the  high  land  W.  of 
Ekron.— 4.  BAALATH,  a  town  of  Dan  (19. 
44),  near  Gezer  and  Beth-horon  (8  Ant.  vi.  i), 
fortified  by  Solomon  (1K.9.18),  possibly  the 
village  Bel'ain  on  a  hill  3  miles  N.  of  Beth- 
horon.— 5.  BAAL-GAD,  the  N.  limit  of 
J  oshua's  conquests  ' '  in  the  valley  of  Lebanon,' ' 
and  "under  mount  Hermon"  (Jos.ll. 17,12.7, 
13.5),  perhaps  at  'Ain  Jedeideh,  on  the  road 
to  Damascus,  N.  of  Hermon.  See  also  preced- 
ing art. — 8.  BAAL-HAMON,\w\ievQ  Solomon 
had  a  vineyard  (Can. 8. 11),  is  unknown,  unless 
we  may  read  BAAL-HERMON  (Judg.3.3; 
iChr.5.23),  Hermon  being  noted  for  the  vine- 
yards on  its  slopes. — 7.  BAAL-HAZOR,  near 
the  town  of  Ephraim  (2Sam.i3.23),  now  the 
high  summit  Tell  'Asur,  N.  of  Bethel,  and  E. 
of  the  road  to  Shechem.— 8.  BAAL-MEON 
(Num.32.38 ;  iChr.5.8),  a  town  of  Reuben  near 


80 


BAALE   OF  JXTDAH 


Nebo  ;  Eusebius  places  it  9  miles  from  Heshbotl 
(Onomasticon),  which  is  correct  for  Md'ain,  a 
high  mound  with  Byzantine  ruins  S.  of  Hesh- 
bon.  On  the  Moabite  Stone  (after  900  b.c.)  it 
is  called  BETH-BAAL-MEON,  as  also  in 
Jos.13.i7;  and  Je.48.23  BETH-ME0N.—9. 
BAAL-PERAZIM  (aSam.S.so),  a  hill  near  the 
valley  of  Rephaim,  S.W.  of  Jerusalem. — 10. 
BAAL-SHALISHA  (2K.4.42),  perhaps  in  the 
land  of  Shalisha  (iSam.9.4).  Eusebius  places 
it  15  Roman  miles  N.  of  Lydda ;  perhaps  at 
Ke/r  Thilth  (the  Arab,  th  being  the  Heb.  sh), 
18  miles  N.  of  Lydda.— 11.  BAAL-TAMAR 
(htll  of  the  palm),  near  Gibeah  of  Benjamin 
(Judg.20.33),  perhaps  near  the  palm  S.  of 
Bethel  (4.5).— 12.  BAAL-ZEPHON  [height 
of  the  north ;  Ex. 14.2, 9),  near  the  old  head  of 
the  gulf  of  Suez.  [c.R.c.j 

Baale  of  Judah.     [Baal,  geogr.  2.] 
Ba'ali.     [Ishi.] 
Baalim.     [Baal,  the  god.] 
Baalis',    the    Ammonite   king    who    used 
the  traitor  Ishmael  to  slay  Gedaliah  (Je.4O.14). 
[Ishmael,  6.]  . 

Baal-zebub  (a-Ut  7^3;  LXX.  BdaX 
Mvtav,  2K. 1.2, 3, 6,16),  the  Philistine  god  of 
Ekron,  whose  oracle  was  so  famous,  that  when 
Ahaziah,  king  of  Israel,  was  dangerously  sick,  he 
sent  to  inquire  of  it  whether  he  should  recover, 
and  was  accordingly  rebuked  by  Elijah.  The 
name  Baal-zebub  (lit.  lord  of  flies),  assuming 
it  to  be  correct,  would  probably  mean  among 
the  Philistines,  "  he  who  sends  and  averts 
plagues  of  flies"  ;  cf.  the  worship  of  Zei^s  dvo- 
/xvios  (Zeus,  the  averter  of  flies)  in  Elis,  attested 
by  Pausanias  and  Clement  of  Alexandria.  But 
probably  the  second  component,  2-13T  (z''bhubh 

=  fly)  is  a  contemptuous  Jewish  substitute  (cf. 
the  substitution  of  boshelh,  shame,  for  Baal) 
for  an  original  '?2r,   z'bhul,  =  lofty  abode,  a 

word  used  of  Solomon's  temple  (1K.8.13),  and 
of  heaven  (Is.63.i5  ;  Hab.S.ii).  The  true 
form,  therefore,  is  Baal-zebul  (cf.  N.T.  BeeX- 
fe^ouA),  and  the  true  meaning  is,  either,  lord  of 
the  temple  (at  Ekron),  or  (more  probably)  lord 
of  heaven.  The  LXX.  wrongly  renders  Baal- 
zebub  "  the  lord  Muian,"  i.e.  the  lord  Zebub  = 
fly.  Josephus  has  a  further  error.  Misled  by 
the  feminine  article  of  the  LXX.  [iv  rij  lidaX 
Mviav,  2K.1.2a,6,i6),  which  merely  indicates 
that,  in  reading,  at'crxt'"''?  {shame)  is  to  be  sub- 
stituted for  the  hateful  word  Baal,  he  makes 
Baal-zebub  a  goddess  (9  Ant.  ii.  i).  In  N.T.  the 
word  occurs  7  times  (Mt. 10.25,12.24,27  ;  Mk.3. 
22  ;  Lu.ll.15,18,19),  always  as  a  title  of  Satan, 
an  application  natural  enough  at  a  time  when 
the  gods  of  the  heathen  were  generally  identi- 
fied with  demons.  The  true  N.T.  form  is  un- 
doubtedly UeeX^e^ouX,  Beelzeboul  (W.  H.'s 
liee^efiovK  is  a  palpable  blunder),  and  the  N.T. 
meaning  is,  therefore,  "lord  of  the  abode"  (cf. 
the  play  upon  the  meaning,  BeeXfe/ioi/X  = 
olKo5f(nr6Tr]s,  Mt.lO.25),  the  "  abode  "  being 
understood  to  be  not  heaven,  but  hell.  J. 
Lightfoot's  suggestion  that  Beelzeboul  is  a  con- 
temptuous alteration  of  Beel-zebub  (lord  of 
flies)  into  ?3T  bv2,  ba'al  zebhel  ( =  lord  of  dung), 
is  less  probable.  Baudissin  in  Realency.  f.  prot. 
Jheol.',  "  Baal  and  Bel  "  ;  Enc.  Bib.,  arts. 
"  Baal-zebub,"  "  Beel-zebub."  [ch.J      | 


BABEL,    BABYLON" 

Baaha'. — 1.  Solomon's  of&cer  in  the  town§ 
of  Issachar  (1K.4.12).  [Jehoshaphat,  4.]^ 
2.  The  father  of  Zadok  who  assisted  ia 
rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehe- 
miah  (Ne.3.4).— 3.   (iEsd.5.8)  =  Baanah,  4. 

Baanah'. — 1.  Son  of  Rimmon,  a  Ben- 
jamite,  who  with  his  brother  Rechab  murdered 
Ishbosheth.  Eor  this  they  were  killed  by 
David,  and  their  mutilated  bodies  hung  up 
over  the  pool  at  Hebron  (2Sam.4.2,5,6,9). — 2. 
A  Netophathite,  father  of  Heleb  or  Heled, 
one  of  David's  mighty  men  (aSam. 23.29  ; 
iChr.11.30). — 3.  Accurately  Baana,  son  of 
Hushai,  Solomon's  commissariat  officer  in 
Asher  (iK.4.i6). — 4.  One  of  the  "guides" 
of  Zerubbabel  on  his  return  from  the  Captivity 
(Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7  ;  =  Baana  in  iEsd.5.8).  Pos- 
sibly the  same  person  is  intended  in  Ne.lO.27. 

Baani'as  =  Benaiah,  8,    of    the  sons  of 
Phorosh  =  Phoros  (iEsd.9.26  ;  cf.  Ezr.lO.25). 
Baapa',  one  of   the  wives  of  Shaharaim, 
a  descendant  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.8). 

Baasei'ah,  a  Gershonite  Levite,  forefather 
of  Asaph  the  singer  (iChr.6.4o[25]). 

Baasha',  c.  925-902  e.g.,  3rd  king  of  the 
separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  founder  of 
its  2nd  dynasty.  He  was  son  of  Ahijah  of 
the  tribe  of  Issachar,  and  conspired  against 
king  Nadab,  son  of  Jeroboam,  when  besieging 
the  Philistine  town  of  Gibbethon  (1K.I5.27), 
and  killed  him  with  his  whole  family.  His 
origin  appears  to  have  been  humble  (16. 2). 
He  made  war  on  Asa,  probably  in  the  i6th 
year  of  the  latter's  reign  [Chronologv],  and 
began  to  fortify  Ramah.  He  was  defeated 
by  the  unexpected  alliance  of  Asa  with 
Benhadad  I.  of  Damascus.  Baasha  "  walked 
in  the  way  of  Jeroboam,"  and  therefore 
Jehu,  the  son  of  Hanaui,  pronounced  against 
him  Jeroboam's  fate  (I6.1-4)  ;  he  himself, 
however,  died  a  natural  death  in  the  24th  year 
of  his  reign,  and  was  buried  in  the  beautiful 
city  (Can. 6. 4)  of  Tirzah,  which  he  had  made 
his  capital  (iK.16.6  ;  2Chr.l6.1-6).  [h.c.b.] 

Babel,  Babylon,  was  properly  the  capital 
of  the  country  called,  in  O.T.,  Shinar,  and  in 
later  times  Chaldea,  or  the  land  of  the  Chaldees. 
Whether  it  goes  back  to  the  same  date  as 
Erech,  Accad,  Calneh,  and  other  cities,  is 
doubtful,  but  it  is  certain  that  it  existed  in  the 
time  of  Sargon  of  Agade  (c.  3000  B.C.),  or  even 
earlier.  It  probably  attained  the  position  of 
capital  of  the  country  c.  2000  B.C.,  when  the 
"  Dynasty  of  Babylon  "  ruled,  the  provinces 
not  included  being  Ellasar  (Gen.l4.i)  and  the 
southern  states,  which  last  always  retained 
a  measure  of  independence.  According  to 
Herodotus,  the  city  formed  a  vast  square  of 
120  stades  each  way  (close  upon  14  niiles,  or 
nearly  56  miles  in  circuit).  It  was  surrounded 
by  a  deep  and  broad  ditch,  and  by  a  wall  50 
royal  cubits  thick  and  200  cubits  high,  pierced 
by  100  gateways  with  brazen  gates.  The  city 
was  situated  on  both  sides  of  the  Euphrates, 
and  at  the  point  where  the  wall  met  the  river, 
return-walls  in  the  form  of  ramparts  stretched 
along  each  bank.  Its  houses  were  of  three  and 
four  stories  high,  and  the  roads  by  which  it  was 
cut  up  ran  in  straight  lines.  Those  leading  to 
the  river  were  closed  by  brazen  gates  set  in  the 
ramparts.  Within  the  great  outer  wall  was 
another  "  not  much  weaker,  but  enclosing  a 


BABEL,  BABYLON 

smaller  space."  In  each  division  of  the  city  [ 
was  a  building,  one  being  the  king's  palace,  j 
large  and  "  strongly  fortified  around,"  and  the 
other  the  great  temple  of  Belus.  The  latter 
was  a  tower  in  stages  to  the  number  of  eight, 
with  a  sanctuary  at  the  top  in  which  the  god 
was  said  to  visit  the  woman  who  dwelt  there. 
[B.\BEL,  Tower  of.]  The  two  divisions  of  the 
city  were  united  by  a  bridge  formed  of  stone 
piers  connected  by  movable  platforms,  said  to 
have  been  built  by  queen  Nitocris  when  she 
changed  the  course  of  the  Euphrates  to  prevent 
invasion.  Ctesias  gives  the  circuit  of  the  city 
as  360  stades  only  (rather  less  than  41  i  miles). 
The  two  divisions  were  connected  by  a  bridge 
5  stades  (more  than    1,000  yds.)    long,   and 


BABEL,  BABYLON 


81 


30  ft.  broad,  of  the  kind  described  by  Herodo- 
tus. At  each  end  was  a  royal  palace,  that  in 
the  eastern  city  being  the  grander  of  the 
two.  Besides  the  bridge,  the  two  palaces  were 
also  connected  by  a  tunnel  under  the  river  ! 
Ctesias'  description  of  the  temple  of  Belus  has 
not  come  down  to  us.  All  the  ancient  writers 
represent  Babylon  as  occupying  a  tract  of 
large  size,  and  enclosed  within  lofty  walls,  but 
their  estimates  differ.  (To  the  above  may  be 
added  Strabo,  385  stades  ;  Q.  Curtius,  368  ; 
and  Clitarchus,  365  stades.)  From  Herodotus' 
and  Diodorus'  descriptions  it  seems  clear  that 
this  space  was  not  covered  with  houses, 
and  Q.  Curtius  says  that  as  much  as  nine- 
tenths  consisted,  even  in  the  most  flourishing 


Scale  of  I  Mile. 

i ^ 


ATTKMPIED  RESTORATION   OF  BABYLON. 


S2 


BABEL,  BABYLON 


times,  of  gardens,  parks,  paradises,  fields,  and 
orchards.  The  reference  to  the  height  of  the 
gates  of  Babylon  and  the  breadth  of  her  walls 
(Je.51.58;  cf.  50.15  and  51.53)  indicates  that  it 
was  these  dimensions,  rather  than  their  extent, 
that  were  renowned.  About  21  in.  has  been 
suggested  as  the  length  of  the  royal  cubit, 
which  would  make  their  height,  as  indicated 
by  Herodotus,  about  360  ft.,  which  is  clearly 
impossible.  According  to  Ctesias,  the  wall 
was  strengthened  by  250  towers,  irregularly 
disposed  so  as  to  guard  the  weakest  parts  (in- 
cluding, probably,  the  gates). — The  Ruins. 
These  lie  about  5  miles  above  Hillah,  on  the  E. 
bank  of  the  Euphrates,  and  consist  chiefly  of 
three  great  masses  of  buildings.  The  northern- 
most is  a  squarish  mound  called  Babil  ;  some 
distance  S.  is  a  group  of  mounds  designated  al 
Mujelliheh,  "  the  overturned,"  the  lower  one, 
which  is  called  the  Qasr,  or  "  castle,"  being  the 
most  considerable.  Still  farther  S.  is  the 
mound  'A  mrdn  ibn  A  It,  so  called  from  the  tomb 
which,  with  the  sanctuary  named  Ibrahim  al 


</ 


PRESr.NT  STAl  !•:  uh  THE  RUINS  OF  BADVLON. 
Kf/rrnices:  A  Babil.  n.  Qasr.  or  jial.icc  C  Mound  with 
ninclern  tomb.  I),  TUiiclosun-.  h.  I{mb.iiikiiic-ni,  pcTli.ip". 
originally  on  river-bank.  IM",  O.G,  H,  1,1.  I-ines  of 
ramparts.  K.  An  isolated  heap  in  a  valley,  regarded  by 
some  as  Ihc  ancient  bed  of  the  stream. 


BABEL,  BABYLON 

Khalil,  occupies  the  summit.  'A  mrdn  is  about 
650  yds.  long  by  440  wide,  and  has  at  its  N. 
end  a  depression  about  no  yds.  square,  called 
Sahan,  "the  key."  More  E.  is  the  irregularly 
shaped  mound  al  Aswad,  "  the  black."  On 
N.,  between  this  and  al  Mnjellibeh,  is  a  large 
mound  named  Merkez — i.e.  "  centre,"  on  ac- 
count of  its  position.  All  these  mounds  are 
enclosed  by  the  remains  of  the  ancient  wall  of 
the  city.  Beginning  by  the  old  bed  of  the 
Euphrates  N.W.  of  Babil,  it  run?  E.  for  about 
660  yds.,  and  bending  S.  (030  yds.),  runs 
S.E.  for  a  couple  of  miles.  Being  then  E.  of 
the  mound  Merkez,  after  a  gap,  it  turns  almost 
at  a  right  angle  and  goes  S.W.  towards  the 
Euphrates  for  about  i  J  miles,  when  its  traces 
are  lost.  The  wall  probably  made  a  slight 
bend  southward  to  join  the  two  small  isolated 
mounds,  and  then  continued  on  to  the  river. 
The  wall  on  the  W.  bank  is  practically  the  re- 
mains of  a  rectangle,  and  seems  to  be  a  con- 
tinuation of  that  dividing  the  Qasr  mound  into 
two  parts,  its  N.  end  being  distant  from  it 
about  I  mile  200  yds.  in  a  W.S.VV.  direction.  It 
then  makes  an  angle,  and  runs  for  about  i  mile 
220  yards  S.S.W.,  when  it  again  bends,  and 
after  running  E.N.E.  for  a  short  distance,  is 
lost.  Extensive  gaps  occur  on  all  three  sides. 
In  the  eastern  division  of  the  city,  E.  of  the 
group  al  Ahmareh,  is  a  rampart  which  is  re- 
garded as  part  of  the  inner  wall  of  the  city, 
running  nearly  N.  and  S.,  with  a  break,  to  a 
point  near  the  southern  part  of  the  great  outer 
wall.  As  has  long  been  known,  the  Euphrates 
anciently  took  a  much  straighter  course  than 
now.  It  entered  Babylon  close  to  the  mound 
Babil.  N.  of  the  Mnjellibeh  it  occupies  its  old 
bed,  but  anciently,  instead  of  making  two 
bends  to  the  W.,  it  practically  skirted  the 
Qasr  and  'Amrdn.  Curving  then  slightly  to 
the  W.,  after  its  junction  with  the  Borsippa 
canal,  it  turned  S.E.,  and  receiving  the  waters 
of  the  Araljtu  Canal,  bent  southwards  again. 
The  Arahtu  Canal  began  some  distance  N.  of 
the  Qasr,  skirting  its  eastern  side,  and  con- 
tinued S.  past  the  mound  'Amrdn,  entering  the 
river  where  it  bends  S.E.  after  leaving  the  city. 
Two  other  canals  are  indicated  by  Weissbach 
— the  Merodach  Canal  N.  of  the  Qasr,  fed  from 
the  Euphrates,  and  the  canal  Libil-hegalla  S. 
of  the  same,  running  from  the  Eujihrates  to  the 
Arahtu.  The  most  important  ruin  is  the  Qasr, 
or  castle,  regarded  as  being  the  remains  of  the 
great  palace  at  Babylon.  It  seems  at  first  to 
have  consisted  only  of  the  building  S.  of  the 
continuation  of  the  western  city  wall,  and 
had  been  several  times  destroyed  and  rebuilt. 
After  its  restoration  by  Nabopolassar,  it  was 
devastated  by  an  overflow  of  the  Euphrates, 
whereupon  Nebuchadnezzar  enlarged  it,  re- 
building it  with  baked  brick  so  firmly  that  the 
lower  portion  remains  still  in  existence.  Its 
roof  was  of  cedar,  and  its  doors  of  cedar 
covered  with  bronze.  The  thresholds  were  of 
bronze,  and  the  palace  was  adorned  with  gold, 
silver,  and  costly  stones.  On  the  N.  side  of 
the  wall  he  built  another  edifice  to  serve  both 
for  fortress  and  royal  residence.  It  was  con- 
nected by  a  corridor  with  the  old  palace 
already  referred  to.  This  building  is  said  to 
have  been  completed  (without  the  decorations, 
apparently)  in  15  days  (India  House  Inscrip- 


BaSeL,  SABYLoiSr 

tion,  and  Berosus  in  Josephus,  lo  Anf.  xi.  i), 
after  which  a  strong  wall  of  bitumen  and  brick, 
flanked  with  stone,  was  thrown  around  it.  The 
palace  S.  of  the  wall,  which  was  also  lavishly 
decorated,  contained  over  loo  rooms,  the 
principal  being  what  is  regarded  as  the  throne- 
room,  with  a  recess  (for  the  throne)  in  the  S. 
wall.  The  mound  Babil,  close  to  the  N.  wall, 
seems  also  to  be  the  ruin  of  a  palace.  It  is 
here  that  Mr.  H.  Rassam  places  the  Hanging 
Gardens,  which  are  supposed  to  be  represented 


BAfiEL,  BABYLON 


83 


to  the  Chamber  of  Fate.  Near  it  seems  to  have 
been  Bit  niqe,  "  the  temple  of  Offerings,"  but 
its  position  has  not  yet  been  ascertained — 
possibly  it  lies  under  the  mound  Ahmareh. 
Weissbach  is  of  opinion  that  some  of  the 
chambers  of  Du-azaga,  "  the  Holy  Seat,"  as 
the  Chamber  of  Fate  was  called,  exist  where 
the  N.  end  of  the  procession-street  meets  the 
Merodach  Canal.  The  mound  al^Aswad  can- 
ceals  the  ruins  of  a  temple  called  E-pa-tu-tilla. 
Among  the  temples  still  to  be  discovered  are 


VIEW  OF   BABII.  FROM  THE  WEST 


on  a  sculpture  in  the  British  Museum.  On  the 
E.  of  the  central  palaces  is  the  Istar  Gate,  a 
massive  erection  decorated  with  the  lion  and 
the  dragon  of  Babylon  (the  latter  a  wonderful 
composite  creature)  in  enamelled  brick.  This 
gateway  led  to  A-ibur-sabu,  the  festival  street, 
which,  beginning  at  the  gate  of  Uras,  where  it 
formed  the  continuation  of  the  high-road  from 
S.,  passed  under  it  to  the  "Chamber of  Fate," 
on  the  N.  bank  of  the  Merodach  Canal.  It  was 
here  that  the  "  fates  "  were  declared  at  the 
beginning  of  each  year.  E.^of  the  Istar  Gate 
are  the  ruins  of  the  temple  E-mah,  dedicated 
to  Nin-Mah,  Merodach's  spouse,  "as  she  who 
presided  over  births.  The  hollow  place  now 
named  Sahan  marks  the  site  of  E-temen-ana- 
ki,  "  the  House  of  the  Foundation  of  Heaven 
and  Earth,"  which  Nebuchadnezzar  calls  "  the 
tower  [ziqqurat]  of  Babylon."  [Babel,  Tower 
OF.]  At  least  a  portion  of  the  large  mound  S. 
of  this  marks  the  site  of  the  temple  fe-sagila, 
where  Bel  (Merodach)  was  worshipped,  along 
with  other  deities--Zer-panitum,  Ea,  Anu, 
Ellilla,  Nebo,  etc.  E-sagila  was  situated  in 
two  great  courts,  one  of  which  was  called  "  the 
court  of  istar  and  Zagaga."  Six  gates  ad- 
mitted to  the  temple-area,^  and  four  to  the 
platform  where  the  tower  E-temen-ana-ki  was 
built.  It  was  between  these  two  buildings 
that  the  procession-street  A-ibur-sabu  began, 
and  running  E.,  joined  the  king's  road,  which 
then  assumed  the  same  name,  and  became 
part  of  it.     This  was  apparently  the  roadway  ; 


|:-gis-nu-gal  (dedicated  to  the  moon -god  Sin), 
E-hursag-ella  (to  the  goddess  Nin-Karraga), 
E-namhe  (to  Hadad),  E-sa-bad  (to  the  god- 
dess Gula),  E-ditar-kalamma,  "  the  temple  of 
the  Judge  of  the  World,"  etc.  As  yet  no 
streets  crossed  by  others  at  right  angles,  and 
leading  to  corresponding  gates,  have  been  dis- 
covered;  but  the  gates  had  streets  of  a  similar 
name  leading  to  them.  Thus  there  was  "  the 
street  of  Zagaga,  who  destroys  his  enemies," 
"  the  street  of  Merodach,  the  shepherd  of  his 
land,"  "  the  street  of  Istar,  the  guardian  spirit 
of  her  people,"  etc.,  with  their  gates. — History 
of  Babylon.  Along  with  Erech,  Accad,  and 
Calneh,  Babylon  was  the  beginning  of  the 
,  kingdom  of  Nimrod  (Gen.10.8ff.),  who,  asMero- 
I  dach,  was  their  primitive  deified  king.  He  is 
given  as  the  son  of  Cush,  of  Hamitic  stock,  and 
if  that  be  the  race  of  the  Sumero-Akkadians,  it 
'  seems  clear  that  the  most  influential  portion  of 
the  population  were  non-Semites.  At  the 
earliest  period  the  country  consisted  of  several 
petty  states,  distinguished  by  their  capitals — 
Erech,  Accad,  Nippur  (Calneh),  Ki5,  Lagas, 
Isin,  Larsa,  etc.  Semitic  influence  seems  at 
first  to  have  been  strongest  in  the  N.,  especi- 
ally in  Agade  (Akkad  =  Accad).  This  collec- 
tion of  small  states  acknowledged  an  over-lord, 
who,  in  the  inscriptions,  takes  the  title  of 
"  king  of  Sumer  and  Akkad  "  (Kengi-Ura), 
corresponding  to  the  O.T.  Shinar.  One  of 
these  primitive  rulers  was  En-sag-kus-ana, 
king  of  Kengi  or  Sumer,  who  seems   to  have 


84 


SASEL,  SASYLON' 


made  war  in  N.  Babylonia.  Another,  Lugal- 
zaggi-si,  king  of  Kis,  fought  in  Babylonia,  and 
carried  his  arms  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean. 
Both  seem  to  have  reigned  before  4000  b.c. 
Of  special  interest  is  the  state  of  Lagas  (Tel- 
loh),  the  growth  of  which  can  be  traced  in  its 
records.  In  the  time  of  Uru-ka-gina,  Lugal- 
zaggi-si  made  an  inroad,  and  spoiled  all  its 
palaces  and  temples.  In  3800  b.c.  (according 
to  the  chronology  of  Nabonidus),  or  somewhat 
later,  ruled  Sargon,  king  of  the  Semitic  state  of 
Agade,  whose  dominions  extended  from  the 
Persian  Gulf  to  the  Mediterranean,  though 
whether  his  rule  was  effective  or  not  over  that 
extent  of  country  is  uncertain.  His  son 
Naram-Sin  was  also  a  conqueror,  and  a 
wonderfully  beautiful  bas-relief  showing  him 
marching  over  the  mountains  has  been  dis- 
covered at  Susa.  About  2600  b.c.  came  the 
dynasty  of  Ur  (of  the  Chaldees),  the  greatest 
of  whose  kings  was  Dungi,  with  a  reign  of  58 
years.  He  warred  in  Elam  on  the  E.  and 
Marash  on  the  W.  Rather  earlier  than  2000 
B.C.  came  the  dynasty  of  Babylon,  which,  not- 
withstanding its  name,  was  of  foreign  origin. 
Sixth  in  the  list  of  kings  we  find  the  name  of 
Hammurabi,  who  is  identified  with  the  Am- 
raphel  of  Gen. 14.  Contemporary  with  him 
was  Eri-Aku  (Arioch)  of  Larsa  (Ellasar),  who 
seems  to  have  been  succeeded  by  Rim-Sin,  the 
king  captured  by  Hammurabi  in  the  31st  year 
of  his  reign.  Durmg  this  period  other  dynas- 
tjes  ruled  in  the  S.,  and  came  into  conflict  with 
Samsu-ihnia,  Hammurabi's  son  and  successor. 
About  the  i8th  cent.  b.c.  the  Kassites  became 
masters  of  Babylonia,  but  gradually  assimi- 
lated with  the  people  whom  they  governed, 
though  Kassite  names  constantly  occur.  For 
many  centuries  the  power  of  Assyria  had  been 
growing,  and  its  kings  began  to  interfere 
actively  in  Babylonian  affairs.  One  of  these 
occasions  was  when  Assur-uballit  (c.  1400  n.c.) 
in\aded  Babylonia  to  avenge  the  murder  of 
king  Kadasman-murus,  his  daughter's  son,  and 
set  Kuri-galzu  on  the  throne.  It  was  appar- 
ently a  third  Kuri-galzu  who  was  challenged 
by  Hurba-tila,  king  of  Elam,  to  fight  at  Diir- 
Dungi,  and  gained  the  victory.  Encouraged 
by  this,  Kuri-galzu  attacked  the  Assyrians, 
but  was  defeated  at  Sugagu  on  the  Tigris. 
We  are  not  surprised  to  find,  after  this,  an 
Assyrian  king,  Tukulti-Nirig  (c.  1300  b.c.) 
ruling  the  country.  In  the  reign  of  Nabu- 
nasir  (Nabonassar),  who  came  to  the  throne  in 
747  B.C.,  there  was  a  feud  between  the  Baby- 
lonians and  the  Borsippaitcs.  In  729  B.c.  the 
Assyrian  king  Tiglath-pilcser  III.  tot)k  the 
throne.  He  appears  in  the  royal  list  as  Pulu 
(Pul).  727  B.C.  saw  the  accession  of  Shal- 
maneser  lV.{Elulaeiis).  Sargon  followed  him 
on  his  death  in  722,  but  being  occupied  with 
the  siege  of  Samaria,  could  not  attend  to  his 
Babylonian  ]>rovince,  and  Merodach-baladan 
seized  the  throne  three  months  later.  Sargon 
made  good  his  position  in  Babylonia,  however, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sennacherib  in 
705  ;  but  in  703  Merodach-baladan  again  took 
the  thnine.  lla\iiig  de])iis('d  him,  Senna- 
cherib set  on  the  thrnnc  Bel-ihni,  a  Chaldean  ; 
but  iiis  rule  not  being  satisfactory,  he  was  re- 
placed in  700  B.C.  by  Assur-nadin-sum,  Senna- 
cherib's   son,     who    reigned    6    years.     This 


Sabel,  Babylon 

prince  was  captured  by  HalUiSu,  king  of  Elam, 
whereupon  Nergal-usezib  (Siizub)  mounted  the 
throne.  Taken  prisoner  by  the  Assyrians  after 
a  troubled  rule  of  18  months,  he  was  followed 
by  Musezib-Marduk  (likewise  called  Suzub) 
in  692  B.C.  He  being  captured  in  his  turn  by 
the  Assyrians,  Sennacherib  again  mounted  the 
throne  (689  b.c),  which  he  occupied  until  his 
death  in  681.  Sennacherib's  ravages  during 
the  final  struggle  for  supremacy  were  remem- 
bered by  the  Babylonians  long  afterwards. 
His  son  Esar-haddon  (681  b.c.)  tried  to  appease 
the  people  by  rebuilding  the  destroyed 
temples,  but  met  with  much  discojitent.  He 
was  succeeded  by  his  second  son,  Samas-sum- 
ukin,  in  669  b.c  This  ruler  incurred  the 
enmity  of  his  brother  Assur-bani-apli,  king  of 
Assyria,  and  fearing  to  fall  into  his  hands,  set 
fire  to  his  palace  and  perished  in  the  flames. 
The  next  three  rulers  were  Kandalanu,  sup- 
posed to  be  the  same  as  Assur-bani-apli,  his 
son  Assur-etil-ilani,  and  Sin-sarra-iskun  (Sara- 
cos).  Nabopolassar  is  thought  to  have  been 
a  general  in  the  army  of  the  last-named,  who, 
having  been  sent  to  Babylonia  to  put  down  a 
revolt,  turned  his  arms  against  his  royal 
master,  and  became  king  of  Babylon.  His 
reign  of  21  years  (625-604)  was  a  most  suc- 
cessful one,  and  under  him  Babylonia  again 
became  a  great  power.  Wishing  to  conquer 
Syria,  he  sent  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar  with  an 
army  to  reduce  the  country  to  submission,  but 
died  at  Babylon  whilst  the  operations  were  in 
progress.  Nebuchadnezzar  became  king  in 
604.  He  reduced  Jehoiakim  to  subjection 
(2K.24.1ff.),  and  later  on  captured  Jerusalem, 
carrying  off  Jehoiachin  and  his  court  captives 
to  Babylon  (598  b.c).  Jerusalem  was  be- 
sieged and  captured  again  in  586  b.c,  when 
the  temple  was  destroyed  ;  and  Tyre  and 
Egypt  also  felt  the  force  of  his  arms.  Evil- 
Merodach  succeeded  him  in  561  b.c,  and 
showed  marked  favour  to  Jehoiachin.  He 
was  murdered  by  his  brother-in-law  Neriglis- 
sar,  who  mounted  the  throne  in  359  b.c,  and 
was  followed  by  his  young  son  Labasi-Marduk 
in  556.  This  last  was  assassinated  after  a  rule 
of  only  6  months,  when  Nabonidus,  father  of 
Belshazzar,  was  elected  to  succeed  him.  Bel- 
shazzar,  who  held  the  jiost  of  connnander-in- 
chief,  seems  to  have  failed  to  keep  the  country 
in  a  proper  state  of  defence.  This  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  conquering  Cyrus,  who 
sent  his  general  Gobryas  ol  Ciuti  (a  part  of 
Media — see  Dauius),  and  Babylon  was  cap- 
tured in  538  B.C.  The  ease  with  which  the 
conquest  was  effected  suggests  that  the  Baby- 
lonians rather  desired  the  change.  Nabonidus 
is  said  to  have  been  transferred  to  Carmania, 
but  Belshazzar  was  ai'iiarently  killed  in  an 
attack  on  the  night  of  Marchesvan  11.  As 
a  part  of  the  Persian  empire  Babylon  con- 
tinued to  be  a  royal  residence.  Alexander  the 
(ireat  intended  to  make  it  the  capital  of  his 
eastern  pro\inces,  but  died  before  he  could 
carry  out  his  plan.  To  all  a])iiearance  it  was 
the  foundation  of  Seleucia  on  the  Tigris  which 
gave  the  death-blow  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
city,  though  the  services  in  the  great  temple 
of  Belus  still  continued,  for  the  i>eoplc  were 
closely  attached  to  the  centre  of  their  religious 
life.     The  site  was   probably   still  inhabited 


BABEL,  TOWEB,  OF 

until  within  a  decade  or  two  of  the  Christian 
era,  and  perhaps  even  later  (cf.  iPe.5.13). 
Babylon  has  formed  quite  a  mine  of  building- 
material  for  the  towns  around,  and  still  does 
so.  The  "  great  city,"  "  the  beauty  of  the 
Chaldees'  excellency,"  has  thus  in  reality 
"become  heaps  "  (Je.5i.37).  Her  walls  have 
"  fallen  "  (51. 44),  been  "  thrown  down  "  (50. 
15),  become  "  utterly  broken  "  (51. 58).  "A 
drought  is  upon  her  waters  "  (50. 3 8),  for 
the  system  of  irrigation  on  which,  in  Baby- 
lonia, fertility  largely  depends  is  no  longer 
carried  out  in  the  same  systematic  way.  Her 
cities  are  everywhere  "  a  desolation  "  (50. 45), 
her  "  land  a  wilderness  "  ;  "  wild  beasts  of 
the  desert  lie  there,"  and  "  owls  dwell  there  " 
[cf.  Layard,  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  p.  484,  with 
Is. 13. 21, 22  and  Je.5O.39).  The  natives  are 
said  to  regard  the  whole  site  as  haunted,  and 
the  Arab  will  neither  pitch  his  tent  there  nor 
the  shepherd  fold  sheep  (Is.l3.2o).  For  the 
ruins,  see  Fried.  Delitzsch,  Im  Lande  des 
einstigcn  Paradieses  (1903)  ;  Weissbach,  Das 
Stadtbild  von  Babylon  (1904).  For  the  occur- 
rence of  the  name  in  iPe.5.13  and  in  the 
.Apocalypse,  see  Babylon.  [t.g.p.] 

Ba'bel,  Towep  of.  This  edifice  is  only 
mentioned  in  Gen. 11. 4, 5,  and  is  spoken  of  as 
having  been  built  of  brick,  with  bitumen  (A.V. 
(slime)  for  morter,  and  left  in  an  incomplete 
state  in  consequence  of  the  builders  ceasing 
to  understand  each  other.  Jewish  tradition 
states  that  fire  fell  from  heaven,  and  split  the 
tower  through  to  its  foundation ;  whilst  Poly- 
histor  and  other  writers  say  that  the  winds 
overthrew  it.  Traditionally  the  tower  of 
Babel  was  regarded  as  the  great  ziqqurat  or 
temple-tower  of  Nebo  at  Borsippa  (the  Birs- 
Nimriid),  though  the  distance  of  that  site 
from  Babylon  is  against  this  identification. 
Notwithstanding  the  statement  in  Gen. 11. 8 
that  the  building  of  the  tower  was  stopped, 
there  is  every  reason  to  think  that  it  was  ul- 
timately finished,  and  it  is  probably  the  build- 
ing called  "  the  Tower  ^of  Babylon  "  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar— namely,  E-temen-an-ki  (the  house 
of  the  foundation  of  heaven  and  earth),  N.  of 
the  temple  of  Belus  in  that  city.  [Babel.] 
E-temen-an-ki  is  called  by  Herodotus  (i.  181) 
the  temple  of  Belus,  and  described  as  a  solid 
step-pyramid  within  an  enclosed  space  400  yds. 
square,  to  which  access  was  gained  through 
doorways  closed  by  gates  of  bronze.  The  stages 
of  the  pyramid  (not  reckoning  the  lowest, 
which  was  the  foundation-platform)  were 
seven  in  number,  and  an  ascent  going  round 
the  structure  gave  access  to  the  top.  At  this 
point  was  a  chapel  or  shrine  regarded  by  the 
Babylonians  as  the  god's  dwelling-place,  though 
no  statue  represented  him  there;  his  image,  a 
seated  statue  said  to  have  been  of  solid  gold, 
was  in  a  shrine  lower  down.  Before  it  was  a 
table,  likewise  of  gold,  as  were  also  the  throne 
and  the  steps  thereto.  Outside  were  two 
altars,  the  smaller  (for  the  sacrifice  of  un- 
weaned  lambs  only)  being  of  gold.  The  larger 
altar  was  for  full-grown  victims.  A  Baby- 
lonian description  of  this  building  is  probably 
in  existence,  a  tablet  containing  one  having 
been  for  a  time  in  the  hands  of  the  late  George 
Smith.  It  stated  that  the  temple  had  two 
courts,  one  within  the  other,  and  both  oblong. 


BABEL,  TOWER  OF 


85 


The  temple-area  was  provided  with  six  gates. 
The  platform  within  it,  however,  was  square, 
and  its  wall  had  four  gates  opening  towards  the 
points  of  the  compass.  The  building  con- 
nected with  the  ziqqurat  or  temple-tower  had 


Prob.ihle  form  of  the  "Tower  of  Babylon,"  based  on  Mr.  G. 
Smith's  account,  the  description  of  Herodotus,  and  the  remains 
of  similar  structures  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

TEMPLH  OF  TOWER  OF  BABEL. 

on  the  E.  shrines  to  Nebo  and  Tasmit,  his 
spouse  ;  on  the  N.  to  Ea  (Hea)  and  Nusku  ; 
and  on  the  S.  to  Anu  and  Bel.  On  the  W.  was 
a  building  consisting  of  two  wings — probably 
a  temple  dedicated  to  Merodach  (Belus),  for  it 
was  there,  according  to  Smith's  tablet,  that 
they  kept  the  couch  and  throne  of  gold,  to- 
gether with  other  things  of  great  value. 
Adopting  Smith's  measurements,  the  lowest 
stage  of  the  tower  itself  was  300  ft.  square  by 
no  ft.  high,  and  ornamented  with  recessed 
groovings  which  were  characteristic  of  Baby- 
lonian architecture.  The  second  stage  was 
260  ft.  square  by  60  ft.  high,  and  had  appar- 
ently sloping  or  hollow  sides.  Stages  3  to  5 
were  20  ft.  high,  and  respectively  200.  170,  and 
140  ft.  square.  The  measurements  of  the  sixth 
stage  were  not  given,  but  it  was  probably  in 
the  same  proportion  as  the  others.  The  text 
made  the  seventh  stage  to  be  the  sanctuary  of 
the  god,  its  dimensions  being  80  ft.  long,  70  ft. 
broad,  and  50  ft.  high.  The  total  height  of  the 
structure  Smith  estimates  to  have  been  the 
same  as  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  lowest 
stage — namely.  300  ft.  above  the  plain.  Like 
other  temple-towers,  the  stages  were  probably 
tinted  with  the  planetary  colours,  the  order, 
beginning  at  the  top,  being  gold,  silver,  yellow, 
blue,  black,  and  white,  the  first  two  being  em- 
blematic of  the  sun  and  moon.  There  was 
probably  no  idea  of  "  scaling  heaven  "  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  raised  either  this  or  any 
other  of  the  Babylonian  temple-towers ;  the 
expression  used  in  Gen. 11. 4  is  a  mere  ex- 
aggeration for  great  height  (cf.  Deut.l.28 ; 
Dan. 4.  II,  etc.),  and  is  not  to  be  taken  literally. 
Diodorus  says  that  the  great  temple-tower 
dedicated  to  Belus  was  used  by  the  Chaldeans 
as  an  observatory  (ii.  19),  but  it  is  doubtful  if 
there  is  any  confirmation  of  this.  These  lofty 
erections  may  have   been  partly  due   to   the 


86 


BABI 


feeling  that,  when  sacrificing  i>r  worshipping, 
those  on  the  summit  were  nearer  to  the  deity 
than  on  the  plain  below.  It  has  been  stated 
that  the  temple-tower  at  Calah  was  built  over 
a  tomb.  Sec  Athenaeum,  February  12,  1876; 
Weissbach,  Stadtbild  von  Babylon  (1904),  pp. 
10  ff.  [t.g.p.J 

Ba'bi   (iEsd.8.37)  =  Bebai. 

Babylon.  For  an  account  of  the  city, 
see  Bahel.  In  this  article  we  shall  discuss 
only  the  two  special  uses  of  the  name 
in  N.T. — A..  In  iPe.5.13.  St.  Peter  closes 
his  epistle  with  a  greeting  from  "  Babylon." 
The  question  arises  as  to  what  place  is  in- 
tended by  this  name.  Three  chief  interpreta- 
tions are  offered  :  (i)  Babylon  in  Egypt, 
which  is  a  small  fort  mentioned  by  Strabo. 
But  this  was  so  insignificant  a  place,  that 
St.  Peter  would  hardly  be  likely  to  thus 
mention    it    without    further    identification. 

(2)  Babylon  in  Mesopotamia.  But  there  is  no 
evidence  either  that  St.  Peter  went  there  or 
that  a  church  existed  there  in  the  apostolic 
age.     Indeed,  both   hypotheses   are   unlikely. 

(3)  Rome.  FZusebius  states  that  this  was  the 
traditional  interpretation  ;  ^  and  this  is 
corroborated  by  a  v.l.  iv  'Pu/xr],  in  two 
cursive  MSS.  in  this  passage.  It  accords 
with  what  we  know  of  the  apostolic  age  to 
suppose  that  St.  Peter  was  in  Rome  at  the 
time  of  writing  the  epistle.  For  the  early 
tradition  of  St.  Peter's  visit  to  Rome  is  too 
strong  to  be  set  aside.  Moreover,  St.  Paul 
summoned  St.  Mark  to  Rome  shortly  before 
his  own  martyrdom  (2Tim.4.ii),  and  St. 
Peter  here  sends  greetings  from  St.  Mark. 
Silvanus,  by  whom  the  letter  was  carried, 
was,  if  we  may  identify  him  with  the  Silas 
of  Acts,  a  prominent  companion  of  St.  Paul  ; 
and  it  is  an  interesting  conjecture  that  by 
St.  Paul's  own  wish  St.  Peter  should  have 
written  this  letter  from  Rome  as  an  eirenicon 
to  deepen  the  unity  of  the  Church,  as  against 
the  tendency  to  form  a  Petrine  and  a  Pauline 
party,  and  that  he  should  have  selected 
Silvanus,  as  a  friend  of  St.  Paul,  to  bear  his 
letter.  Further,  the  whole  sentence  in 
which  the  name  "  Babylon  "  occurs  is  cast 
in  allegorical  terms.  The  church  is  regarded 
as  a  lady  (17  crt'ce/cXeK-rTj  :  cf.  2jn.l.i3)  ; 
and  this  accords  with  the  general  usage  of 
the  epistle,  which  allegorically  applies  to 
Christians  a  description  drawn  from  Jewish 
history  (iPe.l.i)  and  ascribes  to  them  in  a 
spiritual  sense  the  privileges  which  O.T.  gives 
to  Israel  (2.4-10).  Finally,  the  allusion  to 
Rome  as  "  Babvlou  "  occurs  both  in  Jewish 
and  Christian  literature,  and  so  would  be 
well  understood.  In  such  mystical  use  of 
language  the  later  Jews  delighted. — B.  In 
the  Apocalypse  (16.19,17.5,18.2)  represents 
Rome.  The  Apocalypse  is  a  great  drama 
of  the  working  out  of  the  perpetual  conflict 
between  tin-  opjiosing  principles  of  good  and 
evil,  between  the  spiritual  forces  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  world-power  on  the  other.  To 
the  apocalyptist  the  mighty  Roman  empire, 
with  its  luxurious  and  vicious  capital  and  its 
persecution  of  the  Christian  Church,  was  the 
einbodiuiciit  of  lh(-  world-power  in  his  day. 
But  liirouglioul  till!  book  tix!  groat  c.ontlict 
is     represented     under     symbolic     imagery ; 


BADGER-SKINS 

hence  Rome  appears  as  "  Babylon,"  the 
typical  world-power  of  O.T.,  while  the  holy 
city  of  the  old  covenant  is  spiritualized  as 
the  new  Jerusalem  and  represents  the 
Christian  Church.  [j.c.v.d.] 

Babylo'nians,  in  a  sj^ccial  sense  the  in- 
habitants of  Babylon,  who  were  among  the 
colonists  planted  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  by 
the  conquering  Assyrians  (Ezr.4.9).  These 
people  were  of  Semitic  stock,  but  probably  had 
a  considerable  admixture  of  non-Semitic 
(Sumerian)  blood,  and  spoke,  from  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  millennium  onwards,  the 
Semitic-Babj'lonian  language.  When,  however, 
the  warlike  Chaldeans  became  predominant 
about  the  7th  cent,  b.c,  the  names  Chaldean 
and  Babylonian  became  almost  svnonymous 
(Ezk. 23. 14,13  ;  cf.   Is.48.i4,2o).      '    [t.g.p.] 

Babylonish  g-arment  (lit.  robe  of 
Shinar ;  Jos. 7. 21),  an  ample  robe  ornamented 
with  embroidery,  or  perhaps  a  variegated  gar- 
ment with  figures  inwoven  in  the  celebrated 
Babylonian  fashion. 

Baca',  Valley  of,  a  valley  through  which 
the  Psalmist  sees  in  vision  the  pilgrims  passing 
in  their  march  towards  the  sanctuary'  of 
Jehovah  at  Zion  (Ps.84.6).  The  R.V.  reads 
"  of  weeping,"  or  "  of  balsam  trees."  Perhaps 
habbdkhd  is  connected  with  hab  b'khaim  (A.V. 
mulberries  ;  2Sam.5.23,24),  near  the  Rephaim 
Valley.  [c.r.c] 

Bac'chides,  a  friend  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  and  governor  of  Mesopotamia,  was  sent 
by  Demetrius  I.  (Soter),  162  B.C.,  to  install 
.\lcimus  as  high-priest  in  Jerusalem.  Having 
done  this,  he  withdrew  (iMac.7.8-20).  .After 
Nicanor's  defeat  by  Judas,  Bacchides  was 
again  sent  into  Judaea,  and  defeated  and  killed 
Judas  at  Elasa  (9.i-i8).  To  maintain  Syrian 
dominance  there  against  Jonathan  (9.25-32, 
43-53).  he  remained  in  Judaea  till  the  death  of 
.\lcimus  (160  B.C.),  when  he  returned  to  An« 
tioch  (9.57).  In  158  B.C.  he  was  once  more  in 
Jerusalem  at  tlie  request  of  the  Syrian  party 
there,  bvit  met  with  ill  success,  and  was  glad 
to  make  terms  with  Jonathan  and  withdraw 
(9.r,8-72). 

Bacchu'pus,  one  of  the  "  holy  singers," 
who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (iEsd.9.24). 
Possibly  the  name  of  the  "  porter  "  Uri  in 
Ezr.10.24,  which  is  not  otherwise  represented 
in  il^sd.,  has  got  displaced  and  corrupted  into 
Bacchurus  (sec  S /leaker's  Comm.,  on  lEsd.,  I.e.). 

Bacchus.     [DioNYSiA.] 

Bace'nop  (2Mac.i2.33),  appareiitly  a 
captain  of  horse  in  the  army  of  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus  ;    or  possibly  a  title  of  the  company. 

Bach'pites,  The,  tlie  family  of  Beciier, 
son  of  l';plir.um  (Num. 26. 33). 

Badg-ep-skins.  Tlie  Ileb.  iahash,  which 
A.\.  renders  badger,  occurs  in  connexion  with 
'or,  'oroth  (skin,  skins),  in  Ex. 25. 5, 26. 14, 
25.7,23,36.19;  Num.4.riff.i4,25.  In  Ezk.l6.io 
tahash  occurs  without  'oroth,  and  is  mentioned 
as  the  substance  out  of  which  women's  shoes 
were  made  ;  in  the  former  passages  the  iahash 
skins  are  named  in  relation  to  the  tabernacle, 
ark,  etc.,  and  ajijiear  to  have  formed  the  ex- 
terior covering  of  these.  There  is  much  ob- 
scurity as  to  tiir  uicaning  of  tahash.  Most 
ancient  \ersioMS  scfiii  agreed  that  it  ilenotes 
not  an  animal,  but  a  colour,  either  black  or  sky- 


BAG 

blue.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  why  it  should 
be  thus  interpreted,  since  there  is  no  justifica- 
tion for  such  a  meaning,  either  from  etymology 
or  from  cognate  languages  ;  while  from  Ex.35. 
23  tahash  seems  to  have  been  a  material  in 
frequent  use  among  the  Israelites  of  the 
Exodus,  and  the  construction  of  the  sentences 
where  the  name  occurs  points  to  a  skin  rather 
than  a  colour.  In  the  German  of  Luther  and 
in  A.V.  it  is  translated  badger  ;  but  although 
a  badger  (Meles  taxus  canescens)  near  akin  to 
the  European  animal  is  common  in  the  wooded 
parts  of  Palestine,  it  certainly  cannot  occur  in 
the  Sinaitic  desert  in  numbers  sufficient  to  have 
furnished  skins  for  the  purposes  indicated.  On 
the  other  hand,  tahash  appears  equivalent  to  the 
Arab,  takhas,  a  term  which  seems  to  be  applied 
to  the  Red  Sea  porpoises,  dolphins,  and  du- 
gongs  ;  Tristram  adds  seals,  which  are,  how- 
ever, absent  from  the  seas  connected  with  the 
Indian  Ocean.  The  Red  Sea  dugong  has 
been  named  Halicore  tabernaculi  on  the  sup- 
position that  its  skin,  which  forms  excellent 
leather,  constituted  the  real  tahash.  Du- 
gongs  and  manatis  (Manatus),  collectively 
known  as  sea-cows,  are  marine  and  estuarine 
mammals  constituting  the  order  Sirenia. 
Although  often  confounded  with  whales  and 
porpoises  (Cetacea),  they  are  really  more 
nearly  akin  to  elephants.  [r.l.] 

Bag',  (i)  hdrit  (2K.5.23 ;  Is.3.22 ;  A.V. 
crisping- pins,  R.V.  satchels),  only  in  plur.  ; 
used  to  carry  money,  or  as  a  lady's  orna- 
ment. The  root  gives  no  indications  as  to 
size,  shape,  or  material.  (2)  Ms,  a  bag  for 
carrying  weights  (Deut.25.i3  ;  Pr.l6.11  ;  Mi. 
6. 11),  also  used  as  a  purse  (Pr.l.14  ;  Is.46.6). 
(3)  k''li,  translated  "bag"  in  1Sam.i7.40, 
49,  is  a  word  of  most  general  meaning  (see  Gen. 
42.25  ;  rSam.9.7).  The  shepherd's  "  bag  " 
which  David  had  seems  to  have  been  worn  by 
him  as  necessary  to  his  calling,  and  was  pro- 
bably, from  a  comparison  of  Zech.ll.13,16 
(where  A.V.  instruments  is  the  same  word), 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  lambs  which 
were  unable  to  walk,  and  contained  materials 
for  healing  such  as  were  sick  and  binding  up 
those  that  were  broken  (c/.  Ezk.34.4, 16).  (4) 
i'''rdr,  properly  a  "  bundle  "  (Gen.42.35  ;  i 
Sam. 25. 29),  appears  to  have  been  used  by 
travellers  for  carrying  money  during  a  long 
journey  (Pr.7.20  ;  Hag.1.6  ;  cf.  Lu.i2.33, 
Tob.9.5).  In  such  "bundles"  the  priests 
bound  up  the  money  which  was  contributed  for 
the  restoration  of  the  temple  under  Jehoiada 
(2 K. 12. 10 ;  A.V.  put  up  in  bags).  The 
"bag"  which  Judas  carried  was  probably  a 
small  box  or  chest  (Jn. 12. 6,13-29,  yXwaadKOfiov, 
used  in  LXX.  for  "  chest  "  in  2Chr.24.8, 10,11). 
In  Lu.12.33  ^aXdvTLov  is  used  for  "  bag  " 
(A.V.  purse  in  10.4,22.35,36). 

Ba'^o  (iEsd.8.40)  =  BiGVAi.  I. 
Bagoas'  ( J  th. 12. 11, 13, 15, 13. 1,3, 14. 14). 
This  name  of  Holofernes'  confidential  eunuch 
is  probably  borrowed  by  the  author  of  this 
apocryphal  romance  from  that  of  the  favourite 
Egyptian  eunuch  of  Artaxerxes  III.  of 
Persia.  The  historical  Bagoas  poisoned 
Artaxerxes  in  338  b.c.  and  killed  Arses  3 
years  later,  but  was  himself  put  to  death 
in  334  B.C.  by  Darius  Codomannus.  The 
name  is  Persian  (Bagavao   or    Bagavo  nom., 


BALAAM 


87 


cf.  Skt.  bhagavdn,  "  fortunate,"  "  lucky  "  ; 
Akhaemenian  Pers.  baga,  "  god  "  ;  Avestic 
baga,  bagha,  "lot,"  "gift,"  bdga,  "wealth"). 
Another  form  is  Bagaeus  (Herod,  iii.  128,  vii. 
80;  Xen.  Hellenica,  iii.  4,  13).  [w.st.c.t.] 
Bag-oi'  (iEsd.5.14)  =  BiGVAi,  I. 
Bahupim'  (youths),  a  town  of  Ben- 
jamin (2Sam.3.i6,16.5,17.i8,19.i6),  on  David's 
route  to  Mahanaim  (iK.2.8).  The  hero 
AzMAVETH  was  a  Bahapumite  (1Chr.ll.33), 
or  a  Barhumite  (2Sara. 23.31),  probably  of 
Bahurim.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  reads 
'Almon  for  Bahurim,  perhaps  only  as  meaning 
"youth,"  but  suggesting  Almon  ('Almit),  a 
little  N.  of  the  old  road  to  the  Jordan  Valley, 
which  crosses  N.  of  the  mount  of  Olives.  It  is 
remarkable  also  that  Beth-azmaveth  (now 
Hizmeh)  is  only  a  mile  N.W.  of  'Almit.  The 
main  road  does  not  pass  through  the  ruin,  but 
a  steep  "  hill  side  "  slopes  thence,  separated 
from  it  by  a  ravine  to  "go  over  "  (see  2  Sara. 
16.9,13).  [C.R.C] 

Ba'jith  (the  house;  R.V.  Bayith,  Is.15.2), 
preceded  by  the  def.  article  in  the  Heb.  The 
LXX.  does  not  mention  it.  Perhaps  a 
"  temple."  [c.r.c] 

Bakbakkap',  a  Levite,  apparently  a 
descendant  of  Asaph   (iChr.9.i5). 

Bakbuk'.  "  Children  of  Bakbuk  "  were 
Nethinim  who  returned  from  captivity  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.51  ;    Ne.7.53)- 

Bakbukiah' 1.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of 

Nehemiah  (Ne.ll. 17,12.9),  perhaps  the  same 
as — 2.  A  Levite  porter  (Ne.i2.25). 
Bakep,  Baking.  [Bread.] 
Balaam,  son  of  Beor  (Num.22.5).  hved  at 
PETHORin  Mesopotamia  (Deut.23.4),  and  was 
summoned  hence,  "  brought  from  Aram  out 
of  the  mountains  of  the  East  "  (Num.23. 7). 
by  Balak,  prince  of  Moab,  in  order  to  curse 
Israel.  The  mingling  of  desire  and  re- 
luctance in  his  mind  with  regard  to  Balak's 
request  has  led  to  many  studies  of  Balaam's 
character,  most  noteworthy  of  which  is  that 
by  Bishop  Butler,  containing  the  clever 
suggestion  that  in  Mi.6.5ff.  we  have  the 
traditional  dialogue  which  took  place  between 
the  prince  and  the  soothsayer.  He  comes  to 
Balak  from  the  high  places  of  Baal,  next  he 
goes  to  the  field  of  Zophim  near  the  cairn 
of  Nebo,  and  lastly  to  the  chff  of  Peor,  on  the 
narrow  spur  which  runs  out  to  Minyeh,  each 
of  which  was  a  place  sacred  to  one  of  the 
Moabite  deities  corresponding  to  Apollo, 
Mercury,  and  Priapus,  and  at  each  seven  altars 
were  raised,  one  to  each  of  the  seven  planetary 
gods,  whose  aid  was  invoked  against  the  God 
of  Israel  by  the  sacrifice  to  each  of  a  bullock 
and  a  ram.  But  at  each  place  Balaam,  wish- 
ing to  curse,  blesses,  and  at  last,  recognizing 
his  defeat,  "  he  went  not,  as  at  the  other  times, 
to  seek  enchantments,  but  he  set  his  face 
towards  the  wilderness."  Then  "  the  Spirit 
of  God  came  upon  him,"  and,  to  Balak's 
disgust,  he  not  only  foretells  the  victories 
of  Israel,  but  indicates  their  future  triumph 
over  Moab.  Then  he  rose  up  and  went  his 
way,  having  first  given  the  advice  to  Balak 
by  which  the  children  of  Israel  were  seduced 
into  wickedness  and  punished  by  plague 
1  (Num.25.i8,31.i6;  Rev.2.i4)-  He  joined  him- 
self with  Midian,  and  was  slain  in  company 


88 


BALAC 


BANI 


VIEW   TROiM   MINVEII   (TOP  OF   PEOR).   LOOKING  NORTH    UP  JORDAN  VAI.LEV   (Num.23,: 
(From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 


with  five  Midianite  kings  by  the  sword  of  the 
T  eople  he  had  endeavoured  to  curse  (Num.31. 
8).  The  speaking  ass  (Num. 22. 28)  occasions 
no  difficulty  to  those  who  believe  in  miracle 
or  are  familiar  with  folklore.  "  It  is  enough 
that  the  ass  gave  intelligible  expression  to 
its  resentment  and  sense  of  wrong  in  such 
language  as  was  natural  to  an  ass,  and  that  it 
attained  all  the  ends  of  language,  since  it  spoke 
home  comprehensibly  to  the  evil  conscience 
of  Balaam."  Butler's  Sermons,  serm.  7  ;  F.  D. 
Maurice,  Patriarchs  and  Law-givers  of  O.T., 
pp.  229  f. ;  F.  W.  Robertson,  Sermons,  vol.  iv. 
serm.  4,  5  ;  cf.  art.  in  Guardian,  Sept.  27, 
1905,  by  A.  Smythe  Palmer  on  "  The  Speaking 
of  Balaam's  Ass."  [Nicolaitanes.]  [c.r.d.b.] 
Ba'Iac  (Rev. 2. 14)  —  Balak. 
Baladan.  [Merodach-raladan.] 
Balah'  {waste;  Jos.l9.3),or  Bilhah' (iChr. 
4.29),  a  town  of  Simeon.  The  site  is  unknown; 
it  has  no  connexion  with  Baalah.     [c.r.c] 

Balak',  son  of  Zippor,  king  of  the  Moabites 
at  the  close  of  the  Israclitish  wanderings  in 
the  wilderness.  Balak  entered  into  a  league 
with  Midian  and  hired  Balaam  to  curse  the 
Israelites ;  but  his  designs  were  frustrated 
(Xum.22-24').  He  is  mentioned  also  in  Jos. 24. 9  ; 
Jik1k.11.25  ;  Mi. 6. 5  ;  Rev. 2. 14.  [Balaam.] 
Balamo  (Jth.8.3).  [Belmaim.] 
Balance.  [Weights  ;  Law  in  O.T.] 
Balas'amus  in  iEsd.9.43.  The  corre- 
sponding name  in  Nehemiah  is  Maaseiaii,  6. 
Balm  (Heb.  fori)  occurs  in  Gen. 37. 25  as 
brought  by  Ishmaelites  from  Gilead  to  Egypt ; 
in  43.11,  as  one  of  the  presents  sent  by  Jacob 
to  Joseph  ;  in  Je. 8. 22, 46. 11, 51. 8,  where  it  ap- 
pears that  the  balm  of  Gilead  had  a  medicinal 
value  ;  in  Ezk.27.i7  (marg.  rosin),  as  an 
article  of  commerce  imported  by  Judah  into 
Tyre.  Perhaps  fori  does  not  refer  to  an  exu- 
dation from  any  particular  tree,  but  denoted  any 
resinous  substance  with  a  medicinal  value. 
[Spices;  Mastick.]  Hasselquist  {Travels,  2g'i) 
describes  the  true  balsam-tree  of  Mecca.  As  the 
true  balm  or  balsam  was  a  rare  and  costly  medi- 
cament, several  other  sophistications  did  duty 
for  it,  or  contained  it  in  an  adulterated  state  and 
received  its  name.  The  trees  yielding  balm  be- 
longtothegenusBrt/sflMior/fnrfron,  of  .\siaticand 
N.  African  growth.    Coverdale  was  the  first  to 


render  ( or  i  "balm";  previously  it  was  trans- 
lated resin.  "  Balm  of  Gilead  "  is  a  modern 
term,  arisingnaturally  outof  Je.8.2  2,46.ii.  For 
a  summary  of  what  is  known  of  the  history  of 
the  balm-tree  {B.  opobalsamum),  which  grew  in 
the  region  about  J  ericho  according  to  J  osephus, 
and  was  lost  by  the  time  of  the  Crusades,  see 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Economic  Plants.  But  Pliny's 
account  is  the  most  important.  He  says 
(xii.  25)  :  "The  tree  that  yeeldeth  it,  Nature 
hath  bestowed  onely  upon  the  land  of  lurie.  In 
old  time  it  was  not  to  be  found  but  in  two  parks 
or  hortyards,  belonging  both  to  the  kings  of 
lurie.  .  .  .  The  Emperours  Vespasian,  both 
father  and  son,  brought  one  of  those  little 
Balme  trees  to  Rome,  and  shewed  it  openly. 
.  .  .  Pompey  the  Great  likewise  made  proud 
boast  [of  it].  At  the  sacking  of  Jerusalem  .  .  . 
about  this  very  plant,  there  was  a  cruell  battaile 
fought."     See  the  whole  chapter,     [h.c.h.] 

Balnu'us  (iEsd.9.31)  =  Binnui,  2. 

Balthasap'  (Ba. 1.11,12)  =  Belshazzar. 

Bamah'.  This  word  appears  in  its  Heb. 
form  only  in  one  passage  (Ezk.2O.29 ;  see 
R.V.  marg.).  The  cuneiform  sign  for  Bamatu 
represents  an  altar  or  shrine,  and  the  Heb. 
word  has  always  this  meaning.  [c.r.c] 

Bamah (trtwrf).  [High  Place iSanctuar v.] 

Bamoth'-ba'al  {high  places,  or  monuments, 
of  Baal;  Jos.i3.17),  a  town  S.  of  Heshbon, 
otherwise  Bamoth  (Num. 21. 19, 20)  "in  the 
ravine,"  where  Balaam  found  a  "  high  place  " 
(Num. 22.41, 23. 3  ;  see  Is. 15.2).  Possibly  the 
remarkable  dolmens  of  Wddy  Jideid,  6  miles 
S.W.  of  Heshbon,  mark  this  site  (Surv.  E.  Pal. 
p.  254).  [c.r.c] 

Ban  (rEsd.5.37)  =  ToBiAH,  i. 

Banai'as  =  Benaiah,  8,  of  the  sons  of 
Nobo  =  ]:thma  (iEsd.9.35:  cf.  Ezr.lO.43). 

Band.     [Troop.] 

Banl. — 1.  .\  Gadite,  one  of  David's 
mighty  men  (2Sam.23.3f)). — 2.  A  Levite  of 
the  lino  of  Mcrari,  and  forefather  to  Ethan  (i 
Chr.6.46). — 3.  A  man  of  Judah  of  the  line  of 
Pharez(iChr.9.4). — 4.  "Children  of  Bani"  re- 
turned from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2. 
10,10.29,34  ;  Ne.lO.14  ;  iEsd.5.12). — 5.  .\n 
Israelite  "  of  the  sons  of  Bani  "  (Ezr.lO. 
38). — 6.  A  Levite,  father  of  Rehum,  3  (Ne.3. 
17). — 7.  A  Levite  who  taught  the  people  and 


BANID 


BAPTISM 


89 


sealed  the  coveuant  (Xe.8.7,9.40,10.13);  called 
Anus  in  iEsd.9.48.  Possibly  the  same  as  6, 
if  the  name  is  that  of  a  family. — 8.  Another 
Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (Ne.ll.22). 

Banid'  (Banias,  R.V.  ;  iEsd.8.36).  This 
represents  a  name  which  has  apparently  es- 
caped from  the  present  Heb.  text  (seeEzr.8.10). 

Bannai'a  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Zabad,  5. 

Banner.     [Ensign.] 

Ban  nus     (iEsd.9.34)    =    Bani,     5,      or 

BlXNUI,   3. 

Banquets,  among  the  Hebrews,  were  not 
only  a  means  of  social  enjoyment,  but  often  a 
part  of  the  observ^ance  of  religious  festivity. 
At  the  three  solemn  festivals,  when  all  the 
males  appeared  before  the  Lord,  the  family 
also  had  its  domestic  feast  {Deut.l6.ii).  Both 
males  and  females  (iSam.1.9)  went  up  to- 
gether, to  hold  the  festival.  Sacrifices,  both 
ordinary  and  extraordinary,  as  amongst 
heathen  nations  (Ex.34. 15  ;  Judg.l6.23),  in- 
cluded a  banquet,  and  Eli's  sons  made  this 
latter  the  prominent  part.  Besides  religious 
celebrations,  such  events  as  the  weaning  a  son 
and  heir,  a  marriage,  the  separation  or  reunion 
of  friends,  and  sheep-shearing,  were  customarily 
attended  by  a  banquet  or  revel  (Gen. 21. 8, 29. 
22,31.27,54 ;  iSam.25.2,36 ;  2Sam.i3.23). 
Birthday  banquets  are  only  mentioned  in  the 
cases  of  Pharaoh  and  Herod  (Gen. 40. 20  ;  Mt. 
14.6);  but  see  Birthdays.  The  usual  time  of 
the  banquet  was  the  evening,  and  to  begin 
early  was  a  mark  of  excess  (Ec.l0.i6  ;  Is.S.ii). 
The  most  essential  materials  of  the  banqueting- 
room,  next  to  the  viands  and  wine,  which  last 
was  often  drugged  with  spices  (Pr.9.2  ;  Can. 
8.2),  were  perfumed  ointments,  garlands  or 
loose  flowers,  white  or  brilliant  robes ;  after 
these,  exhibitions  of  music,  singers,  and  dancers, 
riddles,  jesting  and  merriment  (Judg.l4.i2  ; 
2Sam.i9.35;   Ne.8.io;  Ec.l0.i9;_Is.5.i2,25.6, 


28.1  ;  Am.6.5,6;  Wis.2.7ff.  ;  Mt.22.ii  ;  Lu. 
15.25).  Seven  days  was  a  not  uncommon 
duration  of  a  festival,  especially  for  a  wedding, 
but  sometimes  fourteen  (Gen. 29. 27  ;  Judg. 
14.12  ;  Tob.8.19)  ;  but  if  the  bride  were  a 
widow,  three  days  formed  the  limit.  The 
"  table  "  (shi'.lhdn)  was  often  merely  a  mat 
spread  on  the  ground  ;  round  this  the  guests  sat 
on  the  floor.  The  recumbent  position  referred 
to  in  N.T.  belonged  to  a  time  when  town-life 
had  brought  with  it  more  luxurious  habits. 
The  separation  of  the  women's  banquet  was 
not  a  Jewish  custom  (Esth.1.9).  At  the  Pass- 
over four  cups  of  wine,  mixed  with  three  parts 
of  water,  were  blessed  and  passed  round  by  the 
master  of  the  feast. 

Ban'uas  (Bannas,  R.V.).  In  iEsd.5.26 
"  Banuas  and  Sudias  "  answer  to  "  the  children 
of  HoDAViAH,"  3,  in  Ezr.2.40. 

Baptism.  (i)  O.T.  Preparation.  As 
through  divine  providential  guidance  pagan 
rites  had  their  ceremonial  lustrations  as  signs 
of  the  need  of  purification  and  grace,  so  also 
under  the  more  direct  revelation  of  God  there 
was  in  O.T.  a  foreshadowing  of  the  sacramental 
principle  which  was  to  be  prominent  in  the 
Christian  religion,  and  an  anticipation  of  the 
use  of  water  in  one  of  the  chief  sacraments. 
The  rite  of  Circumcision  ;  the  ceremony  of 
washing  after  conditions  symbolical  of  sin 
(Lev.  13-1 7  ;  Num.19)  and  before  approach  to 
God  (Ex. 19.10,14,29. 4,30.18-21  ;  Num.8.7,21) ; 
the  bathing  of  Naaman  (2K.5.10-14) ;  and  the 
references  to  washing  in  the  prophecies  of  the 
Messiah  (Is.52.i5,  A.V.  and  R.V.,  but  not  R.V. 
raarg.  ;  Ezk.36.25  ;  Zech.l3.i  ;  cf.  Heb.9.io, 
10.22) ;  may  all  be  regarded  as  being  in  their 
different  ways  preparations  for  the  institution 
of  Christian  baptism.  The^',  or  some  of  them, 
may  have  led  to  the  Jewish  belief  that  the 
Messiah   and   His   forerunner    would  baptize 


ANQUET :   ASSYRIAN  DRINKING  SCENE.    (From  Khorsabad.) 


90 


BAPTISM 


(Jn.1.26).  The  deliverance  of  Noah  and  the 
passage  of  the  Red  Sea  and  the  overshadowing 
of  the  Israelites  by  the  cloud  are  types  of 
baptism  (iPe.3.2i  ;  iCor.lO.1,2).  (2)  Jewish 
Baptisms  and  the  Baptism  of  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist. Baptism  was  not  used  by  the  J  ews  in  the 
case  of  those  who  were  Jews  by  birth  or  the 
children  of  proselytes  ;  but  in  the  admission  of 
proselytes  a  ceremony  of  baptism  was  neces- 
sary in  addition  to  circumcision  and  a  sacrifice, 
and  some  Jewish  teachers  held  this  baptismal 
rite  sufficient  for  proselytes  without  circum- 
cision. Partly  through  the  O.T.  purifications 
and  partly  through  these  Rabbinical  baptisms, 
the  idea  of  baptism  would  be  familiar  to  the 
Jews  at  the  beginning  of  the  ministry  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist.  The  "baptism  of  John," 
in  a  sense,  placed  all  those  who  were  invited  to 
it  in  the  position  of  Gentiles.  While  not  itself 
a  means  of  grace  or  of  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  it 
was  an  indication  of  the  will  of  God  to  forgive 
sinners,  a  sign  of  the  remission  of  sins  which 
was  to  be  the  result  of  the  life  and  death  and 
work  of  Christ,  a  preparation  for  the  baptism 
of  regeneration  which  Christ  was  to  institute, 
and  it  mav  have  conveyed  some  anticipatory 
touch  of  the  effects  of  what  Christ  was  to  do  in 
the  future.  By  an  act  parallel  to  His  sub- 
mission to  circumcision  in  His  infancy,  our 
Lord  received  the  baptism  of  St.  John  as  there- 
by fulfilling  all  righteousness,  dedicating  His 
rriinistrv  to  the  Father,  and  indicating  the 
future  sanctification  of  water  through  His 
death  and  resurrection  to  be  a  sacramental 
instrument  (Mt.3  ;  Mk.l.4-11  ;  Lu.3.i-22  ;  Jn. 
1.19-34).  (3)  Anticipations  by  our  Lord  and 
His  disciples.  In  His  discourse  with  Nicode- 
mus  our  Lord,  perhaps  not  altogether  without 
reference  to  the  baptism  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  alluded  to  the  sacrament  of  Christian 
baptism,  before  the  institution  of  it,  in  the 
sayings,  "  Except  any  one  be  begotten  anew 
[or,  from  above]  he  cannot  see  the  kingdom 
of  God  "  ;  "  Except  any  one  be  begotten  of 
water  and  the  Spirit,  he  cannot  enter  into  the 
kingdom  of  God  "  (Jn.3.3,5)-  By  the  ministry 
of  His  disciples,  but  not  by  His  own  personal 
act.  He  administered  a  rite  of  baptism  during 
His  life  on  earth  which  was  probably  similar  in 
its  purpose  and  effects  to  that  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist  (Jn.4.1,2).  The  flow  of  blood  and 
water  from  His  side  on  the  cross  after  His  death 
is  not  unreasonably  regarded  as  having  had  a 
mystical  significance,  and  as  pointing  to  the 
efficacy  which  the  sacramental  use  of  water 
derives  from  the  death  of  Christ  (Jn.i9.34  ;  cf. 
ijn.5.6).  (4)  Institution  and  Administration  of 
Christian  Baptism.  The  sacrament  of  Chris- 
tian baptism  was  instituted  by  our  Lord  be- 
tween His  resurrection  and  ascension,  when  He 
gave  command  to  His  apostles,  "  All  author- 
ity hath  been  given  imto  Me  in  heaven  and  on 
earth.  Go  ye  therefore,  and  make  disciples  of 
all  the  nations,  baptizing  them  in  the  name  of 
the  Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy 
(ihost,  teaching  them  to  observe  all  things 
whatsoever  I  commanded  you  ;  and  lo,  I  am 
with  you  alway,  even  unto  the  end  of  the 
world  "  (Mt. 28.18-20).  It  is  more  likely  that 
the  apostles  received  the  grace  of  Cliristian 
baptism  together  with  the  other  gifts  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  than  that 


BAPTISM 

they  were  on  this,  or  on  any  other,  occasion 
baptized  by  our  Lord,  though  there  have  been 
opinions  that  He  baptized  them  (St.  Augustine, 
Ep.  cclxv.  3),  or  that  He  baptized  the  Blessed 
Virgin  and  St.  Peter  and  that  St.  Peter  baptized 
the  other  apostles  (Euthymius  Zigabenus,  In 
Joan.  Ev.  iii.  5),  or  that  our  Lord  baptized  St. 
Peter,  St.  Peter  baptized  St.  Andrew  and  the 
sons  of  Zebedee,  St.  Andrew  and  the  sons  of 
Zebedee  baptized  the  other  apostles,  and  St. 
Peter  and  St.  John  baptized  the  seventy 
disciples  (Nicephorus,  H.E.  ii.  3).  After  the 
descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  and  the  sermon  of  St.  Peter  which 
followed,  the  first  converts  asked  St.  Peter  and 
the  rest  of  the  apostles,  "  Brethren,  what  shall 
we  do?"  and  received  from  St.  Peter  the 
answer,  "  Repent  ye,  and  be  baptized  every 
one  of  you  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  unto  the 
remission  of  your  sins  ;  and  ye  shall  receive 
the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  "  ;  and  the  subse- 
quent baptism  was  the  means  of  the  converts 
being  added  to  the  Church  (Ac.2.37-41).  Bap- 
tisms were  administered  as  a  result  of  the 
preaching  of  St.  Philip  the  deacon  in  Samaria 
and  to  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  (Ac.8. 12, 13,36- 
38).  Saul  of  Tarsus  after  his  conversion, 
Cornelius  and  his  company  after  receiving  the 
Holy  Ghost,  the  proselyte  Lydia  and  her 
household  after  she  had  given  heed  to  the 
things  which  Paul  spoke,  the  gaoler  at  Philippi, 
(after  asking  what  he  must  do  to  be  saved  and 
receiving  the  answer,  "  Believe  on  the  Lord 
Jesus,  and  thou  shalt  be  saved  "  together  with 
"all  his,")  the  Corinthians  who  believed,  andthe 
disciples  at  Ephesus  who  had  already  received 
the  "  baptism  of  John,"  were  baptized  (Ac.9. 
18,10.47,48,16.14,15.30-33,18.8,19.1-5).  Bap- 
tism is  spoken  of  by  SS.  Paul  and  Peter  in  their 
epistles,  and  by  the  author  of  Hebrews,  as  if  it 
was  assumed  that  all  those  in  the  Christian 
community  had  been  baptized  (Ro.6.3,4  ; 
iCor.1.13  ;  Gal.3.27  ;  C0I.2.12  ;  iPe.3.20,2i  ; 
Heb.6.1,2).  (5)  Subjects  of  Baptism.  The  facts 
mentioned  in  the  last  section,  coupled  with  the 
command  to  baptize  "  all  the  nations  "  (Mt. 
28.19),  indicate  that  baptism  was  regarded  as 
a  necessary  rite  for  all  who  wished  to  become 
Christians.  That  infants  as  well  as  adults 
were  baptized  is  not  expressly  mentioned  in 
N.T.  A  concurrence  of  reasons  supplies  a 
high  probability  that  they  were  so  baptized. 
The  relation  of  Christian  baptism  to  the  Jewish 
religion  would  make  it  likely  that  the  adminis- 
tration of  circumcision  to  Jewish  infants  and 
of  the  Jewish  baptism  to  the  children  of  prose- 
lytes together  with  their  parents  would  sug- 
gest to  the  earliest  Christians  that  any  infants 
who  were  members  of  a  household  receiving 
baptism  should  be  baptized.  It  is  likely  that 
there  were  infants  in  the  "  households  "  bap- 
tized. The  natural  inference  from  the  history 
of  baptism  in  the  Church  is  that  infants  had 
been  baptized  from  the  days  of  the  apostles. 
The  theological  reasons  for  the  baptism  of  in- 
fants which  have  been  held  weighty  in  later 
times  are  of  such  a  character  as  would  be  likely 
to  appeal  to  the  earliest  Christians.  These 
general  considerations  derive  some  support 
from  expressions  in  N.T. — e.g.  the  words  "of 
St.  Peter,  "To  you  is  the  promise,  and  to  your 
children  "  ;  St.  Paul's  exhortations  to  children 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


91 


and  his  teaching  as  to  their  duties  and  those  of 
their  parents,  and  his  description  of  children 
as  "holy"  (iCor.7.14  ;  Eph.6.1-4  ;  Col. 3. 20, 
21).  Thus,  that  infants  were  baptized  in 
N.T.  times,  while  it  cannot  be  proved,  is 
very  highly  probable.  (6)  Matter  of  Baptism. 
It  is  obviously  assumed  throughout  N.T.  that 
baptism  was  administered  with  water.  This 
is  expressly  stated  in  Ac.8. 36-39,  and  neces- 
sarily implied  in  10.47,48,  as  also  in  the  vvords 
of  St.  Paul,  "  by  the  washing  of  water  "  (Eph. 
5.26),  and  of  the  writer  of  Hebrews  (IO.22), 
"  having  our  hearts  sprinkled  from  an  evil 
conscience,  and  our  body  washed  with  pure 
water."  In  some  cases  the  method  of  using 
the  water  may  have  been  by  the  complete 
immersion  of  the  person  being  baptized.  This 
may  be  the  meaning  of  the  words  "  they  botli 
went  down  into  the  water,"  "  they  came  up  out 
of  the  water,"  in  connexion  with  the  baptism 
of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  by  St.  Philip  (Ac.8. 38, 
39).  Such  a  practice  might  give  special  signi- 
ficance to  St.  Paul's  comparison  between  bap- 
tism and  the  burial  and  resurrection  of  Christ 
(Ro.6.4  ;  Col. 2.12).  At  the  same  time,  a 
going  down  so  as  to  stand  with  the  feet  in 
water  while  water  was  poured  over  the  head 
would  satisfy  the  requirements  of  the  account 
of  the  baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  or  of 
the  comparison  used  by  St.  Paul.  It  is  not 
likely  that  the  three  thousand  persons  baptized 
in  one  day  in  Jerusalem  (Ac. 2. 41),  or  those 
baptized  at  Caesarea  and  Philippi  in  or  near 
the  houses  of  Cornelius  and  the  gaoler  (Ac. 10. 
44-48,16.33),  were  all  completely  immersed.  An 
examination  of  the  verb  /iaTTTtfa;  in  the  LXX. 
and  N.T.  shows  that,  while  it  sometimes  means 
to  immerse  completelv,  it  does  not  alwavs  do  so 
(2K.5.14;  Is.21.4;  Jth.12.7;  Ecclus.34.2'i[31. 
30];  Mt.20.22,23,  T.R. ;  Mk.7.4,  T.R.,  and  re- 
visers' text,  but  not  marg.,  10.38,39  ;  Lu.ll.39, 
12.50).  The  nouns  ^awTiafia  and  ^anTia/uLds 
do  not  occur  in  the  LXX.  In  N.T.  fiairTi.(Tfia  is 
always  used  either  for  baptism  or  for  the  bap- 
tism of  suffering  ;  j3aTrTi(Tfx6s  is  used  for  bap- 
tism in  Heb.6.2,  and  as  a  variant  reading  for 
§awTL(7fia  in  Col. 2. 12,  and  for  ceremonial  wash- 
ing in  Mk.7.4  (also  ver.  8.T.R.).  Thus,  both  the 
records  of  practice  in  N.T.  and  the  terminology 
leave  it  uncertain  whether  complete  immersion 
was  ever  used  in  N.T.  times  ;  while  it  was  un- 
likely that  it  was  always  used.  (7)  Form  of  Bap- 
tism. Our  Lord's  command,  as  recorded  in  Mt. 
28.19,  is  for  the  administration  of  baptism  "in 
the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  " — a  command  which  goes  far 
to  explain  the  references  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Holy  Trinity  in  such  early  passages  as  iTh.  1. 1  -6, 
2C0r.i3.14.  The  phrases  "  in  "  or  "  upon  "  or 
"into,"  "the  name  of,"  "Jesus  Christ,"  or 
"  the  Lord  Jesus."  or  "  the  Lord,"  are  used  in 
Ac.2.38,8.16,10.48,19.5.  The  most  probable 
explanation  of  these  differing  phrases  is  that 
the  actual  form  of  baptism  was  "In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,"  and  that  the  phrase  "  In  the  name  of 
Jesus  "  meant  that  the  baptized  were  enrolled 
among  the  servants  of  Jesus.  The  phrase  e/s 
t6  tvofiam  Mt.28.19  and  Ac.8. 16,19.5  possibly 
ought  to  be  translated  "  into  the  name  "  ;  it 
is  perhaps  more  likely  that,  owing  to  the  influ- 


ence of  Aramaic  on  N.T.  Gk.,  it  is  rightly 
rendered  "  in  the  name."  (8)  Minister  of 
Baptism.  In  the  N.T.  period  baptism  ap- 
pears to  have  been  administered  by  the 
apostles  themselves,  by  deacons,  and  by  Chris- 
tian laymen.  No  statement  is  made  as  to 
who  administered  the  earliest  baptisms  (Ac. 2. 
41)  or  baptized  Lvdia  or  the  Corinthians  or 
the  disciples  at  'Ephesus  (16.15.18.8,19.5). 
Either  St.  Paul  or  St.  Silas  apparently  baptized 
the  Philippian  gaoler  and  his  household  (16. 
29-33).  St.  Paul  says  that  it  was  not  his 
ordinary  custom  to  baptize,  but  that  he  had 
baptized  in  some  cases  (iCor.l.14-17).  St. 
Philip,  one  of  the  "  seven  men  of  good  report  " 
of  Ac. 6. 5,  probably  baptized  those  at  Samaria 
(8.12,13),  and  certainly  baptized  the  Ethiopian 
eunuch  (8.38,39).  Ananias,  a  Christian  dis- 
ciple, apparently  baptized  St.  Paul  (9.i7,i8, 
22.12-16);  and  "brethren  from  Joppa  "  ap- 
pear to  have  baptized  Cornelius  and  his  com- 
pany (10. 44-48).  (9)  Conditions  of  Baptism. 
Repentance  and  belief  are  everywhere  assumed 
as  conditions  of  baptism,  and  these  are  ex- 
plicitly mentioned  in  2.38,8.12,13,16.31.  The 
words  of  St.  Philip  to  the  Ethiopian  eunuch 
and  the  eunuch's  reply  in  8.37.  "And  Philip 
said,  If  thou  believest  with  all  thine  heart, 
thou  mayest.  And  he  answered  and  said, 
I  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  Son  of 
God,"  are  found  in  a  very  early  reading,  but 
are  apparently  not  part  of  the  original  text  of 
the  Acts.  (10)  Doctrine  of  Baptism.  In  our 
Lord's  discourse  with  Nicodemus  baptism  is 
described  as  the  means  of  seeing  or  entering 
the  kingdom  of  God,  and  of  being  "  begotten 
anew"  or  "from  heaven"  (Jn.3.3,5).  Simi- 
larly, St.  Paul  describes  it  as  the  "washing  of 
regeneration  "  (Tit. 3.5).  Being  thus  begotten 
anew  and  regenerate,  the  baptized  are  said  by 
St.  Paul  to  be  the  sons  of  God  (Gal. 3. 26, 27  ;  cf. 
Ro. 8. 14-19),  to  have  put  on  Christ  (Gal. 3. 27), 
to  be  members  of  the  body  of  Christ  (i Cor.  12. 
12,13,27,  cf.  6.15  ;  Eph. 5. 26-30),  and  to  have 
been  united  with  the  death  and  burial  and  re- 
surrection of  Christ  (Ro.6.3,4  ;  Col. 2.12-20, 3. 
i).  In  thus  being  made  sons  of  God  and 
members  of  Christ,  the  baptized  come  under  the 
agency  and  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  St.  John 
the  Baptist  foretold  of  the  work  of  Christ  in 
Christian  baptism,  "  He  shall  baptize  you  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  "  (Mt.S.ii  ;  Mk.1.8  ;  Lu.3.i6, 
cf.  Jn.1.26).  St.  Peter  promised  the  first  con- 
verts that  on  being  baptized  they  should  "  re- 
ceive the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost"  (Ac. 2. 38). 
Ananias,  in  speaking  of  St.  Paul's  coming 
baptism,  said  that  he  should  be  ' '  filled  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  "  (9.i7,i8).  St.  Paul  connects  the 
"  renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghost  "  with  the 
"  washing  of  regeneration  "  (Tit. 3. 5).  Baptism, 
then,  is  represented  in  N.T.  as  the  outward 
means  whereby  great  gifts  are  bestowed  on  the 
Christian.  Through  the  reception  of  these 
gifts  his  sins  are  forgiven  (Ac.22.i6),  and  he  is 
placed  in  the  way  of  salvation  (Mk.l6.i6  ; 
Ac.2.41, 47,16.30-33  ;  iPe.l.3,4,3.21  ;  Tit. 3. 
5-7).  Yet,  as  the  way  to  baptism  is  througli 
conversion,  so  it  is  possible  through  sin  to  fall 
from  the  high  state  which  baptism  is  the 
means  of  conferring  (Ac. 8. 13, 21-23  ;  iCor.3. 
16,17,5.3-5  ;  Gal. 5. 2, 4,19-21).  (11)  TheGiftof 
the  Holy  Ghost  in  Baptisnu     Some  writers  have 


92 


BAB 


supposed,  that,  while  the  operation  of  the  Holy 
(ihost  is  exercised  on  the  soul  in  baptism, 
His  indwelling  presence  in  the  soul  is  withheld 
until  confirmation,  because  of  the  statements, 
"  When  the  apostles  which  were  at  Jerusalem 
heard  that  Samaria  had  received  the  word  of 
(iod,  they  sent  unto  them  Peter  and  John: 
who,  when  they  were  come  down,  prayed  for 
them,  that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost : 
for  as  yet  He  was  fallen  upon  none  of  them  : 
only  they  had  been  baptized  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord  Jesus.  Then  laid  they  their  hands  on 
them,  and  they  received  the  Holy  Ghost  "  ; 
"  They  were  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus.  And  when  Paul  had  laid  his  hands 
upon  them,  the  Holy  Ghost  came  on  them  " 
(Ac.8. 14-17,19. 5, 6).  It  appears  to  be  easier 
to  explain  these  statements  of  the  reception  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  at  the  laying  on  of  hands  as 
referring  to  His  special  gifts  at  confirmation 
than  to  explain  "  ye  shall  receive  the  gift  of  the 
Holv  Ghost  "  in  2.38,  and  "  that  thou  mayest 
be  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost  "  in  9.17,  as  re- 
ferring not  to  baptism  itself,  but  to  the  laying 
on  of  hands  which  was  to  follow  it.  [Laving 
ON  OF  Hands.]  (12)  Baptism  for  the  Dead.  In 
iCor.15.29  St.  Paul  writes,  "  Else  what  shall 
they  do  which  are  baptized  for  the  dead  [ol 
^aTTTiii'd/j.evoi  vwep  twv  vsKpCiv']  ?  If  the  dead 
are  not  raised  at  all,  why  are  they  then  bap- 
tized for  them  {htrkp  avrGiv.  T.R.  irnkp  tC^v 
j'fK-pwc]  ?  "  The  opinion  of  Tertullian  that 
St.  Paul  is  referring  to — though  not  necessarily 
approving — a  custom  of  a  living  person  being 
baptized  with  a  view  to  vicariously  benefiting 
one  who  had  died  unbaptized  {Dc  Res.  Cam. 
48;  Adv.  Marc.  v.  10) — has  been  adopted  by 
many  ;  but  is  less  likely  than  the  interpreta- 
tion of  several  Gk.  commentators  that  the 
allusion  is  to  those  who  receive  baptism  with  a 
view  to  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  (see,  e.g., 
St.  Chrysostom,  In  Ep.  \.,ad  Cor.  Horn.  xl.  i,  2). 
Elwin  in  Smith's  D.B.  (2nd  ed.),  i.  344-354  ; 
Armitage  Robinson  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  i.  471  • 
476;  Plummerin  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904), 
i.  238-245  ;  Marcus  Dods  in  Hastings,  Did.  of 
Christ  and  the  Gospels,  i.  168-171  ;  Bellamy  in 
Vacant  and  Mangenot's  Did.  de  Theol.  Cath. 
ii.  167-178  ;  Mangenot  in  op.  cit.  ii.  360-364  ; 
Pusey,  Scriptural  Views  of  Holy  Baptism  ; 
Stone,  Holy  Baptism  ;  Elwin,  The  Minister  of 
Baptism  ;  Puller,  What  is  the  Distinctive  Grace 
of  Confirmation  ;  Mason,  The  Relation  of  Con- 
firmation to  Baptism  ;  Wirgnian,  The  Doctrine 
of  Confirmation  considered  in  Relation  to  Holy 
Baptism  ;  Horsley,  in  Newbery  House  Maga- 
zine for  January  and  April,  1900  (for  i Cor.  15. 
29)  ;  Scliiirer,  Hist,  of  the  Jeivish  People  in  the 
Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  11.  ii.  319-324  ;  and 
Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the 
Messiah,  i.  273,  ii.  745-747,  and  Krauss  and 
Kohler  in  Jctvish  Encyclopaedia,  ii.  499,  500, 
iv.  94,  93  (ff)r  Jewish  baptisms).  [d-^-J 

Bap.     [Son.] 

Barabbas  (Bar-Abba  =  sow  of  the  fathr, 
i.e.  (A  the  teacher,  or  of  a  man  called  Abba),  a 
notable  ])ris((ner  (Mt.27.i6)  released  (by  the 
desire  of  the  jieople)  instead  of  Jesus.  He  was 
one  of  an  insurgent  band  who  had  committed 
murder,  and  were  at  that  time  in  [irison  (Mk. 
15.7;  .\c.3.ii).  The  term  robber  ai)plic(l  to 
Barabbas  (Jn.l8.40)  shows  that  plunder  was 


BARLEY 

in  part  their  object ;  and  the  same  term  being 
applied  to  the  two  malefactors  suggests  that  they 
had  been  members  of  Barabbas's  band.  The 
reading  Jesus  Barabbas,  in  Mt.27.i6,i7,  though 
interesting,  is  critically  worthless,      [e.k.b.] 

Barachel',  "  the  Buzite,"  father  of  Elihu 
(Job  32.2,6).     [Buz.] 

Bapachias  (Mt.23.35).  [Zacharias,  11 ; 
Zechariah,  I.] 

Bapak  (lightning;  Judg.4,5),  son  of 
Abinoam  of  Kedesh-naphtali  ;  near  to 
Hazor,  Jabin's  capital.  From  4.6  we  may  in- 
fer that  he  had  felt  a  call  to  deliver  Israel,  but 
needed  Deborah's  inspiration  and  decision  of 
character  to  determine  his  rising  at  Mt.  Tabor. 
He  defeated  Sisera,  took  Harosheth,  and 
joined  in  the  recitation  of  Deborah's  ode.  [De 
BORAH;  Sisera;  Jael;  Jabin.]         [h.m.s.] 

Bapbapian.  The  word  is  formed  from 
the  supposed  sound  of  a  language  unintelligible 
to  the  hearer  (c/.  Eng.  "  jabber  "),  and  is 
the  term  applied  by  the  Greeks  to  all  who 
were  not  of  their  own  race.  This  original 
underlying  idea  appears  in  its  application 
to  the  islanders  of  Malta,  whose  language, 
perhaps  a  dialect  of  Latin,  was  probably 
unknown  to  St.  Paul  (Ac. 28. 2, 4).  The 
Greeks  summed  up  the  nations  of  the  world 
as  "  Greeks  and  Barbarians,"  and  this 
non-offensive  usage  is  followed  by  St.  Paul 
(R0.I.14).  From  this  point  of  view  the 
Jews  themselves  would  be  included  among 
the  pdpfiapoi,  though  their  own  natural 
distinction  was  between  'lov5a7oL  and'E\X7?i'es. 
[Gentiles.]  But  such  distinctions  are  now 
transcended  by  Christianity,  which  allows  no 
national  differences  to  be  a  barrier  to  unity 
in  Christ   (Col. 3. 11).  [j.c.v.d.] 

Bapbep.  The  Heb.  word  (Ezk.S.i  only) 
is  formed  from  the  root  meaning  to  "  shave  "  ; 
cognate  words  occur  in  the  whole  Semitic 
group.     [Razor.]  [w.o.e.o.] 

Baphumite,  The.     [Bahurim.] 

Bapiah',  a  son  of  Shemaiah  in  the  royal 
line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.22). 

Bap-Jesus.     [Elymas.] 

Bap-Jona.     [Jona  ;    Peter.] 

Bapkos'.  "  Chiklren  of  Barkos  "  were 
Ncthniim  who  returned  from  the  Captivity 
with  Zernbbabel  (Ezr.2.33  ;    Ne.7.55). 

Bapley  (Heb.  s<''ord,  Arab,  sh'air)  is 
mentioned  in  many  passages  of  the  Bible.  It 
was  grown  by  the  Hebrews  (Lev. 27. 16;  Dent. 
8.8  :  Ru.2.17,  etc.),  who  used  it  for  baking 
into  Bread  (Judg.7.13;  2K.4.42  ;  Jn.6.9,13), 
also  mixing  it  with  wheat,  beans,  lentiles, 
millet,  etc.  (Ezk.4.9.12)  ;  and  as  fodder  for 
horses  (iK.4.28).  The  barley  harvest  is  men- 
tioned Ru. 1.22, 2.23  ;  2Sam.21.9,io.  It  takes 
place  in  Palestine  in  March  and  .\pril,  and  in 
the  hilly  districts  as  late  as  May.  Barley 
harvest  always  I'recedes  wheat  harvest,  in  some 
places  by  a  week,  in  others  by  fully  three  weeks. 
In  ligyi^  barley  is  about  a  month  earlier  than 
wheat,  whence  its  total  destruction  by  the 
hail-storm  (F.x.9.31).  Barley  was  sown  at 
any  time  between  November  and  February, 
according  to  the  season.  Barley  bread  is  still 
generally  eaten  in  Palestine  (Num. 5. 15).  The 
homer  and  a  half  of  barley,  as  part  of  the 
purchase-money  of  the  ailulteress  (Ho.3.2), 
represents  a  trifling  sum  ;  cf.  Ezk.i3.19,  "  Will 


BABNABAS 

ye  pollute  me  among  my  people  for  handfuls  of 
barley  ?  "  The  barley  corn  was  the  unit  of 
weight  and  of  measurement,  and  Hebrew  barley 
appears  to  have  had  an  average  weight  of  53 
lbs.  to  the  bushel — the  mean  between  English 
and  Arab  barley.     [Weights.]  [c.r.c] 

Barnabas,  an  Aram,  name  signifying 
"  son  of  prophecy,"  i.e.  endued  with  the  gift  of 
prophecy ;  and  as  the  main  function  of  N.T.  pro- 
phets was  exhortation  (c/.  Ac. 11. 23),  St.  Luke 
renders  it  correctly  "  son  of  exhortation  "  (Ac. 
4.36,  R.V.).  This  additional  name  was  given 
him  by  the  apostles  to  distinguish  him  from 
others  who  bore  the  common  name  Joseph. 
He  belonged  to  a  Levite  family  settled  in 
Cyprus,  but  had  kindred  living  in  Jerusalem, 
namely,  his  cousin  John  Mark,  and  Mary  the 
mother  of  Mark,  (i)  He  is  first  mentioned  as 
an  example  of  those  who  made  over  their  pro- 
perty to  the  Christian  community,  and  in  con- 
trast to  the  case  of  Ananias  and  Sapphira.  That 
he  was  highly  respected  in  the  church  of  Jeru- 
salem appears  from  the  help  which  he  was  able 
to  give  to  Saul  on  the  latter's  arrival  there 
after  his  conversion  (9.26ff.).  On  the  news  of 
the  conversion  of  Greeks  at  Antioch,  Barnabas 
was  chosen  to  investigate  the  work,  and,  ap- 
preciating its  importance,  he  fetched  Saul  from 
Tarsus  to  assist  him  in  carrying  it  forward  (Ac. 
11.22-26).  During  the  year  so  occupied  we  must 
place  the  mission  to  Jerusalem  recorded  Ac. 11. 
30,  and  their  return  to  Antioch,  bringing  Mark 
with  them  (Ac. 12. 25).  (2)  A  new  period  opens 
in  Ac.13.1  with  the  choice  and  dedication  of 
Barnabas,  together  with  Saul,  for  missionary 
work.  The  selection  of  Cyprus  for  their  desti- 
nation, and  Mark  for  their  attendant,  was  prob- 
ably due  to  Barnabas.  He  returned  to  Antioch 
at  the  close  of  the  mission,  and  was  sent  thence 
with  St.  Paul  to  plead  the  Gentile  cause  at  the 
Council  of  Jerusalem  (Ac. 15. 2).  On  their  re- 
turn an  incident  occurred  which  may  have  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  subsequent  separation  of 
the  two  friends.  Barnabas,  though  fully  aware 
of  his  inconsistency,  had  not  strength  to  resist 
the  example  of  St.  Peter,  who  when  at  Antioch 
separated  himself,  and  would  not  eat  with 
the  Gentile  Christians  (Gal. 2. 12, 13).  But  the 
breach  did  not  actually  take  place  till,  on  their 
intended  departure  for  the  second  journey, 
Barnabas  insisted  on  taking  John  Mark,  who  in 
St.  Paul's  estimation  had  forfeited  his  position 
by  his  desertion  of  his  companions  on  the  first 
journey.  Barnabas  sailed  to  Cyprus  with  Mark, 
and  passes  out  of  the  history.  A  single  verse 
(iCor.9.6)  implies  that  at  the  date  of  that 
epistle  he  was  still  labouring,  and  the  recon- 
ciliation between  St.  Paul  and  Mark  may  surely 
be  taken  to  imply  a  reconciliation  between  St. 
Paul  and  Barnabas.  St.  Paul's  debt  to  his 
colleague  in  the  earlier  years  of  his  life  was  un- 
doubtedly very  great.  He  owed  to  him  much 
of  that  impulse  and  guidance  which  he  denies 
having  owed  to  the  other  apostles.  Two  ques- 
tions remain  :  {a)  the  apostleship  of  Barnabas. 
The  title  is  clearly  given  him  Ac.14.4,14.  He 
is  recognized  by  James,  Cephas,  and  John  as 
holding,  together  with  Paul,  the  same  position 
towards  the  Gentiles  as  they  held  toward  the 
circumcision  (iCor.9.5,6).  (b)  The  (so-called) 
Epistle  of  Barnabas.  Though  the  external 
testimony  to  its  authenticity  is  strong,  yet  its 


BARUCH,  BOOK  OiF 


93 


substance  is  so  alien  from  apostolic  teaching 
in  its  view  of  O.T.,  that  it  is  impossible  to  re- 
gard it  as  the  work  of  a  fellow-labourer  of  St. 

Paul.  [E.R.B.] 

Bapo'dis,  a  name  (iEsd.5.34  only)  in  the 
list  of  those  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel. 

Bapsabas.  [Joseph  Barsabas  ;  Judas 
Barsabas.] 

Bap'tacus,  the  father  of  Darius'  concubine 
Apame.  "  Illustrious  "  (A.V.  admirable)  was 
probably  his  official  title  (iEsd.4.29).    [cd.] 

Baptholomew^,  one  of  the  Twelve,  of  whom 
nothing  is  recorded,  unless  he  is  to  be  identified 
with  Nathanael.  [e.r.b.] 

Baptimaeus  (i.e.  the  son  of  Timaeus),  a 
beggar  whom  our  Lord  healed  of  blindness  on 
the  outskirts  of  Jericho  during  His  last  journey 
up  to  Jeiusalem.  St.  Matthew  (20.29ff.)  speaks 
of  two  men  healed  as  He  was  leaving  the  town. 
St.  Mark  (10.46ff. )  agrees  with  him  as  to  the 
place,  but  only  mentions  one  and  him  by  name 
(apparently  because  Bartimaeus  was  the  chief 
spokesman  on  the  occasion  or  because  he  was 
afterwards  a  well-known  character  among  the 
brethren).  St.  Luke  (18.35ff.)  also  speaks  of 
but  one  (and  not  byname),  but  infers  that  the 
miracle  took  place  the  day  before,  as  our  Lord 
was  approaching  the  town.  On  the  dis- 
crepancy,   see,    e.g.,    Sadler,    St.    Mark,    pp. 

236  f.  [C.L.F.] 

Bapuch'. — 1.  Son  of  Neriah,  the  friend, 
amanuensis,  and  faithful  attendant  of  Jere- 
miah (Je. 32.12, 36. 4-6,17,18, 32, 45.1)  in  the 
discharge  of  his  prophetic  office.  He  was  of  a 
noble  family  (Je.5i.59  ;  Ba.l.r),  a  worthy  and 
trusted  assistant.  Seraiah  his  brother  held 
office  in  the  court  of  Zedekiah.  Slanderers  ac- 
cused him  of  influencing  Jeremiah  to  deliver 
his  countrymen  to  the  Chaldeans  (Je.43.3),  re- 
viving an  old  reproach  to  the  prophet  (37.13). 
On  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  586  e.g., 
Nebuchadnezzar  allowed  him  to  stay  with 
Jeremiah  at  Mizpeh  (Josephus,  loAnt.  ix.  i), 
but  later  they  were  forced  to  go  into  Egypt  (43. 
6).  Baruch  perhaps  hoped  to  succeed  Jeremiah 
as  Elisha  succeeded  Elijah,  and  Je.45.5  may 
have  been  intended  to  check  such  an  aspiration. 
The  production  of  the  book  of  Baruch  suggests 
the  survival  of  the  idea. — 2-  Son  of  Zabbia. 
He  assisted  in  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem (Ne.3.20). — 3-  A  priest  who  signed  the 
covenant  (10.6) 4.  Son  of  Col-hozeh,  de- 
scended from  Perez  (Pharez),  or  his  brother 
Shelah,  sons  of  Judah  (11. 5).  [w.h.d.] 

BaPUch',  Book  of.  Baruch  is  the  only 
apocryphal  book  cast  in  the  st^'le  of  the  Hebrew 
prophets.  Though  having  largely  the  char- 
acter of  an  imitation,  with  little  originality,  it 
is  not  without  striking  passages  of  consider- 
able force,  such  as  4.9-16  ;  so  that  the  unpre- 
judiced saying  of  La  Fontaine  (fit'og.  M;t/v.,  "La 
Font.")  is  fairly  just,  "  Quel  etait  done  ce 
Baruch  ?  c'etait  un  beau  genie."  Sound  ad- 
vice is  offered  to  the  distressed  Israelites  in 
an  encouraging  and  hopeful  tone,  while  sub- 
mission to,  and  prayer  for,  their  captors  is 
counselled  ( 2. 2 2, 1 . 1 1 ) ;  yet  a  tingeof  melancholy 
accords  well  with  the  last  reflection  of  O.T. 
prophecy.  Two  main  divisions  of  the  book, 
differing  in  style,  and  in  the  names  for  God,  are 
generally  agreed  upon — viz.  1-3.8  and  3.9  to 
the  end.    The  first  is  supplicatory,  preceded  by 


94 


sarxJcbc,  Soo^  off 


14  verses  of  narrative  :  the  second  is  horta- 
tory. The  latter  has  itself  been  divided  into 
two  at  4.5  ;  and  even  further  subdivision  has 
been  suggested. — Language.  As  to  this,  great 
divergence  of  competent  opinion  has  mani- 
fested itself.  It  seems  on  the  whole  most 
likely  that  pt.  i.  was  translated  from  a  Semitic 
original.  Pt.  ii.  has  much  more  the  aspect 
of  original  fik.  Kneucker  and  Rothstein, 
however,  decidedly  incline  to  belief  in  a  Heb. 
original  for  both  parts,  ascribing  the  (irecisms 
in  the  latter  to  the  dexterity  of  the  translator, 
who  was  well  acquainted  with  (ik.  idioms  : 
while  Marshall  maintains  an  Aram,  original 
up  to  4.4  only  ;  and  Andre  deems  the  whole 
book  to  have  been  composed  in  Gk. — Text 
and  Versions.  Any  Semitic  original  has  been 
lost,  and  we  are  dependent  for  oiy  knowledge 
of  the  text  on  the  LXX.and  versions  made  from 
it.  Jerome  omitted  Baruch  intentionally,  and 
so  did  not  revise  or  even  include  the  Itala, 
which  now  stands  in  the  Clementine  Vulg. 
There  are  two  other  Lat.  texts,  edited  by 
Sabatier  and  Hoberg  respectively,  the  former 
deeming  his  to  be  the  old  Itala,  and  the  latter 
printing  a  Vatican  copy  of  the  Codex  Legio- 
nensis,  which  he  styles  "  die  iilteste  lateinische 
Uebersetzung." — Author.  Except  among  R.C. 
writers  the  traditional  authorship  by  Baruch  is 
now  rarely  supported.  1.11,12  and  3. 10  are 
especially  difficult  to  attribute  to  the  historic 
Baruch.  There  is  a  strong  probability  of 
different  authors  for  the  first  and  second 
parts.  We  may  postulate  Jewish  writers,  but 
these  remain  anonymous. — Date.  This  is  as 
much  disputed  as  the  language.  Schiirer,  Ryle, 
Streane,  and  others  would  place  Baruch,  as  we 
now  have  it,  after  Titus's  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem, making  4.30  ff.  refer  to  that  event. 
But  the  early  Christian  acceptance  of  the  book, 
from  Athenagoras  and  Irenaeus  onward  (not  to 
mention  a  possible  reference  in  Logion  iii.  ser. 
2),  does  not  imply  so  late  a  date;  nor  does 
the  strong  similarity  of  the  LXX.  text  to  that 
of  Jeremiah,  e.g.  2.25,8.22,4.26  compared  with 
Je. 32. 36, 49. 7, 2. 25  ;  nor  the  marked  omission 
of  a  parallel  to  Dan. 9. 16, 17,  to  which  the 
writer's  correspondences  in  the  earlier  part  of 
ch.  2  naturally  lead  him  up,  and  which  would 
be  very  apposite  at  that  time.  This  very  late 
date  is  largely  grounded  on  the  clear  corre- 
spondence of  5.7  with  Ps.  Sol.  xi  ;  but  which 
document  had  priority  is  not  so  clear.  Ryle 
hesitatingly  decides  for  Ps.  Sol.,  because  "  a 
Heb.  writing  would  not  have  been  based 
upon  a  Gk.  writing"  (Smith,  D.B.^).  A  Gk. 
original  of  pt.  ii.  is  therefore  essential  to  his 
argument.  He  also  adduces  "  the  absence  of 
testimony  to  the  existence  of  Baruch  until  the 
2nd  cent."  But  were  books  added  to  the 
LXX.  as  late  as  this?  Hoberg  reasonably 
alleges  its  inclusion  in  LXX.  as  proof  of  pre- 
Christian  Jews'  acquaintance  with  it.  Roth- 
stein, while  conceding  the  possibility  of  an  a.d. 
date  for  the  book  in  its  present  form,  yet 
thinks  the  separate  parts  earlier.  Those  how- 
ever who,  with  Rcuss  and  Ewald,  would  place 
Baruch  in  4th  cent.  n.c.  have  either  to  accept 
an  earlier  date  for  Daniel  or  to  assume  the  ex- 
istence of  Dan. 9  before  the  rest  of  the  book. 
This  divergence  as  tf)  date  has  been  taken  by 
Philippe  as  a  testimony  to  Baruch's  author- 


bashak 

ship  (Vigouroux,  B.D.)  ;  an  argument  used 
against  the  defenders  of  Judith's  historic  char- 
acter by  Bissell  (p.  157).  Although  there  is 
much  support  for  an  a.d.  date,  the  difficulties 
attendant  upon  it  appear  little  lighter  than 
those  involved  in  the  older  notion  of  placing 
pt.  i.,  at  any  rate,  about  the  close  of  the 
Persian  period,  and  the  latter  half  in  2nd  cent. 
B.C. — History.  The  statement  in  the  Gk. 
.ipostolic  Constitution,  v.  20,  that  Baruch  was 
read,  with  Lamentations,  in  the  synagogues  on 
the  Day  of  Atone,ment  is  uncorroborated.  It 
does  not  accord  with  Baruch's  expressed  view 
of  its  suitability  for  festal  reading  (I.14)  ;  and, 
unless  a  mistake,  must  refer  to  some  local  and 
temporary  usage.  In  a  large  part  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  Baruch  was  early  regarded  as  an 
appendage  to  Jeremiah.  Patristic  writers 
were  naturally  attracted  by  8.37,  which  they 
often  quoted  as  foretelling  the  Incarnation. 
The  Council  of  Trent,  after  some  hesitation, 
decreed  the  book  canonical.  I^otestant  bodies 
generally  reject  Baruch,  though  individuals 
have  highly  esteemed  it  :  while  the  English 
Church  has  one  proper  and  two  daily  lessons  in 
her  present  calendar  from  what  Art.  vi.  styles 
"  Baruch  the  Prophet."  The  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch  is  a  distinct  extra-Biblical  work. 
Speaker's,  S.P.C.K.,  and  Bissell's  Comm. ;  art. 
in  Hastings's  and  Vigouroux's  Diets. :  Streane, 
Age  of  the  Maccabees  (1898);  J.  J.  Kneucker, 
Comm.  (Leipzig,  1879)  ;  G.  Hoberg  (Freiburg 
i.  B.,  1902)  ;  L.  E.  T.  Andre,  Les  Apocryphes 
(Florence,  1903).  [w.h.d.] 

Bapziriai. — 1.  A  wealthy  Gileadite  who 
showed  hospitality  to  David  when  he  fled  from 
Absalom  (2Sam.i7.27).  On  the  score  of  his  age, 
he  declined  the  king's  oiTer  of  dwelling  at  court, 
but  sent  his  son  Chimiiam  in  his  stead  (2Sam. 
19.31-40).  The  descendants  of  his  daughter 
(called  Augia,  iEsd.5.38),  who  married  into  a 
priestly  family,  were  unable,  afterthe  Captivity, 
to  prove  their  genealogy  (Ezr.2.6i  ;  Ne.7.63, 
64). — 2.  .\  Meholathite,  whose  s<in  Adriel 
married  Mirhal,  Saul's  daughter  (2Sam.21.8). 

Bas'aloth  (iEsd.5.31)  =  Bazlith. 

Bas'cama,  a  place  in  Gilead  where  Jona- 
than was  killed  by  Trypho  (1Mac.i3.23). 
Called  Basca  by  Josephus  (13  Ant.  vi.  6).  The 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Bashan'  (soft  soil),  a  district  on  the  E. 
of  Jordan  ;  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the 
"  land  of  Bashan  "  (iChr.S.ii),  and  sometimes 
as  "all  Bashan"  (Dcut.3. 10,13  ;  J0S.I2.5, 
13.30),  but  most  commonly  without  any  ad- 
dition. It  was  taken  by  the  children  of  Israel 
after  their  conquest  of  the  land  of  Sihon. 
They  "  turned  "  from  their  road  over  Jordan 
and  "  went  up  by  the  way  of  Bashan  " 
to  Edrki  (Num. 21.33  ;  Deut.3.1-3).  Bashan 
extended  from  Gilead  on  S.  to  mount  Hermon 
on  N.  (Deut.3.14  :  Jos.12.5  ;  iChr.5.23),  from 
the  Arabah  or  Jordan  N'allcy  on  W.  to  Salchah 
(Salkhat)  on  !•:.,  and  to  the  border  of  the 
(ieshurites,  and  the  Maachathites  near  Hermon. 
This  district  was  bestowed  on  the  half  tribe  of 
Manasseh  (Jos. 13. 29-31).  together  with  "half 
Gilead."  It  is  named  in  tiie  list  of  S<ilomon's 
districts  (i  K.4. 13).  Bashan  was  devastated  by 
Hazaei  in  the  reign  of  Jehu  (2K.IO.33).  After 
the  Captivity  it  is  nientioned  as  divided  into 
four  provinces — Gaulanitis  [Golan],  Auranitis 


BASHAN-HAVOTH-JAlS, 

[Hauran],  Trachonitis  [Argob],  and  Batanaea, 
or  Ard-el-Bathanieh,  which  lies  E.  of  the  Lejah 
and  N.  of  the  range  of  Jebel  Haurdn.  Bashan 
(especially  the  Hauran)  is  a  fine  corn-growing 
plateau  of  volcanic  soil,  with  scattered  oaks  in 
the  S.  Assyrian  records  notice  the  invasion 
of  the  Hauran  by  Arabs  in  650  e.g.  Bashan 
supported  a  great  Arab  population  later,  and 
has  numerous  Gk.  texts,  and  Roman  cities  of 
from  2nd  to  7th  cent,  a.d.,  but  the  population 
is  now  sparse  and  villages  small.        [g.r.c] 

Bashan'-havoth'-jair  (Deut.3.14).  If 
not  a  gloss,  Bashan  may  here  be  a  corruption 
of  be-shem,  and  we  may  read  "  called  them  by 
the  name  of  villages  of  Jair."  Cf.  Num. 32. 41 ; 
Judg.10.4;  1K.4.13.    [Havoth-jair.]     [g.r.c] 

Bashemath'  (R.V.  Basemaih),  daughter 
of  Ishmael,  the  last  married  of  the  three  wives 
of  Esau  (Gen. 36. 3, 4, 13),  from  whose  son  Reuel 
four  tribes  of  Edomites  were  descended.  When 
first  mentioned  she  is  called  Mahalath  (Gen. 28. 
9),  and  the  name  Bashemath  is  given  in  Gen.  26. 
34  to  another  wife  of  Esau,  the  daughter  of 
Elonthe  Hittite.  The  Samaritan  text  corrects 
this  by  reading  Mahalath  for  Bashemath  in  the 
genealogy.  Possibly  this  name  (Bashemath) 
has  been  assigned  to  the  wrong  person  in  one 
of  the  passages  ;  but  if  so,  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  which  is  erroneous. 

Basket,  (i)  sal,  so  called  from  the  ttvigs 
of  which  it  was  originally  made,  specially  used 
for  holding  bread  (Gen.40.i6ff.  ;  Ex.29. 3, 23  ; 
Lev. 8. 2, 26,31  ;     Num. 6. 15, 17,19).     The    form 


BAf 


95 


brickyard  (Ps.81.6  ;  pots,  A.V.),  or  for  holding 
bulky  articles  (2K.IO.7).  In  N.T.,  baskets  are 
described  under  the  three  terms,  Kocpivos,  cnrvpis, 
aapydvr}.  The  last  occurs  only  in  2C0r.ll.33, 
in  describing  St.  Paul's  escape  from  Damascus. 
The  first  is  exclusively  used  in  reference  to 
the  miracle  of  feeding  the  five  thousand 
(Mt. 14.20,16.9  ;  Mk.6.43  ;  Lu.9.i7  ;  Jn.6.13), 
and  the  second  to  that  of  the  four  thousand 
(Mt.15.37  ;  Mk.8.8)  :  the  distinction  is  most 
definitely  brought  out  in  Mk.8.19,20. 

Basmath',  a  daughter  of  Solomon  married 
to  his  officer  Ahimaaz  (1K.4.15). 

Bason.  Among  the  smaller  vessels  for  the 
tabernacle  or  temple  service,  many  were 
required  to  receive  from  the  sacrificial  victims 
the  blood  to  be  sprinkled  for  purification. 
Moses,  at  the  great  ceremony  of  purification 
in  the  wilderness,  put  half  the  blood  in  "  the 
basons  "  or  bowls,  and  afterwards  sprinkled 
it  on  the  people  (Ex.24.6,8).  [Goblet.] 
Among  the  vessels  cast  in  metal,  whether  gold, 
silver,  or  brass,  by  Hiram,  for  Solomon,  besides 
the  laver  and  great  sea,  mention  is  made  of 
basons,  bowls,  and  cups.  Of  the  first  (marg. 
bowls)  he  is  said  to  have  made  100  (2Chr.4.8 ; 
iK. 7.45,46;  cf.  Ex.25.29  and  iChr.28. 14,17)- 
Their  form  and  material  can  only  be  con- 
jectured from  the  analogy  of  ancient  Assyrian 
and  Egyptian  specimens.  The  "  bason  "  (Jn. 
13.5)  from  which  our  Lord  washed  the  dis- 
ciples' feet,  vLTTTrip,  was  probably  deeper  and 
larger  than  the  hand-bason  for  sprinkling. 


EGYPTIAN  BASKETS.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


of  the  Egyptian  bread-basket  is  delineated  in 
Wilkinson's  Anc.  Egypt,  iii.  226,  after  the  speci- 
mens represented  in  the  tomb  of  Ramses  III. 
The  term  sal  apparently  passed  from  its  strict 
etymological  meaning  to  any  vessel  applied 
to  the  purpose.  In  Judg.6.19  meat  is  served 
up  in  a  sal,  which  could  hardly  have  been  of 
wickerwork.  (2)  salsilloth,  a  word  of  kindred 
origin,  applied  to  the  basket  used  in  gathering 
grapes  (Je.6.9).  (3)  tene\  in  which  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  harvest  were  presented  (Dent. 26- 
2,4).  From  its  being  coupled  with  the  knead- 
ing-bowl  (A.V.  store,  Deut.28.5,17),  we  may 
infer  that  it  was  also  used  for  household  pur- 
poses, perhaps  to  bring  the  corn  to  the  mill. 
(4)  k^luhh,  so  called  from  its  similarity  to  a  bird- 
cage or  trap,  probably  because  it  had  a  lid  :  it 
was  used  for  carrying  fruit  (Am. 8. 1,2).  (5) 
dudh,  used  for  carrying  fruit  (Je.24.i,2),  as  well 
as  on  a  larger  scale  for  carrying  clay  to  the 


Bas'sa  (iEsd.5.i6)  =  Bezai. 

Bas'tai  (iEsd.5.3i)  =  BESAi. 

Bastard.  Deut.23.2[3]  enacts  that  a 
mamzer  (E.V.  bastard)  shall  not  come  into 
the  congregation  of  the  Lord  unto  the  tenth 
generation.  The  term  appears  to  denote  the 
issue  of  an  incestuous  or  illegal  union.  Paral- 
lels in  Post,  Grundriss,  ii.  18.  [h.m.w.] 

Bat  ('dtalleph).  There  is  no  doubt  A.V.  is 
correct  in  the  rendering  of  this  word,  which 
signifies  "  night-flier."  It  is  true  that  in 
the  A.V.  of  Lev.ll.19  and  Deut.l4.i8  the 
'atalleph  closes  the  lists  of  "  fowls  that  shall 
not  be  eaten  "  ;  but  the  ancients  considered 
the  bat  to  partake  of  the  nature  of  a 
bird,  and  the  Heb.  'oph,  "  fowl  " — lit.  a 
wing — might  be  applied  to  any  winged 
creature.  Besides  the  passages  cited,  mention 
of  bats  occiurs  in  Is.2.20,  and  Ba.6.22  in  a 
passage    that   sets   forth    the   vanity   of   the 


96 


BATH 


Babylonian  idols.  Bats  of  many  kinds,  in- 
clusive of  long-eared  and  "  horseshoe  "  species, 
are  common  in  Egypt  ;  but  the  most  numerous 
appear    to    be    the    cave-bats    of    the    genus 


TOMB-BAT  [Tajy/iozoiis  fey/oiatus). 

Taphozous,  characterized  by  the  tail  being 
free  for  much  of  its  length  from  the  membrane 
connecting  the  hind-legs.  The  Palestine 
species  is  T.  nudiventris,  which  swarms  in  the 
caves  of  Galilee,  and  is  nearly  allied  to  the 
Egyptian  species  shown  in  the  cut.        [r.l.] 

Bath.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Bath,  Bathing-'  Among  the  Jews,  as 
with  other  Easterns,  bathing  was  usually  a 
religious  act,  and  in  cases  of  Levitical  unclean- 
ness  was  necessary  before  full  restitution  to 
religious  privileges.  [Purification.]  There 
is  no  mention  of  bathrooms  in  the  houses,  but 
there  were  cisterns  for  the  purpose  in  the  court 
f2Sam.ll.2)  or  garden  (Sus.15).  When  pos- 
sible, running  water  was  chosen  (Ex. 2.5, 7.13  ; 
Lev.i5.13  ;  2K.5.10).  Harlots  bathed  in  the 
pool  of  Samaria  ( I K. 22.38,  K.V'.).  Pubhc  baths 
were  erected  by  Agrippa  ( 19  /I  nt.  vii.  5),  and  the 
pool  of  Bethesda  had  porches  or  colonnades 
(Jn.5.2).  There  was  a  bathroom  in  Herod's 
temple  for  the  priests  (V'owa  iii.2).  Hot  springs 
were  discovered  byAnah  (Gen. 36. 24,  see  R.\'.), 
and  there  were  hot  baths  at  Callirrhoe  (17  Ant. 
vi.  5)  and  Tiberias  (2  Wars  xxi.  6).  Newborn 
infants  were  bathed  before  being  dressed  (Ezk. 
I6.4).  Women  anointed  themselves  after  the 
bath  with  oil  (2Sam.l4.2)  or  sweet  odours 
(Esth.2.i2  ;  Jth.10.3).  Swimming  is  alluded 
to  (Is. 25. 11;    Ezk. 47. 5  ;    Ac. 27. 42).      fiMi.] 

Bath-pabbim',  Gate  of,  a  gate  of  Hfsii- 
HON  (Can. 7. 4),  near  fish-pools,  such  as  occur 
in  the  stream  W.  of  the  city.  [c.r.c] 

Bathshe'ba  (2Sam.ll.3,  etc.)  or  Bath- 
shua  (iChr.3.5),  the  daughter  of  I'lliam 
(2Sam.ll.3)  or  Anuniel  (iChr.3.3)  the  son  of 
Ahithophel  (2Sam.23.34),  and  wifeof  Uriah  the 
Hittite.  The  child  of  her  adulterous  inter- 
course with  David  died  ;  but  after  marriage 
she  became  the  mother  of  four  sons,  Solomon 
(Mt.1.6),  Shimea.  Shobab,  and  Nathan.  When 
Adonijah  attempted  to  set  aside  in  his  own 
favour  ihfi  succession  promised  to  Solomon, 
Bathsheba  was  employed  by  Nathan  to  inform 
the  king  of  the  conspiracy  (1K.I.11-31). 
After  the  accession  of  Solomon,  she,  as  queen- 
mother,  requested  permission  for  Adonijah  to 
marry  .-Xbishag  the  Shunanmiite  (i  K. 2.13-2.5). 

Bath-zachari  as,  a  place,  named  only 
I  Mac. 6.32, 33,  to  which  Judas  Maccabaeus 
marched  from  Jerusalem,  and  where  he  en- 
camped for  the  relief  of  Beth-sura.  The  two 
places  were  about  70  stadia  apart,  and  the 
approaches  to  Bath-zacharias  were  intricate 
and  confined  (12  Anl.  i.x.  4).  This  description 
is  met  by  the  modern  Beit  Skdria,  6  miles 
N.  of  Beit  .^lir.     [Beth-zur.] 


Beard 

Battle-ax  (Je.5i.20).     [.\kms.] 
^  Bavai ,    ruler    of     the    "  half    part "    of 
Keilah,   who   assisted   in   repairing   the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.i8). 

Bay-tree  ("ezrah,  lit.  native).  It  is  difficult 
to  sec  upon  what  grounds  A.V.  renders  this  word 
in  Ps.37.35  "  bay-tree."  Most  Jewish  doctors 
understand  by  'ezrdli  "  a  tree  which  grows  in 
its  own  soil,"  i.e.  has  never  been  transplanted, 
as  .4.V.  inarg.  and  K.V.  The  bay-tree,  or 
laurel,  has  therefore  no  place  in  the  Bible  ex- 
cepting upon  Coverdale's  introduction. 

Bazlith'  (Ne.7.54),  Bazluth'  (Ezr.2.52). 
"Children  of  Bazlith"  were  Nethinim  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel. 

Bdellium  (Irdhdlah),  a  precious  substance 
mentioned  in  Gen.2.i2,  with  "gold"  and 
"  ony.\  stone."  as  one  of  the  products  of  the 
land  of  Havilah,  and  in  Num. 11. 7,  where 
manna  is  in  colour  compared  to  bdellium. 
Some  authorities  think  b'dholah  means  the 
pearl,  others  the  carbuncle  or  at  any  rate  a 
gem,  but  the  majority  believe  it  to  be  some 
kind  of  gum-resin.  That  now  denoted  by 
bdellium  "  resembles  mj-rrh  in  appearance  and 
qualities,  but  is  weaker  and  at  the  same  time 
more  acrid"  (Chambers's  Encyd.  s.w.).  It  is 
produced  by  more  than  one  kind  of  tree,  and 
is  obtained  in  Egypt  as  well  as  Asia,    [t.g.b.] 

Beali'ah,  a  Benjamite,  one  of  those  who 
joined  l)a\id  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.5). 

Bealoth',  a  town  in  the  extreme  S.  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15. 24). 

Be  an.  Children  of,  a  tribe  of  predatory 
habits  in  Edoni,  destroyed  by  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus (iMac.5.4).  Perhaps  for  Mean 
(Md'an)  in  Edoin.  [c.r.c] 

Beans  are  cultivated  in  Palestine,  as  are 
many  leguminous  plants,  such  as  lentils,  kidney- 
beans,  vetches,  etc.  (2Sam.i7.28).  Beans  blos- 
som in  January.  They  have  been  noticed  in 
flower  at  Lydda  on  the  23rd,  and  at  Sidon  and 
.Acre  even  earlier.  They  continue  in  flower  till 
March.  The  culti\ation  of  beans  is  of  the  high- 
est antiquity.  Homer  mentions  both  beans  and 
peas.  Pliny  says  beans  challenge  the  "first 
rank  and  principal  place  amongst  pulse,"  and 
"  thereof  men  have  assaied  to  make  bread  " 
[cf.  Ezk  4.9).  [H.C.H.] 

Beap.  The  Syrian  bear  (Ursus  arctus 
syriaciis),  a  grey  variety  of  the  liuropean 
brown  bear,  is  the  animal  of  the  Bible,  and 
is  said  by  Tristram  to  be  still  found  on  the 
mountains  of  Palestine.  During  summer 
these  bears  keep  to  the  snowy  parts  of 
Lebanon  and  Herinnn,  but  descend  in  winter 
to  the  villages  ;  while  in  former  days  they 
doubtless  occurred  in  other  parts  of  Palestine. 
We  read,  for  instance,  of  bears  in  a  wood 
between  Jericho  and  Bethel  (2K.2.24);  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  destruction  of  the 
children  who  mocked  Ivlisha  took  place  in 
winter.  The  ferocity  of  the  bear  when  de- 
prived of  its  young  is  alluded  to  in  2Sam.l7.8, 
Prov.l7.i2.  Ho.13.8;  its  attacking  flocks  in 
iSam.17.34,  etc.  ;  its  craftiness  in  ambush  in 
Lam. 3. 10:  and  that  it  was  dangerous  to  man 
in  Am.5.i<).  The  passage  in  Is. 59. 11  would 
be  l>ettcr  translated,  "  we  proan  like  bears." 
Bears  ;ire  also  mentioned  in  Uev.13.2  ;  Dan. 
7.5:   Wis. 11. 17  ;   and   licclus.47.3. 

Beapd.      Semitic     races      have     always 


fiEASTSj 

Cherished  the  beard  as  the  badge  of  the  dignity 
of  manhood.  The  Egyptians,  on  the  contrary, 
usually  shaved  the  hair  of  the  face  and  head, 
and  compelled  their  slaves  to  do  the  like.  The 
Semitic  enemies  of  the  Egyptians,  including 
many  of  the  nations  of  Canaan,  Syria,  and 
Armenia,  etc.,  are  nearly  always  represented 
bearded.  On  the  Ninevite  monuments  is  a 
series  of  battle-views  from  the  capture  of 
Lachish  by  Sennacherib,  in  which  the  captives 


Other  nations.     (From  Rosellini  and  Layard.) 
BEARDS. 

have  beards  very  like  some  of  those  in  the 
Egyptian  monuments.  The  precept  (Lev.  19. 
27,21.5)  regarding  the  "  corners  of  the  beard  " 
refers  to  the  well-known  hair-offerings  among 
all  ancient  peoples.  [Hair.]  Size  and  fulness 
of  beard  are  regarded  by  Arabs,  at  the  present 
day,  as  a  mark  of  respectability  and  trust- 
worthiness. The  beard  is  the  object  of  an  oath, 
and  that  on  which  blessings  or  shame  are 
spoken  of  as  resting.  The  custom  was  and  is 
to  shave  or  pluck  it  and  the  hair  out  in  mourn- 
ing (Ezr.9. 3  ;  Is.15.2,50.6  ;  Je.41.5,48.37;  Ba. 
6.31),  to  neglect  it  in  seasons  of  permanent 
affliction  (2Sara.i9.24),  and  to  regard  any 
insult  to  it  as  the  last  outrage  which  enmit}' 
can  inflict  (10. 4).  The  beard  was  the  object  of 
salutation  (20. 9).  The  dressing,  trimming, 
anointing,  etc.,  of  the  beard  was  performed 
with  much  ceremony  by  persons  of  wealth 
and  rank  (Ps.133.2).  The  removal  of  the 
beard  was  a  part  of  the  ceremonial  treatment 
proper  to  a  leper  (Lev.l^.g). 

Beast,  the  representative  in  the  A.V.  of 
the  following  Heb.  words,  (i)  b''hemd,  the 
general  name  for  "  domesticated  cattle  "  of 
any  kind,  is  also  used  to  denote  "  any  large 
quadruped,"  as  opposed  to  fowls  and  creeping 
things  (Gen.6. 7,20,7. 2  ;  Ex. 9. 25  ;  Lev. 11. 2  ; 
iK.4.33  ;  Pr.30.30,  etc.);  for  "beasts  of 
burden,"  horses,  mules,  etc.,  as  in  1K.I8.5, 
Ne.2.12,14,  etc.  ;  or  for  "  wild  beasts,"  as  in 
Deut. 32.24,  Hab.2.17,  iSam.17.44.  (2)  b'-'ir 
is  used  either  collectively  of  "  all  kinds  of 
cattle,"  like  the  Latin  pecus  (Ex.22.5[4]  ;  Num. 
20.4,8,11  ;  Ps.78.48),  or  specially  of  "  beasts  of 
burden  "  (Gen. 45. 17).  It  has  a  more  limited 
sense  than  the  preceding.  {3)  hayyd  is  used 
to  denote  any  animal.  It  is,  however,  fre- 
quently used  specially  of  "  wild  beasts,"  when 
the  meaning  is  often  more  fully  expressed  by 
the  addition  of  the  word  hassdde,  "  of  the  field  " 
(Ex.23.li ;  Lev.26.22  ;  Deut.7.22  ;  Ho.2.i2[i4], 
13.8  ;  Je.12.9,  etc.). 


JBEi)  9? 

Beatitudes.     [Sermon  on  the  Mount.] 

Beautiful  Gate.     [Temple.] 

Beba'i.  "  Sons  of  Bebai,"  623  (Ne.  628)  in 
number,  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babel(Ezr.2.ii ;  Ne.7.i6;  iEsd.5.13),  and  later 
28  more  returned  with  Ezra  under  Zechariah, 
who  is  further  described  as  "the  son  of  Bebai," 
which  may  however  be  used  as  the  family  name 
(Ezr.8.11).  Four  of  the  family  had  taken 
foreign  wives  (Ezr.lO.28  ;  iEsd.9.29).  The 
name  occurs  also  among  those  who  sealed  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.15). 

Beba'i  (Jth.15.4),  an  imknown  town  in 
central  Palestine.  [cr-c] 

Be'ehep. — 1.  The  second  son  of  Benjamin, 
according  to  the  lists  in  Gen. 46. 21  and  iChr. 
7.6,8  ;  but  omitted  in  Num.26.38  and  iChr.8.i. 
The  Heb.  text  of  iChr.8.i,  however,  suggests 
that  "  b'khoro,  his  first-born,"  is  a  corruption 
of  Becher,  so  that  the  genuine  reading  would  be 
"Benjamin  begat  Bela,  Becher,  and  Ashbel," 
in  agreement  with  Gen. 46. 21.  Some  have 
thought  that  iChr.8.i  is  right,  and  that  in 
Gen. 46. 2 1  and  iChr.7.8  Becher,  as  a  proper 
name,  is  a  corruption  of  b'khor,  "first-born," 
so  that  Benjamin  had  no  son  Becher.  It  is 
possible  that  Becher,  or  his  heir  and  head  of 
his  house,  married  an  Ephraimitish  heiress,  a 
daughter  of  Shuthelah  (iChr.7. 20,21),  and  that 
so  his  house  was  reckoned  in  the  tribe  of 
Ephraim,  just  as  J  air  son  of  Segub  was  reck- 
oned in  Manasseh  (iChr.2.22  ;  Num.32. 40,41). 
— 2.  Son  of  Ephraim  (Num.26. 35) ;  called 
Bered  in  iChr.7.20. 

Bechorath',  an  ancestor  of  king  Saul 
(iSam.9.1,2). 

Bec'tileth,  The  plain  of,  mentioned  in 
Jth.2.2i  as  lying  between  Nineveh  and  Cilicia. 
The  name  has  been  compared  with  Ba/craiaXXd, 
a  town  of  Syria  named  by  Ptolemy,  Bactiali 
in  the  Peutinger  Tables,  which  place  it  21 
miles  from  Antioch. 

Bed  and  Bedcliambep.  We  may  dis- 
tinguish in  the  Jewish  bed  five  principal  parts  : 
(i)  the  mattress  ;  (2)  the  covering  ;  (3)  the 
pillow  ;  (4)  the  bedstead  or  support  for  (i) ;  (5) 
the  ornamental  portions,  (i)  This  consisted 
of  a  mere  mat,  or  one  or  more  quilts.  (2)  A 
quilt  finer  than  those  of  (i).  In  summer  a  thin 
blanket  or  the  outer  garment  worn  by  day  (i 
Sam. 19. 13)  sufficed.  Hence  the  law  that  it 
should  not  be  kept  in  pledge  after  sunset,  that 
the  poor  man  might  not  lack  his  needful  cover- 
ing (Deut. 24. 13).  (3)  The  only  mention  of  the 
material  for  this  is  in  1Sam.i9.13,  and  the 
word  used  is  of  doubtful  meaning,  but  seems 
to  signify  some  fabric  woven  or  plaited  of 
goat's-hair.  As,  however,  it  was  something 
hastily  adopted  to  serve  for  a  Pillow,  it  is  not 
decisive  of  the  ordinary  use.  In  Ezk.l3.i8 
those  mentioned  are  probably  not  bed-pillows, 
but  fillets  or  amulets  for  the  arms  (so  Ephrem 
Syrus).  Pillows  are  common  to  this  day  in 
the  E.,  formed  of  sheep's  fleece  or  goat's-skin, 
with  a  stuffing  of  cotton,  etc.  (4)  The  bed- 
stead was  not  always  necessary,  a  platform 
along  the  side  or  end  of  an  Oriental  room 
serving  as  a  place  for  the  bedding.  Yet  some 
slight  and  portable  frame  seems  implied  among 
the  senses  of  two  of  the  six  Heb.  words  trans- 
lated in  A.V.  "bed,"  and  used  variously  for 
a  "  bier  "  (aSam.S.si  ;    2Chr.l6.14),  for    the 


98 


BEDAD 


ordinary  bed  {2K.4.10),  for  the  litter  for  carry- 
ing a  sick  person  (i Sam.  19. 15),  for  Jacob's  sick- 
bed (Gen. 47. 31),  and  for  the  couch  on  which 
guests  reclined  at  a  banquet  (Esth.1.6).  For 
the  "  bedstead  "  of  Og,  see  Oc.  (5)  The  orna- 
mental portions  were  pillars  and  a  Canopy 
(Jth.tS.g),  ivory  carvings,  gold  and  silver, 
and  probably  mosaic  work,   purple  and  fine 


BED  AND  HEAD-REST.     (Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egyptians.) 

linen  (Esth.1.6;  Can.3.9, 10).  The  ordinary 
furniture  of  a  bedchamber  is  given  in  2K.4.10. 
The  position  of  the  bedchamber  in  the  most 
remote  and  secret  parts  of  the  palace  seems 
indicated  in  Ex. 8. 3  and  2K.6.12.  The  "  bed- 
chamber "  in  the  temple  where  Joash  was 
hidden  (2K.II.2  ;  2Chr.22.ii)  was  probably 
not  a  sleeping-room,  but  a  store-chamber  (per- 
haps a  mere  cupboard  such  as  is  used  in  the  East 
in  the  present  day)  for  the  rolled-up  mats. 

Bedad',  the  father  of  Hadad  king  of 
lulom  (Gen.36.35  =  iChr.l.46). 

Bedan'. — 1.  (iSam.l2.ii.)  Samuel  refers 
to  him  as  a  deliverer  of  Israel.  Nothing  more 
is  known  of  him.  LXX.  identifies  him  with 
Barak.  He  has  also  been  identified  with 
Samson  and  Abdon. — 2.  (iChr.7.17.)  A 
Manassite.  [h.m.s.] 

Bedei'ah,  a  son  of  Bani,  in  the  time  of 
Ezra,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.35). 

Bee  (d'bhord;  Deut.l.44;  Judg.14.8;  Ps. 
118.12  ;  Is.7.18).  That  Palestine  abounded  in 
bees  is  evident  from  the  description  that  it  was 
a  land  "  flowing  with  milk  and  honey," 
there  being  no  reason  to  suppose  that  this 
expression  is  to  be  understood  otherwise  than 
in  its  literal  sense.  Dr.  Thomson  (Land  and 
Book,  p.  299)  records  swarms  of  bees  inhabit- 
ing a  cliff  of  Wddy  el  Qttrn.  "  The  people 
of  M'alia,  several  years  ago,"  he  writes,  "  let 
a  man  down  the  face  of  the  rock  by  ropes.  He 
was  entirely  protected  from  the  assaults  of  the 
bees,  and  extracted  a  large  amount  of  honey  ; 
but  he  was  so  terrified  by  the  prodigious 
swarms  of  bees  that  he  could  not  be  induced  to 
repeat  the  exploit."  This  illustrates  Deut.32. 
13  and  Ps.81.i6  as  to  "honey  out  of  the  stony 
rock";  while  Deut.l.M  and  I's.ll8.i2  suggest 
the  fearful  nature  of  the  attacks  of  these  insects 
when  irritated.  In  Palestine,  as  in  India,  the 
attacks  of  bees  are  more  to  be  dreaded  than 
in  more  temperate  climates,  the  swarms  being 
larger,  and  their  stings  not  unfrequcntly 
causing  death  ;  hence  the  force  of  the  Psalm- 
ist's complaint,  "  They  compassed  me  about 
like  bees"  (II8.12).  The  passage  about  the 
swarm  of  bees  and  honey  in  the  lion's  car- 
case (Judg.14.8)  can  be  easily  explained  whea 


BEEROTS 

we  remember  that  in  a  hot  dry  country* 
after  a  carcase  has  been  picked  nearly  clean 
by  vultures,  jackals,  and  ants,  the  skeleton 
might  well  form  a  nidus  for  a  swarm  of  bees. 
Is.7.i8,  "  the  Lord  shall  hiss  for  the  bee  that 
is  in  the  land  of  AssvTia,"  has  been  understood 
by  some  to  refer  to  the  practice  of  "  calling  out 
the  bees  from  their  hives  by  a  hissing  or 
whistling  sound  to  their  labour  in  the  fields, 
and  summoning  them  again  to  return  "  in  the 
evening.  More  probably  the  expression  has 
reference  to  the  Eastern  custom  of  calling  the 
attention  of  any  one  by  a  hiss  or  "  hist.'"  The 
honey-bee  of  Palestine,  although  nearly  allied 
to  the  European  Apis  mellifica,  is  regarded  as 
a  distinct  species,  A.  fasciata.  [r.l.1 

Beeriada  (Baal  knows),  one  of  David's 
sons,  born  in  Jerusalem  (iChr.14.7).  In2Sam. 
5.16  the  name  is  Eliada  (El  knows). 

Beel'sarus  (iEsd.5.8)  =  Bilshan. 

Beolteth'mus,  an  officer  of  Artaxerxes 
residing  in  Palestine  (lEsd. 2.16,25).  The 
name  is  a  corruption  of  the  title  of  Rehum 
(chancellor),  the  name  preceding  it  (Ezr.4.8). 
This  title,  according  to  Sayce  (Introd.  to  Ezr., 
Ne.,  and  Esth.),  signifies  "lord  of  official 
intelligence  "  or  "  postmaster." 

Beelzebub.     [Baal-zebub.] 

Beep'  (well). — 1.  One  of  the  latest  halting- 
places  of  the  Israelites,  lying  beyond  the 
Arnon,  and  so  called  because  of  the  well 
which  was  there  dug  by  the  "  princes  "  and 
"  nobles  "  of  the  people  (Num. 21. 16-18).  This 
is  possibly  the  Beer-elim  referred  to  in  Is. 15. 8. 
— 2.  A  place  to  which  Jot  ham,  the  son  of 
Gideon,  fled  for  fear  of  his  brother  Abimelech 
(Judg.9.2i)  ;  perhaps  Beeroth. 

Beepa',  an  Asherite,  son  of  Zophah 
(iChr.7.37). 

Beepah',  prince  of  the  Reubenites,  taken 
captive  by  Tiglath-pileser  (iChr.5.6). 

Beep-elim',  a  spot  named  with  Dimon  in 
Is. 15. 8  as  on  the  "  border  of  .Moab."     [Beer.] 

Beepi'. — 1.  The  father  of  Judith,  one  of 
the  foreign  wives  of  Esau  (Gen. 26. 34).  [Anah.] 
— 2.   Father  of   the  prophet   Hosea  (Ho.l.i). 

Beep-laha'i-poi'  (well  of  the  Living  One 
Who  sees  me,  R.V.  marg.),  between  Kadesh 
and  Bered,  in  the  wilderness,  "  in  the  way  to 
Shur,"  and  therefore  in  the  "  south  country  " 
(Gen. 24. 62).  According  to  the  explanation  of 
the  text,  it  was  so  named  by  Hagar,  because 
God  saw  her  there  (Gen.l6.14).  By  this  well 
Isaac  dwelt  both  before  and  after  the  death  of 
his  father  (Gen.24.62,25.ii).  In  both  these 
passages  the  name  is  given  in  A.V.  as  "  the 
well  Lah  d-roi."  Near  Kadesh  (Qadis),  S.  of 
Beer-sheba.     [Kadesh  ;  Kedesh.]     [c.r.c] 

Beepoth',  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the 
Hivites  who  deluded  Joshua  into  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  them  ;  the  other  three  being 
Gibeon,  Chephirah,  and  Kirjath-jearim  (Jos.9. 
17).  Beeroth  was  allotted  to  Benjamin  (18. 25), 
in  whose  possession  it  remained  at  the  time 
of  David  (2Sam.4.2).  It  is  named  with 
Chephirah  and  K.-jearim  in  the  list  of  those 
who  returned  from  Babylon  (Ezr. 2.25  ;  Ne.7. 
29;  Bcroth,  iEsd.5.19).  Eusebius  (Onomas- 
ticon)  places  it  "  under  the  hill  Gibeon," 
as  visible  from  the  road  to  Lydda  at  the 
seventh  milestone.  Now  el-Birch,  a  village 
about  8  miles  N,  of  Jerusalem  by  the  road  to 


BEEROTH 

Ndblus.     Nahari  "the  Beerothite  "  (aSam. 

23.37),  or  "the  Berothite"£^(iChr.ll.39),  was 

one  of  David's  guard.    [Beer;Berea.]  [c.r.c] 

Beepoth'  of  the  childpen  of  Jaakan, 

the  wells  of  the  Bene-jaakan  (perhaps  named 
from  Jakan,  iChr.l.42,  or  Akan  the  Horite, 
Gen.36.27)  ;  a  halting-place  of  the  Israelites  in 
the  Arabah  near  mount  Hor  (Deut.10.6).  In 
Num.33. 31, 32  Bene-jaakan  only.         [cr.c] 

Beep-she'ba  {well  of  the  oath,  as  given 
in  the  Bible,  Gen. 21. 31),  where  Abraham 
made  a  covenant  with  the  Philistines,  and 
planted  a  tamarisk  by  the  well  that  he  dug. 
The  alliance  was  renewed  by  Isaac,  who  ap- 
parently dug  a  second  well  {26.23,28,32,33). 
Beer-sheba  is  often  mentioned  as  the  S.  boun- 
dary of  the  land  of  Israel  (Judg.20.i,  etc.),  and 
was  given  to  Judah  (Jos. 15. 28)  and  afterwards 
to  Simeon  (19.2).  Here  Samuel's  sons  were 
judges  (iSam.8.2).  It  was  in  the  negebh,  or 
"  dry  "  country  (A.V.  south  :  2Sam.24.7)  ; 
and  Elijah  here  slept  under  the  desert  broom 
bush  (iK.19.3,5).  It  was  probably  an  idola- 
trous centre  in  the  time  of  Josiah  (2K.23.8), 


BELIAL 


99 


Jordan  (Jos.2i.27).  It  "appears  as  Ashtaroth 
in  iChr.6.71.  Probably  short  for  Beth-ash- 
terah.     [Ashteroth.] 

Beetle.     [Locust.] 

Beeves.     [Cattle.] 

Beheading'.     [Crimes.] 

Behemoth'.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
in  Job 40.15-24  the  hippopotamus  is  intended, 
as  the  description  of  behemoth  accords  well  with 
the  habits  of  that  animal.  As  in  the  first 
part  of  Jehovah's  discourse  (Job 38,39)  land 
animals  and  birds  are  mentioned,  it  seems 
probable  that  aquatic  or  amphibious  creatures 
are  referred  to  in  the  latter  part.  Moreover, 
since  "leviathan"  usually  denotes  the  croco- 
dile, behemoth  seems  to  point  to  the  hippo- 
potamus, its  associate  in  the  Nile.  The 
description  of  behemoth  lying  under  "  the 
shady  trees,"  amongst  the  reeds  and  willows, 
is  perfectly  applicable  to  the  hippopotamus. 
In  former  days  hippopotamuses  were  foimd  in 
Lower  Egypt,  although  they  have  now  receded 
far  up  the  Nile  ;  there  is,  however,  no  evi- 
dence, geological  or  otherwise,  of  their  former 


BEER-SHEBA.     (From  an  original  sketch  by  Co!.  Cond 


and  condemned  as  such  yet  earlier^  (Am. 5. 5, 
8.14).  It  was  reoccupied  by  descendants  of 
Judah  after  the  Captivity  (Ne.ll.27,30).  The 
site  is  now  called  Bir  es  Seba',  at  the  foot  of  the 
Hebron  hills,  in  the  open  pastoral  plateau 
which  is  covered  with  grass  in  spring,  and 
supports  flocks  of  goats  and  cattle.  There 
are  two  wells,  with  a  constant  supply  of  good 
water  even  in  autumn,  cut  in  rock  in  the  bed 
of  the  boundary  valley,  which  runs  W.  to 
Gerar.  There  is  also  a  third  dry  well.  {Siirv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  394-396.)  The  largest  well  is 
over  12  ft.  in  diameter,  lined  with  masonry  to 
a  depth  of  28  ft.,  and  with  water  at  37  ft. 
The  masonry  in  the  15th  course  bears  an 
Arabic  tablet  with  a  date  (505  a.h.)  answering 
to  1 1 12  a.d.  Though  much  furrowed  by  ropes, 
the  stonework  is  therefore  not  very  ancient. 
A  few  rude  stone  troughs  stand  round  this 
well,  but  neither  it  nor  the  others  have  any 
parapet.  The  second  well,  some  little  distance 
to  W.,  is  5  ft.  in  diameter  and  40  ft.  to  the 
water ;  the  stones  are  cut  to  the  arc  of  the 
circle.  The  third  well  to  E.  is  dry  ;  the 
masonry  is  superior  ;  the  diameter  is  over 
9  ft.,  and  the  depth  23  ft.  It  has  large  stones 
at  the  bottom.  Ruins  of  a  Byzantine  town,  or 
village,  including  the  foundations  of  a  church, 
exist  N.  of  the  wells  ;  and  Beer-sheba  in  the 
5th  cent,  was  an  episcopal  town.       [c.r.c] 

Beesh-tepah',  one  of  the  two  cities  allotted 
to  the  sons  of  Gershom  in  Manasseh  beyond 


occurrence  in  Syria  or  Palestine.  The  de- 
scription is  certainly  not  applicable  to  the 
African  elephant.  See  Nile  ;  but  for  the 
opposite  view,  see  Palestine.  [r.l.] 

Bekah.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Bel.     [Baal.] 

Bel  and  Drag-on.  [Daniel,  Apocryphal 
Additions  to.] 

Be'Ia. — 1.  The  old  name  of  Zoar  (Gen.14.2, 
8). — 2.  A  king  of  Edom  son  of  Beor  (Gen.36.32), 
whom  some  Jewish  commentators  identify 
with  Balaam  son  of  Beor  (Num. 22.5)  and  the 
LXX."  renders  Balak. — 3.  The  eldest  son  of 
Benjamin  (Gen.46.2i),  Belah  in  A.V.  ;  the 
ancestor  of  the  Belaites  (Num.26.38,40). — 4.  A 
son  of  Azaz,  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (iChr.5.8). 

Belah,  Be'laites,  The.     [Bela,  3.] 

Be'lemus.     [Bishlam.] 

Belial  (Heb.  b^liyya'al,  lit.  "  worthless- 
ness,"  from  bHi,  "  without,"  and  ya^al, 
"  worth  ")  occurs  generally'  in  such  phrases  as 
"  sons  of  B.,"  "  men  of  B.,"  "  daughter  of  B.," 
"  thing  of  B.,"  etc.,  and  always  in  O.T.  as  a 
common  noun,  denoting  an  extreme  degree  of 
depravity:  e.g.  Deut. 13. 13  (apostasy)  ;  Judg. 
19.22  (sodomy  and  rape)  ;  iSam.l.i6  (female 
drunkenness),  2. 12  (the  profanation  of  the 
priestly  oflice),  20.i,  2Chr.l3.7  (rebellion)  ;  i 
K.2I.10,  Pr.19.28  (perjury).  In  two  passages 
it  seems  to  mean  the  perdition  of  the  soul — viz. 
Ps.41.8  (see  marg.),  "  a  matter  of  perdition," 
i.e.  a  matter  which  brings  a  man  to  perdition  ; 


100 


BELLOWS 


and  Ps.18.4  (see  marg),  "  the  floods  of  perdi- 
tion." In  N.T.  the  word  has  become  a  proper 
name,  and  is  a  title  of  Satan  (2Cor.6. 15).  The 
correct  N.T.  form  is  Beliar  (BeXidp),  probably 
an  intentional  alteration  of  the  word  (c/.  Baal- 
zebub).  The  form  BeXid/)  is  also  found  in  the 
Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs  and  in  the 
book  of  Jubilees.  In  Milton's  Paradise  Lost 
Belial  is  the  spirit  of  lust.     [Satan.]     [c.h.] 

Bello\vs.  The  word  occurs  only  in  Je.6. 
29,  where  it  is  used  figuratively,  "  The  bellows 
are  burned,"  their  use  being  to  heat  a  smelt- 
ing furnace.  A  picture  of  two  different  kinds 
of  bellows,  both  of  highly  ingenious  construc- 
tion, may  be  found  in  Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt. 
iii.  338.  "  They  consisted,"  he  says,  "  of  a 
leather,  secured  and  fitted  into  a  frame,  from 
which  a  long  pipe  extended  for  carrying  the 
wind  to  the  fire.  They  were  worked  by  the 
feet,  the  operator  standing  upon  them,  with 


ECYPIIAN   iii;LLu\vs.     (H.  Cailliard.  Kt-Lherchfs  si<r  Us  arts 
ties  ancietts  li^yptiens.) 

one  under  each  foot,  and  pressing  them  alter- 
nately while  he  pulled  up  each  e.xhausted  skin 
with  a  string  he  held  in  his  hand.  In  one 
instance  we  observe  from  the  painting  that 
when  the  man  left  the  bellows,  they  were 
raised  as  if  inflated  with  air  ;  and  this  would 
imply  a  knowledge  of  the  valve.  The  pipes, 
even  in  the  time  of  Thothmes  II.,  [supposed  to 
be]  the  contemporary  of  Moses,  appear  to  have 
been  simply  of  reed,  tipped  with  a  metal  point 
to  resist  the  action  of  the  fire." 

Bells.  The  use  of  large  bells  for  calling 
assemblies  or  similar  purposes  seems  to  have 
been  unknown  in  Palestine,  trum])ets  of 
various  kinds  being  used  instead.  The  small 
golden  bells  (H eh. />fl'flw6Mtw)  which  alternated 
with  the  tri-coloured  pfimegranatcs  round 
the  hem  of  the  high-priest's  long  rt)be  are 
twice  mentioned,  Iix.28.33ff.  and  Ecclus.45.9 
(c/.  Josephus,  3  Ant.  vii.  4)  ;  their  object  is 
described  as  being  to  give  forth  a  sound  as 
he  went  in  and  f)ut  of  the  sanctuary.  The 
number  of  these  bells  is  given  by  the  Rabbis 
as  72  in  all,  while  others  give  12  or  365  (Ka- 
lisch.  Comment,  on  Exod.,  in  lac).  This  bell 
and  pomegranate  arrangement  has  been 
thought  to  be  derived  from  the  old  ligyptian 
ornamental  bf)rder  of  lotus  and  bud,  with  its 
original  meaning  lost  or  altered.  The  word 
translated  "  bells  "  in  Zech.l4.2o  is  quite  a 
different  one  {nv\ill6th),  and  is  represented  by 
"bridles"  in  I,X.\.  (so  A.V.  marg.);  but  a  metal 
substance  that  would  tinkle  when  shaken 
seems    here    indicated   rather    than    leathern 


BEX 

straps.     See  Flinders    Petrie's    art.    "  Bells " 
in  Hastings,  D.U.  (5  vols.  1904).  [c.l.f.] 

Belmaim  (Jth.7.3).  The  name  survives 
in  Wddy  BeVameh.  [Bethulia.]  Probably 
the  same  as  Balamo  and  Belmen.      [c.r.c] 

Bel'men,  a  place  named  amongst  the  towns 
of  Samaria  (Jth.4.4).    [Belmaim. J 

Belshazzap',  the  last  native  king  of 
Babylon  (Dan. 5. iff.).  According  to  Daniel,  he 
was  slain  in  the  night,  after  a  splendid  feast 
in  his  palace.  The  first  Babylonian  record  in 
which  the  name  of  Belshazzar  was  discovered 
is  that  inscribed  on  four  clay  cylinders  found 
at  Muqeir  (Ur  of  the  Chaldees).  In  this 
Nabonidus,  after  describing  his  restoration  of 
the  temple  there,  calls  down  a  blessing  on  his 
first-born  son,  Belshazzar  [Bil-sarru-nsur). 
He  does  not  appear  in  the  official  records  as  a 
ruler,  but  is  apparently  meant  when,  in  the 
Babylonian  Chronicle,  "  the  son  of  the  king," 
who  was  for  many  years  "  with  the  army  in 
Akkad,"  is  referred  to.  Belshazzar  is  often 
mentioned  on  contract-tablets,  always  with  the 
same  title.  In  the  first  year  of  Nabonidus  he 
bought  some  land  of  Marduk-iriba  ;  in  the  fifth 
his  secretary  hired  a  house  ;  in  the  eleventh 
Iddina-marduk  seems  to  have  owed  him  20 
mana  of  silver  on  account  of  woven  stuff  or 
clothing  supplied  through  Nabii-sabit-qate,  the 
prince's  major  domo.  Other  tablets,  dated  in  the 
seventh,  ninth,  and  twelfth  years  of  Nabonidus, 
record  offerings  made  on  behalf  of  Belshazzar 
in  the  temple  at  Sippar  (Abu-habbah).  This 
confirms  the  statements  in  the  Babylonian 
Chronicle  that  the  son  of  the  king  was  with 
the  army  in  Akkad  in  the  seventh  to  eleventh 
years  of  Nabonidus,  at  which  point  the 
record  is  defective  until  the  seventeenth  and 
last  year  of  that  king.  On  Tammuz  16  in 
that  year  Gobryas  entered  Babylon  with  the 
army  of  Cyrus,  and  it  is  stated  that  on  the 
night  of  Marchosvan  11,  Gobryas  .  .  .  did 
something,  and  the  son  of  the  king  (or 
"  the  king  "  simply)  died.  In  this  we  may 
in  all  probability  see  the  attack  in  the 
night  spoken  of  in  Daniel.  The  date  of  his 
death  was  538  b.c,  at  which  time  he  could 
hardly  have  been  less  than  37  years  old. 
Xenophon  describes  "  the  king  "  (probably 
Belshazzar)  as  dying,  sword  in  hand.  With 
regard  to  his  father,  Nabonidus,  Berosus  in 
Josephus  (.-Ia's/.  Apion,  i.  20)  states  that  he 
was  captured  in  the  neighbouring  city  of 
Borsippa,  and  kindly  treated  by  Cyrus,  "  who 
gave  Iiim  Carmania  as  a  place  for  him  to 
inhabit."  Kawlinson  connected  Belshazzar 
with  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan. 5. 2)  through  his 
mother,  who  may  have  been  a  daughter  of 
that  king,  in  which  case  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
Belshazzar's  maternal  grandfather.  This 
would  make  Nabonidus  Nebuchadnezzar's 
son-in-law,  and  j^robably  receives  confirmation 
from  two  tablets  in  which  a  certain  Nabonidus, 
"  who  is  o\er  the  city,"  is  called  "  the  son  of 
the  king  "  (Nebuchadnezzar's  eighth  year).  Na- 
bonidus calls  himself,  in  his  records,  "  son  of 
Nabu-balat-su-i(ibi."  Smith,  D.B.  (4  vols. 
1893);  Hastings,  D.B.  (4  vols.  1898),  etc.; 
The  Old  Testament  in  the  Light  of  the  Records 
(S.l'.C.K.).  PI1.  412  ff.,  435  ff.  rT.G.P.] 

Belteshazzap.     [Daniel.] 

Ben. — 1.  A  Levite  "of  the  second  degree," 


BENAIAH 

one  of  the  porters  for  the  ark  appointed  by 
David  (iChr.l5.i8).— 2.  [Son.] 

Bena'lah — 1.  The  son  of  Jehoiada  the 
chief  priest  (iChr.27.5),  and  therefore  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi,  though  a  native  of  Kabzeel  (2 
Sam. 23.20  ;  iChr.ll.22),intheS.  of  Judah;  set 
by  David  (1Chr.ll.25)  over  his  bodyguard  of 
Cherethites  and  Pelethites  (2Sam.8.i8  ; 
iK.1.38;  1Chr.l8.17:  2Sam.2O.23),  and  oc- 
cupying a  middle  rank  between  the  first  three 
of  the  "  mighty  men  "  and  the  30  "  valiant  men 
of  the  armies"  (2Sam.23.22,23 ;  1Chr.ll.25, 
27.6).  The  exploits  which  gave  him  this  rank 
are  narrated  in  2Sam.23.2o,2i,  1Chr.ll.22. 
He  was  captain  of  the  host  for  the  third 
month  (iChr.27.5).  Benaiah  remained  faith- 
ful to  Solomon  during  Adonijah's  attempt 
on  the  crown  (iK. 1.8, 10, 32, 38, 44)  ;  and  was 
raised  into  the  place  of  Joab  as  commander- 
in-chief  (2.35,4.4).  He  appears  to  have  had 
a  son,  called  after  his  grandfather,  Jehoiada, 
who  succeeded  Ahithophel  about  the  person 
of  the  king  (iChr.27.34).  But  this  is  possibly 
a  copyist's  mistake  for  "  Benaiah  the  son 
of  Jehoiada." — 2.  "The  Pirathonite,"  an 
Ephraimite,  one  of  David's  30  mighty  men 
(2Sam.23.30  ;  1Chr.ll.31),  and  the  captain 
of  the  eleventh  monthly  course  (iChr.27.i4). — 
3.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  who 
"played  with  a  psaltery  on  Alamoth  "  (15. 
18,20,16.5). — 4.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David, 
appointed  to  blow  the  trumpet  before  the  ark 
(15.24,16.6). — 5.  A  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Asaph 
(2Chr.2O.14). — 6.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of 
Hezekiah,  one  of  the  "  overseers  of  offerings  " 
(31.13). — 7.  One  of  the  "princes"  of  the 
families  of  Simeon  (iChr.4.36). — 8.  Four  lay- 
men in  the  time  of  Ezra  who  had  taken  strange 
wives:  I.  (Ezr.10.25)  [Baanias];  2.  (IO.30) 
[Naidus]  ;  3.  (IO.35)  [Mabdai]  ;  and  4.  (10. 43) 
[Banaias]. — 9.  The  father  of  Pelatiah,  "  a 
prince  of  the  people  "  in  the  time  of  Ezekiel 
(Ezk.ll.1,13). 

Ben-ammi  {son  of  my  kindred),  son  of  the 
younger  daughter  of  Lot,  and  progenitor  of 
the  Ammonites  (Gen.i9.38  ;  cf.  Deut.2.19). 

Bene-bepak',  one  of  the  cities  of  Dan, 
mentioned  only  in  Jos. 19. 45.  It  was  captured 
by  Sennacherib  in  702  b.c.  Now  the  village 
Ibn  Ibrdq,  4  miles  E.  of  Joppa.  [c.r.c] 

Bene-jaakan'.  [Beeroth  of  the  child- 
ren OF  Jaakan.] 

Bene-ke'dem,  "  the  children  of  the  East," 
or  people,  dwelling  to  the  E.  of  Palestine 
(Gen. 29.1  ;  Jobl.3;  Judg.6. 3, 33,7.12,8. 10)  ; 
mentioned  with  the  ]\Iidianites  and  Amalekites. 
From  Judg.7.11-15  we  infer  that  they  spoke 
a  dialect  intelligible  to  an  Israelite,  and  the 
name  itself  is  Semitic.  From  1K.4.30  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  term  is  used  in  a  very  general 
sense,  but  in  Is. 11. 14,  Je. 49.28,  Ezk.25.4,io, 
they  are  noticed  with  Amnion  and  Kedar. 
The  term  thus  includes  all  the  tribes  between 
Israel  and  the  Euphrates.  [c.r.c] 

Benhadad',  the  name  of  three  kings  of 
Damascus. — Benhadad  I.  was  (iK.15.i8) 
son  of  Tabrimmon  and  grandson  of  Hezion 
(  ?  Rezon),  and  in  his  time  Damascus  was 
supreme  in  Syria.  His  alliance  was  courted 
by  both  Baasha  of  Israel  and  Asa  of  Judah. 
He  finally  closed  with  the  latter  on  receiving 
a  Ivge  amount  of  treasure,  and  conquered 


BENJAMIN 


101 


a  great  part  of  the  N.  of  Israel,  thereby 
enabling  Asa  to  pursue  his  victorious  opera- 
tions in  the  S.  It  would  appear  (1K.2O.34) 
that  he  continued  to  make  war  upon  Israel 
in  Omri's  time,  and  forced  him  to  make 
"  streets  "  in  Samaria  for  Syrian  residents. 
[Ahab.] — Possibly  the  contemporary  of  Ahab 
was  a  Benhadad  II.,  son  of  the  preceding 
(though  not  so  stated  in  O.T.),  as  otherwise 
Benhadad  I.  must  have  reigned  50  or  60 
years,  which,  however,  is  not  impossible  [see 
under  Damascus].  Long  wars  with  Israel 
characterized  his  reign,  of  which  the  earlier 
campaigns  are  described  under  Ahab.  He 
was  signally  defeated  at  Aphek  (rK.2O.34ff.). 
His  power  is  shown  by  the  32  vassal  kings  who 
accompanied  him  to  his  first  siege  of  Samaria. 
In  Jehoram's  reign  Benhadad  renewed  the 
war  with  Israel,  attacked  Samaria  a  second 
time,  and  pressed  the  siege  so  closely  that 
there  was  a  terrible  famine  in  the  city.  But 
the  Syrians  dispersed  in  the  night  in  con- 
sequence of  a  sudden  panic  (2K.7.7).  Soon 
after,  Benhadad  fell  sick,  and  sent  Hazael  to 
consult  Elisha  as  to  the  issue  of  his  malady. 
Hazael,  the  day  after  his  return,  smothered  his 
master  and  seized  the  throne  (2K.8.15). — 
Benhadad  III.,  son  of  Hazael.  When  this 
king  succeeded  Hazael  on  the  throne  of  Syria, 
Jehoash  recovered  the  cities  which  Jehoahaz 
had  lost  to  the  Syrians,  and  beat  him  in  Aphek 
(2K. 13. 17, 25).  Jehoash  gained  two  more  vic- 
tories, but  did  not  restore  the  dominion  of 
Israel  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  This  glory  was 
reserved  for  his  successor.  Benhadad  III.'s 
misfortunes  in  war  are  noticed  in  Am. 1.4. 

Ben-ha'il,  one  of  the  princes  whom  king 
Jehoshaphat  commanded  to  teach  the  law 
in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2Chr.l7.7). 

Ben-hanan',  son  of  Shimon,  in  the  line 
of  Judah  (iChr.4.20). 

Beninu',  a  Levite  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Ne.l0.i3[i4]). 

Ben'amin  (son  of  the  right  hand),  the 
youngest  child  of  J  acob,  and  the  2nd  of  Rachel, 
own  brother  of  Joseph,  and  the  only  one  of 
the  family  born  in  Palestine  (Gen. 35. 18).  His 
mother  called  him  Benoni  (son  of  my  sor- 
row) ;  the  meaning  of  Benjamin  (ben-ydmin) 
may  be  "  son  of  the  south,"  as*he  was  born 
so  farS.  of  Haran.  Since  Joseph  was  30  years 
old  when  he  stood  before  Pharaoh  (Gen. 41. 46), 
and  Benjamin  apparently  only  a  year  younger 
(30.25),  the  latter  must  have  been  more  than 
37  years  old  when  Israel  went  into  Egypt 
(41.53).  He  alreadv  had  ten  children  (46. 21), 
yet  (in  A.V.)heis  called  a  "lad"  (43.8).  The 
Heb.  word  however  (na'ar)  is  of  very  indefinite 
meaning,  and  applies  not  only  to  David  when 
he  was  more  than  20  (1Sam.i7.42),  and  a  "  man 
of  war  "  (16. 18),  but  also  to  Absalom,  who  was 
married  (2Sam.l8.32),  and  to  others,  like  the 
spies(Jos.6.23),  who  were  grown  men.  The  only 
indication  of  Benjamin's  personal  character 
is  found  in  the  blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.49.27), 
where  he  is  compared  to  a  wolf.  In  the 
wilderness  the  tribe,  under  Abidan,  is  by  no 
means  one  of  the  smallest  (Num. 1.37,2.23, 
26.41),  nor  was  its  lot  in  Palestine  the  least  of 
any  tribe.  But  when  Saul  speaks  of  it  as  the 
smallest  tribe  of  Israel  (iSam.9.2i),  we  must 
remember  that,  abgut  three  cei^turies  and  a  half 


102 


BENJAMIN 


before  his  time,  after  the  massacre  at  Gibeah, 
Benjamin  had  been  reduced  to  only  600  men 
(Judg.20.47).  In  the  blessing  of  Moses  there 
appears  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  fact  that  the 
three  most  sacred  centres  of  Israel  all  lay  within 
this  tribe's  border  (Deut.33.i2).  The  men  of 
Benjamin  appear  to  have  been  famous  as  bow- 
men and  slingers  (J  udg.20. 16  ;  2Chr.  14. 8, 17.17), 
and  it  is  remarkable  that  all  left-handed 
persons  mentioned  in  O.T.  are  Benjamites 
(Judg.3.15,20.16  ;  iChr.12.2).  In  the  song  of 
Deborah  a  difficult  verse  may  (see  LXX.)  be 
rendered  "  From  Ephraim  was  their  rooting  out; 
against  Amalek  after  thee,  Benjamin,  in  thy 
people"  (Judg.5.r4).  Benjamin  was  destined 
to  destroy  Amalek  under  Saul  (1Sam.i5.1-33), 


THE  TRIBAL  LOT  OF   liHNJAMlN. 

and  the  war  cry  "  after  thee,  Benjamin,"  was 
known  (as  was  the  story  of  Gibeah)  to  Hosea 
(5.8,10.9).  The  sin  of 'Gibeah  (Judg.19-21) 
almost  blotted  out  the  tribe  for  a  time. 
David  had  friends  among  the  Benjamites  (i 
Chr.l2.i6)  before  Abner  deserted  Saul's  heir 
(aSam.S.ig)  ;  and,  though  he  was  bitterly 
hated  by  some  of  the  tribe — such  as  Shimei 
— (16.5,19.17),  yet  one  of  his  heroes  was  Ittai 
of  Gibeah  (2Sam.23.29  ;  1Chr.ll.31),  and  after 
the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms  Benjamin 
adhered  to  the  house  of  David  (iK. 12.21 )  with- 
out any  indecision.  The  Benjamite  genealogies 
(iChr.7.6-i2,8.i-4o)go  down  apparently  to  the 
time  when  Benjamin  occupied  towns  of  Dan 
after  the  Captivity  (iChr.8.12  ;  Ne.ll.35).  In 
the  Psalm  (68.27)  Benjamin  is  still  a  small 
tribe.  The  E.  Kate  of  Jerusalem  was  named 
from  it  (Je.37.r3,38.7;  Zech.l4.io).  The 
ethnic  form  occurs  in  full  (iSam.9.2r,22.7  ;  2 
Sam.l6.ii,19.i7  ;  iK.2.8  :  iChr.27.i2  ;  Ps.7, 
title),  but  it  is  sometimes  shortened  to  ycmini 
in  Heb.  (JudK.3.i5,19.i6  ;  iSam. 9.1,4  ;  2Sam. 
20.1  ;  Iisth.2.5),  the  last-cited  passage  re- 
ferring to  Mordecai :  while  St.  Paul,  yet  later, 
was  of  this  tribe  (Ph. 3. 5).  The  Tribal  Lot  {]os. 
18. 11-28)  was  all  occupied  early  except  Jeru- 
salem (Ju(lg.l.2i),  and  coincided  with  Solo- 
mon's eleventh  district  (1K.4.18).  Its  borders 
are  described  under  Ephkaim  and  J  udah.  and  it 
included  about  400  square  miles,  mostly  con- 
sisting of  very  rugged  hills,  but  considered 
very  good  land  by  Josephus  (5  Ant.  i.  22)  be- 
cause it  included  the  plain  of  Jericho.  The 
W.  border  ran  S.  along  the  crest  of  the  moun- 
tains'froin  ATAKf)TH-Ai)AK  to  Kirj ath-jeakim 
(J0S.I8.13-14),  for  it  "  turned  about  on  the  W. 


BERED 

quarter  southward"  (R.V.).  Two  of  the  tribe 
who  were  named  after  its  founder  are  noticed 
in  later  times  (iChr.7.io  ;  Ezr.lO.32).  Ben- 
jamin is  last  mentioned  in  Rev. 7. 8.     [c.r.c] 

Ben'jamin,  Hig^h  g'ate,  or  Gate,  of  (Je. 
20.2,37.13,38.7;    Zech. 14.10).      [Jerusalem.] 

Beno',  apparently  a  Merarite  Levite;  more 
probably  not  a  proper  name,  but  meaning  "  his 
son"  as  describing  Jaaziah  (iChr.24.26,27). 

Ben-oni'  (son  of  my  sorroiv,  or  hurt — i.e.  last 
effort),  the  name  given  by  the  dying  Rachel  to 
her  second  son,  but  changed  by  his  father  into 
Benjamin  (son  of  the  right  hand  ;  Gen. 35. 18). 

Ben-zoheth,  a  descendant  of  J  udah  (iChr. 
4.20). 

Beon'  (Num.32.3)  is  probably  an  early 
clerical  error  for  Meon  (ver.  38).  [c.r.c] 

Be'op. — 1.  The  father  of  Bela,  one  of  the 
early  Edomite  kings  (Gen. 36. 32  ;  iChr.l.43). 
— 2.   Father  of  Balaam  (Num. 22. 5,  etc.). 

Be'pa,  king  of  Sodom,  one  of  the  5  kings  who 
rebelled  against  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.l4.2ff.). 

Berachah',  a  Benjamite  archer  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.3). 

Berachah',  Valley  of  (R.V.  Beracah), 
a  valley  in  which  Jehoshaphat  and  his  people 
assembled  to  "  bless  "  Jehovah  after  the  over- 
throw of  the  hosts  of  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
and  Mehunira,  and  which  thus  acquired  its 
name  of  "  the  valley  of  blessing  "  (2Chr.2O.26). 
The  name  Breikiit  still  survives,  attached  to 
ruins  4  miles  W.  of  Tekoa.  [c.r.c] 

Bepachiah'  (iChr.6.39)  =  Berechiah,  6. 

Bepalah',  son  of  Shimhi,  a  chief  man  of 
Benjamin  dwelling  in  Jerusalem  (iChr.8.21). 

Bepe'a. — 1.  (R.V.  JBeroea).  A  city  of  Mace- 
donia, to  which  St.  Paul  retired  with  Silas  and 
Timotheus  during  his  first  visit  to  Europe,  on 
beingpersecutedinThessalonica(.A.c.l7.io).  and 
whence,  being  again  persecuted  by  emissaries 
from  Thessalonica,  he  withdrew  to  the  sea  for 
the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  Athens  (14,15). 
The  community  of  Jews  must  have  been  con- 
siderable in  Berea,  and  their  character  is 
described  very  favourably  (11).  Sopater,  one 
of  St.  Paul's  missionary  companions,  was  from 
this  place  (20. 4).  Berea,  now  called  Verria 
or  Qara-Verria,  is  situated  on  the  E.  slope  of 
the  Olympian  mountain-range,  commanding 
an  extensive  view  of  the  plain  of  the  Axius 
and  Haliaemon.'and  has  now  15,000  or  20,000 
inhabitants.  A  few  ancient  remains,  Greek, 
Roman,  and  Byzantine,  still  exist  here. 
— 2.  (R.V.  Bercea;  2Mac.l3.4.)  The  modern 
Aleppo. — 3.  A  place  in  Judaea  (iMac.9.4), 
probably   Beeroth.    [Azotus,    Mt.] 

Bepechlah'. — 1.  A  son  of  Zerubbabel,  and 
in  the  royal  line  of  J  udah  (iChr.3.2o). — 2.  The 
father  of  Mesiiui.lam.  13  (Ne. 3. 4. 30, 6. 18). — 3. 
A  Levite  of  the  line  of  Elkanah  dwelling  in  the 
villages  of  the  Netophathites  (iChr.9.i6). — 4. 
A  doorkeeper  for  the  ark  (15. 2  3). — 5.  One  of  the 
chief  men  of  Ephraim  in  the  time  of  king  Ahaz 
(2Chr.28.12). — 6.  AClershonite  Levite,  father 
of  Asaph  the  singer  (1Chr.i5.17). — 7-  Father 
of  Zechariah  the  prophet  (Zech. 1. 1,7). 
[Zacharias,  II  ;    Zkciiariah,  I.] 

Be'ped. — 1.  A  place  in  the  south  of  Pales- 
tine, between  which  and  Kadesh  lay  the  well 
I.ahai-roi  (Gen.  16  14). — 2.  A  descendant  of 
Ivphraim  (iChr.7.2o).  iiossibly  a  clerical  error 
for  Bpcher  ift  Nijm.?6.^5. 


BERENICE 


BETHABAEA 


103 


Bepenice.     [Bernice.] 

Bepi',  anAsherite.sonof  Zophah(iChr.7.36). 

Bepiah'  {in  an  evil  case,  or  possibly  a  gift). 
— 1.  A  son  of  Asher,  from  whom  descended  the 
"  family  of  the  Bepiites"  (Gen.46.i7  ;  Num. 
26.44,45). — 2.  A  son  of  Ephraim,  so  named  on 
account  of  the  state  of  his  father's  house  when 
he  was  born  (iChr.7. 20-23).  The  event  here 
recorded  must  be  assigned  to  the  time  between 
Jacob's  death  and  the  beginning  of  the  oppres- 
sion, as  some  of  Ephraim's  sons  must  have 
attained  to  manhood,  and  the  Hebrews  were 
still  free.  Perhaps  the  land  in  which  the  men 
of  Gath  were  born  was  the  eastern  part  of 
Lower  Egypt,  if  not  Goshen  itself.  At  this 
time  very  many  foreigners  must  have  been 
settled  in  Egypt.  Possiblv  these  men  of  Gath 
may  have  been  mercenaries  in  the  Egyptian 
service,  to  whom  lands  were  probably  allotted 
as  to  the  native  army ;  but  for  another  view 
see  Elead. — 3.  A  Benjamite.  He  and  his 
brother  Shema  were  ancestors  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Ajalon,  and  expelled  the  inhabitants 
of  Gath  (8.13,16). — 4.  A  Levite  (23. 10,11). 

Be'pites,  The  (2Sam.2O.14),  mentioned 
with  Abel  in  the  extreme  N.  of  the  land  of 
Israel.   Perhaps  not  a  proper  name,    [c.r.c] 

Bepith',  The  g-od  (Judg.9.46)  =  Baal- 
berith.     [Baal,  i.] 

Bepnice.  Eldest  daughter  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  She  was  first  married  to  her  uncle 
Herod  king  of  Chalcis,  and  after  his  death 
lived  under  circumstances  of  grave  suspicion 
with  her  own  brother  Agrippa  H.  (Juvenal, 
Sat.  vi.  156),  who  brought  her  with  him  to 
greet  Festus  on  his  arrival  in  Judaea  as  pro- 
curator (Ac.25.13).  She  listened  to  St.  Paul's 
defence  as  her  sister  Drusilla  had  done  (24. 
24).  She  married,  as  her  second  husband,  Pole- 
mon  king  of  Cilicia,  then,  leaving  him,  became 
the  mistress  of  Titus,  who  at  last  dismissed  her 
from  Rome  to  appease  public  discontent  on 
account  of  his  connexion  with  her.    [e.r.b.] 

Bepodaeh'-baladan'  (2K.20.i2)=Mero- 

DACH-BALADAN. 

Bepoth'  (iEsd.5.19)  =Beeroth. 

Bepothah',  a  cit}'  named  (Ezk.47.i6)  with 
Hamath  on  the  N.  of  the  land  of  Israel;  possibly, 
but  not  certainly,  the  same  as  Berothai. 

Bepothai'(2Sam.8.8)isthenameof  acityof 
Zobah,  tributary  to  David,  noticed  with  Tib- 
hath  (see  Betah),  both  belonging  to  Damascus. 
The  LXX.  gives  "  chosen  cities  "  for  Berothai 
(i.e.  Heb.  bard,  "  to  choose  ")  and  for  Chun 
in  the  parallel  passage  (iChr.18.8).  The  latter 
is  supposed  to  be  the  later  Conna  (Rob.  Later 
Bib. Res.  p.  5 3 5 ),  now Rds Ba'albek, 24  miles  N.E. 
of  Ba'albek.  The  village  Breitdn,  5  miles  S.  of 
Ba'albek,  is  a  possible  site  for  Berothai.   [c.r.c] 

Bepo'thlte,  The(iChr.ll.39).  [Beeroth.] 

Bepyl  {tarshish)  occurs  in  Ex. 28. 20, 39. 13, 
Can. 5. 14,  Ezk. 1.16,10.9,28. 13,  Dan. 10.6,  as 
the  translation  of  the  Heb.  tarshish.  and  of 
the  Gk.  /3^pi'\Xos  in  "Rev. 21. 20.  It  is  gener- 
ally supposed  that  the  tarshish  derives  its 
name  from  the  place  so  called.  The  beryl 
was  known  to  Pliny,  who  admits  several 
varieties,  stating  that  the  palest  one,  called 
chrysoprase,  was  by  some  considered  a  different 
stone,  and  he  mentions  the  relation  between 
the  ordinary  kind  and  the  emerald.  Theo- 
phrastus  does  not  use  the  name,  but  probably 


knew  the  stone  as  one  variety  of  his  smarag- 
dus  ;  apparently  Rev. 21. 20  is  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  the  word  in  a  Gk.  author,  but 
there  it  almost  certainly  denotes  the  modern 
beryl.  This,  the  aquamarine  of  jewellers,  is 
hardly  more  than  a  variety  of  emerald,  con- 
taining less  of  the  colouring  material.  Whether 
tarshish  also  signifies  this  stone  is  more  doubt- 
ful. The  emerald  was  known  to  the  Eg^qj- 
tians,  for  there  are  ancient  mines  near  the  Red 
Sea,  slightly  N.  of  the  latitude  of  Assouan, 
and  the  gems  there  obtained  are  rather  pale 
in  colour  ;  but  some  think  that  tarshish  refers 
to  the  chrysolithus  of  Pliny,  a  golden-colomred 
gem,  probably  the  modern  topaz,  which  also 
occurs  in  that  part  of  Eg^'pt.  [t.g.b.] 

Bepze'Ius  (iEsd.5.38)  =  Barzillai,  i. 

Besai'.  "  Children  of  Besai "  were 
Nethinim  who  returned  to  Judaea  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.49  5    Ne.7.52). 

Besodeiah',  father  of  Meshullam,  14 
(Ne.3.6). 

Besop',  The  bpook,  a  torrent-bed  in  the 
extreme  S.  of  Judah,  mentioned  only  in  iSam. 
30.9,10,21.  It  was  in  the  Amalekite  country 
or  Tih  desert.  [c.r.c] 

Betah,  a  city  belonging  to  Hadadezer, 
king  of  Zobah,  mentioned  with  Berothai 
(2Sam.8.8).  In  iChr.l8. 8  the  name  is  perhaps 
better  called  Tibhath.  Tibhath  is  probably 
the  Tubakhi  of  the  Amarna  letters  (Berlin  171) 
noticed  in  15th  and  also  (by  an  Egyptian 
traveller)  in  14th  cent.  B.C.  Possibly 
Kefr  Dubbeh,  W.  of  Ba'albek.  [c.r.c] 

Bet'ane,  a  place  apparently  S.  of  Jerusalem 
(Jth.1.9);  probably  Beth -anoth.       [c.r.c] 

Be'ten,  on  the  border  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
(Jos. 19. 25).  By  Eusebius  it  is  said  to  have 
been  then  called  Bebeten,  and  to  have  lain 
8  miles  E.  of  Ptolemais  {Onomasticoft).  He 
perhaps  means  el  B'aneh,  a  village  12  miles  E. 
of  Acre.  [c.r.c] 

Beth  (house,  temple,  or  tent  as  among 
modern  Arabs;  Judg.l8.31,  iSam.l.7).  BETH- 
E'KED,  the  "  shearing  house  "  (2K.IO.12)  be- 
tween Jezreel  and  Samaria,  according  to 
Jerome  15  miles  from  the  town  of  Legio,  and 
in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  probably  Beit  Qdd, 
13  English  miles  S.E.  of  Lejji'm.  BETH- 
HAGGAN',  the  "garden-house"  (2 K. 9. 2 7)  near 
Ibleam  (Yebla),  possibly  Beit  Jenn,  9  miles 
N.  of  Yebla,  or  otherwise  Jenin  near  Belmaim, 
according  as  Ahaziah  fled  N.  or  S.  from 
Jezreel.  [c.r.c.] 

Bethab'apa  (house  of  crossing),  where 
St.  John  baptized  (Jn.l.28).  It  was  "  be- 
yond Jordan."  The  three  oldest  MSS.  read 
"  Bethania  beyond  Jordan,"  which  could  not 
mean  Bethany  (where  there  is  no  water,  and 
which  is  not  "  beyond  Jordan  "),  but  probably 
refers  to  Batanaea.  [Bashan.]  Origen  states 
that,  in  3rd  cent,  a.d.,  nearly  all  the  MSS.  had 
this  reading  ;  yet  he  considers  Bethabara  to 
be  the  true  reading,  as  did  Epiphanius  in  4th 
cent.  a.d.  Eusebius  (Onomasticon)  indicates 
the  traditional  site  at  the  ford  E.  of  Jericho  (as 
still  shown)  ;  but  while  Bethabara  was  only  a 
day's  journey  from  Cana  of  Galilee  (Jn.l.29, 
35,43,2.1),  it  was  two  or  three  days  distant 
from  Bethany  (Jn.lO.40,11. 3,6,17),  and  must 
have  been  on  the  upper  Jordan.  The  name  of 
a  ford  N.  of  Beisan  was  ascertained  in  1874,  by 


104 


BETH-ANATH 


the  surveyors  of  Jordan,  to  be  well  known  as 
'Abdrah,  and  this  is  about  20  miles  from  Kefr 
Kenna,  and  60  from  Bethany.  The  site  is 
suitable,  and  the  name  shows  St.  John's  know- 
ledge of  Palestine,  as  the  place  is  otherwise  un- 
noticed. It  can  have  no  connexion  with  either 
Bcth-barah  or  Beth-arabah.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-anath',  one  of  the  "  fenced  cities  " 
of  Naphtali,  named  with  Beth-shemesh  (Jos. 19. 
38) ;  from  neither  of  them  were  the  Canaanites 
expelled  (Judg.l.33).  Now  'Ainitha,  a  village 
6  miles  W.  of  Kedesh.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-anoth',  a  town  in  the  mountains  of 
Judah,  named  with  Halhul,  Beth-zur,  etc.,  in 
Jos. 15. 59  only.     Now  Beit  'Ainun.     [c.r.c] 

Bethany,  a  village  on  the  mount  of 
Olives  (Mk.ll.i  ;  Lu.i9.29),  nearly  a  mile  from 
Jerusalem  (Jn.ll.i8),  on  the  road  from 
Jericho  (Mk.lO.46;  Lu.l9.i).  It  was  the 
home  of  Lazarus  (Jn.ll.i),  and  hence  is  now 
called  el  'Azeriyeh,  on  the  road  which  crosses 
the  S.  shoulder  of  Olivet.  It  was  a  "sabbath 
day's  journey  "  from  the  city  (Ac.l.12)  ;  for 
near  Bethany  Jesus  was  last  seen  by  His 
disciples  (Lu.'24.50).  See  Mt.21.i7,26.6  ;  Mk. 
11.11,12  ;  Jn.l2.i.  The  name  probably  means 
"  house  of  dates,"  and  a  date  palm  still  grows 
there,  with  figs  [c/.  Bethphage]  and  olives. 
It  is  a  small  stone  village,  dominated  by  the 
tower  of  Queen  Melisinda's  convent  (1148  a.d.), 
and  a  very  small  undergroimd  chapel  is  shown 
as  the  tomb  of  Lazarus.  The  ancient  tombs 
are  beside  the  road  E.  of  the  village.  (Sttrv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  27-28.)  [c.r.c] 

Beth-arabah',  one  of  six  cities  of  Judah 
which  were  situated  in  the  Arabah  (Jos. 15. 61), 
on  the  N.  border  of  the  tribe,  and  near  Beth- 
hoglah  (15.6).  It  is  also  included  among  the 
towns  of  Benjamin  (18. 22).  In  Jos. 18. 18  {cf. 
R.V.)  we  find  "the  Arabah"  for  Beth-arabah, 
the  site  of  which  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-apam'  (R.V.  Beth-haram),  a  town  of 
Gad,  described  as  in  "  the  valley  "  (Jos. 13. 27), 
and  no  doubt  the  same  as  Beth-haran  in 
Num.32. 36.  Eusebius  (Onomasticon)  says 
that  Syrians  called  it  Bethramphtha,  and  that, 
in  honour  of  Augustus,  Herod  had  named  it 
Livias.  Josephus  says  that  Herod  (Antipas) 
fortified  Betharamphtha,  calling  it  Julias  in 
honour  of  the  Emperor's  wife  Julia,  or  Livia 
(18  Ant.  ii.  i).  Ptolemy  gives  the  locality  of 
I.ivias  as  31°  26'  lat.  and  67°  10'  long.,  or  near 
the  N.E.  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea.  It  is  now 
Tell  er  Rdmeh,  7  miles  N.E.  of  the  Jordan 
mouth  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  238).  [c.r.c] 

Beth-arbel'  (H0.IO.14  only),  the  scene 
of  a  sack  and  massacre  by  Shalman.  No  clue 
is  given  to  its  position  ;  it  may  be  Arbela  in 
Galilee  [Irhid),  or  another  Arbela  near  Pella, 
1'^  of  Jordan.  Now  Irhid  (cf.  Sayce,  Higher 
Cril.  and  Man.  p.  482).  [c.r.c] 

Beth-a'ven,  a  place  on  the  mountains  of 
Benjamin,  E.  of  Bethel  (Jos. 7. 2,18.12),  and 
between  it  and  Michmash  (iSani.l3r5,14.23). 
In  Ho.*. 15,5.8,10.5  the  name  is  transferred, 
with  a  play  on  the  word  very  characteristic  of 
this  prophet,  to  the  neighbouring  Bethel — 
once  the  "  house  of  God,"  but  then  the  house 
of  idols,  or  of  "  naught."  The  name  has  not 
been  found  extant.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-azma'veth  (Ne.7.28  only),  a 
towa  of  Benjamin  which  is  elsewhere  called 


BETHEL, 

Bethsamos  (iEsd.5.i8).  Noticed  with  Ale- 
METH  ('Almit),  close  to  which,  r  mile  to  N.,  is 
the  village  HizmeJi.  [Azmaveth.]  [c.r.c] 
Beth-baal-meon'  (Jos.13.i7).  [Baal,  8.] 
Beth-bapah',  named  only  in  Judg.7.24,  as 
a  point  S.  of  the  scene  of  Gideon's  victory.  It 
was  apparently  in  the  Jordan  Valley,  [c.r.c] 

Beth-ba'si,  a  town  in  which  Jonathan 
and  Simon  took  refuge  from  Bacchides  (iMac. 
9.62,64).  Josephus  (13  Ant.  i.  5)  calls  it 
Bethagla.     [Beth-hoglah.]  [c.r.c] 

Beth-bipei'  (R.V.  Beth-biri),  a  town  of 
Simeon  (rChr.4.31),  otherwise  Beth-lebaoth 
(Jos. 19. 6),  near  Hazar-susah  and  Sharh- 
HEN.  It  was  probably  Bireh,  a  ruined  site 
13  miles  S.W.  of  Hebron,  and  12  miles  N.E.  of 
Tell  esh  SherVah.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-cap',  a  place  named  as  the  point  to 
which  the  Israelites  pursued  the  Philistines 
(iSam.7.ii).  From  the  expression  "  under 
Beth-car  "  it  would  seem  that  the  place  itself 
was  on  a  height.  Josephus  says  that  the 
stone  Ebenezer  was  set  up  here  (6  Ant.  ii.  2). 
The  site  is  doubtful.     [Ebenezer.]     [c.r.c] 

Beth-dag-on'  (temple  of  Dagon). — 1.  A 
town  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 41,  in  Dan),  now 
Beit  Dejan,  a  village  6  miles  S.E.  of  Joppa, 
called  Caphar-dagon  in  4th  cent.  a.d.  (Ono- 
masticon), between  Lydda  and  Jamnia.  It 
was  taken  by  Sennacherib  in  702  b.c — 2.  A 
town  apparently  on  the  N.  border  of  Zebulun, 
near  the  sea  (Jos. 19. 27),  probably  the  ruin 
D'auk  on  a  hill  5  miles  S.E.  of  Accho,  near  the 
Belus  River.  This  agrees  with  the  situation  of 
Cabul,  and  other  points  on  the  border  of 
Asher   and    Zebulun.  [c.r.cI 

Beth-diblatha'itn,  a  town  of  Moab  (Je. 
48.22),  apparently  the  place  elsewhere  called 
Almon-diblathaim.  It  lay  between  Dibon 
and  Nebo.  [c.r.c] 

Bethel'  (house  of  God).— \.  Jacob,  fleeing  to 
Haran,  found  a  certain  "  place"  (Heb.  mdqom, 
Arab.  maqdm),ov  "  shrine,"  near  Luz  (Gen. 28. 
11,19),  which  he  called  Bethel.  It  was  perhaps 
the  site  of  Abraham's  altar,  E.  of  the  town 
afterwards  itself  called  Bethel  (Gen.12.8).  On 
his  return  from  Haran  (35. 7, 9,15),  this  shrine, 
called  El  Bethel,  near  Luz,  is  (ver.  6)  said  to 
have  been  so  named  by  him  when  he  "  fled 
from  the  face  of  his  brother."  He  again 
raised  up  a  pillar  and  anointed  it  (ver.  14) 
when  God  appeared  to  him  "  again  "  (ver.  9). 
The  second  episode  thus  refers  back  to  the 
first.  The  town  of  Bethel — now  Beitin — 
is  a  small  stone  village,  on  a  high,  bare,  and 
very  rocky  ridge,  9^  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem.  It 
contains  the  ruins  of  a  12th  cent,  church  :  and 
in  the  valley  3  miles  to  W.  the  spring  called 
'Ain  I.ozeh  preserves  tlio  name  of  Li'z.  Bethel 
lay  within  the  N.  boundary  of  Benjamin,  and 
E.  of  Luz  (Jos. 16. 2, 18. 13)  :  but  the  place  was 
conquered  by  the  sons  of  Josojih  (Judg.l.22). 
It  was  a  sacred  centre  to  which  the  ark  was 
brought  in  war-time  (see  R.V.  Judg.20.i8,26, 
21.2),  and  was  one  of  the  places  where  Samuel 
judged  Israel  (iSani.7.i6).  Here  Jeroboam 
set  up  a  calf  idol  (iK.12.2o).  which  remained 
till  destroyed  by  Josiah  (2K.23.15).  though 
Bethel  was  for  a  time  recovered  by  Abijah  (2 
Chr.i3.19).  and  inhabited  by  "  sons  of  the  pro- 
phets "  (2K.2.3).  About  772  B.C.  it  is  called 
the  "  holy  place,"  and  "  royal  house,"  of  "  the 


BETHEL,  MOUNT 

king,"  or  of  Moloch  (Am. 7.12, 13),  to  whom,  as 
a  calf,  human  sacrifices  appear  to  have  been 
offered  (Ho.13.2,  R.V.  marg.).  Bethel  was 
recolonized  by  Benjamites  after  the  Captivity 
(Ne.ll.31),  and  fortified  by  Jonathan  the 
Hasmonaean  (iMac.9.50).  In  iEsd.5.2i  it  is 
called  Betolius. — 2.  A  royal  Canaanite  city 
(Jos.12.i6)  apparently  near  Tappuah.  Perhaps 
the  present  village  Beit  Aula,  7  miles  N.W.  of 
Hebron,  and  4  miles  N.  of  Tuffiih.     [c.r.c] 

Bethel,  Mount  (Jos. 16. i  ;  iSam.13.2). 
The  mountain  region  round  Bethel,  i. 

Beth-e'mek,  a  place  on  or  near  the  border 
of  Asher  (Jos. 19.27).  Probably  '/Iw^a  (Robin- 
son), 7  miles  N.E.  of  Accho  ;  E.  of  it  the  border 
ran  N.  to  Dabbasheth.  [c.r.c] 

Beth  ep.  Mountains  of  (Can. 2. 17). 
Bether  (Bittir)  was  a  town  near  Jerusalem  on 
S.W.,  where  the  Jews  were  massacred  in  135 
A.D. ;  but  the  word  may  only  mean  "  division  " 
(LXX.),  or  may  refer  to  Bithron,  the  hills  W. 
of  Mahanaim  (2Sam.2.29).  [c-r.c] 

Bethes'da.  Probably  "  house  of  the 
stream,"  at  Jerusalem  (Jn.5.2),  a  pool  by  the 
"sheep  market"  (R.V.  "sheep  gate")  or 
"  sheep  place,"  perhaps  where  the  sheep  were 
watered.  It  had  "  five  porches,"  and  the 
water  was  periodically  "  troubled."  Steps 
led  down  to  the  water  (ver.  7).  Robinson 
suggested  the  Gihon  spring  ('Ain  Umm  ed 
Deraj),  which  is  reached  by  a  long  flight  of 
steps,  and  is  still  "  troubled  "  by  the  peri- 
odical rise  of  the  fountain.  The  sick  still 
bathe  in  it,  and  flocks  are  watered  thence.  In 
4th  cent.  A.D.  Bethesda  was  shown  at  the 
Twin  Pools,  just  outside  the  temple  enclosure 
on  N.W.  In  12th  cent,  it  was  placed  at  the 
Inner  Pool,  a  tank  to  the  N.  of  the  preceding. 
Since  the  14th  it  has  been  shown  at  Birket 
Isrdil,  outside  the  N.  wall  of  the  temple  en- 
closure. But  none  of  these  pools  appears  to 
have  existed  in  the  time  of  Christ,  and  none  of 
them  has  any  "  stream."  [c.r.c] 

Beth-e'zel,  named  only  in  Mi.l.ii,  with 
places  on  E.  border  of  Philistia.         [c.r.c] 

Beth-g-adep'  (iChr.2.51).  Possibly  the 
same  as  Gedor. 

Beth-gamul',  a  town  of  Moab,  in  the 
mishor,  E.  of  Jordan  (Je.48.23,  cf.  21).  Proba- 
bly Jemail,  a  ruin  E.  of  Dibon.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-hacce'pem  (house  of  vineyards). 
From  Je.6.i  we  find  it  was  used  as  a  beacon- 
station,  mentioned  with  Tekoa.  In  the  time 
of  Nehemiah  (8.14)  it  seems  to  have  been  in  the 
"environs"  (A.V.  part)  of  Jerusalem.  The 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-hapan'  (Num. 32. 36).    [Beth-aram.] 

Beth-hog'la'  or  -hogflah',  a  place  on  the 
border  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 6)  and  Benjamin,  to 
which  latter  tribe  it  was  reckoned  to  belong 
(18.19,21).  The  name  occurs  at  'Ain  Hajlah, 
in  the  required  position  E.  of  Jericho,  by  the 
old  monastery  Qiisr  Hajlah.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-hopon',  the  name  of  two  towns  or 
villages,  an  "  upper  "  and  a  "  nether  "  (Jos. 
16.3,5  ;  iChr.7.24),  on  the  road  from  Gibeon 
(Jos. 10. 10, 11)  to  the  Philistine  plain  (iMac. 
3.24),  and  on  the  boundary-line  between  Ben- 
jamin and  Ephraim  (Jos.16.3,5  and  18.13,14); 
it  was  counted  to  Ephraim  (Jos. 21. 22  ;  iChr.7. 
24),  and  given  to  the  Kohathites  (Jos. 21. 22  ; 
lChr.6.68[53]),     These     two    towns    are    the 


BETHLEHEM 


105 


modern  villages  of  Beit-'ur  et-tahta  and  Beit- 
'ur  el-foka — that  is,  "  the  lower  "  and  "  the  up- 
per "  Beit-'ur.  The  old  road  to  Jerusalem  rises 
500  ft.  in  about  a  mile  between  the  two  ;  the 
pass  was  thus  always  important  for  defence. 
Beth-horon  is  noticed  in  Shishak's  list  of  con- 
quests (loth  cent.  B.C.)  next  to  Gibeon.  See 
1K.9.17;  2Chr.8.5  ;  iMac.9.50  ;  Jth.4.4.  From 
Gibeon  to  the  Upper  Beth-horon  is  about  4 
miles  of  broken  ascent,  and  this  appears  to  be 
the  "  going  up  "  to  Beth-horon  which  formed 
the  first  stage  of  Joshua's  pursuit.  With  the 
upper  village  the  descent  commences  ;  the  road 
is  rough  and  difficult.  This  is  the  "  going 
down  to  Beth-horon."  [c.r.c] 

Beth-jeshimoth',  or  -jesimoth',  a  town 
E.  of  Jordan,  at  the  S.  end  of  the  Jordan  Valley 
(Num. 33. 49).  It  was  one  of  the  limits  of  the 
encampment  of  Israel  before  crossing  the 
Jordan.  Later  it  was  allotted  to  Reuben  (Jos. 
12.3,13.20),  but  came  at  last  into  the  hands  of 
Moab,  and  is  described  as  "  the  glory  of  the 
country"  (Ezk.25.9  ;  LXX.  best  land).  Now 
the  ruin  Suweijneh  near  the  N.E.  corner  of  the 
Dead  Sea  shore.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-Ietaaoth',  a  town  of  Simeon  (Jos. 
19.6;   Lebaoth,    15. 32).     [Beth-birei.] 

Bethlehem  (house  of  bread). — 1.  Bethle- 
hem OF  Judah.  Its  old  name  was  Ephrath, 
or  Ephratah  (Gen. 35. 16, 19  ;  Ru.4.ii  ;  iSam. 
17.12;  iChr.4.4;  Ps.132.6  ;  Mi.5.2),  meaning 
"  fertile."  Near  it  Rachel  was  buried. 
It  is  now  called  Beit  Lahm,  a  small  town 
on  a  high  ridge  5  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem. 
The  site  of  Rachel's  tomb,  according  to  early 
tradition,  is  fixed  on  the  main  road  a  mile 
N.  of  the  town,  and  is  now  covered  by  a  modern 
shrine.  Bethlehem  seems  to  have  been  quite 
a  small  place  (Mi.5.2),  and  is  not  mentioned  in 
the  geography  of  Joshua,  except  in  the  verse 
(15.59)  added  in  LXX.  :  "  Ephratah  which  is 
Bethlehem."      [Eltekon.]     It   is   called    "  of 


BETHLEHEM,  FROM  S.E.  W.D.A 

(P'rom  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 

Judah"  (Judg.17.7,19.2;  iSam.l7.i2 ;  Mt.2. 
1,6)  to  distinguish  it  from  No.  2.  Jonathan 
the  grandson  of  Moses  [Jonathan,  5]  (Judg. 
17.7-9,18.30)    was    a,  Levite    living    as  a  ^er. 


106 


BETHLOMON 


or  protected  member  of  another  tribe,  at 
Bethlehem,  as  did  another  Levite  (19.2, i8) ; 
and  the  g'riith  of  Chimham  (see  2Sam.i9.37  ; 
Je.4i.17)  seems  to  have  been  a  "  dwelling  " 
given  to  a  Gileadite  near  Bethlehem.  There 
were  fields  (Ru.2.3)  and  pastures  (1Sam.i7.15) 
near  the  town,  the  latter  in  the  wilderness  to 
S.E.  Yearly' sacrifices  were  here  offered  (iSam. 
16.2-5,20.6)  before  the  temple  was  built.  It 
had  no  natural  water  supply — for  there  is  only 
a  small  spring  2  miles  to  E. — but  had  a  well 
(b'^er),  now  supposed  to  be  a  cistern  N.W.  of 
the  town  (2Sam.23.i4,i6  ;  iChr.ll.i6),  which 
depends  on  Pilate's  aqueduct  for  water  ;  this 
no  doubt  is  the  reason  why  it  was  not  a  large 
place  originally.  It  was  inhabited  by  the 
family  of  Caleb  (iChr.2.5 1,54,4.4),  and  after 
the  Captivity  (Ezr.2.2i  ;  Ne.7.26).  But,  in 
consequence  of  prophecy  (Mi. 5. 2),  it  was  a 
general  Jewish  expectation  in  our  Lord's  time 
that  the  Messiah  would  be  born  here  (Mt.2.5  ; 
Jn.7.42)  ;  and  in  the  manger  at  the  "  inn," 
or  "lodging,"  Jesus  was  laid  (Lu.2.7). 
Justin  Martyr,  c.  150  a.d.  {Trypho  78),  says 
that  the  "  cave "  where  Christ  was  born 
was  shown  in  his  time ;  and  Origen  intimates 
that  it  was  well  known  {Agst.  Celsus  i.  51). 
Jerome  [Epist.  ad  Paulin.  xiii.  49)  says  that  this 
cave  had  become  a  scene  of  Adonis-worship 
before  Constantine  cut  down  the  grove  and 
built  his  first  church  on  the  site  in  330  a.d. 
It  is  remarkable  that,  in  the  Hebron  hills, 
there  are  still  many  rock-cut  stables,  with 
mangers,  in  ancient  ruins.  The  site  is  the 
only  one  in  Palestine  of  which  there  is  Christian 
tradition  traceable  before  the  4th  cent.  a.d. 
The  ancient  basilica  is  still  standing — the  old- 
est church  perhaps  in  the  world — adorned  with 
glass  mosaics  added,  c.  1150  a.d.,  on  the  nave 
walls  (above  the  original  pillars),  and  with  a 
roof  of  English  oak  put  up  in  1482  a.d.  Beth- 
lehem was  the  retreat  where  Jerome  translated 
the  Bible  into  Latin  at  the  close  of  4th  cent. 
A.D.  It  has  now  a  population  of  4,700 
Christians  and  300  Moslems,  and  is  a  thriving 
town,  with  fields,  olives,  fruit,  and  pastures 
near  it.  {Sitrv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  28-9,  83-5,  129, 
130.) — 2.  Bethlehem  of  Zebulun  (Jos. 19. 
15).  Now  the  village  Beit  Lahm,  7  miles  N.W. 
of  Nazareth.  It  is  not  said  which  of  the  two 
towns  was  the  home  of  the  judge  Ibzan 
(Judg.l2.8,io).  [c.R.c] 

Bethlo'mon  (iEsd.5.i7)  =  Bethlehem,  i. 

Beth-maachah',  named  in  2Sam.2O.14, 
15  as  a  definition  of  the  position  of  Abel  in  or 
close  to  Maacah,  or  Aram-maachah,  one  of 
the  petty  Syrian  kingdoms  in  the  N.  of  Pales- 
tine (c/.  2  K. 15. 29).  [c.R.c] 

Beth-mapcaboth'  (house  of  the  chariots), 
one  of  the  towns  of  Simeon,  mentioned  with 
Ziklag  and  Horinah  (Jos. 19. 5  ;  iChr.4.31).  In 
Jos. 15. 30, 31  Madniannah  occurs  instead.  The 
place,  like  Hazar-susah,  which  name  stands 
next,  refers  no  doubt  to  a  military  post  with 
a  force  of  chariots,  dating  perhaps  from  the 
Egyptian  occupation  of  such  posts  in  the  plains 
in  the  15th  and  i6th  cents,  b.c.        [c.r.c] 

Beth-meon'  (Je.48.23).     [Baal.  8.] 

Beth-nimpah',  one  of  the  fenced  cities  of 
(lad  (Num.32.36)  lying  in  the  valley  near  Beth- 
haran  (Jos. 13.27).  In  Num. 32-3  it  is  called 
sjniply  NiMRAH.    Now  Tell  Nimrin,  at  the  foot 


BETHSAIDA 

of  the  hills  of  Gilead,  10  miles  N.  of  the  Dead 
Sea  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  237).  [c.R.c] 

Bethopon'  (Jth.4.4),  correctly  (as  R.V.) 
Beth-horon. 

Beth-pa'let,  Beth-phe'let  (R.V.  Beth- 
pelet),  a  town  among  those  in  the  extreme  S. 
of  Judah,  named  in  Jos. 15. 27  and  Ne.ll.26 
with  Moladah  and  Beer-sheba.  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-pazzez',  a  town  of  Issachar  named 
with  En-haddah  (Jos. 19. 21). 

Beth-peop'  (temple  of  [Baal]  Pear  ;  Deut. 
3.29,4.46,34.6  ;  Jos. 13. 20),  a  place  apparently 
not  far  from  Nebo.  in  Moab,  probably  near 
the  "  top  of  Peor  "  (Num.23. 28),  which  com- 
manded a  view  of  the  Jeshimon  on  W.  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  If  Peor  was  at  Minyeh,  the  very 
remarkable  rude  stone  circle  with  its  central 
standing  stones  at  el  Mareighdt  (smeared  things) 
on  the  same  ridges  may  represent  this  "  temple 
of   Peor."     [Peor.]     (Surv.  E.  Pal.   pp.   10, 

184-189.)  [c.R.c] 

Beth'phag'e  (house  of  figs),  a  place  on 
Olivet  (Mt.21.i  ;  Mk.ll.i  ;  Lu.i9.29),  appar- 
ently close  to  Bethany.  There  is  no  clue  to 
the  exact  site  and  the  Talmudic  references  are 
vague.  [c.R.c] 

Beth-phe  let.     [Beth-palet.] 

Beth-papha'  occurs  in  the  genealogy  of 
Judah  as  the  son  of  Esh-ton  (iChr.4.12),  pro- 
bably a  place-name. 

Beth-pehob',  a  place  near  the  valley  in 
which  lay  the  town  of  Laish  or  Dan  (Judg.18. 
28).  It  was  one  of  the  little  kingdoms  of  Aram 
or  Syria  (2Sam.l0.6).  In  ver.  8  the  name  occurs 
in  the  shorter  form  of  Rehob.  [c.R.c] 

Bethsa'ida,  the  home  of  SS.  Philip,  An- 
drew, and  Peter  (Jn. 1.44,12. 21),  a  place  impor- 
tant as  defining  the  site  of  the  miracle  of  feeding 
the  five  thousand.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a 
town  so  called  lay  immediately  E.  of  the  J  ordan, 
close  to  where  it  entered  the  sea  of  Galilee,  in 
"  lower  Gaulonitis  "  within  the  tetrarchy  of 
Herod  Philip,  who  died  and  was  buried  there. 
He  named  the  city  Julias  from  Caesar's  daugh- 
ter (Josephus,  18  Ant.  ii.  i,  iv.  6,  3  Wars  x.  7). 
Pliny  also  (Hist.  Nat.  v.  15)  places  Julias  on 
the  E.  side  of  the  lake,  with  Hippos  (SAsieh). 
Ruins  in  this  position  were  described  by  L. 
Oliphant  in  1884,  including  possible  remains  of 
a  synagogue,  and  Greco- Roman  fragments, 
at  ed  Dikkeh  (the  platform)  on  the  slope  of  a  ■ 
barren  hill  a  few  hundred  yards  E.  of  the  river, 
a  mile  N.  of  the  ruin  et  Tell.  The  Jordan  has 
probably  filled  up  the  N.  shores  of  the  lake 
considerably  since  34  a.d.,  when  Philip  died  ; 
but  this  site  is  still  only  2  miles  from  the  point 
at  which  it  enters  the  lake.  Two  difficulties 
have  been  found,  from  early  times,  in  applying 
all  the  N.T.  references  to  Bcthsaida  Julias, 
though  most  of  them  clearly  apply  to  this  site. 
First,  that  Bethsaida  is  said  to  be  "  of 
Galilee"  (Jn.l2.2i)  ;  this,  however,  might  be 
an  early  clerical  error  for  the  less  familiar  "  of 
Golan."  Secondly,  that  the  disciples  took 
boat,  from  near  the  desert  where  the  feeding 
of  the  five  thousand  occurred,  "  to  go  to  the 
other  side  before  unto  Bethsaida  "  (A.V.  Mk. 
6.45).  or  simply  "the  other  side  to  Bethsaida" 
(R.V.).  The  distance  from  their  starting-point 
to  Capcrnavnn  (Jn. 6. 17,19)  exceeded  25  or  30 
furlongs,  that  is  3  or  4  nxijes  ;  and  "  the  land  of 


BETHSAMOS 


BETHUEL 


107 


Gennesaret,"  where  they  landed  (Mk.6.53), 
was  5  miles  S.W.  of  Julias.  But  they  are  not 
said  to  have  reached  Bethsaida ;  and  the 
Greek  preposition  Trpos,  with  the  accusative 
case,  means  not  only  "  to  "  but  also  "  against  " 
or  "  in  relation  to."  The  difficulty  disappears 
if  we  render  the  passage  "go  to  the  side 
opposite  to  Bethsaida,"  which  would  be  Julias 
as  opposite  Gennesaret,  E.  as  opposite  W.  of 
Jordan.  The  notices  of  Bethsaida  with 
Chorazin  and  Capernaum  present  no  objec- 
tion (see  Mt.ll.21,  Lu.lO.13),  since  Julias  was 
only  about  3  miles  from  the  former  and  5  from 
the  latter.  The  belief  that  Bethsaida  was  in 
Gennesaret  (which  is  nowhere  stated  in  N.T.J 
was  due  to  the  passage  above  quoted  (Mk.6.45), 
and  led  to  the  supposition  that  the  miracle 
occurred  W.  of  the  lake.  The  Sinaitic  MS. 
(which  contains  several  serious  blunders) 
alters  the  topography  to  agree  with  this  view. 
It  omits  the  words  "  belonging  to  a  city  called 
Bethsaida  "  (Lu.9.io),  as  defining  the  position 
of  the  desert  where  the  miracle  occurred,  and 
it  alters  the  phrase  "  there  came  other  boats 
from  Tiberias  nigh  unto  the  place  where  they 
did  eat  bread  "  (Jn.6.23),  into  "  which  was 
nigh  where  they  did  also  eat  bread."  The 
emendation  has  created  much  confusion.  In 
Mt.l4. 13,34  we  find  that  Jesus  retired  from 
"  His  own  country  "  (13. 54)  going  "  by  ship 
unto  a  desert  place  apart  "  ;  and  after  the 
miracle,  "when  they  were  gone  over  they 
came  into  the  land  of  Gennesaret."  In  Mk. 
6.31,45,8.13,22  the  account  of  the  first  event 
is  the  same,  and  a  second  voyage  from 
Dalmanutha  [Magdala]  led  to  "  the  other 
side "  and  "  to  Bethsaida."  In  Lu.9.io 
the  miracle  is  stated,  in  all  the  oldest  MSS. 
except  the  Sinaitic,  to  have  occurred  near 
Bethsaida,  a  city  which  lay  on  the  borders  of 
the  desert  region  of  Golan.  In  Jn.6.1,3,15, 
17  Jesus,  having  crossed  the  sea  of  Galilee, 
returned  after  the  miracle  to  Capernaum,  a 
distance  of  more  than  3  or  4  miles.  Hence  the 
four  accounts  agree  in  placing  Bethsaida  at 
Julias,  in  all  respects  except  in  the  two  verbal 
expressions  already  noticed.  This  question, 
which  has  been  said  to  be  the  most  difficult 
problem  of  N.T.  geography,  is  due,  not  to 
any  discrepancy  between  the  various  accounts, 
but  to  the  misunderstanding  that  arose  about 
the  4th  cent.  a.d.  The  site  of  Julias  is  not 
noticed  in  the  Onomasticon,  and  the  scene  of 
the  miracle  was  then  wrongly  shown  W.  of 
the  lake  of  Gennesaret.  The  Sinaitic  MS. 
took  this  view,  as  it  took  the  prevailing  view 
as  to  Emmaus  ;  but  its  writer  is  responsible 
also  for  supposing  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  to 
occur  at  full  moon  (Lu.23.45),  and  for  un- 
grammatical  Aramaic  in  substituting  raKida 
KoufjL  for  "  Talitha  cumi "  (Mk.5.41).  To 
reconcile  all  known  notices  of  Bethsaida,  we 
require  only  to  read  Golan  for  "  Galilee,"  or  to 
take  the  latter  as  rather  loosely  used  in  contrast 
with  Judaea — Bethsaida,  "the  house  of  fish- 
ing," being  only  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  out- 
side the  Galilean  border.  [c.r.c] 

Bethsa'mos.     [Beth-azmaveth]. 

Bethsan'  (iMac.5. 52, 12.40,41),  Beth- 
shan'  (iSam.31.io,i2  ;  2Sam.2i.12)  ;  else- 
where Beth-she'an,  a  city  which,  with  its 
"  daughtej: "   towns,    beloiiged   to   Manassph 


(iChr.7.29),  just  within  the  limits  of  Issachar 
(Jos. 17. 11),  and  therefore  on  the  W.  of  Jordan 
(c/.  iMac.5.52).  The  Canaanites  were  not 
driven  out  from  the  town  (Judg.l.27).  In 
Solomon's  time  it  seems  to  have  given  its  name 
to  a  district  extending  from  the  town  itself  to 
Abel-meholah  ;  and  "  all  Beth-shean  "  was 
imder  charge  of  one  of  his  officers  (1K.4.12). 
The  corpses  of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  fastened 
up  to  the  wall  of  Beth-shean  by  the  Philistines 
(iSam.31.io,i2)  in  the  open  "street"  or  space, 
which  then,  as  now,  fronted  the  gate  of  an 
Eastern  town  (2Sam.2i.12).  Bethsan  is  men- 
tioned c.  150  B.C.  in  iMac.12.40,41.  The  later 
name  Scythopolis  appears  first  in  2Mac.l2. 
29,  but  has  not  survived,  and  the  place  is  still 
called  Beisdn.  It  lies  in  the  Jordan  Valley, 
about  12  miles  S.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  4 
miles  W.  of  the  Jordan,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
valley  of  J  ezreel.  The  ruins  on  N.  include  those 
of  a  Roman  theatre.  It  has  recently  become 
the  seat  of  a  district  governor,  but  is  only  a 
poor  village  of  mud  huts.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-she'mesh  (temple  of  the  sun). 
Four  places  so  named  include — 1.  A  town  on 
the  border  of  Judah  and  Dan  (Jos. 15. 10), 
W.  of  Kirjath-jearim,  otherwise  Ir-shemesh 
(town  of  the  sun  ;  Jos. 19. 41),  a  city  of 
Levites  (Jos. 21. 16),  who  are  here  noticed  early 
(iSam.6.9,14,15)  ;  now  'Ain  Shems,  a  ruined 
village  in  the  valley  of  Sorek,  4  miles  W.  of 
'Ernia  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  p.  231),  distinguished 
from  others  as  "of  Judah"  (2K.I4.11). 
Amaziah  was  here  defeated  (2Chr.25.21).  It 
was  in  the  sh''pheld  (2Chr.28.18). — 2.  A  place 
on  the  border  of  Issachar  (Jos. 19. 22),  appar- 
ently near  Jordan  on  S.E.  boundary.  It  is 
probably  the  ruin  at  'Ain  Shemsiyeh,  7  miles 
S.  of  Beisdn  in  the  Jordan  Valley.^3.  A 
town  of  Naphtali  (Jos.i9.38  ;  Judg.l.33), 
possibly  the  ruin  Shemsin,  8  miles  E.  of  Tabor. 
—4.  In  Egypt  (Je.43.i3).  The  LXX.  reads 
"  Heliopolis  " — that  is.  On,  named  from  the 
Egyptian  Un,  the  "  rising  sun."  The  site  is 
10  miles  N.E.  of  Cairo,  and  the  mediaeval 
Arabs  called  it  'Ain  Shems.  [c.r.c] 

Beth-shittah'  (house  of  the  acacia  ;  Judg. 
7.22).  The  Midianites  pitched  in  the  "valley  of 
Jezreel  "  (6.33),  which  was  that  E.  of  the  city, 
and  fled  to  Abel-meholah  ( 'Ain  Helweh)  in  the 
Jordan  Valley.  The  village  of  Shuffa,  on  N. 
side  of  the  valley,  6  miles  E.  of  J  ezreel,  is  there- 
fore a  fit  position  for  Beth-shittah.     [c.r.c] 

Beth-su'pa.  The  form  in  i  and  2  Mac.  (i 
Mac. 4. 29,  etc.)  of  Beth-zur. 

Beth-tappu'ah,  a  town  of  Judah,  in  the 
mountains  near  Hebron  (Jos. 15. 53  ;  cf.  iChr. 
2.43).  Now  Tuffuh,  a  village  4  miles  W.  of 
Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Bethuel',  the  son  of  Nahor  by  Milcah  : 
nephew  of  Abraham,  and  father  of  Rebekah 
(Gen.22.22, 23, 24.15, 24,47, 28.2).  In  25. 20  and 
28.5  he  is  called  "  Bethuel  the  Syrian." 
Though  often  referred  to  in  the  narrative, 
Bethuel  only  appears  in  person  once  (24.50). 
Upon  this  Prof.  Blunt  ingeniously  suggested 
(Coincidences,  i.  §4)  that  he  was  the  subject 
of  imbecility  or  some  other  incapacity. 

Bethuel'  (iChr.4.30),  Beth'ul  (Jos.19.4), 
otherwise  probably  Chesil  (Jos. 15. 30),  a  town 
of  Simeon  in  the  far  S.  The  site  is  unknown 
Pephaps  Bethel,  2  (iSam.30,27).        [;c.r,c.] 


108 


BETHUIilA 


Bethulia,  the  home  of  Judith,  the  topo- 
graphy of  which  is  very  minutely  described. 
It  was  "  over  against  Esdraelon  "  and  near 
the  plain  of  Dothaim  (Jth.4.6).  The  enemy 
camped  in  the  latter  plain,  as  far  as  Belmaim 
or  Balamo  (7.3,8.3),  or  from  Dothdn  E.  to 
Wddy  Bel'ameh.  But  Bethulia  was  in  the 
hills,  on  the  slope  of  a  mountain  {6.11,12) 
with  springs  at  its  foot  (7.7,12),  but  no  water 
at  the  town  (7.13,20).  Other  mountains 
surrounded  it  (15. 3),  and  the  view  extended 
down  to  a  valley  (10. 10).  These  details  apply 
to  the  village  Mithilia  or  Meselich  (Surv.  W. 
Pal.  ii.  p.  156),  on  the  N.  slope  of  a  hill,  5 
miles  S.E.  of  Tell  Dothdn.  It  has  only  wells, 
but  on  S.  side  of  the  mountain  there  is  much 
water  in  the  Merj  el  Ghuruk,  or  "  drowned 
meadow."  The  view  on  N.  extends  over 
Esdraelon  to  Nazareth  and  Tabor.       [c.r.cI 

Beth-zachapias.     [Bath-zacharias.] 

Beth-zup',  a  town  in  the  mountains  of 
Judah,  named  between  Halhul  and  Gedor 
(J  OS. 15. 58).  Beth-zur  would  appear  from 
iChr.2.45  to  have  been  founded  by  the  people 
of  Maon,  and  was  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2Chr.ll. 7).  The  people  of  Beth-zur  assisted 
Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
(Ne.3.i6).  In  the  wars  of  the  Hasmonaeans, 
Beth-zur,  or  Beth-siura,  played  an  important 
part.  The  name  means  "  house  of  the  rock  "  ; 
now  Beit  Silr,  close  to  Halhul  on  W.,  a  ruin 
on  a  cliff  at  a  narrow  pass  of  the  road  from 
Hebron  to  Jerusalem.  [c.r.c] 

Beto'lius  (iEsd.5.2i).     [Bethel,  i.] 

Betomas'them  and  Betomes'tham,  a 
town  "  over  against  Esdraelon,  facing  the  plain 
that  is  near  Dothaim"  (Jth.4.6, 15. 4).  An 
unknown  site.  [c.r.c] 

Betonim'  (Jos.i3.26),  named  on  N. 
border  of  Gad.  Probably  the  Biitein  district 
of  N.  Gilead.  [c.r.c] 

Betrothal.     [Marriage.] 

Beulah'  (married).  In  the  imagery  of 
Isaiah  (62.4  ;  cf.  49.i4,54.iff.)  the  name  which 
the  land  of  Israel  is  to  bear  when  the  Gentiles 
share  its  spiritual  privileges. 

Bezai'.  "  Children  of  Bezai  "  returned 
from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.i7  ; 
Ne.7.23).  The  name  occurs  again  among 
those  who  sealed  the  covenant  (Ne.10.i8). 

Bezaleel'. — 1.  Son  of  Uri  the  son  of  Hur, 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  the  artificer  to  whom 
was  confided  by  Jehovah  the  design  and  exe- 
cution of  the  skilled  work,  especially  in  metal, 
wood,  and  stone,  for  the  tabernacle  (Ex. 31. 1-6). 
—2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Pahath-moab  who  had 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.30). 

Be'zek. — 1.  A  Canaanite  town  (Judg.l.4,5), 
probably  the  ruin  Bezqah  6  m.  S.E.  of  Lydda. 
— 2.  A  place  evidently  in  Central  Palestine,  a 
day's  march  from  Jabesh-gilead  (iSam.11.8), 
where  Saul  gathered  Israel  witliin  a  week. 
Euscbius  (Onomasticnti)  mentions  a  Bezek  17 
Roman  ni.  from  Shecheni,  now  Ihziq,  an  ancient 
ruin  14  English  m.  N.  of  Nablus.  This  lies 
immediately  W.  of  the  jirobable  site  of  Jabesh, 
about  25  m.  distant  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  231, 
237)-  [c.r.c] 

Be'zep,  an  Asherite,  son  of  Zophah  (iChr. 
7.37). 

Be'zep,  a  town  of  Reuben  in  the  desert 
(midhbar),  and  in  the^mishor  or  "plateau" 


BIBLE 

(Deut.4.43  ;  Jos.20.8  ;  iChr.6.78),  given  as  a 
city  of  refuge,  and  to  the  Levites  (Jos.2i.36). 
The  site  is  doubtful.  [c.r.c] 

Be'zeth  (iMac.7.19),  a  place  outside  Jeru- 
salem where  Bacchides  camped.  Josephus 
reads  Beth-zetho  (12  Ant.  x.  2).  [Azotus, 
Mount.]  [c.r.c] 

Bi'atas  (iEsd.9.48)  =  Pelaiah,  2. 
Bible.  I.  Name.  Derived  from  byblos, 
(/3i'/3\os),  the  Gk.  name  for  the  papyrus  reed. 
[Gebal.]  It  was  frequently  spelt  biblos,  audits 
diminutive  biblion  was  used  not  only  for  the 
material  paper,  but  also  for  what  was  written 
on  it.  The  plur.  biblia  thus  became  a  collection 
of  papers  and  books,  whilst  bibliotheca  was 
used  both  for  a  depository  of  books  and  also  for 
the  books  themselves.  After  a  time  the  word 
biblia  passed  from  being  a  neuter  plur.  and  be- 
came afem.  sing.,  as  in  the  De  I mitatione  Christi 
(DuCange).  It  is  curious  that  the  word  was  used 
in  another  sense  in  the  Middle  Ages — viz.  for  a 
weapon  of  assault  against  a  besieged  city. — II. 
Divisions.  The  various  books  and  parts  of  the 
Bible  are  dealt  with  under  their  respective 
headings,  but  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  present 
article  to  regard  the  book  as  one  whole.  As  it 
stands  in  English,  it  contains  66  documents,  39 
in  O.T.  (exclusive  of  the  Apocrypha)  and  27  in 
N.T.  Each  book  is  divided  into  so  many 
chapters  and  verses,  which  have  taken  the 
place  of  old  paragraph  divisions  in  the  Heb. 
and  of  the  sectional  marks  in  the  gospels.  The 
law  had  been  divided  into  54  lessons  for  syna- 
gogue reading  in  ancient  days,  and  the  same 
was  the  case  with  the  prophets.  The  division 
of  the  Bible  into  chapters  is  frequently  ascribed 
either  to  Cardinal  Hugh  de  St.  Cher  or  to 
Stephen  Langton ;  while  the  O.T.  verses  were 
marked  by  the  Massoretes,  and  those  in  N.T. 
date  from  the  middle  of  the  i6th  cent,  and 
first  appeared  in  Stephens'  ed.  of  1551. — III. 
Contents.  These  extend  from  the  beginnings 
of  human  history  to  the  mission  of  Christ 
and  the  foundation  of  His  Church.  They 
may  be  divided  into  seven  portions — viz.  the 
origin  of  man,  primitive  history,  patriarchal 
narratives,  Israel's  history  from  the  Exodus 
to  Samuel,  the  period  of  the  Kings,  the  return 
from  captivity,  and  the  events  connected  with 
the  coming  of  J  esus  Christ  into  the  world.  The 
histories  thus  sketched  out  are  by  no  means 
in  equal  proportion.  Thus,  the  first  eleven 
chapters  of  the  Bible  comprise  half  of  the 
whole  period  which  the  book  covers.  There 
is  nothing  in  it  of  the  nature  of  annals.  It  is 
only  a  selection  of  events  written  by  prophets 
(i.e.  si^ecially  gifted  men),  intended  for  the  in- 
struction of  those  who  should  come  after.  But 
the  Bible  is  not  wholly  historical.  It  contains 
poetry,  proverb,  and  j^rophecy.  Nor  are 
these  kept  rigidly  apart — they  are  all  blended 
and  are  closely  related  to  the  history  ;  and  it 
may  be  said  tiiat  wiiat  the  prophets  are  to  the 
historians  in  O.T.  tJiat  the  epistles  and  Apoc- 
alypse are  to  the  gospels  in  N.T.,  and  all  work 
together  for  good. — IV.  Unity.  It  is  evident 
that  this  collection  of  books  must  present  a 
great  deal  of  variety.  There  are  many  authors 
of  different  ages,  ranks,  and  degrees  of  culture, 
living  under  diverse  circumstances,  some  writ- 
ing at  great  lengtii,  others  very  shortly,  others 
again  beiujj   compilers  rather    thi\a  original 


BIBLE 

contributors.  Yet  beneath  all  these  varieties 
of  composition  there  is  a  remarkable  and  signi- 
ficant unity  of  spirit.  This  is  not  only  because 
all,  or  almost  all,  the  writers  are  of  one  nation, 
but  because  they  teach  the  same  truths  about 
the  nature  of  the  Divine  Being  and  His  relation 
to  man,  and — perhaps  unwittingly — testify  to 
a  great  scheme  or  purpose  running  through  the 
ages  and  culminating  in  the  manifestation  of  the 
Son  of  God.  This  is  led  up  to  not  only  by  direct 
prophecy,  but  also  by  type  and  ceremony  and 
by  God's  dealings  with  men  exhibited  during  the 
long  course  of  Jewish  history,  so  that  when  the 
Lord  Jesus  had  accomplished  His  work  He 
might  be  identified  by  means  of  the  broken 
lights  afforded  in  the  O.T.  as  a  whole.  It  is 
natural  that  this  relationship  of  the  books 
should  be  dwelt  upon  in  N.T.,  as  it  formed  part 
of  the  justification  of  Christ  in  presenting  His 
claim,  through  His  accredited  followers,  to  the 
world.  Whilst  the  later  O.T.  writers  make  far 
more  use  of  their  predecessors  than  is  usually 
supposed,  the  N.T.  writers  quote  no  less  than 
600  passages  from  O.T.  {vide  Gough's  N.T. 
Quotations),  and  thus  reveal  the  true  meaning 
and  bearing  of  God's  dealings  with  the  seed  of 
Abraham  in  ancient  days. — V.  Language. 
The  O.T.  is  mainly  in  Hebrew,  a  simple,  mas- 
sive, yet  graphic  language,  possessing  a  re- 
markable wealth  of  words  and  idioms,  and 
peculiarly  suited  for  the  purpose  it  had  to  ful- 
fil. The  Chaldee  or  Aramaic  is  closely  related 
to  Hebrew,  and  seems  to  have  been  almost  a 
lingua  franca  in  the  East  in  one  or  other  of  its 
dialects,  having  been  spoken  in  Canaan,  Syria, 
and  Mesopotamia.  It  was  a  Hebraized  form 
of  it  which  was  the  spoken  "  Hebrew  "  of  N.T. 
In  O.T.  it  is  to  be  found  in  Ezr.4.8-6.i8, 
7.12-26,  in  Dan. 2. 4-7. 28,  and  in  Je.lO.ii. 
There  are  various  "provincialisms"  in  the  Heb. 
Bible  which  were  formerly  regarded  as  marks 
of  late  date,  but  which  probably  point  in  a 
very  different  direction.  The  N.T.,  as  we  have 
it,  is  all  in  Greek,  though  there  are  strong 
reasons  for  believing  that  St.  Matthew  wrote  in 
"  Hebrew,"  and  we  know  that  some  of  the 
speeches  in  the  Acts  which  we  now  have  only  in 
Greek  were  uttered  in  Hebrew.  At  first  sight 
there  seems  to  be  a  great  gulf  between  the 
Semitic  O.T.  and  the  Gk.  N.T.  But  in  the 
providence  of  God  this  has  been  bridged  over 
by  the  preparation  of  the  Gk.  translation  of 
O.T.  (250-150  B.C.).  This  magnificent  under- 
taking gave  to  the  world  what  has  well  been 
called  Hebrew  thought  in  Greek  clothing ;  and 
although,  as  Deissmann  pleads,  there  has  been 
too  great  a  tendency  during  the  last  century  to 
create  or  imagine  a  Hellenistic  or  Judaeo- 
Greek  dialect  quite  distinct  from  other  Greek, 
yet,  as  Dalman  and  Abbott  in  their  studies  on 
N.T.  emphasize,  the  Greek  of  N.T.  must  always 
be  read  in  the  light  of  the  LXX.,  which  practi- 
cally became  almost  an  authorized  version  of 
O.T.  amongst  the  earliest  Christians  ;  and  con- 
sequently every  word  in  the  Gk.  Testament 
has  to  be  examined  in  the  light  of  the  Heb. 
word  to  which  it  answered  in  the  LXX.  reading 
of  O.T.  Thus  our  N.T.  combines  the  strength 
and  depth  of  Hebrew  conviction  with  the  refine- 
ment and  elasticity  of  Greek. — VI.  Archaeo- 
.  LOGY  has  done  much  to  make  the  Bible  a  living 
and  real  book  during  the  past  century.  The  land 


BIBLE 


109 


of  Palestine,  as  we  now  call  it,  has  been  opened 
up,  its  ruinous  heaps  or  tells  have  been  identi- 
fied, the  country  has  been  mapped  out,  the 
manners,  customs,  land-laws,  traditions,  and 
dialects  of  the  people  have  been  investigated. 
We  owe  much  to  the  labours  of  Robinson  and 
to  the  enthusiasm  of  Stanley,  and  still  more  to 
the  work  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund, 
and  to  the  diggings  of  Petrie,  Bliss,  and  Mac- 
alister.  The  history  of  the  land  can  now  be 
traced  from  the  time  of  the  old  Amorite  in- 
habitants through  all  the  ages  that  have 
followed.  The  Amarna  tablets  have  been 
a  revelation  as  to  the  politics  of  Canaan 
in  the  Mosaic  age  and  as  to  its  links  with 
Egypt  and  the  East.  The  situation  of  the 
walls  and  buildings  of  old  Jerusalem  is  gradu- 
ally being  elucidated ;  and  speaking  generally,  it 
may  be  said  that  whilst  the  Bible  is  the  best 
handbook  to  Palestine,  the  land  with  all  that 
it  has  to  tell  us  is  the  best  commentary  on  the 
Bible.  The  countries  round  Palestine  have 
also  yielded  their  silent  testimony  to  the 
history  of  the  past  as  recorded  in  Scripture. 
This  is  true  to  some  extent  of  Egypt  and  Sinai, 
but  still  more  of  Assyria,  Babylon,  and  Persia. 
The  dealings  of  ancient  Eastern  kings  with  one 
another  and  with  Israel  and  Judah  are  be- 
coming increasingly  clear,  and  there  is  hardly 
a  notable  event  in  the  Bible  in  which  foreign 
kings  are  concerned  from  the  time  of  Abraham 
onwards  which  is  not  capable  of  illustration  or 
direct  confirmation  from  modern  discovery. 
The  same  is  true  in  the  case  of  N.T.  The  few 
difficulties  which  formerly  existed  are  now 
removed — e.g.  concerning  the  census  (vide 
Ramsay's  Was  Christ  born  in  Bethlehem  .'') ;  the 
narrative  of  St.  Paul's  shipwreck  has  been  tested 
and  confirmed  in  every  particular  {vide  James 
Smith's  Voyage  of  St.  Paul) ;  and  the  record  of 
St.  Paul's  travels  in  Asia  Minor  has  proved  to  be 
a  marvel  of  accuracy  {vide  Ramsay's  Paul  the 
Traveller  and  other  works).  What  remains  to  be 
done  in  this  department  is  chiefly  the  exact  de- 
termination of  certain  chronological  obscurities. 
The  want  of  a  fixed  era  in  ancient  Egyptian 
history  is  one  of  the  most  serious  hindrances 
to  this.  Old  Babylonian  methods  of  recording 
reigns  are  becoming  clearer  {vide  King's  Baby- 
lonian Records) ;  and  it  seems  that  some  of  the 
dates  assigned  by  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
kings  to  ancient  events  were  given  through  mis- 
understanding rather  than  deliberate  exaggera- 
tion, and  have  to  be  brought  down  considerably 
lower.  It  should  be  added  that  whilst  Oriental 
discoveries  (often  very  fragmentary)  furnish 
frequent  illustrations  of  the  truth  of  Scripture, 
the  Bible  itself  throws  considerable  light  on 
ancient  history,  and  leads  us  on  from  the  times 
of  the  earliest  Babylonians  and  Ninevites  to  the 
age  of  the  Roman  empire,  telling  us  by  the  way 
much  about  the  Canaanite,  Syrian,  Phoeni- 
cian, and  Egyptian  kingdoms,  and  bringing 
before  us  the  story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  East- 
ern nations  in  a  most  instructive  manner. 
This  is  so  strikingly  the  case  that,  were  it 
not  "  a  Bible,  "it  would  be  Mn?i'eysa//y  accepted 
as  the  most  valuable  historical  document 
which  has  come  down  to  us  from  ancient 
times. — VII.  Legislation.  The  Bible  is  not 
a  book  of  philosophy  or  of  ethics,  but  rather  the 
record  of  the  manifestation  of  God  in  history, 


no 


BICHRI 


yetj^it  contains  the  germs  of  a  noteworthy 
scheme  of  legislation.  The  laws  and  customs 
of  the  patriarchal  age  may  now  be  compared 
with  those  of  Hammurabi  (Amraphel) ;  while 
the  Mosaic  law"received  much  light  from  an 
investigation  of  old  Arabian  laws  by  Michaelis. 
The  peculiarity  of  the  law  of  Moses  is  that 
it  is  not  a  complete  code,  but  was  delivered 
piecemeal,  and  by  divine  revelation.  First, 
there  was  the  covenant  of  the  Ten  Words  ;  then 
the  laws  of  Ex. 20. 22-23. 19  ;  then,  after  the 
construction  of  the  sacred  tent  and  its  accom- 
paniments, came  the  rules  of  ritual  cleansing, 
marriage,  purity,  and  land  tenure  (Lev.l- 
25).  Subsequently,  the  parting  addresses  of 
Moses  recapitulate  many  of  the  laws  with 
occasional  slight  modifications  (Deut.1-30). 
All  these  acts  of  legislation  are  interspersed 
with  portions  of  Israel's  history.  They  are 
not  the  results  of  national  discussion,  but  are 
imposed  by  divine  authorit}^  and  are  regarded 
as  authoritative,  even  if  occasionally  modified 
in  the  later  books.  The  root  of  all  obedience 
is  love  to  God  Who  had  brought  the  people  out 
of  Egyptian  bondage,  and  all  the  history  and 
life  of  the  people  was  to  be  animated  by  the 
spirit  of  love.  Many  of  the  laws  which  seem 
to  us  almost  barbarous  were  by  no  means  be- 
hind the  age  when  they  were  laid  down,  but 
quite  the  contrary. — VIII.  A  thoughtful  survey 
of  the  Bible  as  a  whole  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  this  Divine  library  is  unique.  It  cannot 
be  regarded  or  studied  profitably  as  mere 
"  literature."  Its  pages  point  to  God  as  related 
to  man  yet  contrasted  with  man.  Though  so 
much  of  it  is  at  first  sight  national  history,  it 
proves  to  be  exceedingly  personal  and  has  a 
constant  bearing  on  the  spiritual  side  of  life. 
It  is  human  and  sympathetic,  searching,  setting 
forth  a  Godlike  standard  of  holiness,  purity, 
justice,  and  lovingkindness,  dealing  with  the 
depths  of  our  nature,  illustrating  the  divine 
by  the  human  and  inspiring  the  human  by  the 
divine.  Its  sublime  truths  are  set  forth  in 
strong  concrete  language,  and  all  nature  is  laid 
under  contribution  to  supply  illustrations  of 
the  ways  of  God.  It  is  adapted  to  young  and 
old,  to  men  of  all  nations,  to  every  phase  of  life. 
It  is  saturated  with  Salvation,  national  and 
personal,  temporal  and  eternal.  All  roads  in  it 
lead  to  Christ,  Who  is  its  Alpha  and  Omega.  I  ts 
great  men  are  living  epistles.  It  is  at  once  a 
lesson-book,  a  prayer-book,  and  a  hymn-book 
for  all  the  world.  When  it  is  translated  into 
a  new  language  it  tends  to  conserve  and  also 
to  sanctify  that  language.  As  Christ  is  supreme 
among  men,  so  is  the  Bible  among  books.  It  is 
spiritual  in  its  origin,  and  is  to  be  read  with 
spiritual  intent  and  a  receptive  mind,  as  a 
divine  message  to  the  world  and  to  the  heart.  All 
nations  are  beginning  to  recognize  its  force  and 
its  authority,  and  to  learn  through  its  sacred 
Images  the  love  of  the  Father,  the  way  of 
redemption  through  the  Son,  and  the  secret  of 
life  through  the  Spirit.  [r.b.g.] 

Bichri',  a  Benjainite,  ancestor  of  Sheba 
(2Sam.2O.1ff.). 

BIdkap',  Jehu's  "  captain,"  originally  his 
fellow-officer  (2K.9.JS)  ;  who  fulfilled  the  pro- 
phecy of  Eiijali  ( I K. 21. 19)  by  casting  the  body 
of  J  ehoram  son  of  Ahab  into  the  field  of  Naboth. 

Blep.     [Burial.] 


BIRTHDAYS 

Big'tha',  one  of  the  seven  chamberlains  or 
eunuchs  of  the  harim  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.l.io). 

Bigpthan'  or  Big-thana',  an  eunuch 
[chamberlain,  A.V.)  in  the  court  of  Ahasuerus, 
one  of  those  "  who  kept  the  door  "  and  con- 
spired with  Teresh  against  the  king's  life 
(Esth.2.21,6.2).  The  conspiracy  was  detected 
by  Mordecai,  and  the  eunuchs  hung. 

Bigvai'. — 1.  "  Children  of  Bigvai,"  up- 
wards of  2,000  in  number,  returned  from  the 
Captivity  with  Zerubbabel(Ezr.2.i4  ;Ne.7. 19), 
and  72  of  them  later  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.14). — 2. 
Apparently  one  of  the  chiefs  of  Zerubbabel's 
expedition  (Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7),  whose  family 
afterwards  signed  the  covenant  (Ne.l0.i6). 

Bildad',  the  second  of  Job's  three  friends. 
He  is  called  "the  Shuhite  "  (Job  2. 11), 
which  indicates  his  descent  from  Shuah  the  son 
of  Abraham  and  Keturah  (Gen. 25. 2).    [h.c.b.] 

Bileam'  (iChr.6.70),  a  town  in  the  western 
half  of  Manasseh,  given  with  its  "suburbs" 
to  the  Kohathites.  Possibly  Bel' ah,  12  miles 
N.W.  of  Shechem.     [Ibleam.]  [c.r.c] 

Bilgah'. — 1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of 
David  ;  the  head  of  the  fifteenth  course  for 
the  temple  service  (iChr.24.i4). — 2.  A  priest 
or  priestly  family  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  (Ne.12.5,18)  ; 
probably  =  Bilgai  (Ne.10.8). 

Bilg-ai',  a  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Ne.10.8).     [Bilgah,  2.] 

Bilhah'. — 1.  Handmaid  of  Rachel  (Gen.29. 
29),  and  concubine  of  Jacob  to  whom  she  bore 
Dan  and  Naphtali  (Gen. 30. 3-8, 35. 25,46. 25  ;  i 
Chr.7.13).  Reuben  afterwards  lay  with  her 
(Gen.  35.22;c/.  49.4;iChr.5.i).— 2.  [Balah.] 

Bilhan' 1.  Son  of  Ezer,  i  (Gen.36.27  ;  i 

Chr.1.42). — 2.  A  Benjamite,sonof  Jediael,  i, 
possibly  descended  from  Bela  (iChr.T.io  ;  cf.  8. 
3.6). 

Bill.     [Writing.] 

Bilshan',  one  of  Zerubbabel's  companions 
in  the  return  from  Babylon  (Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7)- 

Bimhal',    an    Asherite,    son    of    Japhlet 

(iChr.7.33)- 

Binea',   a  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.8.37, 

9-43)- 

Binnui'. — 1.  A  Levite,  father  of  Noadiah 
(Ezr.8.33). — 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Pahath- 
moab,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (10. 30). — 
3.  Another  Israelite,  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  who 
had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (10. 38). — 4.  (Ne.7.15  ; 
cf.  Ezr.2.ro)'=  Bani,  4. — 5.  A  Levite,  son  of 
Henadad,  who  assisted  in  repairing  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem,  under  Nehemiah  (Ne.3.24,10.9). 
He  is  possiblv  also  the  Binnui  in  12.8. 

Birds.     [Palestine.] 

Bipsha',  king  of  Gomorrah  at  the  time  of 
the  invasion  of  Chedorlaomer  (Gen. 14.2). 

Birth.  Labour  among  Eastern  people,  and 
indeed  among  all  open-air  or  nomad  tribes,  is 
generally  very  easy.  Cases  of  difficult  labour 
sometimes  occur  in  O.T.  (Gen. 25. 26,35. 17, 
88.28  ;  iSam. 4.19). But  the  fact  of  circumcision 
being  fixed  for  the  eighth  day  (Gen. 17. 12) 
seems  to  point  to  easy  parturition  as  the  na- 
tural and  expected  course  of  events.  For  re- 
ferences to  miscarriage,  see  Ex. 21. 22  ;  Job 3.16; 
Ps.58.8;  ls.26.i8.    [Family,  D.  iv.  6.]     [f.j.] 

Birthdays.  The  observation  of  birthdays 
is  very  ancient  (Cien.40.2o;  cf.  Job  I.4  ;  Ho. 7. 5). 
In  Persia  (Herod,  i.  133)  and  in  Egypt  they 


iSIRTHRlGHT 

Were  celebrated  with  great  pomp.  In  Mt.14.6  by 
TO,  yeveffia  (A.V.  birthday),  which  in  classical 
Gk.  is  used  for  a  memorial  feast  for  the  dead, 
Herod's  accession  feast  is  probably  intended, 
for  such  feasts  were  common  in  Herod's 
family  (Josephus,  15  Ant.  xi.  6). 

Bipthrigrht.  The  eldest  son  by  a  full  wife 
had  a  birthright,  consisting  mainly  of  an  addi- 
tional portion  of  the  paternal  inheritance 
which  could  be  transferred  by  agreement  be- 
tween the  eldest  son  and  a  younger  brother 
(Gen. 25. 3 iff.)  or  by  the  father '(48.22  ;  i  Chr.5. 
i).  On  Deut. 21. 15-17,  see  Family,  E  {1)  (b). 
Precedence  went  by  seniority  (Gen. 43. 33),  but 
the  father  could  vary  this  while  living  (iChr. 
26.10),  or  after  his  death  by  his  Blessing  (to 
be  distinguished  carefully  from  birthright ; 
Gen. 27. 36),  which  dealt  with  the  family  head- 
ship, not  with  property  (9.25ff.,27.3ff.,49.4). 
[Family  ;  Crimes.]  [h.m.w.] 

The  term  -n-puTordKia  occurs  only  once  in 
N.T.  (Heb.l2.i6,  with  reference  to  Esau);  but 
the  birthright  precedence  of  the  firstborn  is  ac- 
corded to  Christ  (Col. 1.18),  "  that  in  all  things 
[R.V.  marg.,  or,  that  among  all]  He  might 
have  the  pre-eminence."  As  the  Firstborn 
He  has  a  more  excellent  inheritance  than  His 
brethren  (cf.  Heb. 1.4,6).     [Heir.]  [h.h.J 

Bipzavith'  (iChr.7.31),  a  place  probably  in 
Asher,  of  which  Malchiel  was  the  founder. 
The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Bishlam',  apparently  an  officer  or  com- 
missioner (=  Belemus,  iEsd.2.i6)  of  Arta- 
xerxes  in  Palestine  at  the  time  of  the  return 
of  Zerubbabel  from  captivity  (Ezr.4.7). 

Bishop.  The  word  "bishop"  (cttiVk-ottos) 
was  in  common  use  among  Greeks  to  denote 
commissioners  and  inspectors  and  magistrates 
and  other  officials.  In  the  LXX.  it  occurs  in 
Num. 4.16,31. 14  ;  Judg.9.28  ;  2K.ll.i5,i8  ; 
2Chr.34.i2,i7;  Ne.ll.9, 14,22  ;  Job20.29;  Wis. 
1.6;  Is.69.i7;  iMac.l.51.  In  all  these  places 
it  is  used  to  denote  overseers  and  officials  of 
various  kinds,  except  in  Job  20. 29,  where  it 
refers  to  God,  and  is  used  to  translate  the  Heb. 
'M.  In  N.T.  it  occurs  in  Ac.2O.28  ;  Ph.l.i  ; 
iTim.3.2  ;  Tit.1.7  ;  iPe.2.25.  In  the  first  four 
of  these  passages  it  denotes  a  church  officer  ; 
in  iPe.2.25  it  is  used  for  our  Lord.  In  N.T. 
the  verb  fWLaKoir^o}  occurs  in  Heb. 12. 15  in  a 
general  sense,  and  in  the  T.  R.  and  text  of  re- 
visers, but  not  in  their  margin  or  in  Westcott 
and  Hort's  text  in  iPe.5.2  in  the  sense  of 
"  exercising  the  office  of  bishop."  As  the  title 
of  a  church  officer  ewicTKOiros  is  equivalent  to 
"  elder  "  or  "  presbyter  "  (TrpeajSiirepos),  as 
may  be  seen  by  comparing  Ac. 20. 17, 2 8,  Ph.l. 
I,  iTim.3.1-13,  Tit. 1.5-7,  and,  if  the  reading 
iTna-KOTrovfTes  is  correct,  iPe.5.i,2.  Hence  it 
may  be  concluded  against  Weizsacker,  who 
distinguished  them,  and  Hort,  who  regarded 
t-jriaKowos  not  as  a  title  of  office  but  as  meaning 
one  in  a  position  of  oversight,  that  ima-Koiros 
and  irpea^uT€pos  denote  the  same  official.  For 
the  nature  of  the  office  and  the  method  of 
appointment,  see  Church  ;  Laying  on  of 
Hands  ;  Timothy,  Epp.  to.  Plumptre  and 
Gibson  in  Smith's  D.B.  (4  vols.  1893),  i.  436- 
439  ;  Armitage  Robinson  in  End.  Bibl.  i.  578- 
584  ;  Gwatkin  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904), 
i.  301,  302  ;  Lightfoot,  Philippians,  pp.  95-99; 


BITTERN 


111 


Gore,  The  Church  and  the  Ministry,  pp.  363-369 
(4th  ed.);  Hatch,  Bampton  Lectures;  Harnack, 
Analecten  zu  Hatch ;  Weizsacker,  Apostolic 
Age  of  Christian  Church,  ii.  326-331  ;  Hort, 
Christian  Ecclesia,  pp.  190-194;  Stone,  Christian 
Church,  pp.  278,  279.  [d.s.] 

Bithiah',  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh,  and  wife 
of  Mered,  a  descendant  of  Judah  (xChr.4.i8). 
The  Scriptures,  as  well  as  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments, show  that  the  Pharaohs  intermarried 
with  foreigners  ;  but  such  alliances  seem  to 
have  been  contracted  with  royal  families  alone. 
It  may  be  that  Bithiah  was  a  captive. 

Bithpon'  (2Sam.2.29),  the  "  broken  "  slopes 
of  Gilead  W.  of  Mahanaim.     [Bether.] 

Bithyn'ia.  This  province  of  Asia  Minor 
is  mentioned  only  in  Ac. 16. 7  and  iPe.l.i. 
Bithynia,  considered  as  a  Roman  province, 
was  contiguous  on  the  W.  to  Asia.  On  the 
E.  its  limits  underwent  great  modifications. 
The  province  was  originally  inherited  by  the 
Roman  republic  (74  b.c.)  as  a  legacy  from 
Nicomedes  III.,  the  last  of  an  independent 
line  of  monarchs,  one  of  whom  had  invited 
into  Asia  Minor  those  Gauls  who  named 
the  central  district  of  the  peninsula  Galatia. 
On  the  death  of  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus, 
63  B.C.,  the  W.  part  of  the  Pontic  kingdom 
was  added  to  the  province  of  Bithynia, 
which  again  received  further  accessions  on 
this  side  under  Augustus,  7  a.d.  The  chief 
town  of  Bithynia  was  Nicaea,  celebrated  for 
the  general  Council  of  the  Church  held  there 
in  325  A.D.  against  the  Arian  heresy. 

Bittep  hepbs.  The  Israelites  were  com- 
manded to  eat  the  Paschal  lamb  "  with  un- 
leavened bread  and  with  bitter  herbs,"  Heb. 
m'rorim  (Ex. 12. 8).  The  Jews  probably  de- 
rived the  custom  of  eating  herbs  with  their  meat 
from  the  Egyptians,  with  whom  the  practice  was 
common  (Aben  Ezra).  The  m''rdrim  may  de- 
note various  sorts  of  bitter  plants,  particularly 
such  as  belong  to  the  Cruciferae,  as  some  of  the 
bitter  cresses,  or  to  the  chicory  group  of  the 
Compositae,  the  sow-thistles,  and  wild  lettuces 
which  grow  abundantly  in  the  peninsula  of 
Sinai,  in  Palestine,  and  in  Egypt.  The  Jews 
of  to-day  eat  the  Passover  with  horse-radish, 
endive,  parsley,  etc.,  to  remind  themselves  of 
the  bitterness  of  the  Egyptian  bondage. 

Bittern.  The  Heb.  qippodh,  which 
occurs  in  several  passages,  e.g.  Is. 14. 23, 
24.11,  and  Zeph.2.14,  appears  to  indicate  a 
creature  inhabiting  marshy  or  ruined  situa- 
tions. In  the  first  passage  it  is  stated,  "  I 
will  also  make  it  [Babylon]  a  possession  for 
the  bittern,  and  pools  of  water  "  ;  while  in 
the  other  two  the  word  is  also  translated 
bittern,  whose  companion  in  such  situations 
is  stated  to  be  the  cormorant.  Some  com- 
mentators have  identified  the  word  with  the 
Arabic  qiinfUdh,  the  porcupine,  or  hedgehog  ; 
but  neither  hedgehogs  nor  porcupines  frequent 
swampy  situations,  climb  about  ruins,  or 
utter  a  cry  (Zeph.2.13,14).  The  general 
opinion  favours  the  view  that  the  transla- 
tion of  qippodh  by  "  bittern  "  is  correct  ;  this 
bird  (Boiaurus  stellaris)  frequents  marshy 
situations,  which  may  sometimes  occupy,  or 
be  near,  the  sites  of  ruined  buildings.  The 
loud  booming  of  the  bittern  was  formerly 
a  familiar  sound  in  the  English  fens.     The 


112      BITTERNESS,  WATER  OF 


BLESSIlTdt 


GATE  OF  NICAEA,  THE  CAI'llAL  uE  BITHINIA.     See  art.  "  Bithynia." 


bird   has   a  wide  range  in  Europe,   W.  and 
N.  Asia,  and  N  .Africa.  [r.l.] 

Bittepness,  Water  of.  [Water  of 
Bitterness.] 

Bitumen.     [Slime  ;   Salt  Sea.] 

Bizjothjah'  (R.V.  Biziothiah),  a  town 
in  the  S.  of  Judah  named  with  Beer-sheba 
and  Baalah  (Jos.15.28). 

Biztha',  the  second  of  the  seven  eunuchs  of 
king  Ahasuerus'  harhn  (Esth.l.io). 

Black.     [Colours.] 

Blains.  The  word  occurs  once  only  in 
A.V.  (Ex. 9.9)  ;  but  boils  are  frequently  men- 
tioned (Lev. 13. 18:  2K.2O.7;  Is.38.2i  ;  Job 
2.7).  The  Sixth  Plague  is  apparently  referred 
to  in  Deut. 28.27, 33,  as  "  the  botch  of  Egypt," 
and  was  probably  a  form  of  leprosy  or  of 
bubonic  plague.    [Leprosy  ;  Plague.]   [f.j.] 

Blasphemy.  The  Heb.  wdcd  means  "  a 
mocking."  The  later  Jews  said  (Mishna,  Sank. 
vii.  5),  "The  blasphemer  was  not  guilty  till 
he  uttered  The  Name"  (of  Jehovah),  and  the 
"  name  "  is  frequently  connected  with  the  word 
both  in  N.T.  and  O.T.  {e.g.  Lev.24.ii,i8  ;  2 
Sam.i2.14;  Ps.74.io,i8;  Is.52.5  ;  cf.  Ro.2. 
24  ;  Kev.13.6).  [Crimes.]  In  view  of  this  it 
is  instructive  to  note  the  application  of  the  idea 
to  the  name  of  Christ  by  one  so  imbued  with 
Jewish  thought  as  St.  James  (2.7).  In  classi- 
cal Gk.  the  primary  meaning  of  this  word 
was  an  utterance  of  ill-omen,  opposed  to 
tv(pr)nia,  as  when  one  unintentionally  prays 
for  evil  instead  of  good  (Eur.  Ion,  1189). 
It  then  came  to  have  a  general  sense  of 
slanderous,  contumelious  speech  against  either 
(iod  or  man.  And  while  in  N.T.  this  wider  use 
is  found  (Mt.i5.19  ;  Ko.14.i6  ;  1Cor.lO.30  ; 
Tit. 3. 2, etc.),  the  word  also  has  a  special  sense 
of  arrogating  to  oneself  what  belongs  to  God 
alone.  On  this  charge  both  our  Lord  and  St. 
Stci^hcn  were  condemned  to  death  by  the  Jews 
(Mt.28.65  ;     Ac.6.13).     The    Jewish    punish- 


ment for  this  was  death  by  stoning  ( Lev. 24. 11- 
16).  According  to  the  teaching  of  Christ,  blas- 
phemy was  of  various  degrees  of  sinfulness,  that 
against  the  Holy  Spirit  being  of  so  serious  a 
nature  as  to  deprive  one  guilty  of  it  of  all  hope 
of  pardon  in  this  world  and  the  next  (Mt.l2. 
32  ;  Mk.3.29  ;  see  also  ijn.5.i6).  What  blas- 
phemy against  the  Holy  Ghost  really  implies 
has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  controversy.  Those 
Jews  were  apparently  in  danger  of  committing 
this  sin  who  attributed  to  the  power  of  Satan 
those  unquestionable  miracles  which  Jesus 
performed  by  the  linger  of  God,  and  the  power 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  But  blasphemy,  like  lying, 
may  be  acted  as  well  as  uttered,  and  implies 
the  deliberate  preference  of  evil  to  good.  Then, 
habitual  and  determined  opposition  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Holy  Spirit  renders  repentance, 
and  therefore  forgiveness,  morally  impossible. 
Grace,  like  bodily  nourishment,  may  be  re- 
jected till  the  power  to  receive  it  vanishes. 
There  is  no  question  of  the  efficacy  of  divine 
grace.  The  obstacle  lies  in  the  wrong-doer  alone, 
who,  by  persistent  sin,  brings  upon  himself, 
as  was  the  case  with  Pharaoh,  a  judicial  harden- 
ing of  heart,  which  of  itself  excludes  the  possi- 
bility of  jiardon.  [r.s.m.] 

Blas'tus,  the  chamberlain  of  Herod  Agrip- 
pa  I.,  (.Ac. 12. 20),  who  was  persuaded  by  the 
people  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  to  gain  them  a  hear- 
ing from  the  king.  [e.r.b.J 

Blessing-.  In  early  times  the  blessing 
was  regarded  as  being  a  real,  material  power, 
capable  of  influencing  the  future  of  those  upon 
whom  it  was  pronounced.  Thus  the  future  of 
the  sons  of  Noah  was  decided  by  his  blessing 
or  curse  (Gen. 9.26).  So  potent  was  it  that 
when  once  spoken  it  was  no  longer  under  the 
control  of  the  one  who  pronounced  it,  and 
could  not  be  recalled  (27.37).  The  blessing, 
even  when  obtained  by  guile,  had  the  power  to 
transfer  birthright  precedence  fioin  the  elder 


BLINDNESS 

to  the  younger  son,  and  was  irrevocable 
(ft'. 29,33,41).  [Laying  ON  OF  Hands;  Birth- 
right ;   Family  ;   Oath.]  [h.h] 

Blindness  is  extremely  common  in  the 
East,  purulent  ophthalmia  frequently  occurring 
in  Egypt  and  the  Holy  Land,  especially  amongst 
children,  but  also  amongst  adults.  From  what- 
ever cause  it  originated,  blindness  was  regarded 
in  O.T.  not  indeed  necessarily  as  a  direct 
punishment  of  sin  (c/.  Jn.9.2),  but  as  a 
disqualification  for  the  perfect  service  of  God. 
Blind  beasts  must  not  be  offered  in  sacrifice 
(Lev. 22.22  ;  Deut. 15.21  ;  Mal.1.8),  nor  were 
blind  priests  permitted  to  officiate  (Lev.21.i8). 
Several  cases  of  blindness  as  the  direct  result 
of  divine  interposition  are  recorded  in  Holy 
Scripture.  Deut. 28  is  specially  interesting  as 
suggesting  to  any  one  with  medical  knowledge 
the  direct  and  natural  results  of  moral  trans- 
gression, esp.  in  vv.  22,  27,  2S,  and  35.  2K.6. 
18  and  possibly  Gen. 19. 11  may  be  explained 
as  referring  not  to  loss  of  physical  eyesight, 
but  to  dense  fog  or  mist  in  which  those  "  smit- 
ten "  lost  their  way  ;  but  the  case  of  Elymas 
the  Sorcerer  (Ac. 13. 11)  is  capable  of  no 
such  interpretation.  His  seizure  was  prob- 
ably either  glaucoma  or  embolus.  Either 
of  these  would  produce  a  sudden  blindness, 
especialh'  under  the  stress  of  great  e.xcitement. 
If  we  accept  the  "fog"  theory  for  2K.6.18, 
there  is  no  specific  case  of  the  healing  of  blind- 
ness recorded  before  N.T.,  except  that  of  Tobit 
in  the  Apoc.  Such  healing,  however,  is  con- 
stantly mentioned  as  a  special  prerogative  of 
the  Almightv  and  of  the  coming  Messiah  (see, 
inter  alia,  Ps.146.8  ;  Is.35.5,42.7  ;  Mt.9.27  ; 
Lu.4.i8,  etc.).  Accordingly,  there  are  several 
cases  recorded  of  our  Lord's  healing  the  blind. 
In  some  He  accomplished  this  by  simple  touch 
(Mt.9.2g) ;  in  others  He  used  ph^'sical  means — 
clay  (Jn.9.6)  or  saliva  (!Mk.8.23).  None  of 
these  are  capable  of  reasonable  explanation 
except  on  the  basis  of  pure  miracle.  There  is 
one  other  recorded  case  of  blindness  which  is  of 
special  interest,  that  of  St.  Paul,  the  salient 
facts  of  which  are  :  Saul  (i)  is  struck  blind 
suddenly  by  an  intense  light  (Ac. 22. 11, 26. 13)  ; 
(ii)  remains  blind  for  three  days  in  a  state 
of  great  nervous  depression  (9.9 — "  did 
neither  eat  nor  drink");  (iii)  is  visited  by 
Ananias,  who  delivers  his  message  and  puts 
his  hands  upon  him.  This  results  in  a  scaly 
substance  falling  from  his  eyes  and  he  receives 
his  sight.  (N.B.— In  9. 18' the  word  "forth- 
with "  is  omitted  by  R.V.  and  by  all  the  best 
authorities.)  Now,  there  are  three  diseases 
which  might  cause  sudden  blindness  such  as  is 
here  described,  but  one  of  these  (retinitis  of 
renal  origin)  is  quite  inconsistent  with  St. 
Paul's  living  a  life  of  hardship  for  thirty  years 
afterwards.  This  leaves  the  possibility  of 
thrombosis  (the  blocking  of  some  blood-vessel 
of  the  central  nervous  system  by  clot  or  foreign 
substance,  thereby  temporarily  disturbing  the 
visual  centres),  or  of  trachoma.  This  last 
(which  coincides  best  with  the  story  of  the 
healing)  is  an  acute  form  of  purulent  ophthal- 
mia, and  would  quite  possibly  (especially  if 
accompanied  by  pannus)  cause  a  complete 
breakdown  of  vision  under  the  influence  of  the 
intense  and  miraculous  light.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances the  patient  would  remain,  probably, 


BOHAN 


113 


greatly  depressed  and  afraid  of  the  least  ray 
of  light  (photophobia),  and  repulsive  purulent 
secretions  would  collect  around  the  eyelids. 
Upon  Ananias  removing  these  ("putting  his 
hands  upon  him")  and  encouragiiig  him 
to  use  his  eyes,  he  would  find  his  sight  slowly 
returning,  though  it  would  never  be  very 
strong.  If  we  compare  this  theory  with 
Gal. 4. 15, 6. II  (R.V.)  and  2Cor.lO.10,  we  get 
perhaps  as  near  as  is  possible  to  a  working 
theory  as  to  the  much-discussed  "  thorn  in 
the  flesh  "  (q.v.  for  other  theories)  of  12. 7. 
[Cf.  Paul,  I.  (5),  (i).]  [f.j.] 

Blood.  [Sacrifice,  2;  3,  iv.  «i;  Unclean 
Meats.] 

Blood,  Avenger  of.  [Goel;  Homicide; 
Crimes.] 

Blood,  Issue  of.  The  phrase  is  used  in 
two  senses  :  first,  of  the  ordinary  periodical 
menstrual  discharge  which,  according  to  the 
Levitical  law,  involved  one  week's  unclean- 
ness ;  and  secondlv,  of  a  permanent  disease 
(see  Mt.9.20;  Mk.5!25  ;  Lu.8.43).  This  latter 
meant  a  permanent  uncleanness  (Lev.i5.19ff.). 
It  is  impossible  to  identify  absolutely  the 
disease  spoken  of  in  the  gospels,  but  probably 
it  was  either  menorrhagia  (excessive  bleeding 
at  the  menstrual  period)  or  some  sort  of  cancer 
or  tumour  of  the  uterus.  [f-J.] 

Blue.     [Colours.] 

Boanerges,  a  name  given  by  Christ  to  SS. 
James  and  John,  Mk.3.i7  ;  and  there  explained 
to  mean  "  sons  of  thunder."  The  spelling  of 
the  Heb.  name  has  probably  been  corrupted  in 
its  transliteration  into  Gk.  ;  and  if  so,  it  may 
represent  two  Heb.  words  :  b''ne  =  sons,  and 
regez,  which  is  used  Job  37.2  of  the  sound  of  the 
voice  of  God,  in  a  passage  descriptive  of  thunder. 
The  name  referred  to  the  impetuosity  of  their 
character  (cf.  Lu.9.54).  On  its  aptness,  see 
Westcott's  St.  John,  Introd.  p.  xxxii.,  and 
Trench,  Studies  in  the  Gospels,  art.  "  Sons  of 
Thunder."  [e.r.b.] 

Boap,  'Wild.     [Swine.] 

Boaz'  {in  him  is  strength). — 1.  A  wealthy 
Bethlehemite  possibly  identical  with  Ibzan, 
kinsman  to  Elimelech  the  husband  of  Naomi. 
Finding  that  the  nearer  kinsman  of  Ruth 
was  unwilling  to  become  her  go'el,  he  had  the 
obligation  publicly  transferred  with  the  usual 
ceremonies  to  himself  ;  hence  it  became  his 
duty  to  marry  Ruth,  and  to  redeem  the  estates 
of  her  deceased  husband  Mahlon  (4. iff.).  Being 
himself  precluded  from  marriage  with  an 
Israelite,  as  the  child  of  Salmon  and  Rahab 
(Deut. 23. 2  ;  Mt.1.5),  he  gladly  undertook  these 
responsibilities  ;  and  his  obedience  to  the  two- 
fold law  of  niamzer  and  go'cl  was  blessed  by  the 
birth  of  Obed,  from  whom  in  a  direct  line  our 
Lord  was  descended.  S.  Cox,  The  Book  of  Ruth. 
— 2.  The  name  of  one  of  Solomon's  brazen 
pillars  erected  in  the  temple  porch.  [Jachin.] 
It  stood  on  the  left,  and  was  18  cubits  high 
(iK.7.15,21  ;  2Chr.3.i5  ;  Je.52.2i).     [c.r.d.b.] 

Boc'cas  (iEsd.8.2).    [Bukki,  i.] 

Bochepu',  son  of  Azel  according  to  the 
present  Heb.  text  of  iChr.8.38  =  9.44. 

Bochim'  (the  weepers),  a  place  on  the 
W.   of  Jordan  above  Gilgal  (Judg.2.1,5). 

Body.     [Man.] 

Bo'han  (Jos. 15. 6, 18. 17),  a  Reubenite  who 
erected  a  stone  on  S.  bank  of  the  valley  of  Achor  , 

8 


114 


BOILS 


and  N.W.  of  Beth-hoglah.  The  name  has  not 
survived  in  this  position,  nor  elsewhere,  [c.r.c] 

Boils.     [Blains  ;  Medicine.] 

Bolster.     [Pillows.] 

Bondagre.  [Captivities  of  the  Jews; 
Sla\"e  ;  Law  in  O.T.] 

Bonnet.     [Headdress.] 

Book  (Heb.  sepher,  a  writing).  Not  a  book 
of  pages,  but  a  document,  whether  "  roll  "  or 
"  tablet,"  or  set  of  tablets.  [Writing.]   [c.r.c] 

Booths.  [SuccoTH ;  Tabernacles,  Feast 
of.] 

Booty  consisted  of  captives  of  both  se.xes, 
cattle,  and  whatever  a  captured  city  might 
contain,  especially  metallic  treasures.  Within 
the  limits  of  Canaan  no  captives  were  to  be 
made  ;  beyond  those  limits,  in  case  of  war, 
all  the  women  and  children  were  to  be  made 
captives  and  the  men  put  to  death  (Deut.20. 
14.16).  The  law  of  booty  was  an  equal 
division  between  the  army  and  the  people 
of  Israel,  but  of  the  former  half  one  head  in 
every  500  was  reserved  to  God,  and  appro- 
priated to  the  priests,  and  of  the  latter  one 
in  every  50  was  similarly  reserved  and  ap- 
propriated to  the  Levites  (Num. 31. 26-47). 
David  added  a  regulation  that  the  baggage- 
guard  should  share  equally  with  the  troops 
engaged   (iSam.30.24,25). 

Booz'  (Mt.1.5  ;   Lu.3.32)  =  BoAZ,   I. 

Bo'pith  (2Esd.l.2).     [BuKKi,   i.] 

Boscath'.     [BozKATH.] 

Bosor. — 1.  A  fortified  city  in  Gilead  or  in 
S.  Bashan  (i Mac. 5. 26),  noticed  with  Casphon, 
Camaim,  and  Alema.  The  last  may  be 
Kefr  el  Md,  11  miles  W.  of  Ashteroth 
Karnaim,  and  either  Bosor  or  Bosora  may 
be  Busr,  5  miles  S.E.  of  Edrei,  not  far  from 
Casphon  or  Khisfin  (5.36). — 2.  Bosor,  for 
Beor,  2  (A.V.  2Pe.2.i5),  is  more  correctly  Beor 
in  the  Sin.  and  Vat.  MSS.  (R.V.  Beor).     [c.r.c] 

Bosopa  (iMac.5.26,28  ;  Vat.  ViS.  Bosor), 
reached  from  Gilead  "  by  the  way  of  the 
wilderness,"  may  be  the  later  Bostra  {Busrah), 
which  is  not  otherwise  noticed  in  the  Bible. 
[Bosor  ;  Bozrah.]  [c.r.c] 

Boss.     [Arms.] 

Botany.     [Palestine.] 

Botch.     [Blains.] 

Bottle,  (i)  The  skin  bottle:  (2)  the 
bottle  of  earthen  or  glass  ware,  both  of  them 
capable  of  being  closed  from  the  air.  (i)  The 
Arabs  and  all  nomads  often  keep  water,  milk, 
and  other  liquors  in  goatskins.  When  the 
animal  is  killed,  they  cut  off  its  feet  and  its 
head,  and  draw  it  out  of  the  skin,  without 
opening  its  belly.     In  Arabia  the  skins  are 

SKIN  noni.i:s.     (From  Ihc  Miisco  Borbonico.) 

tanned  with  acacia-bark  and  the  hairy  part 
left  outside.  They  afterwards  sew  up  the 
places  where  the  legs  and  the  tail  were  cut  off, 
and  when  it  is  filled  they  tic  it  about  the  neck. 
The  effect  of  external  heat  upon  a  skin  bottle 


BOZEZ 

is  indicated  in  Ps.li9.83,  "  a  bottle  in  the 
smoke"  (or  "vapour"),  and  of  expansion 
produced  by  fermentation  in  Mt.9.i7,  "  new 
wine  in  old  bottles."  (2)  Vessels  of  metal, 
pottery,  or  glass  for  liquids  were  in  use  among 
the  Greeks,  Egyptians,  Etruscans,  and  As- 
syrians, and  also  among  the  Hebrews,  especially 
in  later  times.  In  Je.19.1  "  a  potter's  earthen 
bottle "  is  noticed.  The  Hebrews  probably 
borrowed  their  manufacture  of  Glass  from 
Egypt,  which  was  celebrated  for  glass  work, 
as  remains  and  illustrations  of  Egyptian  work- 
manship are  extant  at  least  as  early  as  15th 
cent.  B.C.  (Wilkinson,  ii.  59,  60). 

Bowr.     [Arms.] 

Bo\vl.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Bason,  the 
precise  form  and  material  of  the  bowl  is  un- 
certain. Bowls  would  probably  be  used  at 
meals  for  liquids,  or  broth,  or  pottage  (2K.4'. 
40).     Modern  Arabs  are  content    with  a  few 


INSCRIBED   HITllTE  liOWL. 

wooden  bowls.  In  the  Brit.  Mus.  are  several 
terra-cotta  bowls  with  superstitious  .Aramaic 
inscriptions,  expressing  charms  against  sickness 
and  evil  spirits,  which  may  possibly  explain 
the  "divining  cup"  of  Joseph  (Gen. 44. 5). 
The  bowl  was  filled  with  some  liquid  which 
was  drunk  as  a  charm  against  evil. 

Box-tree.  The  Heb.  f'ashshur  occurs  in  Is. 
41.19,60.13  ;  Ezk.27.6.  The  Talmudical  and 
Jewish  writers  generally  consider  that  the  box- 
tree  is  intended.  The  Syr.  and  the  Arab,  ver- 
sion of  Saadias  understand  a  species  of  cedar 
called  sherbin,  distinguished  by  the  small  size  of 
its  cones  and  the  upright  growth  of  its  branches. 
But  the  evidence  for  the  box-tree  is  on  a  better 
foundation  than  that  for  the  sherbin.  In  Ezk. 
27.6,  a  passage  of  great  difficulty,  t'^'ashshtir  is 
rendered  "  the  Ashurites  "  in  A.V.  R.V.  reads 
"  they  have  made  thy  benches  of  ivory  inlaid 
in  box-wood."  The  box  is  a  native  of  cold  cli- 
mates, and  hardlv  to  be  expected  in  the  Bible  ; 
and  although  it  occurs  in  sub-.-\lpine  situations 
in  the  Lebanon  chalk,  its  mention  amongst 
forest-trees  is  incongruous.  However,  it  has 
always  been  a  favourite  when  luxuriantly 
grown,  and  its  excellent  wood  for  engraving  and 
carving  was  in  use  amongst  tiie  ancients.  In 
2li;sd. 14.24  "box  tables"  (tablets)  are  men- 
tioned; see  A.V.  marg.,  R.V.  omits  "box." 
Pliny  commends  it  for  arbours,  and  says  the 
best  wood  for  ornamental  car\ing  is  foiuid  in  the 
root.     He  distinguishes  three  sorts,    [n.c.ii.] 

Bozez'  {shinini;),  noticed  with  Seneh 
{tluini  ;  iSam.14.4.5)  as  two  "teeth  of  the 
cliff,"  near  Miciimasm  and  Gibeaii.  Josephus 
(3  Wars  ii.  i)  mentions  the  "  valley  of  thorns" 
at  Gibeah,   now  Wddy  es   .^uweinU  (valley  of 


BOZKATH 

small  thorn-trees),  and  here,  just  E.  oi  J eb'a  and 
S.  of  Miikhmds,  are  two  remarkable  crags, 
N.  and  S.  of  the  gorge.  The  northern  (called 
el  QuVah,  "  the  castle")  shines  in  the  midday 
sun,  and  is  no  doubt  Bozez,  on  the  top  of  which 
the  Philistine  "  post  "  was  established.  The 
ascent  on  the  S.W.,  though  very  steep  and 
some  500  ft.  high,  is  still  climbable.     [c.r.c] 

Bozkath',  a  city  of  Judah  in  the  lowlands 
(Jos.15.39).  It  is  mentioned  once  again 
(2  K. 22.1  ;  A.V.  Boscath)  as  the  native 
place  of  the  mother  of  king  Josiah. 

Bozpah'  (fortress). — 1.  A  town  in  Edom 
(Gen.36.33  ;  Is.34.6,63.i  ;  Je.49.13,22  ;  Am.l. 
12).  In  Mi. 2. 12  there  is  a  play  on  the  name 
bo(rd  and  hacrd  (sheep-fold).  The  site  is  now 
Buseireh,  N.  of  Tophel,  in  Edom. — 2.  A 
town  of  Moab  [Bezer],  the  site  of  which  is 
doubtful  (Je.48.24),  unless  (i)  is  intended. 
This  town  appears  in  the  9th  cent.  b.c.  as 
Bosor,  in  the  list  of  Moabite  cities  rebuilt  by 
king  Mesha,  as  noticed  on  the  Moabite  Stone. 


BREAD 


115 


Venetian  gold  are  still  common  in  Egypt.  In 
Gen. 38. 18, 25  the  word  rendered  "  bracelet  " 
means  probably  "  a  string  by  which  a  seal-ring 
was  suspended."  Men  as  well  as  women  wore 
bracelets.  Layard  says  of  the  Ass>Tian  kings, 
"  The  arms  were  encircled  by  armlets,  and 
the  wrists  by  bracelets."     [Armlet.] 

Bpamble.     [Thorns  ;  Bush.] 

Brass.  The  Heb.  whosheth  is  improperly 
translated  "  brass,"  since  the  Hebrews  were 
not  acquainted  with  that  compound  of  copper 
and  zinc.  In  most  places  of  O.T.  copper 
would  be  correct,  although,  when  a  hard 
material  is  obviously  intended,  it  must  mean 
bronze,  a  compound  of  copper  and  tin  which 
was  known  around  the  E.  Mediterranean 
long  before  the  Exodus.  But  sometimes  a 
simple  metal  is  obviously  intended,  as  in 
Deut. 8.9, 33.25  and  Job  28.2.  Copper  was 
known  very  early,  and  the  invention  of  working 
it  is  attributed  to  Tubal-cain  (Gen. 4.22).  The 
same  Eng.  word  is  used  for  money  in  N.T. 


—3.  The  city  called  Bostra  in  Roman  times 
is  unnoticed  in  the  Bible,  unless  it  be  the 
BosoRA  or  Bosor  (Vat.  MS.)  conquered  by 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  in  the  '"wilderness" 
(iMac.5.26,28).  This  place  became  important 
after  105  a.d.,  when  it  was  made  the  capital 
of  the  Roman  province  of  Arabia  Prima. 
The  ruins  of  Busrah,  S.E.  of  Bashan  on  the 
desert  trade  route  from  Arabia  to  Damascus, 
are  those  of  the  Roman  city,  including  a 
theatre,  baths,  a  triumphal  arch,  colonnades, 
a  cathedral  built  in  513  a.d.,  and  a  Moslem 
castle  on  the  S.  dating  from  the  13th  cent. 
The  extant  inscriptions,  in  Gk.  and  Lat. 
(Waddington,  Nos.  1906-1958),  begin  in  2nd 
cent.  A.D.,  and  go  down  to  539  a.d.  or  later. 
Some  are  Christian.  They  show  a  mixed 
population,  partly  of  Arab  pagans  adoring 
Dhu-Sher'a  (the  lord  of  gleaming)  down  to 
6th  cent,  a.d.,  and  the  Gk.  Zeus  Epikar- 
pios,  or  god  of  produce.  A  Nabathean  text 
of  king  Malchus  and  Nabathean  coins  have 
also  been  found  here.  Christians  paid  honour 
to  the  martyrs  Sergius  and  Bacchus  in  *he 
cathedral,  and  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  [c.r.c] 
Bracelet.      Bracelets     of     fine     twisted 


(Mt.10.9,  etc.).  [Money  ;  Weights,  coins.] 
It  often  occurs  in  metaphors,  e.g.  Lev. 26. 19  ; 
Deut. 28.23  ;  Job  6.12  ;  Je.6.28  ;  often  as  an 
emblem  of  strength  (Zech.6.i  ;  Je.l.iS). 
The  word  x°'^'<^°^l^l^°-^°''  ^^  Rev.l.15,2.18 
(A.V.  fine  brass),  has  excited  much  differ- 
ence of  opinion.  Some  suppose  it  to  have 
been  orichalcum,  which  was  so  rare  as  to  be 
more  valuable  than  gold.  It  may  perhaps  be 
deep-coloured  frankincense. 

Bpazen  Sea.     [Sea,  Molten.] 
Brazen  Serpent.      [Serpent,  Brazen 
Nehushtan.] 

Bread  (lehem,  a  word  often  used  also  for 
food  in  general).  The  preparation  of  bread 
as  an  article  of  food  dates  from  a  very  early 
period.  The  corn  or  grain  employed  was  of 
various  sorts  ;  the  best  bread  was  made  of 
wheat,  which  being  ground  produced  the 
"flour"  or  "meal"  (iK.17.i2,  etc.),  and 
when  sifted  the  "fine  flour"  (Gen.18.6  ;  Ex. 
29.2)  usually  employed  in  the  sacred  offerings 
(Ex. 29. 40;  Lev. 2. 1 ;  iSam.l.24;  Ezk.46.i4) 
and  in  the  meals  of  the  wealthy  (iK.4.22, 
etc.).  "  Bcurley  "  was  used  only  by  the  very 
poor    (Jn.8.9,13),    or    in    times    of    scarcity 


lie 


BREAD 


(Ru.3.15.  cf.  l.i;  2K.4.38,42;  Rev.6.6). 
"Spelt"  (R.V.  ;  rye,  fitches,  A.V.)  was  also 
used  both  in  Egypt  (Ex.9.32)  and  Palestine 
(iK.19.6;  Is. 28. 25  ;  Ezk.4.9).  Occasionally 
the  grains  above  mentioned  were  mixed,  and 
other  ingredients,  such  as  beans,  lentiles,  and 
millet,  were  added  (Ezk.4.9;  c/.  2Sam.i7.28) ; 
the  bread  so  produced  is  called  "  barley  cakes  " 
(Ezk.4.i2,  "as  barley  cakes,"  A.V.),  barley 
being  the  main  ingredient.  The  baking  was 
done  in  primitive  times  by  the  mistress  of 
the  house  (Gen. 18. 6)  or  one  of  the  daughters 
(2Sam.l3.8) :  female  servants  were,  however, 
employed  in  large  households  (iSam.8.13). 
Baking  as  a  profession  was  carried  on  by  men 
(Ho.7.4,6).  In  Jerusalem  the  bakers  congre- 
gated in  one  quarter  of  the  town,  as  we  may 
infer  from  the  names  "  bakers'  street  " 
(Je.37.21),  and  "tower  of  the  ovens  " 
(Ne.3.11,12.38;  furnaces,  A.V.).  The  bread 
taken  by  persons  on  a  journey  (Gen. 45. 23  ; 
Jos. 9. 12)  was  usually  unleavened  bread.  In 
the  process  of  making  bread  the  flour  was  first 
mixed  with  water,  then  kneaded  with  the  hands 
(in  Egypt  with  the  feet  also)  in  a  small  wooden 


i:(;yptians  knkauing  ihk  dough  with  thiuk  i-i:Kr. 

bowl  or  "  kneading-trough  "  until  it  became 
dough  (Ex. 12. 34, 39;  2Sam.l3.8;  Je.7.i8;  Ho. 
7.4).  When  the  kneading  was  completed, 
leaven  was  generally  added  [Leaven]  ;  but 
when  the  time  for  preparation  was  short,  it  was 
omitted,  and  unleavened  cakes,  hastily  baked, 
were  eaten,  as  is  still  the  custom  among  the 
Bedouin  (Gen. 18. 6, 19-3  ;  Ex.i2.39  ;  Judg.6. 
19  ;  iSam.28.24).  The  leavened  mass  was 
allowed  to  stand  for  some  time  (Mt.i3.33  J 
Lu.l3.2i).  The  dough  was  then  divided  into 
round  cakes  (Judg.7.13),  not  unlike  flat  stones 
in  appearance  (Mt.7.9;  cf.  4.3),  about  a  span 
in  diameter  and  a  finger's  breadth  in  thickness. 
The  cakes  were  sometimes  punctured,  and 
hence  called  halld  (Ex. 29. 2, 23  ;  Lev. 2. 4,8. 
26,24.5;  Num. 15. 20  ;  2Sam.6.i9),  and  dipped 
in  oil.  Sometimes  they  were  rolled  out  into 
wafers  (Ex. 29. 2, 23  ;  Lev. 2.4  ;  Nuin.6.15-19), 
and  merely  coated  with  oil.  The  cakes  were 
now  taken  to  the  oven,  having  been  first, 
according  to  the  practice  in  Egypt,  gathered 
into  baskets  (Gen. 40. 16,  cf.  R.V.)  which  were 
placed  f)n  a  tray  and  carried  on  the  baker's 
head.  In  the  towns,  where  professional  bakers 
resided,  there  were  no  doubt  fixed  ovens  ; 
but  more  usually  each  household  possessed 
a  portable  oven  (tanniir),  consisting  of  a  stone 


BREAD 

or  metal  jar  about  3  ft.  high,  which  was 
heated  inwardly  with  wood  (iK.17.i2  ;  Is. 
44.15  ;  Je.7.18)  or  dried  grass  and  flower- 
stalks  (Mt.6.30).     Other  modes  of  baking  were 


AN   EGVPTIAN  CARRYING  CAKUS  TO    THE   OVEN. 
(Wilkinson.) 

specially  adapted  to  the  migratory  habits  of 
the  pastoral  Hebrews,  as  of  the  modern 
Bedouin  Arabs  ;  the  cakes  were  either  spread 
upon  heated  stones,  or  they  were  thrown  into 
the  heated  embers  of  the  fire  itself,  or  they 
were  roasted  on  a  fire  of  cakes  of  dried 
dung,  which  is  specially  suitable  as  it  burns 
slowly  (Ezk.4.12,15).  The  cakes  required  to 
be  carefully  turned  during  the  process  (Ho. 7. 
8).  Other  methods  were  used  for  other  kinds 
of  bread  :    some   were  baked   on    a    pan   and 


AN   hAbll.KN   u\  l.N  (Ml.S.jO). 


appear  to  have  been  chiefly  used  as  sacred 
offerings  (Lev. 2. 5. 8. 15.7.9  ;  iChr.23.29)-  A 
similar  cooking  utensil  was  used  by  Tamar 
(2Sam.l3.9).  A  different  kind  of  bread, 
probably  resembling  the  fa(ireli  of  the  Bedouin 
.Arabs,  a  pasty  substance,  was  prepared  in  a 
saucepan  (frying-pan,  .\.V.)  ;  this  was  also 
reserved  for  sacred  offerings  (Lev. 2.7,7. 9). 


PLATE    VI 


I' 


EGYPTIAN   BRICKS.     (JJrit.  .Mu;. 


'-.P». 


m--"^' 


p.  ii6] 


,^' 


'^:-ir'. 


BABYLONIAN   BRICK, 
Inscribed  with  titles  of  Nebuchadnezzar  II.  (604-561  b.c. 


BREAST-PLATE 

Bpeast-plate.  [Arms  ;  Ephod.] 
Breeches  (Ex.28.42,  etc.).  The  descrip- 
tion of  Josephus  (3  Ant.  vii.  i)  doubtless  ap- 
plies to  the  garment  mentioned  in  the  Bible  : 
"  He  [the  priest]  puts  on  that  which  is  called 
Machanase  [Heb.  mikhn''se],  which  means 
somewhat  that  ties  fast,  it  is  a  girdle  com- 
posed of  fine  twined  linen,  and  is  put  about 
the  privy  parts,  the  feet  being  to  be  inserted 
i.ito  them  in  the  nature  of  breeches,  but  above 
half  of  it  is  cut  off,  and  it  ends  at  the  thighs, 
and  is  there  tied  fast."  [vv.o.e.o.] 

Bpethren  of  Jesus.  [James.] 
Brick.  The  earliest  mention  of  brick  in 
O.T.  is  in  Gen. 11. 3,  where  it  is  stated  that  at 
the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel  they  had 
brick  for  stone  and  bitumen  for  morter. 
Herodotus  (i.  179),  describing  the  mode  of 
building  the  walls  of  Babylon,  says  that  the 
clay  dug  out  of  the  ditch  was  made  into  bricks 
as  soon  as  it  was  carried  up,  and  burnt  in  kilns. 
The  bricks  were  cemented  with  hot  bitumen, 
and  at  every  thirtieth  row  layers  of  reeds  were 
inserted.  This  account  agrees  with  the  de- 
scriptions of  what  was  actually  found  by  the 


BROTHER  117 

intervals  to  act  as  binders.  A  brick  pyramid 
is  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (ii.  136)  as  the  work 
of  king  Asychis.  The  Hebrews  practised  brick- 
making  in  Egypt,  and  the  brick-kiln  was  com- 
mon in  David's  time  (2Sam.i2.31).  A  com- 
plaint is  made  by  Isaiah  that  the  people  built 
altars  of  brick  instead  of  unhewn  stone  as  the 
law  directed  (Is.65. 3  ;  Ex.2O.25'. 

Bpide,  BpidegTPOom.  [Marriage; 
Family,  D,  II.] 

Bpidge.  This  word  occurs  only  in  a  late 
work  (2Mac.i2.13),  and  even  in  this  case  either 
refers  to  a  bridge  from  a  siege  tower  or  to  a 
bridge  of  boats  used  against  the  city  Caspis. 
The  oldest  known  bridge  in  Palestine  was  the 
arched  causeway  from  the  upper  city  to  the 
temple,  destroyed  by  Pompey  in  65  b.c,  and 
rebuilt  by  Herod  the  Great.  The  arch  stones 
of  the  latter  lie  on  a  pavement,  underneath 
which  one  voussoir  of  the  older  bridge  was 
discovered  by  Sir  C.  Warren.  [c.r.c] 

Bpiep.     [Thorns.] 

Bpig'andine.     [Arms,  Defensive,  (2).] 

Bpimstone,  formerly  the  common  name 
for  sulphur.     The  Heb.  word  {gophrith)  is  con- 


FOREIGN  CAPTIVES  EMPLOYED  IN  MAKING  BRICKS  AT  THEBES.     (Wilkinson 


explorers.  Babylonian  bricks  were  either 
kiln -burnt  or  sun-dried  like  the  Egyptian.  They 
are  usually  from  12  to  13  in.  square,  and  35  in. 
thick,  and  most  of  them  bear  the  name,  in- 
scribed in  cuneiform  character,  of  the  king  who 
caused  the  structure  to  be  erected.  They 
thus  resemble  excessively  thick  tiles  (Ezk.4.i). 
They  were  sometimes  glazed  and  enamelled  on 
one  side  with  patterns  of  various  colours,  which, 
when  built  into  a  wall,  produced  those  mural 
decorations  for  which  the  Babylonians  and  also 
the  Persians  were  noted.  As  brick-stamps  of 
the  time  of  Sargon  of  Agade  exist,  it  is  certain 
that  brick-making  is  an  exceedingly  ancient 
art,  going  back  perhaps  to  4,000  b.c  or  even 
earlier.  The  Israelites,  in  common  with  other 
captives,  were  employed  by  the  Eg\'ptian 
monarchs  in  making  bricks  and  in  building 
(Ex. 1.14, 5. 7).  Egyptian  bricks  were  not 
generally  dried  in  kilns,  but  in  the  sun,  and 
even  without  straw  are  as  firm  as  when  first  put 
up  in  the  reigns  of  the  Pharaohs  whose  names 
they  bear.  When  made  of  the  Nile  mud,  they 
required  straw  to  prevent  cracking  ;  and  crude 
brick  walls  had  frequently  the  additional 
security  of  a  layer  of  reeds  and  sticks,  placed  at 


nected  with  gopher,  "gopher-wood,"  A.V.,  Gen. 
6.14,  and  probably  signified  first  the  gum  or 
resin  that  exuded  from  that  tree,  and  was  hence 
transferred  to  all  inflammable  substances,  espe- 
cially to  sulphur,  which  is  found  impregnating 
springs  on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea  (Gen. 
19.24).     [Gopher-wood. ] 

Bpook  (Heb.  y'or  and  'dphtq).  [River.] 
Bpothep.  The  Heb.  and  E.V.  use  this 
term  also  of  any  kinsmen  or  member  of  the 
same  clan  [Family  (a)],  or  tribe,  or  people  ;  or 
of  kindred  peoples,  e.g.  Num.  20. 14  ;  of  cove- 
nant brothers  or  allies  f2Sam.l.26  ;  Ara.l.9),  or 
royal  brother  (1K.9.13,  etc.)  ;  as  salutation  of 
strangers    (Gen. 29.4).  [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.,  besides  the  literal  sense,  one  of  the 
same  nation  (Mt.5.47  ;  Ac. 2.29,3. 17,22, 7.2, 23, 
etc.).  A  kinsman — e.g.,  according  to  some,  the 
brethren  of  Jesus  (Mt.i2.46ff., 13. 55  ;  Jn.7.3  ; 
.\c.l.i4).  One  of  the  same  order,  an  equal 
(Mt.23.8  ;  Rev.6.11, 19.10,22.9).  A  disciple, 
follower,  beloved  as  a  brother  (Mt. 12.50,25. 
40;  Heb.2.ii,i2).  One  of  the  same  faith 
(Ac.9.30,10.23,11.29  ;  Ro.8.29  ;  iCor.5.11  ; 
Eph.6.23  ;  Ph.1.14  ;  iTim.6.2  ;  Rev.l.9).  A 
colleague   (iCor.l.i ;   zCor.l. 1,2.13,   etc.).    In 


118 


BTTBASTIS 


direct  address,  one  beluved  as  a  brother  (Ac.6. 
3  ;  iTh.5.1  ;  C.al.4.12,28  ;  etc.).  [h.h.] 

Bubastis.     [Pibeseth.] 

Buckler.     [Arms.] 

Building-.     [Handicrafts,  (3).] 

Bukki . — 1.  Son  of  Abishua  and  father  of 
Uzzi,  fifth  from  Aaron  in  the  line  of  the  high- 
priests  (iChr.6.5,51).  In  iEsd.8.2,  Boccas, 
corrupted  to  Borith  in  aEsd.t.a.  Whether 
Bukki  ever  filled  the  office  of  high-priest  we 
are  not  informed  in  Scripture.  Josephus  (8 
Ant.  i.  3)  mentions  him  as  the  first  of  those  who 
lived  a  private  life,  while  the  sacerdotal  dignity 
was  in  the  house  of  Ithamar. — 2.  Son  of  Jogli, 
prince  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  one  of  the  ten  men 
cht)sen  to  apportion  the  land  of  Canaan  be- 
tween the  tribes  (Num. 34.22). 

Bukkiah',  a  Levite-musician  in  the  temple, 
one  of  the  sons  of  Heman  (iChr.25.4,13). 

Bui.     [Months.] 

Bull,  Bullock.     [Cattle.] 

Bull,  Wild  (Heb.  to  or  Z-'o).  In  Deut.14.5 
the  Heb.  is  rendered  "  wild  ox,"  while  in 
Is. 51. 20  we  read,  "  They  lie  at  the  head  of 
all  the  streets,  as  a  wild  bull  [to]  in  a  net." 
Were  it  not  the  opinion  that  the  wild  ox,  or 
aurochs,  is  indicated  by  the  word  r^'em 
[Unicorn],  that  animal  might  stand  for  to. 
As  it  is,  there  is  no  possibility  of  any  satis- 
factory identification.  Tristram  was,  indeed, 
of  opinion  that  the  white  or  sabre-horned 
oryx  [Oryx  leucoryx,  or  O.  algazal)  is  the  animal 
denoted  by  to  ;  but,  in  spite  of  his  statement 
that  he  had  seen  it  in  the  desert  and  noted 
its  horns  in  the  bazaar  at  Damascus,  the  species 
apparently  does  not  occur  anywhere  out  of  N. 
Africa.  The  horns  seen  by  him  doubtless 
belonged  to  the  rather  smaller  Beatrix  oryx 
(Oryx  beatrix)  of  Arabia  and  the  deserts  near 
Baghdad.  It  is  a  white  animal  with  brown 
patches  on  the  face,  brown  legs,  and  long, 
cylindrical,  slightly  curved  black  horns.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  bison  or  buffalo  ever  oc- 
curred wild  in  Syria.  [r.l.] 

Bulrush.     [Reed.] 

Bunah',  son  of  Jerahineel  of  the  family  of 
Judah  (iChr.2.25). 

Bunnl'. — 1.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of 
Nehemiah  (Ne.9.4)  ;  possibly  the  same  as 
the  Bunni  in  10. 15. — 2.  Another  Levite  of 
earlier  date  than  i  (Ne.ll.15). 

Bupial.  Customs.  The  first  act  in  refer- 
ence to  the  departed  was  the  closing  of  the 
eyes  (Gen. 46. 4).  It  is  probable  that  the  dead 
were,  in  early  times,  buried  in  the  clothes  they 
wore  when  living  (cf.  1Sam.28.14;  I'>.14.i9  ; 
Ezk. 32.27) ;  recent  Palestinian  research  con- 
firms this.  "  Grave  cloths  "  belong  to  a  later 
time  (Jn. 11. 44, 20. 5,7).  Objects  of  various 
description  were  placed  in  tombs  ;  sucli  were, 
vessels  with  food  which  was  believed  to  be 
required  after  death  ;  objects  which  the  de- 
parted had  been  accustomed  to  use  when 
living,  e.g.  swords  for  warriors,  trinkets  for 
women,  etc.,  the  idea  being  that  these  would 
comfort  their  possessors  ;  amulets,  designed 
as  safeguards  against  evil  spirits,  who  were 
believed  to  be  specially  active  near  dead 
bodies.  In  each  of  these  cases  corroboration 
is  afforded  by  reient  excavations  in  Palestine. 
The  underlying  idea  regarding  the  above  was 
that  no  separation  between  soul  and  body 


BURIAL 

took  place  until  long  after  death.  In  the  case 
of  kings,  and  possibly  also  those  in  high  estate 
generally,  incense  was  burned  in  the  presence 
of  the  body  (2Chr.l6. 14,21. 19  ;  Je.34.5);  this 
was  perhaps  a  remnant  of  ancestor-worship. 
In  early  Israel  embalming  was  not  practised 
(it  is  an  Egyptian  custom  that  is  referred  to  in 
Gen. 50. 2, 26)  ;  in  later  times  it  was  in  vogue 
among  those  who  could  afford  it  (cf.  Jn.i9.39, 
40).  The  burning  of  dead  bodies  was  reserved 
for  especially  wicked  criminals  (Lev. 20. 14; 
Jos.7.25),  it  being  regarded  as  a  terrible  aggra- 
vation of  the  death-sentence  already  inflicted. 
Very  awful,  too,  was  the  thought  of  being 
buried  outside  one's  native  country,  i.e.  in  an 
"unclean"  land  (Am. 7. 17) ;  scarcely  less  ab- 
horrent was  the  idea  of  non-burial  (iK.14.ii, 
16.4,21.24;  2K.9.10;  Je. 7.33,8. 2,  etc.),  this 
was  on  account  of  the  belief  that  the  spirit 
of  an  unburied  body  wandered  about,  a  theory 
which  entailed  a  twofold  evil,  for  not  only 
was  it  a  cruel  hardship  to  the  departed,  since 
he  could  not  rest,  but  also  it  constituted  a 
grave  danger  to  the  living,  because  of  the  harm 
to  be  apprehended  from  a  wandering  spirit 
who  would  resent  such  neglect.  The  corpse 
was  generally  buried  on  the  day  of  death,  or 
not  later  than  the  day  after  ;  the  hot  climate 
demanded  this  {cf.  Deut.2i.23  ;  J n. 11. 39),  as  it 
still  does  in  the  East.  The  use  of  any  form  of 
coffin  was  unknown  in  early  Israel  (cf.  2K.I3. 
21 ;  see  supra  as  regards  that  in  Gen. 50. 26) ;  the 
body  was  carried  to  burial  on  a  bier  (tnittd, 
2Sam.3.3i,  cf.  Lu.7.14),  as  at  the  present  day  in 
the  East. — The  Place  of  Burial.  In  pre-Exilic 
as  well  as  in  later  times  it  was  a  matter  of  su- 
preme importance  that  the  departed  should  rest 
in  the  family  tomb  ;  hence  the  oft-recurring 
expressions,  "going to  his  fathers,"  "gathered 
to  his  fathers,  or  people,"  "  sleeping  with  his 
fathers"  (Gen. 15. 15, 47, 30  ;  2Sam.l7.23,21.i4  ; 
iK. 14.31,15.8,  etc.);  the  belief  was  that  the 
spirits  of  the  fathers  were  present  in  or  about 
the  tomb,  and  that  the  dead  man  joined  their 
company  if  buried  in  the  same  tomb.  The 
tomb  was  usually  constructed  in  the  plot  of 
land  belonging  to  the  family  (cf.  Gen.23.4ff. ; 
iSam.28.3),  most  likely  in  close  proximity  to 
the  house — at  all  events  in  early  times ; 
Naboth's  refusal  to  part  with  his  land  (iK.21. 
3)  was  mainly  due  to  the  belief  just  mentioned. 
Recent  excavations  on  the  site  of  ancient  Gezer 
have  shown  that  in  some  cases  people  were 
buried  in  their  houses  ;  thus  iSam.25.i  is 
evidently  to  be  taken  in  a  literal  sense.  This 
is  further  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the  kings 
of  Judah,  uji  to  the  time  of  .-Miaz,  were  buried 
in  the  city  of  David  ;  from  the  death  of  Manas* 
sell  onwards  they  were  buried  in  the  garden 
of  Uzza,  which  was  close  to  the  king's  palace 
(2 K. 21. 18).  —  Structure  of  Tombs.  Natural 
caves,  which  exist  in  great  quantities  in  Pales- 
tine, were  utilized  for  the  purposes  of  burial ; 
tombs  hewn  out  of  the  rock  were,  however, 
also  abundantly  constructed.  Examples  of 
both  have  been  discovered  within  quite  recent 
years  ;  these  have  proved  that,  besides  the 
tombs  which  were  cut  out  of  the  face  of  the 
rock,  it  was  also  the  custom  to  make  caves  for 
burial  purposes  under  the  surface  of  the 
ground  ;  the  still  \isil)le  marks  of  the  tools 
used  iu  chiselling  out  the  rock,  or  in  digging 


BURNT-OFFERINa 

out  such  caves,  prove  that  these  were  curtifici- 
ally  constructed  in  some  cases,  even  in  the 
very  earliest  times.  These  tombs  were  closed 
with  large  stones — in  one  case  the  stone  was 
found  in  situ  over  a  burial  cave  constructed 
underground — with  the  object,  primarily,  of 
keeping  out  the  wild  animals  with  which 
Palestine  abounded  in  days  gone  by.  The 
O.T.  gives  us  few,  if  any,  details  as  to  the 
construction  of  tombs,  but  the  Gospels,  and 
more  especially  archaeological  research,  enable 
us  to  form  accurate  ideas  on  this  subject.  As 
far  as  the  Hebrews  were  concerned,  they 
were  entirely  lacking  in  originality  in  this 
respect  ;  the  term  architecture  cannot  be  ap- 
plied to  their  sepulchres  any  more  than  to 
their  buildings  generally  ;  wherever  signs  of 
architecture,  in  the  real  sense  of  the  word, 
appear,  it  is  always  due  to  foreign  influence. 
[Temple.]  Thus  in  every  casein  which  tombs 
in  Palestine  partake  of  an  ornate  character, 
it  is  owing  to  external,  mostly  Greek,  in- 
fluence ;  the  very  conception  of  a  tomb  hewn 
out  of  the  face  of  the  rock  (as  distinct  from 
subterranean  tombs)  is  Phoenician,  while  the 
highly  ornamental  facades  of  these — such  as 
those  of  the  so-called  tombs  of  the  judges  and 
tombs  of  the  kings,  as  well  as  the  built  tombs 
in  the  Kidron  Valley — all  show  the  marks  of 
Greek  influence  ;  even  the  really  ancient 
"  monolith  of  Siloa  "  shows  distinct  Egyptian 
design.  Generally  speaking,  tombs  were  con- 
structed in  the  following  ways  :  (i)They  were 
dug  or  hewn  out  of  the  ground  (c/.  Jn.ll.38). 
In  these  large  numbers  of  bodies  were  some- 
times deposited ;  indeed,  one  of  the  burial 
caves  of  this  kind  excavated  on  the  site  of 
Gezer  would  seem  to  have  been  a  public  place 
of  burial.  (2)  They  were  cut  into  the  face  of 
the  rock  (cf.  Lu.23.53).  These  usually  con- 
tained 8  bodies  placed  in  loculi,  3  on  either 
side  and  2  opposite  the  entrance  ;  sometimes, 
however,  a  considerably  larger  number  of  loculi 
are  found.  (3)  They  were  built  above  the 
ground.  These  are  practically  all  of,  compara- 
tively speaking,  late  date,  and  they  were  of 
an  exceptional  character,  as  they  belonged 
only  to  the  rich.  Cemeteries,  in  the  more 
modern  sense  of  the  term,  belong  to  later  times  ; 
they  were  always,  unlike  older  tombs,  outside 
the  city.     [Tomb.]  [w.o.e.o.] 

Bupnt-ofTeping-.  [Sacrifice,  esp.  3,  ii. 
b,  V.  b  ;  Crimes.] 

Bush.  The  Heb.  word  s''nS  occurs  only  in 
passages  which  refer  to  Jehovah's  appearance 
to  Moses  "  in  the  flame  of  fire  in  the  bush  "  (Ex. 
3.2,3,4  ;  Deut.33.i6).  The  Gk.  word  is  pdros 
both  in  the  LXX.  and  in  N.T.  (Lu.2O.37  ;  Ac. 
7.35  ;  see  also  Lu.6.44,  where  A.V.  correctly 
renders  it  "  bramble  bush  ").  Celsius  (Hierob. 
ii.  58)  a.xg\ied.mi3iV0\\T oithe Ruhus vulgaris, i.fi. 
R.  fruticosus,  the  bramble  or  blackberry  bush, 
representing  the  s'7ie,  and  traces,  but  without 
justification,  the  etymology  of  Mt.  "  Sinai  " 
to  this  name.  Sprengel  identified  the  s'ne 
with  what  he  terms  the  Rubus  sanctus,  and  says 
it  grows  abundantly  near  Sinai.  It  is  quite 
impossible  to  say  what  kind  of  thorn  bush  is 
intended  by  s''ne  ;  but  Sinai  is  almost  beyond 
the  range  of  the  genus  Rubus.     [Thorns.] 

Bushel.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Butchep,     As  among  the  Bedawin  Arabs 


BUZ 


119 


and  Fellah  in  of  the  present  time,  the  slaughter- 
ing of  animals  for  food  was  usually  (for  an 
exception,  see  iSain.28.24)  done  by  a  male 
member  of  the  household,  and  for  sacrifices  by 
the  offerer  (Lev.l. 5, 1 1,3.2,4.29,  etc.).  That  all 
slaughtering  was  not  connected,  as  has  been 
alleged,  with  sacrifice  is  clear  from  Joseph's 
employing  "  the  steward  of  the  house  "  in 
Egypt  (presumably  a  non-Israehte)  to  "  slay  " 
in  preparation  for  his  feast  to  his  brethren 
(Gen. 43. 16),  and  from  the  fact  that  Gideon  first 
slew  a  kid  and  afterwards,  at  the  command  of 
the  angel,  offered  the  same  kid  as  a  sacrifice 
(Judg.B.igff.),  thus  involving,  as  Wiener  points 
out  [Btbliotheca  Sacra,  Jan.  1908,  p.  115),  the 
offering  of  the  same  sacrifice  twice  to  God  if 
the  slaying  had  been  in  itself  a  sacrificial  act. 
For  other  evidences  of  non-sacrificial  slaughter 
see  Ex.22. 1  (a  stolen  ox),  iSam.25.ii  (Nabal's 
refusal  of  hospitahty),  28.24  (witch  of  Endor). 
Later  Jewish  custom  has  made  all  slaughtering 
a  sacred  act,  though  not  necessarily  "  a  sacri- 
fice," and  therefore  only  to  be  undertaken  by  a 
specially  selected  "  Slaughtering  Board  "  (the 
Shehitd),  a  practice  which  may  have  arisen 
soon  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple.  To 
fulfil  what  are  supposed  to  be  the  legal  require- 
ments, the  practice  of  Jewish  butchers  in  the 
present  day  is  to  exercise  great  care  that  the 
throat  of  every  animal  killed  for  food  is  cut  ; 
the  pharynx,  oesophagus,  and  main  blood- 
vessels (carotids  and  jugulars)  must  be  at  least 
partially  severed,  and  minute  ritual  directions 
are  laid  down — e.g.  the  knife  must  be  drawn 
across  the  throat  without  any  pause,  without 
any  pressure  save  its  own  weight,  etc.,  etc.  In 
the  case  of  birds  it  is  sufficient  that  either  wind- 
pipe or  gullet  is  severed.  The  animal  being 
killed  and  allowed  to  bleed  thoroughly,  it  is 
then,  provided  all  the  ritual  directions  alluded 
to  above  have  been  complied  with,  fit  for  sale. 
But  it  is  not  yet  "  kosher" — i.e.  "right"  for 
food.  The  housewife  or  cook  must  further 
prepare  it  by  soaking  it  for  a  considerable  time 
in  water,  allowing  it  to  drain,  plentifully  sprink- 
ling it  with  salt  and  then  washing  the  salt  off 
in  more  water.  It  is  then  considered  to  be 
thoroughly  cleansed  from  blood,  and  may  be 
cooked  and  eaten.     See  also  Thigh. 

Butlep.  More  correctly  "  cup-bearer," 
i.e.  one  who  gives  drink,  as  the  Heb.  root 
implies  (Gen. 40. i  ;  see  Ne.l.ii).     [w.o.e.o.] 

Buttep  (Heb.  hem'd,  "  curdled "  milk  ; 
Geu.18.8  ;  Deut.32.i4  ;  Judg.5.25  ;  Job  20.i7). 
In  one  instance  a  curd  cheese  seems  to  be 
intended  (Pr.3O.33).  It  is  twice  noticed  with 
honey  (2Sam.i7.29 ;  Is.7.15,22).  The  drink 
offered  by  Jael  (Judg.5.25)  was  no  doubt,  as 
Josephus  supposes  (5  Ant.  v.  4),  the  sour  clotted 
milk,  now  called  leben,  which  is  offered  to 
guests  by  nomad  Arabs.  It  has  a  remarkably 
soporific  effect,  especially  upon  a  tired  man. 
It  was  presented  in  a  "  bowl  of  princes," 
or  perhaps  more  probably,  a  "  shepherd's 
bowl."  Butter  (zibdeh)  of  a  very  soft  kind  is 
made  in  springtime  by  the  Arabs :  the  women 
churn  it  in  goatskin  bags  swung  from  poles ; 
but  this  is  not  very  generally  used.       [c.r.c.] 

Buz. — 1.  The  second  son  of  Nahor  and 
Milcah,  and  nephew  of  Abraham  (Gen.22.2i). 
— 2.  A  name  occurring  in  the  genealogies  of 
the  tribe  of  Gad  (iChr. 5. 14). 


120 


BTJZI 


Buzi',   father  of  Ezekiel   (Ezk.l.3). 

Buzite.  Barachel,  the  father  of  Elihu,  is 
called  the  Buzite  of  the  kindred  of  Ram — i.e. 
Aram  (Job  32. 2, 6) — and  was  therefore  probably 
a  descendant  of  Buz,  whose  family  seems  to 
have  settled  in  Arabia  Petraea  (Je.25.23).  An 
alternative  suggestion,  rejecting  the  emen- 
dation of  Aram  for  Ram,  is  that  Barachel  was 
a  descendant  of  Ram  (Ru.4.19)  and  only  a 
dweller  with  the  Buzite. 

Byssus.     [Linen.] 


Cab.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 
Cabbon',   a  town  in  the  low  country  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15. 40). 

Cabul',  a  place  named  as  one  of  the  land- 
marks on  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Jos. 19. 27, 
where  we  should  read  "  goeth  out  N.  of  Cabul," 
which  lay  in  Zebulun).  It  was  included  among 
23  cities  of  Galilee  (1K.9.11-14)  given  by 
Solomon  to  Hiram  of  Tyre.  Now  Kabul,  a 
village  9  miles  E.  of  Accho,  which  latter  was  a 
Phoenician  city.  [c.r.c] 

Caddis'.     [Joannan.] 
Cades  (iMac.ll.63,73).     [Kedesh.] 
Ca'des-bap'ne      (Jth.5.14).       [Kadesh- 

BARNEA.] 

Cad'miel  (iEsd.5. 26,58)  =  Kadmiel. 

Cae'sap,  always  in  N.T.  the  Roman  em- 
peror reigning  at  the  time.  It  was  the  family 
name  of  C.  J  ulius  Caesar,  and  when  his  dynasty 
became  extinct,    was   assumed   by  successive 


emperors  as  a  title  for  themselves,  and  after- 
wards for  their  heirs.  Caesar  in  Mk.i2.14  and 
Jn.l9.i2  is  Tiberius;  in  Ac. 25. 11, 21  and  Ph. 4. 22 
Nero.     [.\UGUSTUS.]  [e.r.b.] 

Caesape'a,  the  seaport  city  (now  Qaisd- 
rieh)  built  by  Herod  the  Great  (19  b.c.)  on  the 
site  of  the  old  "  Strato's  Tower  "  ;  where 
Philip  the  deacon  settled  and  made  converts 
(Ac. 8. 40, 21. 8, 16).  Hence  St.  Paul  embarked 
for  Tarsus  (9.30),  and  hence  Cornelius  the  cen- 
turion sent  for  St.  Peter  at  Joppa  (10. 1,24, II. 
11).  It  was  the  seat  of  government  under 
Herodians  and  procurators  (12.19,25.1,4,6,13), 
and  the  centre  of  an  early  church  (18. 22).  It 
was  more  than  a  day's  journey  from  Jerusalem 
(23.23,33).  Herod  named  it  after  Augustus 
Caesar,  to  whom  he  erected  a  temple  with 
statues  of  Rome  and  of  Caesar.  He  made  an 
artificial  harbour,  with  a  mole,  a  theatre,  and 
on  the  S.  an  amphitheatre  ;  these  works 
occupied  10  or  12  years  till  9  b.c  (15  Ant.  ix. 
6;  16  Ant.  V.  1).  The  chief  tower  on  the  walls 
was  called  after  Drusus,  Caesar's  son-in-law 
(I  Wars  xxi.  5-8).     This  city,  which  remained 


CAESAR'S  HOUSEHOLD 

a  fortress  till  Bibars  destroyed  it  (in  1265  a.d.), 
is  now  a  ruin,  with  a  few  cottages  of  Bosnian 
exiles.  The  walls  of  the  Roman  town  included 
a  space  1,600  yds.  N.  and  S.  by  900  E.  and  W. 
(300  acres).  The  harbour  is  much  smaller  than 
Josephus  supposed,  measuring  180  yds.  N.  and 
S.  across  the  entrance,  the  S.  reef  and  mole 
being  160  yds.  long.  The  remains  include  a 
theatre  (covered  with  earth  and  sand)  on  the 
S.  ;  foundations  of  a  temple,  over  which  a  12th 
cent,  cathedral  was  built,  the  walls  of  which 
remain  ;  a  hippodrome  onE.  (1,056  by  264  ft.), 
with  remains  of  a  large  granite  goal-post  ;  and 
2  aqueducts,  the  low  level  from  the  Croco- 
dile River  3  miles  N.,  and  the  high  level  from 
springs  6  miles  N.  The  mediaeval  walls  were 
built  in  1218,  and  restored  by  St.  Louis  in  1251 
A.D.  They  enclose  an  area  600  yds.  N.  and 
S.  by  250  yds.  E.  and  W.  (30  acres)  close  to 
the  port.  Caesarea  lay  within  Samaria,  and 
was  reckoned  as  outside  the  Holy  Land.  It 
had  a  Samaritan  population  until  12th  cent. 
A.D.,  mingled  with  Jewish  traders.  It  was  the 
see  of  a  bishop,  and  afterwards  of  a  patriarch 
(Snrv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  13-29).  [c.r.c] 

Caesape'a  Philip'pi,  the  city  whence 
our  Lord  ascended  a  "  high  mountain  "  (Mt.l6. 
13,17.1  ;  Mk.8.27,9.2),  which  was  no  doubt 
Hermon.  This  city,  originally  Paneas,  and 
called  Caesarea  by  Herod  Philip  (Josephus, 
i?>  Ant.  ii.  i),  was  at  the  "  fountains  of  Jordan." 
Herod  the  Great  had  already  built  a  temple 
of  white  stone,  called  Panion,  near  the  cave 
whence  the  river  springs  (15  Ant.  x.  3)  ;  the 
name  Paneas  applied  to  the  district  also 
(2  Wars  ix.  i).  The  city  lay  on  the  E.  border 
of  the  Holy  Land  (Tal.  Jer.  Shebiith  vi.  i). 
The  cave  has  now  partly  fallen  in,  and  the 
great  stream,  swelled  by  the  Hermon  snows, 
rushes  out  from  under  a  cliff,  and  dashes  be- 
tween poplars  and  bushes  to  the  village  of 
Bdnids  hard  by — a  place  with  mediaeval  walls, 
but  now  only  holding  350  Moslem  inhabitants. 
The  great  fortress  on  the  hill  to  E.  was  built 
about  1130  A.D.  At  the  source  of  the  Jordan 
the  cliff  is  carved  with  three  niches  for  small 
statues,  one  inscribed  to  "  Pan  and  the 
nymphs,"  in  Gk.  :  another  to  "  the  goddess  "  ; 
a  third  Gk.  text  in  honour  of  the  emperors 
was  carved  by  Valerius  Titiaiuis.  "  priest  of  the 
god  Pan  "  ;  and  a  fourth  by  Agrippa,  son  of 
Marcus,  "  archon "  in  the  year  222  a.d. 
(Waddington,  Nos.  1891-1894).  [c.r.c] 

Caesap's  household  (Ph. 4.22,  oi  e'/c  t^j 
Katcrapos  oiKiai,  qui  df  Cacsaris  domo  sunt). 
Members  of  Caesar's  household  send  saluta- 
tions to  the  church  at  Philippi.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  these  must  have  been  persons  of 
high  importance,  or  even  members  of  the  royal 
family.  .At  the  end  of  the  ist  cent.  Flavins 
Clemens  and  his  wife  Pomitilla,  cousin  of  the 
emperor  Domitian,  were  charged  with  "  athe- 
ism," by  which  was  meant  Christianity.  But 
the  members  of  Caesar's  household  referred  to 
in  Philippians  were  probably  slaves  or  freed- 
men.  The  domus  or  faniilia  Cacsaris  included 
a  very  large  number  of  people.  Lightfoot 
gives  a  list  of  thevaritnis  offices  in  the  imperial 
househ<ild.  There  are  extant  a  great  many  in- 
scriptions from  the  columbaria  where  members 
of  Caesar's  household  were  buried.  Many  are 
of  the  reign  of  Nero,  and  several  of  the  names 


CAGE 


CALAH 


121 


are  identical  with  Christians  to  whom  St.  Paul 
sends  salutations  in  Ro.16,  e.g.  household  of 
Narcissus,  Tryphena,  Tryphosa,  Philologus, 
Julia,  etc.  It  has  also  been  supposed  that 
the  words,  "  My  bonds  in  Christ  are  manifest 
in  all  the  palace"  (Ph.l.13,  A.V.),  mean  that 
converts  were  made  in  the  imperial  house- 
hold. But  the  words  r^J  irpaiToipiifi,  refer  pro- 
bably to  the  Praetorian  Guard  (see  R.V.),  and 
not  to  the  camp  built  by  Tiberius  outside  the 
city  walls  or  the  barracks  on  the  Palatine.  The 
converts  would  then  be  soldiers  to  whom  St. 
Paul  had  been  chained,  or  their  companions. 
Cf.  Lightfoot,  P/?«7.  pp.  99-104,171-178.  [G.M.Y.] 

Cag^e.  In  Je.5.27  more  properly  a  trap  in 
which  decoy  birds  were  placed  (cf.  Ecclus.ll.30, 
KapTaWos).  [Hunting.]  In  Rev. 18. 2  (pvXaKrj 
means  rather  a  prison. 

Caiaphas,  surname  of  Joseph,  high-priest 
from  18  to  36  A.D.,  son-in-law  of  Annas. 
Under  the  lead  of  Caiaphas  the  Sadducees  ad- 
vanced to  the  position  thenceforth  held  by 
them  as  the  bitterest  enemies  of  Jesus,  and 
afterwards  of  the  Church  (Ac. 4. i, 5. 17).  The 
counsel  of  Caiaphas  that  Jesus  "  should  die  for 
the  people  "  is  noticed  by  St.  John  (11. 50)  as 
an  unconscious  prophecy.  Caiaphas  is  referred 
to  in  the  Lord's  words  to  Pilate,  "He  that 
delivered  Me  unto  thee  hath  the  greater  sin" 
(Jn.19.ir).  [e. R.B.I 

Cain.  The  eldest  son  of  Adam  and  Eve 
followed  the  business  of  agriculture  (Gen. 4. 
1,2).  In  a  fit  of  jealousy,  roused  by  the  rejec- 
tion of  his  own  sacrifice  and  the  acceptance  of 
Abel's,  he  murdered  his  brother,  for  which  he 
was  expelled  from  "  the  presence  of  the  Lord  " 
(Gen. 4. 16  ;  cf.  Heb.ll.4  ;  ijn.3.i2  ;  Ju.ii). 
He  settled  in  the  land  of  Nod,  and  built  a  city 
which  he  named  after  his  son  Enoch.  Ac- 
cording to  rabbinic  tradition,  he  was  killed 
accidentally  by  Lamech.  The  following  points 
deserve  notice  in  the  fragmentary  Biblical  nar- 
rative :  (i)  The  position  of  the  land  of  Nod, 
which  it  seems  vain  to  attempt  to  identify  with 
any  special  locality.  (2)  The  "  mark  set  upon 
Cain"  probably  means  that  Jehovah  gave  a 
sign  to  Cain,  very  much  as  signs  were  after- 
wards given  to  Noah  (Gen. 9. 13),  Moses  (Ex. 
3.2,12),  Elijah  (iK.19.li),  and  Hezekiah  (Is. 
88.7,8).  (3)  The  existence  of  a  considerable 
population  in  Cain's  time  (Gen. 4. 14).  (4)  The 
descendants  of  Cain  are  enumerated  to  the  sixth 
generation,  with  names  almost  identical  with 
those  of  the  Sethites,  and  the  connexion  be- 
tween them  and  men  of  a  later  day  seems  not 
to  have  been  broken  by  the  Deluge  (Gen. 4. 21, 
22).  (5)  The  social  condition  of  the  Cainites 
is  prominent  in  the  history  :  Cain  founded  the 
first  city  ;  Lamech  instituted  polygamy  ; 
Jabal  introduced  the  nomadic  life  ;  Jubal  in- 
vented musical  instruments  ;  Tubal-cain  was 
the  first  smith  ;  Lamech's  language  takes  the 
stately  tone  of  poetry  ;  and  even  the  names  of 
the  women,  Naamah  {pleasant),  Zillah  {shadow), 
Adah  {ornamental),  seem  to  bespeak  an  ad- 
vanced state  of  civilization.  But  along  with 
this  there  was  violence  and  godlessness  :  Cain 
and  Lamech  furnish  proof  of  the  former,  while 
Gen. 4. 26  implies  the  latter.  Ryle,  Early 
Chapters  of  Genesis. 

Cain  (R.V.  Kain  ;  Heb.  JipH  ;  Jos.i5.57),  a 


town  of  J  udah  in  the  Hebron  mountains.  Now 
Yuqin,  a  ruin  3  miles  S.E.  of  Hebron,  [c.r.c] 

Cainan'. — 1.  Son  of  Enos  and  father  of 
Mahalaleel  (Gen.5.9-14  ;  Lu.3.37,38).  The 
rabbinical  tradition  that  he  first  introduced 
idol-worship  and  astrology  was  by  the  Hel- 
lenists transferred  to  the  post-diluvian  Cainan. 
— 2.  Son  of  Arphaxad  and  father  of  Sala 
(Lu.3.35,36)  is  found  in  the  LXX.  in  the 
genealogy  of  Shem  (Gen. 10. 24, 11. 12,  and  i 
Chr.l.i8),  but  not  in  the  Heb.  nor  in  any 
version  made  from  the  Heb.  It  seems  certain 
that  his  name  was  introduced  into  the  gene- 
alogies of  the  Gk.  O.T.  to  bring  them  into  har- 
mony with  that  of  Christ  in  Lu.3,  where 
Cainan  was  found  in  the  time  of  Jerome. 
Probably  Cainan  was  not  inserted  by  St. 
Luke  himself,  but  added  afterwards,  either 
by  accident,  or  to  make  the  number  of 
generations  17,  or  for  some  other  cause  not 
now  known. 

Cakes.     [Bread.] 

Calah',  one  of  the  four  ancient  cities  of  As- 
syria, whose  foundation  is  ascribed  to  Asshur 
(Gen.lO.ii)or  toNimrod  (R.V. ).  Its  ruins  were 
discovered  by  Layard  beneath  the  mounds  of 
Nimrud  between  1845  and  1850,  and  lie  about 
20  miles  S.  of  Kouyunjik  (Nineveh),  on  a  tongue 
of  land  formed  by  the  Tigris  (W.)  and  the 
Greater  Zab  (E.).  Shalmaneser  I.  (c.  1300  e.g.) 
is  said  by  Assur-nasir-apli  to  have  been  the 
founder  of  the  city,  but  this  may  be  simply  in 
the  sense  that  Sargon  of  Assyria  founded  Dur- 
sarru-ukin — i.e.  by  choosing  as  his  residence 
a  site  already  existing.  Assur-nasir-apli  (885 
B.C.)  raised  at  Calah  the  extensive  and  magnifi- 
cent N.W.  palace,  in  the  halls  of  which  were 
fine  bas-reliefs  representing  the  king  engaged 
in  religious  ceremonies,  whilst  smaller  reliefs 
depicted  him  in  battle  and  chasing  the  lion  and 
the  wild  bull.  These  are  now  in  the  British 
Museum.  The  doorways  of  this  building 
were  decorated  with  finely  carved  winged 
human-headed  lions  and  bulls.  Shalmaneser 
II.,  his  son  (859  B.C.),  built  the  central  palace, 
where  the  celebrated  Black  Obelisk  was  found. 
This  was  also  the  palace  of  the  Biblical  Tiglath- 
pileser  (III.),  who  has  left  some  very  fine  sculp- 
tures with  valuable  historical  inscriptions. 
Sargon  (722  b.c.)  restored  the  N.W.  palace; 
and  Esar-haddon,  his  grandson  (681  B.C.),  built 
the  S.W.  palace  with  materials  taken  from  the 
central  palace,  Tiglath-pileser's  slabs  being 
sometimes  planed  off  to  receive  new  reliefs. 
The  temple-tower  of  Calah  is  exceedingly  in- 
teresting, as  it  has  in  the  basement  a  long 
vault,  which  suggests  that  it  was  originally  a 
tomb.  One  of  the  small  temples  on  the  site 
was  dedicated  to  Nebo,  and  the  other  to  Ninip 
or  Nirig.  There  was  also  a  shrine  to  Istar. 
Assur-etil-ilani,  son  of  Assur-bani-apli,  was  the 
last  king  to  reside  at  Calah.  The  city  itself 
was  defended  by  extensive  walls,  those  to  the 
S.  showing  traces  of  more  than  50  towers.  It 
is  thought  that  Calah  formed  one  of  the  sub- 
urbs which  went  to  make  up  the  great  city  of 
Nineveh,  the  enormous  size  of  which  is  referred 
to  in  the  book  of  Jonah,  and  also  by  Diodorus 
Siculus  and  others.  [Nineveh.]  Sayce  {Higher 
Crit.  and  Mon.  p.  170)  points  out  that  the  state- 
ment (Gen.lO.12)  that  Calah  is  "a  great  city" 
must  have  been  written  before  the  overthrow 


122 


CALAMOLALUS 


of  Assyria,  and  is  therefore  an  evidence  of  the 
early  date  of  this  chapter.  [t.g.p.J 

Calamo'lalus  {iEsd.5.22),  a  corrupt  place- 
name,  apparently  agglomerated  of  Lod  and 
Hadid  (cf.  Ezr.2.^3). 

Calamus.     [Reed.] 

Calcol',  a  man  of  Judah,  son  or  descendant 
of  Zerah  (iChr.2.6).  Possibly  =  Chalcol  (i 
K.4.31). 

Caldpon  (iSam.2.14  ;  2Chr.35.13  ;  Job 
41.20:    Mi.3.3).     [Pan;   Reed.] 

Caleb',  son  of  Jephunneh  (Num. 13. 6), 
called  son  (i.e.  descendant)  of  Kenaz  (Jos. 15. 
17;  Judg.3.9),  and  "son  of  Jephunneh  the 
Kenezite  "  (Jos.14.6;  iChr.4.15).  He  is 
first  mentioned  in  Num.13  as  representing 
Judah  among  the  twelve  spies  sent  by  Moses 
from  Kadesh-barnea.  He  brought  back  from 
Hebron  and  Eschol  a  good  account,  and  tried 
to  calm  the  people  who  had  been  frightened 
by  the  other  spies  (ver.  30).  Later,  with 
Joshua,  he  tried  to  persuade  them  to  advance, 
but  was  threatened  with  stoning  (14. 6-10). 
When  the  adult  Israelites  were  condemned 
to  die  in  the  wilderness,  Caleb  was  excepted 
(14.24,32.12)  ;  and  the  promise  that  he 
should  possess  the  land  his  feet  had  trodden 
was  made  (Deut.l.26).  When  85,  but  still 
strong  for  war,  he  reminded  Joshua  of  this 
(Jos. 15. 13-19),  took  Kirjath-arba  (Hebron) 
from  the  Anakim,  and  it  became  the  possession 
of  his  family.  Afterwards  he  marched  S.,  and 
offered  his  daughter  Achsah  to  any  one  who 
would  take  Kirjath-sepher.  Othniel  took  it. 
The  last  reference  to  Caleb  concerns  the  dowry 
given  to  his  daughter  (Judg.l.9-15).  As  regards 
the  spies,  some  critics  maintain  that  in  JE  and 
D,  Caleb  alone  is  faithful,  while  P  associates 
Joshua  with  him.  As  the  phrase  "  and  thee  " 
(Jos.14.6)  contradicts  this,  it  is  put  down  as  a 
harmonistic  gloss.  There  are  reasons  for  think- 
ing that  Caleb  was  not  a  Judaean  by  birth,  for 
the  Kenizzites  were  an  Edomite  tribe  (Gen. 36. 
42,  cf.  15.19)  ;  but  there  is  little  to  justify 
Moore's  guess  that  Caleb's  was  a  separate  in- 
vasion from  the  S.  The  Calebites,  like  the  Jer- 
ahmeelites,  are  treated  as  distinct  from  Judah 
proper  (iSam.30.14,29)  ;  and  both  Jerahmeel 
and  Caleb  are  in  iChr.2  the  sons  of  Hezron  and 
great-grandsons  of  Judah.  The  passages,  how- 
ever, in  iChr.2  (notwithstanding  ver.  49),  are 
probably  concerned  with  the  clan,  its  position 
in  the  tribe,  and  its  geographical  distribution. 
The  confusion  of  clans  and  their  subdivisions 
with  persons  who  from  their  prominence  bore 
the  clan  name  is  only  natural.  Robertson 
Smith  (Kinship  and  Marriage,  p.  233,  new  eil.) 
describes  the  Calebites  as  the  dog  tribe,  with 
the  dog  as  their  totem.  Hence  they  may  have 
derived  their  name,  but  that  is  no  reason  for 
believing  that  the  Caleb  of  history  was  con- 
cerned with  totems.  Sayce  (Early  Hist,  of 
Heb.  p.  265)  says  that  cuneiform  inscriptions 
show  Caleb  to  be  an  individual  name,  that  the 
Amarna  tablets  have  Kalbu  (dog)  in  the  sense 
of  officer  or  messenger,  and  he  suggests  that 
Caleb  may  have  been  a  messenger  of  I'haraoh 
before  becoming  a  Hebrew  spv.  Col.  Conder, 
however,  maintains  that  Kalbu  is  only  used 
in  the  Amarna  tablets  as  a  term  of  abject 
humility,  but  tiiat,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
occurs    in    cuneiform    texts    as   meaning    a 


CALNEH 

"  priest,"  and  he  suggests  that  this  and  not 
"  dog"  may  be  the  meaning  of  Caleb.  Caleb's 
tribe  was  afterwards  of  importance  in  the 
neghebh.  Nabal  was  of  the  house  of  Caleb 
(iSam.25.3).  [h.m.s.] 

Caleb-ephpatah  (iChr.2.24).  The  text  is 
corrupt.  The  LXX.  reads  koL  ixera  rb  airodaveiv 
'Ecrpw;/  ^\dfv  XaXejS  eis  'E^padd.  This  has 
been  further  amended,  and  the  verse  may 
mean,  "  And  after  Hezron's  death  Caleb  went 
in  unto  Ephrath,  the  wife  of  his  father  Hezron 
[cf.  ver.  19]  ;  and  she  bare  him  Ash-hur,  the 
founder  of  Tekoa."  C.  J.  Ball,  Chronicles.  Cf. 
"Genealogy,"  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904), 
and  Wordsworth  in  loc.  [h.m.s.] 

Calf.  In  Ex. 32. 4  it  is  stated  that  Aaron, 
constrained  by  the  people  in  the  absence  of 
Moses,  made  a  molten  calf  of  the  gold  earrings 
of  the  people,  to  represent  the  Elohim  which 
brought  Israel  out  of  Egypt.  It  does  not 
seem  likely  that  earrings  would  have  provided 
the  enormous  quantity  of  gold  required  for  a 
solid  figure.  More  probably  it  was  a  wooden 
figure  plated  with  gold — a  type  of  image 
known  to  have  existed  in  Egypt.  "  A  gilded 
ox  covered  with  a  pall  "  was  an  emblem  of 
Osiris  (Wilkinson,  iv.  335).  To  punish  the 
apostasy  Moses  burnt  the  calf,  and  then  grind- 
ing it  to  powder  scattered  it  over  the  water, 
where,  according  to  some,  it  produced  in  the 
drinkers  effects  similar  to  the  water  of  jealousy 
(Num.5).  The  process  used  is  difficult  of  ex- 
planation, Bochart  and  Rosenmiiller  con- 
sidering that  Moses  merely  cut,  ground,  and 
filed  the  gold  to  powder.  It  seems  probable 
that  the  image  of  the  calf  (or,  better,  "  steer  ") 
was  derived  from  that  of  Apis,  the  sacred  ox 
of  Egypt  and  the  incarnation  of  the  god  Ptah. 
The  "  calves  "  set  up  by  Jeroboam  at  Dan  and 
Bethel,  on  the  other  hand,  were  probably  of 
Canaanitish  origin  (iK. 12. 28, 29).  Hosea  is 
full  of  denunciations  against  the  calf-worship 
of  Israel  (Ho. 8. 5, 6, 10. 5),  and  mentions  the 
curious  custom  of  kissing  them  (13.2).  The 
expression  "  the  calves  of  our  lips  "  (14.2) 
might  be  the  prophet's  application,  in  a  higher 
and  spiritual  sense,  of  a  thought  suggested  by 
13.2  ;  but  the  more  usual  explanation  is  that 
the  word  "  calves  "  is  used  luctaiihorically  for 
victims  or  sacrifices,  and  that  the  phrase  sig- 
nifies either  "  the  sacrifices  of  our  Lips,"  i.e. 
"  this  tribute  of  thanksgiving  and  praise,"  or 
else  "  the  sacrifices  which  our  lips  have  vowed." 
[Cattle.] 

Cal'itas.     [Kelita,  i  and  2.] 

Callis'thenes,  a  partisan  of  Nicanor, 
burnt  by  the  Jews  for  setting  fire  to  "  the  holy 
gates  "  (2Mac.8.33). 

Calneh'  appears  in  Gcn.lO.io  among  the 
cities  of  Ninirod.  Probably  the  site  is  the 
modem  Niffer,  which  was  certainly  one  of  the 
early  capitals,  and  which,  under  the  name  of 
Nofyher,  the  Talmud  identifies  with  Calneh. 
It  had  a  renowned  temple-tower  dedicated  to 
the  older  Bel,  and  its  ruins,  as  excavated  by 
the  American  explorers,  show  exceedingly 
interesting  remains  of  various  dates.  A 
number  of  tablets  have  also  been  found,  the 
later  ones  showing  that  a  large  Jewish  colony 
lived  there.  See  Clay's  Light  on  the  O.T.  from 
Babel  (Philadelphia,  1907).  [t.g.p.] 

Calneh'    (Am.6.2)    or    Calno'    (Is.lO.9), 


PLATE   VII 


THE   SO-CALLED    "GARDEN   TOMB,"    IN  THE  TEMPLARS'    HOSPICE, 

JERUSALEM. 


p.  122]  W.D.A. 

VIEW,   LOOKING  W.,    OF  A  GRECO-JEWISH  TOMB   W.   OF  THE  SUPPOSED 

SITE   OF    CALVARY. 
(From  an  original  sketch  by  CoL  Conder  in  18S1.) 


CALPHI 

probably  the  Kulnia  of  the  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tions. Fried.  Delitzsch  suggests  that  it  may 
be  Kullaiihu,  about  6  m.  from  Arpad.     [t.g.p.] 

Cal'phi,  father  of  Judas,  3  (1Mac.ll.70). 

Calvary  (A.V.  Lu.23.33  ;  R-V.  the  skull). 
From  Lat.  calvaria,  derived  from  calva  (skull), 
a  translation  of  Gk.  Kpaviov.  The  Heb.  (or 
rather  Aramaic)  word  was  Golgotha  (place 
of  a  skull  ;  Mt.27.33  ;  Mk.15.22  ;  Jn.l9.i7). 
The  exact  situation  is  not  stated  in  the 
gospels,  and  neither  Calvary  nor  the  tomb 
beside  it  are  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Bible. 
It  was  probably  the  ordinary  place  of  execu- 
tion, and  as  such  well  known.  Crucifixion 
was  not  exclusively  a  Roman  punishment  ;  it 
was  a  custom  of  Greeks,  Carthaginians,  and 
even  Jews  (Josephus,  13  Ant.  xiv.  2),  and 
Pilate  "  gave  up  "  Jesus  to  the  Jews  (Lu.23.25  ; 
Jn.l9.i6),  though  providing  a  guard.  From 
Mt.28.ii  we  learn  that  the  "  new  sepulchre  " 
was  outside  Jerusalem  ;  and  Christ  "  suffered 
without  the  gate  "  (Heb. 13. 12).  From  Lu. 
23.49  we  gather  that  Golgotha  was  a  place 
visible  "  afar  off,"  and  therefore  probably 
on  high  ground.  From  St.  John  we  know 
that  it  was  "  nigh  unto  the  city  "  (I9.20),  and 
that  the  tomb  was  at,  or  "  in,"  the  place  of 
crucifixion,  but  in  a  garden  (19.41,42).  The 
place  where  Stephen  was  stoned  was  also 
outside  the  city  (Ac.7.58).  There  is  no  known 
reference  to  the  position  of  Golgotha  in  any 
writer  before  the  time  of  Constantine.  In 
330  A.D.  this  emperor  desired  to  restore  the 
holy  sepulchre,  and  pulled  down  a  temple  of 
Aphrodite,  under  which  a  tomb  was  found. 
Eusebius  does  not  say  why  this  was  accepted 
as  the  true  site,  but  only  tlaat  Constantine  was 
divinely  inspired  in  his  search  (Life  of  Constant. 
iii.  26).  Twenty  years  later  fragments  of  the 
true  cross  were  shown  on  the  rock  S.E.  of  this 
tomb,  which  was  included  in  the  church,  and 
recognized  as  Calvary.  Thus,  as  at  Bethlehem, 
Gerasa,  Ba'albek,  etc.,  a  Christian  church  was 
built  on  the  site  of  a  pagan  temple.  The 
difficulty  in  accepting  this  site  for  Calvary  is, 
that  the  ground  slopes  steeply  away  from  the 
high  rocky  knoll  to  the  deep  valleys  on  its  S. 
and  E.  It  is  certain  that  Calvary  was  outside 
the  city  wall  at  the  time  of  the  Crucifixion  ; 
but  if  that  wall  is  drawn  to  exclude  the  tra- 
ditional rock,  it  would  be  entirely  commanded 
by  the  rock,  which  no  ancient  builder  would 
have  permitted.  The  old  "  house  of  stoning," 
or  place]of  execution,  is  noticed  in  the  Mishna 


CAMEL, 


123 


(Sanhedrin  vi.  1-4)  about  150  a.d.  It  was 
some  distance  from  the  temple,  in  which  the 
Sanhedrin  sat,  since  a  horseman  was  employed 
to  carry  thither  the  criminal's  last  words  at  the 
place  of  execution.  It  is  said  that  the  latter 
was  "  the  height  of  two  men,"  and  the  person 
stoned  was  first  cast  over  this  cliff,  and  finally 
"  hung  up,"  on  a  cross  with  a  transverse  beam, 
planted  in  the  ground  or  leant  against  the 
cliff.  The  Jews  identify  this  site  with  the  re- 
markable knoll  outside  the  N.  gate  of  the  city  ; 
it  has  a  cliff  on  the  S.  side,  and  is  visible  from 
a  distance  all  round.  Here  also,  in  the  5th 
cent.,  the  site  of  the  stoning  of  Stephen  was 
fixed.  The  Templars  built  a  hospice  immedi- 
ately to  the  S.  after  1187  a.d.  ;  and  in  the  W. 
end  of  the  cliff  a  tomb,  marked  with  two  Latin 
patriarchal  crosses  in  red  paint,  was  found  in 
1873  filled  to  the  roof  with  human  bones.  On 
W.  of  the  main  N.  road  (cf.  Mt.27.39  ;  Mk. 
15.29),  close  to  this  knoll,  a  Jewish  tomb,  with 
an  outer  chamber  with  a  single  grave,  was  also 
found  in  1880.  This  knoll  (el  Heidhemiyeh, 
"the  cutting"),  now  covered  with  Moslem 
graves,  is  generally  regarded  as  the  true  site 
of  Calvary  by  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with 
the  traditional  site.  It  was  certainly  outside 
Jerusalem,  but  nigh  to  the  city,  in  the  time 
of  our  Lord  (see  Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Jerusalem 
vol.,  pp.  380-386,  429-435).  [C.R.C] 

Camel.  Under  this  head  may  be  considered 
the  Heb.  words  gdrndl,  bekher,  or  hikhrd  (f. ),  and 
kirkdroth  (f.  plur.).  The  ' dhashfrdnim  (cf. 
Pers.  ester,  "  mule  ")  are  erroneously  translated 
"camels"  by  A.V.  in  Esth.8.10.  (i)  gdmdl  is 
the  common  Heb.  term  for  camel,  irrespective 
of  age,  sex,  or  breed.  It  is  clear  from  Gen.l2.i6 
that  camels  were  early  known  to  the  Egyptians. 
The  Ethiopians  had  "  camels  in  abundance  " 
(2Chr.i4.15)  ;  the  queen  of  Sheba  came  to 
Jerusalem  with  camels  (1K.IO.2)  ;  the  men 
of  Kedar  and  of  Hazor  possessed  camels 
(Je.49.29,32)  ;  David  took  away  the  camels 
from  the  Geshurites  and  the  Amalekites 
{iSam.27.9,30.17)  ;  forty  camels'  burden  of 
good  things  was  sent  to  Elisha  by  Benhadad 
king  of  Syria  from  Damascus  (2K.8.9)  ;  the 
Ishmaelites  used  camel-transport  (Gen. 37. 25)  ; 
the  Midianites  and  the  Amalekites  possessed 
camels  "  as  the  sand  by  the  sea-side  for 
multitude  "  (Judg.7.12)  ;  Job  had  3,000 
camels  before  his  affliction  (Jobl.3)  and 
6,000  afterwards  (42.12).  Camels  were  used 
for  riding  (Gen.24. 64  ;  iSam.30.i7) ;  as  beasts 


BACTRIAN  OR  TWO-HUMPED  CAMELS  ON  BLACK  OBELISK.     (Layard.) 


124 


CAMON 


of  burden  (Gen. 37. 25;  1K.IO.2  ;  2K.8.9,  etc.) ; 
and  for  draught  purposes  (Is. 21. 7)  ;  while 
from  1Sam.3O.17  we  learn  that  they  were 
used  in  war.  John  the  Baptist  wore  a  gar- 
ment made  of  camel's  hair  (Mt.3.4  ;  Mk.1.6), 
and  some  have  supposed  that  Elijah  "was 
clad  in  a  dress  of  the  same  stuff."  Camel's 
flesh,  although  esteemed  by  the  Arabs,  was 
forbidden  to  the  Israelites  (Lev.ll.4  ;  Deut.l4. 
7),  because,  though  the  camel  "  cheweth  the 
cud,  it  divideth  not  the  hoof."  (2)  bekher  and 
bikhrd,  the  masculine  and  feminine  forms  of 
the  same  word,  occur  only  in  Is. 60. 6  and  Je.2. 
23,  where  A.V.  reads  "  dromedary,"  and  there 
is  little  doubt  that  this  is  correct.  (3)  As 
to  kirkdrdth  of  Is. 66. 20  (A.V.  swift  beasts) 
there  is  some  difference  of  opinion.  The  ex- 
planation that  dromedaries  are  meant  is 
unsatisfactory  and  it  more  probably  indicates 
the  "  panniers  "  or  "  baskets  "  carried  on  the 
backs  of  camels  or  mules.  The  camel  in  use 
among  the  Jews  and  the  heathen  nations  of 
Palestine  was  the  Arabian  or  one-humped 
species  [Cameliis  dromedarius).  The  drome- 
dary, which  is  swifter  than  the  baggage-camel, 
and  used  chiefly  for  riding  purposes,  is  merely 
a  finer  breed  than  the  other,  called  by  the  Arabs 
Hajin.  The  camel  is  the  subject  amongst 
Orientals  of  many  proverbial  expressions ; 
see  many  cited  by  Bochart  (Hieroz.  i.  30),  and 
cf.  Mt. 19.24  and  23.24,  where,  in  Tristram's 
opinion,  A.V.  is  correct,  notwithstanding 
attempts  made  to  explain  away  the  expres- 
sion. The  very  magnitude  of  the  hyperbole, 
observes  the  same  writer,  is  evidence  in  its 
favour  :  in  the  Talmuds  "  an  elephant  passing 
through  a  needle's  eye  "  is  a  common  figure 
to  denote  anything  impossible.  The  only 
other  species  is  the  two-humped  Bactrian 
Camelus  bactrianus,  which  was  employed  in 
the  domesticated  state  by  the  Assyrians,  as  it 
now  is  in  N.  Persia  and  Central  Asia  generally. 
It  occurs  wild  in  Mongolia,  the  one-humped 
species  being  unknown  in  the  wild  state. 
Camels,  although  allied  to  the  true  ruminants 
(Pecora),  form  a  separate  group,  the  Tylopoda, 
so  named  from  their  cushion-like  feet,    [r.l.] 

Camon',  the  place  in  which  Jair  the  judge 
was  buried  {Judg.lO.5).  Josephus  says  that 
it  was  a  city  of  Gilead.  In  modern  times, 
however,  the  name  has  not  been  recovered  on 
the  E.  of  Jordan. 

Camp.     [Encampment.] 

Camphire.  This  is  undoubtedly  an  in- 
correct rendering  of  the  Heb.  knpher,  which 
occurs  in  the  sense  of  some  aromatic  substance 
in  Can.l.14,4.13  only.  The  marg.  in  both 
passages  has  "  cypress,"  giving  the  form  but 
not  the  signification  of  the  Gk.  word.  Camphor 
is  the  product  of  a  tree  largely  cultivated  in  the 
island  of  Formosa,  the  Camphora  offlcinarum,  of 
the  natural  order  Lauraceae.  It  has  the  express 
repute  of  an  antaphrodisiac  ;  so  that  its  un- 
suitability  is  quite  jironounced.  For  the  ex- 
pression "  cluster  of  kophcr  in  the  \ineyards 
of  Engcdi,"  in  Can. 1. 14,  the  Chaldee  reads 
"  bunches  of  grapes."  [Palestine.]  Several 
vcrsii)ns  retain  the  Meb.  word.  The  substance 
really  denoted  is  the  I.awsonia  alba  of  botanists, 
the  henna  of  .\rabian  naturalists.  Tiie  Nu- 
bians call  henna  kho/reh=  Arsib.  kafur.  Hassel- 
quist  (Trav.  246,  Lond.  1766)  says,  "  the  leaves 


CANA  OF  GALILEE 

are  pulverized  and  made  into  a  paste  with  water ; 
the  Egyptians  bind  this  paste  on  the  nails  of 
their  hands  and  feet,  and  keep  it  on  all  night  : 
this  gives  them  a  deep  yellow,  which  is  greatly 
admired  by  Eastern  nations.  The  colour  lasts 
for  three  or  four  weeks  before  there  is  occasion 


LAWSONIA  ALKA. 

to  renew  it.  The  custom  is  so  ancient  in  Egypt 
that  I  have  seen  the  nails  of  the  mummies  dyed 
in  this  manner."  Sonnini  {Voyage,  i.  p.  297) 
says  the  women  are  fond  of  decorating  them- 
selves with  the  flowers  of  the  henna-plant ;  that 
they  take  them  in  their  hand  and  perfume  their 
bosoms  with  them.  (C/.  Can.l.13.)  The  Late'- 
sonia  alba  when  young  is  without  thorns,  and 
when  older  is  spinous,  whence  Linnaeus's 
names,  L.  inermis  and  L.  spinosa  ;  he  regarding 
his  specimens  as  distinct  species.  The  henna- 
plant  grows  in  Egypt,  Syria,  Arabia,  and  N. 
India.  The  flowers  are  white  and  very  fragrant, 
and  grow  in  clusters.  The  shrub  is  from  4  to 
6  ft.  high.  The  Lawsonia  alba,  the  only  known 
species,  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Lythraccac. 
R.V.  reads  henna  in  both  passages.  Harris 
points  out  that  the  expression  "  pare  her  nails," 
in  Dent. 21 .12,  may  rather  mean  adorn  or  prepare 
her  nails,  the  proper  signification  of  the  Heb. 
words.  This  may  imply  the  antiquity  of  the 
practice  described  by  Hasselquist,  and  earlier 
by  Dioscorides.  The  correct  interiiretation  of 
kopher  (rendered  "  cypres  tree  "  in  Wyclif)  was 
of  an  early  date.  R.  Ben  Melek,  in  his  note  on 
Canticles,  expressly  says,  "  Botrus  copher  id 
ipsum  est  quod  Arabcs  vocant  .\l-hinna."  It 
is  noteworthy  that  the  earliest  sense  of  pare 
(not  obsolete  in  161 1)  was  to  adorn,  or  deck 
out;  get  ready,  prepare  (New  Eng.  Diet.)  ;  so 
it  is  not  impossible  tiiat  A.V.  loft  the  sense  open. 
Wyclif  reads  "  kytt  about  the  nailis."  [Paint.1 
Cana  of  Galilee  (Ju.2.i),  the  site  of 
the  miracle  (2.ii),  and  tlie  home  of  Nathaniel 
(21.2  ;  see  4.46).  The  position  is  not  men- 
tioned ;  nor  does  Josephus  (Life  16  and  71  ; 
I  Wars  xvii.  5)  assist  us,  except  that  it 
appears  to  have  been  on  the  high-road  from 
Bethsaida  (Julias)  to  the  W.     The  site  is  not 


CANAAN,  CANAANITES 

defined  in  the  Onomasticon,  but  rather  later 
was  shown  at  Kefr  Kenna  on  the  road  to 
Tiberias,  3i  miles  N.E.  of  Nazareth.  This 
Arab,  name  does  not  properly  represent  the 
Heb.  Kanah.  In  the  12th  cent,  the  site 
shown  was  the  ruin  Qdnd,  8  miles  N.  of 
Nazareth  ;  but  though  the  name  is  exact  the 
place  is  not  on  the  direct  route  to  Tiberias. 
There  is  also  a  spring  called  'Ain  Qdnd,  about 
a  mile  N.  of  Nazareth  by  the  village  of  er 
Reineh,  and  this  site,  both  as  to  position  and 
as  to  the  spelling  of  the  name,  would  be  suit- 
able. [c.R.c] 

Cana'an,  Canaanites.  Canaan  was  the 
youngest  son  of  Ham  (Gen.10.6,  rsff. )  and  the 
"  father  "  of  Zidon,  Heth  (the  Hittites),  etc. 
Noah's  curse  for  the  sin  of  Ham  is  directed 
against  Canaan  (Gen. 9. 18-27),  who  is  to  be  a 
"  servant  of  servants  "  to  Shem  and  Japheth. 
The  name  is  widely  used  ;  it  occurs  under  the 
form  Ki-na-'a-na  in  the  Amarna  tablets  of  15th 
cent.  B.C.,  where  the  "  kings  of  Canaan  "  (cf. 
Judg.4.2,5.19  ;  Ps.l35.ii)  are  noticed  (Brit. 
Mus.  37,  58),  apparently  in  the  lowlands,  and 
the  Canaanites  generally  as  revolting  from 
Egypt  (Berlin  8,  92  ;  Brit.  Mus.  2,  24,  30). 
The  name  "  mother  of  the  Canaan  "  also  ap- 
pears on  Phoenician  coins  of  the  Syrian  Laodi- 
cea  (Lataqia)  in  the  later  Gk.  age.  The  Phoe- 
nician form  found  in  Eusebius,  Hecataeus,  and 
Stephen  of  Byzantium  was  Xvd.  Augustine 
says  that  when  the  country-folk  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Africa  in  the  5th  cent.  a.d.  were  asked 
who  they  were,  they  replied  "Canaanites" — 
i.e.  lowlanders  {Exp.  Ep.  Rom.  13).  The  Heb. 
word  is  from  a  root  meaning  "  to  be  low,"  and 
is  properly  applied  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
plains,  i.e.  the  Canaanites  dwelling  in  the  low- 
lands of  Phoenicia  and  of  Philistia  (Zeph.2.5) 
and  in  the  Jordan  Valley  (Gen.lO.18,19).  But 
the  term  is  used  in  the  Bible  in  several  senses : 
(a)  Applied,  as  distinguished  from  the  Israel- 
ites, to  all  inhabitants  of  the  land  (Gen. 12. 6  ; 
Jos. 11. 3  ;  Ps.105.li),  even  including  the 
Hebron  mountains  (Gen. 23. 2,  etc.),  Canaan 
answering  to  the  old  Akkadian  name  Mar-Tu 
(the  way  down)  from  the  country  W.  of  the 
Euphrates  (Assyr. /I ^a>-!<.  "west"),  (b)  More 
commonly  restricted ^to  the  lands  W.  of  Jordan 
(Num.13. 2, 17,33.40,51  ;  Jos.21.2  :  Judg.21. 
12).  (c)  Limited  to  the  sea-coast  and  the 
Jordan  Valley,  the  Canaanites  being  distin- 
guished from  the  Amorite  inhabitants  of 
the  mountains  (Num. 13. 29).  (d)  Applied  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Phoenicia  proper.  As  the 
Phoenicians  were,  above  all,  traders,  and  the 
great  trade  routes  were  in  the  plains,  "  Canaan - 
ite  "  came  naturally  to  mean  a  "  merchant," 
and  is  so  translated  in  Job 41. 6;  Pr.3i.24; 
Is.23.8,ii  ;  Ho.12.7  (cf.  R.V.  marg.);  and 
probably  should  be  in  Zech.l4.2i  (see  R.V. 
marg.).  In  N.T.  the  word  is  used  for 
Phoenician,  so  ywr)  Xavavaia  (Mt.15.22)  is  the 
equivalent  of  yvvrj  'E\\r]vis,  "ZvpofpOLVLKiffsa  toj 
yevei  (Mk.7.26).  For  "language  of  Canaan" 
(Is. 19. 18),  see  Semitic  Languages,    [f.j.f.-j.] 

Canaanite,  properly  Cananaean  (R.V.), 
the  name  of  a  turbulent  Jewish  sect  (cf.  Jo- 
sephus,  18  Ant.  i.  i  :  4  de  Bell.  Jud.  iii.  9,  etc.) 
headed  or  revived  by  Judas  of  Gamala  in  pro- 
test against  the  Quirinian  census  [Taxing  ; 
Cyrenius],  and  conspicuous  for  its  excesses 


CANDLESTICK  1S5 

during  the  final  siege  of  Jerusalem.  The  T.R. 
had  Kai'oj'trTjs,  which  A.V.  wrongly  renders 
"  Canaanite,"  i.e.  descendant  of  Canaan  ; 
nor  does  it  mean  an  inhabitant  of  Cana,  which 
would  be  "  Canite."  Kafavalos,  as  used 
in  Mt.10.4  =  Mk.3.i8,  is  the  additional  name 
of  the  apostle  Simon,  to  distinguish  him  from 
St.  Peter,  and  represents  qan'dnayyd,  signify- 
ing "  jealous  "  (cf.  Ex.20.5  ;  Deut.4.24,  where 
'el  qannd,  "  jealous  God,"  is  rendered  in  LXX. 
9e6?  ^riXojTTjs).  In  a  general  sense  it  would 
signify  zeal  for  the  Law  and  for  the  king- 
ship of  Jehovah  ;  in  a  particular  sense  it 
was  applied  to  the  sect  which  so  violently  re- 
sented the  Roman  rule  as  derogatory  to  that 
kingship.  St.  Luke  gives  Zelotes  (the 
Zealot)  as  its  equivalent  (Lu.6.15  ;  Ac.l.13). 
This  need  not  necessarily  imply  Simon's 
actual  membership  of  the  sect.  Possibly  the 
name  merely  suited  his  character.       [e.h.p.] 

Canda'ce  (Ac. 8. 27),  a  queen  of  Ethiopia 
(now  the  Egyptian  Soudan).  The  name  was 
not  that  of  an  individual,  but  of  a  dynasty  of 
Ethiopian  queens.  Their  capital  was  Napata, 
in  the  district  now  known  as  Bakariwya 
(Murray's  Guide  to  Egypt).  [e.r.b.] 

Candlestick  (Heb.  n^nord,  lampstand), 
always  referring  to  the  "  holy  candlestick  " 
(Ecclus.26.17),  except  in  2K.4.10.  (i)  In  the 
tabernacle.  Made  by  Bezaleel  (Ex. 31. 2, 37.17), 
after  the  pattern  shown  Moses  in  the  mount 
(25.40).  Directions  for  making  (25.30-40,  cf. 
37.17-24)  :  of  pure  gold,  hence  called  the 
"  pure  candlestick  "  (31.8,39.37  ;  Lev.24.4)  ; 
not  cast  by  fusion  but  wrought  by  hammer  (Ex. 
25.31)  ;  a  talent  of  gold  was  used  for  the  candle- 
stick and  its  utensils  (25.39).  It  consisted  of  a 
pedestal  ;  a  shaft,  from  which  sprung  three 
branches  on  each  side  ;  and  seven  lamps,  one 
on  each  of  the  branches  and  one  on  the  shaft. 
[Lamp.]  The  branches  probably  curved  up- 
wards to  the  height  of  the  shaft,  so  that  the 
lamps  were  on  a  level.  Three  kinds  of  orna- 
ment are  mentioned,  cup,  knop,  and  flower 
(Ex. 25. 31),  but  their  form  is  uncertain.  If 
the  candlestick  was  intended  to  represent  an 
almond-tree  (for  symbolism,  see  Je. 1.11,12), 
the  ornaments  may  respectively  have  re- 
sembled bulb,  opening  bud,  and  blossom. 
There  were  four  cups  on  the  shaft  and  three 
on  each  of  the  branches,  with  their  knobs 
and  flowers.  The  candlestick  was  6  ft.  high 
(Men.  28b) ;  the  spread  of  the  branches  and  of 
the  base  was  3  ft.  (Shilte  ha-Gibborim  xxxi.).  It 
stood  in  the  holy  place,  on  the  S.  side,  opposite 
the  table  of  shewbread  (Ex. 26.35).  When  the 
tabernacle  was  moved,  the  candlestick  with  its 
lamps,  tongs,  snuff-dishes  [Censer],  and  oil 
vessels  was  covered  with  a  blue  cloth,  and  over 
this  a  covering  of  sealskin,  and  then  slung  on  a 
pole  for  carrying  (Num. 4.9, 10).  (2)  In  Solo- 
mon's temple  there  were  ten  golden  candle- 
sticks, five  on  the  N.  and  five  on  the  S.  of  the 
holy  place  (iK.7.49).  These  are  not  described, 
but  were  probably  of  the  same  design  (iK.7. 
49,  "flowers";  2Chr.4.7).  They  were  carried 
to  Babylon  (Je.52.19).  (3)  Zerubbabel's  tem- 
ple had  only  one  candlestick  (iMac. 1.21,4.49, 
50  ;  Josephus,  14  Ant.  iv.  4).  This  was  in  the 
Herodian  temple  (Josephus,  5  Wars  v.  5  ;  7  v. 
5),  and  was  taken  to  Rome  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem.     The  representation  on  the  arch  of 


126 


CANi! 


Titus  can  scarcely  be  correct  in  all  details  ;  i.g. 
the  figures  on  the  base  are  improbable  (cf. 
Josephus,  7  Wars  v.  5).  Reland,  De  Spoliis 
Templi  Hierosolymitani.  [h.h.] 

Cane.     [Reed.] 

Canker,  probably  any  sort  of  spreading 
tumour  or  growth  is  referred  to  in  2Tim.2.i7, 
not  necessarily  that  particular  form  which  we 
call  cancer.     R.V.  gives  "  gangrene."     [f.j.] 

Cankepw/'opm.  [Locust;  Palmer- worm.] 

Canneh'  (Ezk.27.23),  a  contraction  of  Cal- 
NEH  (Calno),  which  is  the  reading  of  one  MS., 
or  else  the  Kannu'  of  certain  Assyrian  contract- 
tablets,  in  which  case  it  was  probably  in  N. 
Syria.  [t.g.p.] 

Canon  of  O.T.  \.  Definition.  By  "canon" 
we  understand  the  collection  of  the  holy  writings 
recognized  by  the  Christian  Church,  writings 
given  by  God,  and  therefore  the  Church's  rule 
of  faith  and  life.  The  word,  which  is  bor- 
rowed from  the  Semitic  language  (Heb.  qdni, 
"a  reed"),  signifies  anything  straight  {e.g.  an 
horizontal  beam,  a  rule,  a  measuring  rod),  in 
which  inflexibility  is  the  pervading  idea.  From 
this  original  meaning  is  easily  derived  the 
metaphor  of  a  standard,  measure,  hence  a  re- 
gulative precept  or  directive  principle  in  the 
philosophic,  grammatical,  ethical,  or  ecclesias- 
tical senses,  e.g.  as  applied  to  the  baptismal 
creed,  or  to  the  decisions  of  synods.  Hence, 
likewise,  our  idea  of  a  canon  of  Scripture  must 
be  in  accord  with  the  foregoing  significations, 
despite  the  fact  that  Zahn,  an  acknowledged 
authority  on  the  canon,  has  revived  the  old 
opinion  of  Semler,  viz.  that  it  meant  merely  a 
"  list  "  or  "  catalogue,"  an  opinion  which  had 
long  become  obsolete,  though  a  tendency  to  put 
it  forward  in  the  interests  of  Rationalism  had 
at  times  existed.  The  use  of  the  word  "  canon  " 
and  its  derivatives  in  this  connexion  dates  back 
to  c.  350  A.D.  We  find  it  (367  a.d.)  in  the 
preamble  to  the  festal  epistle  of  Athanasius 
(lix.),  in  a  canon  of  Laodicea,  and  in  Amphilo- 
chius.  The  Latins  adopted  the  word,  but  call 
the  Bible  itself  canonical,  in  the  sense  which  we 
have  assigned  to  it. — II.  The  Formation  of  the 
O.T.  Canon.  The  treatment  of  this  subject  is 
much  more  difficult  and  much  more  important 
than  it  was  formerly,  when  more  certainty  and 
more  agreement  prevailed  as  to  the  composi- 
tion of  the  several  books.  Our  estimate  of  the 
beginning  and  close  of  the  canon  unquestion- 
ably depends  largely  on  our  attitude  towards 
each  separate  problem  of  scientific  introduc- 
tion ;  as  is  shown  by,  e.g.,  the  hypothesis  of 
Wellhausen,  the  critical  handling  of  the 
Psalms,  or  the  late  dating  of  parts  of  the 
prophets.  But  assuredly  scientific  introduc- 
tion is  not  the  only  factor  in  our  decision  as  to 
the  canon.  If  it  is  possible  by  other  argu- 
ments to  show  its  close  at  a  time  before  that 
at  which  criticism  postulates  the  origin  of 
many  parts  of  it,  it  will  become  necessary  to 
revise  and  modify  the  supposed  results  of 
scientific  introduction,  the  methods  of  which 
are  often  in  a  high  degree  arbitrary  and  des- 
potic. Hence  it  is  necessary  to  note  the  limits 
within  which  scientific  introduction  rightly  has 
free  play,  but  which  it  must  not  over-pass. 
We  will  begin  from  the  conclusion  of  the  canon 
and  trace  it  back.  A.  The  Close  of  the  Canon. 
Joseph  us  (Con/ra  Apian,  i.  7,  8)  gives  us  a  clear 


CANON  OF  O.T. 

account  of  the  credibility  of  the  Heb.  his- 
torical writing  in  contrast  with  the  Gk.  Its 
composition  was  not  due  to  the  personal  pre- 
dilections of  any  individual  writer,  but  to  the 
instrumentality  of  inspired  prophets.  "  We 
have  not,"  he  continues,  "  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  books  among  us,  disagreeing  from 
and  contradicting  one  another,  but  only  22 
books  which  contain  the  records  of  all  the 
past  times,  which  are  justly  believed  to  be 
divine  "  (whether  or  no  "  divine  "  is  a  possible 
addition  of  Eusebius  is  immaterial).  He 
further  specifies  that  the  historic  records  which 
were  valued  as  having  prophetic  authority 
ended  with  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  and  con- 
tinues, "  How  firmly  we  have  given  credit  to 
those  books  of  our  own  nation  is  evident  from 
what  we  do  ;  for  during  so  many  ages  as  have 
already  passed,  no  one  has  been  so  bold  as 
either  to  add  anything  to  them,  to  take  any- 
thing from  them,  or  to  make  any  change  in 
them  ;  but  it  becomes  natural  to  all  Jews,  im- 
mediately, and  from  their  very  birth,  to  esteem 
those  books  to  contain  divine  doctrines,  and  to 
persist  in  them,  and,  if  occasion  be,  willingly  to 
die  for  them."  Although  this  account  dates 
from  c.  100  A.D.,  and  although  we  may  be  un- 
able to  accept  every  detail  of  his  account  in- 
discriminately, yet  this  testimony  of  Josephus 
has  undoubted  importance,  since  he  gives  no 
mere  private  opinion,  but  expresses  the 
general  judgment  of  his  times — that  since  the 
time  of  Artaxerxes  nothing  had  been  added  to 
the  canon,  because  the  prophetic  succession 
was  wanting,  without  which  no  one  would  have 
ventured  to  admit  new  books  to  the  canon. 
Passing  over  Philo,  whose  only  relevant  writ- 
ing (De  Vita  Contemplativa,  §  3)  is  held  to  be 
spurious,  and  the  N.T.,  where  in  Lu. 24.44  we 
find  the  well-known  threefold  di\^ision,  and 
where  in  Mt.23.35  (Abel  to  Zacharias — i.e. 
from  the  first  murder  to  the  last  in  the  last 
book  of  the  Heb.  canon;  see  2Chr..24.2off.  and 
Zechariah,  i)  the  present  order  (Genesis  at 
the  beginning  and  Chronicles  at  the  end)  of  the 
Heb.  canon  is  implied,  we  come  to  the  prologue 
of  J  esus  the  grandson  of  Sirach,  which  was  com- 
posed 132  B.C.,  where  the  threefold  division  and 
the  close  of  the  canon  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Sirach  himself  is  implied  (Prol.  to  Ecclus.  ; 
three  times).  This  witness  carries  us  back  at 
least  to  180  B.C.,  if  the  author  of  the  book  was 
the  grandfather  of  the  writer  of  the  prologue. 
But  if  it  were  Simon  I.,  "  the  Righteous,"  and 
not  Simon  II.,  who  was  contemporary  with 
Sirach,  then  we  must  not  translate  TrAiriro^ 
"  grandfather,"  but  "  ancestor,"  and  the  date 
of  the  composition  of  the  book  would  be  c.  290 
B.C.  (sec  Halevy,  and  possibly  Baudissin).  As 
in  Ecclus. 48. 20-25, 49.6,8, 10  there  is  a  distinct 
testimony  to  three  major  and  twelve  minor  pro- 
phets, it  is  superfluous  to  discuss  Marti's  dating 
of  Zech.9-14in  160  b.c.  It  does  not  follow  from 
the  varying  and  indefinite  designations  of  the 
third  group  that  this  was  only  just  begun,  for  a 
better  explanation  is  found  in  tiie  heterogene- 
ous contents  of  the  collection  {cf.  "  Psalms  "  in 
Lu. 24.44)  :  and  the  definite  article,  which  oc- 
curs in  all  tliree  sentences,  requires  that  we 
should  recognize  that  the  Hagiographa  was 
closed,  just  as  much  as  was  the  second  group, 
the  name  of  which  also  varies  ("  the  prophets  ' ' 


eAi;fON  OF  o.f . 

ot "  the  prophecies  ").  It  follows  that  whatever 
date  we  assign  to  the  composition  of  the  book 
of  Daniel,  it  did  not  first  see  the  light  as  late 
as  164  B.C.,  a  conclusion  founded  merely  upon 
the  assumption  that  so  accurate  a  prediction  is 
impossible,  and  which  has  against  it  the  fact 
that  Daniel's  prediction  of  the  future  extends 
far  beyond  the  times  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(see,  e.g.,  all  that  is  prophesied  concerning  the 
fourth  kingdom).  All  other  conclusions  of 
criticism,  which  date  any  canonical  book  later 
than  290  B.C.,  or  at  latest  180  e.g.,  are  pmrely 
arbitrary,  and  in  contradiction  to  the  evidence 
already  set  forth.  In  earlier  times  no  analo- 
gous literature  is  extant.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, to  adduce  very  important  indirect  testi- 
mony to  support  the  afiirmations  of  Josephus. 
That  "  no  man  has  ever  yet  hated  his  own 
flesh  "  (Eph.5.29)  is  as  true  of  nations  as  of 
individuals.  Now,  it  is  a  fact  that  none  of  the 
literary  fragments,  which  are  stated  to  be  so 
late,  ever  date  themselves,  or  are  dated  by 
tradition,  beyond  the  period  which  Josephus 
assigns  as  the  latest  period  of  canonical 
authorship  ;  and  it  is  also  a  fact  that  the 
general  feeling  regards  the  time  after  Nehe- 
miah  as  a  period  of  spiritual  destitution  in 
comparison  with  the  older  history  (see  iMac. 
14.41,9.27,4.46).  These  facts  are  an  insoluble 
puzzle,  if  the  time  after  Nehemiah  was  fruitful 
in  striking  and  valuable  literary  productions, 
as  modern  critical  science  takes  it  to  be. 
Further,  it  is  surely  inconceivable  that  a 
generation  which  preserved  the  stones  of  a 
desecrated  altar  for  burnt-sacrifice  till  a 
prophet  should  arise  (iMac. 4.44-46),  and  thus 
showed  that  in  the  very  smallest  particulars  it 
felt  itself  without  any  power  of  initiation, 
should  have  ventured  to  settle  the  canon.  It 
is  also  unnecessary  to  put  Nehemiah  and  the 
Chronicles  later  than  the  period  assigned  by 
Josephus  ;  for  iChr.S.igf.  carries  us  down  no 
farther  than  to  Zerubbabel's  grandson,  since 
the  posterity  of  Rephaiah,  who  seem  to  be 
later,  stand  without  any  congruity  with  what 
goes  before.  In  Ne. 12.22, 23,  we  may  have  to  do 
with  supplementary  information  made  at  dif- 
ferent times  {cf.  the  statement  in  Baba  Bathra 
about  Ezra,  that  he  wrote  the  genealogies  of 
Chr.  up  to  his  own  time,  as  below),  or  it  may  be 
a  contemporary  notice  that  four  generations  of 
high-priestly  descent  were  then  alive — as  we 
Germans  used  to  speak  of  a  famous  picture 
as  representing  "Four  Kaisers  "  !  It  is  pos- 
sible that  Nehemiah  himself,  who  in  430  B.C. 
was  acquainted  with  a  married  grandson  of 
Eliashib  (13.28),  may  have  lived  to  see  his  great- 
grandchildren. We  cannot  here  treat  in  detail 
the  notorious  mistakes  of  Josephus  with  regard 
to  this  period.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  in  Ne. 
12.22,  Darius  III.  (Codomannus)  is  not  meant 
(336-331  B.C.),  but  Darius II.  (Nothiis;  423-404 
B.C.).  It  is,  moreover,  a  fact  not  without  import- 
ance that  not  one  of  the  many  genealogies  is 
continued  beyond  the  time  given  by  Josephus. 
It  is  further  to  be  remarked  that  this  date  is 
from  all  points  of  view  intelligible  in  itself.  The 
exiled  people  had  learned  to  value  their  ancient 
religious  documents  ;  they  felt  that  inspiration 
was  on  the  point  of  passing  away,  just  as  was 
the  use  of  the  old  Hebrew  language.  On  the 
other  hand,   the  close   and  selection   of  the 


CANON  OF  0.1?, 


127 


canonical  writings  was  a  need  of  the  times,  es- 
pecially if  they  were  to  be  put  into  the  temple 
for  safe  keeping  (Josephus,  Arch.  v.  and  De 
Bella  Jud.  vii.)  ;  they  possessed  in  Ezra  ("  the 
scribe,"  Ezr.7.6)  and  in  Nehemiah  command- 
ing personalities  ;  and  the  much  more  limited 
range  of  interests  which  presented  themselves 
to  the  little  colony  of  Jews  after  their  Return 
left  them  leisure  to  collect  all  that  they  now 
treasured,  and  sufficiently  explains  the  general 
acceptance  of  the  canon  which  we  meet  with 
in  later  times.  These  conclusions  enable  us  to 
extract  what  there  is  of  truth  from  the  medley 
of  confused  notices  of  the  canon  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  at  the  same  time  to  find 
support  in  them  for  results  which  have  al- 
ready been  assured  by  other  modes  of  reason- 
ing, (i)  To  such  notices  belongs  2Mac.2.i3. 
This  passage  is  generally  held  to  be  spurious, 
and  it  stands  in  an  apocryphal  context,  and 
also  on  the  face  of  it  only  speaks  of  the  collec- 
tion of  books  into  a  library.  Yet,  neverthe- 
less, Strack  (e.g.)  has  a  high  opinion  of  its 
value,  and  it  is,  in  any  case,  worthy  of  atten- 
tion, because  the  singular  nature  of  its  affirma- 
tions is  quite  inexplicable,  unless  a  true  re- 
miniscence, afterwards  lost  in  obscurity,  of  the 
twofold  division  of  the  first  two  main  parts  of 
the  canon  is  here  reflected.  The  notice  also 
follows  the  distinctive  features  of  the  third 
part — viz.  the  Psalms  and  (which  had  special 
weight  as  regards  Nehemiah)  the  Ezra  docu- 
ment, (ii)  A  similar  account  maybe  given  of 
2Esd.i4.44f.  God  says  to  him  with  regard  to 
the  94  books  (according  to  the  right  reading) 
imparted  to  him  by  inspiration,  "  The  former 
things  that  thou  hast  written  appoint  for  pub- 
lic reading  both  for  the  worthy  and  the  un- 
worthy, but  the  last  70  books  preserve  that 
thou  mayest  hand  them  on  to  the  wise  amongst 
the  people."  From  this  passage  in  itself  no- 
thing can  be  argued,  because  of  its  mechanical 
idea  of  inspiration  and  because  it  puts  a  higher 
value  upon  the  70  apocryphal  books  than  upon 
the  24  canonical  ;  yet,  when  it  is  taken  with 
what  has  already  been  proved,  there  is  light 
thrown  on  its  possible  origin.  Most  passages 
in  the  Fathers  which  present  us  with  similar 
notices  either  refer  directly  to  2Esd.  or  arise 
probably  from  the  same  source.  Only 
Irenaeus  {Adv.  Haer.  iii.  21),  where  the  state- 
ment has  a  simpler  form,  has  the  appearance  of 
being  independent,  (iii)  The  tractate  Baba 
Bathra  (xiv.  2  ;  xv.  i)  states  that  "  Moses  wrote 
[kdthabh]  his  book,  the  section  about  Balaam 
and  Job.  Joshua  wrote  his  book  and  eight 
verses  in  the  law.  Samuel  wrote  his  book,  the 
book  of  Judges  and  of  Ruth.  .  .  .  Jeremiah 
wrote  his  book,  the  books  of  the  Kings,  and 
Lamentations.  Hezekiah  and  his  colleagues 
wrote  JMSK.  [i.e.  Is.,  Pr.,  Can.,  and  Ec.].  The 
men  of  the  great  synagogue  wTote  KNDG.  [i.e. 
Ezk.,  12  prophets,  Dan.,  and  Esther].  Ezra 
wrote  his  book  and  brought  down  the  gene- 
alogies of  the  Chronicles  to  his  own  times." 
Since  the  time  of  Kuenen  the  men  of  the  Great 
Synagogue  have  been  definitely  held  to  have 
been  banished  to  the  kingdom  of  legend, 
though  doubts  as  to  their  existence  were  ex- 
pressed much  earlier.  But  we  may  use  this 
passage  as  a  witness  to  the  genuineness  of 
the  underlying  fact  of  the  close  of  the  canon 


128 


CANON  OF  6.T. 


from  the  times  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  which 
is  reflected  in  it.  (iv)  Is  not  the  threefold 
division  itself  yet  another  reason  for  the  view 
that  the  canon  was  closed  in  the  days  of 
Nehemiah  ?  It  is  true  that  this  division  has 
often  been  represented  as  haphazard,  but  the 
older  positive  investigators  maintained  that 
in  it  is  discovered  a  principle,  which  postulates 
the  closing  of  the  canon  at  a  definite  date. 
This  brings  us,  however,  to  our  next  section. 
B.  The  Beginning  of  the  Canon.  We  believe 
that  it  is  true  that  there  is  an  underlying  prin- 
ciple, but  one  that  has  been  in  part  historically 
evolved,  (i)  The  work  of  Moses  forms  the 
foundation.  We  must  quite  certainly  set  his  in- 
spiration yet  higher  than  that  of  the  prophets 
(see  Ex. 33. II  ;  Num.l2.6f.  ;  Deut.5.5,34.io). 
See  the  present  writer's  Are  the  Critics 
right  ?  and  the  articles  in  this  volume  on 
the  Pentateuch  and  on  the  several  books  for 
evidence  that  views  which  do  not  refer  Deut., 
the  priestly  Codex,  and  the  book  of  the  Cove- 
nant in  their  main  fundamental  elements  to 
Moses,  must  lead  to  inextricable  contradic- 
tions and  enigmas.  We  must  therefore  re- 
cognize in  Deut. 31. 9, 26,17.18  the  beginnings 
of  the  formation  of  the  canon  (cf.,  further, 
Ex.17. 14,24.4,34.27  ;  Num.33. 2).  Jos.24.23f. 
is  an  analogous  instance  ;  for  the  early  exist- 
ence of  written  laws  (Toroth),  see  Ho. 8. 12 
(Heb.)  which  mentions  "innumerable"  pre- 
cepts of  the  Law  as  "written"  (cf.  R.V. 
marg.  ;  the  "though"  in  R.V.  text  is  not  in 
the  Heb.,  and  destroys  the  vivid  balance  of 
the  sentence).  How  much  of  the  Law,  and 
what  also  in  its  historical  parts  was  canonical, 
is,  as  to  details,  the  problem  of  the  science  of 
introduction,  and  different  answers  to  it  are 
given.  2K.22.8f.  is  concerned  with  canoniza- 
tion, or  rather  recanonization,  and  is  generally 
referred  to  Deut.  In  Ne.8-10  the  Pentateuch 
is,  according  to  Wellhausen,  given  canonical 
status ;  according  to  his  school,  who  con- 
tradict the  statements  of  the  text,  only  the 
priejtly  Codex.  The  conclusion  of  the  Torah 
(Law)  is  then  assigned  arbitrarily  to  c.  400  b.c. 
How,  in  this  case,  would  the  adoption  of  the 
Pentateuch  by  the  Samaritans  be  conceiv- 
able ?  What  it  is  that  is  referred  to  in  Is.34. 
16  and  Ps.40.7,8  is  not  certain,  (ii)  An  early 
collection  of  the  prophetical  books  must  also 
have  existed  ;  otherwise  the  cross-references 
to  one  another,  which  are  everywhere  numer- 
ous, and  which  reach  tlieir  climax  in  Ezekiel, 
Jeremiah,  and  Zechariah,  remain  unintelli- 
gible. Je.36  throws  interesting  light  upon  the 
way  in  which  the  several  parts  of  the  canon 
originated.  Cf.  further,  Dan. 9. 2,  and  tiie  ex- 
pression "  the  earlier  jirophets  "  in  Zech.l.4, 
7.7,12.  We  must  therefore  conclude,  from 
the  authoritative  official  position  of  the  pro- 
phets, that  as  a  rule  their  writings  received 
canonical  recognition  as  soon  as  they  ap- 
peared, so  that  the  proplietical  collections  were 
continually  growing.  Whether  these  were  in 
earlier  times  complete,  or  how  far  complete,  we 
are  no  longer  in  a  position  to  say.  But  may  we 
not  have,  in  the  way  in  which  the  waio  consecu- 
tive stands  at  the  beginning  of  Jonah  and 
Ezekiel,  a  clear  indication  that  they  were  con- 
sciously connecting  themselves  with  the  pro- 
phecies of  their   immediate  predecessors   (in 


CANON  OF  O.T. 

the  order  of  Heb.  Bible)  Obadiah  and  Jeremiah 
respectively  ?  That  this  "  accurate  succes- 
sion "  (Josephus)  ceased  with  Malachi  follows 
at  once  from  the  facts.  Moreover,  Zech.7. 
12  seems  to  know  of  an  incorporation  of 
the  law  with  the  prophets  as  already  in 
existence.  Rightly,  in  any  case,  does  the 
canonical  collection  of  the  historical  books 
(Joshua-Kings)  as  "  former  prophets  "  connect 
itself  with  the  identical  designation  "  latter 
prophets,"  not  because  prophetic  passages 
occur  in  them,  or  because  their  authorship 
was  ascribed  to  individual  prophets  (as  in 
later  times  Joshua  was  ascribed  to  Joshua, 
Samuel  to  Samuel,  Kings  to  Jeremiah),  but 
because  it  belonged  to  the  prophetic  office  to 
set  forth  the  revelation  of  God  as  fulfilling  it- 
self in  history.  Even  profane  historians  have 
thus  been  called  "  prophets  who  face  back- 
wards." Whether  the  canon  of  the  "  former  " 
prophets  arose  successively  one  by  one,  like 
that  of  the  "  latter  "  (see,  for  a  special  instance, 
iSam. 10.25),  or  at  some  time  in  the  Exile,  we 
have  at  present  no  means  of  deciding.  The 
joining  with  the  "  latter  "  prophets  may  well 
have  taken  place  at  the  time  of  the  closing  of 
the  canon,  (iii)  Since  parts  of  the  Hagiogra- 
pha  also  were  certainly  collected  at  an  early 
period  (see  Pr.25.i),  it  follows  that  the  three- 
fold division  of  the  canon  does  not  correspond 
simply  to  the  historical  succession  in  time, 
but  that  here  a  definite  principle  of  division 
has  been  in  reality  the  ruling  factor.  This 
alone  explains  why  the  order  of  the  individual 
books  in  the  Heb.  Bible  varies,  while  yet  each 
book  is  always  placed  in  the  same  section.  This 
principle  arises  objectively  from  the  different 
status  of  the  writers  in  the  theocracy,  sub- 
jectively from  their  differing  degrees  of  inspira- 
tion. Often  both  these  reasons  are  taken  into 
account,  but  at  other  times  one  or  other  is  pre- 
dominant. Abarbanel  and  Maimonides  push 
the  matter  further  into  what  are  often  very 
subtle  distinctions,  with  which  we  may  com- 
pare the  right  distinction  of  Witsius  between 
the  prophetic  donum  and  the  prophetic  munus 
by  which  Daniel's  place  in  the  Hagiographa 
beconaes  intelligible.  In  any  case,  however,  a 
principle  implies  the  (onclusit)n  of  the  canon  at 
some  definite  time.  The  later  Jewish  discus- 
sions, which  concern  Pr.,  Ec,  Esther,  Ezk., 
Can.,  have  nothing  to  do  with  their  reception 
into  the  canon,  whicli,  indeed,  those  discussions 
assume  ;  still  less  witli  any  later  exclusion  from 
it,  whicli  ct)uld  not  be  reconciled  with  the  de- 
monstrably high  estimation  in  which  listher 
was  held  ;  but  are  concerned  with  tiieir  exclu- 
sion from  public  reading  in  divine  service, 
which,  liowexer,  was  not  carried  out.  The 
reason  for  them  was  not  critical  impeachment 
of  their  genuineness,  but  arose  from  their  con- 
tents, e.g.  Ezekiel  was  supposed  to  be  inconsis- 
tent with  the  law.  Critics  in  earlier  times  cited 
the  .Alexandrian  canon  against  the  Hebrew,  but 
this  is  not  justified.  For  as  re\'elation  in  the 
Alexandrian  view  had  a  wider  scope,  they 
allowed  themselves  additions  (cf.  the  many 
ajiocryphal  additions  ami  see  under  III.)  and 
alterations,  i  )cspite  thi  s;',  the  L.\  X.  canon  is  in 
the  main  the  same  as  the  Hebrew.  Vet  Philo, 
according  to  Strack,  ()Uotes  from  all  the 
Biblical  writings  with  the  exception  of  Ezekiel, 


CAN6N  OP  O.*. 

Daniel,  and  the  five  Megilloth,  and  gives  only 
one  citation  from  the  Apocrypha.  What  J  ose- 
phus  thought,  though  he  makes  frequent  use  of 
the  LXX.,  and  favours  Alexandrian  views,  we 
have  already  seen.  The  computation  of  24 
books,  which  is  the  total  of  the  Jewish  tradi- 
tion (2Esd.l4'. 44-48,  see  supra,  and  Talmud)  as 
far  as  it  is  uninfluenced  by  the  LXX.,  is  to  be 
held,  with  Strack  against  Zahn,  to  be  original, 
i.e.  5  books  of  the  law,  4  +  4  {i.e.  Jos.,  Judg., 
Kings,  Sam. ;  -fis.,  Je.,  Ezk.,  and  the  book  of 
the  12  minor  prophets)  of  the  prophets,  and  11 
of  the  Hagiographa;  that  of  Josephus,  the  Hel- 
lenists, and  the  Christian  writers,  which  makes 
them  22,  is  conformed  to  the  alphabet,  and  is 
only  obtainable  by  uniting  Ruth  with  Judges 
and  Lamentations  with  Jeremiah  ;  yet  if  this 
were  originally  so,  their  present  position  in  the 
Hagiographa  would  be  hard  to  explain. 
Equally  artificial  is  the  number  27,  favoured 
by  Epiphanius  and  Jerome,  which  arises  from 
the  final  letters  of  the  alphabet  being  added. 
With  regard  to  the  varying  order,  which  we 
find  in  the  LXX.,  in  the  Fathers,  in  the  Vulg., 
Talmud,  Rabbis,  and  German  and  Spanish 
MSS.,  see  Strack,  Introduction,  or  Hertzog, 
Real-encyc.  edd.  2  and  3.  The  LXX.,  e.g.,  gives 
us  a  division  into  historical,  poetic,  and  pro- 
phetical writings,  and  gives  the  five  first  lesser 
prophets  in  the  order  of  their  size.  Because 
Baba  Batlira  and  the  larger  number  of  German 
and  French  MSS.  make  Isaiah  follow  Jeremiah 
and  Ezekiel,  it  does  not  follow  that  we  are  to 
see  in  this  a  remmiscence  of  the  origination  of 
Is.40tf.  in  the  Exile.  Jewish  antiquity  did  not 
trouble  itself  with  such  criticism,  and,  long 
before,  Jesus  Sirach  (Ecclus.4!8.22ff.,  esp.  24) 
had  held  these  chapters  to  be  genuine.  The 
Jews  themselves  give  a  different  explanation  of 
this  order — viz.  that  threatening  should  follow 
threatening,  and  comfort,  comfort.  It  is 
often  difficult  to  discover  a  principle  in  the 
varying  order  of  the  Hagiographa  ;  though 
that  the  five  Megilloth  follow  the  order  of  the 
feasts,  at  which  they  were  read,  is  intelligible 
enough.  Even  in  the  names  a  constant  tradi- 
tion is  wanting.  The  abbreviations  ~\l  {i.e. 
Torah,  Nebiim,  Ketubim),  JIDN  {i.e.  books  with 
special  accents;  Job,  Proverbs,  and  Psalms), 
and  the  denomination  of  the  books  of  the  law 
by  the  first  word  or  one  of  the  first  words  in 
them,  are  weU  known. — III.  Histoyy  of  O.T. 
Canon  in  the  Christian  Church,  {a)  The 
Early  and  Middle  Ages.  The  most  important 
point  for  us  is  that  Christ  and  the  apostles 
recognized  our  O.T.  as  canonical,  for  only 
passages  from  it  are  quoted  as  Holy  Scripture, 
and  only  very  occasional  reminiscences  of  the 
Apocrypha  are  to  be  found  {e.g.  Heb.ll.35ff. 
refers  to  2Mac.6f.).  Of  the  canonical  writings, 
references  are  wanting  only  to  Ezra,  Ne- 
hemiah,  apparently  to  Esther,  and  probably  to 
Ecclesiastes.  For  the  attitude  of  Christ  and 
His  apostles  towards  the  O.T.  or  to  its  several 
parts,  the  following  passages  may  be  especially 
noted:  Mt.5.i7,15.3ff.  ;  Lu.24.25,44ff. ;  Jn.5. 
39,10.34  ff.;  Ro.3.2  ;  2Tim.3.i5,i6  ;  Heb. 
l.i  ;  iPe.l.ioff.  ;  2Pe.l.i9ff.  Even  the  apos- 
tolic Fathers  are  still  far  from  quoting  the 
Apocryphal  writings  as  Holy  Scripture,  though 
they  use  them  and  have  clear  allusions  to 
them.     Clem.  Rom.  refers  to  Wisdom,  Ecclus., 


CANON  OF  O.T.  l2§ 

Tobit,  and  Judith ;  Justin  Mart.  {Ap.  i.  46)  to 
the  additions  to  Daniel,  and  in  the  Dia.  with 
Trypho  {c.  120  a.d.)  even  to  the  Ascensio 
Isaiae.  As  Christian  converts  from  paganism 
were  often  unable  to  read  the  O.T.  in  the 
original,  and  could  only  use  the  Gk.  transla- 
tion, the  distinction  between  canonical  and 
apocryphal  writings  was  soon  obliterated, 
since  in  the  LXX.  the  two  were  blended,  and  it 
was  an  accepted  opinion  that,  by  the  instru- 
mentality of  the  Logos,  inspiration  had  a  wider 
scope.  In  this  way  the  Apocrypha  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  transient  recognition  in  the 
Greek  Church,  and  a  lasting  recognition  in  the 
Latin.  We  give  in  the  table  on  the  next  page  a 
synopsis,  which,  though  it  makes  no  pretension 
to  completeness,  may  serve  to  give  at  a  glance 
the  general  position  taken  on  this  question 
by  the  Church  of  the  Early  and  Middle  Ages. 
It  is  desirable  to  add  that  as  soon  as  the 
Fathers  observed  the  difference  of  their  Bible 
from  the  Hebrew,  Melito  and  Origen  set  about 
inquiries  into  the  limits  of  the  Jewish  canon. 
Notwithstanding  the  opinion  of  Origen  that 
canonicity  was  to  be  defined  as  the  Church  had 
received  it  and  that  so  the  Apocrypha  was  to 
continue  to  be  used  as  Holy  Scripture,  from  the 
times  of  the  Laodicean  Council,  which  (Canon 
lix.)  forbade  the  public  reading  of  books  "not 
received  into  the  canon,"  and  of  Athanasius, 
who  distinguished  between  "  what  was  canoni- 
cal, what  was  read,  and  what  was  apocryphal," 
the  Hebrew  canon  came  into  currency  in  the 
Greek  Church  ;  but  the  writings  incorporated 
with  Jeremiah  in  the  LXX.  (Baruch  and  a 
letter)  were  still  regarded  as  canonical.  (For 
the  change  in  the  meaning  of  the  word  "  apoc- 
ryphal," see  art.  Apocrypha.)  The  Apost.  Can. 
(Ixxxv. ),  dating  from  the  5th  cent.,  introduced 
a  position  which  was  at  that  time  abnormal  in 
the  East,  and  for  this  reason  Canon  Ixxxv.  is  put 
in  brackets.  The  attitude  taken  up  in  the  Latin 
Church  from  the  end  of  the  4th  cent,  onwards 
is  different.  The  Councils  of  Hippo  (393  a.d.) 
and  of  Carthage  (397  a.d.),  in  the  name  of 
Augustine, pronounce  ecclesiastical  tradition  to 
be  authoritative,  in  default  of  fixed  criteria  by 
which  to  judge  canonicity.  Here  and  there, 
indeed,  we  find  isolated  learned  ecclesiastical 
writers  who,  following  Jerome,  recognize  the 
Hebraica  Veritas,  but  they  are  the  exceptions, 
and  are  consequently  bracketed  in  the  table. 
The  last  column  refers  to  the  book  of  Esther, 
the  only  canonical  writing  which  (certainly  on 
account  of  its  contents)  was  generally  misliked 
or  of  which  the  canonical  authority  was  ques- 
tioned, and  that  almost  without  exception  by 
the  Greeks.  It  is  only  necessary,  further,  to 
mention  the  critical  position  of  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia,  who  recognized  Baruch  and  Ec- 
clus., but,  on  the  contrary,  did  not  regard  Job, 
Can.,  Chron.,  Esther,  Ezra  (Nehemiah),  or  the 
superscriptions  of  the  Psalms  as  canonical ; 
upon  him  Julius  Africanus  is  certainly  depend- 
ent (see  Strack).  The  oldest  Syrian  Church 
did  not  recognize  the  Apocrypha.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  conception  of  what  was  canonical  in 
the  Ethiopic  Church  seems  to  have  been  even 
more  comprehensive  than  that  of  the  LXX. 
itself,  {b)  The  course  of  opinion  since  the 
Reformation.  The  Reformed  Churches  mainly 
agree  with  the  judgment  of  Luther,  who  intro- 

9 


130 


CANON  OF  O.T. 


CANON  OF  N.f . 


Greek  Fallieis,  including  Tertullian 
and  Cyprian. 

Irenaeus  {Adv.  Haer.) 

Clemens  Alex.            

Tertullian         

Cyprian  {De  Oral.  Dotii.)  . . 

Melito 

Origan 

The  Council  of  Laodicea (Canon  59)' 

Athanasius  (Ep.Fcst.) 

Synopsis  Script.  Sacr. 

Cyril  fluctuates           

Epiphanius,  uncertain  and  fluctu- 
ating     

Gregory  Naz 

Amphilochius             

(Canons  A  post.  \xxT.\.) 

Table  of  I  lie  60  Canonical  Books. . 

Nieephorus 

The  Latin  Cliitrclt. 

Can.  Mommsen,  Council  of  Hippo,  "j 
393  A.D.,  and  of  Carthage,  with  \ 
Augustinian  authority    .  .            J 

Innocent  I.  (Ail  Exsiiperitun) 

( lerome)           

Hilary 

(Rufinus,  ecclesiastical  in  contrast 
with  canonical)       

Theodore  of  Mopsuestia    . . 

Baruch 
and  the 
letter  of 
Jeremiah. 

en    • 

B 

E 
0 
•0 

1 

IS 

in 
0 

i 

Esther. 

+ 
+ 

+ 

+ 

+ 
+ 
+ 

+ 

+ 
+ 

+ 

+ 

+ 
1 

+ 
+ 
+ 

+ 

1 
1 
+ 

■> 

1 

+ 

+ 
+ 

1 

+ 

+ 

1 
1 

■> 

+ 
1 

+ 

+ 
+ 

1 
+ 

+ 

+ 

1 

1 

+? 

1 

+ 

+ 
+ 

+  ? 

1 

7 
1 

+'? 

1 

+ 

+ 
+ 

+  ? 

1 

+ 

+ 
1 

+ 

(+) 

+ 

1 

1 

+  ? 

9 

r? 

+  signifies  canonical  acceptance  ;  —  rejection  ;   |  a  middle  po.sition  ;  ?  uncertain. 

*  Distinguishes  "  books  not  canonized"  from  those  "of  the  new  and  the  old  covenant  which  are 
canonical." 


duces  the  Apocrypha  in  his  first  publication 
of  the  entire  Bible  in  1534,  with  the  words, 
"  Apocrypha,  that  is  a  collection  of  books 
which  are  not  held  on  an  equality  with  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  and  yet  are  useful  and  good 
to  be  read."  He  did  not,  however,  accept  i  and 
aEsdras,  and  he  expressed  himself  freely  about 
Esther.  He  followed  the  order  of  the  Vulg., 
but  placed  the  Apocrypha  at  the  end.  The 
same  valuation  of  the  Apocrypha  is  shown  in 
the  symbols  of  the  reformed  Churches :  e.g.  Conf. 
Gall.  (1559),  art.  iv. ;  Conf.  Belg.  (1562),  art.  iv.- 
vi. ;  Conf.  Anglic.  (1562),  art.  vi. ;  Conf.  Helv. 
(after  1566),  ch.  i.,  Declar.  Thortin  {164^).  The 
table  in  the  book  of  Common  Prayer  appoints 
lessons  from  the  Apocrypha  for  All  Saints' 
Day  and  other  days.  Much  more  cautious  and 
tentative  was  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht,  1618, 
which  markedly  separated  2F,sdras,  Tobit, 
Judith,  and  the  Story  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon 
from  the  canonical  writings.  For  the  Roman 
Church  the  Council  of  Trent  (session  iv.)  pro- 
nounced all  the  Apocrypha  in  veteri  vulgata 
Latina  to  be  canonical,  and  anathematized 
every  one  that  should  think  otherwise.  The 
(ire.ek  Church  has  rejected  the  confession  of 
Metrophanes  Kritopulos  (1625)  and  of  Cyrillus 
I.iikaris  (1620),  which  onlyreceive  the  Hebrew 
Canon,  and  at  the  Synod  of  Jerusalem  (1672), 
in  the  confession  of  liositheus,  designates  mt)st 
of  the  Apocrypha  as  "  genuine  parts  of  Scrip- 
ture "  ;  whereas  the  catechism  of  I'hilaret 
(1850)  returns  pretty  much  to  tlie  opinions 
of     Athanasius.      Hcrzog,     Real-encyc.\     s.v. 


(Oehler)  ;  ib.  2  and  3  (Strack).  The  Introduc- 
tions of  Keil,  Strack,  Baudissin,  Cornill,  Driver, 
and  Konig ;  Hengstenbcrg,  Beitrdge,  i.  23  ff., 
237  ff. ;  Zahn,  Geschichte  des  N.T.  Kanons  ;  Her- 
zog,  Keal-encyc.'\  art.  "Canon des  N.T.";  Grund- 
riss  der  Geschichte  des  N.T.  Kanons.     [w.m.] 

Canon  of  N.T.  [The  article  by  Bp.  West- 
cott  in  Smith's  D.B.  (4  vols.  Murray,  1893)  is 
still  acknowledged  by  the  general  consent  of 
scholars  to  be  unaffected  by  recent  controver- 
sies, and  the  historical  facts  are  necessarily  un- 
changed ;  hence  the  present  article  is,  in  all  es- 
sentials, and  with  but  slight  additions,  a  con- 
densation of  that  scholarly  production.  A 
final  paragraph,  referring  to  the  discussions 
since  Bp.  Westcott's  time,  has  been  added. — 
Ed.'\  The  history  of  the  N.T.  Canon  may  be 
conveniently  divided  into  three  periods.  The 
1st  extends  to  the  time  of  Hogcsippus  (c.  170 
A.D.),  and  includes  the  era  of  the  separate  cir- 
culation and  gradual  collection  of  the  apostolic 
writings.  The  2nd  is  closed  by  the  persecution 
of  Diocletian  (303  a.d.),  and  marks  the  separa- 
tion of  the  sacred  writings  from  other  ecclesias- 
tical literature.  The  3rd  closes  with  the  3rd 
Council  of  Carthage  (397  a.d.),  at  which  a  cata- 
logue of  the  books  of  Scripture  was  formally 
ratified  by  conciliar  authority,  (i)  The  history 
to  170  A.D.  The  writings  of  N.T.  themselves 
contain  little  more  than  faint,  perhaps  uncon- 
scious, claims  to  tlic  position  which  they  were 
destined  to  occuj^y  [but  see  Simkit,  Hoi  v,  4]. 
The  mission  of  the  apostles  was  essentially  one 
of  preaching,  not  of  writing  :    of  founding  a 


CANON  OF  N.T. 

present  Church,  not  of  legislating  for  a  future 
one.  The  prevailing  method  of  interpreting 
O.T.,  and  the  peculiar  position  which  the  first 
Christians  occupied,  as  standing  upon  the  verge 
of  "  the  coming  age,"  seemed  to  preclude  the 
contemplation  of  putting  forward  a  "  New 
Testament."  Yet  a  public  use  (Col.4.i6  ;  i 
Th.5.27  ;  Rev.22.i8),  and  an  authoritative 
power  (Lu. 1.1-4  ;  Jn.2i.24  ;  2Th.3.6  ;  iTim. 
4.6;  Rev. 22. 19)  is  claimed  for  their  writings; 
and,  at  the  time  2  Peter  was  written,  which 
on  any  hypothesis  is  extremely  early,  the 
epistles  of  St.  Paul  were  placed  in  significant 
connexion  with  "  the  other  Scriptures."  The 
transition  from  the  apostolic  to  the  sub- 
apostolic  age  is  essentially  abrupt  and  striking. 
An  age  of  conservatism  succeeded  an  age  of 
creation,  but  in  feeling  and  general  character 
faithfully  reflected  it.  The  writings  of  the 
Apostolic  Fathers  (c.  70-120  a.d.)  were 
called  forth  by  exceptional  circumstances,  and 
seldom  necessitated  the  quotation  of  the  earlier 
writings.  In  apologetic  and  missionary  treat- 
ises especially  the  appeal  would  naturally  be 
rather  to  O.T.  At  the  same  time  they  show 
that  the  canonical  books  of  N.T.  supply  an 
adequate  explanation  of  the  belief  of  their  age, 
and  must  therefore  represent  completely  the 
earlier  teaching  on  which  that  was  based  ;  and 
Clement  of  Rome  {Ep.  47),  Ignatius  (ad  Eph. 
12),  and  PoLYCARP  (Ep.  3) — the  latter  of  whom 
(t  155  A.D.)  was  a  personal  disciple  of  St. 
John — refer  to  apostolic  epistles  written  to 
those  whom  they  were  addressing.  The  casual 
coincidences  of  the  writings  of  the  Apostolic 
Fathers  with  the  language  of  the  epistles  are 
much  more  extensive.  With  the  exception  of 
the  epp.  of  Jude,  2 Peter,  and  2,2john,  with 
which  no  coincidences  occur,  and  i.aThes- 
salonians,  Titus,  and  Philemon,  with  which  the 
coincidences  are  questionable,  all  the  epistles 
were  clearly  known,  and  used  by  them,  though 
not  quoted  with  the  formulas  which  preface 
citations  from  O.T.  ;  nor  is  the  famous  phrase 
of  Ignatius  (ad  Philad.  5)  sufficient  to  prove  the 
existence  of  a  collection  of  apostolic  records  as 
distinct  from  the  sum  of  apostolic  teaching. 
The  coincidences  with  the  gospels,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  numerous  and  interesting,  but  not 
such  as  can  be  referred  exclusively  to  our  pre- 
sent gospels.  The  details  of  the  life  of  Christ 
were  still  matters  of  general  knowledge  ;  and 
the  sense  of  the  paramount  authority  of  O.T. 
was  too  powerful  (even  among  Gentile  converts) 
to  require  or  admit  the  immediate  addition  of 
supplementary  books  as  Scriptures.  Neverthe- 
less, the  sense  of  the  unique  positionoccupied  by 
the  apostles,  as  the  original  inspired  teachers 
of  the  Christian  Church,  was  already  felt  in  the 
sub-apostolic  age.  The  Teaching  of  the  XII. 
Apostles  clearly  assumes  a  recognized  body 
of  evangelic  tradition,  and  its  language  sug- 
gests acquaintance  with  the  gospels  of  SS.  Luke 
and  John,  i Corinthians,  i Peter,  Jude,  and 
possibly  Ephesians,  2Peter,  and  the  Apocalypse. 
The  next  period  (120-170  a.d.),  which  may 
be  fitly  termed  the  age  of  the  Apologists, 
carries  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the 
Canon  further.  The  facts  of  the  life  of 
Christ  acquired  a  fresh  importance  in  con- 
troversy with  Jew  and  Gentile.  The  oral 
tradition  was  more  distant,  and  therefore  less 


CANON  OF  N.T. 


131 


authoritative,  and  a  variety  of  written  docu- 
ments claimed  to  occupy  its  place.  Then  it 
was  that  the  canonical  gospels  were  definitely 
separated  from  the  mass  of  similar  narratives. 
Other  narratives  remained  current  for  some 
time ;  but  whenever  the  question  of  authority 
was  raised,  the  four  gospels  were  ratified  by 
universal  consent.  The  testimony  of  Justin 
Martyr  (f  165  a.d.,  or  earlier)  is  in  this  respect 
most  important.  An  examination  of  his  evan- 
gelic references  shows  that  they  were  derived, 
certainly  in  the  main,  from  St.  Matthew  ;  but 
each  gospel  is  distinctly  recognized  by  him,  and 
he  frequently  quotes  the  prologue  of  St.  John's 
gospel.  Of  other  books  of  N.T.  he  mentions 
by  name  the  Apocalypse  only,  and  attributes 
it  to  "  a  certain  .  .  .  John  "  (Dial.  c.  Tryph. 
81),  and  offers  some  coincidences  of  language 
with  the  Pauline  epistles.  The  evidence  of 
Papias  (c.  140-150  A.D.),  who  was  traditionally 
connected  with  St.  John,  goes  back  still  earlier. 
It  seems  clear  that  he  was  acquainted  with  our 
present  gospels  of  SS.  Matthew  and  Mark,  the 
former  of  which  he  connected  with  an  earlier 
Heb.  original  ;  and  probably  also  with  the 
gospel  of  St.  John,  the  former  epistles  of  SS. 
John  and  Peter,  and  the  Apocalypse.  Mean- 
while various  mystical  teachers  made  the 
apostolic  writings  the  foundation  of  strange 
speculations,  which  are  popularly  confounded 
together  under  the  general  title  of  Gnosticism, 
whether  Gentile  or  Jewish  in  their  origin.  The 
need  of  an  authoritative  Canon  made  itself  felt 
during  the  Gnostic  controversy  ;  and  the  wit- 
ness of  Gnostic  heretics  has  its  special  value  in 
the  case  of  some  books — e.g.  Basilides  and 
Valentinus  base  an  important  part  of  their 
teaching  on  St.  John's  gospel.  The  Canon  of 
Marcion  (c.  140  A.D.)  contained  both  a  gospel 
("the  gospel  of  Christ"),  which  was  a  mutilated 
recension  of  St.  Luke,  and  an  "  apostle  "  or 
apostolicon,  which  contained  ten  epistles  of  St. 
Paul — the  only  true  apostle  in  Marcion's  judg- 
ment— excluding  the  pastoral  epistles  and 
that  to  the  Hebrews.  The  narrow  limits  of  this 
canon  were  a  necessary  consequence  of  Mar- 
cion's heretical  position,  but  it  offers  a  clear 
witness  to  the  fact  that  apostolic  writings  were 
thus  early  regarded  as  a  complete  original  rule 
of  doctrine.  The  Diaiessaron  of  Tatian  (c.  166 
A.D.),  the  pupil  of  Justin  Martyr,  proves  the 
early  and  exclusive  acceptance  of  "  a  fourfold 
gospel,"  as  it  was  undoubtedly  a  harmony  of 
the  four  canonical  books.  The  close  of  this 
period  is  marked  by  two  important  testimonies 
to  N.T.  as  a  whole.  The  Muratorian  Canon  in 
the  W.,  and  the  Peshitta  in  theE.,  deal  with 
the  collection  of  Christian  Scriptures  as  such. 
Thus  far  2Peter  is  the  only  book  of  N.T.  not 
recognized  as  an  apostolic  and  authoritative 
writing  ;  and  in  this  result  the  evidence  from 
casual  quotations  coincides  exactly  with  the 
lists  of  the  two  express  catalogues.  (2)  From 
170  A.D.  to  303  a.d.  From  the  close  of  the  2nd 
cent.  Christian  writers  take  a  foremost  place 
intellectually  as  well  as  morally  ;  and  the 
powerful  influence  of  the  Alexandrine  church 
widened  the  range  of  Catholic  thought,  and 
checked  the  spread  of  speculative  heresies. 
From  the  first  the  common  elements  of  the 
Roman  and  Syrian  Canons  form  a  Canon  of 
acknowledged   books,    regarded   as   a   whole, 


132 


CANON  OF  N.T. 


authoritative  and  inspired,  and  co-ordinate 
with  O.T.  ;  as  is  proved  by  the  testimony 
of  contemporary  Fathers  of  the  Churches 
of  Asia  Minor,  Alexandria,  and  N.  Africa. 
Irenaeus  (c.  177  A.D.),  disciple  of  Poly- 
carp,  speaks  of  the  Scriptures  as  a  whole, 
without  distinction  of  the  O.  or  N.  T.,  as  "  per- 
fect, inasmuch  as  they  were  uttered  by  the 
Word  of  Ciod  and  His  Spirit."  "  There  could 
not  be,"  he  elsewhere  argues,  "  more  than  four 
gospels  or  fewer."  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(c.  189  A. D.)  regards  "  the  apostle"  as  a  collec- 
tion definite  as  "  the  gospel,"  and  combines 
them  as  "  scriptures  of  the  Lord  "  with  the 
law  and  prophets.  Tertullian  (c.  202  a.d.) 
notices  particularly  the  introduction  of  the 
word  Testament  for  the  earlier  word  Instrument, 
as  applied  to  the  dispensation  and  the  record, 
and  appeals  to  the  New  Testament,  as  made 
up  of  the  "  gospels  "  and  "  apostles  "  ;  and 
in  his  Adv.  Marc,  analyses  ten  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles.  This  comprehensive  testimony  ex- 
tends to  the  four  gospels.  Acts,  i  Peter, 
ijohn,  13  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  the 
Apocalypse;  and,  except  the  Apocalypse,  no 
one  of  these  books  was  ever  afterwards 
rejected  or,  until  modern  times,  even  ques- 
tioned. But  this  important  agreement  as  to 
the  principal  contents  of  the  Canon  left 
several  points  still  undecided.  The  E.  and  W., 
as  was  seen  above,  each  received  some  books 
which  were  not  universally  accepted;  and  in 
other  cases  apocryphal  or  unapostolic  books 
obtained  a  partial  sanction  or  a  popular  use 
before  they  were  finally  excluded.  Generally 
it  may  be  said  that  of  the  "  disputed  "  books  of 
N.T.  the  Apocalypse  was  received  by  all  the 
writers  of  theperiod,  with  the  single  exception  of 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  who  questions  its 
authorship  rather  than  its  canonicity  ;  and  the 
Hebrews  was  accepted  by  the  churches  of 
Alexandria,  Asia  (?),  and  Syria,  but  not  by 
those  of  Africa  and  Rome.  The  epp.  of  SS. 
James  and  J udc,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
little  used,  and  2  Peter  was  barely  known. 
(3)  From  303  A.D.  to  397  a.d.  The  persecu- 
tion of  Diocletian  was  directed  in  great 
measure  against  the  Christian  writings,  and 
was  partly  successful.  Some  were  found  who 
obtained  protection  by  surrendering  the  sacred 
books,  and,  later,  the  question  of  the  read- 
mission  of  these  "  traitors  "  (traditores),  as  they 
were  emphatically  called,  created  a  schism  in 
the  Church.  The  Donatists,  whose  Judgment 
on  their  crime  was  the  sterner,  maintained  in  its 
strictest  integrity  the  po]iular  judgment  in 
Africa  on  the  contents  of  the  Canon  of  Scrip- 
ture ;  and  Augustine  allows  that  they  held  in 
common  with  Catholics  the  same  "  Canonical 
Scriptures,"  and  were  alike  "  bound  by  the 
authority  of  both  Testaments."  The  list  of 
the  59th  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Lagdicea 
(c.  363  a.d.)  omits  the  Apocalypse,  but  our 
present  Canon  of  N.T.  exactly  agrees  (//.  0/ 
Thcol.  Studies,  i.  558)  with  that  of  the  Council 
OF  Rome  (382  a.d.)  and  of  the  3rd  Council 
OF  Carthage  (397  a.d.),  from  which  time  it 
was  accepted  throughout  the  Latin  Church, 
though  occasional  doubts  as  to  the  Hebrews 
remained.  Meanwhile  the  Syrian  churches, 
representing  the  conservative  East,  retained 
the    Peshitta   Canon.      Chrysostoh   (t   407 


CANON  OF  N.T 

A.D.),  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (t429  a.d.). 
and  Theodoret,  who  represent  the  church 
of  Antioch,  furnish  no  evidence  in  support 
of  the  epp.  of  Jude,  2Peter,  2,2john,  or  the 
Apocalypse.  Junilius,  in  his  account  of  the 
public  teaching  at  Nisibis,  places  the  epp.  of 
James,  Jude,  2,-iJohn,  zPeter  in  a  second  class, 
and  mentions  doubts  in  the  East  as  to  ihc  Apo- 
calypse ;  and  though  Ephrem  Svrus  was  ac- 
quainted with  ihQ  .Apocaly pse,  yet  his  genuine 
Syrian  works  exhibit  no  habitual  use  of  the 
books  not  contained  '.i  the  Syrian  Canon. 
The  churches  of  Asia  Minor  seem  to  have  oc- 
cupied a  mean  position  as  to  the  Canon  between 
the  E.  and  W.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Apocalypse,  they  received  generally  all  the 
books  of  N.T.  contained  in  the  African  Canon. 
A  festal  letter  of  Athanasius  (f  373  a.d.) 
bears  witness  to  the  Alexandrine  Canon.  This 
contains  a  definite  list  of  the  books  of  N.T.  as 
received  at  present  ;  and  the  judgment  of 
Athanasius  is  confirmed  by  the  practice  of  his 
successor  Cyril.  One  important  catalogue 
yet  remains.  After  noticing  in  separate  places 
the  origin  and  use  of  the  gospels  and  epistles, 
EusEBius  (c.  315  A.D.)  sums  up  the  results  of 
his  inquiry  into  the  evidence  on  the  apostolic 
books  furnished  by  the  writings  of  the  first  three 
centuries  (H.E.  iii.  25).  In  the  class  of  acknow- 
ledged books  he  places  the  4  gospels,  14  epp. 
of  St.  Paul,  I  John,  i  Peter,  and,  in  case  its 
authenticity  is  admitted  (such  seems  to  be  his 
meaning),  the  Apocalypse.  The  class  of  disputed 
books  he  subdivides  into  two  parts,  the  first 
consisting  of  such  as  were  generally  known  and 
recognized,  including  the  epp.  of  James,  Jude, 
zPeter,  2,j,John ;  and  the  second  of  those  which 
he  pronounces  spurious,  i.e.  either  unauthentic 
or  unapostolic,  as  the  Acts  of  Paul,  the  Shep- 
herd of  Hernias,  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter,  the 
Apocalypse  of  John  (if  not  a  work  of  the  apos- 
tle), and,  according  to  some,  the  gospel  accord- 
ing to  the  Hebrews.  These  two  classes  contain 
all  the  books  which  had  recei\'cd  ecclesiastical 
sanction,  and  were  in  common  distinguished 
from  a  tliird  class  of  heretical  forgeries  {e.g.  the 
gospels  of  Thomas,  Peter,  Matthias,  etc.).  At 
the  era  of  the  Reformation  the  subject  of  the 
N.T.  Canon  was  again  freely  discussed;  but 
though  Erasmus,  Calvin,  and  Luther,  the  latter 
from  a  purely  subjective  standpoint,  expressed 
their  doubts  as  to  certain  books,  the  reopening 
of  the  question  resulted  in  the  general  accept- 
ance of  the  old  Canon.  The  language  of  the 
Articles  of  the  Church  of  England  with  regard 
to  N.T.  is,  however,  remarkable.  In  the 
Articles  of  1352  no  list  is  given  ;  but  in  the 
Elizabethan  Articles  {1562,  1571)  Holy  Scrip- 
ture is  defined  as  the  "  canonical  Books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  of  whose  authority  was 
never  any  doubt  in  the  Church"  (Art.  vi.).  This  is 
followed  by  an  enumeration  of  the  books  of  the 
O.T.  and  Apocrypha  ;  and  then  it  is  said  sum- 
marily, without  a  detailed  catalogue,  "  All  the 
Hooks  of  the  New  Testament,  as  they  are  com- 
monly received,  we  do  receive  and  account  them 
Canonical."  1 1 seems, therefore, possible  thatthe 
framers  of  the  .\rticles  intended,  as  in  so  many 
other  matters,  to  leave  a  freedom  of  judgment 
on  a  point  on  which  opinions  were  then  divided. 
[Recent  N.T.  criticism  does  not  call  for  much 
remark  under  this  head,  and  is  dealt  with  in  the 


CANOPY 

articles  on  the  several  books.  Harnack  has 
taken  the  place  of  Paulus,  Strauss,  and  Baiir  as 
the  hero  of  the  moment.  His  conclusions  are 
different,  but  his  methods  are  the  same.  It  is 
true  that  in  his  latest  work  he  condemns  "  the 
impressionalism  that  is  the  ruling  fashion  of 
the  day."  But  his  own  works  are  conspicuous 
examples  of  this  "  impressionalism."  He  has 
been  forced,  indeed,  to  admit  that,  in  the 
matter  of  dates,  at  least,  criticism  is  "gradually 
returning  to  the  traditional  standpoints."  But 
he  still  disputes  the  authority  of  the  N.T.  writers, 
though  on  purely  subjective  grounds.  His- 
torical testimony,  among  writers  of  his  school, 
is  ignored  or  evaded.  They  depend  on  the  in- 
genious invention  of  difficulties  and  contradic- 
tions in  the  subject-matter  of  the  writers  with 
whom  they  deal.  Harnack  promises  us  fur- 
ther "  startling  discoveries  "  by  methods  of 
this  kind.  We  are  confident  that  they  will 
prove,  as  previous  discoveries  of  a  like  kind 
have  proved,  but  a  "nine  days'  wonder."  The 
principle  on  which  we  may  dismiss  them  is,  that 
a  societ^^  such  as  the  Christian  Church  was  not 
likely  to  be  neglectful  of  its  title-deeds.  And 
of  the  genuineness  of  those  title-deeds  we  have 
evidence  such  as  no  other  records  in  the  world 
can  show.  On  the  traditional  side  the  fullest 
account  of  the  Canon  will  be  found  in  West- 
cott's  Canon  of  N.T.  ;  Salmon's  Introduction  to 
the  N.T.  ;  Scrivener's  Introduction  to  the  Crit. 
of  N.T.  ;  and  Lightfoot's  Essays  on  Super- 
natural Religion.  On  the  side  of  modern 
criticism  there  are  a  vast  number  of  recent 
books,  bearing  more  or  less  on  the  subject ; 
but  those  which  have  found  the  widest  accept- 
ance are  the  works  of  Harnack.  J.J-L-] 

Canopy  {Jth.lO.21. 13. 9,16. ig).  The  cano- 
py of  Holofernes  is  the  only  one  mentioned, 
although,  perhaps,  the  "  pillars  "  of  the  litter 
described  in  Can. 3. 10  may  indicate  that  its 
equipage  included  a  canopy.  It  probably  re- 
tained the  mosquito  nets  or  curtains  which  gave 
it  its  name  (KLOvwTrelov,  from  KiJjv(j3\p,  "gnat"), 
although  its  description  (Jth.lO.21)  betrays 
luxury  and  display  rather  than  such  simple 
usefulness. 

Canticles,  or  Song  of  Solomon  ;  Vulg.  Can- 
ticum  Canticorum,  from  Heb.  shir  hashshirim, 
"  Song  of  the  Songs,"  i.e.  the  best  or  most 
beautiful  of  songs.  It  was  apparently  not 
without  some  hesitation  that  the  Jews  placed 
this  exquisite  but  obscure  poem  in  the  Hagio- 
grapha.  Once  admitted  to  the  sacred  canon, 
however,  it  became  invested  with  peculiar 
sanctity,  for,  like  the  book  of  Ezekiel,  it  was 
not  allowed  to  be  read  by  any  before  the  age 
of  thirty;  and  it  gained  the  dignity  of  being 
included  in  the  five  Megilloth  (or  Rolls) 
read  liturgically  on  the  great  Jewish  festivals. 
The  Song  was  read  thus  on  the  8th  day 
of  the  Passover  (c/.  the  use  of  2. 10-17  as  the 
1st  lesson  at  Evensong  on  Easter  Monday 
in  the  Anglican  Calendar).  Passing  with  the 
other  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  into  the 
service  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  Song 
became  a  favourite  study  of  mediaeval  devo- 
tion. St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  left  86  sermons 
on  Can.l-3.i.  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  even  on 
his  deathbed  was  besought  by  the  monks  of 
Fossa  Nuova  to  undertake  a  commentary 
on  it. — Authorship  and  Date.     The  title  (l.i) 


CANTICLES 


133 


need  not  of  necessity  have  more  authority 
than  the  titles  of  the  Psalms.  It  expresses 
only  an  ancient  tradition,  which  perhaps  the 
allusions  in  the  Song  to  Solomon  and  the  fact 
of  the  "  one  thousand  and  five  "  songs  attri- 
buted to  Solomon  by  iK.4.32  maybe  sufficient 
to  account  for.  Modern  scholars  have  as- 
signed widely  different  dates.  Deane  believes 
it  to  be  the  work  of  some  prophet  con- 
temporary with  Solomon,  and  intended  for  that 
king's  reformation.  Driver  (so  also  Stickel 
and  Oettli)  considers  it  to  belong  to  a  time 
not  long  after  the  division  of  the  kingdoms. 
On  the  other  hand,  many  {e.g.  Graetz,  Roth- 
stein,  Cheyne)  consider  it  post-Exilic.  The 
scenery  is  mostly  that  of  the  northern 
kingdom  (see  frequent  allusions  to  Lebanon 
in  ch.  4,5,7  ;  to  Tirzah,  6.4  ;  to  Baal-hamon, 
8.11  ;  and  to  vineyards  generally).  Some  of 
its  peculiar  words  are  usually  explained  as  be- 
longing to  the  northern  dialect.  The  fresh- 
ness and  vigour  of  its  imagery,  the  glow  of  its 
passion,  might  naturally  suggest  an  early 
period  of  literature,  and  would  fit  in  well  with 
the  age  of  Solomon  ;  but  whether  the  king 
himself  could  possibly  have  been  its  author 
will  depend  considerably  on  the  view  taken 
of  its  literal  meaning  and  purpose. — Scheme. 
The  Song  has  been  regarded  by  some  {e.g. 
Herder,  Budde,  Cheyne)  as  without  dramatic 
unity,  being  rather  a  loose  collection  of  love 
and  marriage  lyrics.  But  the  prevailing  view 
is  that  the  Song  is  a  dramatic  poem,  having 
pure  wedded  love  for  its  theme.  Here  again 
agreement  ends,  and  not  unnaturally,  for  little 
is  known  of  Hebrew  dramatic  poetry.  There 
are  no  external  divisions  of  speeches,  nor  any 
names  of  characters  prefixed.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  distinction  in  the  Heb.,  which  cannot 
be  represented  in  an  Eng.  version,  between 
the  speeches  of  the  "bride"  and  "bride- 
groom," made  by  the  use  of  the  2nd  pers.  poss. 
pronoun  masc.  and  fem.,  and  in  some  MSS. 
of  the  LXX.  the  dramatis  personae  are  inserted 
throughout  the  book.  Hence  it  is  possible 
to  divide  the  Song  in  various  ways,  and  even  to 
construct  entirely  different  plots.  At  present 
there  are  two  main  schools  of  literal  interpreta- 
tion, (i)  (Supported  by  Delitzsch  and  Orelli.) 
Two  principal  characters,  Solomon  and  a 
country  maiden  of  great  beauty  and  simplicity, 
called  Sulamith  or  "  the  Shulammite." 
[SnuLAMiTE.]  The  court  ladies  form  a  sort 
of  chorus,  which  comments  on  the  course  of 
events.  Solomon  is  assumed  to  have  discovered 
the  Shulammite  and  won  her  love,  while  dis- 
guised as  a  shepherd.  The  play  opens  with  her 
introduction  to  his  haritn  at  Jerusalem  ;  the 
dialogue  describes  the  course  of  their  courtship, 
the  purpose  being  to  glorify  monogamy,  in 
contrast  with  the  polygamy  of  Solomon.  The 
speeches  of  the  king  are  said  by  some  to  show 
a  gradual  elevation  of  tone,  as  he  learns  more 
of  the  maiden's  character.  The  royal  wedding 
takes  place  between  ch.  i  and  5,  and  they  re- 
turn together  to  the  old  scenes  of  rural  beauty, 
where  among  the  vineyards  and  the  flocks 
they  had  first  loved  each  other.  The  poem 
ends  with  a  panegyric  upon  the  pure  wedded 
love  of  one  man  for  one  woman  (8.6,7).  (2) 
(Originated  by  Jacobi  in  1771,  though  partly 
suggested  by   Ibn  Ezra  in  i?th   cent.,   and 


134 


CANTICLES 


supported  by  Ewald,  Driver,  and  most 
modern  scholars.)  There  are  three  characters 
in  addition  to  the  chorus,  Solomon,  the  Shu- 
lammite,  and  an  unnamed  shepherd-lover,  to 
whom  the  maiden  remains  faithful  in  spite  of 
the  entreaties  of  Solomon,  and  to  whom  she 
is  eventually  allowed  to  return.  This  view  has 
much  to  recommend  it  from  the  dramatic 
point  of  view.  Instead  of  a  marriage  with  the 
king  in  4. 1 6-5.1,  the  drama  leads  up  to  a  tri- 
umphant consummation  in  ch.  8  in  the  meeting 
of  the  separated  lovers  (ver.  5),  the  praise  of 
faithful  love  {vv.  6,  7),  and  the  vindication  of 
the  maiden's  chastity  (vv.  8-12).  The  ethical 
value  of  the  drama  is  much  clearer  than  in  (i). 
True  love  triumphs  over  fear  and  the  seduc- 
tions of  the  court.  A  parallel  has  been  pointed 
out  in  the  Arabic  story  of  the  loves  of  Hamda 
and  Habbas  (Wetzstein,  Zeitschrift  der 
Deutschen  Morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  xxii. 
[1868],  p.  74);  the  former  is  on  the  point  of 
marriage  with  her  cousin  All,  when  the  real 
state  of  her  affections  is  disclosed,  and  she 
returns  to  her  true  lover.  It  has  also  been  sug- 
gested that  the  starting-point  of  the  story  may 
be  found  in  that  of  the  fair  Shunammite 
Abishag,  who  preserved  her  purity  at  the  court 
of  David  and  Solomon,  and  disappears  from 
the  history  after  iK.2.22,  presumably  re- 
turning then  to  her  old  home.  Yet  (2)  is  not 
without  great  difficulties.  To  some  its  very 
completeness  and  its  modern  flavour  will  be 
arguments  against  a  too  ready  acceptance, 
and  5.1  is  still  very  obscure.  A  marriage 
certainly  seems  to  be  assumed  here.  On  the 
shepherd-lover  theory,  however,  Solomon  at 
this  point  discovers  the  truth,  and  retires  from 
the  stage.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a 
curious  unreality  about  the  whole  movement 
of  the  drama  on  theory  (i)  ;  and  the  supposed 
conversion  of  Solomon  to  a  purer  love  is  by  no 
means  clear.  The  literal  interpretation  of  the 
Song  cannot  yet  be  regarded  as  satisfactorily 
solved. — Spiritual  Interpretation.  It  was  uni- 
versally believed  by  the  later  Jews  that  the 
poem  was  a  designed  allegory  of  the  love  of 
Jehovah  and  His  people  Israel,  conceived  in 
the  spirit  of  the  prophetical  imagery  of  Is.SO.i  ; 
Je.2.2  ;  Ezk.16  ;  Ho.2,  etc.  It  was  even 
explained  as  an  allegorical  account  of  the 
whole  history  of  Israel  from  the  Exodus 
onwards.  Origen  introduced  this  conception 
into  the  Christian  Church,  and  it  dominated 
all  the  primitive  and  mediaeval  Catholic  inter- 
pretations. Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  was  even 
condenmed  by  the  5th  (ieneral  Council  (353) 
for  denying  that  the  Song  had  any  but  a  literal 
meaning.  Most  modern  scholars  reject  any 
allegorical  purpose  in  the  Song,  and  assume 
that  its  ethical  motive  is  its  sufficient  justifi- 
cation. It  certainly  cannot  be  pr<)\ed  that 
any  allegorical  meaning  was  in  the  mind  of 
the  writer,  nor  does  it  seem  prima  facie  at  all 
necessary  or  even  likely.  Nevertheless,  the 
practically  universal  feeling  of  both  the  Jewish 
and  Christian  Churches  ought  not  to  be  dis- 
regarded. .•\nd  the  controversy  between 
allegorists  and  literalists  does  not  touch  the 
real  question.  To  the  mind  of  the  Church  all 
the  O.T.  is  typical  of  and  i^reparatory  to  the 
Incarnation.  IJut  it  is  not  necessary,  in  order 
to  justify  this,  either  to  allegorize  or  ignore 


CAPERNAUM: 

the  plain  literal  meaning  of  the  text.  The 
original  purpose  of  the  Song,  the  glorification 
of  pure  wedded  love,  in  accordance  with  God's 
creation,  is  a  sufficient  starting-point  for  a 
higher  and  "  mystical  "  interpretation.  For 
marriage  is  "  a  great  mystery,"  whose  inner 
meaning,  revealed  to  the  Christian  conscience, 
is  the  union  of  God  and  man  in  the  Incarnation. 
That  this  meaning  may  legitimately  be  read 
in  the  Canticles  is  implied  in  St.  Paul's  use  of 
its  language  in  application  to  the  Church  (cf. 
Eph.5.27  with  Can. 4. 7).  Thus  in  either 
Solomon  or  the  shepherd-lover  may  be  seen  a 
type  of  the  Son  of  God  [cf.  2. 8-10) ;  and  in  the 
Shulammite  a  type  (a)  of  the  Church  of  God 
in  every  age,  her  desires,  her  dreams,  her 
struggles,  and  her  triumphs  ;  [b)  of  the  B.V. 
Mary,  the  epitome  and  flower  of  the  Church  ; 
(c)  of  the  Christian  soul,  living  over  in  itself 
the  Church's  experience.  Thus  the  great 
poem  of  love  and  spring-time  not  only  rightly 
finds  its  place  in  the  Canon,  which  has  room 
for  every  side  of  human  nature,  but  is  also 
eloquent  of  God's  great  purpose  of  the  restora- 
tion of  human  nature  and  of  the  second  spring 
of  the  Resurrection.  To  deny  the  possibility 
of  spiritual  interpretation  would  be  tantamount 
to  denying  the  connexion  of  the  O.T.  with  the 
Incarnation,  or  indeed  its  general  inspiration. 
Ginsburg,  Song  of  Songs  (1857);  Ewald, 
Dichter  des  A.B.'s  (1867)  ;  Renan,  Le  cant,  des 
cantiqnes  (4th  ed.  1879)  ;  R.  F.  Littledale, 
Comm.  on  Song  of  Songs  (1869)  ;  Graetz,  Shir 
ha-Shirim  (1871)  ;  Delitzsch,  Bib.  Comm. 
(1875);  Driver,  Intro,  to  Lit.  of  O.T.  (1891); 
H.  Deane,  Smith's  D.B.  (vol.  i.  new  ed.  1893)  ; 
Rothstein,  Hastings's  D.B.  (vol.  iv.  1902); 
Cheyne,  Encvcl-  Bib.  (vol.  iv.  1903).  [a.r.w.] 
Canticles  of  N.T.  [Hymns.] 
Capep(Heb.  'dbhiyyond).  This  word  occurs 
only  in  Ec. 12.5,  where  the  A.V.  reads  "  desire 
shall  fail "  {concupiscence,  Geneva  version), 
but  in  Wyclif  it  stands  "  the  crbe  capcris  shal 
be  scattered,"  or  "  and  capparis  schal  be  dis- 
tried."  This  meaning  has  been  restored  by 
R.V.  The  caper  was  regarded  as  a  stimulant 
to  the  appetite,  which  was  no  longer  of  service 
when  man  was  about  to  die.  The  word 
"  caper-berry  "  of  R.V.  introduces  an  old 
blunder,  since  the  part  made  use  of  as  a  condi- 
ment or  pickle  is  the  unopened  flower-bud,  not 
the  berry.  Capparis  spinosa  is  a  small,  prickly, 
trailing  shrub,  usually  clinging  to  walls,  ruins, 
and  dry  rocky  places.  It  may  be  seen  near 
Jerusalem  and  in  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  often 
in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  (Wadv  el  '.\in,  etc.). 
Some  writers  lia\e  eiidea\iiured  to  prove  that 
hyssop  {q.v.)  was  the  caper;  chiefly,  perhaps, 
because  it  grows  on  a  wall.  [n.c.ii.| 

Capernaum  (Sinai  M.S.  Capharnaum), 
apparenth-  "  \  illagc  <if  Xalium."  Our  Lord's 
"  own  city  "  (Mt.4.i3,9.i ).  in  Galilee  (I. u. 4.31). 
on  the  coast  of  the  sea  of  Galilee  (Mt.4.13). 
and  apparently  in  the  jilain  of  Gennksari:t 
(Jn.6.17,  cf.  Mt. 14.34).  It  was  apparently 
at  least  4  Roman  miles  from  the  N-li).  shore 
of  the  lake  or  shore  S.  of  Bi;thsaio.\  (Julias), 
which  agrees  with  the  situation  of  Gennesaret 
(Jn.6.io,2i).  It  was  below  Cana  and  Nazar- 
eth (I.U.4.31  ;  Jn.2. 12).  and  not  on  a  height — 
according  to  the  Sinai  MS.  reading  (Mt.ll.23  : 
Lu.lO.15),  "Shalt  thou  be  exalted  to  heaven  ?  " 


CAPERNAUM 


CAPPADOCIA 


135 


It  was  in  Naphtali,  while  Nazareth  was  in 
Zebulun  (Mt.4.13;  Is.9.i).  It  had  a  syna- 
gogue (Mk.l.2i  ;  Lu.4.33  ;  Jn.6.59)  built  by 
a  Roman  centurion  (Lu.7.1,5)  ;  and  was  a 
military  station,  and  a  town  where  taxes  were 
levied  (Mt.9.9,  etc.)-  In  the  Midrash  (Qoheleth 
vii.  20)  Caphar-nahum  is  noticed  as  the  town 
of  minim,  or  Christian  "  heretics."  It  is 
perhaps  the  Capharnome  to  which  Josephus 
was  carried  when  wounded  at  Julias  (Life  72). 
He  says  that  the  fountain  of  Capharnaum 
watered  the  plain  of  Gennesaret  {3  Wars  x.  8), 
which  applies  to  the  'Ain  el  Madowerah,  or 
"  round  spring,"  especially  because  the  Cora- 
cinus  fish,  which  he  notices  in  the  Capharnaum 
fountain,  still  exists  in  the  latter  spring.     In 


visited  it  in  1334,  and  found  there  a  "  tomb  of 
Nahum."  He  says  (probably  following  the 
Midrash,  as  above  quoted)  that  it  was  once 
inhabited  by  minim  (heretics).  Quaresmius 
in  1620,  and  Robinson  in  1852,  advocated  a 
site  called  Minieh,  which  might  be  named  after 
the  minim,  by  a  spring  close  to  the  shore  in 
the  N.E.  corner  of  the  Gennesaret  plain  ;  and, 
as  being  on  the  shore,  and  on  the  Roman  road 
where  the  cutting  would  form  a  good  station 
for  a  guard  and  a  custom  house,  this  site 
seems  most  suitable.  The  descriptions  of 
early  travellers  are  vague  after  530  a.d.,  and 
it  is  doubtful  to  which  of  the  two  sites  they 
refer.  But  they  have  no  real  authority,  and 
the  Jewish  tradition  is  preferable.        [c.r.c] 


Si:a  of  GALILEE,  FROM  TELL  HU^^     (From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 


the  4th  cent.  a.d.  Jerome  (Onomasticon) 
places  Chorazin  (Kerdzeh)  2  miles  from 
Capharnaum,  and  in  530  a.d.  Theodorus  makes 
the  latter  4  miles  from  Magdaia.  These  dis- 
tances point  to  Tell  Hum,  a  ruin  on  the  N. 
shore  of  the  lakes,  with  a  synagogue  (probably, 
however,  of  2nd  cent,  a.d.),  about  5  miles  from 
Magdala  and  2!  from  Kerdzeh.  But  this 
site  is  not  in  Gennesaret,  nor  is  it  25  to  30 
furlongs  from  the  N.E.  shore.  It  is  probably 
the  Kefar  Ahim  of  the  Talmud  (Tal.  Bab. 
Menahoth  85  a),  mentioned  with  Chorazin. 
Some  writers  have  supposed  the  spring  'Ain 
et  Tabghah  (dyers'  spring),  i^-  miles  W.  of 
Tell  Hiim  and  |  miles  N.E.  of  Minieh,  to  be 
the  fountain  of  Capernaum.  It  seems  to  be 
the  migdol  ceb'oia  (dyers'  tower)  of  the 
Rabbis  (see  Neubauer,  Geog.  du  Tal.  p.  217 
for  ref.),  noticed  with  Magdala.  It  is  not  in 
the  plain  of  Gennesaret,  from  which  a  cliff 
separates  it.  A  modern  aqueduct  runs  from 
this  spring,  but  the  cutting  in  the  cliff  is  not 
a  continuation,  and  is  too  large  to  be  anything 
but  a  Roman  road.  Nor  would  the  plain  be 
irrigated  from  the  Tabghah,  since  it  has  springs 
of  its  own.  This  traditional  site  is  unsuitable, 
and  appears  to  have  been  unknown  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  when  Capernaum  was  shown  in 
the    Gennesaret    plain.     Rabbi    Isaac    Khelo 


Caphap',  one  of  the  words  employed  in  the 
Bible  to  denote  a  village  ;  the  modern  Arabic 
Kefr,  "  hamlet."  In  names  of  places  it 
occurs  in  Chephar-haammonai,  Chephirah, 
Caphar-salama,  and  Capernaum,      [c.r.c] 

Caphap-salama  (iMac.7.31),  a  place 
where  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  161  b.c.  defeated 
Nicanor,  who  fled  back  to  Jerusalem;  appar- 
ently in  Judaea  (7.24).  Possibly  Selmeh,  a 
village  3  miles  E.  of  Joppa.  [c.r.c] 

Caphenatha  (1Mac.i2.37),  a  place  so 
called  on  E.  side  of  Jerusalem.  Probably  the 
Aramaic  Kaphenatha  (heap),  equivalent  to 
Heb.  Ophel  (mound).  [c.r.c] 

Caph'ipa  (lEsd.S.ig).     [Chephirah.] 

Caphtop'  and  Caphtopim'  (Gen. 10. 14  ; 
Deut.2.23;  iChr.1.12;  Je.47.4  ;  Am.9.7).  All 
these  references  concern  the  Philistines,  who 
are  said  to  have  come  from  Caphtor,  but  were 
perhaps  not  Caphtorim.  Caphtor  is  generally 
thought  to  be  Crete.  [Philistines  ;  Cappa- 
DOCIA.]  [h.m.s.] 

Cappado'cia  (Ac.2.9  ;  iPe.l.i),  the  moun- 
tain region  of  E.  Asia  Minor  immediately  N. 
of  Syria.  In  the  time  of  the  Apostles  it  had 
a  Jewish  population  dispersed  among  the 
natives.  The  capital  was  at  Mazaka  (shrine 
of  Ma),  the  later  Caesarea.  The  researches 
ofRamsay,  Hogarth,  and  Chantre  (Mission  en 


136 


CAPTAIN 


Cappadoce,  1893-1894)  show  an  early  popula- 
tion akin  to  the  Hittites  speaking  an  agglutina- 
tive tongue  like  the  Akkadian,  mingled — as 
early  as  about  2000  b.c. — with  Babylonian 
traders  whose  tablets  are  in  Semitic  language 
and  cuneiform  script.  In  and  after  the 
Persian  period  there  was  also  a  strong  Persian 
element,  and  the  Cappadocian  calendar  was 
Persian.  Tablets  in  Persian  cuneiform  were 
also  found  by  Chantre  at  Eyuk.  Greeks  and 
Romans  have  left  texts  and  temples,  and  the 
Tews  were  introduced  as  colonists  bySeleucus  I. 
The  LXX.  {Deut.2.23  ;  Am. 9. 7)  renders 
Caphtor  by  Kappadokia,  and  makes  the 
Philistines  (who  were  Semitic,  and  adored  the 
Babylonian  god  Dagon)  Cappadocians  origin- 
ally, which  is  possible  as  there  was  an  early 
Semitic  population  in  this  region.  Cappadocia 
is  a  grazing  mountain-plateau,  deficient  in 
wood,  and  producing  grain.  Ptolemy  extends 
its'W.  limits  even  to  include  Iconium.  The 
Babylonians  called  this  region  Kat-pad-itka, 
apparently  Akkadian  for  "  great  north 
region."  [c.r.c] 

Captain  answers  usually  to  sdr  or  qdcin, 
both  used  of  civil  as  well  as  military  officers. 
"Chief  captain"  (xLXidpxos ■■  Ac.2i.31,  etc.) 
represents  iribuntts  or  "  colonel."  [Army.] 
Lysias  commanded  the  Roman  garrison  of 
Jerusalem,  the  "  band  "  or  cohort.  "  Captain  of 
the  guard"  {aTparoTreSdpxv^  '■  Ac.28.i6)  means 
either  prefect  of  the  praetorians  or  the  prin- 
ceps  perep^rinorum,  head  of  the  couriers  ;  R.V. 
omits  clause.  The  "  captain  of  the  temple  " 
(Ac. 4. 1,  etc.)  commanded  the  priests  and 
Levites  and  kept  order  in  the  temple.  For 
"  Captain  [dpxw^sl  of  our  salvation  "  (Heb.2. 
10)  R.V.  has  "  Author,"  as  12.2,  but  "  Prince  " 
in  Ac.3.13,5.31  ;  lit.  "leader."  [h-s.] 

Captivities  of  the  Jews.  The  term 
captivity  is  applied  to  the  deportation  of  the 
people  of  Israel  and  Judah  by  their  conquerors. 
— I.  Israel.  Rezin  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah 
king  of  Israel,  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem.  Ahaz 
king  of  Judah  appealed  for  aid  to  Tiglath- 
pilcser  (Pulu,  or  Pul),  king  of  Assyria,  to  whom 
he  was  vassal''(2K. 16.5-9).  Ii^  734  B.C.  the 
king  of  Assyria  marched  against  Hano  of  Gaza, 
as  stated  in  the  Eponym  Canon,  and,  appar- 
ently, on  that  occasion  went  against  Damascus, 
and,  having  taken  it,  punished  the  kings  of 
Syria  by  annexing  a  part  of  their  territory 
(15.29),  and  deported  the  inhabitants  to 
Assyria.  A  few  years  later  Hoshea,  the  last 
king  of  Israel,  revolted  against  Assyria,  and 
sought  help  of  So  (Sabaka)  king  of  Egypt  (17. 
4).  Thereupon  Shalmaneser  IV.  laid  siege  to 
Samaria  in  724,  and  the  city  was  taken  in  722 
by  his  successor,  Sargon  (Smith,  Assvr.  Cation, 
201).  It  is  not  necessarily  implied  in  17.5,6, 
18.9,10,  that  it  was  Shalmaneser  who  brought 
the  siege  to  a  close.  After  the  fall  of  Samaria 
the  inhabitants  were  deported  to  Media  and 
Gozan,  in  Mesopotamia,  their  place  being 
taken  by  colonists  from  Babylon,  etc.  (17. 24). 
Thus  ended  the  Northern,  or  Ephraimitic 
Kingdom. — II.  Judah.  Jehoiakim,  king  of 
Judah,  having  withdrawn  his  allegiance  to 
Babylonia,  marauding  bands  were  sent  against 
him,  until  the  regular  army  could  lay  siege  to 
Jerusalem.  Meanwhile,  he  died  and  was  suc- 
peeded  by  his  son  Jehoiachin,  who  after  three 


CARBUNCLE 

months'  resistance  submitted  to  Nebuchad- 
nezzar. He  and  10,000  captives,  including 
the  chief  men  of  the  land,  the  treasures  of  the 
temple  and  palace,  were  taken  to  Babylon. 
This  occurred  in  the  year  597  B.C.,  and  was  the 
beginning  of  the  Babylonian  Captivity  (24. 
I- 1 6).  Ten  years  later,  in  587,  Jerusalem 
was  a  second  time  besieged  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, to  punish  Zedekiah  for  breaking  his 
oath  of  fealty.  The  siege  lasted  about  a  year 
and  a  half,  and  the  city  fell  on  Tammuz  9 
[Months],  586  b.c.  Zedekiah  and  the  army 
left  the  city  by  night  and  sought  to  escape 
to  some  place  of  safety  in  the  Jordan  Valley. 
They  were  overtaken  in  the  plains  of  Jericho, 
and  the  king  captured.  He  was  taken  first 
to  Riblah,  where  his  eyes  were  put  out,  and 
then  he,  with  the  rest  of  the  people,  including 
those  who  had  sought  refuge  in  the  Baby- 
lonian camp,  were  carried  to  Babylon.  A 
certain  number  of  the  poor  were  left  behind 
to  till  the  land,  and  about  eighty  of  the  princi- 
pal men,  among  whom  was  Seraiah  the  high- 
priest,  were  taken  to  Riblah  and  there  put 
to  death.  The  city  was  destroyed  by  fire 
on  Ab  10  ; '  and  the  gold,  silver,  and  brass 
were  taken  to  Babvlon  (2K.25.Tff.  ;  Je.39.iff., 
52.2ff.  ;  cf.  Ezk.24.iff.).  A  third  deportation 
of  Jews  to  Babylon  took  place  by  t>rder  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  in  582  b.c.  (Je.52.30).  There 
is  some  obscurity  in  the  two  accounts  of  the 
number  of  exiles  given  in  2K. 24. 14, 16  and 
Je. 52. 28-30.  According  to  the  former  there 
were  10,000  in  597  b.c,  andaccordingto  Je.  only 
3,023,  with  832  in  the  deportation  in  5S6  b.c, 
and  745  in  582  b.c,  making  a  total  of  4,600. 
The  smaller  numbers  probably  count  men 
only,  but  even  then  seem  far  too  small  to 
account  for  the  denudation  of  the  land. — III. 
Duration  of  the  Captivity.  The  exiles  from  the 
northern  kingdom  never  returned  as  a  com- 
munity. The  beginning  of  the  restoration  of 
the  Jews  was  in  the  year  536,  when  they  re- 
turned under  the  leadership  of  Zerubbabel  and 
Jeshua,  in  accordance  with  the  permission 
given  by  the  Edict  of  C>tus  (Ezr.l).  The 
number  of  those  who  returned  is  gi%'en  as 
42,360  (2.64).  If  the  period  of  the  Exile  is 
reckoned  from  the  deportation  in  597  it  was 
61  years,  but  if  from  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  in  586,  then  only  50  years.  No 
system  of  computation  gives  a  complete  70 
years  (Je.29.io)  ;  but  see  CHRONOi.or.v  for 
another  view. — IV.  Condition  of  the  Exiles. 
It  is  not  known  how  the  exiles  were  distri- 
buted in  the  province  of  BaViylon — i.e.  whether 
they  were  scattered  or  permitted  to  live  in 
defined  districts  or  towns  icf.  Esth.3.8).  They 
were  regarded  rather  as  colonists  than  captive 
slaves,  and  were  permitted  to  build  their  own 
houses,  cultivate  their  land,  and  live  the  family 
life  (Je.29.5-7).  They  might  attain  to  the 
highest  offices  of  state  (Dan. 2. 48).  or  discharge 
functions  which  brougjit  them  into  close  con- 
tact with  the  king  (Ne.l.u).  They  observed 
fast-days  (Is. 58. 3),  and  their  religious  laws  and 
customs  generally  (Esth.3.8).  [h.ii.1 

Caraba'sion,  a  name  to  which  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  find  anything  corresponding  in  the 
Hebrew  text  (iEsd.9.3  0- 

Carbuncle  represents  in  .\.V.  two  Heb. 
words,     (i)  'eqddh  occurs  only  in  Is,54.i2,  ii> 


CARCAS 

the  description  of  the  beauties  of  the  new 
Jerusalem.  The  term  may  be  a  general  one 
for  any  bright  sparkling  gem,  but  it  is  impossible 
to  identify  it  with  certainty  from  this  single 
occurrence.  (2)  bareqeth,  bdr'^qath,  the  third 
stone  in  the  first  row  of  the  sacerdotal  breast- 
plate (Ex. 28. 17,39. 10),  also  one  of  the  mineral 
treasures  of  the  king  of  Tyre  (Ezk.28.13). 
Braun  supposes  that  the  smaragdus  is  meant. 
This  name  generally,  but  not  invariably,  means 
the  Emerald.  Pliny  states  that  Nero,  who 
was  short-sighted,  used  an  ej'eglass  of  smarag- 
dus, from  which  some  have  thought  the  term 
must  include  other  minerals,  such  as  the  rock- 
crystal.  But  it  seems  clear  [Nat.  Hist,  xxxvii. 
16)  that  he  means  the  emerald,  so  it  was 
probably  a  pale  variety  approaching  beryl. 
The  carbuncle  (Gr.  dvdpa^  ;  Lat.  carbiincnlns) 
is  properly  the  Ruby,  but  the  name  is  applied 
to  blood-red  varieties  of  the  spinel  and  garnet. 
The  first  named  was  known  to  both  Theophras- 
tus  and  Pliny,  but  is  not  likely  to  have  been 
seen  b}'  O.T.  writers,  and  its  hardness  would 
then  have  baffled  the  engraver.  [t.g.b.] 

Capcas',  seventh  of  the  seven  "  chamber- 
lains "  {i.e.  eunuchs)  of  king  Ahasuerus  (Esth. 
t.io). 

Capchamis'.  The  form  in  A.V.  of  lEsd. 
1.25  of  Carchemish,  though  some  editibns 
here  read  Charchamis. 

Capchemish'  (2Chr.35.20,  R.V.  ;  Is.lO.g  ; 
Je.46.2),  a  Hittite  city  on  the  Euphrates,  W. 
of  Haran.  It  is  now  the  ruin  Jerdblus  (Hiera- 
polis),  where  G.  Smith  found  Hittite  monu- 
ments now  inthe  British  Museum.  The  famous 
temple  of  the  Dea  Syria  described  by  Lucian 
stood  here.  It  was  the  scene  of  the  decisive 
battle  (607  B.C.)  in  which  Nebuchadnezzar 
defeated  Pharaoh  Necho.  The  ruins  lie  W. 
of  the  river,  and  Hittite  monuments  still  lie 
among  them.  In  the  12th  cent.  b.c.  Tiglath- 
pileser  I.  passed  Carchemishafter  swimming  his 
soldiers  over  the  Euphrates  on  inflated  skins, 
or  small  rafts  such  as  are  still  used.  In  870 
B.C.  Sangara,  the  Hittite  king  of  Carchemish, 
submitted  to  Assur-nazir-pal  of  Assyria.  In 
744  B.C.  Pisiris  of  the  same  city  was  tributary 
to  Tiglath-pileser  III.  In  717  b.c.  Sargon 
attacked  Pisiris,  and  took  the  city,  carrying  the 
Hittites  away  as  captives.  The  fall  of  the 
fortress  opened  the  way  for  Assyria  to  Pales- 
tine. Hittite  princes  in  this  region  are,  how- 
ever, mentioned  in  a  text  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
as  late  as  600  b.c.  [c.r.c] 

Capeah'  (2K.25.23),  elsewhere  Kareah, 
as  R.V.  here. 

Ca'pia,  the  S.  part  of  the  region  which  in 
N.T.  is  called  Asia,  and  the  S.W.  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  Asia  Minor.  In  the  Roman  times 
the  name  of  Caria  was  probably  less  used  than 
previously.  In  139  b.c  it  is  mentioned  as  a 
separate  district  (1Mac.i5.23) ;  it  was  then  en- 
joying the  privilege  of  freedom,  granted  by  the 
Romans.  A  little  earlier  it  had  been  assigned 
by  them  to  Rhodes,  and  a  little  later  was 
incorporated  in  the  province  of  Asia. 

Capmanians  (2Esd.i5.30).  As  referring 
to  conditions  about  100  a.d.  (see  10. 45),  this 
probably  alludes  to  the  Parthians  of  Kerman 
or  E.  Persia,  the  Germanoi  of  Herodotus 
(i.  125).  The  Parthians  opposed  Trajan  on  the 
Assyrian  frontier  in  116-117  a.d,       [cr.c] 


CARRIAOE 


137 


Cap'me  (iEsd.5.25)  =  Harim,  2. 

Cap'mel  (forest  or  wood). — 1.  A  city  of 
Judah  in  the  Hebron  mountains  (Jos.i5.55) 
near  Maon  and  Ziph.  Now  the  ruin  Kurmul, 
with  a  conspicuous  mediaeval  tower,  7  miles 
S.  of  Hebron.  Saul,  on  his  way  from  the  S. 
desert  to  Gilgal,  here  erected  a  "  hand  "  or 
monument  (iSam.l5.i2)  as  a  memorial  of 
victory.  It  was  a  grazing  country  (25.2,5,7, 
40),  as  it  still  is,  and  had  vineyards  also  (2Chr. 
26.10).  It  is  noticed  in  i6th  cent,  b.c  by 
Thothmes  III.  (No.  96),  and  a  century  later  in 
one  of  the  Amarna  letters  (Berlin  199). — 2. 
Mount  Carmel  is  the  ridge  running  S.E.  for  15 
miles,  from  Haifa  and  the  promontory  which 
it  forms  at  S.  end  of  the  bay  of  Accho.  It  rises 
from  about  400  ft.,  at  this  promontory,  to 
1,800  ft.  near  its  S.E.  limit,  where  the  ground 
falls  rapidly  to  a  lower  plateau.  The  spurs  on 
N.E.  side  are  very  steep,  and  the  Kishon  runs 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  on  this  side.  The 
S.W.  spurs  are  much  longer,  stretching  to  the 
sea  plain.  The  sea  is  visible  from  all  parts  of 
the  ridge.  The  mountain  is  densely  clothed 
with  copse  of  mastic,  dwarf  oak,  hawthorn, 
and  stunted  firs  {Finns  carica).  The  hair  of 
Solomon's  queen  was  luxuriant  as  Carmel,  and 
dark  as  the  "  purple  "  fished  in  its  bay  (Can. 
7.5).  The  scene  of  Elijah's  sacrifice  is  sup- 
posed to  be  at  the  Mahraqah  {place  of 
burning),  a  cliff  near  the  S.E.  end  of  the 
ridge,  1687  ft.  above  sea  level,  and  about 
1500  ft.  above  the  Kishon  which  flows  close 
below.  There  is  a  well  just  below  the  clif¥, 
whence  water  might  have  been  drawn  high  up 
on  the  mountain  ;  and  the  prophet's  servant 
ascending  thence  to  the  cliff  top  saw  the  sea 
(iK. 18. 19, 33, 40,42, 43).  Carmel  was  by  the 
sea  (Jos.19.26)  :  the  retreat  also  of  Elisha 
(2K.2.25)  ;  a  mountain  (4.25)  with  a  forest 
(19. 23)  or  copse.  It  was  celebrated  for  the 
luxuriance  of  its  growth  (Is. 33. 9, 35. 2, 37. 24  ; 
Je.46.i8,50.i9  ;  Am.l.2,9.3  ;  Mi. 7.14  ;  Na.l.4), 
and  a  natural  hiding-place  (Am. 9. 3).  Jok- 
NEAM  (Jos.12.22)  lay  near  its  foot.  The 
"nations  of  Carmel"  are  noticed  in  Jth. 
1.8.  Tacitus  says  that  a  god  called  Carmel 
was  adored  on  this  mountain,  at  an  altar 
without  a  temple  {Hist.  ii. ).  Pliny  says  it  was 
the  name  of  the  god  and  of  the  shrine  {Hist. 
Nat.  xxxi.  2).  [c.R.c] 

Capmelite,  a  native  of  Carmel.  Applied 
to  Nabal  (iSam.30.5;  2Sam.2.3,3.3)  and  to 
Hezrai  or  Hezro  (2Sam. 23.35  ;  1Chr.ll.37). 

Capinelitess,  a  woman  of  Carmel.  Applied 
only  to  Abigail,  wife  of  David  (iSam.27.3  ; 
iChr.3.i)  and  formerly  wife  of  Nabal. 
[Carmelite.] 

Capmi' — 1.  The  fourth  son  of  Reuben  and 
progenitor  of  the  family  of  the  Capmites 
(Gen. 46. 9;  Ex.6. 14  ;  Num. 26. 6  ;  iChr.5.3). — 2 
A  man  of  Judah,  father  of  Achan  (Jos. 7. 1,18  ; 
iChr.2.7,4.1),  the  son  of  Zabdi,  i. 

Capnaim,  Capnion.     [Ashteroth  Kar- 

NAIM.] 

Cappentep.  [Handicrafts,  (3).] 
Cap'pus,  a  Christian  at  Troas  (2Tim.4.i3). 
Cappiag-e.  This  word  occurs  ten  times  in 
thetextof  A.V.  for  what  we  now  call  "baggage," 
and  represents  three  Heb.  and  three  Gk.  words, 
(i)  kelim  {iS2im..\l .22  bis;  Is.lO.28),  generally 
translated  "  stuff "  or  "  vessels"  j  =  Gk.  <tk€vos. 


138 


CARSHENA 


{2)  k'bhMd  (R.V.  goods),  Judg.l8.21  only. 
(3)  The  word  rendered  '"carriages"  in  Is. 46. 
I  means  "  things  carried."  (4)  dnapTia  (Jth. 
2.17.3. 10).  (5)  dTToa-Ke^Tj  (iMac.9.35,39).  (6) 
iTrKTKeuaadiJ.ti'oi  (Ac. 21. 15).  In  the  marg.  of 
iSam.l7.2o  and  26.5 — and  there  only — "car- 
riage "  is  employed  in  the  sense  of  a  wagon 
or   Cart.     [Encampment.] 

Capshena',  one  of  the  seven  princes  of 
Persia  and  Media  (Esth.l.14). 

Cart  (Heb.  'dghdld).  Though  wheeled 
vehicles  are  not  now  used  in  Palestine,  carts 
with  two  and  with  four  wheels  appear  on 
early  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  monuments, 
as  drawn    by  oxen    (iSam.6.io  ;    2Sam.6.3). 


ASSYRIAN  CART  DRAWN  BY  OXEN.     (Layard.) 

Wagons  were  also  used  in  Egypt  (Gen. 45. 19, 27) 
to  convey  women  and  children.  Carts  carried 
the  corn  to  the  threshing-floor  (Am.2.13), 
and  were  used  even  in  the  desert  (Num. 7. 3)  ; 
but  the  "  cart  wheel  "  (Is.28.27)  is  probably  a 
mistranslation.     [Harrow.]  [c.r.c] 

Capt-pope,  used  figuratively  in  Is.5.i8, 
where  the  wicked  are  said  to  drag  sin  after  them 
as  it  were  with  cart-ropes.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Capving.     [Handicrafts,   (3).] 

Casiph'ia,  a  place  of  uncertain  site  on  the 
road  between  Babylon  and  Jerusalem,  on  or 
near  the  river  .Ahava  (Ezr.8.17). 

Cas'leu.  The?  form  used  in  i  and  2Mac. 
fur  Chisleu.     [Months.] 

Casluhim'  (piur.  form),  sons  of  Mizraiin 
((icn.lO.i.)  ;  iChr.1.12).  They  are  placed  be- 
tween the  Pathrusim  and  the  Caphtorim,  and 
the  Philistines  are  said  to  have  come  forth  from 
them,  though  Amos  (9.7)  says  the  Philistines 
were  brought  from  Caphtor.  In  1892  an  in- 
scription of  Ptolemy  .XIII.  (Aidctea)  was  dis- 
covered in  the  temple  of  Kom-Ombo,  in  Upper 
Egypt,  in  which  the  name  of  a  country  called 
Kasluhet  occurs,  but  with  no  indication  as  to 
its  situation.  [r.j.F.-j.] 

Casphon(xa(T0u.»',iMac.5.3f>).orCasphop 
(5.2f)),  one  of  a  grou))  of  fortresses  in  (iilead 
and  S.  Bashan  (including  Carnaim  in  Bashan) 
taken  by  Jud.is  Maccabaeus  about  164  B.C. 
The  (ik.  probably  represents  a  Semitic 
name  Khasfyhon,  and  the  most  i)r()bable  site 
is  K his/in,  a  ])lace  important  in  mediaeval 
Instory,  9  miles  1'^  of  the  sea  of  (ialilee  and  20 
miles  VV.  of  Carnaim  (7V//  'Ashtarah).    [c.r.c] 

Caspis  {Kacrwiv,  2Mac.i2.13),  a  city  with 
a  lake  or  marsh  (ver.  16),  described  between 
Januiia  and  Ciiaraca,  and  as  being  nearly  100 
miles  from  the  latter.  The  passage  seems  to 
refer  to  the  war  of  J  udas  Maccabaeus  in  Edom. 


CASTOR  AND  POLLUX 

He  made  a  "  bridge  "  (Schedia,  3  Mac.  iv.  11) 
to  attack  Caspis.  The  ruin  Kuseifeh,  4  miles 
S.W.  of  Arad,  is  a  possible  site — if  the  plain 
was  marshy  in  spring — and  the  road  thence  to 
Kerak  (50  miles  in  a  direct  line  E.)  might  be 
estimated  at  100  miles.  [c.r.c] 

Cassia,  the  representative  in  A.V.  of  two 
Heb.  words,  (i)  qiddd  occurs  in  Ex.3O.24, 
as  an  ingredient  in  the  "oil  of  holy  ointment  "  ; 
and  in  Ezk.27.19.  The  accounts  of  cassia  as 
given  by  ancient  authors  are  confused.  It  is 
clear  that  the  Lat.  writers  understood  by  the 
term  casia  both  the  Oriental  product  now  under 
consideration,  and  some  low,  sweet,  herbaceous 
plant  ;  but  the  Gk.  word  is  limited  to  the  East- 
ern product.  Dioscorides  mentions  several 
kinds  of  cassia  as  produced  in  Spicy  Arabia. 
One  kind  is  known  by  the  name  of  mosyletis, 
or,  according  to  Galen,  of  mosyllos,  from  the 
ancient  city  and  promontory  Mosyllon,  on  the 
coast  of  Africa  and  the  sea  of  Bab  el  Mandeb. 
This  fact  probably  suggested  the  "  Meuzal " 
of  A.V.  marg.,  but  the  names  are  not  equiva- 
lents. In  this  wonderful  account  of  the  trade 
of  Tyre  in  Ezk.27.19  there  is  considerable 
variety  of  reading,  but  perhaps  "  both  Dan 
and  Javan  "  (  =  Ionia)  belong  to  ver.  18,  and 
we  should  then  read  "  From  Uzal  [in  Sheba  ; 
LXX.  f^  'A(Ti]\;  cf.  R.V.  marg.],  they  occupied 
thy  fairs,"  etc.  The  R.V.  (text)  "  with 
yarn  "  is  not  probable.  The  cassia  would 
be  brought  from  India  to  Sheba,  and  thence 
exported  to  Tyre  and  elsewhere.  Cassia  is 
not  produced  by  any  trees  now  found  growing 
in  Arabia.  Gk.  authors  sometimes  mistakenly 
regarded  products  imported  into  Arabia, 
and  thence  exported  northwards  to  other 
countries,  as  the  natural  productions  of  that 
country.  Such  may  be  the  case  here,  though 
that  cassia  may  have  grown  there  formerly 
is  the  more  probable  if  the  moselytis  was 
grown  on  the  shore  of  Somaliland  opposite, 
and  not  merely  imported  to  Mosyllon.  Cassia 
may  be  regarded  as  inferior  cinnamon,  chiefly 
obtained  from  the  bark  of  Cinnamomum  casta, 
and  known  as  Casia  or  Casia  lig)u'a.  It  is 
native  in  Cochin  China,  and  belf)ngs  to  a 
family  including  also  the  bay-tree  and  the 
camphor.  Harris  quotes  the  opinion  of 
Scacchus,  "  that  by  qiddd  we  are  to  under- 
stand that  fragrant  composition  extracted 
from  a  plant  which  the  ancients  called  costus 
.  .  .  and  it  appears  from  Propertius  (lib.  iv. 
eleg.  5)  that  it  was  used  on  the  altars,  together 
with  frankincense."  Pliny  describes  "  Casia 
or  Canell  "  at  length.  He  says  "  the  blacke 
is  most  employed  in  sweet  perfumes  and 
oyntments.  There  is  no  drugge  that  varicth 
more  in  price  than  the  Canell  ;  for  whereas  the 
best  will  cost  fiftie  deniers  Komane  a  pound  ; 
all  the  rest  a  man  may  buy  for  five  "  (xii.  19). 
His  account  of  their  transport  and  preparation 
is  full  of  interest.  Herodotus  (iii.  107,  no) 
and  Diodorus  (iii.  3)  say  that  cassia  came  from 
the  shores  of  Arabia.  (2)  q-fi'oth  (Ps.45.8 
only)  is  generally  suiiposed  to  be  another  term 
for  cassia.  The  old  versions,  as  well  as  the  ety- 
mology of  the  Heb.  word,  fa\'our  this  inter- 
pretation, [h.c.h.] 

Castop  and  Pollux.  The  Dioscuri,  as 
the  Cireeks  called  them,  were,  according  to  a 
later  legend,    the   twin  sons  of  Jupiter  and 


CAT 

Leda,  and  the  guardians  of  sailors.  They  ap- 
pear among  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac  as  the 
Gemini.  On  coins  and  other  objects  of  art 
they  are  represented  as  stars  shining  above  a 
ship,    or   as    youths   on    horseback,    wearing 


CATERPIIiLAR 


139 


SILVER  COIN  OF  BRUTTII. 

O^.  :  Heads  of  Castor  and  Pollux  to  right. 

Rev.  :  Castor  and  Pollux  mounted,  advancing  to  right.     In  the 
exergue,  BPETTIfiN. 

conical  caps  with  stars  above  their  heads. 
Their  sign  was  sometimes  seen  on  ships,  as 
in  Ac. 28. II,  where  a  ship  of  Alexandria  is 
mentioned  as  bearing  the  sign  of  the  Twin 
Brothers.  [a.r.] 

Cat,  mentioned  but  once  in  Scripture 
(Ba.6.22).  The  Gk.  word  aiXovpos,  which 
refers  to  a  domesticated  animal  and  is  com- 
monly translated  "  cat,"  really  indicates  the 
marten,  or  marten-cat  ;  and  it  is  not  till  By- 
zantine Gk.  that  we  meet  with  the  word  kolttos, 
or  Karra,  used  to  designate  domesticated  cats 
imported  from  Egypt,  where  the  African  wild 
cat  (Felis  ocreata,  or  maniculata),  was  tamed, 
worshipped,  and  eventually  embalmed,  as  at 
Bubastis.  Possibly  this  cat  may  occur  in 
Syria,  where  a  variety  of  the  European  wild 
cat  {Felis  cattis  morea)  is  met  with.  The 
general  opinion  is  that  the  passage  in  Baruch 
relates  to  wild  cats.  [r.l.] 

Catechizing-.  The  word  Karrixiu  occurs 
8  times  in  N.T  :  twice  in  the  ordinary  sense  of 
giving  information  (Ac. 21. 21, 24),  elsewhere  of 
instruction  (Lu.l.4  ;  Ac. 18. 25  ;  Ro.2.i8  ;  iCor. 
14.19  ;  Gal.6.6).  In  Lu.l.4,  Ac.l8.25,  R-V. 
marg.  translates  "  taught  by  word  of  mouth  "  ; 
and  it  evidently  has  that  meaning,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  common  word  5t5d(r\'a>.  Teach- 
ing cannot  help  beginning  with  catechizing, 
which  no  doubt  underlay  the  whole  system  of 
education  in  O.T.  and  N.T.  [Education.] 
Cf.  Herbart,  Science  of  Education  :  "  From 
first  to  last,  that  form  of  preparation  in  which 
the  teacher  alone  takes  part,  which  subjects 
the  pupil  to  discourses  by  him,  and  which  the 
pupil  must  silently  follow,  must  be  declared  in- 
admissible." The  catechetical  method,  how- 
ever, was  not  methodized  by  those  who  first 
used  it.  It  is  commonly  called  the  Socratic 
Method  ;  but  "  we  must  understand  that,  in 
contrast  to  what  is  now  called  '  method,'  it  rose 
not  in  the  consciousness  of  Socrates  formally 
as  method — and  in  abstraction,  therefore,  from 
every  concrete  case — but  that  it  had  spontane- 
ously grown  up  with  the  very  mode  and  manner 
of  his  philosophizing  "  (Schwegler,  History  of 
Philos.  xii.  6).  The  incessant  questioning  of 
Socrates  has  been  divided  into  (i)  irony,  an  as- 
sumed ignorance  which  evokes  from  the  person 
questioned  statements  by  which  he  is  event- 
ually overthrown;    (2)  the  maieutic  method: 


Socrates  likened  himself  to  his  mother  Phae- 
narete,  a  midwife,  because  he  '"  helped  to  birth 
his  pupils'  intellectual  throes."  The  subject 
of  the  philosophy  of  catechizing  is  of  import- 
ance, because  it  is  the  foundation  of  the  "  me- 
thod "  of  a  greater  teacher  even  than  Socrates. 
Our  Lord  was  continually  asking  questions,  He 
catechized  more  than  any  other  teacher,  and 
His  "  method  " — though  entirely  unconscious, 
as  in  the  case  of  Socrates — may  be  systematized 
to  a  limited  extent,  (i)  Yie  too  overthrew  His 
enemies  by  questions,  so  that  they  were  afraid  to 
meet  Him.  "The  baptism  of  John,  whence 
was  it  ?  "  "  Why  did  David  call  him  Lord  ?  " 
"  Whose  is  this  image,  etc.  ?  "  "  For  which  of 
those  (good)  works  do  ye  stone  me  ?  "  The  whole 
passage  is  a  condensed  account  of  an  inductive 
"  Socratic"  discourse  (Jn.12.32-38).  Also  it  is 
to  be  noticed  (2)  that  our  Lord  enforced  the 
most  important  doctrines  by  questions.  His  first 
recorded  words  are  two  questions,  and  assert  the 
most  important  doctrine  of  all^His  divinity. 
Cf.  "Whom do  men  say  that  I  am?  "  '.'Whom 
do  ye  say  that  I  am  ?  "  "What  think  ye  of 
Christ  ?  "  "  Of  whom  do  the  kings  of  the 
earth  take  tribute  ?  "  "  Why  callest  thou  Me 
good  ?  "  "  Whether  is  easier  to  say,  etc.  ?  " 
Also  that  remarkable  discourse  on  the  way 
to  Emmaus — the  record  of  which  one  longs 
for  more  than  for  anything  else  unrecorded 
— began  with  the  question  "  Ought  not  Christ 
to  have  suffered  these  things?"  (Lu.24.26) 
Cf.  "  Dost  thou  believe  on  the  Son  of  God  ?  " 
(3)  Our  Lord  used  the  catechetical  method, 
more  than  any  one  else  has  ever  used 
it,  to  draw  people  to  Himself.  This  category 
begins  with  the  first  words  to  the  disciples, 
"  What  seek  ye  ?  "  ;  it  develops  to  the  "  Whom 
seek  ye  ?  "  of  the  Resurrection  morning,  and 
the  "  I.ovest  thou  Me  ?  "  to  His  chief  apostle; 
and  is  not  complete  till  the  ascended  Christ 
asks  His  final  question,  "  Saul,  Saul,  why  per- 
secutest  thou  Me  ?  "  Cf.  "  Will  ye  also  go 
away  ?  "  (4)  It  is  to  be  noticed  too,  that  our 
Lord  at  times  asked  for  information  which  was  of 
use  not  to  Him  but  to  the  person  questioned.  In 
one  such  question  we  have  the  purpose  stated  : 
"  Whence  shall  we  buy  bread  ? — This  He  said 
to  prove  him  ;  for  He  Himself  knew  what  He 
would  do  "  (Jn.6.5,6).  Similar  questions  were 
asked  concerning  the  lunatic,  "  How  long  is 
it  ago  since  this  came  upon  him  ?  "  and 
Lazarus,  "Where  have  ye  laid  him?"  The 
catechetical  method  of  our  Lord's  teaching  is 
equally  recorded  in  all  four  gospels  ;  the 
psychology  of  His  teaching  is  a  subject  which 
repays  study,  and  proves  that  He  spake  as 
never  man  spake.  It  is  not  without  purpose 
that  the  cry  of  the  heathen  world  was  ex- 
pressed to  Him,  by  the  most  important 
representative  of  it  whom  He  ever  met,  in  a 
question,  "What  is  truth?  "  [b.r.j 

Cateppillap.  The  translation  in  the 
A.V.  of  the  Heb.  hdsil  and  (in  three  pas- 
sages) veleq.  The  former  occurs  in  iK.8.37; 
2Chr.6.28  ;  Ps.78.46  ;  Is.33.4  ;  Jl.l. 4.2.25  ;  in 
most  cases  in  connexion  with  "  locust." 
From  this  association  it  has  been  suggested 
that  the  term,  which  signifies  "  the  consumer," 
refers  to  immature  locusts,  or  locusts  in  the 
pupal  and  larval  conditions,  when,  although 
wingless,  they  are  even  more  destructive  to 


140 


CATHUA 


vegetation  than  the  adult  insects.  For  yeleq, 
see  Locust.  [r.l.J 

Cathu'a  (iEsd.5.30)  =  Giddei.,  i. 

Cattle.  In  ancient  Heb.,  as  in  mod.  Eng., 
several  terms  were  used  to  designate  domesti- 
cated cattle,  according  to  sex,  age,  etc.  Al- 
though each  appears  to  have  had  a  more  or 
less  definite  meaning,  they  are  frequently 
translated  indifferently  in  A.V.  as  bull,  cow, 
ox,  bullock,  heifer,  calf,  etc.  Among  the 
more  important  of  these  terms,  bciqdr  (derived 
from  a  root  signifying  to  cleave,  and  hence  to 
p]f)Ugh  ;  or  perhaps  referring  to  their  cloven 
hoofs)  seems  to  be  properly  used  for  adult 
cattle  of  either  sex,  especially  those  suitable 
for  ploughing.  It  is  translated  bullock  in 
Is. 65. 25,  cow  in  Ezk.i.is,  and  oxen  in  Gen. 12. 
16.  sh6i\  although  occasionally  used  collec- 
tively, denotes  a  single  individual,  whether  bull, 
cow,  ox,  or  bullock.  Its  Aramaic  equivalent 
tor  (from  the  same  root  as  Gk.  ravpos  and 
Eng.  sieer)  occurs  in  the  later  books  of  O.T. , 
Ezr.6.9,17,7.17  ;  Dan. 4. 24.  par,  huW,  and  pcird, 
cow,  are  generally  used  respectively  for  a  young 
bull  or  bullock,  and  for  a  heifer  or  young  cow 
used  for  sacrifice.  In  Judg.6.25,  however,  par 
may  signify  a  much  older  bull.  'cghel,  on 
the  other  hand,  denotes  a  calf  of  either  sex, 
properly  of  the  first  year,  although  it  may 
be  used  occasionally  for  older  animals.  Fin- 
ally, the  word  'abbirim  (the  strong  ones)  is 
used  in  a  few  passages  for  bulls,  as  in  Ps.22.i2, 
Is. 34. 7,  and  Je.50.ir.  No  animals  in  the 
rural  economy  of  the  Israelites  were  held  in 
higher  esteem  than  cattle,  on  whose  labours 
depended  the  ordinary  operations  of  farming. 
Oxen  were  used  for  ploughing  (Deut.22.io  ; 
1Sam.i4.14,  etc.)  ;  for  treading  out  corn 
(Deut.25.4  ;  Ho. 10. II,  etc.)  ;  for  draught  pur- 
poses, when  they  were  generally  yoked  in 
pairs  (Num.7. 3  ;  iSam.6.7,  etc.)  ;  and  as 
beasts  of  burden  (1Chr.i2.40).  Their  flesh 
was  eaten  (Deut.14.4  ;  1K.I.9,  etc.);  they 
were  used  in  the  sacrifices  ;  and  the  cows 
supplied  milk,  butter,  etc.  (Deut.32.i4  ;  Is. 7. 
22  ;  2Sam.i7.29).  Connected  with  the  im- 
portance of  oxen  in  these  respects  arc  the  laws 
enacted  by  God  for  their  protection  and  pre- 
servation. The  ox  that  threshed  the  corn  was 
not  to  be  muzzled,  and  was  to  enjoy  its  rest 
on  the  sabbath  (Ex. 23.12  ;  Deut.5.14).  The 
law  prohibiting  the  slaughter  of  any  clean 
animal,  except  as  "  an  offering  unto  the  Lord 
before  the  tabernacle,"  during  the  time  that 
the  Israelites  abode  in  the  wilderness  (Lev. 17. 
1-6),  contributed  to  the  preservation  of  oxen 
and  sheep.  It  seems  clear  from  rr.l5.i7 
and  iK.4.2.3  that  cattle  were  sometimes  stall- 
fed,  though  this  was  probably  not  the  rule. 
Humped  cattle,  or  zebu  (Bos  indicus),  were 
kept  in  Syria,  where  there  were  also  breeds  of 
ordinary  humpless  cattle  (Bos  taunts),  one  of 
which  was  "  polled,"  or  hornless.  The  long- 
horned  humpless  cattle  of  ancient  I'-gyiit  have 
been  referred  to  a  distinct  species  by  the 
present  writer,  under  the  name  of  Bos  aegyp- 
tiacus.  The  domesticated  Indian  buffalo 
(Bos  [Bubaliis]  bubalis),  now  common  in  Syria 
and  Palestine,  appears  to  have  been  unknown 
there  in  early  Biblical  times.  For  a  full  ac- 
count of  the  various  breeds  of  cattle  kept  in 
Syria  and  the  neighbouring conntricsin  Biblical 


CAVE 

times,  see  Dr.  J.  U.  Diirst's  Die  Kinder  von 
Babylon ien,  Assyrian,  Aegypten  (Berlin,  1899). 
Diirst  considers  that  the  expression  "  bulls 
of  Bashan"  indicates  the  extinct  wild  ox, 
or  aurochs,  elsewhere  probably  denoted  by 
"  unicorn,"  the  A.V.  translation  of  r^'ew. 
[Calf  ;  Unicorn.]  [r.l.] 

The  law,  by  providing  five-fold  restitution 
for  a  stolen  ox  that  had  been  killed  or  sold 
as  against  four-fold  for  a  stolen  sheep  (Ex. 22.1 
[21.37]),  plainly  shows  the  superior  relative 
importance  of  the  ox,  which  was  used  for  agri- 
cultural purposes.  See  Maine,  Early  History 
of  Institutions,  147  ff.  ;  Post,  Grundriss  der 
Ethnologischen  Jurispriidenz,  ii.  421-422  ; 
Encycl.  Bibl.  s.v. ;  and  cf.  the  use  of  mikneh  for 
cattle.     [Crimes;   Firstlings.]         [h.m.w. ] 

Caul  (shdbhis).  Only  used  in  Is.3.i8  (in 
plur.).  It  was  a  little  glass  ornament  (strictly 
speaking  an  amulet)  worn  at  the  neck,  like  a 
locket.  A.V.  also  renders  the  Heb.  yothereth 
by  "caul."  This  was  a  fatty  substance  which 
hung  to  the  liver,  and  is  referred  to  in  connex- 
ion with  the  sacrificial  animals  (Ex. 29. 13  ; 
Lev.3.4,10,15,  etc.).  A.V.  also  thus  translates 
segor  in  Ho. 13. 8,  where  it  is  figuratively  used, 
and  means  the  covering  of  (lit.  something  that 
encloses)  the  heart.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Cave,  (i)  nf'drd.  The  chalky  limestone 
of  which  the  rocks  of  Syria  and  Palestine 
chiefly  consist  contains,  like  all  limestone 
formations,  a  vast  number  of  caverns  and 
natural  fissures,  many  of  which  have  been  arti- 
ficially enlarged  and  adapted  to  purposes  both 
of  shelter  and  defence.  This  has  given  rise  to 
the  use  of  a  large  number  of  words  in  the  Scrip- 
tures to  denote  caves,  holes,  and  fissures,  some 
of  them  giving  names  to  places  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood. Of  these  we  may  mention  :  (2) 
hiir,  or  hor.  "  a  hole."  From  this  come  (a) 
the  name  of  the  Horites  of  mount  Seir,  a  Tro- 
glodyte race  spoken  of  by  Strabo,  and  of  whom 
remains  have  been  found  in  recent  excavations 
in  Palestine  (Gen. 14.6,36.21  ;  Deut.2.i2  ; 
Job30.6).  (6)  //fl!(ran(Ezk.47.i6,i8).  (c)  The 
two  towns  of  Beth-horon  (Jos. 16. 3, 5).  (rf)The 
town  Horonaim  (Is. 15. 5).  (3)  Mghdwtm, 
"  places  of  refuge  in  rocks  "  for  birds  (Can. 2. 
14  ;  Ob. 3  ;  A.V.  clefts).  (4)  minhdrd  (A.V. 
den),  a  ravine  through  which  water  flows 
(Judg.6.2).  The  most  remarkable  caves 
noticed  in  Scripture  are:  (i)  That  in  which 
Lot  dwelt  after  the  destruction  of  Sodom  (Gen. 
19.30).  (2)  Machpelah  (23.17)-  (3)  Makke- 
dah  (Jos.10.i6).  (4)  AduUam  (iSam.22.i). 
(5)  En-gedi  (24.3).  (6)  Obadiah's  cave  (iK. 
18.4).  (7)  Elijah's  cave  in  Horeb(19.9).  (8,9) 
The  rock  sepulchres  of  I,azarus  and  of  our 
Lord  (Jn.11.38  ;  Mt.27.6o).  The  existing 
caverns  near  the  N.F..  end  of  the  Dead  Sea 
serve  fully  to  justify  the  mention  of  a  cave  as 
the  place  of  Lot's  retirement  ;  as  those  on  the 
W.  side  agree  both  in  situation  and  in  name 
with  the  caves  of  ]vn-gedi.  There  is  also  fre- 
quent mention  in  O.T.  of  caves  generally  as 
places  of  refuge.  Thus  the  Israelites  are  said 
to  have  taken  refuge  from  the  Philistines  in 
"holes"  (iSam.l4.ii),  and  in  the  time  of 
Gideon  from  the  Midianites  in  dens  and 
caves  and  strongholds,  such  as  abound  in 
the  mountain  region  of  Manasseh  (Judg.6.2). 
Cf.   Heb.  11. 38.      Nor    is    Adullain    the    only 


CEDAR 

cave  in  Palestine  where  banditti  made  their 
accustomed  haunt.  Josephus  (15  Ant.  x.  i  ; 
I  Wars  xvi.  2-4)  speaks  of  the  robber  in- 
habitants of  Gahiee  and  of  Trachonitis,  who 
lived  in  large  caverns,  and  were  put  down 
by  Herod.  The  caves  which  lie  beneath 
and  around  so  many  of  the  Jewish  cities 
formed  also  the  last  hiding-places  of  the 
Jewish  leaders  in  the  war  with  the  Romans; 
and  in  modern  and  ancient  times  alike,  the 
rock  caverns  of  Palestine  and  the  adjacent 
regions  were  the  customary  burial-places.  The 
rocky  soil  of  so  large  a  portion  of  the  Holy 
Land  almost  forbids  interment,  except  in 
caves  either  natural  or  hewn  from  the  rock. 
Accordingly,  numerous  sites  are  shown  in 
Palestine  and  adjacent  lands  of  reputed 
sepulchres  of  saints  and  heroes  of  O.T.  and 
N.T.,  venerated  both  by  Christians  and 
Mohammedans. 

Cedap.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Heb. 
'erez,  invariably  rendered  "cedar"  by  A.V.,  is, 
in  most  passages,  a  correct  rendering.  The 
'efez  (Arab,  eyz),  from  a  root  signifying  "■  firmly 
rooted  and  strong  tree,"  is  the  cedar  of  Lebanon 
{Cednis  libani)  ;  but  the  word  is  used  in  a 
wider  sense  to  denote  other  Coniferae  in  some 
passages.  E.g.  "  cedar  wood  "  (Lev. 14. 6)  can 
hardly  be  the  wood  of  the  Lebanon  cedars,  as 
the  Cedrus  libani  could  never  have  grown  in 
the  Sinai  peninsula.  In  Ezk.27.5,  'ey^z  perhaps 
denotes  some  fir ;  probably,  as  Dr.  Hooker  con- 
jectures, the  Pinus  halepensis,  which  grows  in 
Lebanon,  and  is  better  suited  for  ship-masts 
than  the  Cedrus  libani.  Probably  both  these 
trees,  and  also  the  Juniperus  excelsa,  were  in- 
cluded under  the  term  ^erez  ;  but  undoubtedly 
it  especially  denotes  the  cedar  of  Lebanon,  the 
firmest  and  grandest  of  the  conifers.  The  cedar 
is  found  in  various  parts  of  Syria  [Lebanon], 
but  the  best -known  grove  is  in  a  valley  of 
the  Lebanon  range,  viz.  that  of  the  Kedisha 
River,  which  flows  W.  from  near  the  highest 
point  of  the  range  to  the  Mediterranean  at 
Tripoli.  This  grove  is  at  the  very  upper  part 
of  the  valley,  about  15  miles  from  the  sea, 
6,500  ft.  above  that  level,  and  above  all  other 
cirboreous  vegetation.  The  cedars  are  confined 
to  a  small  portion  of  a  range  of  low,  stony, 
rounded  hills,  perhaps  60  to  100  ft.  above  the 
flow  of  the  valley.  These  hills  Dr.  Hooker  be- 
lieved to  be  old  moraines.  A  true  Juniper 
■(/.  phoenicea?)  occurs  in  Edom  in  several  places, 
e.g.  close  to  the  summit  of  mount  Hor  (Jebel 
Haroun) ;  and  the  present  writer  has  seen  groves 
of  small  trees  of  it  in  more  than  one  place  along 
the  brow  of  the  Edomitic  escarpment  above  the 
'Arabah.  No  doubt  it  was  incomparably  com- 
moner in  Biblical  times,  since  all  available  wood 
disappears  before  the  Arabs  for  fuel  in  S.  Pales- 
tine and  Sinai.  This  juniper  was  probably  the 
cedar  wood  "  cast  into  the  midst  of  the  burn- 
ing "  for  purification,  in  Num. 19. 6.  Juniper 
was  held  in  the  highest  repute  amongst  woods 
for  biurning  to  purify  the  air  of  all  corruptions 
and  infections.  Vergil  is  supposed  to  mean 
juniper  in  "  Disce  et  odoratum  stabulis  accen- 
dere  cedrum  "  (Georgics).  It  was  biumt  among 
the  ancients,  to  expel  evil  spirits,  as  it  still  is 
in  many  countries.  Pliny  says,  "TheJJuniper 
hath  the  same  propertie  that  the  Cedar  has  as 
a  preservative  against  rottenness,  if  its  oil  be 


CENSER 


141 


rubbed  on  any  wood " — thus  recognizing 
their  distinctness.  [h.c.h.] 

Ce'dpon. — 1.  A  place  fortified  by  Cende- 
baeus  under  the  orders  of  Antiochus  (Sidetes), 
as  a  station  from  which  to  command  the  roads 
of  Judaea  (iMac.15.39,41,16.9).  It  was  not 
far  from  Jamnia  (Jabne),  and  was  probably 
the  modern  Qatrah,  5  miles  E.  of  Yebnah.^2. 
Jn.18.1  only.     [Kidron.] 

Ce'ilan  (iEsd.5.15).  Sons  of  Ceilan  and 
Azetas  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from 
Babylon.  The  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
have  no  names  corresponding  to  these. 

Celling-.     [CiELiNG.] 

Celosypia.     [Coelosyria.] 

Cen'chpea  (R.V.  Cenchreae)  was  the  E. 
harbour  of  Corinth  (i.e.  its  harbour  on  the 
Saronic  Gulf),  and  the  emporium  of  its  trade 
with  the  Asiatic  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
as  Lechaeum  (Lutrdki)  on  the  Corinthian  Gulf 
was  with  Italy  and  the  W.  St.  Paul  sailed 
from  Cenchreae  (Ac. 18. 18)  on  his  return  to 
Syria  from  his  second  missionary  journey  ; 


COLONIAL  COIN  OF  CORIN'TH. 

On  the  obverse  the  head  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  on  the  reverse  the 
port  of  Cenchrea,  with  C.L.I. COR.,  that  is,  COLONIA  LAVS 
JVLIA  CORINTHUS. 

and  when  he  wrote  his  epistle  to  the  Romans 
in  the  course  of  the  third  journey,  an  organ- 
ized church  seems  to  have  existed  here 
(R0.I6.1).  [Phoebe.]  The  distance  of  Cen- 
chreae from  Corinth  was  70  stadia  or  about 
9  miles.  The  modern  village  of  Kikries  re- 
tains the  ancient  name,  which  is  conjectured 
by  Dr.  Sibthorpe  to  be  derived  from  the  millet 
[Keyxp'-)-  which  still  grows  there. 

Cendebe  us,  accurately  Cendebaeus  (as 
R.V.),  a  general  left  by  Antiochus  VII.  in  com- 
mand of  the  sea-board  of  Palestine  (iMac.15. 
38,  etc.)  after  the  defeat  of  Tryphon  138  e.g. 
He  fortified  Kedron  and  harassed  the  Jews, 
but  was  defeated  by  Simon  the  Hasmonaean, 
with  great  loss  (iMac.l6.i-io). 

Censep.  A  bowl-shaped  vessel  for  burning 
incense.  It  was  filled  with  live  coals  from  off 
the  altar,  and  on  this  fire  was  put  the  incense. 
The  censer  was  then  carried  to  the  altar  of 
incense  and  placed  upon  it.  This  appears  to 
have  been  its  general  use,  since  incense  was  to 
be  burned  night  and  morning  on  the  altar  of 
incense  (Ex. 30.7,8,40. 26,27).  Censer  is  the 
rendering  of  two  Heb.  words,  (i)  miqtereth 
(2Chr.26.19;  Ezk.8.11).  The  form  ni'-qaft/- 
roth  occurs  2Chr.3O.14,  and  is  rendered  "  altars 
for  incense "  (R.V.  marg.  vessels  ;  Oxf. 
Gesenius,  "  incense  altars  ").  These  censers 
probably  had  a  stand  or  flat  base.  (2)  mahtd, 
rendered  [a)  censer  (Lev.l0.i,16.i2  [ritual  for 


142 


CENSUS 


Day  of  Atonement]  ;  Num.l6.6,i7,i8,3?-39, 
46).  These  were  of  brass,  except  the  one  for 
use  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  which  was  of 
gold,  and  had  a  handle  (Yoma  iv.  4).  Also  (6) 
firepans,  of  brass  in  the  tabernacle  and  of  pure 


1J.\  !■!  IAN  ci;.NSi;u. 

gold  in  the  temple.  The  word  occurs  in  this 
sense  in  lists  of  utensils  intended  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  altar  of  burnt-offerings  (Ex. 27. 3, 38. 
3;  Num. 4.14;  iK.7.50;  cf.2ChrA.22;  2K.25. 
15  ;  Je.52.19).  Also  (c)  snuff-dishes  of  pure 
gold,  "  into  which  the  snuffings  of  the  lamps 
were  put  "  (Keil,  Bib.  Arch.)  ;  mentioned  in 
connexion  with  the  golden  candlestick  (Ex.25. 
38,37.23  ;  Num. 4.9).  In  Heb.9.4,  ev/jLiarripiov 
is  rendered  "censer"  (R.V.  marg.  altar  of 
incense).  The  former  is  probably  correct. 
dvfuoLT-qpiov  is  the  LXX.  for  miqtereth  in  2Chr. 
26.19,   Ezk.8.11.  [H.H.] 

Census.  I.  Moses  laid  down  the  law  (Ex. 
30.12,13)  that  whenever  the  people  were  num- 
bered, an  offering  of  half  a  shekel  should  be  made 
by  every  man  above  20  years  of  age,  by  way  of 
atonement  or  propitiation. — Instances  of  num- 
bering recorded  in  O.T.  (i)  Under  the  express 
direction  of  God  (Ex. 38. 26),  in  the  3rd  or  4th 
month  after  the  Exodus  during  the  encamp- 
ment at  Sinai,  chiefly  to  raise  money  for  the 
tabernacle.  The  numbers  then  amounted  to 
603,550  men.  (2)  In  the  2nd  month  of  the 
2nd  year  after  the  Exodus  (Num. 1.2,3).  This 
census  was  taken  to  ascertain  (a)  the  number 
of  fighting  men  from  the  age  of  20  to  50  ;  (b) 
the  amount  of  the  redemption  offering  due  on 
account  of  all  the  firstborn  both  of  persons  and 
cattle.  The  Levites,  numbering  22,000,  were 
taken  in  lieu  of  the  22,273  firstborn  males  of 
the  rest  of  Israel,  and  for  the  surjilus  of  273  a 
money  payment  of  5  shekels  each  was  made 
to  Aaron  and  his  sons  (3.39,51).  (3)  Thirty- 
eight  years  afterwards,  previous  to  the  en- 
trance into  Canaan,  the  total  number,  excejit- 
ing  the  Levites,  amounted  to  601,730  males — a 
decrease  of  1,820.  (4)  The  first  formal  num- 
bering of  the  people  as  an  established  nation 
took  place  in  the  reign  f)f  David.  This  was 
probably  necessary  because  the  protracted 
campaigns  of  David's  foreign  wars  made  it 
impossible  for  the  whole  male  population  cap- 
able of  bearing  arms,  who  formerly  acted  as 
the  army  of  Israel,  to  serve  for  so  long  away 
from  home.  The  military  nature  of  this  census 
is  shown  by  its  execution  being  entrusted  to 
Joab  and  his  captains;  but  it  was  no  doubt 
intended  also  as  a  basis  for  the  taxation  re- 
quired for  an  organized  government.  This 
measure  was  viewed  with  susijicion,  and  its 
instigation  is  accredited  to  evil  influence — 
"  Satan  stood  up  to  provoke  Israel  " — whilst 
the  ])estilence  which  followed  was  regarded 
both  by  David  and  the  people  as  a  sign  of  di- 
vine displeasure.     The  Chronicler  presupposes  | 


CHAIN 

(iChr.23-27)  records  of  numbers  and  divisions 
of  the  people,  such  as  show  an  elaborately 
organized  system  of  religious,  civil,  and  mili- 
tary officials,  which  some  consider  far  in  ad- 
vance of  the  time  of  David,  though  fragments 
of  old  records  may  be  incorporated  in  his  work  ; 
but  we  may  well  assume  that  the  system  of 
taxation  under  later  kings  followed  upon  the 
registration  inaugurated  by  David.  The  num- 
bers given  are  :  men  of  Israel  above  20  years 
of  age  800,000,  Judah  500,000,  total  1,300,000. 
iChr.  gives  Israel  1,100,000,  and  Judah 
470,000,  total  1,570,000  ;  but  adds  that  Levi 
and  Benjamin  were  not  numbered  (iChr.21.6, 
27.24).  (5)  The  census  of  David  was  com- 
pleted by  Solomon,  by  the  numbering  of  the 
foreigners  and  remnants  of  the  conquered 
nations  resident  within  Palestine.  They 
totalled  153,600,  and  were  employed  in  forced 
labour  on  his  great  architectural  works  (Jos. 9. 
27;  iK. 5. 15, 9.20, 21  ;  iChr.22.2  ;  2Chr.2.i7, 
18).  Between  this  time  and  the  Captivity 
mention  is  made  of  the  numbers  of  armies 
under  various  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah. 
[Number  ;  Palestine.]  For  N.T.  references 
to  the  Roman  census  (Lu.2.i  ;  Ac.5.37),  see 
Taxing.  [s.n.s.] 

Centupion.     [Army.] 

Cephas.     [Peter.] 

Ce  pas  (iEsd.5.29)  =  Keros. 

Ce'tab.  Sons  of  Cetab  were  Nethinim 
who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.30). 
Ni)  corresponding  name  is  found  in  the  lists 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

Cha'bpis,  son  of  Gothoniel,  and  an 
"ancient"  lirpecrfivrepos)  of  Bethulia  (Jth. 
6.15,8.10,10.6). 

Cha'dias,  an  unknown  place  in  Judaea. 
Perhaps  Hadid,  but  the  text  is  very  corrupt. 
"  They  of  Chadias  and  .A.mmidoi  "  (iEsd.5.2o) 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel. 
There  are  no  corresponding  names  in  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah.  [c.r.c] 

Chaff.  The  Heb.  words  rendered  chaff 
in  A.V.  lia\e  not  precisely  the  same  meaning  : 
lidshash  (Arab,  hashish),  "grass"  withered  by 
heat,  occurs  twice  only  (Is. 5. 24, 33. 11).  tnof 
is  chaff  separated  by  winnowing  from  the 
erain — the  husk  of  the  wheat,  tebhen,  ren- 
dered straiii  in  Ex. 5. 7, 10, 11,  etc.,  and  stubble  in 
Job  21.18,  means  straw  cut  into  short  portions, 
in  which  state  it  was  mixed  with  the  mud  of 
which  bricks  were  made  to  give  it  consistency  ; 
as  the  Arab,  tibn  is  still  used,  as  well  as  for 
fodder  with  barley.  In  il\.4.28  mention  is 
made  of  a  mixed  fodder  for  horses  and  camels 
of  barley  and  tebhen.  The  word  'lir  (Arab. 
'Aic'dr)  occurs  in  Dan. 2. 35  for  "chaff  of  the 
summer  threshing-floors."  [c.r.c] 

Chain.  Chains  were  used  ( i )  as  badges  of 
office  ;  (2)  for  ornament  ;  (3)  for  confining 
prisoners,  (i)  The  gold  chain  placed  about 
Josejih's  neck  ((ie11.4i.42),  and  that  promised 
to  Daniel  (Dan. 5. 7),  are  instances  of  the  first 
use.  In  I*2gyiU  it  was  one  of  the  insignia  of 
a  judge,  who  wore  an  image  of  truth  attached 
to  it  ;  it  was  also  worn  by  the  prinio  minister. 
In  Persia  it  was  considered  not  only  as  a  mark 
of  royal  favour,  but  a  token  of  investiture.  In 
Ezk.i6.ii  it  is  mentioned  as  the  symbol  of 
sovereignty.  (2)  Chains  for  ornamental  pur- 
poses were  worn  both  by  men  and  women  in 


PLATE    VIII 


NECKLACE   OF   GOLD,   CARNELIAN,    LAPIS-LAZULI,   AND   FELSPAR   BEADS, 
COWRIE    SHELLS,   AND   SYMBOLIC   FIGURES.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


jaQQia^lli^'^^aQLi^BC^a.. 


NECKLACE    OF    CARNELIAN,    AMETHYST,    JASPER,  AND    QUARTZ    BEADS, 
INCLUDING    TWO    SYMBOLIC   EYES.     (Brit.   Mus.) 


GOLD  NECKLACE  OF  AN  EGYPTIAN  QUEEN  OF  ABOUT  THE  TIME  OF  JOSEPH, 
p.  142] 


CHALCEDONY 


CHALDEA 


143 


CHAFF   DRIVEN  BY  WIND  (Ps.l.4).     See  art 


many  parts  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  probably 
among  the  Hebrews  (Pr.l.g).  The  necklace 
consisted  of  pearls,  corals,  glass  beads,  metal 
discs,  etc.  Besides  the  necklace,  other  chains 
were  worn  (Jth.lO.4),  hanging  down  as  far  as 
the  waist,  or  even  lower.  Some  were  adorned 
with  pieces  of  metal,  shaped  in  the  form  of  the 
moon  ("  rotmd  tires  like  the  moon,"  A.V.  ; 
"  crescents,"  R.V.  ;  Is. 3. 18).  The  Midianites 
adorned  the  necks  of  their  camels  with  these 
(Judg.8.21,26),  and  camels  in  Palestine  may 
still  be  seen  with  bone  crescents  tied  to  their 
necks.  Step-chains  were  attached  to  the 
ankle-rings,  which  shortened  the  step  and  pro- 
duced a  mincing  gait  (3. 16,18).  (3)  The 
means  adopted  for  confining  prisoners  among 
the  Jews  were  fetters  similar  to  our  handcuffs 
(Judg.l6.21;  2Sam.3.34  ;  2K.25.7  ;  Je.39.7). 
Among  the  Romans,  the  prisoner  was  hand- 
cuffed to  one,  and  occasionally  to  two  guards 
(Ac.12.6,7,21.33). 

Chalcedony  (Rev. 21. 1 9  only).  The  name 
is  applied  in  modern  mineralogy  to  minutely 
crystalline  silica,  of  a  milky  or  very  pale 
brown  colour,  in  fact  a  variety  of  Agate,  gener- 
ally of  little  value  as  a  gem,  but  often  used, 
after  classic  times,  for  carvings,  like  some 
other  kinds  of  agate.  Pliny  does  not  speak 
of  it  as  a  separate  stone,  but  mentions  Calche- 
donii  smaragdi  (Nat.  Hist,  xxxvii.  18)  as  an 
impure  variety  of  emerald  obtained  from 
copper-mines  in  Chalcedon.  This,  also  re- 
ferred to  by  Theophrastus   (De  Lapid.   §  25), 


was  evidently  (King,  Precious  Stones,  p.  157) 
dioptase,  a  crystalline  hydrous  silicate  of 
copper,  green  in  colour.  [t.g.b.] 

Chalcol'.  [Calcol  ;  Darda.] 
Chaldea  (Chaldaea).  This  was  properly 
the  southern  portion  of  Babylonia,  without  the 
tract  through  which  the  Shatt  al-'Arab  (which 
did  not  anciently  exist)  passes.  It  was  known 
to  the  Babylonians  as  "  the  Land  of  the  Sea," 
but  was  sometimes  called  mat  Kaldu,  on  ac- 
count of  the  numerous  Chaldean  (and  Ara- 
mean)  tribes  which  had  settled  there  ^(Bit- 
Dakuri,  Bit- A  dim,  Bit-Amnkkdni,  Bit-Sildni, 
Bit-Sa'alli,  BU-Sdla-Larakki,  Bit-Yakin  to 
which  Merodach-baladan  [2  K. 20. 12,  etc.]  be- 
longed). The  important  position  which  the 
Chaldeans  attained,  however,  caused  the  na- 
tions around  to  extend  the  name  to  the  whole 
of  Babylonia.  In  this  sense  it  embraced  the 
alluvial  plain  formed  by  the  deposits  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  which  extends, 
nearly  N.E.  and  S.W.,  about  400  miles  along 
the  coiurses  of  those  rivers,  with  an  average 
width  of  about  100  miles.  In  consequence  of 
its  alluvial  nature,  the  country  is  exceedingly 
fiat,  and  the  monotony  of  the  landscape  is  only 
broken  by  the  towns  built  here  and  there,  and 
the  ruins  of  ancient  settlements.  Everywhere 
are  to  be  seen  the  remains  of  ancient  canals, 
pointing  to  a  much  more  extensive  system 
of  irrigation  than  exists  at  present.  Above 
Chaldea  proper,  which  was  occupied  by  the 
tribes,  the  country  was  divided  into  provinces, 
named,  seemingly,  after  the  chief  cities  (the 
province  of  Babylon,  Sippar,  etc.).  The  capi- 
tal of  the  country  was  Babylon,  after  which  the 
chief  cities  were  Sippar  (Abu-habbah) ;  Calneh  or 
Nippur  (AV^f/-);  \Jr  (M nqeir) ;  Ex ech  (Warka); 
Larsa,  the  Biblical  Ellasar  (Senqdra);  Agade, 
the  city  of  the  Babylonian  Sargon ;  Kis  [Hai- 
mar);  Lagas  (Tel-loh),  with  many  others.  To 
these  may  be  added  Cuthah  (Ibrahim);  Chil- 
mad  (Kalwadha);  Larak  (Gk.  Larancha);  Is 
(Hit);  Surippak,  ^the  city  of  the  Babylonian 
Noah  (IFara);  Endvi  (Abu-Shahrein);  Deru; 
Dur-Kuri-galzu,  etc.  Among  the  canals  which 
were  such  a  remarkable  feature  of  the  country 
were  the  Nahr  Malka  (Ndr  Sarri)  or  "  Royal 
Canal,"  the  Ndr  Kutu  or  "canal  of  Cu- 
thah," the  "  New  Canal,"  the  Pallukatu  or 
Palacopas,  the  canal  of  Borsippa,  the  canal 
of  Pekod,  and  many  others.  These  ancient 
waterways  can  still  be  traced,  and  some  at 
least  will  ultimately  be  identified.  Chaldea 
has  one  natural  feature  worthy  of  note — viz. 
the  great  inland  fresh-water  sea  of  Nejef, 
a  permanent  lake  of  considerable  depth,  ex- 
tending in  a  south-easterly  directly  for  40 
miles,  with  a  maximum  width  of  35  miles. 
From  the  site  of  Babylon  extend,  in  a  south- 
easterly direction,  the  famous  Chaldean 
marshes,  where  Alexander  was  nearly  lost. 
The  extreme  fertility  of  the  Chaldean  soil  has 
been  noticed  by  various  writers.  It  is  said  to 
be  the  only  country  in  the  world  where  wheat 
grows  wild  ;  and  Herodotus  states  (i.  193)  that 
grain  returned  200-fold,  and  occasionally  300- 
fold,  to  the  sower.  The  date-palm  has  been 
from  remote  ages  one  of  the  principal  objects 
of  cultivation,  its  fruit  being  a  staple  food  of 
the  country.  The  soil  is  rich,  but  ill-cultivated, 


144      CHALDEANS,  CHALDEES 

much  of  the  land  being  dry  and  waste  for  want 
of  a  proper  system  of  irrigation,  which  would 
probably  also  drain  the  marshes.  [Babel  ; 
Chaldeans.]  [t.g.p.] 

Chaldeans,  Chaldees.  These  words, 
like  the  word  Chaldea,  do  not  occur  in 
the  Heb.  of  O.T.  (which  always  has  kasdim; 
77  times  altogether,  of  which  46  are  in  Jere- 
miah), and  the  Eng.  trans,  comes  from  the 
LXX.  The  term  is  used  for  the  people  of 
the  S.  portion  of  Babylonia,  but  designating, 
in  later  times,  the  inhabitants  of  Babylonia 
in  general,  including  the  tract  anciently  called 
Shinar.  In  Dan. 5. 30,9.1  they  are  classed 
with  magicians  and  astrologers,  and  seem  also 


Kir.URIiS  SUPPI5SED  TO   I!E  CHALDEANS. 
{Layard's  MoHumenti.  o/ ?Ji}icz'€h.) 

to  form  a  kind  of  priestly  class,  with  a 
"  tongue  "  and  "  learning  "  of  their  own  (I.4). 
The  Gk.  authors  make  the  same  distinction. 
In  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  "  Chaldean  "  is 
the  ordinary  designation  of  certain  S.  Baby- 
lonian tribes  associated  with  the  Aramcans,  and 
it  is  thought  that  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  if  it  be 
the  modern  .Muqcir,  was  so  called  from  its 
southern  position  on  the  Euphrates  (it  lies 
near  its  junction  with  the  Shatt  al-Hai).  To 
all  appearance  this  district  was  also  referred  to 
by  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  as  "  the 
Land  of  the  Sea,"  because  of  its  position  at  the 
head  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  This  tract  seems  to 
have  attained  prominence  about  2000  b.c, 
when  Hammurabi's  son  and  successor,  Samsu- 
ilima,  with  his  son  Abi§i  (AbeSu',  EbiSu'"), 
came  into  conflict  with  llu-ma-ilu  (Anman), 
who  apparently  ruled  tliere.  The  name  mat 
Kaldu,  "the  country  Chaldea,"  is  first  men- 
tioned by  the  Assyrian  king  Adad-nirari  III., 
c.  810  B.C.  Merodach-baladan,  whose  tribe 
was  Bit-Yakin,  and  who  belonged  to  "  the 
Land  of  the  Sea,"  is  described  by  Sargon  as  a 
Chaldean,  the  nationality  given  by  Sennacher- 
ib to  Suzub,  the  Nergal-uSezib  (Rhegebelos)  of 
the  Babylonian  Chronicle.  The  name  Chal- 
dean soon  spread  to  the  whole  of  S.  Babylonia, 
and  thence  to  the  nortiiern  provinces  also. 
The  Chaldean  kings  of  Babylon  bear  names 
indistinguishable  from  those  of  the  true  Baby- 
lonians, so  that  the  suggestion  that  Nebuchad- 
nezzar was  of  Ciialdean  origin  may  be  correct, 
and  may  account  for  the  term  being  applied  to 
the  whole  Babylonian  nation.  The  language  of 
the  Chaldeans  seems  to  have  been  similar  to 


CHAMELEON 

Biblical  "Chaldee."  The  use  of  Chaldean  to 
indicate  one  learned  in  Babylonian  lore  must 
have  been  due  to  its  application  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Babylonia  in  general.  According 
to  Strabo,  the  chief  seats  of  Chaldean  learning 
were  Borsippa  and  Ur,  and  Pliny  speaks  of 
Babylon  and  Sippara.  These  towns  were  not 
within  the  boundaries  of  Chaldea  in  its  re- 
stricted sense,  and  Babylonian  scribes  or 
priests  must  be  intended.  Their  special 
tongue  was,  therefore,  the  ancient  Sumerian 
language,  and  their  learning  that  derived  from 
its  literature.  To  the  centres  of  learning 
mentioned  may  be  added  Nippur,  Erech,  and 
probably  other  towns.  "  Chaldeans  "  with 
the  meaning  "  wise  men  "  does  not  occur  in 
Assyro-Babylonian  literature.  The  period 
being  taken  into  consideration,  this  Baby- 
lonian reputation  for  learning  was  well  de- 
served.    [Semitic  Languages.]         [t.g.p.] 

Chambeplain.  Erastus,  "  the.  chamberlain 
[R.V.  treasurer]  of  the  city  "  of  Corinth  (Ro. 
16. 23),  held  an  office  which  was  apparently 
that  of  public  treasurer,  or  arcarius,  as  the 
Vulg.  renders  his  title.  These  arcarii  were  in- 
ferior magistrates,  who  had  the  charge  of  the 
public  chest  [area  publica),  and  were  under  the 
authority  of  the  senate.  They  kept  the  ac- 
counts of  the  public  revenues.  The  office  held 
by  Blastus,  "  the  king's  chamberlain  "  (Ac.l2. 
20),  was  entirely  different  ;  it  was  a  post  of 
honour  which  involved  great  intimacy  and 
influence  with  the  king.  The  marg.  of  A.V. 
reads  "  that  was  over  the  king's  bedchamber." 
For  "  chamberlain  "  in  O.T.,  see  Eunuch. 

Chameleon.  The  translation  of  the 
Heb.  koah,  used  in  Lev. 11. 30,  as  the  name  of 
some  unclean  creature,  is  generally  regarded 
as  incorrect.  It  has  been  suggested — and 
Tristram  accepts  the  view — that  the  large 
Syrian  and  Egyptian  lizards  known,  from  a 
misconception  of  the  meaning  of  their  Arabic 
name  waran  or  I'lran,  as  monitors  (Varanus) 
are  those  indicated.  One  species  {V.  griseus) 
common  in  Egypt  attains  a  length  of  3  or  4 
ft.,  but  a  second  (V.  salvator)  grows  to  at 
least  6  ft.,  and  is,  in  fact,  the  largest  of  all 
lizards.  These  lizards  are  often  incorrectly 
called  iguanas.  The  chameleon  itself  may 
perhaps  be  the  animal  indicated  in  Lev. 11. 30 
by    the    name    tinshemeth,    there    translated 


THE  CHAMELEON. 

"mole"  in  the  A.V.,  although  another  Heb. 
word  is  elsewhere  rendered  as  that  animal. 
The  reason  for  believing  that  tinshemeth 
indicates  the  chameleon  is  that  the  meaning 
of  this  word  is  "  to  breathe,"  in  allusion,  it  is 
suggested,  to  the  old  fable  that  this  reptile 
lives  on  air.  Nothing  more  definite  can  be 
affirmed  in  either  case.     [Mole.]         [k.l.] 


CHAMOIS 

Chamois  (Heb.  zemer).  In  the  list  of 
animals  allowed  for  food  (Deut.14.5)  is  the 
zemer,  a  term  translated  in  the  LXX.,  Vulg., 
and  some  other  versions  "  camelopard  "  or 
"  giraffe,"  and  in  A.V.  "  chamois."  If,  as  is 
believed,  the  word  is  related  to  the  Arab. 
zamar,  it  indicates  some  leaping  animal. 
As  the  chamois  is  unknown  E.  of  the  Taurus 
and  Caucasus,  it  cannot  be  the  species  in- 
tended. It  has  been  suggested  that  the  N. 
African  wild  sheep,  or  udad  (Ovis    lervia),  is 


CHARIOT 


145 


THE  NORTH  AFRICAN  WILD  SHEEP,  OR  UDAD. 

the  animal  referred  to  ;  but  against  this  is  the 
fact  that  this  species  is  unknown  in  Asia.  The 
udad  is  an  aberrant,  foxy  red  sheep,  with  a 
fringe  of  long  hair  on  the  throat  and  chest  ; 
and  in  some  degree  serves  to  connect  the  more 
typical  wild  sheep  with  the  goats,  zemer 
might  indicate  the  wild  goat,  or  possibly  the 
gazelle,  but  other  Heb.  words  have  been  as- 
signed to  those  animals.  [Palestine.]   [r.l.] 

Cha'naan,  the  form  in  which  Canaan  ap- 
pears in  A.V.  of  Apoc.  and  N.T.  (Jth.S-sff.  ; 
Ba.3.22  ;  Sus.56  :    iMac.9.37  ;  Ac.7.ii,13.r9). 

Chanaanite  for  Canaanite  (Jth.5.i6). 

Channune'us  {iEsd.8.48)  perhaps  = 
Merari  (Ezr.8.19). 

Chapiter,  the  capital  of  a  pillar.  The 
A.V.  so  renders  three  Heb.  words.  ( i )  kothereth, 
"  crown  "  or  "  circlet."  applied  to  pillars  (iK. 
7.16-20,41,42  ;  2K. 25.17  ;  2Chr.4.i2,i3  ;  Je. 
52.2  2),  and  also  to  the  ornamental  rims  of  the 
temple  lavers  (1K.7.31).  (2)  cepheth,  "adorn- 
ment "  of  a  pillar  (2Chr!3.i5).  (3)  rosh, 
"  head"  (Ex.36. 38, 38. 17,19,28),  applied  to  the 
pillars  of  the  tabernacle  ;  the  word  is  other- 
wise rendered  top  in  connexion  with  pillars 
(iK. 7. 16-19, 22).  The  capitals  of  Solomon's 
bronze  pillars  were  adorned  with  '"  checker 
work"  or  "net  work"  (s'bhdkhd)  probably  in 
low  relief  [Lattice.  3],  and  these  designs  were 
finished  above  and  below  by  rows  of  pome- 
granates  (iK. 7.17-20,41, 42).  [c.R.c] 

Chapaath'alap  (R.V.  Charaaih' alan)  is 
given  in  iEsd.5.36  as  the  name  of  a  leader 


under  Zerubbabel ;  but  is  probably  a  corruption 
of  two  place-names,  Cherub  and  Addan  (c/. 
Ezr.2.59)- 

Chapaca  (2Mac.i2.17).  Perhaps  Kerak, 
E.  of  the  Dead  Sea.     [Caspis.]  [c.r.c] 

Chapashim,  Valley  of  (iChr.4.14), 
mentioned  with  Lod  and  Ono  (Ne.ll.35). 
The  R.V.  has  "  Ge-harashim  "  in  iChr.4'.i4, 
"  Valley  of  Craftsmen "  (marg.  R.V.  Ge- 
harashim)  in  Ne.11.35,  or  perhaps  "  of 
ploughmen,"  or  "  wood-cutters."  Probably 
the  town  is  represented  by  the  ruin  Hirsha, 
12J  miles  S.E.  of  Lydda,  4J  E.  of  Ydlo  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  36).  [c.R.c] 

Chapchamis'.     [Carchamis.] 

Chapchemish'  (2Chr.35.20)  =  Carche- 
MisH  (as  R.V.). 

Chap'cus  (iEsd.5.32  ;  R.V.  Barchns)  = 
Barkos. 

Cha'pea  (iEsd.5.32)  =  Harsha. 

Chapgep.  A  vessel  used  in  the  taber- 
nacle for  presenting  offerings  of  fine  flour  with 
oil  (Num. 7. 79).  The  "  chargers  "  mentioned 
in  Numbers  are  said  to  have  been  of  silver,  and 
to  have  weighed  each  130  shekels,  or  87  oz. 
Judging  from  the  analogous  word  inSyriac,  the 
vessel  was  deep,  acorn-shaped.  Quite  different 
was  the  charger  mentioned  in  Mt.14.8,  which 
was  probably  a  shallow  dish,  yet  deep  enough  to 
contain  the  blood  that  must  have  been  dripping 
from  the  head  of  the  Baptist.         [w.o.e.o.] 

Chapiot.  (i)  rc/5/t£6/t,  sometimes  including 
the  horses  (2Sam.8.4,10.i8).  (2)  r'khuhh,  a 
chariot  or  horse  (Ps.104.3).  (3)  merkdbhd  is  the 
most  usual  word,  occurring  42  times  in  O.T. ; 
it  is  used,  e.g.,  of  the  chariots  of  the  Egyptians 
(Ex. 14.25, 15.4),  of  the  Canaanites  (Jos.ll. 
6,9),  and  of  the  Ass>T:ians  (Na.3.2).  (4) 
merkdbh  (only  in  Lev.15.9  [E.V.  saddle],  iK.4. 
26,  and  Can.3.io)  does  not  differ  radically  from 
merkdbhd,  but  a  distinction  may  be  discerned 
in  their  use  in  that  merkdbh  represents  rather 
the  seat  in  the  chariot,  merkdbhd  the  chariot 
itself.  (5)  'dghdld  (Ps.46.9[io]).  (6)  'appiryon 
(Can. 3. 9).  Chariots  were  used  mostly  for  war- 
like purposes.  [Army.]  The  earliest  mention  of 
them  in  Scripture  is  in  Egypt,  where  Joseph,  as 
a  mark  of  distinction,  was  placed  in  Pharaoh's 
second  chariot  (Gen.4i.43),  and  went  later  in 
his  own  chariot  to  meet  his  father  on  his  way 
from  Canaan  (46.29).  In  the  funeral  proces- 
sion of  Jacob  chariots  also  formed  apart  (SO.g). 
The  next  mention  of  Egyptian  chariots  is  for 
a  warlike  purpose  (Ex. 14.7).  Pharaoh  in  pur- 
suing Israel  took  with  him  600  chariots.  The 
Canaanites  of  the  valleys  of  Palestine  success- 
fully resisted  the  Israelites  in  consequence  of 
the  number  of  their  chariots  of  iron  (Jos. 
17.18  ;  Judg.1.19).  Jabin.  king  of  Canaan, 
had  900  chariots  (Judg.4.3).  David  took 
from  Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  1,000  chariots 
(2Sam.8.4),  and  a  little  later  700  from  the 
Syrians  (10. 18),  who  in  order  to  recover  their 
ground  collected  32,000  chariots  (iChr.19.7). 
Up  to  this  time  the  Israelites  possessed  few  or 
no  chariots.  But  Solomon  raised  and  main- 
tained a  force  of  1,400  chariots  (1K.IO.26)  by 
taxation  on  certain  cities,  agreeably  to  Eastern 
custom  in  such  matters  (iK. 9. 19, 10. 25  ;  Xen. 
Anab.  i.  4,  9).  The  chariots  and  the  horses 
were  both  imported  chiefly  from  Egypt,  and 
each  chariot  cost  600  shekels  of  silver,  and  each 

10 


146 


CHARITY 


CHEDOiRLAOMER 


HGVPTIAN   I'KINCKS   IN  THEIR  CHARIOTS.     (Wilkinson.) 


horse  150  (1K.IO.29).  From  this  time  the 
possession  of  chariots  was  regarded  as  most 
important,  and  they,  as  well  as  horses,  appear 
to  have  been  still  supplied  mainly  from  Egypt 
(iK.22.34  ;  2K.9.i6,2i).  Commonly  two  per- 
sons, sometimes  three,  rode  in  the  chariot  (2  K.9. 
20,24 ;  I  K.22.34  ;  Ac. 8. 38),  the  third  being  em- 
ployed to  carry  the  state  umbrella.  A  second 
chariot  usually  accompanied  the  king  to 
battle  to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity  (2Chr. 
35.24).  Chariots  are  frequently  alluded  to  as 
typical  of  power  (Ps.20.7, 104-3  ;  Je.51.2i  ; 
Zech.6.1).  Chariots  of  other  nations  are  men- 
tioned, as  of  Assyria  (2K.I9.23  ;  Ezk.23.24), 


ASSYRIAN    LII.XKliir. 


Syria  (2Sam.8  and  2 K. 6.14, 15),  Persia  (Is.22. 
6),  and  Antiochus  Eupator  is  said  to  have  had 
300  chariots  armed  with  scythes  (2Mac.l3.2). 
In  N.T.,  the  only  mention  of  a  chariot,  except 
in  R('v.9.<),  is  that  of  the  Ethiopian  or  Abys- 
sinian eiimich  of  queen  Candace  (Ac.8.28). 

Charity.  (The  Ivng.  word  is  derived  both 
from  Old  !•>.  charilet  and  Vulg.  caritatem.)  In 
A.V.  this  word  is  confined  to  the  epistles.  While 
it  always  represents  ayairy).  the  latter  is  often 
translated  "  love,"  and  it  is  difficult  to  trace 
any  principle  by  which  the  A.V.  translators 
distinguishcdtheir  useof  the  two  terms.  "Char- 
ity "  was  used  in  the  Vulg.  of  the  love  of  man 
for  God,  but  had  degenerated  in  the  i6th  cent, 
into  the  sense  of  love  from  man  to  man.     Its 


somewhat  technical  connotation  of  giving  to 
the  poor  is  of  late  acquisition,  and  quite  con- 
tradicted by  St.  Paul,  who  considers  the  possi- 
bility of  bestowing  all  one's  goods  on  the  poor, 
and  yet  being  destitute  of  this  virtue.  It  is 
from  iCor.13  that  all  our  ideas  of  this  "  great- 
est of  gifts  "  are  derived.  This  charity  is  more 
important  than  eloquence,  prophecy,  know- 
ledge, faith,  philanthropy,  or  the  martyr's  zeal ; 
because  it  is  a  motive,  in  the  absence  of  which 
all  these  things  are  destitute  of  merit.  This 
is  quite  in  accordance  with  modern  Ethics. 
Its  manifestation  is  set  out  in  vv.  4-8.  It  is 
long-suffering,  patient,  hopeful,  enduring ; 
neither  envious,  proud,  nor  cynical.  It  is  the 
one  thing  which  shall  never  fail,  but  shall  be 
able  to  endure  the  searching  and  perfect  light  of 
heaven.  2Pe.l.7  bids  "charity"  be  added  to 
"brotherly  kindness,"  and  iPe.4.8  speaks  of  it 
as  "  covering  a  multitude  of  sins."     [b.f.s.] 

Chap'mis,  son  of  Melchiel,  an  "  ancient  " 
(7rpe(r/3iyTepos)of  Bethulia(Judg.6.i5,8.io,10.6). 

Chap'pan  (Ac.7.2,4)  =  Haran. 

Chas'eba,  named  in  iEsd.5.31  only 
among  those  whose  sons  returned  with 
Zerubbabcl. 

Chebap,'  a  river  or  canal  in  "  the  land  of 
the  Chaldeans"  (Ezk.l.3),  on  the  banks  of 
which  Jews  were  located  during  tiic  Captivity, 
and  where  Ezckiel  saw  his  earlier  visions  (Ezk. 
1.1,3.15,23,  etc.).  It  is  often  idi'iUificd  with 
the  Habor,  or  river  of  Gozan,  whither  Israelites 
were  removed  by  the  Assyrians  (2K.17.6). 
The  Chebar  of  Ezekiel,  however,  must  be  looked 
for  in  Babylonia,  and  is  probably  the  nahr 
Kabari,  a  canal  near  Niffcr  (Calneh,  Gen. 10. 10), 
as  suggested  by  Hilprecht.  Its  course  has 
still  to  be  deterniiiicd.  See  Hilprecht  and 
I  Clay,  Business-Documents  of  Mnrashd  Sons, 
Pennsylvania  Expedition,  vol.  ix.  p.  28  ;  Clay, 
'  I.if;lit  on  O.T.  from  liabel,  p.  405.  [t.g.p.] 

Chedoplaotner,  king  of  Eiain  in  the 
time  of  Abraham,  who  with  three  vassal 
princes  suppressed  a  rebellion  of  the  Canaan- 
ites  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dead  Sea 
(Gen.l4.i-i6).  Babylonia  had  been  con- 
quered by  the  Elamites,  northern  Babylonia 


CHEESE 

with  its  capital  Babylon  being  left  to  the 
young  king  Hammurabi  or  Ammurapi  [Am- 
raphel],  while  southern  Babylonia  with  its 
capital  at  Larsa  [Ellasar]  was  handed  over  to 
the  Elamite  prince  Eri-Aku  or  Arioch,  whose 
father  was  appointed  governor  of  Canaan. 
Canaan  had  long  been  considered  a  Baby- 
lonian province,  and  was  therefore  claimed  by 
Elam  after  the  conquest  of  Babylonia.  The 
name  of  Chedorlaomer  appears  as  Kudur- 
Lagamar,  "the  servant  (?)  of  the  goddess 
Lagamar,"  in  the  cimeiform  texts — an  import- 
ant confirmation  of  the  Biblical  story  of  ; 
Abraham.  Some  time  after  the  Canaanite  j 
campaign  Hammurabi  succeeded  in  shaking 
off  the  Elamite  yoke.  [a.h.s.] 

Cheese.     In  Palestine  cheese  is  still  made,  ; 
and  also   a  sour   curd   cheese  when  milk  is  i 
plentiful  in  spring.     The  latter  may  be  in-  ^ 
tended    in    Pr.3O.33.     [Butter.]     The    three 
Heb.  words  rendered  "  cheese  "  by  A.V.    are 
g''bhtnd,  the  .Arab  jibn,  "cheese"  (Job  10. 10);  \ 
hdrice    hehdldhh    (iSam.l7.i8),    or    "slices   of 
milk  " — perhaps   curd  cheeses  ;    and  sh'-photh 
bdqdr    (2Sam.i7.29),    "  strainings    of    cows,"  < 
which  might  mean  cream,  or  curds,  or  the 
dried  buttermilk  of  the  Arabs.     (Burckhardt,  i 
Notes  on  the  Bedouins,  i.  60.)  [c.r.c] 

Chelal',  one  of  those  who  put  away  their 
foreign  wives  (Ezr.lO.30). 

Chelei'as  (Helkias,  R.V.). — 1.  Ancestor 
of  Baruch  (Ba.l.i). — 2.  =  Hilkiah,  father  of 
Joachim,  the  high -priest  in  the  time  of  Josiah 
(Ba.1.7). — 3.  Father  of  Susanna  (Sus.2,29,63). 
Chel'lians,  The  (Jth.2.23),  inhabitants 
of  Chellus. 

Chelluh',  one  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  (Ezr.lO.35). 

Chellus  (xeXXoL's ;  Jth.l.g),  mentioned 
with  Betane,  Kades,  and  the  "river  of 
Egypt."  Apparently,  as  Reland  suggests 
(Pal.  Illust.  ii.  p.  717),  the  later  Elusa  (now 
Khalasah),  8  miles  S.W.  of  Beer-sheba,  named 
after  an  Arab  goddess  still  adored  there  in  4th 
cent.  A.D.  (See  Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  i.  pp.  201, 
202.)  [c.r.c] 

Che'lod.  "  Many  nations  of  the  sons  of 
Chelod  "  were  among  those  who  obeyed  the 
;ummons  of  Nabuchodonosor  to  his  war  with 
Arphaxad  (Jth.1.6).  The  word  is  appar- 
ently corrupt.  Variant  readings  are  Clieleoul, 
Cheslaiouda,  Chelcoud  ;    Syr.  Chaldeans. 

Chelub'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  J  udah  ( iChr. 
4.11).— 2.  The  father  of  Ezri  (iChr.27.26). 

Chelubai',  son  of  Hezron,  of  one  of  the 
chief  families  of  J  udah.  The  name  occurs  in 
iChr.2.9only,  and  comparing  this  with  2. 18, 
42,  it  appears  to  be  but  another  form  of 
Caleb. 

Chemapims'  (Zeph.1.4,  cf.  margin  of  2K. 
23.5  ;  Ho. 10. 5),  probably  a  word  of  foreign 
origin,  always  used  in  a  bad  sense  of  priests 
who  conducted  false  worship.  In  Syriac  the 
corresponding  word  is  used  in  Judg.l7.5,i2  of 
Micah's  priest,  in  Is. 61. 6  of  the  priests  of  the 
true  God,  and  in  Heb.2.i7  of  Christ  Himself. 
Kimchi  derived  it  from  a  root  meaning  "  to  be 
black,"  because  the  idolatrous  priests  wore 
black  garments  ;  others  take  the  root  to  mean 
"  to  be  sad,"  as  if  the  monk  or  priest  were  an 
ascetic.  The  versions  of  Ezk.3i.15  show  how 
these  two  ideas  run  together :  Pesh,  kemird, 


CHERETHITES 


147 


LXX.  ia-Kdraaev,  Vulg.  contristatus  est,  E.V. 
caused  to  mourn;  cf.  art.  Mourning,  [c.r.d.b.] 
Chemosh',  the  national  deity  of  the  Moab- 
ites  (Num. 21. 29  ;  Je.48.7,13.46).  In  Judg. 
11.24  he  also  appears  as  the  god  of  the 
Ammonites.  Solomon  introduced,  and  Josiah 
abolished,  the  worship  of  Chemosh  at  Jerusa- 
lem (iK.11.7  ;  2K. 23.13).  In  the  inscription 
of  the  Moabite  king,  Mesha,  language  is  applied 
to  him  not  unlike  that  used  of  Jehovah  in 

O.T.       [MOAB.]  [A.H.S.] 

Chenaanah'. — 1.  Head  of  a  Benjamite 
house  (iChr.7.io).  [Jediael,  i;  Bilhan.] — 
2.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Zedekiah  the  false 
prophet   (iK. 22.11, 24  ;  2Chr.l8. 10,23). 

Chenani',  a  Levite  who  assisted  at  the 
solemn  purification  of  the  people  (Ne.9.4). 

Chenaniah',  chief  of  the  Levite  singers 
(but  see  R.V.  marg.)  when  David  carried  the 
ark  to  Jerusalem  (1Chr.i5.22)  ;  also  described 
as  an  Izharite  officer  and  judge  (26.29). 

Chephap-haammonai'  (R.V.  Chephar- 
ammoni;  Jos. 18. 24),  a  town  of  Benjamin. 
Now  the  ruin  Kefr  'Ana,  3  miles  N.  of  Bethel, 
on  the  extreme  border  of  the  tribe,     [c.r.c] 

Chephipah',  a  town  of  Benjamin  (Jos. 
18. 26),  a  Hivite  citv  (9.7,17).  mentioned  also 
after  the  Captivity  (Ezr.2.25  ;  Ne.7.29).  Now 
the  ruin  Kefireh,  8  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem. 
Called  Caphira  in  iEsd.5.19.  [c.r.c] 

Chepan',  one  of  the  sons  of  Dishon  the 
Horite  "duke"  (Gen.36.26  ;    iChr.l.41). 

Che'peas,  governor  of  Gazara,  slain  there 
by  the  Hasmonaeans  (2Mac.l0.32,37). 

Chepethims'  (Ezk.25.i6).  The  plur.  form 
of  the  word  elsewhere  rendered  Cherethites. 
Chepethites  and  Pelethites,  the  life- 
guards of  David  (2Sam.8.i8,15.i8,20.7,23  ; 
iK. 1.38,44  ;  1Chr.l8.17).  The  Cherethites  are 
mentioned  separately  in  1Sam.3O.14  ;  Zeph.2. 
5  ;  Ezk.25.i6  ;  twice  in  connexion  with  the 
Philistines.  From  this  it  has  been  inferred 
that  "  Pelethites  "  is  another  form  of  "  Philis- 
tines." As  the  original  home  of  the  Philistines 
was  Caphtor  (?  Crete  ;  Am.9.7  ;  Je.47.4),  it  is 
possible  that  the  form  "  Cherethite  "  =  Cretan. 
For  Cherethites  the  Heb.  of  2Sam.2O.23  has 
kdri,  and  in  2K.II  (the  account  of  the  ac- 
cession of  Joash  and  the  death  of  Athaliah)  the 
body-guard  of  the  later  Jewish  kings  consisted 
of  kdri  (A.V.  captains).  The  Cherethites  and 
Pelethites  were,  according  to  Gesenius,  the 
executioners  and  runners  of  the  kings  of  J  udah  ; 
but  linguistic  and  other  considerations  seem 
fatal  to  this  theory,  though  the  "runners," 
rdrUn,  occur  after  kari  in  both  passages.  [Foot- 
man.] Most  probably  the  names  are  gentilic, 
as  the  Cherethites  are  a  nation  dwelling  on 
the  S.  coast  of  Palestine,  in  proximity  to  the 
Philistines.  The  commander  of  the  foreign 
mercenaries  of  David,  who  is  quite  distinct 
from  David's  captain  of  the  host,  was  Benaiah, 
the  son  of  Jehoiada  (2Sam.8. 18,20.23).  He 
was  promoted  to  the  latter  office  by  Solomon 
on  the  death  of  Joab  (iK.2.35).  David  evi- 
dently relied  greatly  on  the  fidelity  of  his  non- 
Israelite  troops,  and  the  Cherethites  and  Pele- 
thites remained  ever  faithful  to  him  and  his 
designated  successor  Solomon,  both  in  the  re- 
bellions of  Absalom  and  Sheba  (2Sam.l5,20), 
and  in  the  troubles  concerning  the  accessiou  of 
Solomon  (iK.l.ii).    The  Cherethites  and  Pe- 


148        CHERITH,  THE  BROOK 

lethites  are  apparently  distinguished  from  the 
Gittite  troops  of  David,  commanded  by  Ittai  of 
Gath(2Sam.l5.i8),  andfrom  the  "mighty  men" 
(2Sam.20.7).  This  alien  body-guard  was  pro- 
bably continued  by  the  kings  of  Judah,  since 
(in  the  days  of  Athaliah)  Jehoiada  is  able  to 
rely  on  the  fidelity  of  the  kdri  to  the  dyn- 
asty in  the  restoration  of  Joash  (2K.II.4). 
Perhaps  they  guarded  the  temple,  for  their 
presence  in  the  sanctuary  (2K.II)  seems  to  ex- 
cite no  comment  ;  but  see  the  parallel  passage 
in  2Chr.23.  It  has  been  supposed  that  "  those 
that  leap  on  the  threshold  "  (Zeph.l.9)  were 
Philistine  guards  of  the  temple  (c/.  iSam.5.5); 
and  that  Ezekiel  (44.6ff.)  alludes  to  their  pre- 
sence there.  After  the  return  from  captivity 
the  guards  of  the  temple  were  Levites.  The 
Egyptian  kings  of  the  20th  and  21st  aynasties 
had  in  their  service  mercenaries  of  a  nation 
conquered  by  Ramses  III.,  called  Shayretana 
of  the  sea,  whom  some  writers  have  identified 
with  the  Cherethites.  See  Cappadocia, 
Crete,  and  Peleth  for  another  view  which 
would  make  the  Cherethites  and  Pelethites 
Israelite  troops.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Chepith',  The  bpook,  or  "  torrent  " 
which  "  dried  up  "  ;  described  as  "  facing  the 
Jordan"  (iK.17.3,5,7).  This  term  often 
means  "  west  of."  The  site  is  unknown.  In 
1 32 1  (Marino  Sanudo)  it  was  shown  at 
Phasaelis  {Fusdil),  11  miles  N.  of  Jericho, 
where  a  spring  exists.  In  the  Onomasticon 
it  is  placed  "beyond  Jordan,"  but  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  known  to  Eusebius  or 
Jerome  in  4th  cent.  [c.r.c] 

Chepub,  Chepubim.  These  were  looked 
upon,  in  the  Hcb.  view,  as  celestial  beings 
whose  function  it  was  to  attend  upon  the 
divine  presence  of  the  Most  High  God,  and  to 
whom  certain  tasks  were  allotted.  It  has  been 
usual  to  connect  them,  in  the  religious  sym- 
bolism of  the  sacred  writings,  with  the  crea- 
ture-forms which  find  expression  in  the  art  and 
sculpture  of  Assyria,  Egypt,  and  Persia.  From 
such  sources,  doubtless,  certain  notions  may 
have  been  derived  ;  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  say 
definitely  what  conception  the  Hebrew  mind 
had  of  the  form  of  the  cherubim.  The  sphinx 
had  probably  been  seen  by  Jacob's  descend- 
ants in  Egypt,  and  the  Assyrian  winged  bulls, 
having  human  heads,  would  suggest  might, 
wisdom,  and  the  power  of  flight,  together  with 
other  attributes  of  the  deity.  "  Both  name 
and  thing,"  it  is  alleged,  "  were  derived  from  a 
I)rimitive  stage  of  religious  thought  in  western 
Asia."  If  so,  it  is  easy  to  appreciate  the 
Hebrew  reluctance  to  describe  definitely  citlier 
the  duty  or  the  appearance  of  the  cherubim. 
In  Gen. 3. 24,  cherubim  were  placed  at  the  E. 
of  the  garden  of  Eden,  to  keep  the  way  of  the 
tree  of  life.  In  Ps.l8. 10  we  read,  "  He  rode 
upon  a  cherub,  and  did  fly  ;  yea,  he  did  fly  upon 
the  wings  of  the  wind."  The  chonih  in  this 
passage  has  been  described  as  "  the  mighty 
winged  spirit  of  the  storm."  The  kingofTyrus 
is,  in  lvzk.28.14,  compared  thus  :  "  Thou  art  the 
anointed  cherub  that  covereth  "  ;  or,  as  one 
uiKiii  th(;  holy  mountain,  in  the  very  Presence 
of  the  divine.  I'^.k.lO  contains  tlie  mysteri- 
ous description  of  the  i)ro|ihct's  vision  (jf  the 
cherubim  :  "  The  sound  of  the  cherubim's 
wings  was  heard  even  to  tho  outer  court,  as  the 


CHESNUT-TREE 

voice  of  the  Almighty  God  when  He  speaketh." 
Some  of  the  Rabbis  regarded  the  cherubim  as 
being  youthful  angels,  and  the  author  of  Heb- 
rews speaks  (9.5)  of  "  the  cherubims  of  glory 
shadowing  the  mercy-seat,"  alluding  to  their 
figures  placed  on  the  ark,  where,  however,  no 
minute  description  is  given  of  them.  There 
were  also  figures  of  cherubim  fashioned  upon 
the  veil  which  hung  before  the  holy  of  holies; 
in  Solomon's  temple  two  large  figures  of  cheru- 
bim, overlaid  with  gold,  were  placed ;  the 
brazen  sea  and  other  parts  of  the  interior  of  the 
temple  were  also  similarly  ornamented.  In  all 
these  instances  the  precise  form  of  the  cheru- 
bim is  left  undescribed.  Like  the  seraphim, 
they  formed  one  of  the  ten  groups  of  angels 
recognized  in  the  Egyptian  system.  They  ever 
symbolized,  to  the  Hebrews,  the  near  presence 
of  God.  Papers  by  Bp.  Ryle  ;  Cheyne's  Isaiah  ; 
Budge's  Gods  of  the  Egyptians.  [a.h.p.] 

Chepub',  apparently  a  place  in  Babylonia 
from  which  some  persons  of  doubtful  extrac- 
tion returned  to  Judaea  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.59  ;  Ne.7.6i).  It  has  been  identified  with 
Chiripha,  mentioned  by  Ptolemy. 

Chesalon'  (Jos.15.io),  a  place  important 
as  fixing  the  line  of  N.  border  of  Judah.  It 
was  known  in  4th  cent.  a.d.  as  a  large  village 
in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  now 
Kesla,  10  miles  W.  of  the  city,  on  a  high 
ridge  N.  of  the  valley  of  Sorek,  and  2  miles  N. 
of  KiRjATH-jEARiM  {'Emui),  which  is  immedi- 
ately S.  of  the  valley.  From  the  latter  town 
the  border  "  compassed  westward  to  mount 
Seir  "  (or  "  the  rugged  hill  "),  and  "  went  over 
mount  Jearim's  shoulder,  north  of  which  is 
Chesalon,  and  went  down  to  Beth-shemesh." 
Thus  Chesalon  lay  in  Benjamin,  and  the 
boundary  between  the  tribes,  from  Kirjath- 
jearim  to  Beth-shemesh  (on  the  border  of 
Dan),  was  the  valley  of  Sorek.  [c.r.c] 

Che'sed,  fourth'son  of  Nahor  (Gen.22.22). 

Chesil'    (Jos.15.30).     [Bethul.] 

Chesnut-tpee  (Heb.  'armon,  LXX.  styrax 
and  pine),  mentioned  in  Gen. 30. 37  and  Ezk. 
31.8.  The  balance  of  authority  favours  the 
Oriental  plane.  The  context  indicates  a  tree 
which  thrives  best  in  low  and  rather  moist 
situations,  whereas  the  chestnut-tree  prefers 
dry  and  hilly  ground.  Platamis  orientalis 
ranges  from  Europe  across  .A.sia  to  Cashmere. 
Its  value  for  shade  in  the  East  is  well  known, 
and  it  was  exceedingly  prized  by  early  writers. 
Pliny  says  it  was  first  brought  over  the  Ionian 
Sea  "  to  beautify  the  tomb  of  Diomedes.  From 
thence  translated  into  Sicilie,  and  so  bestowed 
at  Icngtii  upon  Italic,  and  there  planted  as  a 
most  singular,  rare,  and  special  tree  .  .  .  who 
would  not  marvel  that  our  pecjjile  should  fetch 
a  tree  .  .  .  only  for  the  shade  that  it  giveth  ?  " 
(xii.  i).  He  gives  accounts  of  m.iny  famous  and 
royal  plane-trees.  In  l'>.clus.24.i6.  Wisdom 
praiseth  herself,  and  says  she  "  grew  up  as  a 
plane-tree  [platan  in  VVyclifJ  by  the  water." 
This  accords  with  the  K.V.  rendering  of 
plane-tree  in  Gen.3O.37  and  Ezk. 31. 8.  Tra- 
vellers in  the  East  will  remember  the  gigantic 
plane-tree  at  Damascus,  still  standing  in  1883. 
It  was  then  13  or  16  ft.  in  diameter,  and  said 
to  be  the  largest  tree  in  Syria,  and  as  old  as 
the  times  of  Abraham  !  But  "  the  fame  of 
the   plane-tree   fills   all    antiquity,   east    and 


CHEST 

west,"  as  Hehn  concisely  puts  it.  It  is  men- 
tioned only  once  by  Homer.  Wyclif's  reading 
is  planes  in  Gen.  ;  in  Ezk.  platanes  (plane- 
trees).  The  Arab  'ardm  is,  however,  a  Rham- 
nus  or  thorn-tree.  [h.c.h.] 

Chest.  The  exceptional  translation  inA.V. 
of  two  Heb.  terms  :  (i)  'dron,  the  word  used 
only  for  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  except  in 
two  places,  la)  the  "coffin"  in  which  the  bones 
of  Joseph  were  carried  from  Egypt  (Gen. 1. 26); 


CHITTIM 


149 


EGYPTIAN  CHEST  OR  BO.X  FROM  THEBES.     (Wilkinson.) 

and  (b)  the  "chest"  in  which  Jehoiada  the 
priest  collected  the  alms  for  the  temple  repairs 
(2K.12.9,io  =  2Chr.24.8-ii).    (2)  g'ndzim,  Ezk. 
27.24   only  ;    elsewhere   "  treasuries." 
Chesulloth'.     [Chisloth-tabor.] 
Chet'tiim  (iMac.l.i)  =  Chittim. 
Chezib'.     [Achzid,  i.] 
Chidon'    (iChr.lS.g),    the    owner    of   the 
threshing-floor  at  which  the  accident  happened 
to  the  ark,  on  its  transport  from  Kirjath-jearim 
to  Jerusalem  (2Sam. 6.6  ;  Nachon).    TheLXX. 
omits  the  first  name,  and  reads  Nahor  for  the 
latter. 

Chief  of  Asia.     [Asiarchae.] 
Childnen.     [Family.] 
Chileab.     [Abigail  ;  Daniel,  i.] 
Chilion'     (Ru. 1.2,5, 4. 9),   the    husband  of 
Orpah.     [Mahlon.] 

Chilmad',  a  place  or  country  mentioned 
with  Sheba  and  Assur  (Ezk. 27. 23).  Probably 
Kalwadha  near  Baghdad  The  Targum  sub- 
stitutes Media  (Madai) ;  therefore,  Mez  amends 
Chilmad  to  kol  Madai,  "  all  Media."  Other 
identifications  have  been  made,  but  are  un- 
satisfactory. [T.G.P.] 

Chimham',  a  follower,  probably  a  son,  of 
Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  who  returned  from  be- 
yond Jordan  with  David  (2Sam. 19.37,38, 40). 
David  seems  to  have  given  him  a  possession  at 
Bethlehem,  on  which,  in  later  times,  was 
an  inn  or  khan  (Je.41.i7).  In  2Sam.i9.40 
the  name  in  the  Heb.  text  is  Chimhan. 

Chinne'peth,  Chinnepoth'  (Jos.i9.35),  a 
city  of  Naphtali  near  Hammath  and  Rakkath. 
It  is  called  Keneratu  in  the  list  of  Thothmes 
III.  (No.  34).  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  (Megilla, 
1.  i)  makes  its  later  name  Guinosar.  The 
"  sea  of  Chinnereth  "  (Num.34.ii  :  Jos.i3.27). 
or  of  Chinneroth  (Jos. 11. 2, 12. 3),  was  the  lake 
of  Gennesaret,  and  the  name  applied  to  the 
region  generally  (Deut.3.17,  and  R.V.  iK.15.20 
for  Cinneroth).  It  is  remarkable  that  while 
Gennesaret   has   been  reudered    "  garden   of 


princes  "  as  a  Semitic  word,  the  old  name,  in 
the  Akkadian  language — Gin-nir-ta — would 
also  mean  "  enclosure  of  the  king."  It  may 
have  been  the  name  given  by  Canaanites  of  the 
Akkadian  race.  [c.r.c] 

Chi'os.  The  position  of  this  island  in  re- 
ference to  the  neighbouring  islands  and  coasts 
could  hardly  be  better  described  than  in  the 
account  of  St.  Paul's  return  voyage  from  Troas 
toCaesarea.  Having  come  from  Assos  toMit}'- 
lene  in  Lesbos  (Ac.2O.14),  he  arrived  the  next 
day  over  against  Chios,  the  next  day  at  Samos 
and  tarried  at  Trogyllium,  and  the  following 
day  at  Miletus  (ver.  15 ) ;  thence  he  went  by  Cos 
and  Rhodes  to  Patara  (21.1).  At  that  time 
Chios  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  freedom,  and  it 
is  not  certain  that  it  ever  was  politically  a  part 
of  the  province  of  Asia,  though  only  a  strait  of 
5  miles  separates  it  from  the  mainland.  It  is 
about  32  miles  long,  and  its  breadth  varies 
from  8  to  18.  It  is  mountainous  and  bold,  and 
has  always  been  celebrated  for  beauty  and 
fruitfulness.  In  the  last  century  it  was  well 
known,  under  its  modern  name  Scio,  for  the 
sufferings  of  its  inhabitants  in  the  Greek  war 
of  independence. 

Chisleu.  [Months.] 
Chislon',  father  of  Elidad  (Num.34.2i). 
Chisloth'-tabop'  (loins  of  Tabor;  Jos.l9. 
12),  a  place  W.  of  Daberath,  on  S.E.  border 
of  Zebulun,  =  Chesulloth  (19. 18),  a  town  of 
Issachar.  Now  Iksdl,  a  village  at  the  foot  of 
the  hills  of  Zebulun,  2  miles  S.E.  of  Nazareth. 
Josephus  calls  it  Xaloth,  the  S.  limit  of  Lower 
Galilee  (3  Wars  iii.  i). 

Chittim',  Kittim',  a  people  descended 
from  Jav an  (Gen. 10.4;  iChr.1.7;  E.V.  Kittim), 
mentioned  with  Elishah,  Tarshish,  and  Ro- 
danim  (Dodanim),  as  distributed  among  the 
isles  of  the  Gentiles.  In  Num. 24.24  Balaam 
predicts  that  a  fleet  should  come  thence  to 
destroy  Assyria,  and  in  Is.23.i,i2  it  appears  as 
the  resort  of  the  fleets  of  Tyre.  In  Je.2.io  the 
"isles  of  Chittim  "  are  to  the  far  W.,  as  Kedar 
to  the  E.  of  Palestine,  and  thence  the  Tyrians 
procured  the  boxwood  or  cedar  which,  inlaid 
with  ivorv,  they  used  for  the  decks  of  their 
vessels  (Ezk. 27.6).  In  Dan.ll.30,  "  ships  of 
Chittim  "are  to  comeS.  against  the  king  of  the 
N.  Later,  Alexander  the  Great  is  described  as 
coming  from  the  land  of  Chettiim  (iMac.l.i), 
and  Perseus,  king  of  the  Citims,  is  referred 
to  (iMac.8.5).  .Josephus  (i  Ant.  vi.  i)  states 
that  Cyprus  was  called  Cethima,  from  Cethi- 
mus,  its  possessor ;  and  for  that  reason  "  all 
islands,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  sea-coasts, 
are  named  Cethim  by  the  Hebrews,"  the  name 
having  been  likewise  preserved  in  Citium,  now 
Larnaca.  Though  "the  land  of  Chittim" 
stood  primarily  for  the  island  of  Cyprus,  it 
could  therefore  be  applied  either  to  Rome,  or 
to  Macedonia,  or  to  any  oversea  power  likely 
to  become  prominent  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Hebrews.  With  regard  to  the  island  of  Cy- 
prus, the  S.  and  E.  was  occupied  by  Phoenici- 
ans, the  remainder  being  inhabited  by  Greeks. 
For  this  reason  it  was  known  to  the  Assyrians 
as  Ydnana,  or  Yawanii  ("  of  the  lonians  "). 
Sargon  of  Assyria  (709  b.c.)  set  up  a  monolith 
with  his  own  bas-relief  at  Citium,  and  Esar- 
haddon  and  Assur-bani-apli  both  received 
tribute  from  ten  of  its  princes,  whose  names 


150 


CHIUN 


they  give.  See  Hastings,  D.B.  (vol.  iii.  1900), 
art.  "  Kittim,"  by  J.  Macphersoii.      [t.g.p.] 

Chiun.     [Remphan.] 

Chlo'e.  Some  members  of  the  household 
of  Chloe  (probably  slaves  or  freedmen)  informed 
St.  Paul  of  the  divisions  in  the  church  of 
Corinth  (iCor.l.ii).  Of  Chloe  herself  nothing 
is  known.  [e.r.b.] 

Choba  (xw/3a;  Jth.4.4,15.5),  Chobai  (15. 
4),  a  place  near  Esora  ('Astreh)  and  Salem 
(Sdlim),  not  far  from  Bethulia  (Mithilieh). 
The  Gk.  probably  represents  a  Semitic  Hobah, 
or  "hiding-place,"  perhaps  at  el  Mekhubbi  {the 
hiding-place),  a  ruin  9  miles  S.E.  of  Jenin,  and 
10  miles  E.  of  Bethulia,  on  the  main  road 
from  Beth-shean  to  Shechem.  [c.r.c] 

Chopashan'  (R.V.  marg.  Bor-ashan), 
"  spring  "  or  "  pit  "  of  Ashan  (1Sam.3O.30). 
Like  Ashan,  it  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Chora'zin  (Mt.ll.21  ;  Lu.lO.13),  men- 
tioned with  Bethsaida  and  Capernaum. 
Now  the  ruined  village  Kerdzeh,  2h  miles  N.  of 
Tell  Hum.  There  are  remains  of  a  synagogue, 
adorned  in  rude  (ireco-Roman  style,  perhaps 
not  older  than  2nd  cent,  a.d.,  when  Simeon- 
bar-Yohai  is  said  to  have  built  various 
Galilean  synagogues.  [c.r.c] 

Chozeba'  (iChr.4.22),  a  place  apparently 
in  Judah  ;  probably  Kueizibd,  a  ruin  in  the 
Hebron  mountains,  2\  miles  N.E.  of  Halhul. 
It  was  possibly  the  native  place  of  the  rebel 
Bar-cocheba,  who  in  135  a.d.  brought  ruin 
on  his  brethren  the  Jews.  [c.r.c] 

Christian.  In  N.T.  this  word  only  occurs 
three  times  (Ac. 11. 26, 26. 28,  and  iPe.4.i6). 
Outside  N.T.  it  is  noteworthy  that  it  does  not 
occur  in  the  earliest  Christian  writers,  before 
the  apologists,  except  in  Ignatius,  a  native  of 
Antioch,  with  which  place  St.  Luke  connects 
the  origin  of  the  word.  Ignatius  uses  the 
name  frequently,  and  also  xP'<'"'''a'''S'e"'  ^i^d 
XpK^TiavLands.  With  the  apologists  it  becomes 
a  natural  term  to  use.  In  pagan  writers  the 
most  important  early  references  are  the  fol- 
lowing: Tacitus  (Ann.  xv.  44),  writing  (c.  116 
A.D.)  of  the  Neronian  persecution  of  64  a.d., 
says,  "  Neroreospoenis  affecit,  .  .  .  quosvulgus 
Christianos  appellabat  "  ;  Suetonius,  writing 
just  afterwards  {Nero  16),  says,  "Afflicti  sup- 
pliciis  Christian!  genus  hominum  superstitionis 
novae  ac  malificae."  Pliny,  a  few  years  earlier 
{Efy.  X.  96),  asks  Trajan  whether  Christians 
arc  to  be  punished  for  the  nomen  ipsum  {i.e. 
of  Christians)  or  the  flagitia  cohaerentia.  The 
name  also  occurs  in  the  well-known  and  pro- 
bably interpolated  passage  of  Josephus  about 
Christ  (i«  Ant.  iii.  3),  and  perhaps  in  an 
inscription  at  Pompeii  {i.e.  prior  to  79  a.d.). 
Much  discussion  has  gathered  round  these 
references  to  the  name  but  we  may  say  that 
there  are  no  real  grounds  for  distrusting 
St.  Luke's  assertion  (Ac.  11. 26)  that  it  origin- 
ated at  Antioch  before  44  a.d.  Neither  the 
termination  -anus,  nor  the  early  date  dis- 
credits the  statement.  His  notice  of  the  fact 
implies  that  the  word  was  in  frecjuent  use  by 
the  time  he  wrote,  and  its  origin,  therefore, 
a  matter  of  interest.  The  reference  in  St. 
Peter  implies  that  it  was  well  known  to  those 
in  Asia  ^linor,  to  whom  he  was  writing,  and  to 
the  same  ilate  belong  the  allusions  to  the  word 
in  connexion  with  Nero's  persecutions  found 


CHRONICLES,  BOOKS  OF 

in  Tacitus  and  Suetonius.  The  name  was  not 
given  by  the  Christians  to  themselves,  for  they 
used  other  titles  {ayioi,  d5e\(poi,  etc.),  nor  by 
the  Jews,  who  would  not  have  recognized  Jesus 
as  Christ.  It  was  ccined  by  the  heathen  in- 
habitants of  Antioch,  perhaps  by  Romans  in 
the  retinue  of  the  legxtiis,  after  the  analogy  of 
words  like  Caesariani,  on  the  supposition  that 
Christus  was  a  proper  name.  Tacitus  (see 
above)  says  the  name  was  used  by  the  vulgus 
at  Rome,  and  his  use  of  the  imperfect  appella- 
bat may  imply  that,  once  used  only  by  the 
vulgus,  it  had  come  into  general  use  by  the 
time  he  wrote,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was, 
not  long  after,  generally  used  by  the  Christian 
apologists.  Pliny's  question  to  Trajan  sug- 
gests the  interesting  problem  as  to  when 
Christians  were  first  persecuted  as  such,  and 
we  may  say  that  such  persecution  is  implied 
by  iPe.4.i6,  and  probably  began  with  Nero. 
A  variant  form,  Chr^stiani,  is  found  in  N  in 
all  the  passages  of  N.T.,  and  is  to  be  connected 
with  a  proper  name,  Chrestus  {cf.  Suetonius, 
Claud.  XXV.).  To  the  name  in  this  form 
allusion  is  made  by  Justin  Martyr  and  others, 
who  play  upon  the  meaning  of  xpv^"'''^^-  Har- 
nack,  Expansion  of  Christianity  {'Eng.  trans.),  ii. 
15  ff.  ;  Zahn,  Einleitung,  ii.  40  ff. ;  Lightfoot, 
Philippians  and  Ignatius,  i.  415  ff.;  Lipsius, 
ijbcr  den  Ursprung  .  .  .  des  Chnstennamens  ; 
Kehn,  A  us  dem  Urchristenthum  ;  "Christian" 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (3  vols.  1904),  and  Encyc. 
Bib.  [ll.j.m.b.] 

Chronicles,  Books  of  (originally  one 
book),  called  in  the  LXX.  YlapaKiLwoixhuv 
■wpQiTov  and  Sevrepov — which  is  understood, 
following  Jerome,  to  mean  that  they  are 
supplementary  to  the  books  of  Kings.  The 
constant  tradition  of  the  Jews  (in  which  they 
have  been  followed  by  the  great  niass  of 
Christian  commentators)  is  that  these  books 
were  completed  by  Ezra  or  possibly  by  Daniel, 
and  the  internal  evidence  as  to  the  time  when 
they  were  compiled  seems  to  demand  that  in 
their  final  form  they  must  be  put  somewhat 
later.  In  Ne.3.29  Shemaiah,  the  son  of 
Shechaniah,  is  described;  but  iChr.3.22-24 
apparently  takes  us  three  generations  later, 
and  is  thus  parallel  with  the  latest  addition 
in  Nchemiah  (12. 10,11).  The  integrity  of 
Chronicles  has  been  impugned  by  various 
critics  of  late  years  for  a  variety  of  reasons. 
It  is  of  course  a  compilation,  but  has  high 
authority.  The  plan  of  the  book  becomes 
apparent  immediately  we  consider  it  as  the  com- 
pilation of  Ezra  or  some  one  nearly  contempor- 
ary with  him.  Among  the  greatest  difficulties 
connected  with  tlie  Captivity  and  the  Return 
must  have  been  the  maintenance  of  that 
genealogical  distribution  of  the  lands  which 
was  a  vital  jioint  of  tiic  Jewish  economy  ;  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  temple  services  at 
Jerusalem,  which  could  only  be  effected  by  the 
residence  of  the  jiriests  and  Le\ites  (including 
porters,  singers,  etc.)  in  Jerusalem  in  the  order 
of  their  courses  ;  this  residence  being  only  prac- 
ticable by  the  payment  of  the  appointed  titlies, 
first-fruits,  and  t)ther  offerings,  which  was  de- 
(lendent  upon  the  different  families  of  Israel 
i)eing  eslal)lished  eacii  in  his  inheritance. 
Hence  the  obvious  neeil  for  trusty  genealogical 
records.    Moreover,  nothing  could  more  eflect- 


CHRONICLES,  BOOKS  OF 

ually  aid  their  leaders  to  re-infuse  some- 
thing of  national  life  and  spirit  into  the  people, 
than  setting  forth  a  compendious  history  of 
the  kingdom  of  Judah  which  should  embrace 
a  full  account  of  its  prosperity,  and  trace  the 
sins  which  led  to  its  overthrow,  and  should  also 
carry  the  thread  through  the  period  of  the 
Captivity,  and  continue  it  on  the  other  side  ; 
and  those  passages  in  their  former  history 
would  be  especially  important  which  exhibited 
their  greatest  and  best  kings  as  engaged  in 
building  or  restoring  the  temple,  in  reforming 
all  corruptions  in  religion,  and  zealously  regu- 
lating the  services  of  the  house  of  God.  The 
kingdom  of  Israel  had  utterly  and  hopelessly 
passed  away,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  land, 
being  among  the  bitterest  "  adversaries  of 
Judah  and  Benjamin,"  would  naturally  engage 
very  Little  of  the  compiler's  attention.  These 
considerations  explain  exactly  the  plan  and 
scope  of  the  two  books  of  Chronicles  and  the 
book  of  Ezra.  Many  Aramaisms  in  the  lan- 
guage of  these  books,  the  resemblance  of  the 
style  of  Chronicles  to  that  of  Ezra — which  is,  in 
parts,  avowedly  Ezra's  composition — the  rec- 
koning by  darics  ( i  Chr.  29. 7,  R.  V. ),  as  well  as  the 
breaking  off  of  the  narrative  in  the  lifetime  of 
Ezra,  are  among  other  valid  arguments  by  which 
the  authorship,  or  rather  compilation,  of  i  and 
2Chronicles  and  Ezra  by  Ezra  is  supported. 
As  regards  the  materials  used  by  him,  and  the 
sources  of  his  information,  they  are  not  diffi- 
cult to  discover.  The  genealogies  are  obviously 
transcribed,  sometimes  rather  imperfectly, 
from  public  or  family  registers.  A  wide 
divergence  in  the  age  of  the  materials  embodied 
in  the  books  is  at  times  apparent.  Thus  the 
information  in  i  Chr.  1 .  43!? .  concerning  the  kings 
of  Edom  before  the  reign  of  Saul  was  obviously 
drawn  from  very  ancient  sources.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  incident  of  the  slaughter  of 
the  sons  of  Ephraim  by  the  Gittites  (7.2 1,  cf.  8. 
13)  and  of  the  account  of  the  sons  of  Shela,  and 
their  dominion  in  Moab  (4.21,22).  The  curious 
details  concerning  the  Reubenites  and  Gadites 
in  ch.  5  must  have  been  drawn  from  contempor- 
ary documents,  while  other  records  used  by  the 
compiler  are  as  late  as  after  the  retiurn  from 
Babylon,  e.g.  9.2  ff.  ;  2Chr.36.20  ff.  Hence  it 
is  manifest  that  these  books,  though  put  into 
their  present  form  by  one  hand,  contain  ex- 
tracts from  many  different  writings,  which 
were  extant  at  the  time  the  compilation  was 
made.  In  more  closely  examining  the  sections 
of  Chronicles  which  are  to  be  found  in  Samuel 
and  Kings,  it  is  noteworthy  that  they  not  merely 
present  a  general  resemblance,  but  are  prac- 
tically identical.  This  has  been  demonstrated 
in  the  Deutero graphs  (Oxford  Press,  1894).  The 
extracts  are  57  in  number,  of  varying  length. 
The  variations  in  the  text  between  these  two 
ancient  documents  show  how  liable  the  earliest 
copyists  were  to  make  mistakes,  and  also  that 
the  Chronicler  sometimes  introduced  a  later 
word  for  one  current  in  the  earlier  age.  But 
especially  does  a  comparison  of  these  docu- 
ments illustrate  the  method  in  which  the  long 
record  in  Samuel  and  Kings  was  put  together. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  Chronicler  refers  to  certain 
authorities  almost  all  through  his  book,  be- 
ginning with  Nathan,  Samuel,  and  Gad  for  the 
period  of  David  ;  on  the  other  hand,  his  history 


CHRONICLES,  BOOKS  OF       15l 

is  demonstrated  to  be  largely  an  extract  from 
the  books  we  now  possess  under  the  names  of 
Samuel  and  Kings.  The  conclusion  must  be, 
that  Samuel  and  Kings  were  the  work  of  pro- 
phetic men  contemporary  with  the  kings 
whose  lives  they  record.  These  men  were  a 
"  school,"  founded  by  Samuel  to  record  such 
events  as  should  be  instructive  for  after-ages. 
We  must  carefully  distinguish  their  works 
from  the  state  annals  (frequently  referred  to  as 
"the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah"),  which  have  all  perished.  This  view  of 
the  books  of  Samuel  and  Kings  explains  their 
authority,  their  instructiveness,  and  their 
freshness  and  vividness  in  style.  The  author 
of  Chronicles  made  use  of  an  early  recension  of 
these  ancient  documents,  selecting  what  best 
fulfilled  his  requirements.  Beginning  with  the 
death  of  Saul  (iChr.lO),  he  records  the  election 
of  David,  the  removal  of  the  ark,  the  Messianic 
promise,  David's  successes,  the  numbering 
of  the  people,  notable  events  in  the  life  of 
Solomon,  and  outlines  of  the  reigns  of  the 
kings  of  Judah.  He  omits  many  things  con- 
tained in  his  authorities,  such  as  the  matter  of 
Uriah  and  its  sequel,  also  the  sin  of  Solomon, 
and  the  history  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  introduces  a  number  of  events 
which  his  authorities  (as  we  now  have  them) 
did  not  contain.  These  include  certain  matters 
relating  to  David's  administration,  and  also  the 
accounts  of  the  passovers  held  in  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  and  J  osiah.  In  these  narratives  it  will 
be  found  that  prophets  are  generally  brought  on 
the  scene,  and  they  may  have  left  records  which 
the  Chronicler  was  able  to  use.  Where  the  text 
of  Chronicles  is  in  the  main  the  same  as  that  of 
Samuel  and  Kings,  it  is  interesting  to  notice 
occasionally  a  different  way  of  putting  the 
same  thing — as  in  the  numbering  of  the  people, 
the  dialectal  differences,  changes  of  spelling, 
and  variations  of  numbers.  It  is  sometimes 
possible  to  correct  the  text  of  the  early  source 
b}'  the  later  extract,  and  at  other  times  the 
earlier  is  clearly  the  right  text.  When  we  find 
such  variations  as  22  for  42,  700  for  7,000,  3,000 
for  2,000,  4,000  for  40,000,  8  for  18,  and  3  for 
7,  we  learn  how  easily  numbers  were  corrupted. 
[Number.]  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  LXX. 
has  occasionally  corrected  one  text  by  the 
other — unless,  indeed,  the  Heb.  copies  were 
different  when  the  Gk.  translation  was  made. 
The  general  conclusion  is  that  the  record  left  us 
by  the  Chronicler  is  of  high  religious  and 
historical  value,  and  that  (after  making  due 
deductions  for  textual  variations)  the  work  is 
one  of  supreme  importance  to  the  student  of 
the  times  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah.  It  re- 
mains to  refer  to  the  Genealogies  (iChr.1-9). 
The  first  chapter  is  extracted  from  Genesis, 
with  slight  textual  variations.  Parts  of  the 
chapters  which  follow  may  be  tested  by  the 
contents  of  Exodus  and  Numbers,  but  were 
evidently  extracts  from  later  documents. 
They  give  us  the  family  of  Judah,  including 
the  house  of  David,  up  to  the  return  from  cap- 
tivity; also  of  all  the  tribes  but  two,  viz.  Zebu- 
lun  and  Dan.  In  some  cases  very  little  is  told 
us — e.g.  of  Naphtali,  the  record  of  which  is 
taken  from  Num.26  with  no  additions.  It  is 
observable  that  we  have  two  copies  of  Saul's 
genealogy  (iChr.8.29,9.35 );  also  two  of  Samuel's 


152 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


— one  ascending  and  the  other  descending  (cf. 
our  Lord's  genealogies  in  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
Luke).  In  these  old  family  lists  we  get  inter- 
esting variations  of  spelling  and  oniissions  of 
names,  showing  that  the  ancient  methods  oi 
keeping  genealogies  were  not  quite  in  line  with 
our  modern  methods  ;  whilst  spellings  varied 
in  those  days  as  much  as  they  did  in  our  own 
parish  registers  300  years  ago.  The  language 
of  these  books,  as  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Esther, 
and  the  later  prophets,  has  a  marked  Chaldee 
colouring,  and  Gesenius  says  that  "  as  literary 
works,  they  are  decidedly  inferior  to  those  of 
older  date."  [r.b.g.] 

Chronology  of  O.T.  and  Arehaeolog-y. 
[The  great  importance  of  the  bearing  of  archaeo- 
logical research  upon  the  chronology  of  O.T.  fully 
justifies  at  the  present  day  the  insertion  of  a  separate 
article  by  an  acknowledged  expert  viewing  the 
chronology  cliiefly  from  that  standpoint  of  archaeo- 
logy, while  the  very  many  varieties  of  opinion  as  to 
O.T.  dates  (arising  from  the  acceptance  of  varying 
data  and  schemes  of  harmonizing — see  editorial  note 
to  next  article)  equally  justify  the  presentation  of 
two  systems  founded  on  different  views.  In  all 
cases  the  writers  of  other  articles  have  been  allowed 
to  suggest  their  own  dates  independently  of  either 
of  the  systems  of  the  two  following  articles. — Ed.'] 
As  far  back  as  722  b.c.  the  O.T.  dates  are  well 
known  to  about  a  year,  and  agree  with  the 
statements  of  monuments  and  of  classical 
writers.  Before  that  date  (the  Fall  of  Sa- 
maria) there  are  differences  of  opinion,  ac- 
cording as  the  Massoretic  Heb.  text,  or  the 
Gk.  LXX.,  are  preferred  by  scholars  ;  but, 
if  we  accept  Hammurabi  as  the  Amraphel  of 
Gen. 14  (as  Sir  H.  Kawlinson  proposed),  the 
claims  of  the  Heb.  text  are  the  better.  There 
are  minor  discrepancies  in  some  of  the  cross- 
references  of  the  books  of  Kings,  showing 
corruption  by  later  scribes — probably  with  a 
harmonizing  intention.  Thus  it  is,  for  instance, 
impossible  that  Ahab's  son  could  accede 
in  2nd  of  Jehoram  of  Judah  (2K.I.17)  and 
also  in  i8th  of  Jehoshaphat  (3.i).  But,  if  we 
follow  the  main  statements,  the  O.T.  chrono- 
logy agrees  with  the  monumental  notices  of 
ascertained  dates  of  accession  except  in  two 
rases — viz.  (1)  Ahab  cannot  be  the  Ahab  of 
Sir'laa  (or  of  Riblah),  mentioned  some  30 
years  after  Ahab's  death  in  a  text  of  Shal- 
maneser  II.  (2)  Menahem  was  reigning  in 
738  B.C.,  according  to  a  text  of  Tiglath-pileser 
III.,  and  appears  therefore  to  have  ruled  some 
20  years  or  more  (O.T.  10  years),  while  Pekah 
(on  the  same  authority)  would  have  reigned 
only  4  years  (O.T.  20  years).  But  these 
alterations  nearly  cancel  one  another,  and 
cannot  affect  the  totals  by  more  than  five  or 
six  years,  as  at  present  understood.  As  re- 
gards monumental  dates,  the  Egyptian  lists  of 
kings  unfortunately  give  no  chronology  at  all. 
Scholars  still  have  to  depend  on  the  corrupted 
text  of  Manetho  (who  wrote  c.  270  B.C.)  as  ex- 
tant, second  hand,  in  Eusebius  and  (ieorge  the 
Syncellus,  or  in  Julius  Afriranus.  It  is,  how- 
ever, known,  from  the  Amarna  tablets,  that 
Amenophis  IV.  was  contempurary  with  Burna- 
Burias  of  Babylon,  who  acceded  c.  1440  B.C., 
and  Egyptian  dates  require  to  be  made  con- 
formable to  this  fact,  which  agrees  with  all 
the  O.T.  notices.  In  Assyria,  before  c.  010 
B.C.,  there  is  a  gap  in  the  history,  after  which 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 

the  Assyrian  dates  agree  with  O.T.  except  as 
above  stated,  and  except  that  the  expedition 
of  Sennacherib  to  l.achish  occurred  in  703  B.C. 
— i.e.  the  24th  instead  of  14th  of  Hezekiah. 
Before  910  B.C.  Assyrian  dates  can  only  be 
fixed  by  the  cross-references  to  contemjiorary 
Babylonian  kings  such  as  Nabu-kudur-usur 
(1154-1128  B.C.)  and  Burna-Btirias  (c.  1440 
B.C.).  We  thus  depend  on  the  Babylonian 
chronicle,  which  is  continuous  back  to  the 
foundation  of  Babylon  in  2250  b.c  This  date 
also  agrees  within  18  years  with  that  deduced 
by  Rawlinson  {i.e.  2232  b  c.)  from  various 
statements  by  Gk.  writers.  Before  this  epoch 
no  chronicles  exist,  and  (in  spite  of  popular 
assertions)  the  age  of  the  first  Akkadian  civi- 
lization under  Sargina  ("  the  founder  king  ") 
is  uncertain  within  1,000  years,  just  as  the 
date  of  Menes,  in  Egypt,  is  variously  conjec- 
tured by  scholars  with  a  variation  of  some 
2,000  years.  The  Babylonian  chronology 
being  the  only  one  certain  (up  to  2250  b.c),  the 
various  statements  require  detailed  notice. 
The  statement  that  a  certain  liigal  ("  king  "), 
called  Zaggisi  (or  moi  e  probably  Sargina),  lived 
c.  4000  B.C.  is  a  conjecture  not  supported  by 
the  one  known  text  of  this  ruler,  since  this 
contains  no  date  at  all.  The  totals  of  dynas- 
ties in  the  Bab.  chronicle  are  confirmed  and 
controlled  by  various  independent  statements. 
(i)  The  text  of  Sennacherib  at  Bavian  pro- 
bably fixes  the  accession  of  Tiglath-pileser  I.  of 
Ass5T:ia  as  c.  1130  B.C.  (2)  The  same  Ass\Tian 
monarch  fixes  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by 
Tiglath-adar  of  Assyria  as  occurring  c. 
1292  B.C.  (3)  Tiglath-pileser  I.  fixes  Ismi- 
Dagon,  ruler  of  Assyria,  as  c.  1850  b.c  (4) 
The  contemporary  of  Assur-Dan  was  Zagaga- 
sum-edin  of  Babylon  (c.  1200  b.c).  (5)  NabCi- 
na'id  (Nabonidus),  the  last  king  of  Babylon, 
fixes  the  accession  of  Burna-Burias  of  Babylon 
as  being  c.  1440  b.c  (6)  He  places  Ham- 
murabi 700  years  earlier — i.e.  2140  b.c."  (7) 
Assur-bani-pal  fixes  the  date  of  Kudur  Nan- 
hundi  of  Elam  c.  2280  b.c  (8)  Nabii-na'id 
also  fixes  Dungi  of  Uru,  the  suzerain  of  Gudea 
of  Zirgul,  c.  2800  B.C.  (9)  He  supposes  Sar- 
gina ("  the  founder  king  ")  of  Akkad  to  have 
lived  c.  3800  B.C.,  but  we  have  nothing  to  show 
how  he  came  to  calculate  this  date — more  than 
3200  years  before  his  own  time.  (10)  He  also 
places  Sagasalti-Burias  of  Babylon  c.  1350 
B.C.  These  statements  are  all  very  valuable 
as  checking  the  Babylonian  chronicle. — O.T. 
Dates.  The  Heb.  and  I.X.X.  dates  differ,  es- 
pecially with  respect  to  the  earlier  ages.  The 
Heb.  in  1K.6.  i  gives  480  years,  but  LXX.  440 
years,  from  the  Conquest  to  4th  Solomon. 
The  L.X.X.,  in  Ex. 12. 40,  considers  that  the  430 
years  include  the  21.5  whicli  the  patriarchs 
spent  in  Palestine  from  the  call  of  Abraham  to 
Jacob's  descent  into  Eg>pt.  The  LXX.  does 
not,  however,  agree  with  Gien.l5.i6  ("  four 
centuries";  A.V.  "  fourtli  generation")  nor 
with  Ac. 7.0  ("  four  hundred  years  ").  The  480 
years  in  1K.6.1  also  agrees  best  with  Judg.ll. 
26  ("  three  Innulred  years  "),  and  these  state- 
ments tngetiier  agree  with  ten  others  in  Judg., 
which  make  the  various  judges  follow  one 
another.  The  prevalent  idea  that  they  were 
often  contemporaries,  in  various  jiarts  of  Pales- 
tine, is  quite  contrary  to  all  O.T.  statements, 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 

and  also  to  Ac. 13. 20  ("  about  four  hundred  and 
fifty  years  "),  which  is  within  some  20  years  of 
the  total  details  given  in  O.T.  Lepsius  sup- 
posed that  the  Exodus  must  be  placed  later 
than  the  time  of  Ramses  II.,  because  the  city 
Raamses  is  noticed  in  Ex.1. 11.  But  the 
"  land  of  Rameses  "  (Gen. 47. 11)  is  noticed 
even  in  the  time  of  Jacob.  For  these  reasons 
the  Heb.  text  is  preferable  to  LXX.  Before 
the  call  of  Abraham  the  LXX.  gives  3,549 
years  up  to  Adam,  but  the  Heh.  only  2,083 
years.  In  this  case  we  have  as  yet  no  means 
at  all  of  checking  the  O.T.  chronology.  From 
Solomon,  however,  down  to  722  B.C.  we  are 
able  to  check  the  chronology  of  the  kings  of 
Judah  by  the  contemporary  chronology  of 
kings  of  Israel,  and  the  O.T.  totals  represent 
about  96  years  from  the  death  of  Solomon  to 
the  usurpation  of  Jehu  (who  was  contem- 
porary with  Shalmaneser  II.),  and  about  150 
years  from  the  latter  epoch  to  722  B.C.  when 
Samaria  fell.  From  these  materials  we  thus 
obtain  dates : — 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


153 


Years^ 

Eveut. 

interval  B.C. 

Contemporary. 

Call  of  Abraham    . . 

0     2160 

5th  king  of  Bab. 

Descent  into  Egypt 

215      1955 

Hyksos. 

Exodus 

430     1525 

Thothmes  IV. 

Conquest 

40     1485 

Amenophis  III. 

Foundat.  of  temple 

480      lOOS 

2 1  St  Dynasty. 

Death  of  Solomon  . . 

37        968 

Shishak,  ace.  966 

Ace.  Jehu    . . 

96        872 

Shalmaneser  II. 

Hoshea's  9th  year . . 

150        722 

ist  Sargon. 

Incidentally,  these  dates  are  confirmed  by 
other  monumental  notices.  Thus  Abraham 
had  lived  over  10  j'ears  in  Palestine  (Gen. 16. 3) 
when  Ishmael  was  born,  and  Hammurabi's 
inroad  (14.1)  occurred  just  before,  as  the  text 
now  stands.  Hammurabi  reigned  from  2139 
to  c.  2094  B.C.,  as  calculated  by  Peiser,  in  agree- 
ment with  the  statement  of  Nabonidus.  The 
raid  occurred  early  in  his  reign,  before  he  be- 
came independent  of  Chedorlaomer.  There  is 
thus  a  total  discrepancy  of  only  10  or  20  years, 
at  most,  between  the  time  of  his  inroad  and  the 
fall  of  Samaria  in  722  B.C. — which  is  as  near  as 
we  could  expect  to  arrive  in  the  long  period  of 
14  centuries,  and  which  is  capable  of  several 
explanations.  Again,  it  appears  (Judg.5.2) 
that  "  Pharaohs  t>T:annized  "  just  before  the 
revolt  of  Barak,  which  O.T.  places  c.  1312  b.c. 
— or  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  II.,  who  conquered 
Tabor  rather  earlier.  Sisera  (whom  Barak 
defeated)  has  an  Egyptian-sounding  name  (it 
is  not  Semitic) — viz.  Ses-ra,  "  servant  of  Ra." 
Moreover,  when  Gideon  (6.4,6)  defeated 
Midian,  Israel  was  "  greatly  impoverished," 
c.  1265  B.C.,  and  Menephtah  (Merenptah)  in  his 
5th  year  (c.  1265)  says  of  Israel  that  it  "  is 
spoiled,  it  has  no  seed."  These  coincidences 
are  independent  of  the  appearance  of  the 
'Abiri  (or  Habiri)  in  S.  Palestine  c.  1480  b.c, 
in  whom  Zimmern  and  others  recognize  the 
Hebrews  after  the  Conquest  in  1485  b.c. — 
Details  of  O.T.  Chronology.  In  Judg.ll.26 
Jephthah  speaks  of  Israel  as  having  conquered 
Palestine  300  years  earlier.  The  details  amount 
to  326  years,  as  below,  but  the  periods  of 
"  rest  "  are  given  in  round  numbers,  which 
may  explain  the  discrepancy.  These  details 
are  : — 


Years 

The  war  of  Conquest,  c. 

7 

Jos. 14.10 

Oppression    by    Chushan-risha 

thaim    . . 

8 

Judg.3.8 

Rest  under  Othniel 

40 

„  3.11 

Oppression  by  Eglon     . . 

18 

„  3.14 

Rest  under  Ehud  and  Shamgai 

80 

„  3.30,31 

Oppression  by  Jabin 

20 

„  4.3 

Rest  under  Barak 

40 

„  5.31 

Oppression  by  Midian  . . 

7 

„  6.1 

Rest  under  Gideon 

40 

„  8.28 

Abimelech,  son  of  Gideon 

3 

„  9.22 

Tola,  judge  "  after  "  Abimelech 

23 

„    10.2 

Jair,  judge  "  after  "  Tola 

22 

„    10.3 

Oppression  by  Ammonites 

18 

„  10.8 

Total  to  Jephthah     . . 

326 

years. 

Years. 

■  ■    300 

.     Judg.11.26 

.        6 

„     12.7 

•  •        7 

„     12.9 

10 

„    12.11 

8 

„    12.14 

20 

„      15.20 

..     40 

iSam.4.i8 

.     20 

„       7.2 

.  ?  20   (as\xx6  Ant.-Kxv.q) 

..     40 

1K.2.11 

4 

„  6.1 

If  we  take  the  round  number  of  300  years 
(in  Judg.11.26),  we  obtain  a  calculation  to  the 
foundation  of  the  temple  from  the  Conquest 
which  agrees,  within  5  years,  with  the  480 
years  noticed  in  1K.6.1,  as  below: — 


Conquest  to  Jephthah 

Jephthah,  judge 

Ibzan  "  aJter  "  Jephthah 

Elon  "  after  "  Ibzan 

Abdon  "  after  "  Elon 

Samson,  judge 

Eli,  judge 

Samuel,  judge 

Saul,  king 

David,  king   . . 

Fourth  of  Solomon  . . 


Total  to  foundat.  of  temple  475  years. 

Regarding  the  40  years  of  Philistine  op- 
pression (Judg.lS.i)  it  is  stated  (15. 20)  that 
Samson  was  judge  "  in  the  days  of  the  Philis- 
tines," and  this  oppression  continued  till  the 
beginning  of  Saul's  reign  (iSam.13.3).  This 
indicates  20  years  for  the  rule  of  Samuel.  The 
ark  (7.2)  was  in  Kirjath-jearim  20  years  in 
Samuel's  time,  and  was  taken  out  to  war  early 
in  Saul's  reign  (14. 18).  Samuel,  if  judge  for  20 
years,  would  have  been  not  more  than  60  when 
Saul  was  made  king  (see  "  old,"  8.1),  but  he 
died  some  10  years  later  (25. i).  The  length  of 
Saul's  reign  is  nowhere  stated  in  O.T.,  but 
Josephus  (as  above)  makes  it  20  years,  which  is 
quite  probable,  as  Jonathan  was  grown  up  at 
the  time  of  Saul's  accession  (13.i,14.i),  while 
Ishbosheth  (Saul's  younger  son)  was  only  40  at 
the  time  of  Saul's  death  (2Sam.2.io).  The 
discrepancy  between  the  round  number  480 
(1K.6.1)  and  the  details  475  may  give  five 
more  years  between  Saul  and  Samuel. — The 
later  chronology  of  the  kingdoms  of  Judah  and 
Israel  presents  only  difficulties  of  detail,  due 
either  to  mis-copying  or  to  harmonizing  altera- 
tions ;  and  the  actual  statements  agree  gener- 
ally very  well. 

Kings  of  Jiidah,   1st  Period. 

From 

B.C. 

iK. 14.21, 15.1  968 
,,  15.1  950 


Years. 
Rehoboam      18  (17  in  Jerus.) 
Abijah       . .      3   . . 
Asa  ..41.. 

Jehoshaphat  25  (4th  Ahab) 
Jehoram    . .     8  . . 
Ahaziah     ..      i  (nth  Joram) 

Total     . .  96  years. 


,,  15.9,10       947 
,,  22.42  go5 

,,  22.50  881 

3K.9.29  873 

to  972 


154 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


This  coincides  with  the  parallel  reigns  of  kings 
of  Israel,  if  J  cram  of  Israel  reigned  not  a  full  12 
years.  It  is  here  assumed  that  the  Hebrews, 
like  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  dated  the 
first  year  from  the  beginning  of  the  new  year, 
and  would  have  called  the  months  from  ac- 
cession to  new  year  the  "  throne  year  " — this 
applying  to  Israel  and  Judah  alike. 


Jeroboam 

Nadab 

Baasha 

Elah 

Zimri 

Omri 

Ahab 

Ahaziah 

Jehoram 

Total 


Kings  of  Israel,   1st  Period. 


Years. 

I.  22 


24  (3rd  Asa). . 

2  (26th  Asa) 

o  (27th  Asa) 
II  (alone  in  31st  Asa) 
22  (38th  Asa) 


96  years. 


iK. 14.20 
,.  15.25 
„  15.33 
„  16.8 
„  16.10 
„  16. 23 
„  I6.29 
„  22.51 
2K.3.1 


From 

B.C. 

968 
946 
944 
920 
918 
918 
907 
885 
883 
to  872 


Omri's  capture  of  Tirzah  by  the  slaughter  of 
Zimri  (1K.I6.18)  was  followed  by  four  years  of 
civil  war  (vv.  21-23),  but  Tibni  is  not  reckoned 
as  a  king.  Omri's  12  years  (ver.  23)  date  from 
Zimri's  death,  and  are  reduced  to  11  by  the 
cross-reference.  Probably  5i  in  Tirzah,  and 
5  J  in  Samaria.  Jehoram  of  Israel  and  Ahaziah 
of  Judah  were  killed  together  by  Jehu. 

Kings  of  Judah,  2nd  Period. 

From 
zKings.        B.C. 


Athaliah  . . 
Joash 
Amaziah  . . 
Azariah    . . 
Jotham    . . 

To  6th  of  Hezekiah 

Total 


Years. 

6  ..  ..   11.3     ••  872 

40  (7th  Jehu)    ..   11.4,12.1  866 

29  (2nd  Jehoash)  14.1      ..  826 

I5.I      ..  797 

15.5,32  745 

16.1       ..  743 

18.10    ..  727 

to  722 


52 

2  (14  regent) 
16 

5 

150  years. 


Kings  of  Israel,  2nd  Period. 


From 

B.C. 

.  872 


827 


Years.  2Kings. 

Jehu  ..28  ..  ^  --lO-S^ 
Jehoahaz  . .  17  (23rd  Joash)  . .  13.i  . . 
Jehoash  . .  16  (?  37th  Joash)  13.io  . .  ^-^ 
Jeroboam  II.  ?  52  (15th  Amaziah)  I4.23  (O.T.41)  811 
Zechariah  . .  i  (38th  Azariah)  15.8  . .  . .  759 
Shallum  ..  o  (39th  Azariah)  15. 13  ••759 
Meuahem  ..  ?  21  (Monuments)..  15.17  (O.T. 10)  758 
Pekahiah  . .  2  • .  .  ■  15.23  . .  737 
Pekah  . .  ?  4  (Monuments)  15. 27  (O.T.20)  735 
Hoshea  ..9  ••  ..17.1.18.9  -.731 
to  Til 

Total    ..   150  years. 

The  only  numbers  in  this  list  not  authorized 
by  O.T.  are:  52  years  for  Jeroboam  II.  (which, 
however,  results  from  the  cross-references  to 
Judah),  21  for  Mcnahem  (O.T.  10),  which 
agrees  with  the  notice  of  his  ruling  in  738  b.c. 
—on  a  monument  ;  and  4  for  Pekah  (O.T.  20), 
necessitated  bv  the  statement  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  already  quoted.  After  the  fall  of 
Samaria  (in  first  year  of  Sargon,  or  722  B.C.) 
the  differences  ot  calculation  amount  only  to 
two  or  three  years  in  any  date.  Sargon  took 
Ashdod  in  711  B.C.  (see  Is.20.i).:_Tbe  embassy 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 

of  Merodach-baladan  (39.i)  must  have  been 
sent  to  Hezekiah  between  702  and  699  B.C. 
Jehoiakim  must  liave  served  Nebuchadnezzar 
(under  Nebuchadnezzar's  father)  till  his  fourth 
year  (for  "three  years,"  2K.24.1),  since  it  was 
then  that  Nebuchadnezzar  acceded  (Je.25.i; 
see  2K. 24.12).  The  dated  contract-tablets 
of  the  dynasty  of  Nebuchadnezzar  give  a 
minimum  interval  between  the  death  of  Assur- 
bani-pal  in  626  b.c,  and  ist  Cyrus  in  538  b.c, 
but  we  do  not  know  that  the  latest  dates  of 
these  tablets  in  any  reign  coincide  with  the 
last  year  of  a  reign,  and  later  discoveries  may 
therefore  lengthen  the  total  interval  by  a  few 
years.  The  minimum  is  82  years,  which  differs 
by  four  years  from  O.T.  In  Jeremiah  (25. 11, 
29.10)  the  "  seventy  years  "  of  affliction  date 
back  from  538  to  608  b.c,  and  the  same  book 
(25.1,3,28.1,32.1,46.2)  fixes  the  accession  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  in  608  b.c,  which  agrees  with 
the  chronology  of  2  Kings,  and  is  in  no  manner 
at  discord  with  monuments.  Texts  of  Nabo- 
nidus  and  of  Cyrus  show  that  the  Median 
Gobrias  (probably  "  Darius  the  Mede,"  Dan. 
5.31)  began  the  siege  of  Babylon  in  the  summer 
of  539  B.C.,  after  the  surrender  of  Nabonidus 
at  the  "  palace,"  which  according  to  Berosus, 
as  quoted  by  Joseph  us  {Contra  Apion,  i.  20), 
was  at  Borsippa,  a  suburb  outside  Babylon  on 
S.W.  The  final  attack  was  made  about  four 
months  later,  when  the  "  king's  son  "  was 
slain.  His  name  we  know  (from  another  text) 
to  have  been  Bel-shar-usur  [Belshazz.\r1,  and 
it  is  clear  that  after  his  father's  capture  he 
reigned  at  least  four  months  (Dan. 5. 30),  though 
the  third  year  (8.1)  of  Belshazzar  is  either  a 
clerical  error  for  the  third  month,  or  repre- 
sents his  rule  in  Babylon  during  the  absence 
of  Nabonidus  with  the  army.  Belshazzar 
appears  as  the  "son,"  or  descendant,  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar (Dan. 5. 2, 18),  who  may  have  been 
his  grandfather  through  his  mother,  or  even 
through  his  father  Nabonidus,  since  the 
genealogy  of  the  latter  is  unknown  from  monu- 
ments, though  his  father's  name  is  kno%vn 
to  have  been  Nabu-balatsu-iqbi,  who  was  a 
"  wise  lord."  The  chronology  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  presents  no  difficulties  if  we  remem- 
ber that  the  Aramaic  passage  in  Ezr.4.7-24 
pursues  the  history  of  attempts  to  frustrate 
the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  from  c.  433  down 
to  424  B.C.,  the  narrative  then  returning  (5.i) 
to  the  history  of  Zerubbabel. — Authorities. 
The  lists  of  Manctho  may  be  studied  in  Cory, 
Ancient  Fragments  (ed.  1876).  Manetho's 
dates  are  correct  back  to  528  B.c  They  are  10 
years  too  late  for  the  accession  of  Necho,  and 
10  years  for  that  of  Tirhakah,  placing  Shi- 
SHAK  33  years  too  late  (there  is  also  a  difference 
of  four  years  between  the  stated  total  and  the 
details  of  22nd  dynasty),  the  date  of  his  acces- 
sion being  966  b.c.  (Brugsch),  or  3rd  of 
Rehoboam  (1K.14.25).  The  dates  given  by 
Brugsch  (Hist.  Egt.,  1879)  only  claim  to 
be  approximate,  but  fit  with  the  known  fact 
that  .\menophis  IV.  was  contemporary  with 
Burna-Burias,  who  acceded  in  Babylon  c.  1440 
B.C.  (.Amarna  Tablets.  Brit.  Mus.,  Nos.  2,  3,  4. 
6,  7).  The  Babylonian  Clironirhs  may  be 
studied  in  Proceedings  of  Bib.  Archaeo.  Sac, 
Dec.  1880,  Jan.  i83i,  May  1884,  March  1899. 
The  Eponym  Canon,  and  other  Assyrian  no- 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 

tices,  are  in  Schrader,  Cuneif.  Inscrip.  and 
O.T.  (Eng.  trans.,  1885).  The  contract- 
tablets,  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar's 
dynasty,  are  given  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  Guide 
(1900),  pp.  173-186.  The  cylinder  text  of 
Cyrus  and  those  of  Nabonidus  are  translated 
by  Dr.  Pinches  in  Records  of  Past  (new  series), 
vol.  V.  pp.  144  ff.  The  important  text  of 
Menephtah  was  first  published  by  Dr.  Flinders 
Petrie  (who  discovered  it)  in  Contemp.  Rev., 
May  1896.  Biot's  attempt  (1831)  to  fix 
astronomical  dates  is  based  on  a  fallacy. 
Dr.  Winckler's  discoveries  at  Pterium  {Deiit- 
schen  Orient  Gesell.  No.  35,  1907,  p.  26)  show 
that  Ramses  II.  was  reigning  in  1330-1320 
B.C.,  thus  confirming  Brugsch's  dates.  [Pales- 
tine ;  Syria.] 

Leading  Events,  b.c. 
From  the  Heb.  text  of  O.T.  and  Monuments,  etc. 


CHRONOIiOGY  OF  O.T. 


155 


Foundation  of  Babylon 

B.C. 
2250 

Call  of  Abraham 

. .   c. 

2160 

Hammurabi  ace. 

2139 

Death  of  Abraham 

. .   e. 

206a 

Descent  into  Egypt     . . 

. .   c. 

1955 

Exodus   . . 

. .   e. 

1525 

Conquest  of  Palestine 

. .   c. 

1485 

Burna-Burias  in  Bab. 

. .   c. 

1440 

Ramses  II.  ace. 

. .   c. 

1330 

Barak's  revolt  . . 

. .   c. 

I312 

Menephtah  ace. . . 

. .   e. 

1270 

Gideon's  victory 

. .   c. 

1265 

Jephthah,  judge 

. .   c. 

I185 

Samson,  judge 

. .   c. 

II48 

Eli,  judge          

. .   e. 

II28 

Samuel,  judge  . . 

. .   c. 

1088 

Saul  ace.            

. .   c. 

1068 

David  ace. 

. .   c. 

1048 

Solomon  ace.     . . 

. .   e. 

1008 

Temple  founded 

. .   c. 

1004 

Rehoboam  ace. 

. .   c. 

968 

Shishak  ace 

. .   e. 

966 

Omri  ace.          

. .   c. 

918 

Ahab  ace.          

. .   c. 

907 

Jehu  usurps 

. .  c. 

972 

Fall  of  Damascus 

732 

Fall  of  Samaria 

722 

Fall  of  Carchemish 

717 

Sargon  takes  Ashdod   .. 

711 

Sennacherib  ace. 

705 

„           takes  Laehish 

703 

Manasseh  acc.  . . 

699 

Esar-haddon  ace. 

681 

Assur-bani-pal  acc. 

668 

Josiah  acc. 

644 

N abopolassar  ace. 

625 

A',  cho  in  Palestine 

613 

Jthoahaz  acc.   . . 

612 

Jehoiakim  acc. 

612 

Fall  of  Nineveh 

609 

Nebuchadnezzar  ace. 

608 

Jehoiakin  acc.  . . 

601 

Zedekiah  acc.    . . 

6or 

Fall  of  Jerusalem 

590 

Evil-merodach  acc. 

564 

Nergal-sharezer  acc. 

562 

Labasi-Marduk  acc.     . . 

558 

Nabu-na'id  ace. 

555 

1st  of  Cyrus 

538 

Temple  refounded 

536 

Cambyses  acc.    . . 

529 

Darius  I.  acc.  . . 

521 

Temple  resumed 

520 

,,        finished 

516 

Xerxes  ace. 

486 

,,        marries  Esther 

483 

Arlaxerxes  I.  acc. 

465 

Ezra  at  Jerusalem 

459 

B.C. 

Nehemiah  at  Jerusalem  . .  . .  444 

„          leaves  Jerusalem  . .  . .  433 

Rehum's  letter  (Ezr.4.8)  . .  . .  432 

Darius  II.  acc.              . .  . .  . .  425 

End  of  book  of  Ezra  . .  . .  423 

Alexander  at  Tyre        .  .  . .  .  .  333 

,,            ,,  Arbila    . .  .  .  .  .  331 

,,          dies   .  .           .  .  .  .  . .  324 

Era  of  the  Seleueidae  . .  . .  . .  312 

Revolt  at  Modin          168 

Judas  Jlaccabaeus  dies  . .  . .  161 

Simon  high-priest         . .  . .  . .  143 

John  Hyrcanus  high-priest  ..  ..  135 

Aristobulus  I.             ,,  . .  . .  106 

Alexander  Jannaeus  acc.  . .  . .  105 

Alexandra  queen          . .  . .  . .  78 

Hyrcanus  II.  acc.        . .  . .  . .  69 

Aristobulus  II.  acc.     . .  . .  . .  69 

Pompey  takes  Jerusalem  .  .  . .  63 

Antipater  rules       „  ..  ..  47 

Herod  the  Great  acc.  . .  . .  37 

Death  of  Herod  ..  ..  ..4  B.C.  or  i  a.d. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  last  date,  see  Chron- 
OLOGV  OF  N.T.,  where  the  present  writer  gives 
his  reasons  for  preferring  the  date  i  a.d.  .  to 
the  commonly  accepted  4  b.c.  [c.r.c] 

Chponolog'y  of  O.T.  (an  attempted 
hapmonizing')'  [The  occasional  corruption  of 
numerals  in  the  Heb.  text  involves  any  harmonizing 
of  Chronology  in  some  amount  of  necessary  emenda- 
tion ;  hence  any  suggested  system  must  be  open  to 
criticism  in  details,  according  to  the  data  and  theories 
adopted  by  the  particular  critic.  The  system  set 
forth  in  the  following  tables  and  notes  is  therefore 
offered,  not  as  infallibly  correct  (which  no  system  can 
be),  but  as  a  suggested  harmony  which  has  been  most 
carefully  drawn  up  and  may  be  useful  as  a  general 
guide  in  these  difficult  questions.  It  is  believed  that 
no  general  survey  of  Biblical  chronology  has  been  put 
forward  before  in  so  clear  a  way  as  this  tabular  \-iew 
provides,  and  with  such  a  minimum  of  emendation  of 
the  text  of  Scripture.  As  there  has  been,  however, 
no  wish  to  commit  other  writers  to  the  suggestions  of 
this  article,  they  have  been  left  free  to  adopt  their 
own  views,  and  hence  their  chronology  is  independent 
of  this — e.g.  an  alternative  chronology  of  the  kings 
of  Israel  is  given  under  Israel,  Kingdom  of. — Ed^ 

From  the  Creation  to  Abraham.  It  is  easy  for 
any  student  to  construct  from  the  ages  of  the 
patriarchs,  as  given  in  the  Bible,  a  table  of 
dates  working  back  from  Abraham  to  the 
Creation,  as  Archbishop  Ussher  (to  whom  the 
dates  in  the  margin  of  A.V.  are  due)  did  in 
the  17th  cent.  But  such  a  system  is  wholly 
unsatisfactory,  for  scientific  evidence  demands 
for  the  world,  and  probably  even  for  the 
inhabited  world,  a  greater  age  than  is  so 
obtained,  and  the  ancient  monuments  now 
clearly  bear  witness  to  a  considerable  degree 
cf  civilization  which  many  scholars  consider 
to  date  back  a  longer  period  than  that  allowed 
by  Ussher  before  Abraham.  (But  see  pre- 
ceding article.)  The  Bible,  moreover,  must 
not  be  held  responsible  for  the  calculations 
of  Archbishop  Ussher,  and  the  Pentateuch 
itself  makes  no  such  claim  to  give  data  for 
chronology;  for  the  "generations"  given  may 
not  be  successive  ("son  of"  being  very  com- 
monly used  in  Heb.  for  "  descendant  of  "),  or 
the  names  may  represent  (as  often  in  other 
parts  of  the  Bible)  the  founder  or  head  of 
a  family,  in  which  case  also  no  successive 
chronology  can  be  built  up  on  them.  Hence 
Biblical  chronology,  for  which  any  degree  of 
certainty  can  be  predicated,  begins  only  with 
the  birth  of  Abraham, 


156 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


Abraham  to  David.  The  key  to  the  chronology  of  this  period  is  found  in  tiie  fact  that  the  Hebrews] 
uniformly  reckoned  the  number  of  years  between  the  giving  of  a  divine  promise  and  its  fulfilment  asi 
the  figiu-es  to  be  borne  in  mind.  Thus,  (a)  St.  Stephen  speaks  of  "the  time  of  the  promise  drawing 
nigh,"  and  refers  the  promise  of  a  numerous  posterity  when  as  yet  he  had  no  child  (.\c.7.6, 17  ;  Gen. 15. ' 
2-5)  to  the  time  when  Abraham  was  in  Hebron.  To  this  interval — citing  Gen. 15. 13 — he  gives  400  years,  I 
the  dates  of  the  birth  of  Isaac  and  the  E.xodus  being  3Q0  years  apart,  in  the  following  table  (see  note  /3). 
Ten  other  years  may  have  elapsed  between  the  giving  of  the  first  promise  to  this  effect  and  the  second 
in  Gen. 16. 10,  which  immediately  preceded  Isaac's  birth,  (b)  St.  Paul  in  Gal. 3. 17,  citing  Ex. 12. 40,41, 
gives  the  period  of  430  years  as  intervening  between  the  date  of  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Sinai  and  the 
call  of  Abraham.  This  is  the  number  of  years  separating  items  3  and  16.  The  LXX.  and  Samaritan 
texts  of  the  Pentateuch  agree  with  the  Heb.  in  making  the  affliction  of  the  Children  of  Promise  include 
the  sojourning  of  the  patriarchs  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  thus  to  date  from  the  call  of  Abraham 
in  1644.  It  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  text  of  Ex. 12. 40,41  is  to  be  read.  It  is,  therefore,  im- 
portant to  see  how  many  years  belong  to  the  sojourn  in  Canaan  and  how  many  to  that  in  Egypt.  In 
Table  I.  we  see  that  the  birth  of  Isaac  took  place  25  years  after  Abraham's  removal  from  Haran.  Jacob 
was  born  when  Isaac  was  60,  and  was  130  when  he  went  down  into  Egyjjt.  He  was  15  years  old  when 
his  grandfather  Abraham  died  (c/.  Heb. 11. 9,  which  states  that  Abraham  dwelt  in  tents  ""  with  Isaac 
and  Jacob").  This  leads  us  to  conclude  that  215  years  passed  between  Abraham's  departure  from 
Haran  and  Jacob's  descent  into  Egypt,  and  215  years  between  the  Descent  and  the  Exodus.  The 
two  censuses  at  Sinai  and  at  Shittim  (Num. 1,26)  canncjt  be  allowed  to  influence  this  decision,  as  these 
numbers  are  subject  to  revision  in  common  with  all  military  and  population  returns  of  O.T.  Other 
than  this  uncertain  factor  there  is  no  reasonable  ground  for  rejecting  the  division  of  the  "  430  "  into 
two  equal  periods. — Table  I.  and  the  Schedule  of  the  Judges  depend  upon  two  suggestions:  that  as 
to  the  date  of  Hammurabi  in  note  (a),  and  the  theory  held  by  many  scholars  that  the  judges  were  not 
successive.  If"  these  two  hypotheses  are  rejected.  Table  I.  would  need  to  be  dated  back  just  about 
the  period  required  to  count  the  judges  as  successive,  and  the  subsequent  tables  would  not  be  affected. 


TABLE  I.  ABRAHAM  TO  DAVID. 


No. 

Reference. 

Biographical  and  Historical  Events. 

Date  B.C. 

I 

Gen. 11. 26     .. 

Birth  of  Abraham  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees 

1719 

2 

Gen.ll.31     •• 

Removal  of  Abraham  from  Ur  to  Haran, 

at  about  5o     .  . 

1659 

3 

Gen. 12.4 

Call   and   migration  of  Abraham  into 

Canaan,  when  75 

1644 

4 

Gen.l4.i-i6.. 

.■Vbraham  rescues  Lot  from  the  camp  of 

Amraphel  (0),  say 

1640 

5 

Gen.l6.i6     .. 

Birth  of  Ishmael,in  Abraham's  86th  year 

1633 

6 

Gen.21.5 

Birth  of  Isaac,  when  Abraham  was  100 

1619 

7 

Gen. 25. 26     . . 

Birth  of  Jacob,  when  Isaac  was  60    . . 

1.559 

8 

Gen.25.7 

Death  of  .\braham,  at  175  (a)   . . 

1544 

9 

Gen. 30. 24     . . 

Birth  of  Joseph  in   Padan-aram 

1469 

10 

Gen.35.28     .. 

Death  of  Isaac,  at  180  . . 

1439 

II 

Gen. 41. 46    . . 

Joseph's    promotion,    at    30,   10  years 

before  the  Descent 

1439 

12 

Gen.  46. 27,47, 

Descent  of  the  70  into  Egypt.     Jacob 

9      ..      .. 

1 30  years  old  . . 

1429 

13 

Gen.47.28    . . 

Jacob's  death,  at  1 4  7 

1412 

14 

Geu.50.22     . . 

Joseph's  death,  at  1 10 

1359 

15 

Ex. 7.7;  Deut. 

Birth  of  Moses,   120  years  before  the 

34.7  . .      . . 

Entrance  into  Canaan 

1294 

16 

Ex. 12.40,41.. 

Date  of  the  Exodus  from  Egypt  (Meren- 
ptah,  1234-1214  B.C.) 

1214  (?) 

17 

Jos.5.6,10    .. 

Date  of  the  entry  into  Canaan  after  40 

years  in  the  wilderness 

1174 

18 

Jos.ll.i8,23.i 

Joshua's    30    years   in   Canaan    (Jose- 

phus  25,  Talmud  28,  Eupolemus  30) 

1174-1144 

19 

See  next  page 

Times  of  the  Judges  and  Saul  . . 

1144-1027 

20 

2Sam.5.4-5  . . 

Date  of  the  establishment  of  the  mon- 

archy under  David  (y) 

1027 

(a)  Abraham  was  a  contemporary 
of  Amraphel  of  Gen.l4.i,  who  is  un- 
doubtedly the  Hammurabi  of  Babylo- 
nian history,  "it  is,  as  yet,  impossible 
to  fix  with  certainty  the  date  of  Ham- 
murabi (cf.,  e.g.,  Hommel  1772-1717 
and  Peiser  2139)  from  the  cuneiform 
inscriptions  of  Babylon,  as  the  names 
and  dates  of  all  the  Babylonian  kings 
have  not  yet  been  discovered  ;  in 
particular,  the  names  are  missing  be- 
tween 1013  and  920  (see  Dr.  Sayce's 
"  Babylonian  Chronology  "  in  .Appen- 
dix II.  of  Early  Israel,  pp.  280-283).  In 
this  interval  the  present  \vriter  suggests 
a  Burna-Burias  II.  in  the  "  2ud  dynasty 
of  Babylon,"  to  complete  the  infonna- 
tion  of  an  inscription  of  Xabonidus  the 
last  king  of  Babylon  (550  B.C.),  that 
"  yammurabi,  the  ancient  king  who — 
700  years  before  Bunia-Burias — had 
built  the  Sun  temple  at  Larsa."  This 
allows  us  to  fix  the  date  of  the  rescue 
of  I.,ot  by  Abraham  from  the  camp  of 
Amraphel  at  c.  1640. 

(j3)  This  is  Dr.  Petrie's  date,  who, 
however,  allows  that  it  may  possibly 
have  been  from  5  to  10  years  later. 

(v)  The  statement  in  iSam.7.2  that 
the  ark  abode  a  long  time  in  Kirjath- 
jearim,  "  for  it  was  20  years,"  has  dis- 
turbed many  chronologists.  The  con- 
text shows  that  the  annalist  is  writing 
prior  to  the  anointing  of  Saul.  To  the 
"  20  years  "  must  be  added  the  40  years  of  Saul's  wars  and  the  first  10  of  David's  reign.  The  whole  period  of  the  separa- 
tion of  the  ark  from  the  tabernacle  is  thus  more  nearlv  7'>  than  20  years.  The  first  20  years  of  the  ark's  captivity 
arc  supposed  to  coincide  with  Uie  20  of  Samson's  judgeship  ;  and  to  have  immediately  preceded  the  election  of  Saul. 


THE  TIMES  OF  THE  JUDGES  AND  SAUL. 

The  dates  liere  suggested  of  the  Occupation  (in  or  about  1174)  and  of  the  establisinnent  of  the 
monarchy  in  Judaii  under  David  (1027),  leave  rather  less  than  a  century  and  a  half  for  all  the  events 
of  Joshua's  later  life,  the  rule  of  the  Judges,  and  for  Saul,  who  is  included  here,  rather  than  under  the 
monarchy,  as  being,  to  a  J  udaean  writer,  an  illegitimate  sovereign  (Moore,  Judgts,  p.  41  IT.). 

The  Biblical  records  of  these  times  are  very  complete,  every  event  of  importauce  in  any  part  of 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


157 


the  country  having  been  written  down  and  preserved.  We  have  but  to  sort  and  rearrange  these 
records  to  have  a  continuous  and  harmonious  narrative  of  these  years.  This  may  be  most  successfully 
done  in  a  schedule,  which,  omitting  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  Occupation,  as  being  those  of  Joshua'3 
later  years,  gives  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  years  following  his  death. 

Episodes  in  the  Military  History  of  Palestine,  occurring  between  the  Death  of  Joshua 
^  (Table  I.,  Item  i8)  and  the  Accession  of  David  {Item  20),  a  Period  of  117  years,  numbered 
B     IN  the  Order  of  their  Record. 

**  The  periods  of  the  various  judges  often  coincided,  the  different  parts  of  Palestine  being  at  times  under 
different  contemporaneous  judges ;  hence,  while  the  "recorded''  years  total  407,  they  were  all  comprised 
in  a  period  of  W]  years. 


1 

The  Eastern  or 

Trans-Jordanic 

Tribes. 

2 

The  Northern  Tribes. 

3 

The  Mid-Palestine 
Tribes. 

4 

The  Southern  Tribes. 

5 

The  Philistina  or 
S.W.  Border  Tribes. 

I.  Judg.3.7-11. 
Cushan's 
tyranny  of  8 
years,       fol- 
lowed   by  a 
quiet   of    40 
years. 

7.  Judg.10.3,4- 
Judgeship  of 
J  AIR    the 
Gileadite,  i2 
years. 

8.  Judg.10.6-12. 

7.  Ammonite 
oppression 
of  18  years, 
followed   by 
Jephthah's 
rule  of  6  years. 

Blank,  23 

years. 

Recorded,  94 

years. 

4.  Judg.4,5. 
The  Canaanite  op- 
pression of  20  years, 
followed    by    Sise- 
ra's  defeat  and  by 
a  peaceful  period  of 
40  years. 

9.  Judg.l2.8-io. 
Judgeship     of     Ib- 
ZAN   of    Bethlehem 
in  Zebulun,  7  years. 

10.  Judg.l2.ii,i2. 
Judgeship  of  Elon 
the  Zebulunite,    10 
years. 

11.  Judg.i2.14. 
Judgeshipof  Abdon 
the    Ephraimite,   8 
years. 

Blank,  32  years. 
Recorded,  85  years. 

5.  Judg.6-8. 
IMidianite     oppres- 
sion and  spoliation 
as  far  west  as  Ga- 
za,   near    Samaria, 
and    continued    for 
7  years.    Gideon's 
war,  contemporane- 
ous, followed  by  a 
peace  of   40  years. 

2.  Judg.3.12-30. 
Moabite       domination 
and      octupation      by 
Eglon       of       Jericho, 
18    years,   followed  by 
80   years    of    quiet   in 
Judah   and  Benjamin. 

Blank,    19   years. 
Recorded,  98  years. 

3.  Judg.3.31. 
Shamgar's  \ictory  over 
the      Philistines,     pre- 
ceded and  followed  by 
inter\'als  of  peace. 

12.  Judg.13.1. 
The     Philistine    domi- 
nation of  40  years. 

during  which  Abim- 
elech  was  "prince" 
of    Ephraim   for   a 
short  time. 

6.  Judg.l0.i,2. 
Judgeship  of  Tol.\ 
of     Issachar,     who 
lived    in     Ephraim 
23  years. 

Blank,  47  years. 
Recorded,  70  years. 

13.  Samson's  judgeship  of  20  years,  "  in  the  days  of 
the  Philistines  "  (Judg.l5.2o).  "  iSam.4r-31  describe 

'   later  events  in  the  40  years'  Philistine  oppression 
and  war,  following   the   time  when  the    ark  was 
captured     and    separated    from     the     tabernacle 
(iSam.7.2). 

14.  AC.13.2I. 

Saul's  reign  of  40  years  followed  Samson's  judge- 
ship.     These  two    officers  —  one  wholly  and  one 
for  his   first  20  years  —  were  contemporary  with 
the  Philistine  overlordship  of  40  years  (item  12). 

Blank,  57  years.     Recorded,  60  years. 

The  Hebrew  Monarchies.  The  following  tabular  view  of  the  Hebrew  kings  is  constructed  on  the 
principle  that  while  the  southern  kingdom  (Judah)  followed  the  Babylonian  precedent  of  dating  its 
kings'  reigns  from  the  first  day  of  the  civil  year — being  Tishri  i  or  September  21 — the  northern 
kingdom  (Israel)  reckoned  any  fraction  of  a  year  as  a  full  unit,  and  included  the  same  year  as  part 
of  the  reigns  both  of  the  deceased  monarch  and  his  successor.  The  former  plan  is  known  as  post- 
dating, the  latter  as  pre-dating.  This  peculiarity  in  the  Israelitish  mode  of  computing  the  reigns  of 
their  kings  would  account  for  a  difference  of  14  years  in  the  sum  of  the  years  given  to  Israel,  227  years 
having  actually  passed  between  the  division  of  the  kingdom  and  the  fall  of  Samaria.  As  the  recorded 
number  of  years  during  which  the  kings  of  Judah  reigned  while  the  northern  kingdom  lasted  amount 
to  260,  and  in  Israel  to  241,  it  becomes  necessary  to  show  how  the  gain  of  33  years  in  the  Judaean 
monarchy  occurred,  the  reduction  in  the  records  of  Israel  to  227  being  efiected  by  subtracting  the  14 
duplicate  years  arising  from  their  system  of  pre-dating. 

By  the  following  considerations,  33  years  are  eliminated  from  the  total  of  260  in  the  annals  of 
Jerusalem,  though  they  still  stand  as  a  portion  of  the  national  history. 

(a)  Athaliah,  a  female  ruler  and  a  blood-stained  usurper,  is  omitted  from  the  list  of  constitutional 
sovereigns  and  her  years  are  included  in  the  40  given  to  Jehoash.  A  modern  parallel  is  the  dating, 
as  is  the  case  in  all  official  records  and  legal  documents,  of  the  accession  of  Charles  II.  from  the  day 
of  the  death  of  Charles  I. 

(b)  Twenty-seven  other  years — completing  the  33 — are  gained  by  a  consideration  of  the  repeated 
statement  that  "  Jotham  the  king's  son  was  over  the  household,  judging  the  people  of  the  land  " 
(2K.I5.5  ;  2Chr.26.21).  King  Uzziah's  retirement  from  the  duties  and  cares  of  State  and  Jotham's 
accession  is  thus  seen  to  have  taken  place  before  the  former's  death,  and  is  shown  in  these  tables  as  occur- 
ing  in  his  41st  year  and  in  the  25th  year  of  his  reign.  He  lived  for  some  27  years  longer  (c/.  2 K. 15.2) 
in  a  separate  house  in  Jerusalem,  often  spoken  of  as  "  king,"  but  taking  no  part  in  the  government, 
and  died  (ver.  7)  late  in  the  reign  of  his  grandson  Ahaz. 

These  corrections  with  regard  to  the  two  reigns  of  Athaliah  and  Uzziah,  with  the  variations  of 
reckoning  in  the  two  kingdoms,  are  alone  needed  to  correct  the  whole  machinery  of  Hebrew  chronology 
during  the  time  of  the  kings,  and  to  bring  the  two  systems  of  Judah  and  Israel  into  accord. 


158  CHHONOLOaY  OF  O.T. 

TABLE    II.     THE     HEBREW    KINGS. 

It  must  he  bovfU  in  mind  itl  making  the  deductions  that  such  an  expression  as  iS  Jeroboam 

Hence  947  minus  17  {not  18)  =  930,  the  dale 


No. 

I 

Regnal 

Years. 

Kings  of  Judah. 

Accession,  B.C. 
Post-dated  years. 

Accession,  B.C. 
Pre-dated  years. 

Kings  of  Israel. 

Regnal 
Years. 

40 

David 

1027 







2 

40 

Solomon   . . 

987 

— 

— 

— 

3 

17 

Rehoboam 

947 

947 

Jeroboam  I. 

22 

4 

3 

Abijam 

930 

— 

— 

— 

5 

41 

Asa 

927 

— 

— 

— 

6 

— 

926 

Nadab      . . 

2 

7 



— . 

— 

925 

Baasha     . . 

24 

8 



— 

— 

902 

Elah 

2 

9 



— 

— 

901 

Zimri  -f  Tihni 

4  1  ,, 

10 



— 

— 

897 

Omri 

8/'^ 

II 



— 

. — • 

891 

Ahab 

22 

12 

J- 

Jehoshaphat 

886 

— 

— 



13 

— 

— 

869 

Ahaziah    . . 

2 

14 

"Ij 

— 

— 

868 

„    with  Jehoram 

0 

15 

„    with  Jehoram 

866 

— 

— 

-U2 

16 

— 

— 

865 

Jehoram   . . 

8/ 

17 

8 

Jehoram   . . 

861 

— 

— 

18 



— 

— ■ 

857 

Jehu 

28 

19 

I 

Ahaziah    . . 

853 

— 

— 

20 

0 

(Athaliah) 

(852-846) 

— 

— 

— 

21 

40 

jehoash    . . 

852 

— 

— 

— 

22 

— 

— 

830 

Jehoahaz  . . 

17 

23 



— 

— 

814 

Joash 

16 

24 

29 

Amaziah  . . 

812 

— 

— 

— 

25 

— 

— 

799 

Jeroboam  II. 

41 

26 

25 

Uzziah 

783 

— 

— 

27 

— 

759 

Zechariah 

6  m. 

28 



— 

— 

759 

Shallum    . . 

I  m. 

29 





—       • 

759 

Menahem 

10 

30 



— 

— 

750 

Pekahiah  . . 

2 

31 



— 

— 

749 

Pekah 

20 

32 

16 

Jotham     . . 

758 

— 

— 

— 

33 

16 

Ahaz 

742 

— 

— 

— 

34 

— 

730-721 

Hoshea     . . 

9 

35 

29 

Hezekiah  . . 

727 

Reference. 

2K.2I.1. 
2K.2I.19 
2K.22.1 

36 
37 

55 
2 

Manasseh . . 

Amon 

Josiah 

698 
643 
641 

Total  of  kings  of  Israel. 
Deducting  14  duplicate 
ycirs. 

241 
14 

38 

31 

39 

3  m. 

Jehoahaz  . . 
Jehoiakim 

610 
609 

2K.23.31 
2K.23.36 

227 

40 

II 

41 

3ni. 

Jehoiachin 

598 

2K.24.8 

42 

II 

Zedekiah  . . 

597-586 

2K.24.i8 

(A)  In  1K.6.1  "the  fourth  year  of  Solomon's  reign"  is  given  as  the  synchronism  of  "the  480th 
year  after  the  children  of  Israel  were  come  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt."  The  following  figures  make  up 
480  years,  and  the  historian  of  Solomon's  reign  sccnxs  to  have  used  them  in  his  calculations.  To 
the  3  completed  years  of  Solomon's  reign  and  the  40  of  David's,  we  add  the  407  years  detailed  in  the 
book  of  Judges,  as  those  during  which  there  was  a  state  of  either  peace  or  war  in  Israel.  This  total 
(see  note  **  on  prcccdint^  page)  d(jes  not  include  the  3  years  following  Gideon's  deatli,  during  which 
the  tribe  of  Ephraim  made  an  abortive  attempt  at  establishing  a  monarchy  under  his  son,  as  these  years 
are  expressly  included  in  the  40  years'  peace  secured  by  Gideon.  To  the  450  years  thus  obtained  we 
add  the  30  during  which  Joshua  lived  after  the  crossing  t)f  the  Jordan.  The  total  is  480,  a  complete 
justification  of  tlie  text,  if  looked  at  solely  from  an  arithmetical  point  of  view. 

(B)  The  reigns  of  the  two  Jehoranis  present  a  problem  of  great  complexity.  The  course  of  events 
would  seem  to  be  as  follows  :  In  869,  the  2nd  year  of  his  reign,  Ahaziah,  the  king  in  Samaria,  had  an 
accident  (2K.I.2)  which  left  him  bedridden  until  his  death,  and  compelled  him  to  hand  over  the  duties 
of  kingship  to  his  brother  Jehoram.  This  was  in  the  i8th  year  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign  in  Jerusalem 
(item  14).  Ahaziah  survived  his  injuries  for  3  years,  during  which  time  there  was  a  co-sovereignty 
of  the  brothers.  Then  Aliaziah  died,  and  his  brother  became  sole  king  ;  this  might  have  been  dated 
as  21  Jehoshaphat.  It  is  not,  however,  so  dated  in  the  text,  because  during  Ahaziah's  lifetime  Jehosha- 
phat had  taken  his  son — also  named  Jehoram— into  partnership  with  himself  on  the  throne  of  Judah, 
and  the  historian  has  preferred  to  date  the  northern  Jehoram's  years  of  sole  power  from  the  2nd  year 
of  the  southern  Jehoram's  co-sovereignty — i.e.  865.  This  southern  co-sovereignty,  again,  is  not  de- 
scribed as  having  taken  place  in  his  father  Jehoshaphat's  20th  year,  but  (2K.8.16)  in  "  the  5th  year 
of  Jehoram  of  Israel  " — i.e.  from  the  beginning  of  his  rencncy  (and  see  correction  in  table,  item  15), 
it  being  added,  "Jehoshaphat  being  tlicMi  king  f>f  Judah";  but  the  "8  years"  in  ver.  17  refers 
to  the  time  he  was  sole  king  (item  17).  We  thus  fmd  that  the  two  Jehorams  who  ultimately  became 
kings  of  Judah  and  Israel  were  not  only  contemporary  sovereigns  for  4  years,  but  that  for  some 
months  previously  they  were  simultaneously  holding  the  positions  of  associate  kings  in  Jerusalem 
and  Samaria  respectively. 


CHRONOLOaY  OF  O.T. 


159 


WITH  THEIR  SYNCHRONISMS— DOMESTIC. 

— i.e.  "  In  the  i8th  year  of  Jeroboam" — means  that  he  had  then  been  17  years  on  the  throne, 
of  A  bij urn's  accession  :  and  so  elsewhere. 


No. 

Synchronism. 

Reference. 

Remarks. 

(a)  The  deaths  of  Jehoram 
of    Israel    and    Ahaziah    of 
Judah  took  place  at  the  same 

I 

See  Table  I.  (y) 

rK.2.ii. 

time,  B.C.  853.     The  Biblical 

2 

Temple  built,  4- 11  Solomon 

1K.6.1, 38,11.42... 

(A). 

record,  however,  follows  the 

3 

Division  of  monarchy 

iK.12.20. 

action  of  Elisha  (note  D)  in 

4 

18  Jeroboam  I. 

iK.15.1. 

regarding  the  last  five  years 

5 

20           „ 

iK.15.9. 

of  Jehoram's  reign  as  uncon- 

6 

2  Asa 

iK.15.25. 

stitutional.               >- 

7 

3     „             

iK.15.33- 

(^)  I.e.  the  southern  scribe 

8 

26     „              

iK.16.8.. 

Baasha    attacked    Judah 

counts  from  the  accession  as 

9 

27     „              

iK.16.i5,2i. 

"  36  Asa"  (2Chr.l6.i)  ; 

sole  king  of  Jehoram  of  Israel, 

10 

31     „              

1K.I6.23. 

for  36  read  16  {cf.  item  8j 

and  ignores  the  illegality   of 

II 

38     , 

1K.I6.29. 

=  911  B.C. 

his  latter  years,  which   was 

12 

4  Ahab 

1K.22.4r. 

recognized    (see  note   a)  by 

13 

17  Tehoshaphat 

1K.22.5r. 

the  northern  one. 

14 

18             „                   .... 

2K.3.1    .. 

(B),  (C). 

(7)  Amaziah    "  lived  .  .  . 

15 

5   Tehoram  (Is.) 

2K.8.16.. 

(B).    For  5  read  2. 

15  years  "   after  the  [death 

16 

2         „         (J.)       .. 

2K.I.17.. 

{0^) 

of      Joash     (2K.I4.17)— i.e. 

17 

Became  sole  king 

See  Note  (B). 

Joash    d.   799,  Amaziah   d. 

18 

See  item  21 

2K.IO.36 

(D). 

783. 

19 

12  Jehoram  (Is.) 

2K.8.25.. 

0). 

(6)  Uzziah  b.  798  ;  crowned 

20 

An  unanointed  usurper 

2K.II.3.. 

See  introduction. 

(in    1 6th    year    of   his   age) 

21 

7  Jehu         

2K.I2.1.. 

For  7  read  5. 

783  ;  disqiiaUfied  (in  his  41st 

22 

23  Jehoash  . . 

2K.I3.1. 

year)     758  ;     rf.     731.      He 

23 

37         „         

2K.I3.10 

For  37  read  39. 

"  reigned  " — i.e.  lived   after 

24 

2  Joash 

2K.I4.1.. 

(v)- 

his    accession — "  52     years 

25 

15  Amaziah  . . 

2K.14.23 

For  15  read  14. 

in     Jerusalem"     (2K.I5.2). 

26 

27  Jeroboam  II. 

2K.15.1  . . 

For  27  read  17. 

Items     27     and     28  :— The 

27 

38  Uzziah  '1  . . 

39  ..       1; 

39          ..       ^* 

50          „          

52       „    ; 

2K.I5.8.. 

end   of    the   38th    year   of 

28 

2K.I5.13. 

*  All  these  are  the  years  of 

Uzziah's   age  and  beginning 

29 

2K.I5.17. 

Uzziah's  age  {&). 

of  his  39th  was  759.     There 

30 

2K.I5.23. 

is  no   reason    of    time  why 

31 

2K.15.27 

For  52  read  51. 

this  year  may  not  have  seen 

32 

2  "  Pekah  " 

2K.I5.32 

For  Pekah  read  Menahem. 

four  kings  on  the  throne  of 

33 

17        

2K.I6.1.. 

For  17  read  7. 

Israel. 

34 

12  Ahaz 

2K.I7.1. 

35 

3  Hoshea 

2K.I8.1;  cf.  9,10 

Hoshea  slew  Pekah  "  in  the 
20th  year  of  Jotham  " 
(2K.I5.30),     read     "  in 

An      alternative     harmon 

jzing,     involving 

the  20th  year  of  his  [i.e. 

a  change   of   about    a  year 

in  most  of   the 

Pekah 's]  reign." 

dates  of  accession,  but  not  e 

iltering  the  prin- 

ciples  of   this  chronology,  v 

ras   given  by  the 

present  vsTiter  in  Solomon's 

Temple  (2nd  ed., 

R.T.S.,  1907). 

(C)  The  fact  that  Jehoshaphat  and  Jehoram  of  Israel  became  allies  in  a  campaign  against  Mesha, 
king  of  Moab  (2K.3.5-27),  derives  additional  interest  from  the  contents  of  the  Moabite  Stone,  describing 
the  war.  The  years  during  which  the  allied  sovereigns  could  have  co-operated  are  narrowed  down  to 
the  last  7  years  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign  (868-861).  The  victory  commemorated  by  the  Moabite 
Stone  is  veiled  in  the  dubious  phrase  of  ver.  27,  "  there  was  [or,  came]  great  wrath  upon  Israel  " 
(i.e.  on  the  part  of  Jehoshaphat  and  the  Judahites)  for  their  panic  and  disgraceful  flight  from  before 
the  votaries  of  Chemosh. 

(D)  The  battle  of  Qarqar  in  854,  at  which  the  whole  contingent  of  troops  sent  from  Israel  had 
been  lost,  was  the  event  which,  in  all  probability,  led  to  the  prophet  Elisha's  sending  a  messenger  to 
anoint  Jehu  as  king  of  Israel,  while  still  engaged  as  a  captain  in  the  defence  of  Ramoth-gilead  (2 K. 8.28- 
9.28).  But  he  had  long  been  designated  for  that  office  by  the  prophet  Elijah  (iK.19.i6).  Some  3  years 
previous  to  the  battle  of  Qarqar,  it  would  seem  from  the  chronological  evidence  that  political  action 
of  some  sort  in  Samaria  had  raised  him  to  the  position  of  king  de  jure,  though  he  still  remained  in  a 
private  station.  The  evidence  of  which  is  this  :  Ahaziah  of  Judah  is  declared  to  have  been  made 
king  "  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Jehoram  "  (2K.8.25).  Jehoram  of  Israel  had  two  beginnings  to  his  reign, 
one  in  868  as  regent,  and  one  in  865  as  sole  king.  That  the  latter  of  these  is  the  one  referred  to  in 
the  above-cited  texts  is  apparent,  as  865  minus  12  brings  us  to  853,  the  year  of  Ahaziah's  elevation  to 
the  throne.  That  Jehoram  was  then  alive,  his  death  by  the  arms  of  Jehu  at  the  same  time  as  Ahaziah 
proves.  But  this  was  4  years  after  Jehu  had  received  his  title  to  the  throne.  These  4  years,  there- 
fore, were  those  in  which  "  Jehu  conspired  against  Jehoram  "  (2K.9.14).  The  fatal  results  to  Samaria 
of  the  battle  of  Qarqar  are  seen  in  the  visit  of  condolence  paid  by  Ahaziah  to  his  brother-in-law,  and 
more  especially  in  the  easy  conquest  of  Jehu  over  both  kings.  There  were  evidently  not  sufficient 
warriors  left  in  Samaria  to  protect  the  person  of  the  king. 


160  CHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 

TABLE   III.     THE   HEBREW  KINGS:    SYNCHRONISTIC  DATES— FOREIGN. 


No. 

Reference. 

Hebrew  King. 

Foreign  Sovereign. 

Historic  Event. 

Harmonizing 
Year  B.C. 

I 

iK.14.25. 

5  Rehoboam,  947-930. 

Shishak  I.,  952-930  B.C. 

Temple  and  palace  spoiled 

942 

2 

2Chr.l4.9,15. 
10. 

15  Asa,  927-886. 

Zerah     (Uarsarkon      I.), 
930-894. 

Battle  of  Mareshah 

912 

3 

Monuments. 

4  Jehu,  857-830  (A). 

Shalmaneser  II.,  859-825. 

Battle  of  Qarqar    . . 

854 

4 

Monuments. 

18  Jehu   (B). 

The  same. 

Assyrian    tribute    paid    by 
Jehu         

842 

5 

2K. 15.19. 

Menahem,     759-750 

Assyrian  general  Pul  or 

1,000  talents  of  silver  paid 

(C). 

P'ulu,  called  "  king  "  by 
anticipation 

by  Menahem 

759-750 

6 

2K.I5.29. 

Pekah,  749-730  (C). 

Tiglath-pileser  III. ,745-27. 

N.  and  E.  Palestine  lost . . 

738 

7 

2K.I6.10. 

10  Ahaz,  742-727  (C). 

The  same. 

Ahaz   visits  Tiglath-pileser 

r Pharaoh  So  (Shabaka),"i 
{      regent,    72s    (Petrie,  ]- 
I.     £?>'/>/,  iii.  282).            ) 

at  Damascus 

732 

8 

2K.I7.4. 

Hoshea,  730-721. 

Envoys  sent  to  Egypt  from 

Samaria   . . 

725 

9 

2K. 18.9,10. 

The  same. 

Shalmaneser      IV.      and 

Fall  of  Samaria  and  end  of 

Sargon  "  the  I<ater." 

the  northern  kingdom   . . 

721 

lO 

Is.20.1. 

6  Hezekiah,  727-698. 

Sargon,  722-705. 

Ashdod  captured  by  Assy- 
rians from  Egyptians   . . 

721 

II 

Is.36.1  :     2K. 

"14"  Hezekiah. 

Prince  Sennacherib  com- 

First    .Assyrian     campaign 

I8.13-16; 

mands  the  army  (a). 

against      Judah.     Heze- 

2Chr.32.1-8. 

kiah  fined 

713 

12 

2K.I8.17-I9.35: 

24  Hezekiah. 

King  Sennacherib,   704- 

Second  -Assyrian  campaign 

2Chr.32.9-22. 

681. 

against      Judah.      Assy- 
rian .\rmy  perished 

703 

J3 

2K.I9.9. 

The  same. 

Pharaoh  Tirhakah,  703- 

667. 
Merodach-baladan  0). 

Ethiopia  an  ally  of  Judah . . 

703 

14 

2K.20.I2. 

Hezekiah  (last  years). 

Babylonian     embassy     re- 

ceived by  Hezekijih 

c.  699 

15 

2K.I9.37. 

i7Manasseh,  698-643. 

Rsar-haddon,  680-668. 

Death  of  Sennacherib 

680 

16 

2K.23.29. 

Josiah,  641-610. 

Pharaoh  Necho  II.,  610- 

Battle     of     Megiddo     and 

594- 

death  of  Josiah  . . 

610 

17 

2K.23.34- 

Jehoiakim,  609-598. 

The  same. 

Judah  an  Egyptian  State  . . 

608 

18 

Dan.l.i  ;  2K. 

"3"  Jehoiakim. 

Nabopolassar,     king      of 

Beginning  of  the  70  years' 

24.1. 

Babylon,  625-605  (a). 

captivity  to  Babylon 

606 

19 

Je.25.i,4«.2. 

"4"  Jehoiakim  (y). 

Nebuchadnezzar,  605-562 
(cf.  note  a). 

Battle       of       Carchemish. 
Egypt  defeated.   Fall  of 
Jerusalem 

605 

20 

Je.52.28. 

10  Jehoiakim. 

"7"  Nebuchadnezzar. 

3,023  Jews  deported 

599 

21 

2K.23.36: 

II           » 

8 

Babylonians     again      take 

2Chr.36.6. 

Jerusalem 

598 

22 

2K.24.I2. 

Jehoiachin  {3  m.). 

"8" 

(i.e.  598-597;  c/.  Table  II.) 

Babylonians   a    third    time 
take  Jenisalem  in  revolt 
under   Jehoiachin.     Eze- 
kiel  and  10,000  captives 
taken 

598 

23 

2K.24.17. 

Zedekiah,  597-586. 

8  Nebuchadnezzar;  c/.item 

Judah  made  a  province  of 

15,  Table  V. 

Babylon  . . 

597 

24 

2K.25.i;Je.39. 

"9"  Zedekiah. 

17  Nebuchadnezzar. 

18  months'   siege  of    Jeni- 

1.52.4. 

solenj  began 

588 

25 

Je.32.i,2,52. 

"to"       „ 

"18" 

Siege    of    Jerusalem     con- 

29. 

tinued.  832  Jewsdcported 

587 

26 

2K.25.2,8ff.  ; 
Je.89.2  ; 

"n" 

"19" 

Destruction    of    Jerusalem 
and    temple   (Tyre  actu- 

Ezk.26.iff.(5) 

ally  invested,  58'5-572)  (6) 

586 

27 

Ezk.32.i,i7, 
83.21. 

"12"       „ 

20                „ 

Lament  for  the  conquest  of 
Egypt ;  ICzckiel  hears  of 
the  hill  of  Jerusalem     . . 

585 

28 

Je.62.30. 

After  the  murder  of 
Gedaliah. 

"23" 

745  Jews  deported 

582 

29 

Ezk.40.i. 

"  Twenty-fifth    year 
of  our  captivity." 

33 

Ezekiel's   vision  of    a  new 
temple     "  in     the    four- 
teenth   year   after  "    the 
fall  of  Jerusalem 

572 

30 

Ezk.29.i7. 

"  Twenty-seventh 
year  of   our   cap- 

35 

Ezekiel's      celebration     on 
hearing  of  the  raising  of 

Uvity." 

the  siege  of  Tyre  («) 

570 

3> 

aK.26.27-30  ; 

"  Thirty  -seventh 

rirst  year  of  ,Avil-Marduk 

Jehoiachin     released     from 

Je.52.31-34. 

year  of   our  cap- 

(Evil-Mcrodach),    5O1- 

prison  in  the  45th  year  of 

Uvity." 

560 

the  national  captivity   . . 

561 

(a)  Item  18  :  "  King  "  (when  account  was  written,  actually  prince  when  events  happened)  Nebuchadnezzar 
commanded  the  army  (cl.  Note  C).     A  similar  s\iggcstion  accounts  for  the  emendation  '■  prince  "  in  item  11. 

O)  The  occasion  of  Mcro<lach-bala<lan's  senihng  ambassadors  to  Hezekiah  was  after  his  second  expulsion  from 
Babylon  in  709  B.C.  by  Sargon.  .Sennacherib  states  that,  in  his  first  ye;ir,  70.1.  he  again  drove  Meroilach-balaiL-in 
out  of  Babylonia.  The  embassy  to  Jerusiilcm  was  that  of  a  refugee  monarch,  and  followed  the  withdrawal  of 
Sennacherib's  army  from  Jerusalem  in  702. 

(y)  Je.26. 1 -3  is  the  classical  passage  for  synchronisms  of  this  perio<l.  It  states  that  the  "  1st  year  of  king  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, king  of  Babylon"  was  "  the  4th' year  of  Jehoiakim.  king  of  JiKlali  '  (if.  the  year  605-604),  and  also 
that  from  13  Josiah— 4  Jehoiakim  was  2  i  years,  which  agrees  with  the  d.ites  ^ivin  in  Table  II. 

(«)  Ezekiel's  prophecy  against  Tyre  was  uttered  a  year  previous  to  the  siege  and  his  celebration  made  a  year  or 
two  after  its  close  (c/.  items  26  and  30). 


dHRONOLOGY  OF  O.T. 


161 


HISTORICAL    NOTES    TO    TABLE    III. 

(A)  According  to  the  black  obelisk  of  Shalmaneser,  the  battle  of  Qarqar  was  fought  in  854  on 
the  line  of  march  between  Aleppo  and  Hamath.  The  obelisk  records  that  a  contingent  of  2,000  chariots 
and  10,000  footmen  took  part  in  the  battle,  sent  by  "  Ahabbu  mat  Sir'ilaa"  (so-called  on  the  Kurkh 
monolith).  In  854  Jehu  was  in  the  4th  year  of  his  nominal  reign  as  king  of  Israel,  Jehoram,  son  of 
Ahab,  being  still  alive  (see  Table  II.,  note  a).  The  inscription  on  the  monument  was  not  made  by 
Shalmaneser,  but  in  the  reign  of  his  son,  Samsiramman,  who  reigned  over  Ass>Tia  from  824-812.  It 
therefore  records  events  of  from  30  to  40  years  before  its  own  date,  and  when  exact  particulars  of 
Heb.  names  were  perhaps  not  available.  The  insertion  of  Ahab's  name  here,  as  representing  the  reigning 
dynasty  of  Samaria,  is  not  unnatural,  since,  though  he  himself  had  died  15  years  before,  a  son  of  his 
was  de  facto,  though  not  de  jure,  ruler.  (For  an  alternative  solution  of  the  chronological  difficulty, 
see  Ahab.) 

(B)  The  monuments  record  that,  in  842,  "  Jahua,  son  of  Humri  ",  "of  Israel,"  paid  certain 
specified  articles  of  tribute  to  Shalmaneser  II.  As  842  =  16  Jehu,  there  is  no  chronological  difficulty 
here,  but  an  etymological  one  only.  He  is  called  the  "  son  of  Humri  " — i.e.  Omri.  This  is  a  further 
instance  of  Assyrian  ignorance  of  Heb.  history,  or  of  the  less  accurate  use  of  names  (or  designations) 
than  modern  records  demand;  for  the  dynasty  of  Omri  had  been  destroyed  by  Jehu. 

While  neither  Qarqar  nor  Shalmaneser  II.  is  named  in  the  book  of  Kings,  we  find  there  a 
statement  of  territorial  loss  which  just  such  a  series  of  events  as  the  monument  describes  might 
produce.  It  tells  how,  in  Jehu's  day,  Hazael,  king  of  Damascus,  as  the  ally  or  dependant  of  Assyria, 
"  cut  Israel  short,"  and  "  smote  them  in  all  their  coasts  "  E.  of  Jordan  (2K. 10. 32-33). 

(C)  The  statement  that  Menahem  paid  to  Pul,  king  of  Ass\-ria,  1,000  talents  of  silver,  in  order  to 
secure  his  peaceful  occupation  of  the  throne  of  Samaria,  is  explained  by  the  Heb.  idiom  by  which  per- 
sonal titles  and  dignities  afterwards  acquired  were  often  used  by  Biblical  writers  in  anticipation  of  such 
official  use  (cf.  note  a).  The  occupants  of  the  throne  of  Nineveh  during  the  years  of  Menahem  were 
Assurdan  III.  and  Assur-ninari.  Five  years  after  Menahem's  death,  Pul  became  king  of  Assyria,  took 
the  throne-name  of  Tiglath-pileser  (III.),  though  still  called  Pul  in  the  Babylonian  list  of  kings,  and 
reigned  for  nearly  20  years.  We  must  suppose  his  relations  with  Samaria  to  have  been  these  :  Some 
time  during  Menahem's  life  he  had  led  an  army  to  the  West  and  received  Menahem's  tribute  on  behalf 
of  the  Assyrian  power.  In  738 — Pekah  being  then  on  the  throne  of  Israel — as  Tiglath-pileser  he 
again  invaded  N.  and  E.  Palestine  and  carried  away  many  of  their  inhabitants  (2 K. 15. 29).  To 
this  year  belongs  the  inscription  of  one  of  his  tablets  (Schrader,  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek,  vol.  ii.  plate 
31),  giving  the  name  of  "  Menihimme  of  Samaria"  as  one  of  his  tributaries.  Though  Menahem  had 
then  been  dead  12  years,  the  use  of  his  name  on  the  tablet  is  explained  by  the  fact  (2 K. 15. 19)  that 
during  Pul's  years  of  Assyrian  generalship  ^Menahem  had  paid  him  tribute.  Pekah  was  in  738  the 
sufferer ;  *  and  a  few  years  later  (732)  his  contemporary  Ahaz  of  Judah  also  paid  homage  to  Tiglath- 
pileser  at  Damascus.  These  two  dates — 738  and  732 — are  taken  from  cuneiform  inscriptions,  and 
cause  no  discord  in  our  chronology. 

*  "  The  tribute  lists  were  sometimes  carelessly  compiled,  and  in  error  as  to  names  "  (Geo.  Smith's  Assyrian 
Canon,  p.  179). 

TABLE    IV.     FROM   THE   RESTORATION   TO  CLOSE    OF   O.T.   HISTORY. 

Note. — The  chronology  after  the  con- 
quest of  Jerusalem  (586  B.C.)  presents  few, 
if  any,  difficulties.  Authentication  of  the 
early  Persian  successions  are  found  in  the 
inscription  of  Behistan,  which  gives  the  line 
of  the  Achaemenid  kings  of  Elam  and  Persia 
to  Darius  I.  (Hystaspis)  ;  while  in  the 
Canon  of  Pioleniy  the  successors  of  Darius 
I.  are  given  to  the  fall  of  the  Persian  Em- 
pire. This  Canon — written  by  an  Alex- 
andrian scholar  c.  i^o  a.d. — gives,  to  the 
time  of  writing,  the  names  of  the  rulers  of 
Babylon,  the  Egyptian  Ptolemies,  and  the 
Romans  from  747  B.C.,  with  the  number  of 
years  each  reigned.  It  is  an  accurate  and 
reUable  document,  and  its  figures  are  con- 
firmed for  the  years  893-666  B.C.  by  the 
Assyrian  Eponym  list.  Each  year  of  the 
Assyrian  list  bears  the  name  of  an  officer 
called  an  Eponym.  From  the  mention  of 
a  total  eclipse  which  occurred  in  763  B.C.  is 
determined  the  date  of  all  the  remaining  years. 

t  "  Darius  the  Mede  "  is  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  three  men  of  the  same  name 
who  sat  on  the  throne  of  Persia.  AU  that 
the  Bible  states  of  him  is  that  he  was  the  son 
of  a  certain  Ahasuerus  or  Xerxes,  and  was 
in  the  train  of  Cyrus  the  Great  at  the  taking 
of  Babylon.  By  him  "  he  was  made  king 
over  the  realm  of  the  Chaldeans  "  (Dan.9.i), 
and  from  him  he  "  received  the  kingdom, 
being  about  threescore  and  two  years  old  " 
(5.31).  This  was  in  537,  whereas  Darius  I. 
came  to  the  Persian  throne  in  522.  See  the 
present  writer's  Second  Temple  (Murray,  1908) ;  and  for  the  usual  identification  with  Gobryas,  see  Darius. 

11 


No. 

Reference. 

Foreign 
Sovereign. 

Historic  Event. 

Year 

B.C. 

1 

Dan.5. 30,31 . . 

Accession  of  Cy- 
rus the  Persian! 

Capture  of  Babylon 
by      Medes      and 
Persians   . . 

539 

2 

Ezr.l.1,5,13.. 

"  I "  Cyrus 

Edict      for      return 
issued 

538 

3      Dan.lO.i      .. 

"3"  Cyrus      .. 

Conclusion  of  the  70 

years'   captivity . . 

536 

4 

Ezr.3.8 

"  2nd        year  " 

Foundation             of 

after  the  Return 

temple  laid 

535 

5 

Hag.l.iff.  ; 

"2"    Darius    I. 

Temple  building  re- 

Ezr.6.14  .. 

(522-485)     . . 

sumed,    after    Sa- 
maritan opposition 

520 

6 

Ezr.6.15 

"6"  Darius  I. 

Completion  and  de- 
dication    of     the 
second  temple    . . 

516 

7 

Esth.1.3 

"3"  Ahasuerus 

Invasion    of    Greece 

(Xerxes,  485- 

planned    . . 

482 

465) 

8 

Esth.2.16     .. 

"7"  Ahasuerus 

Xerxes'  return  from 
Greece 

477 

9 

Ezr.7.i-7      .. 

"7"  Artaxerxes 

Ezra   appointed   go- 

(464-424)    . . 

vernor  of  Judah  . . 

457 

10 

Ne.l. 1-2.8  .. 

"20"  Artaxerxes 

Nehemiah  appointed 
governor  of  Judah 

444 

II 

Ne.13.6 ;      cf. 
5.14 

"32"  Artaxerxes 

Nehemiah  returns  to 
Persia,  before  his 
2nd  term  of  office 

432 

162  CHRONOLOGY  01*  N.f, 

TABLE    V.     PERIOD    OF    THE    HEBREW    PROPHETS. 


No. 

Name. 

I 

Joel      . . 

2 

3 

Elijah  .. 
Obadiah 

4 

EUsha  . . 

5 

Jonali  . . 

6 

Amos    . . 

7 

Hosea  . . 

8 
9 

10 

Micah  . . 
Isaiah  (1-39)   . . 
Nahum 

II 

Zephaniah 

12 

Jeremiah 

13 

Zechariah  (9-14) 

14 

Habakkuk 

>5 

Ezekiel 

i6 

Daniel  . . 

>7 
i8 
19 

30 

Isaiah  (40-66)  0) 
Haggai 

Zechariah  (1-8) 
Malachi 

Reference. 


J1.3.2,I2  ;    cf.    2 

Chr.20.26     .. 

iK.lS.i:  2K.I.17 

iK.22.47;  2K.8. 
20-24  ;  2Chr. 
21.16,17,22.1 

2K.3.6-i2,13.i4 

2K. 13. 4-6,14.25 

2Chr.26.i6ff.  ; 

Am.7.10 
Ho.l.i.. 


M.l.i  ;  Je.26.i7 
Is.l.i,39.i 

Na.3.7,8,1.1     .. 

Zeph.l.i 

Je.l. 1-3,25.1-3 

2Chr.35.25 

Hab. 1.6,2. 20    .. 

Ezk.l.i,2,8.iff., 

20.iff.,29.i7 
Dan. 1.1,10.1    .. 

Passim . . 
Hag.l. 1,2.10   .. 
Zech. 1.1,7.1     .. 
Mai. 1.8;  Ne.5.14 


Prophesied  during  the  Time  of 


Jehoshaphat,  and  after  the  ^victory  over  Edom  cele- 
brated at  Beracah — i.e.  Wadv  Bereihut 
Ahab,  891  ;    Ahaziah,  869  ;    Jehoram  (Is.),  868-8S7 
Jfhoram  of  Judah.     Oracle  against   Edom  for  its 
raid  on  Jerusalem 

Jehoram    (Is.),    868  ;     Jehu,    857  ;     Jehoahaz,   830. 

First  years  of  Joash  of  Israel,  814  ff. 
Jehoahaz,  830  ;  Joash  of  Israel,  814.     Early  years  of 

Jeroboam  II.,  799  ff . . . 
Uzziah  retired  758  ;  Jeroboam  II.  d.  759.  "Two  years 

before  the  earthquake  "  (Am.l.i) — i.e.  in  . . 
Last  years  of  Jeroboam  II.  (d.  759)  and  of  Uzziah  ; 

Jotham,  758  ;  Ahaz,  742.    First  years  of  Hezekiah, 

727  ff 

Jotham,  758  :   Ahaz,  742  ;   Hezekiah,  727  ff. 
(Uzziah.)  Jotham,  758  ;  .\haz,  742  ;  Hezekiah,  d.  698 
Written  between  capture  of  Thebes  ("  No-amon  ")  in 

663  and  fall  of  Nineveh,  607  . . 
"  In  the  days  of  Josiah."     On  Necho's  advance  from 

Egypt   (see  Table  III.,  item  16) 

Prophesied   from  "13"  Josiah  to  fall   of  Jerusalem 

(11  Zedekiah),  and  after.     See  Table  III.,  note  7. 
Jeremiah's  lamentations  on  Josiah's  death  (Mt.27.9; 

c/.  Zech. 11. 1 2,13) 

Between  rise  of  last  Babylonian  kingdom  in  625,  and 

destruction  of  the  temple  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
Between  13th  and  35th  years  of  Nebvichadnezzar — 

i.e.  5th  to  27th  from  Jehoiakim's  captivity  (7)  . . 
Prophesied  between  last  year  but  one  of  Nabopolassar 

and  3  Cyrus    . . 
An  appeal  to  return  to  Zion  on  issue  of  Cyrus'  edict 
"  2  "  Darius  I.,  king  of  Persia  ;  cj.  Ezr. 4.24,5.1 
In  2nd  and  4th  years  of  Darius 
When  Judah  was  under  native  governors  appointed 

by  Persian  kings 


Outside  Limit  of 
Period    of 
Prophecy. 


886-862 
891-868 

861-854 

868-814  ff. 
831-799  ff- 
765  (a) 

761-727  ff. 
758-727  ff. 
758-638 

663-607 

641-610 

628-586  ff. 

610-586 

625-586 

593-570 

606-538 
538-536 
520 
520-518 

485-432 


(o)  The  total  eclipse  of  the  sun,  from  which  all  the  years  of  the  Assyrian  Eponym  Canon  are  counted,  happened 
June  15,  763  B.C.     \  reference  to  it  is  in  the  words  of  Amos  (8.9). 

O)  This  is  on  the  common  assumption  of  the  "  second  Isaiah,"  who  wrote  in  e.xile  ;  but  it  is  fair  to  add  that  another 
view  argues  the  equal  applicability  of  these  chapters  to  the  time  of  Hezekiah  (<•.<;.  Thirtle,  O.T.  Problems,  1907),  in 
which  case  this  would  fit  the  date  of  the  earlier  part  of  Isaiah  as  given  in  item  9. 

(7)  His  ministry  began  in  the  30th  year  of  his  own  age  and  5th  of  Jehoiachin's  captivity — i.e.  13  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (c/.  Table  III.,  item  22).     Similarly,  35  Nebuchadnezzar  =  27th  from  Jehoiachin's  captivity  (Ezk.29.i7). 

Bibliography. — George  Smith's  Assyrian  Eponym  Canon  remains  indispensable  to  the  student 
of  Babylonian  chronology.  It  should  be  supplemented  by  Dr.  Sayce's  volume  on  Early  Israel  for 
l)articulars  of  the  first  and  second  Babylonian  dynasties.  Mr.  L.  W.  King's  Chronicles  concerning 
Early  Babylonian  Kings,  in  Luzac's  series,  are  of  immense  importance,  especially  as  bearing  upon  the 
(juestion  of  Amraphel  and  Abraham.  A  little-known  essay  on  the  period  of  the  judges,  by  Dr.  Flinders 
Petrie,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology,  for  December  1896. 
In  tliis  the  construction  of  the  book  of  Judges  is  taken  to  consist  of  records  of  Northern,  Eastern, 
and  Western,  Palestine,  an  idea  which  has  been  expanded  above.  Moore's  Commentary  on  the  Book 
of  Judges  is  good,  but  fails  in  its  chronology.  Many  treatises  on  the  chronology  of  the  Hebrew  kings 
assume  that  Pekahiah  and  Pekah  are  variations  of  the  same  name,  and  are  thereby  rendered 
unreliable.  [w.s.c] 

Chponoloery  of  N.T.  There  are  no  serious  difficulties  as  to  the  dates  of  the  N.T.  period, 
and  wlurc  authorities  differ  the  variations  arc  mostly  slight.  The  date  4  B.C.  for  the  Nativity, 
and  for  Herod's  death,  is  VVhiston's  deduction  from  Josejihus  (i-t  Ant.  .\iv.  5,  xv.  14;  17  Ant.  viii.  i  ; 
I  Wars  xxxiii.  8).  Hut  Herod  reigned  37  years,  and  the  battle  of  Actium  (Sept.  2,  31  B.C.)  was  fought 
in  his  seventh  year  (i  Wars  xix.  3).  He  took  Jerusalem  in  tlie  sunuuer  of  36  B.C.  (14  Ant.  xvi.  4). 
The  date  i  a.d.  for  his  deatli,  tluis  obtaiiwd,  fits  witli  .Mt.2.i,  l.u.3.1,23.  A  discussion  of  each  of  the 
crucial  points  will  be  found  under  the  separate  heatls — e.g.  Ta.xinh,  (of  Cyrenius)  ;  Star  of  Wise 
Men,  etc.,  and  questions  as  to  the  dates  of  the  N.T.  writings  are  left  to  the  articles  on  the  several 
books,  and  to  such  articles  as  Canon  of  N.T.  But  it  will  be  useful  to  add,  in  an  easily  accessible 
form,  the  leading  historical  (as  distinct  from  literary)  dates,  as  in  the  list  subjoined  : 


Leading  Events. 
Nativity  of  Christ  {26th  of  Augustus  as      4 B.C.  (or 

Emperor)  i  a.d.) 

Coponius,  procurator  of  Judaea  . .  . .        6  a.d. 

Marcus  Ambivius,  procurator  of  Judaea         10 
y4  nnius  if «/ms,  procurator  of  Judaea       ..      13 
Gratus,    procurator    of    Judaea    (ist    of 
Tiberius)  . .  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .      14 

Pontius  Pilatus,  procurator  of  Judaea         25 

The  Crucifixion        ..  ..  ..  ..      30  (or  32) 

Marcellus,  procurator        . .  . .  . .      35 

Martyrdom  of  St.  Stephen  . .  . .      36 

Conversion  of  St.  Paul     . .  . .  •  •      37 

Marullus,  procurator  (ist  of  Cuius,  em- 
peror)         37 

Herod  Agrippa  I.  ace.  in  Galilee  . .      39 

„       receives  Judaea  and  Galilee   (ist 
oi  Claudius)         ..  ..  ..  ..41 

Herod  persecutes  the  Christians  (Ac.  12. 

1-23)  44 

Cuspius  Fadus,  procurator  . .  . .     44 

First  journey  of  St.  Paul  . .  . .      45  (or  48) 

Tiberius  Alexander,  procurator   ..  ..47 

Council  at  Jerusalem        . .  . .  . .     48  (or  50) 

Ventidius  Cumanus,  procurator  . .  . .     49 

Second  journey  of  St.  Paul        ..  ..     49  (or  51) 

Felix,  procurator   . .  . .  . .  . .      52 

St.  Paul  returns  to  Antioch  (ist  of  Nero)     54 
„        at  Ephesus  . .  . .  ■  •      57 

„        at  Jerusalem   (Ac.21.i8)  ..      58 

before  FelLx  (Ac.23.24-24.27)    ..     58 

Porcius  Festus,  procurator  . .  . .     60 

St.  Paul  reaches  Rome     . .  . .  . .     61 

/4/6inMS,  procurator  ..  ..  ..62 

End  of  the  book  of  Acts   . .  . .  . .      63 

Nero  persecutes  Christians  in  Rome         . .     64 
Gessius  Florus,  procurator  . .  . .     64 

Revolt  of  the  Jews  . .  . .  . .      66 

Fall  of  Jerusalem  (Vespasian,  emperor)  . .     70 

Chrysolite,  one  of  the  precious  stones  in 
the  foundation  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem 
(Rev. 21. 20).  This  name  now  denotes  a  choice 
variety  (also  called  peridote)  of  the  rather 
common  mineral  olivine,  hard,  transparent, 
and  a  yellowish-green  colour,  fine  specimens 
of  which  are  brought  from  Egypt,  parts  of 
Asia,  and  Brazil.  But  according  to  King, 
"  the  chrysolithus  of  Pliny,  or  at  least  his  best 
sort,  the  Indian,  was  the  gem  "  popularly 
termed  the  Oriental  Topaz  (i.e.  a  choice  yellow 
variety  of  corundum),  though  some  have  sug- 
gested it  may  be  the  ordinary  topaz  (commonly 
a  rich  yellow)  and  others  a  yellow  jasper, 
which  were  both  engraved  by  the  Egyptians 
from  the  i8th  dynasty  onwards.        [t.g.b.] 

Chpysoppasus  (Rev.21.20  only),  now 
denotes  an  apple-green  Chalcedony,  found 
especially  in  Silesia.  Darker  varieties  are 
called  prase.  Pliny,  however,  gives  the 
chrysoprase  as  the  third  variety  of  his  beryl, 
paler  or  yellower  than  the  ordinary  one,  and 
probably  means  by  it  (according  to  Mr.  King) 
the  Indian  Chrysolite.  But  a  mineral  ap- 
proaching the  true  chrysoprase,  only  with  a 
bluish  tint,  and  thus  something  like  turquoise, 
has  been  found  in  old  Egyptian  jewellery ;  and 
prase  was  used  for  scarabeoid  gems  in  the 
Levant  at  least  as  early  as  the  6th  cent.  b.c. 
So  the  tenth  foundation-stone  in  the  walls  of 
the  heavenly  city  may  have  been  a  variety  of 
green  chalcedony.  [t.g.b.] 

Chub  (Q-IB,  Ezk.30.5)  is  mentioned  only 
once  in  Scripture,  in  a  passage  referring  to 
Egypt,  where  the  translations  differ  consider- 
ably. The  name  does  not  occur  in  the  LXX., 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Greek  Aleves, 
"  Libyans,"   must  be  taken  as  its  equivalent. 


CHtrRCH 


163 


Some  manuscripts  have  the  variant  3-133> 
kenubh,  which  might  be  compared  to  the 
Egyptian  keneb,  or  gheneb,  which,  in  the  statis- 
tical tablet  of  Thothmes  III.,  is  the  collective 
name  for  the  nations  of  the  S.,  the  Ethiopians 
and  the  Negroes.  [e.n.] 

Chun  (iChr.18.8  ;  R.V.  Cun).  [Berothai.] 
Chupch.  (i)  Meaning  of  the  Name.  The 
word  church  is  found  in  the  Teutonic  and 
Slavonian  languages  generally;  e.g.  Anglo- 
Saxon  circe,  Scottish  kirk.  German  Kirche, 
Swedish  kyrka,  Polish  cerkiew.  It  is  usually 
thought  to  be  derived  from  Kiipta/fov,  "the  house 
of  the  Lord."  Other  derivations  which  have 
been  suggested,  but  are  now  little  accepted,  are 
from  the  Lat.  circus,  circuliis,  and  the  Gothic 
kelikn  (a  tower,  or  upper  chamber).  The  Gk. 
iKKXrjcria,  which  "  church  "  is  used  to  translate, 
denotes  those  who  are  called  out  from  their 
tents  or  houses  to  the  assembly ;  and  so  the 
assembly  that  is  gathered  together.  In  the 
LXX.  it  occurs  frequently  to  translate  qdhdl, 
^.g.  Deut.l8.i6.  (2)  The  Church  171  the  Gospels. 
The  word  €KK\T]aia  occurs  in  the  gospels  only 
twice:  in  Mt.l6.i8,  "Thou  art  Peter,  and 
upon  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church  "  ;  and 
18. 17,  "  If  he  refuse  to  hear  them,  tell  it  unto 
the  Church  ;  and  if  he  refuse  to  hear  the 
Church  also,  let  him  be  unto  thee  as  the  Gen- 
tile and  the  publican."  In  16. 18  the  thought  is 
closely  connected  with  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ; 
for  our  Lord  goes  on  to  say  to  St.  Peter,  "  I 
will  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  Though  the  kingdom  of  heaven  has 
a  wider  connotation  than  the  earthly  Church, 
yet  the  Church  on  earth  is  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  in  its  outward  and  visible  aspect.  As 
such  the  Church  has  outward  marks  and 
organization.  For  admission  into  it  baptism 
is  necessary  (Jn.3.3,5)  ;  to  those  who  are  in  it 
the  reception  of  the  Holy  Communion  is  com- 
manded (Lu.22.19)  ;  the'parables  of  the  wheat 
and  the  tares,  of  the  net  cast  into  the  sea,  and 
of  the  man  who  had  not  on  a  wedding  garment 
show  that  those  of  different  inner  character 
will  be  included  in  it  and  that  some  who  have 
been  in  it  will  eventually  be  cast  out  from  the 
presence  of  God,  conditions  which  could  not 
be  fulfilled  unless  the  Church  was  outwardly 
known  and  constituted  (Mt. 13.24,38,41, 42,47- 
50,22.2,11-14).  The  same  fact  of  the  visible 
nature  of  the  Church  is  shown  also  in  the  pains 
taken  by  our  Lord  in  the  training  of  the 
apostles  to  be  the  nucleus  of  the  Church.  Yet 
the  consideration  of  other  aspects  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  shows  plainly  that  this  outward 
organization  is  a  means  to  promote  inward  and 
spiritual  life.  Repentance,  humility,  an  hon- 
est and  good  heairt,  perseverance,  patience,  the 
seeking  of  righteousness,  the  doing  the  will  of 
the  Father,  the  accomplishment  of  difficult 
tasks  beyond  the  power  of  man  unaided  by 
divine  grace,  the  recognition  of  claims  on 
human  love,  the  possession  of  characteristics 
going  so  deep  in  human  life  as  poverty  of  spirit, 
mourning,  meekness,  earnest  desire  for  righte- 
ousness, mercy,  pureness  of  heart,  the  love  of 
peace,  the  willingness  to  be  persecuted  for  the 
sake  of  righteousness,  are  all  needed  in  those 
who  are  to  justify  their  place  in  the  Church 
(Mt. 5.3-10, 19, 20,6.33,7.2 1, 18. 1 -4, 19. 14,23 -26; 


164 


CHURCH 


Mk.l. 15, 12.34  ;  Lu. 8.10,15, 17.20,21).  [King- 
dom OF  God.]  (3)  The  Church  in  the  Acts. 
The  same  characteristics  of  outward  marks  and 
inward  and  spiritual  life  are  seen  intheChurcii 
in  the  history  in  Acts.  Baptism  was  the  means 
of  admission  (2.38-41,8.12,13,16,36,38,9.18,10. 
47,48,16.14,15.33.18.8,19.1-5  ;  see  also  Bap- 
tism). Those  thus  admitted  by  baptism  were 
in  the  fellowship  of  the  apostles  (2.42)  ;  they 
formed  part  of  a  definite  body  of  disciples  (2. 
41,47,9.26,27)  ;  in  the  earliest  days  at  Jerusa- 
lem they  took  part  together  in  the  temple 
services  (2.46) ;  they  received  Confirmation  in 
the  Laying  on  of  hands  {8.14-17,19.6)  ;  they 
took  part  in  the  Holy  Communion  in  the 
breaking  of  bread  (2.42,46,20.7-11);  they 
frequently,  though  not  of  obligation,  sold  their 
property  for  the  common  good  of  the  whole 
body  (2.44,45.4.32-37,5.1-11);  as  comprising 
one  societv  thev  were  known  as  the  Church 
(5.ii,8.i,3;9.3i.  11.22,26, 12.1,5,13.1,14.23,  27, 
15.3,4,22,41,16.5,18.22,20.17,28).  While  the 
Church  was  thus  an  outward  society,  spiritual 
qualifications  of  repentance  and  belief  were  re- 
quisite in  adults  who  should  join  it  (2.37,38,16. 
30,31 ) ;  and  all  that  is  told  of  the  life  postulates 
that  spiritual  earnestness  and  devotion  were 
regarded  as  necessities  for  any  who  were 
rightly  to  make  use  of  its  privileges.  At  the 
first  the  Church  was  a  Jewish  community, 
though  some  of  its  earliest  members  were  not 
Jewish  by  nationality,  but  Hellenistic  Jews 
(2.6,0-11,14,4.36,6.1.3,5).  But  its  limits  were 
rapidly  extended.  Samaritans  and  the  Ethio- 
pian eunuch  were  ccjnverted  and  baptized,  and 
the  Samaritans  confirmed  (8.5-17.27-38)  ;  that 
the  privileges  of  the  gospel  might  be  received 
by  the  Gentiles  was  shown  in  the  vision  seen  by 
St.  Peter  at  Joppa,  and  the  reception  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  by  Cornelius  and  his  company  at 
Caesarea — so  that  baptism  was  administered 
to  them  by  the  command  of  St.  Peter ;  and, 
though  at  first  there  were  doubts  at  Jerusalem, 
the  apostles  and  brethren  in  J  udaea  eventually 
"  glorified  God,  saying,  Then  to  the  Gentiles 
also  hath  God  granted  repentance  unto  life  " 
(10,11.1-18).  Some  of  the  Hellenistic  Jews 
preached  at  Antioch  to  (ireeks  (11. 20,  with  the 
reading  "ViWrjvas,  which  is  more  likely  than 
'EXXtji'io-tcis)  ;  St.  Paul  and  St.  Barnabas 
turned  to  the  Gentiles  at  Antioch  of  Pisidia, 
converted  Greeks  there  and  at  Iconium,  and 
announced  at  .\ntioch  that  God  "  had  opened 
a  door  of  faith  unto  the  Gentiles"  (13.46-48,14. 
1,27);  at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem  the  way 
was  made  clear  for  missionary  work  among  the 
Gentiles,  and  the  recognition  of  their  jiosition 
in  the  Church  by  the  declaration  that  circum- 
cision and  compliance  with  the  obligations  of 
the  Jewisli  ceremonial  law  were  not  to  be  re- 
quired from  them  (15. 1-20).  As  an  indication 
of  the  connnon  and  united  life  of  all  Christians 
in  one  society,  the  use  of  the  word  Church  will 
repay  detailed  examination.  (4)  The  Church 
in  the  I'.pp.  and  the  Revelation  of  St.  John.  The 
fact  of  the  Uni\ersal  Church,  as  including  and 
comprising  all  hx  al  cluirc  hes,  which  is  imiilied 
in  the  terminology  used  in  the  Acts,  receives 
further  illustration  in  the  epistles.  There  are 
abundant  instances  in  them  and  in  the  Revela- 
tion of  the  use  of  the  word  Church  to  denote  a 
local  body,  whether  in  relation  to  a  house,  a 


CHURCH 

city,  or  a  country  (Ro.l6.r,3,4  ;  iCor. 1.2,16.1, 
19  ;  2Cor.l.i,8.i  ;  Gal.1.2  ;  Col. 4.15, 16  ;  iTh. 
1.1,2.14;  2Th.l.i  ;  Rev.l.4,11, 20,2.1, 8,12, 
18,3.1,7,14).  But  these  local  bodies  are  called 
"  churches  "  simply  because  they  are  parts  of 
the  Universal  Church.  Thus  St.  Paul  speaks 
repeatedly  of  the  Church  as  a  whole — as  one 
society.  To  it,  as  a  whole,  offence  may  be 
given  (iCor.10.32)  ;  in  it,  as  a  whole,  apostles 
and  prophets  and  teachers  have  been  set 
by  God  (12. 28)  ;  he  had  himself  in  the  days 
preceding  his  conversion  persecuted  it  as  a 
whole  (iCor.lS.g;  Gal.1.13  ;  Ph. 3. 6).  The  ex- 
planation of  this  fact,  that  Christians  every- 
where and  all  local  churches  make  up  the 
society  of  the  Universal  Church,  is  gi\en  in  St. 
Paul's  teaching  that  the  Church  is  the  body  of 
Christ.  It  is  a  result  of  the  gifts  of  naember- 
ship  of  Christ  and  partaking  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
communicated  in  baptism,  and  of  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  in  confirmation  [Baptism], 
and  of  the  communion  of  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  to  which  he  alludes  as  a  customary 
and  recognized  part  of  the  ordinary  worship  of 
the  Church  (iCor.lO.16-22, 11. 23-34),  that  the 
supernatural  society  of  the  whole  Church  is  the 
body  sometimes  described  as  itself  the  Body 
of  Christ,  and  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the  body 
of  which  He  is  the  Head.  This  doctrine  of  the 
Church  as  the  Body  of  Christ,  with  its  marvel- 
lous and  far-reaching  consequences,  is  not  con- 
fined to  one  period  in  St.  Paul's  life,  or  to  one 
set  of  his  epistles  (see  II. c.  supra).  The  doc- 
trine that  the  Church  is  the  Body  of  Christ,  and 
that  Christ  is  the  Head  of  the  Church,  is  most 
clearly  and  fully  expressed  in  Ephesians  and 
Colossians  ;  but  it  has  place  also  and  emphatic 
expression  in  the  earlier  and  very  different 
epistles  to  the  Romans  and  iCorinthians  (Ro. 
12.5;  iCor.lO.17,12.12, 13,27  ;  Kph.l.17,19, 
22,23,4.11,12,15,16,5.23.30  ;  Col. 1.18,24, 2.16- 
19).  With  this  Pauline  doctrine  that  the 
Church  is  the  Body  of  Christ,  and  that  Christ 
is  the  Head  of  the  Church,  must  be  linked  St. 
Paul's  teaching  that  the  Church  is  tiie  bride  of 
Christ.  What  is  fundamental  in  this  idea  is 
found  in  iCorinthians  in  connexion  with  the 
view  of  Christians  as  members  of  Christ  and  in- 
dwelt by  the  Holy  Cihost,  and  as  forming  part 
of  a  practical  exhortation  against  sins  of  the 
body  (iCor.6.15-20).  A  little  later  it  appears 
more  explicitly  in  zCorinthians  in  a  statement 
that  Christians  have  been  betrothed  to  Christ 
with  the  object  of  being  presented  to  Him  in 
purity  (2Cor.ll.2).  Later,  again,  the  thought 
is  developed  with  care  ami  at  some  length  in 
Ephesians,  where  a  |)arallel  is  drawn  between 
earthly  marriage  and  the  relation  between 
Christ  and  the  Church,  and  the  thought  is  in 
close  connexion  with  those  of  Christ  as  the 
Head  of  the  Church  and  the  Saviour  of  the 
body.  This  com|)arisnn  leads  uji  to  the  con- 
clusion, "  The  twain  shall  become  one  flesh. 
This  mystery  is  great  ;  but  I  speak  in  regard 
of  Christ  and  of  the  Church"  (I';ph.5.23-32). 
In  thus  describing  the  Church  as  the  bride  of 
Christ,  St.  Paul  was  carrying  out  the  idea  mys- 
tically contained  in  Ps. 45. 10-15.  I'l  his  teach- 
ing the  Church  is  so  viewed  c\en  in  the  jiresent 
life.  In  the  Revelation  of  St.  John  there  is  a 
jiicture  of  the  Church  in  her  heavenly  glory,  in 
which  she  is  represented  as  the  wife  of  the 


CHURCH 

Lamb,  made  ready  for  His  marriage,  as  "  a 
bride  adorned  for  her  husband,"  as  "  the  bride, 
the  wife  of  the  Lamb  "  (Rev.19.7,8, 21. 2,9-11, 
22.17).  The  aspect  of  the  Church  as  the  temple 
of  God,  founded  on  our  Lord's  words  in  Mt.l6. 
18,  is  found,  like  the  teaching  about  the  bride, 
in  different  periods  of  St.  Paul's  writings.  The 
general  idea  of  the  work  of  the  ministry  as  a 
work  of  building  is  in  iCor.3.io,ii.  This  leads 
up  to  the  aspect  of  Christians  collectively  as 
the  temple  or  sanctuary  of  God,  inasmuch  as 
they  are  indwelt  by  the  Holy  Ghost  (3.i6),  and 
later  Christians  individually  are  spoken  of  as 
temples  or  sanctuaries  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (6. 
ig).  The  idea  of  Christians  collectively  as  the 
temple  or  sanctuary  of  God  occurs  again  in 
2Cor.6. 16.  Later,  the  idea  is  developed  and 
more  fully  explained  in  Eph. 2.19-22.  The 
Church,  being  thus  the  Body  and  bride  of 
Christ,  and  the  temple  of  God,  has  certain  de- 
finite characteristics.  In  our  Lord's  teaching 
the  idea  of  the  external  unity  of  the  Church  is 
conveyed  in  the  expression  "'  one  flock  "  (Jn. 
10.16),  and  the  idea  of  the  inner  unity  of  life 
which  results  from  participation  in  the  one  life 
of  Christ  is  suggested  by  the  comparison  of  the 
vine  and  the  branches  (15.1-8).  These  two 
aspects  of  the  unit}'  of  the  Church  are  found 
in  St.  Paul's  writings,  and  again  at  different 
periods  in  iCorinlhians  and  in  Ephesians.  If 
the  different  statements  are  put  together,  it  is 
seen  that  St.  Paul  describes  as  marks  of  the 
unity  of  the  Church  the  worship  of  the  one  God, 
the  holding  of  the  one  faith,  the  reception  of 
baptism  and  the  Holy  Communion,  the  reali- 
zation of  the  one  hope  of  eternal  life,  and  the 
possession  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (iCor.lO.16,17, 
12.13  ;  Eph. 4. 4, 5).  The  ultimate  destiny  of 
the  Church  to  be  perfectly  holy  is  shown  in  the 
picture  of  the  bride  in  the  Revelation,  where  it 
is  said  "  it  was  given  unto  her  that  she  should 
array  herself  in  fine  linen,  bright  and  pure  ;  for 
the  line  linen  is  the  righteous  acts  of  saints  " 
(Rev. 19. 8).  That  the  attainment  of  this 
destiny  was  the  purpose  of  Christ  in  choosing 
the  Church  as  His  bride  is  shown  in  St.  Paul's 
statement  that  "  Christ  also  loved  the  Church, 
and  gave  Himself  up  for  it,  that  He  might 
sanctify  it,  having  cleansed  it  by  the  washing 
of  water  with  the  word  "  (i.e.  in  the  cleansing 
at  baptism,  when  admission  to  the  Church 
takes  place),  "  that  He  might  present  "  (i.e.  in 
the  future  perfecting  described  in  the  Revela- 
tion) "  the  Church  to  Himself  a  glorious 
Church,  not  having  spot  or  wrinkle  or  any  such 
thing,  but  that  it  should  be  holy  and  without 
blemish  "  (Eph. 5. 2 5 -2 7  ;  of.  2 Cor.  11. 2  ;  Tit. 2. 
14).  That  perfect  holiness  is  the  purpose  and 
destiny  of  the  Church  is  involved  also  in  the 
truths  that  the  Church  is  the  Body  of  Christ 
and  the  temple  of  God.  In  addition  to  this 
purpose  and  destiny  of  perfect  holiness,  the 
Church  as  a  whole  is  regarded  as  holy  in  her 
present  life.  St.  Paul  habitually  addresses  the 
whole  Christian  community  in  a  place  as  the 
"  saints  "  (R0.I.7  ;  iCor.l.1,2  ;  Eph.l.i  ;  Ph. 
l.i  ;  Col. 1.2  ;  cf.  Ac.9.32)  ;  and  he  used  the 
phrase  "  a  holy  temple  in  the  Lord  "  with  ap- 
parent reference  to  the  present  and  yet  unper- 
fected  life  of  the  Church  (Eph. 2.21).  The 
Church  is  represented  as  having  a  mission  to 
ajl  races  and  classes  of  men.     St.  Paul  teaches 


CHURCH 


165 


that  the  distinctions  of  race  and  class  do  not 
exist  in  relation  to  Christ  (Col.S.ii)  ;  and  in 
the  representation  of  the  destined  future  in  the 
Revelation  it  is  said  that  "  the  kingdom  of  the 
world  is  become  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord,  and 
of  His  Christ"  (Rev. 11. 15).  In  this  teaching 
effect  is  given  to  our  Lord's  own  commands 
(Mt. 28.19  ;  Mk.l6.15  ;  Lu.24.47)  ;  the  decision 
of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem  (Ac.i5.1-29)  and 
St.  Paul's  speech  at  Athens  (Ac.i7.26)  are 
carried  on  to  their  proper  conclusions  ;  and 
there  is  shown  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies 
conveyed  in  the  mvstical  sense  of  the  Psalms 
(Ps.2.7,8,  22.27,  72.8-II).  The  union  with 
Christ  which  makes  the  life  of  the  Church  is  re- 
presented as  being  held  together  in  the  fellow- 
ship of  the  apostles,  since  the  Church  of  the 
present  time  is  built  on  them,  Christ  being 
"  the  chief  corner-stone  "  (Eph.2.2o),  and  in 
the  perfected  Church  of  the  future  the  names 
of  the  apostles  are  depicted  as  being  on  the 
foundations  of  the  walls  of  the  city  (Rev.21. 
14).  Thus  called,  chosen,  united,  and  built, 
the  Church  is  the  spiritual  heir  of  the  promises 
given  in  O.T.  to  the  Israel  after  the  flesh  (Gal. 
6.16;  iPe.2.5-10,17,4.17.5.2,9),  though  the 
promises  to  Christians  of  being  "  partakers  of 
the  divine  nature"  (2Pe.l.4)  surpass  any  of 
these  older  promises.  Yei,  in  spite  ot  all  tnese 
splendid  privileges,  the  Church  is  not  perfect, 
and  some  of  those  who  are  within  her  borders 
are  sinners.  St.  Paul  speaks  of  grievous  sins 
on  the  part  of  those  who  are  in  the  society  of 
"  the  saints  "  (iCor.  passim)  ;  cases  in  which 
one  who  is  "  named  a  brother  "  is  "  a  fornica- 
tor, or  covetous,  or  an  idolator,  or  a  reviler,  or 
a  drunkard,  or  an  extortioner,"  have  to  be  con- 
sidered (5.11)  ;  he  contemplates  the  building 
of  work  of  verv  different  qualities  on  the  foun- 
dation Christ'  (3.11,12)  ;  declares  that  the 
"treasure"  of  the  ministry  is  "in  earthen 
vessels  "^(2 Cor. 4. 7)  ;  and  describes  the  "  great 
house  "aof  the  Church  as  containing  "  not  only 
vessels  of  gold  and  of  silver,  but  also  of  wood 
and  of  earth  ;  and  some  unto  honour,  and  some 
unto  dishonour  "  (2Tiin.2.2o).  A  different  ex- 
pression of  the  same  fundamental  truth  is  in 
the  teaching  of  St.  John  that,  while  no  one  who 
is  true  to  the  state  of  regeneration  in  which  his 
baptism  has  placed  him  can  acquiesce  in  com- 
mitting sin  (ijn.3.9),  nevertheless,  the  lives  of 
Christians  are  (as  a  matter  of  fact)  marked  by 
some  sins  (1.8,9).  (5)  The  Authority  of  the 
Church.  The  Church  is  represented  in  N.T.  as 
having  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  the 
authority  of  Christ  (Mt.l6.i8,18.i7  ;  Jn.l4.i6, 
26,16.13;  Ac.l. 2, 3, 2.4,14-36,15.28  ;  2Cor.2. 
10,10.8;  Gal.l.i,ii,i2  ;  iTim.3.15).  Thus, 
there  is  a  divine  sanction  for  the  acts  of  the 
Church.  This  authority  is  seen  to  have  been 
exercised.  The  apostles  exercised  authority 
as  teachers  and  rulers  in  their  witness  to  our 
Lord  and  the  facts>f  His  earthly  life  (e.g.  Ac. 
1.8,22,2.32,4.33)  ;1  in  making  known  the  con- 
ditions of  entrance  into  the  Church  (2.38,16. 
31,33)  ;  in  instituting  the  office  held  by  the 
"  seven  men  of  good  report,"  and  in  appointing 
to  it  those  on  whom  they  laid  their  hands  (6. 
2-6)  ;  Tand  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem  (15. 1-29).  In  connexion  with  these 
matters,  a  prominent  part  was  taken  by  St. 
Peter  at  the  appointment  of  a  new  apostle  in 


166 


CHURCH 


the  place  of  Judas  (1. 15)  and  the  declaration 
ofj,thc  conditions  of  entrance  intcj  the  Church 
to  the  first  converts  (2.38)  ;  and  some  inter- 
preters have  assigned  to  him  a  chief  place  at 
the  Council  of  Jerusalem  (15.7,14),  though 
there  is  a  much  stronger  probability  that  the 
president  was  St.  James,  as  being  the  chief  at 
Jerusalem,  while  not  so  elsewhere  (15.13,19). 
The  selection  of  the  two  candidates  from  whom 
the  successor  to  Judas  was  to  be  chosen  by  lot 
was  the  work  of  the  brethren  in  general  (I.15, 
16,23-26).  The  "  seven  men  of  good  report  " 
were  chosen  by  the  whole  multitude  of  the  dis- 
ciples before  their  ai^pointment  and  ordination 
by  the  apostles  (6.2-6).  I'resbyters  as  well  as 
tlie  apostles  were  menibers  of  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem,  and  joined  with  apostles  in  writing 
the  formal  letter  declaring  the  decision, 
although  the  decisive  voices  at  the  council 
appear  to  have  been  those  of  the  apostles  ;  and 
both  presbyters  and  laity  shared  with  them  in 
making  the  decisions  of  the  council  known 
(15.2,4,6,7,12,13,22,23).  In  the  Kpp.  St.  Paul 
exercises  authority  in  matters  of  doctrine  {e.g. 
iCor.l5),  and  morality  {e.g.  iCor.5  ;  iTim.l. 
20),  and  Church  government  (see  the  Pastoral 
Epistles,  passnn).  To  some  extent  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  in  general,  or  the  jiresbyters 
in  particular,  are  associated  with  hin^  in  this 
exercise  of  authority  (iCor.5.4,i2,ll.i6,15.i ; 
2Cor.2.6, 10  ;  iTim.i.i.t  ;  2Tim.l.6).  [Hx- 
COMMUNICATION.]  (6)  The  Ministry  of  the 
Church.  Before  our  Lord's  ascension  the 
apostles  had  been  gradually  and  at  intervals 
constituted  as  the  nainistry  of  the  Church,  with 
a  commission  to  baptize,  to  administer  the 
Eucharist,  and  to  rule  (Mt. 16. 19, 18. 17,18, 28. 
19  ;  Lu. 22.19  ;  Ac.l.2,3  ;  iCor.ll.24,25),  and 
had  received  some  anticipatorv  gift  of  the 
Holy  (ihost  (J n. 20.22, 23).  Through  the  out- 
pouring of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  Christian 
society,  on  the  Day  of  Pentecost,  those  who 
thus  formed  the  original  ministry  of  the 
Church  received  power  to  make  effective  use 
of  the  ministerial  authority  which  they  had 
received  from  our  Lord  (Lu.24.4()  :  Ac. 1.4, 8). 
The  first  delegation  of  any  part  of  their  minis- 
terial position  was  in  the  ajJiiointment  of  the 
"  seven  men  of  good  rejiort,"  chosen  by  th<' 
Christian  community,  and  appointed  and  or- 
dained by  the  apostles  by  means  of  the  laying 
on  of  hands  (.•\c.6.2-6).  The  character  of  the 
work  afterwards  done  by  two  of  these,  SS. 
Stephen  and  Piiiiii)  (6.8-10,  8.5-13,  26-40), 
joined  with  the  subsecpient  almost  universal 
tradition  of  the  Church,  makes  it  highly  pro- 
bable that  these  were  the  original  "  deacons  " 
in  the  sense  of  being  tlie  first  holders  of  the 
third  order  of  th<^  ministry,  though  it  is  not 
imi)ossible  that  they  held  a  unifpie  office,  from 
wliich  both  the  subsequent  ]iresl)yterate  and 
the  subsequent  diaeonatf^  were  developed. 
[Dkacon.I  There  is  no  explicit  mention  in 
N.T.  of  the  institution  of  the  office  of  presby- 
ter, the  second  order  of  the  nunistry.  Pres- 
byters ar(^  referred  to  in  .Ac. 11. 30, 14. 23, 15. 2, 4, 
6,22,23,16.4,20.17,21.18,23.14  ; "  I  Tim. 5. 1, 2, 17, 
19;  Tit.1.5  ;  Jas.5.14  ;  il\'.5.i;  2Jn.ll;  3jn. 
1.  The  name  "  bishoj)  "  {^irliTKoiroi)  is  api)lied 
to  them  in  Ac.20.28  ;  Ph.l.i  ;  iTim.3.2  ;  Tit. 
1.7  ;  c/.  iTim.3.1.  fBisiioi'.J  At  ICphesus  and 
Qrete  St.  Timothy  and  St.  Titus  are  seen  to 


CHUSI 

have  possessed  the  authority  of  St.  Paul  to  rule 
and  ordain  in  the  local  churches  of  which  they 
had  charge  {e.g.  iTim. 1.3,2. 1,2,8,9,11,5.19-22  ; 
aTim.l. 13,4.2  ;  Tit. 1.5. 13, 2.15, 3. 10,11).  St. 
Timothy  was  ordained  or  consecrated  to  this 
office  by  the  laying  on  of  St.  Paul's  hands  {5ia 
T^s  (TTiOiaeus  tQjv  xf'pwi'  /u<"').  together  with 
the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  presbyters 
(fiera  iiridiaiui^  tQiv  ;^eipa;>'  tov  Trpeajiureplov, 
2Tim.l.6  ;  iTim.4.14).  In  the  Acts  prophets 
and  teachers  are  mentioned  in  11.27,28,13.1-3, 
15.32,21.10,11,  as  foretelling  the  future,  minis- 
tering to  tile  Lord,  laying  hands  on  SS.  Barna- 
bas and  Paul  either  in  a  formal  act  of  appt)int- 
ment  or,  as  is  much  more  probable,  in  sending 
them  out  on  a  special  mission,  and  preaching. 
St.  Paul  mentions  "  prophets,"  "  teachers," 
workers  of  "  miracles,"  and  possessors  of 
"  gifts  of  healings,  helps,  governments,  divers 
kinds  of  tongues,"  as  well  as  "  apostles  "  in 
iCor. 12.28-30  ;  and,  "  prophets,"  "  evangel- 
ists," "  pastors,"  and  "  teachers,"  as  well  as 
"  apostlesT'  in  Eph.4. 11.  Of  these  the  word 
"  evangelist  "  probably  was  a  description  of 
work  done  rather.'than  the  designation  of  an 
office  ;  "  prophets  "  and  "  teachers  "  may 
ha\e  denoted  some  such  formal  office  as  that 
held  by  the  apostcjlic  delegates  SS.  Timothy 
and  Titus,  or  may  also  have  been  descriptive 
of  work  done.  [Evangelist.]  In  the  various 
parts  of  N.T.,  then,  mention  is  made  of  the 
following  officers  of  the  ministry  :  (i)  the 
apostles  ;  (ii)  ajiostolic  delegates,  such  as  St. 
Timothy  and  St.  Titus  ;  (iii)  "  presbyters  "  or 
"  bishops,"  forming  part  of  the  local  ministry  ; 
(iv)  deacons,  also  part  of  the  local  ministry  ; 
(v)  "prophets"  and  "teachers,"  supposing 
that  these  held  a  formal  office.  The  rite  of 
ordination  consisted  in  the  laying  on  of  hands. 
The  persons  mentioned  as  ordaining  are  the 
apostles  and  the  apostolic  delegates,  to  whom 
must  be  added  the  "  prophets "  and 
"  teachers  "  on  the  less  likely  hypothesis  that 
their  laying  im  of  hands  on  SS.  Barnabas  and 
Paul  was  the  ordination  of  these  two  <as  apostles. 
[Dkaconess  ;  Laving  on  of  Hands.]  Mey- 
rick,  in  Smith's  D.B.  (2nd  ed.),  i.  593-603  ; 
also  in  ist  ed.  vol.  iii.  i)p.  c-cviii  ;  Armitage 
Robinson  in  Kncycl.  Bibl.  i.  820-827  ;  (iayford 
in  Hastings,  D.li.  i.  425-439  ;  Hort,  Christian 
Ecclesia;  (lore.  Church  and  Ministry  ;  Moberly, 
Ministerial  Priesthood  ;  .-Vrmitage  Robinson, 
Ephesians,  pp.  41-45,  152  ;  Stone,  The  Christian 
Church,  and  The  Church,  its  Ministry  and 
.luthonty  ;  Murray's  Xeic  English  Diet.  ii. 
402.  403.  [o.s.  1 

Churches,  Robbers  of.  [Robbers  of 
Churches.] 

Chushan'-rlshathaim,  the  king  of  Me- 
sopotamia (.\kam-namakaim)  who  oppressed 
Israel  in  the  generation  immediately  following 
Joshua  (Judg.3.8).  His  dominions  probably 
lay  between  the  I^uphrates  and  tlie  Khabur. 
Israel  was  freed  from  Cliuslian-rishathaim's 
yoke  at  the  end  of;^8  years  by  Dthniel.  Caleb's 
nephew  (Juilg.3. 10),  and  nothing  more  is  heard 
f)f  jMeso]iotaniia  as  an  aggressive  ]iower.  The 
increased  power  of  .Assyria,  c.  1270  B.C.,  would 
naturally  check  the  activity  of  the  smaller 
nations  within  her  reach. 

Chusl  (vol?  in  Vat.  MS..  Jth.7.iHl,  a 
town  noticed  as  being  near  Ekrebel.     Npyy 


CHUZA 

Kuzah,  a  village  6  miles  S.  of  Shechem  and  5 
miles  W.  of  'Aqrabeh  or  Ekrebel.         [c.r.c] 

Chu'za,  house-steward  of  Herod  Antipas 
(Lu.8.3),  and  husband  of  Joanna. 

Cieling-  (Heb.  sippun).  This  noun  occurs 
in  1K.6.15  only,  and  the  verb  in  ver.  9,  and 
in  Deut.33.2i,  iK.7.3,7,  Je.22.i4,  Hag.l.4. 
The  roofs  of  the  temple  and  palace  of  Jeru- 
salem were  of  cedar,  the  rafters  covered  by 
planks  on  which  thin  plates  of  gold  were 
nailed  (2Chr.3.5,9)  ;  such  ceilings  were  also 
paintedred  (Je.22.14),  and  no  doubt  resembled 
the  brightly  painted  wooden  ceilings  of  the 
old  Arab  palaces  in  Damascus,  and  in  other 
Syrian  cities,  which  may  still  be  seen.  Another 
word  (Heb.  sheqeph,  iK.7.5)  is  supposed  by 
Gescnius  to  mean  a  ceiling  rather  than  a 
"  window,"  the  Arab,  saqaf  meaning  still  "  a 
ceiling."     [Window.]  [c.r.c] 

Cilic'ia,  a  maritime  province  in  the  S.E. 
of  Asia  Minor,  bordering  on  Pamphylia  in  the 
W.,  Lycaonia  and  Cappadocia  in  the  N.,  and 
Syria  in  the  E.  Lofty  mountain  chains 
separate  it  from  these  provinces,  Mons  Amanus 
from  Syria,  and  Antitaurus  from  Cappadocia. 
The  VV.  portion  of  the  province  is  intersected 
by  the  ridges  of  Antitaurus,  and  was  denomin- 
ated Trachaea  (rough),  in  contradistinction  to 
Pedias,  the  level  district  in  the  E.  The  con- 
nexion between  the  Jews  and  Cilicia  dates 
from  the  time  when  it  became  part  of  the 
Syrian  kingdom.  In  the  Apostolic  age  they 
were  still  there  in  considerable  numbers  (Ac. 6. 
9).  Cilicia  was  from  its  geographical  position 
the  high  road  between  Syria  and  the  W.  ;  it 
was  also  the  native  country  of  St.  Paul ;  hence 
it  was  visited  by  him,  soon  after  his  conversion 
(Gal. 1.2 1  ;  Ac. 9. 30),  and  again  in  his  second 
apostolical  journey,  when  he  entered  it  on  the 
side  of  Syria,  and  crossed  Antitaurus  by  the 
Pylae  Ciliciae  into  Lycaonia  ( Ac. 1 5.41). 

Cinnamon,  a  well-known  aromatic  sub- 
stance, the  rind  of  the  Laurus  cinnamomum, 
called  Konmda-gauhah  in  Ce^'lon.  It  is  men- 
tioned in  Ex. 30. 2 3  as  an  ingredient  of  the  holy 
anointing  oil,  which  Moses  was  commanded  to 
prepare  ;  in  Pr.7.i7  as  a  perfume  for  the  bed; 
and  in  Can. 4. 14  as  one  of  the  plants  of  the  gar- 
den which  is  the  image  of  the  spouse.  In  Rev. 
18. 13  it  is  included  among  the  merchandize 
of  Babylon.  It  was  imported  into  Judaea  by 
the  Phoenicians  or  the  Arabians,  and  is  now 
found  in  Sumatra,  Borneo,  China,  etc.,  but 
chiefly,  and  of  the  best  quality,  in  the  S.W.  of 
Ceylon.  It  probably  first  reached  India  and 
Phoenicia  overland  by  way  of  Persia  from 
China.  The  Heb.,  (ik.,  and  Eng.  words  for 
cinnamon  are  the  same.  Wyclif  keeps  to  the 
Latin  term  canel  {canella,  a  little  cane).  Pliny 
says  (xii.  28)  :  "  In  Syria  there  is  a  drug  which 
they  call  Cinnamum  Caryopon.  A  juice  or  oile 
of  this  is  pressed  out  of  a  certaine  nut.  This 
Cinnamon  differeth  much  in  forme  from  the 
stickes  of  true  Cinnamon  ...  in  smelle  it 
commeth  neere."  Herodotus  says  (iii.  107, 
III)  that  the  Greeks  got  the  name  from  the 
Phoenicians.  In  another  place  (xvi.  32)  Pliny 
goes  out  of  his  way  to  say  :  "  The  Cinnamon 
shrub  hath  no  power  and  strength  to  endure 
either  the  aire  or  earth  of  Syria."     [h.c.h.] 

Cinnepoth.     [Chinnereth.] 

Cira'ma.     The  people  of  Cirama  {Kirama) 


CIRCUMCISION 


167 


and  Gabdes  came  up  with  Zerubbabel  from 
Babylon  (iEsd.5.2o).  The  text  is  corrupt  ; 
Ezra  (2.26)  and  Nehemiah  (7.30)  have  Ramah 
[ha-Ramah)  and  Gaba  (  =  Geba). 

Cipcumcision.  Until  comparatively 
modern  times  it  has  always  been  assumed 
that  circumcision  was,  at  least  originally, 
an  exclusively  Jewish  rite;  this  is,  however, 
very  improbable,  and  in  the  Southern  and 
Eastern  worlds  circumcision  is  exceedingly 
prevalent,  though  only  amongst  certain 
peoples  or  religions.  Mohammed  was  not 
circumcised,  nor  is  circumcision  enjoined  in 
the  Koran,  but  it  has  been  practised  almost 
universally  by  his  followers  for  many  cen- 
turies. Probably  this  is  the  outcome  of  a 
practice  long  anterior  to  Islam,  and  very 
possibly  it  is  as  old  as  the  circumcision  of 
Ishmael  (Gen.i7.23).  Various  other  nations 
also  have  the  custom — e.g.  certain  tribes  of 
Bantus,  Hottentots,  and  Australian  aborigines. 
Herodotus  (ii.  44)  speaks  of  Egyptians,  Col- 
chians,  Ethiopians,  and  Phoenicians  as  cir- 
cumcised. But  it  is  evident  that  either  the 
nations  surrounding  the  Hebrews  in  Scriptural 
times  did  not  practise  circumcision,  or  only 
in  the  case  of  individuals,  not  as  a  national 
custom.  The  constant  use  in  both  O.  and 
N.T.  of  the  phrase  "  the  uncircumcised  " 
to  distinguish  those  who  were  not  Hebrews 
is  sufficient  evidence  of  this — e.g.  2Sam.l.2o  ; 
Ezk.28.io;  Ac.ll.3  ;  R0.3.30  ;  Gal.2.7,  etc. 
The  curious  phrase  in  iMac.l.15  needs  some 
explanation.  The  words  "  made  themselves 
uncircumcised  "  have  been  taken  to  refer  to 
some  surgical  operation,  which  should  at  least 
render  the  circumcision  of  those  who  practised 
it  less  obvious  when  they  were  stripped  for  the 
games  in  the  gymnasium  which  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  had  built  in  Jerusalem.  This  view 
is  that  of  many  of  the  Jewish  commentators, 
and  at  first  sight  seems  to  be  supported  by  the 
writings  of  contemporary  Rabbis.  Thus,  R. 
Eleazer  Hammudai  (d.  69  a.d.)  says,  "  He 
who  profanes  things  sacred  .  .  .  and  makes  void 
the  covenant  of  Abraham  our  father  .  .  .  has 
no  right  in  the  world  to  come."  And  in  the 
Book  of  Jubilees,  Hyrcanus  II.  speaks  of  those 
who  "  make  the  members  of  their  body  appear 
like  those  of  the  Gentiles."  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Jewish  commentator  Roschi  interprets 
these  passages  as  referring  to  those  who,  in 
obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  heathen 
tyrants,  were  not  circumcised.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  any  operation  for  the  concealment  of 
circumcision  is  almost,  if  not  quite,  impossible, 
and  the  phrase  in  iMac.  should  probably  be 
taken  to  refer  to  the  moral  and  spiritual  sinking 
of  the  people  concerned  to  the  level  of  the 
"  uncircumcised."  Like  the  other  laws  given 
to  the  Jews,  this  command  is  based  upon 
pure  morals  and  hygiene.  To  a  nation 
living  in  a  hot  country,  with  not  too  great 
facilities  for  personal  cleanliness,  the  avoid.ance 
of  accumulations  around  the  glans  is  of  no 
small  importance,  while  experience  goes  to 
show  that  those  tribes  whose  males  are  circum- 
cised are,  as  a  rule,  much  less  liable  to  ab- 
normal forms  of  immorality  than  their  neigh- 
bours. The  comparative  insensitiveness  of  the 
glans,  and  the  absence  of  accumulations  of 
dirt  or  matter,  contributes  to  this  result,  and  it 


168 


CIS 


is  a  curious  fact  that,  while  many  circumcised 
peoples  practise  polygamy,  sexual  vice  in  its 
strict  sense,  and  especially  in  the  more  ab- 
normal forms,  is  comparatively  unknown 
among  such,  although  exceedingly  prevalent 
in  surrounding  tribes.  [Crimes  ;  Family  ; 
Moses.]  In  St.  Paul's  time  the  Judaizers  at 
PhiUppi  wished  to  compel  the  Gentile  converts 
to  be  circumcised,  St.  Paul  contemptuously 
and  with  a  play  upon  words  (KaraTOfxri, 
Trepiro/j.ri)  describing  this  circumcision  as  the 
concision  (Ph. 3. 2).  For  the  conflict  in  the 
early  Chmrch  (Ac.lS.i)  with  regard  to  the  cir- 
cumcision of  the  Gentiles,  see  Paul.  St.  Paul 
considered  himself  the  apostle  of  "the  uncir- 
cumcision  "  and  St.  Peter  of  "  the  circumcision  " 
(Gal.2.7,8),  and  St.  Paul's  attitude  towards  the 
question  is  shown  in  words  in  Ro.3.1,30,4.9,10, 
iCor.7.18,6.12,13,  Gal. 5. II,  etc.,  and  in  acts  in 
his  different  treatment  of  the  cases  of  Timothy 
(Ac.16.3)  and  Titus  (Gal. 2. 3)  respectively, 
which  treatment  was  wholly  consistent  with 
his  words  and  general  principles.  For  the 
spiritual  meaning  attached  to  circumcision 
and  its  application  to  Christian  doctrine  by 
St.  Paul,  seeRo.2.25;  iCor.7.19;  Gal.5.6,6.15  ; 
Ph. 3.3  ;  C0I.2.11,  etc.  [F.J.] 

Cis  (Ac.13.2i)  —  KiSH,  I. 

Ci'sai  (Est.  Apoc.ll.2)  =  Kish,  2. 

Cistern  (Heb.  bor  ;  "pit").  These  were 
cut  in  rock  and  lined  with  cement  (Je.2.13), 
which,  if  not  repaired,  left  only  "  broken  cis- 
terns." They  are  numerous  in  those  parts  of 
Palestine  where  the  soft  limestone  is  on  the 
surface,  and  where  in  consequence  there  are  no 
springs.  Thev  are  shaped  like  a  short-necked 
bottle,  apparentlv  with  a  wheel  for  the  bucket- 
rope  (Ec.12.6)  in'somc  cases.  On  the  Moabite 
Stone,  in  9th  cent.  B.C.,  cisterns  in  a  city  are 
noticed.  The  rain-water  from  the  roofs  was 
collected  in  them.  Thev  were  private  property 
(2K.I8.31;  Pr.5.15  ;  Is.36.i6).  Jeremiah  was 
let  down  into  such  a  pit  (A.V.  dungeon),  where 
only  mud  remained  (Je.38.6),  and  was  drawn 
up  bv  cords  (12).  The  Heb.  is  rendered  "  pit  " 
in  A.V.  of  Gen. 37. 24, 28,29,  and  "  dungeon  " 
in  41.14  (cf.  38.20-23).  [c.r.c] 

Clthepn.  This  instrument  is  mentioned 
in  iMac.4.54,  where  A.V.  gives,  "  With  songs 
and  citherns  and  harps  and  cymbals,"  as  a 
translation  of  tV  t^Oai^  Kal  Kiddpan  /cat  Kivvpan 
Kaliv  KV/xpd\ois.  K-V.  renders,  "With  songs 
and  harps  and  lutes  and  cymbals."  It  has 
been  held  that  Kiddpai^  is  a  gloss  to  explain  the 
less  familiar  Kivvpai^.  This  is  supjiorted  by  the 
fact  that  both  words  are  used  in  the  I. XX.  to 
translate  the  Heb.  kinnor,  the  former  being 
found  in  Ps.,  Job.  and  Is.,  and  the  latter  in 
Sam.,  Kings,  and  Chron.  If  we  do  not  adopt 
the  supposition  of  a  gloss,  but  accept  the  text 
as  it  stands,  we  must  remember  that  iMac. 
was  undoubtedly  originally  written  in  Heb., 
and  the  terms  iv  KiOdpaii  Kal  iv  Kivvpai^  stand 
ff)r  bin'-bhdlim  and  b'kinnoroih.  Kiddpa,  the 
word  translated  "  cithern,"  therefore  here  = 
nebhel,  which  is  usually  rendered  by  ypoKT-qpiov. 
Our  view  of  the  nature  of  the  cithern,  or  rather 
of  the  KiOdpa,  in  the  passage  will  accordingly 
depend  on  what  we  suppose  the  Heb.  nebhel 
to  have  been.     [Psaltery.]  [J-m] 

Qiti9S     (Heb.    'dr   or     'ir ;    Assyr.    uru). 


CITIES  OF  THE  LEVITES 

"Fenced  Cities"  (Heb.  ^./bdfar),  as  dis- 
tinguished from  qiryd  (town),  kdphdr  {village), 
and  Jidcer  {enclosure).  The  expression  'dcur 
va  'dziibh  (A.V.  shttt  up  or  left;  Deut.32.36  ; 
I K. 14. 10,  etc.)  seems  to  contrast  a  shut-up 
or  fortified  town  with  a  temporary  dwelling 
used  only  in  summer  (still  called  'Azbah  in 
Palestine),  thus  including  all  classes  of  habita- 
tion from  "  tower  to  hamlet  "  ;  see  Is. 17. 9, 
"  His  strong  cities  shall  be  as  the  forsaken 
places  "  (R.V.).  The  first  city  is  said  to  have 
been  built  by  Cain  the  agriculturist,  brother 
of  Abel  the  shepherd  (Gen. 4. 17),  and  was  called 
hdnokh,  re-calling  Un-uk  {great  city),  the 
old  Akkadian  name  of  Erech.  The  Hebrews 
built  "store  cities"  (R.V.  Ex.1. 11)  for  the 
Egyptians.  Unwalled  villages  are  contrasted 
with  a  walled  city  in  Zech.2.4.  The  Gate  of 
a  city  was  a  place  of  business  (Gen. 23. 10  ; 
Ru.4.i);  the  narrow  "streets"  {shi'iq ;  Arab. 
suq)  and  "  broad  places  "  used  for  markets 
{r'hdhhoth)  were  guarded  at  night,  and  watch- 
men went  round  the  city  (Can. 3. 2, 3),  or  stood 
on  one  of  the  towers  (2K.9.17)  which  strength- 
ened the  wall  (Ps.48.i2).  Such  towers  existed 
also  in  the  villages  (iChr.27.25  ;  2Chr.26.10). 
On  the  city  towers  were  engines  to  shoot  darts 
and  stones  (2Chr.26.15)  ;  which  defence  op- 
posed the  filling  of  the  ditch  and  the  battering 
of  the  wall  (2Sam.20.i.'i).  Water  was  pro- 
vided by  a  Conduit,  or  by  a  rock  aqueduct  ; 
and  at  Jerusalem  and  Gibeon  a  rock  passage 
led  down  from  within  the  city  to  a  cave  spring. 
The  walls  also  stood  on  rock  scarps,  with 
an  outer  fosse.  Samaria  stood  siege  for  3 
years  (2 K. 18. 10),  and  Jerusalem  for  2  years 
(25.1,2).  As  regards  size,  Babylon  and 
Memphis  were  very  large  cities.  Jerusalem 
at  its  largest  covered  300  acres,  and  so  did 
Caesarea.  Tyre  on  its  island  occupied  only 
100  acres,  as  did  Rabbath-ammon  in  a  re- 
stricted site.  The  Egyptian  bas-reliefs  re- 
present Ascalon,  and  Kadesh  of  the  Hittites, 
as  cities  with  walls  and  towers  in  14th  cent. 
B.C.  The  Ass\Tian  picture  of  Lachish  shows 
a  city  with  24  towers,  having  inside  it  both 
stone  houses  with  two  storeys  and  also  cabins 
of  mud  with  wooden  props  for  the  roof. 
Thothmes  III.  relates  that  the  defeated  king 
of  Megiddo,  in  i6th  cent.  B.C.,  was  dragged  up 
the  walls  by  his  friends.  Mesha  of  Moab 
(gth  cent.  B.C.)  records  that  he  caused  cisterns 
to  be  dug  inside  his  city,  and  fortified  it  by  a 
wall  on  a  mound  ('ophcl),  and  by  an  "addi- 
tional "  {y'aran)  wall.  Sennacherib,  in  702 
B.C.,  says  that  Hezekiah  was  "  obliged  to  shut 
the  gate  of  his  citv."  [c.R.c] 

Cities  of  Refug-e  (Num. 35. 6, 13, 15  ;  Deut. 
4.41-43,19.2:  Jos. 20. 2-9).  These  cities,  3  E. 
and  3  W.  of  Jordan,  appointed  for  Homicides 
as  sanctuaries,  were  in  the  N.,  S.,  and  centre 
of  the  land  of  Israel,  on  either  side  of  the  river. 
They  are  described  under  their  names  : 
Golan  {Sahem  el  Jattldn),  Ramotii  {Rcimiln), 
and  Bezer  (unknown),  E.  of  Jordan  ;  Kedesh 
{Qedes),  Smechem  {Xdbliis),  and  Hebron  {el 
Khulil),  W.  of  Jordan  ;  and  were  priestly  cities, 
aiiparently  with  walls  in  all  cases.      [c.r.c] 

Cities  of  the  Levites  (Jos. 21. 13-42  ; 
iChr.6., 55-81).  These  48  walled  cities  are 
noticed  early  in  connexion  with  priests  and 
Levites,  in  the  cases  of  Bpth-shemesh  of  J  udah 


CITIES  OF  THE  PLAIN 

(iSam.6.15)  and  Anathoth  (iK.2.26).  They 
had  "  suburbs,"  or  open  spaces  (mighrdshim  : 
see  Villages),  extending  about  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  beyond  the  wall  (Num.35.4)  ;  and  the 
fields,  to  double  that  distance,  belonged  to 
Levites  on  each  side  of  the  town  (ver.  5  ; 
Lev.25.34).  [c.R.c] 

Cities  of  the  Plain.  Before  the  destruc- 
tion of  these  four  cities  the  "  whole  kikkdr 
[A.V.  plain]  of  Jordan,"  as  seen  from  E.  of 
Bethel,  is  said  to  have  been  like  Eden  (Gen. 13. 
10-13)  ;  but  after  they  were  destroyed  (by 
lightning,  according  to  Josephus)  the  kikkdr 
was  ruined,  and  the  pillar  of  salt  no  doubt 
resembled  those  still  visible  near  the  Dead 
Sea  (Gen. 19. 25, 26  ;  Deut.29.23;  Is.l.9,10; 
Am.4.ii  ;  Ho.11.8).  The  plain  produced 
only  the  bitter  apples  of  Sodom  (the  'osher 
tree)  ;  and  the  vale  of  Siddim  (pastures) 
included  the  Salt  Sea  (Gen. 14. 3)  ;  it  had  al- 
ready been  full  of  bitumen,  such  as  is  found 
still  on  the  hills  S.W.  of  Jericho  and  in  the 
Dead  Sea  (ver.  10).  Abraham  (Gen. 19.28),  from 
some  high  hill  near  Hebron,  looked  "  towards  " 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  saw  the  smoke  in 
the  Jordan  Valley  ;  the  supposed  site  (Caphar 
Barucha,  now  Kefr  Bdreka)  is  a  hill  3  miles  E. 
of  Hebron  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  304),  whence 
a  view  is  gained  over  the  desert  of  Judah. 
The  Dead  Sea  and  Jericho  are  hidden,  but  the 
smoke  in  the  valley  might  easily  be  seen.  The 
cities  were  not  only  in  the  kikkdr  of  Jordan, 
but  the  desolate  character  of  the  soil,  as  de- 
scribed in  Deut.29.23,  suggests  that  they  were 
to  the  S.  near  N.  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea ;  and  this 
is  also  indicated  by  the  proximity  to  Zoar 
(Tell  ShaghUr)  :  see  Gen. 19.15,23.  They  have 
left  no  trace  of  their  existence,  unless  in  the 
case  of  Admah.  [Adam,  City.]  Josephus  seems 
to  have  supposed  that  they  lay  S.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  as  he  puts  Zoar  in  Arabia  (see  i  Ant.  xi. 
4  ;  4  Wars  viii.  4) ;  an  error  (which  still  sur- 
vives), for  the  "  kikkdr  of  Jordan  "  was  not 
S.  of  the  mouth  of  that  river.  It  is  a  curious 
coincidence,  perhaps,  that  nearly  all  the 
required  names  still  apply  to  natural  features 
of  the  ground  near  Phasaelis  (Fusdil),  12 
miles  N.  of  Jericho  and  12  miles  S.E.  of 
Sdlim,  often  supposed  to  be  the  Salem  of 
Melchizedek,  where  Abraham  met  the  king  of 
Sodom  (Gen. 14. 18, 21).  Here  we  find  ed 
Ddmieh  (Admah)  and  Tal'at  'Antra  (ascent 
of  Gomorrah)  ;  a  valley  called  Siddeh  (Siddim), 
and  another  called  el  Hutnr,  or  "of  bitumen  "  ; 
but  Sodom  (burning)  is  not  represented. 
It  was  probably  farther  S.  and  near 
Jordan,  being  the  city  whence  Lot  fled  to 
Zoar.  The  valley  is  now  full  of  salt  springs, 
and  has  a  salt  soil,  even  N.  of  Fijsail ;  but  the 
part  near  the  hills  is  carpeted  with  grass  and 
flowers  in  spring.     [Salt  Sea.]  [c.r.c] 

Cit'ims  (iMac.8.5).  [Chittim.] 
Citizenship  (iroXiTeia :  Ac.22.28,  R.V.). 
St.  Paul  was  (i)  a  citizen  of  Tarsus,  a  "  free 
city  "  (Ac. 21. 39)  ;  prob.  Jews  formed  one  of 
the  city  "  tribes  "  ;  (2)  also  a  Roman  citizen, 
above  mere  provincials,  exempted  from  de- 
grading penalties  like  scourging  and  cruci- 
fixion, with  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  em- 
peror after  sentence,  and  of  trial  before  him  on 
any  capital  charge.  He  claimed  these  rights 
(Ac.l6. 37,38,  21.39, 25.10,11),   which    he    had 


CLEMENT 


169 


inherited,  not  purchased  like  Lysias  (22.28). 
Many  Jews  of  Asia  Minor  were  "  Romans" 
(Josephus,  14  Ant.  x.).  Citizenship  is  men- 
tioned metaphorically,  Eph.2.19,  Ph. 1.27,3. 20 
(R.V.  citizenship,  marg.  commonwealth),  [h.s.] 
Citpon.  [Apple-tree.] 
Clauda  (Ac. 27. 16),  a  small  island  nearly 
due  W.  of  Cape  Matala  on  the  S.  coast  of 
Crete,  and  nearly  due  S.  of  Phenice.  It  is 
still  called  Claudanesa,  or  Gaudonesi,  by  the 
Greeks,  which  the  Italians  have  corrupted  into 
Gozzo.  The  ship  which  conveyed  St.  Paul  was 
seized  by  the  gale  a  little  after  passing  Cape 
Matala,  when  on  her  way  from  Fair  Havens 
to  Phenice  (Ac. 27. 12-17).  The  storm  came 
from  the  island  (ver.  14),  and  there  was  danger 
lest  the  ship  should  be  driven  into  the  African 
Syrtis  (ver.  17).  We  read  that  she  was  driven 
to  Clauda  and  ran  under  the  lee  of  it  (ver.  16), 
where  there  would  be  smooth  water,  as  the 
gale  came  from  the  N.E.  or  E.N.E. 

Clau'dia,  a  Christian  woman  mentioned  in 
2Tim.4.2i  ;  probably  a  freedwoman  or  slave 
of  "  Caesar's  household."  Her  identification 
with  the  British  maiden  whose  marriage  with 
Aulus  Pudens  is  celebrated  by  Martial  (iv.  13  ; 
xi.  53)  must  be  abandoned.  See  Lightfoot, 
Ap.  Fathers,  Clem.  i.  pp.  76-79.  [e.r.b.] 

Claudius,  fourth  emperor  of  Rome,  41- 
54  A.D.  He  comes  into  N.T.  history  (i)  in  re- 
gard of  the  famine  prophesied  by  Agabus, 
which  is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  his  reign 
(Ac. 11. 28).  The  prophecy  is  of  a  famine  over 
all  the  (Roman)  world.  No  such  universal 
famine  is  recorded,  but  local  famines  through- 
out the  empire  were  characteristic  of  this 
reign  (Suetonius,  Claud,  xviii.)  ;  and  Josephus 
mentions  a  famine  in  Judaea  at  a  date  very 
soon  after  the  probable  date  of  the  prophecy 
(Josephus,  20  Ant.  ii.  5,  v.  2).  (2)  The  other 
mention  of  Claudius  is  with  regard  to  his  expul- 
sion of  all  Jews  from  Rome,  irkcluding  Aquila 
and  Priscilla  (Ac.18.2).  Suetonius  (Claud. 
XXV.)  says  that  he  expelled  them  because  they 
were  constantly  creating  disturbances,  and  he 
attributes  these  to  "  Chrestus,"  which  possibly 
means  that  the  enmity  of  the  Jews  to  the 
Christians  was  the  cause  of  the  riots.  Chrestus, 
however,  was  a  common  name,  and  need  not 
be  a  mistake  for  Christus.  Claudius'  general 
policy  was  favourable  to  the  Jews,  partly 
because  of  his  special  obligations  to  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  (Josephus,  19  Ant.  iv.  v.).    [e.r.b.] 

Claudius  Lysias.     [Lysias,  Claudius.] 

Clay.  The  word  most  commonly  used  for 
"  potter's  clay  "  is  homer  (Is. 29. 16  ;  Je.18.4, 
etc.).  In  Palestine  vessels  of  dark  blue  clay 
are  now  chiefly  made  at  Gaza.  Another  use 
of  clay  was  for  sealing  (Job  88.14).  Wine  jars 
in  Egypt  and  mummy  pits  were  thus  sealed, 
and  remains  of  clay  are  still  found  adhering  to 
the  stone  door-jambs.  The  seal  used  for 
public  documents  was  pressed  on  the  moist 
clay,  and  the  tablet  then  placed  in  the  fire  and 
baked.  Clay  tablets  with  writing  on  them  have 
been  discovered  recently  on  the  sites  of  Lachish, 
Taanach,  and  Gezer.     [Handicrafts,  (4).] 

Clem'ent,  a  fellow-labourer  of  St.  Paul  at 
Philippi.  It  was  generally  believed  in  the 
ancient  Church,  that  this  Clement  was  identical 
with  Clement  of  Rome.  The  difficulties  as  to 
date  and  place  are  not  insuperable  ;  and  there 


170 


CliEOPAS 


would  be  a  coincidence  between  the  nature  of 
the  charge  given  to  Clement  in  Ph. 4. 3  and  his 
endeavour  long  afterwards  to  compose  (by  the 
epistle  which  bears  his  name)  the  dissensions 
of  the  Corinthian  church.  [e.r.b.] 

Cle'opas.     [Alphaeus.] 

Cleopat'pa. — 1.  "The  wife  of  Ptolemy" 
(Estli.ll.i)  was  probably  the  granddaughter  of 
Antiochus  the  Great,  and  wife  of  Ptolemy  VI. 
(Philometor). — 2.  A  daughter  of  Ptolemy  VI. 
(Philometor)  and  Cleopatra,  i.  She  was  given 
by  her  father  in  marriage,  first  to  Alexander 
Balas,  150  B.C.  (1Mac.lO.58),  and  then,  146 
B.C.,  to  his  rival  Demetrius  Soter  (11. 12). 
While  Demetrius  was  a  prisoner  in  Parthia  she 
married  his  brother  Antiochus  VII.  {Sidetes). 
She  afterwards  murdered  Seleucus,  her  eldest 
son  by  Demetrius  ;  and  was  herself  poisoned 
120  B.C.  by  a  draught  she  had  prepared  for  her 
second  son  Antiochus  VIII. 

Cleophas  (R.V.  Clopas).  It  is  doubtful 
whether  this  is  the  same  person  as  Alphaeus. 
It  has  been,  however,  suggested  that  KXwTras 
(Jn.19.25)  is  derived  from  Gk.  KXeirreLv,  "to 
conceal,"  and  that  thus  it  might  etymologically 
correspond  to  Alphaeus  from  Aram,  'alphai  = 
"  covering  over."  Bp.  Lightfoot's  alternative 
suggestion  is  discussed  under  Alphaeus. 

Cloke.  The  actual  word  does  not  often 
occur  in  either  A.V.  or  R.V.  It  strictly  re- 
presents the  flowing  outer  garment  worn  by 
the  Jews  (Mt.5.40  ;  Lu.6.2g)  ;  and  this  in  O.T. 
is  represented  by  several  different  words. 
[Dress.]  In  2Tim.4.i3  it  represents  <p€\6vns 
(Lat.  paenula),  which  was  of  a  heavier  and 
rougher  material,  and  in  shape  and  original 
purpose  is  thought  to  be  the  foundation  of  the 
Eucharistic^chasublc.  The  following  meta- 
phorical uses  of  the  word  should  be  noted  : 
Is.59.17  ;  iTh.2.5  {irp6(paais  ;  cf.  Jn.i5.22); 
and  iPe.2.i6  {eTnKd\v/j./j.a).  [c.l.f.] 

Cloud.  Among  both  Hebrews  and  Arabs 
the  clouds  were  closely  studied  with  a  view  to 
prognosticating  rain  (1K.I8.44),  and  they 
enter  largely  into  Oriental  imagery.  With 
both  peoples  a  cloud  without  rain  is  a  simile 
for  promise  without  performaiice  (Pr.l6.15  ; 
Is. 18. 4, 25,5  ;  Ju.i2  ;  Freytag,  Arab.  Prov.  xii. 
14,  xxiv.  177).  Tlie  morning  <ir  summer  cloud 
is  a  figure  for  transitoriness[(Job30.i5;  Ho. 6. 4  ; 
Freytag,  xii. 87),  or  interception  (Lam. 2. 1,8.44). 
In  times  of  crisis  Jehovah  comes  from  Sinai 
in  the  midst  of  a  tiiunderstorm  (Judg.5.4,5  ; 
Ps.68.8  ;  E;zk.l.4),  riding  upon  a  cloud  (Is. 19. 
i),  called  a  "cherub"  (Ps.18.io  =  2Sam.22. 
11).  \  bright  cloud  at  times  rested  on  the 
Mercy-seat  (Lev.16.2  ;  iK.8.io,ri  ;  2Chr.5.i4  ; 
V.yMAZ-a),  called  by  post-Biblical  writers 
Shekinah.     [Gi.oky.]  [t.h.w.] 

Cloud,  Pillar  of.  In  their  journey  from 
ligypt  ti)  Cau.ian  the  Israelites  wore  preceded 
by  a  pillar  of  cloud  by  day  and  of  fire  by  niglit. 
This  fact  is  mentioned  in  the  old  narratives, 
J  and  F  (Fx. 13. 21, 22  ;  Num.12.5),  as  well  as 
in  those  which  are  regarded  as  late  (Deut.l.33  ; 
Fx. 40.38,  P.).  The  Ford  descended  in  the 
cloud  to  speak  with  men  at  the  door  of  the 
tabernacle  (Fx.SS.g.io).  Reminiscences  of 
these  phenomena  are  f<innd  in  Ne.9.i2,  Is. 4. 5. 
and  elsewhere.  The  word  translated  "  pillar  " 
is  used  for  a  colunin  of  smoke  in  Judg-20.4o, 


COCKATKICE 

and  it  has  the  same  significance  here.  The 
pillar  of  cloud  and  fire  made  its  first  appear- 
ance at  the  crossing  of  the  Red  Sea,  when  it 
sheltered  the  Israelites  from  the  Egyptians 
(Ex.14. 19,20).  Here,  however,  the  rendering 
of  the  A.  v.,  "  And  it  was  a  cloud  and  darkness 
to  them,  but  it  gave  light  by  night  to  these,"  is 
a  mere  makeshift.  The  Heb.  is  hardly  trans- 
latable. The  Gk.  has  km  eyefCTO  <tk6to%  Kal 
yvocpos,  Kai  dir/Xdev  i]  vu^.  In  Ps.lO5.39  the 
cloud  is  for  shade.  After  the  desert  period 
this  cloud  is  not  mentioned  again  until  it 
reappears  at  the  consecration  of  Solomon's 
temple  (iK.8.io,ii  ;  2Chr.5.i3,i4).  After 
that  the  cloud  is  not  mentioned  until  Ezekiel 
saw  this  symbol  of  Jehovah's  presence  leave 
the  temple  for  ever  (10.3,4,11.23).    [t.h.w.] 

Cni  dus  is  mentioned  in  i  Mac. 15. 23  as 
one  of  the  Gk.  cities  which  contained  Jewish 
residents  in  the  2nd  cent,  b.c,  and  in  Ac. 27. 7 
as  a  harbour  which  was  passed  by  St.  Paul 
after  leaving  Myra,  and  before  running  under 
the  lee  of  Crete.  It  was  an  important  city  at 
the  extreme  S.W.  of  the  peninsula  of  Asia 
Minor,  on  a  promontory  now  called  Cape  Crio, 
which  projects  between  the  islands  of  Cos'and 
Rhodes  (see  Ac.21.i).  The  remains  of  Cnidus 
are  those  of  a  city  of  great  magnificence. 

Coal,  the  representative  in  A.V.  of  five 
Heb.  words,  (i)  The  most  frequently  used  is 
gaheleth,  a  live  ember,  burning  fuel,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  /5<;/;rt;;i  (Pr.26.2i).  In  2Sam. 
22.9,13,  "  coals  of  fire  "  are  put  metaphorically 
for  the  lightnings  proceeding  from  God  (Ps.l8. 
8,12,13,140.10).  The  pro\erbial  expression, 
"  Thou  shalt  heap  coals  ot  fire  upon  his  head  " 
(Pr.25.22),  is  adopted  by  St.  Paul  in  Ro.12.2o, 
to  express  metaiihorically  the  burning  shame 
which  men  must  feel  when  their  evil  is  re- 
quited by  good.  (2)  pehdm.  In  Pr.26.2i 
this  word  clearly  signifies  fuel  not  yet  lighted. 
The  fuel  meant  in  the  above  passages  is  pro- 
bably charcoal,  certainly  not  coal  ;  for,  though 
mentioned  by  Theophrastus  ana  known  to 
Pliny,  coal  was  but  rarely  and  locally  used, 
even  Ijy  the  Romans.  (3)  refeph,  or  rifpd  (Is. 6. 
6,  properly  a  hot  stone).  In  the  narrative  of 
Elijah's  miraculous  meal  (iK.19.6)  the  word 
describes  the  mode  in  which  the  cake  was 
baked — viz.  on  a  hot  stone,  as  is  still  usual  in 
the  East.  (4)  resheph  in  Hab.3.5  is  rendered  in 
A.V.  "  burning  coals,"  and  in  marg.  "  burning 
diseases."  The  former  meaning  is  supported' 
by  Can. 8. 6,  the  latter  by  Deut.32.24  ;  R-V. 
has  "  fiery  bolts."  (5)  sh'hor  (l.am.4.8)  is 
rendered  in  E.V.  "  their  visage  is  blacker  than 
a  coal,"  marg.  "  darker  than  blackness." 

Coat.     [Dress.] 

Coat  of  mail.     [Arms.] 

CocU..  There  appears  to  be  no  mention  of 
domesticated  poultry  in  O.T.  In  N.T.  the 
"  cock  "  is  mentioned  in  reference  to  St. 
Peter's  denial  of  Jour  Lord,  and  indirectly  in 
the  word  "  cock-crowing  "  (Mt.26.34  ;  Mk.l4. 
30,13.35,  etc.).  Domesticated  fowls  were 
known  to  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  and 
since  no  mention  of  them  is  made  in  O.T.  and 
no  figures  of  them  occur  on  Egyptian  monu- 
ments, they  were  probably  introduced  into 
Judaea  by  the  Romans,  who  prized  them  both 
as  articles  of  food  and  for  fighting. 

Cpckatrice.     [Adder  ;  Serpent.] 


COCKOROWING 


COLOSSIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE    171 


CoekcPOAving".  In  Syria  cocks  crow  at 
irregular  intervals  during  the  night,  but  the 
terra  is  applied  definitely  to  the  period  preced- 
ing dawn,  i.e.  before  three  o'clock.  In  the 
Zendavesta  the  cock  is  called  the  parodars,  he 
who  foresees  (the  coming  dawn) ;  and  the  Jews 
have  a  benediction,  "  Blessed  be  Thou,  O  God, 
.  .  .  Who  gavest  understanding  to  the  cock  to 
distinguish  between  day  and  night  "  {Ber.  6ob). 
Mk. 14.30  refers  to  two  cockcrowings,  the  first 
probably  being  about  midnight,  the  second 
at  dawn  (13. 35).  There  is  no  mention  of  the 
first  in  Mt. 26.34, 74,  I.u.22.34,  Jn.i3.38.  The 
term  is  applied  to  the  third  of  the  four 
Watches  of  the  Night  (Mk.i3.35).     [h.h.] 

Cockle  (Heb.  bd''shd)  occurs  only  in  Job  31. 
40.  Gesenius  says  that  bd''shd  denotes  any  bad 
weeds  or  fruit,  and  may  in  Job  signify  bad  or 
smutted  barley.  Harris  says  the  word  bd'shd 
or  basek  appears  to  imply  a  weed,  not  only 
noxious  but  of  a  fetid  smell.  But  it  may 
mean  base  in  quality.  In  Wyclif  (1382)  the 
reading  in  Mt.i3.25  is  :  "  But,  when  men 
slepten,  his  enmye  came,  and  sew  above  der- 
nil,  or  cokil  (l^i^dvia),  in  the  midel  of  whete,  and 
went  away  "  (also  in  ver.  26).  His  reading 
in  Job  is  thorn.  The  .Aram.  [Targmn)  render- 
ing in  Job  is  noxious  herbs.  Undoubtedly  in 
Mt.,  I.e.,  darnel  was  the  plant  intended.  See 
the  old  dictionaries  Promptorium  Parvulorum 
and  Catholicon  Anglicum,  also  the  New  Eng. 
Diet.  Darnel  (Ziza^iia)  was  Lolium  temti- 
lentum,  a  very  prevalent  and  injurious  weed 
in  the  Mediterranean  and  Levant,     [h.c.h.] 

Coelosypla  (R.V.  Coelesyria ;  ^'hollow'' 
Syria),  the  name  given  by  the  Greeks,  after  the 
time  of  Alexander,  to  the  remarkable  valley  or 
hollow  [KoiKla)  which  intervenes  between  Li- 
banus  and  Anti-libanus,  extending  nearly  100 
miles.  The  term  Coelosyria  was  also  used  in  a 
much  wider  sense,  to  include  Damascus  and 
even  the  country  E.  of  Jordan,  through  Trach- 
onitis  and  Peraea  to  Idumea,  including  the 
Arabah.  In  the  Apoc.  Coelosyria  is  frequently 
used  somewhat  vaguely,  almost  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  Svria  (lEsd. 2. 17,24, 27,4.48, 6.20,7.1,8. 
67;  1Mac.iO.69  ;  2Mac.3. 5, 8,4.4,8.8, 10.11). 

Coffep  Cargdz),  used  of  the  box  containing 
the  images  of  the  mice  and  emerods  and  found 
only  in  iSam.6.8,11,15.     [Ecbatana.] 

Coffin.     [Chest  ;  Burial.] 

Cohort.     [Army,  II.  ;   War.] 

Co'la,  a  place  (Jth.15.4  only)  mentioned 
with  Choba.  Possibly  Qd'aiin,  a  ruin  in  the 
Jordan  Valley,  5  miles  N.E.  of  el  Mekhubbi. 
[Choba.]  [c.r.c] 

Col-ho'zeh. — 1.  Father  of  Shallum  (Ne. 
3.15). — 2.  An  ancestor  of  Maaseiah,  9  (11. 5). 

Coli'us  =  Cahtas  (iEsd.9.23).   [Kelita,  i.] 

Collar.  Used  in  A.V.  for  two  different 
Heb.  words,  (i)  In  Job  30. 18  of  the  collar  of 
a  coat.  (2)  The  Heb.  word  in  Judg.8.26  is 
from  a  root  meaning  "  to  drop,"  and  is  more 
exactly  represented  by  the  R.V.  pendants  ;  cf. 
Is. 3.19,  R.V.,  where  A.V.  has  chains. 

Collegrei  The  (R.V.  second,  quarter). 
2 K. 22. 14  (A.V.)  states  that  Huldah  the  pro- 
phetess "  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  in  the  college^' 
(Heb.  mishnS).  See  Zeph.l.io  (A.V.  the 
second).  Keil's  explanation  is  probably 
the  true  one,  that  the  mishnS  yfa.s  the  "  lower 
city,"  biiilt  on  the  hill  Akra.  fc.R.c] 


Colony,  a  designation  of  Philippi  (Ac. 16. 
12).  After  the  battle  of  Actium,  Augustus 
assigned  to  his  veterans  those  parts  of  Italy 
which  had  espoused  the  cause  of  Antony,  and 
transported  many  of  the  expelled  inhabitants 
to  Philippi,  Dyrrachium,  and  other  cities. 
Thus  Philippi  became  a  Roman  colony  with 
the  "  Jus  Italicum,"  and  accordingly  we  find 
it  described  as  a  "  colonia  "  in  inscriptions  and 
upon  the  coins  of  Augustus. 

Colos'se  (properly  Colos'sae,  as  R.V.),  a 
city  in  the  upper  part  of  the  basin  of  the 
Maeander,  on  one  of  its  affluents  named  the 
Lycus.  Two  other  missions,  Hierapolis  and 
Laodicaea,  were  in  its  immediate  neighbour- 
hood (Col. 2. 1,4.13, 15, 16  ;  see  Rev.l.11,3.14). 
[Colossians,  Ep.  to.]  Colossae  fell,  as  these 
two  cities  rose,  in  importance.  It  was  situ- 
ated close  to  the  great  road  which  led  from 
Ephesus  to  the  Euphrates.  Hence  we  might 
conclude  that  St.  Paul  passed  this  way,  and 
founded  or  confirmed  the  Colossian  church  on 
his  third  missionary  joiurney  (Ac. 18. 23,19.1), 
but  Col. 2. 1  seems  to  show  that  he  had  not 
been  there  when  the  epistle  was  written.  That 
he  hoped 'to  visit  it  on  being  delivered  from 
his  Roman  imprisonment  is  clear  from  Ph. 22 
{cf.  Ph. 2. 24).  Philemon  and  his  slave  Onesi- 
mus  dwelt  at  Colossae,  as  did  also  Archippus 
and  Epaphras.  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  first  to 
determine  the  actual  site  of  the  ancient  city, 
at  some  little  distance  from  the  modern 
village  of  Chonas. 

Colossians,  Epistle  to  the.  The 
Pauline  authorship  has  ample  external  testi- 
mony. Irenaeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Ter- 
tuUian,  Origen  (all  of  2nd  and  3rd  cents.),  quote 
Colossians  as  St.  Paul's  without  a  doubt,  and 
still  earlier  we  find  probable  echoes  of  its 
phraseology.  Not  before  1838  was  suspicion 
alleged  ;  and  the  objections  then  taken  (by 
German  students)  were  not  critical  in  the  strict 
sense,  but  due  to  theories  of  the  earliest  growth 
of  Church  and  doctrine  which  were  largely  a 
priori.  The  epistle  presented  a  state  of  belief 
too  mature  to  suit  these  theories  ;  it  was, 
therefore,  taken  to  be  a  later  and  fabricated 
work.  Not  only,  to  an  unbiassed  reader,  do 
the  early  citations  answer  these  objections,  but 
the  epistle  itself  is  the  best  witness  to  its  own 
authenticity.  Its  bold  and  free  expression  of 
thought,  and  the  vivid  play  throughout  of  a 
great  personality,  make  it  vastly  unlikely  that 
it  should  be  an  artificial  product  of  the  2nd 
cent.,  an  age  of  declining  literary  power  and 
one  which  was  (so  far  as  general  literary 
phenomena  can  guide  our  opinion)  barren 
of  the  particular  gifts  needed  for  the  art 
of  skilled  fabrication.  We  may  quote  the 
brief  verdict  of  Renan,  no  partial  critic  :  "  The 
epistle  presents  many  features  which  negative 
the  hypothesis  of  fabrication."  The  date  of 
Colossians  must  lie  within  the  "  two  years  " 
(Ac.28.30)  of  St.  Paul's  residence  at  Rome. 
The  conjecture  that  it,  with  the  other  "  epistles 
of  theXCaptivity,"  was  written  at  Caesarea 
(see  24.23,27)  has  no  traditional  support,  and 
does  not  agree  with  the  obvious  difference  in 
doctrinal  type  which  it  presents  as  compared 
with  e.g.  Rom.' and  Cor.,  which  were  written 
shortly  before  the  two  years  at  Caesarea. 
It  was  written,  probably  in  63  a.d.,  in  th§ 


172    COLOSSIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 

threatening  latter  years  of  Nero,  but  before 
the  great  persecution.  Whenever  written,  we 
mav  safely  affirm  that  its  date  is  the  date  of 
the  "  Ephesian  "  epistle  (which  in  fact  may 
be  alluded  to  in  it  [4.i6]  as  "  the  epistle  from 
Laodicea  " — a  circular,  travelling  from  mis- 
sion to  mission).  Parallel  topics  and  phrases 
are  so  numerous  in  the  two  epistles  that,  be- 
yond all  reasonable  doubt,  they  are  products 
of  the  same  moment.  These  parallels  may  be 
tabulated  with  great  profit  by  the  student. 
He  will  find  that  Colossians  is  obviously  the 
more  local  and  particular  of  the  two  writings, 
while  probably  Ephesians  grew  up  immedi- 
ately after,  in  more  general  forms,  on  the  lines 
suggested  by  Colossian  problems.  Weiss 
{Einleitung)  writes  :  "  The  peculiar  affinity  of 
the  two  epistles  is  cleared  up  only  on  the  hypo- 
thesis that  both  are  the  independent  but  con- 
temporaneous compositions  of  the  same 
author."  "  Practically,"  says  Hort,  "  they 
were  written  together.  .  .  .  We  find  in  both  the 
impress  of  St.  Paul's  wonderful  mind."  The 
occasion  of  writing  is  readily  inferred  from  the 
epistle  itself.  Epaphras,  a  Colossian,  and  pro- 
bably (I.7)  the  first  evangelist  of  the  place,  had 
visited  St.  Paul  at  Rome.  His  report  had 
much  in  it  to  rejoice  the  apostle.  But  there 
was  one  great  drawback — an  invasion  of  alien 
teaching,  which  tended  to  minimize  the  su- 
preme greatness  and  significance  of  Jesus 
Christ,  to  emphasize  rabbinic  observances, 
and  also  to  advocate  a  "  philosophy  "  more  or 
less  occult.  Circumcision,  Jewish  festivals, 
ceremonial  laws  of  diet,  were  one  side  of  the 
teaching  ;  angel-worship  and  a  rigorous 
asceticism  was  another.  The  school  was  not 
openly,  or  perhaps  even  consciously,  anti- 
Christian.  But  it  was  such  in  fact  ;  obscuring 
the  glory  of  the  Christ,  and  the  freedom  and 
largeness  of  His  promises,  and  the  direct  action 
of  the  Spirit  upon  the  disciple.  The  full  char- 
acter of  the  "  Colossian  heresy  "  is  a  difficult 
problem.  Lightfoot  sees  in  it  a  blend  of 
Pharisaic  Judaism  with  the  Essene  teaching  on 
the  essential  evil  of  matter.  Hort  thinks  that  it 
was  rather  the  ordinary  Judaism,  marked  by 
some  special  phases,  and  taught  by  men 
nominally  within  the  Church,  like  the  distur- 
bers of  the  Galatians.  On  the  whole,  Light- 
foot's  view,  as  recognizing  some  non-pharisaic 
elements  (see  e.g.  the  "  neglecting  of  the  body," 
2.23),  seems  to  us  to  meet  the  data  most  com- 
pletely, but  the  question  is  too  extensive  for 
discussion  here,  and  for  an  intelligent  study 
of  the  positive  teaching  of  the  ei^istle  we  need 
not  balance  elaborately  the  rival  views. 
In  any  case,  the  "  heresy  "  threw  tiie  jire- 
eminence  of  Jesus  Christ  into  the  background, 
and  obscured  the  supreme  freedom  and  power 
(if  His  (los|)el  under  a  growth  of  outworn  and 
gratuitous  observances.  This  was  ti.i  St.  Paul 
a  matter  of  doctrinal  life  and  death.  The 
epistle  accordingly,  in  its  dogmatic  element, 
emphasizes  with  surpassing  power  the  im- 
perilled truths.  Jesus  Christ  is  set  forth  as 
"  all  and  in  all  "  ;  the  First  and  the  Last  ;  the 
perfect  Revelation  of  the  invisible  <iod  ;  the 
Agent,  Head,  and  End  of  the  entire  created 
universe  ;  the  Sacrifice  for  human  sin,  bring- 
ing peace  by  His  cross  to  the  guilty  conscience  ; 
the  indwelling  Life  ;    the  living  Head  of  His 


COLOURS 

Body,  the  Church ;  the  Hope  of  glory.  He  is, 
in  fact.  His  own  Gospel,  and  the  salvation  oi 
man  consists  in  union  and  harmony  with 
Him.  [Paul.]  Such  is  the  epistle  in  its  dog- 
matic teaching.  This  is  followed,  in  vital 
connexion  (3,4),  by  instructions  in  detail 
upon  the  practical  Christian  life,  as  the  fruit  of 
living  faith.  Purity,  truthfulness,  and  unsel- 
fish love,  above  all  in  the  relative  duties  of 
home,  are  all  enforced  in  the  light  of  eternal 
truth  and  grace.  Personal  information  and 
salutations  close  the  epistle,  giving  to  it  the 
final  touch  of  naturalness  and  reality.  The 
region  around  Colosse  (properly  Colossae,  and 
called  also  Colassae  later)  is  volcanic  ;  Lao- 
dicea, a  few  years  after  the  writing  of  the 
epistle  (which  was  to  be  read  to  the  converts 
there  also),  was  wrecked  by  earthquake. 
Colossae  was  not  personally  evangelized  by  St. 
Paul  (2.1).  But  his  three  years  at  Ephesus 
(Ac. 19,20)  allowed  vast  numbers  of  the  resi- 
dents of  proconsular  Asia  to  meet  with  him 
there.  Among  them  would  be  visitors  from 
Colossae,  and  to  these,  in  all  likelihood,  belong 
the  names  now  so  familiar  to  us  (see  this  epistle 
and  that  to  Philemon) — Epaphras,  Philemon, 
Apphia,  Archippus,  and  perhaps  Philemon's 
slave  Onesimus,  afterwards  the  runaway, 
whom  St.  Paul,  at  Rome,  brought  to  repent,  to 
believe,  and  to  return  to  Colossae.  [h.c.g.m.] 
Colours.  The  terms  relative  to  colour,  occur- 
ring in  the  Bible,  ma\- be  arranged  in  two  classes, 
the  first  including  those  descriptive  of  natural 
objects,  the  second  the  artificial  mixtures 
employed  in  dyeing  and  painting.  It  is  well  to 
remember  at  the  outset  that  an  exact  termino- 
logy of  colours  is  of  modern  growth.  Ancient 
peoples,  even  so  artistic  a  nation  as  the  Greeks, 
used  the  names  of  colours  very  vaguely.  The 
Hebrews  had  not  the  artistic  faculty  at  all 
strongly  developed,  and  their  names  for  colours, 
especially  those  of  the  first  class,  cannot  be  inter- 
preted in  any  hard  and  fast  manner,  (i)  The 
natural  colours  noticed  in  the  Bible  are  white, 
black,  red,  yellow  and  green.  (The  "speckled," 
or  "  bay,"  R.V.  '"  sorrel,"  of  Zech.1.8  is  un- 
certain. It  was  probably  a  variety  of  red.  The 
"  pale  "  colour  of  Rev. 6.8  is  the  familiar  Gk. 
xXwp6s,  pale  or  sickly  green. )  The  two  latter  are 
of  little  importance,  for  green  is  apparently 
apiilied  more  to  the  freshness  and  beauty  of 
vegetation  than  to  its  actual  colour  ;  while 
yelloiv  (used  very  seldom)  is  difficult  to  dis- 
criminate from  some  shade  of  green.  White  is 
prominent,  especially  as  representing  light, 
whicli  deejily  impressed  tiie  Heb.  mind,  not 
only  by  its  brilliance  and  beauty,  but  by  its 
divine  symbolism,  and  its  profound  moral  con- 
notation. Black  is  prominent  also  as  the  phy- 
sical and  moral  opposite  of  white,  and  also  as 
the  typical  complexion  of  Orientals.  Red  was 
also  \i\i(llv  appreci.itcd  l)y  tlu'  Hebrew,  as  the 
colour  of  blood  (tiie  sacred  principle  of  life),  o{ 
wine,  and  of  many  natural  objects,  especially 
perhaps  the  red  soil  and  red  cliffs  of  the  coun- 
try most  familiar  to  the  Jews.  (2)  Artificial 
colours.  These  appear  to  have  been  known  at 
a  very  e.arly  period  (c/.  Gen. 38. 28  ;  Ex.26. i  ; 
Jos. 2. 18;  Judg.5.30);  but  there  is  no  evidence 
to  show  that  the  Helirews  of  tiie  period  of  the 
Exodus  were  themselves  accpiainted  with  the 
art  of  dyeing.     They  were  probably  indebted 


COLOURS 

both  to  the  Egyptians  and  the  Phoenicians,  to 
the  latter  for  the  dyes  and  to  the  former  for  the 
processes.  The  purple  dyes  which  they  chiefly 
used  were  extracted  by  the  Phoenicians  (Ezk. 
27.16)  and  in  certain  districts  of  Asia  Minor, 
especially  Thyatira  (Ac. 16. 14).  The  principal 
dyes  were  purples,  light  and  dark  (the  latter 
being  the  "  blue  "  of  A.V.),  and  crimson  ("  scar- 
let," A. v.).  Vermilion  was  introduced  at  a  late 
period,  {a)  Purple  ('argdmdn).  This  colour, 
well  known  and  valued  over  the  whole  ancient 
world,  was  obtained  from  the  secretion  of  a 
species  of  shell-fish,  the  Murex  truncidus  of  Lin- 
naeus, found  in  various  parts  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. It  is  difficult  to  state  with  precision 
the  exact  tint  described  by  the  Heb.  name. 
The  Gk.  and  Lat.  equivalents  {wopcpvpeos,  pur- 
pur  eus  )  are  applied  to  all  sorts  of  bright  colours, 
though  generally  with  some  shade  of  red  inter- 
mingled. The  purple  of  the  murex  was  pro- 
bably a  lighter  shade,  in  which  red  predomi- 
nated over  blue  ;  while  the  darker  purple,  a 
violet  ("blue"  of  A.V.)  was  produced  from 
another  species  of  shell-fish.  Robes  of  purple 
were  the  characteristic  decoration  in  antiquity 
of  kings  (Judg.8.26)  and  of  the  highest  officers, 
civil  and  religious.  They  were  affected  also 
by  the  wealthy  and  luxurious  (Je.lO.g  ;  Ezk. 
27.7;  Lu.l6.19;  Rev.l7.4,18.i6).  (b)  Blue 
(t''kheleth).  This  dye  was  procured  from  a 
species  of  shell-fish  found  on  the  coast  of  Phoe- 
nicia, and  called  by  modern  naturalists  Helix 
lanthina.  The  tint  is  best  explained  by  the 
statements  of  Josephus  (3  Ant.  vii.  7)  and 
Philo  (and  the  translation  of  the  LXX.  vaKiv- 
dos),  that  it  was  emblematic  of  the  sky;  in  which 
case  it  represents  not  the  light  blue  of  our 
northern  climate,  but  the  deep,  dark  hue  of  the 
Eastern  sky.  The  A.V.  (marg.)  has  rightly 
described  the  tint  in  Esth.1.6  as  violet.  This 
again  was  a  colour  used  like  purple  for  robes 
of  office    or    splendour    (Je.lO.9  ;    Ezk. 23. 6). 

(c)  Scarlet  {crimson,  Is.l.18  ;  Je.4.30).  The 
terms  by  which  this  colour  is  expressed  in  Heb. 
vary;  sometimes  simply  shdnl  is  used,  as  in 
Gen. 38. 28-30  ;  sometimes  tola'ath  shdni,  as  in 
Ex. 25. 4 ;  and  sometimes  simply  tola'ath,  as  in 
Is. 1.18.  Another  word,  karmil  ("  crimson," 
2Chr.2. 7, 14,3.14),  was  introduced  at  a  late 
period,  probably  from  Armenia,  to  express  the 
same  colour.  Of  the  two  Heb.  words,  the  first 
expresses  the  brilliancy  of  the  colour,  the  second 
the  worm  or  grub  whence  the  dye  was  procured. 
This  was  a  cochineal  insect,  which  is  found  in 
considerable  quantities  in  Armenia,  Palestine, 
and  other  Eastern  countries  (Tristram). 
The  Arabian  name  of  the  insect  is  qirmiz 
(whence  crimson),  the  Linnaean  name  is  Coccus 
ilicis.  The  tint  produced  was  crimson  rather 
than  scarlet.  The  only  natural  object  to 
which  it  is  applied  in  Scripture  is  the  lips, 
which  are  compared  to  a  scarlet  thread  (Can. 
4.3).  It  was  the  characteristic  colour  of  the 
soldier's  dress,  especially  in  the  Roman  armies. 

(d)  Vermilion  (shdsher).  This  was  a  pigment 
of  mineral  extraction  used  in  fresco  paintings, 
either  for  drawing  figures  of  idols  on  the  walls 
of  temples  (Ezk.23.14),  for  colouring  the  idols 
themselves  (Wis.i3.14),  or  for  decorating  the 
walls  and  beams  of  houses  (Je.22.14).  Ver- 
milion was  a  favourite  colour  among  the  Assy- 
rians, as  is  still  attested  by  the  sculptures  of 


COMING-  OF  CHRIST,  SECOND      173 

NimrM  and  Khorsabad.  —  Symbolical  and 
mystical  meanings  of  colours.  Colours  naturally 
tend,  especially  in  the  earlier  and  more  poetical 
stages  of  literature,  to  be  associated  with  ideas. 
This  is  to  be  noticed  in  the  Bible  as  well  as  in 
other  ancient  writings.  White  is  associated 
with  moral  purity  and  innocence  (Is.l.i8);  with 
joy,  festival,  and  victory  (2Chr.5.i2  ;  Ec.9.8  ; 
Rev. 6. 2, 7. 9, 19.11, 14).  Black  is  the  symbol  of 
evil,  misery,  and  death  (Is.50.3  ;  Je.8.21  ;  Rev. 
6.5).  Red  and  also  scarlet  are  connected  na- 
turally with  war  and  bloodshed  (Is. 63. 1-3  ; 
Rev. 6. 4).  A  deeper  significance,  more  appro- 
priate to  the  special  divine  purpose  which 
underlies  the  O.T.,  has  been  noted  by  many 
writers,  particularly  in  the  three  characteristic 
colours  of  the  tabernacle  hangings,  the  cloths 
of  service,  and  the  vestments  of  the  high-priest. 
Blue,  purple,  and  scarlet  frequently  occur ;  and 
as  purple  is  produced  by  the  mixing  of  the 
other  two,  it  has  been  remarkably  suggested  by 
some  writers  that,  as  blue  is  the  colour  of  the 
sky,  and  scarlet  of  human  life  or  blood  (note 
also  the  etymological  connexion  between  dddm, 
"  man,"  and  dddm,  "  to  be  red  "),  so  the  com- 
bination of  the  two  is  intended  to  suggest  the 
Incarnation.  It  has  also  been  noted  that  in  the 
theophanies  of  Ezk.8.2,  Rev. 4.3,  two  different 
tints  are  alluded  to  (a  bright  white  and  a  glow- 
ing red),  which  have  been  thought  to  suggest 
the  two  aspects  of  God's  moral  nature,  light 
and  fire,  mercy  and  justice  ;  or  love  in  its  two 
aspects  of  pardon  and  correction.  Whether 
these  conclusions  are  accepted  or  not,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  the  colours  of  the  Bible  convey  in 
many  cases  more  than  the  literal  meaning,  and 
are  well  worth  studying  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  symbolism  which  runs  through  Scripture. 
See  "Colours  in  the  Bible"  in  Schaff-Herzog, 
Encyclopaedia  (3rd  ed.  i8gi) ;  Willis,  The  Wor- 
ship of  the  Old  Covenant  (1880).       [a.r.w.] 

Comfoptep.     [Spirit,  Holy.] 

Coming-  of  Christ,  The  second.  A 
consistent  and  persistent  feature  in  all  books 
of  N.T.  is  the  conviction  that  "this  Jesus 
which  was  received  up  from  you  into  Heaven 
shall  so  come  in  like  manner  as  ye  beheld  Him 
going  into  Heaven"  (Ac.l.ii).  This  ex- 
pected return  of  the  Lord  is  generally  called 
His  "  Parousia  "  (=  appearance),  sometimes 
His  "  revelation  "  [awoKoKvypis  :  iCor.l.7  ; 
2Th.l.7  ;  iPe. 1.7,13)  or  "manifestation" 
(eirKpaveia:  iTim.6.14  ;  aTim.l. 10,4.1,8 ; 
Tit. 2.13  ;  cf.  2Th.2.8) ;  not  His  "second 
coming,"  an  expression  not  found  in  the 
Bible.  The  distinctive  feature  of  the  Parousia 
is  that  it  will  come  at  the  close  of  this  present 
order  of  things  and  mark  the  end  of  time. 
It  is  therefore  not  to  be  confused  with  other 
"  comings  "  of  which  our  Lord  spoke,  referring 
either  to  His  appearances  after  the  Resur- 
rection or  to  His  indwelling  in  the  Church 
through  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The 
Gospel  and  Epistles  of  St.  John  especially 
dwell  on  these  "  comings  "  (particularly  the 
group  of  discourses  in  Jn.13-16),  although 
they  mention  the  Parousia  also.  The  Synop- 
tic Gospels  and  the  Epistles  dwell  more  par- 
ticularly on  the  Parousia,  but  they  in  turn 
recognize  the  other  "  comings "  (cf.  Mt.l8. 
20).  The  Apocalypse  centres  around  the 
Parousia,  yet  speaks  of  the  Lord  as  coming 


174      COMING  OF  CHRIST,  SECONC 

always  to  the  heart  of  the  believer  (Rev.3.2o), 
and  as  coining  also  in^tlie  Judgment  of  the 
wicked  (2.5).  The  doctrine  of  the  Parousia 
has  its  root  in  the  O.T.  teaching  of  the  Day  of 
the  Lord.  In  the  world  as  at  present  consti- 
tuted there  are  anomalies  which  seem  to  con- 
tradict the  righteousness  or  the  power  of  God. 
God  "  hides  Himself,"  "  stands  afar  off  "  (Ps. 
10. 1 )  ;  draws  back  His  right  hand,  hides  it  in 
His  bosom  (Ps. 74. 11).  But  the  day  is  coming 
when  "  our  God  shall  come  and  shall  not  keep 
silence,"  when  He  will  vindicate  Himself  by 
an  open,  signal,  decisive,  and  final  judgment. 
which  will  make  manifest  to  all  men  that 
verily  there  is  a  God  that  judgeth  the  earth 
(see  Ps.50.i-5).  In  N.T.  it  is  Jesus  Christ  Who 
will  come  to  execute  this  judgment  (Ac. 17. 31), 
to  set  right  all  wrong,  to  give  a  reward  to  the 
righteous  (the  completion  of  our  salvation, 
the  fulfilment  of  our  inheritance,  is  the  chief 
thought  in  St.  Paul's  idea  of  the  Parousia),  to 
render  vengeance  to  them  that  know  not  God, 
and  to  destroy  for  ever  all  evil.  The  time  of 
the  Parousia  is  frequently  called  the  Last  Day, 
the  Day  of  Judgment,  the  Day  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  "  that  Day  "  or  "  the  Day  "  in 
reference  to  the  O.T.  "  Day  of  the  Lord  " 
{e.g.  Mt. 7. 22, 10.15  ;  Mk.i3.32  ;  Lu.lO.12  ; 
Jn.6.39  ;  Ac. 2.17  ;  iCor.l.8,3.13  ;  2Cor.l.i4  ; 
Ph. 2.16  ;  2Tim.l.i8,  etc.,  etc.).  The  manner 
and  circumstances  of  the  coming  are  described 
also  in  ideas  mainly  derived  from  O.T. 
The  Son  of  Man  (like  that  vicegerent  of  God 
in  Dan. 7. 13, 14,  to  whom  an  everlasting  do- 
minion is  given)  will  come  with  the  sound  of 
the  trumpet,  with  a  shout,  with  the  voice  of 
the  archangel,  in  the  clouds  of  Heaven  {i.e.  ar- 
rayed in  divine  majesty),  in  flaming  fire  with 
great  power  and  glory,  attended  by  hosts  of 
angels  (see  esp.  Mk.l3.26ff.  =  Mt.24.3  off.  ;  Lu. 
21.27f.  ;  Mt.25.31f.  ;  2Th.l.7-io  ;  cf.  iCor.l5. 
52,  iTh.4.16).  The  angels  will  gather  all  men 
before  Him  to  be  judged ;  the  present  heavens 
and  earth  will  pass  away,  to  give  place  to  new 
heavens  and  a  new  earth  (2Pe.3.i2, 13  ;  Rev. 20. 
ii,21.r  ;  cf.  Is. 65. 17, 66. 22).  This  language  is 
largely  pictorial,  and  we  cannot  say  how  much 
of  it  is  figurative. — The  Time  of  the  Parousia. 
The  general  belief  of  the  apostolic  age  was  that 
the  exact  hour  of  the  Lord's  coming  was  uncer- 
tain, but  that  it  was  "  near,  even  at  the  doors  " 
(.Mt. 24.33 ;  Heb.10.25  ;  Jas.5.9  ;  ijn.2.i8).  The 
early  Church  was  stirred  by  this  thought  to 
high  unworldliness  and  enthusiasm  ;  the  Lord 
might  come  at  any  moment,  and  they  must  be 
ready  for  Him  "  with  loins  girded  and  lamps 
burning,  as  men  that  watch  for  their  Lord  " 
(Lu. 12. 35, 36).  There  is  much  in  our  Lord's 
teachingv  as  reported  by  the  evangelists,  to 
arouse  this  expectation  {e.^.  Mt.l6.28  ;  cf.  10. 
23).  In  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark  the  coming  is 
closely,  in  St.  Luke  more  loosely,  connected  with 
the  predicted  destruction  of  Jerusalem  (Mt.24. 
29  ;  Mk.13.24  ;  Lu.21.27).  Yet  our  Lord,  even  in 
the  same  context,  looks  forward  also  to  a  fur- 
ther future  {e.t;.  Mt.24. 11),  warning  His  hearers 
that  tiic  coining  may  be  delayed  (('.g.Mt.24.48  ; 
cf.  25.5  ;  Lu. 12.45),  and  says  that  "  of  that  day 
and  that  hour  knoweth  no  man,  .  .  .  neither 
the  Son  "  (Mt. 24.36  ;  Mk.i3.32  ;  cf.  Ac.l.6,7). 
These  hints,  taken  with  the  promise  of  that 
other  spiritual  coming  fulfilled  at  Pentecost, 


COMMERCE 

and  the  idea  that  every  signal  judgment 
(esp.  on  a  great  scale,  like  the  Fall  of  Jerusa- 
lem) is  also  an  open  manifestation  of  the 
righteous  God,  will  lead  us  to  widen  our  con- 
ception of  the  Parousia  and  see  in  it  partly  a 
gradual  process  to  which  every  triumph  of 
good  contributes  and  which  is  completed  at 
the  Last  Day  (the  kingdom  growing  impercep- 
tibly, like  tlie  seed  in  the  parable),  and  partly 
a  great  cataclysm  at  the  end  of  time,  a  re- 
versal of  these  present  conditions  under  which 
it  is  possible  for  evil  to  triumph  and  the  divine 
Omnipotence  is  an  object  of  faith  and  not  of 
sight.  In  this  latter  sense  it  is  a  possibly  far- 
off,  yet  not  isolated,  event  ;  one  of  and  for 
which  every  judgment  and  defeat  of  evil  in 
human  history  is  a  foreshadowing  and  a  jiro- 
paration.  And  as  the  Resurrection  is  the  hope 
and  consolation  of  the  redeemed  individual,  so 
the  Parousia  is  the  hope  of  the  redeemed  race. 
The  perfected  spirit  will  rise  again  in  a  "  spirit- 
ual "  body  (iCor.15.44)  ;  so  the  perfected 
Church  will  live  again  in  a  "  spiritual  "  world, 
an  environment  in  which  the  will  of  God  is  no 
longer  thwarted  by  sin,  a  new  heaven  and  a 
new  earth  wherein  dwelleth  righteousness, 
where  the  perfect  reign  of  order  and  right  is  re- 
alized because  Christ  has  "  come"  with  power. 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  art.  "  Parousia  "  ; 
Salmond,  Christian  Doctrine  of  Immortality  ;  J. 
Agar  Beet,  The  La'it  Things,  pp.  11-102.  [s.c.G.] 
Commepce.  The  Israelites  up  to  the 
time  of  David  did  not  practise  commerce  ;  this 
was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Canaanites,  so 
much  so  that  "  Canaanitc  "  came  to  mean 
"  merchant."  It  is  clear  that  international 
trade  must  have  existed  and  affected  even  the 
pastoral  nomad  races,  for  we  find  that  Abra- 
ham was  rich,  not  only  in  cattle,  but  in  silver, 
gold,  gems,  and  ornaments  (Gen. 13. 2. 24. 22, 
53).  Among  trading  nations  Egypt  holds  in 
very  early  times  a  prominent  position  in 
Scripture,  though  her  external  trade  was 
carried  on,  not  by  her  own  citizens,  but  by 
foreigners,  chiefly  of  .Asiatic  races.  It  was  an 
Ishmaelite  caravan,  laden  with  spices,  which 
carried  Joseph  into  Egypt.  From  Egypt, 
especially  in  times  of  general  scarcity,  corn 
would  be  exported,  which  was  paid  for  in 
silver,  which  was  alwa>s  weighed  (Gen. 41. 
57,42.3,25,35,43.11,12,21).  Intercourse  with 
Tyre,  with  whom  trade  was  carried  on  espe- 
cially by  the  tribes  of  Issachar  and  Zebulun 
(Deut.33.18ff.),  appears  only  to  have  occurred 
at  a  later  period.  At  the  same  period  trade 
was  carried  on  between  Babylon  and  the  Sy- 
rian cities,  and  gold  and  silver  ornaments 
were  common  among  the  Syrian  and  Arabian 
races  (Num. 31. 50  ;  Jos.7.21  ;  Judg.8.24). 
L'ntil  the  time  of  Solomon  the  Hebrew 
nation  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  foreign 
trade.  Foreign  trade  was  indeed  contem- 
plated by  the  Law,  but  its  spirit  was  more  in 
favour  of  agriculture  (Deut.  17. 16,17).  Solo- 
mon, however,  organized  an  extensive  trade 
with  foreign  countries.  He  imported  linen 
yarn,  horses,  and  chariots  from  Kf^ypt  (iK.lO. 
22-2>)),  and  ivory,  sandal-wood,  monkeys,  pea- 
cocks, pri'cicus  stones,  silver,  and  above  all, 
gold  lTA-<siiisii]  (iK.9.26iT.,10.ii-i2).  The 
cedar  and  other  timber  for  his  great  architec- 
tural works  was  brought  by  Phoenicians  by 


Communion,  holy 

sea  to  Joppa,  and  he  found  the  provisions 
necessary  for  the  workmen  in  mount  Lebanon 
(iK.5.6,Q  ;  2Chr.2.i6).  After  his  death  mari- 
time trade  declined,  and  the  attempt  of  Je- 
hoshaphat  to  revive  it  proved  unsuccessful 
(iK. 22.48, 49).  We  know,  however,  that 
Phoenicia  was  supplied  from  Judaea  with 
wheat,  honey,  oil,  and  balm  (iK.S.ii  ;  Ezk. 
27.17 ;  Ac.12.20),  whilst  Tyrian  dealers 
brought  fish  and  other  merchandise  to  Jeru- 
salem at  the  time  of  the  return  from  captivity 
(Ne.l3.i6),  as  well  as  timber  for  rebuilding  the 
temple  (Ezr.3.7).  Oil  was  exported  to  Egypt 
(Ho. 12.1),  and  fine  linen  and  ornamental 
girdles  of  domestic  manufacture  were  sold  to 
the  merchants  (Pr.3i.24).  Its  successive  in- 
vasions must  have  impoverished  the  country, 
but  much  wealth  must  nevertheless  have  ex- 
isted, owing  to  the  abundant  natural  products 
of  the  country — wine,  oil,  fruit,  etc.  ;  so^'much 
so  that  Jerusalem  appears  as  the  rival  of  Tyre, 
and  through  its  port,  Joppa,  carried  on  trade 
with  foreign  countries  (Is. 2. 6, 16  ;  Ho. 12. 7  ; 
Ezk. 26. 2  ;  Jon.l.3).  The  internal  and  ex- 
ternal trade  of  the  Jews,  like  that  of  Egypt, 
was  much  promoted  by  the  festivals,  which 
brought  large  numbers  of  persons  to'Jerusa- 
lem,  and  caused  great  outlay  for  victims  for 
sacrifices  and  for  incense  (iK.8.63).  Accord- 
ing to  the  earlier  prophets,  dishonest  dealing 
and  oppressive  acts  on  the  part  of  traders  was 
not  uncommon  (Am.S-sf.  ;  Ho. 12.8).  The 
places  of  public  market  were,  then  as  now, 
chiefly  the  open  spaces  near^the  gates  (Ne.l3. 
15,16  ;  Zeph.l.io).  Traders  in  later  times  in- 
truded into  the  outer  coiurts  of  the  temple, 
where  victims  for  the  sacrifices  were  publicly 
sold  (Zech. 14.21  ;  Mt.21.i2  :  Jn.2.14). 
Communion,  Holy.  [Eucharist.] 
Conaniah',  a  chief  who  gave  passover- 
offerings  in  the  time  of  Josiah  (aChr.SS.g). 
Concision.  [Circumcision.] 
Concubine.  [Family,  D.  III.] 
Conduit (2K. 18. 17,20.20;  Is.7.3,36.2),Heb. 
/»''a/rt,  elsewhere  rendered  "  trench  "  (1K.I8.32) 
or  "channel"  (R.V.Job38.25;  A.V.  watercourse). 
This  was  not,  apparently,  the  Gihon  aqueduct, 
but  a  channel  leading  to  the  "  Upper  Pool."  For 
the  Assyrians  approached  Jerusalem  on  this  oc- 
casion from  the  W.,  where  Josephus  places  the 
"  camp  of  the  Assyrians  "  (5  Wars  xii.  2).  The 
Upper  Pool  would  thus  be  the  present  Hammdm 
el  Batrak,  called  also  Hezekiah's  Pool,  but  by 
Josephus  the  pool  Amygdalon  {of  the  tower). 
A  conduit  still  leads  E.  towards  it  from  Birket 
Mamilla  outside  J  erusalem  on  W.  [Dragon 
Well.]  [c.r.c] 

Coney  (Heb.  shdphdn).  The  translation 
in  A.V.  of  the  Heb.  shdphdn  as  "  coney  "  is 
exceedingly  unfortunate,  seeing  that,  except 
in  legal  phraseology,  the  English  word  has 
completely  dropped  out  of  use  in  its  original 
signification,  and  been  supplanted  by  "  rab- 
bit." Consequently  the  notion  is  prevalent 
that  coney  is  really  the  proper  English  name 
of  the  animal  indicated  by  the  Heb.  shdphdn 
(lit.  the  hider).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Procavia 
syriaca,  the  animal  in  question,  has  no 
proper  English  name,  although  it  is  gener- 
ally known  as  the  Syrian  "hyrax,"  from  a 
now  discarded  scientific  title.  In  Cape  Colony 
a  related    species    is    commonly   known    as 


CONGREGATION 


175 


"  dassie,"  from  a  corruption  of  its  Dutch 
name,  klip-dass,  literally  "rock-badger." 
The  Syrian  hyrax  is  an  outlying  member  of 
a  group  of  small  African  mammals,  mostly 
of  the  size  of  rabbits,  which  form  a  special 
section  {Hyracoidea)  of  the  great  hoofed  or 
ungulate  order.     They  have  no  near  existing 


HVRAX  SVRIACU 


relations,  although  represented  by  extinct 
forms  of  large  size  in  the  Tertiary  rocks  of 
Egypt  and  southern  Europe.  In  general 
form  they  are  somewhat  rabbit-like,  but  the 
ears  are  short,  the  tail  is  rudimentary,  the  toes 
(4  in  front  and  3  behind)  are  cased  in  nail-like 
hoofs,  and  there  is  a  bare  glandular  patch  in 
the  fur  of  the  back.  The  two  upper  front  (in- 
cisor) teeth  are  long  and  dagger-like,  distantly 
recalling  those  of  a  rabbit  ;  but  the  molars,  or 
cheek-teeth,  are  more  like  those  of  a  rhino- 
ceros. Although  some  of  the  African  hyraxes 
are  arboreal,  the  Syrian  species,  which  is 
abundant  in  suitable  districts,  dwells  in  holes 
and  crannies  amid  rocks  in  large  companies. 
The  statement  in  Lev.ll.5  and  Deut.14.7, 
that  the  "  coney "  is  unclean  because  it 
chews  the  cud  without  dividing  the  hoof,  is 
not  strictly  correct,  as  it  does  not  "ruminate." 
The  expression,  however,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  hare,  doubtless  refers  to  the  rapid  move- 
ments of  its  jaws,  and  although  meaning  "  re- 
chew,"  may  perhaps  indicate  remastication 
without  the  regurgitation  which  occurs  in 
ruminants.  Strict  interpretation  of  physio- 
logical processes  should  not,  however,  be  ex- 
pected among  people  like  the  ancient  Hebrews. 
The  expression  "  exceeding  wise  "  may  refer 
to  the  wariness  of  this  "feeble  folk."     [r.l.] 

Confection  (Ex.3O.35),  Confeetionapy 
(iSam.8.13).     [Apothecarv;   Ointment.] 

Conflpmation.  [Church  ;  Laying  on 
OF  Hands.] 

Congpeg-ation.  The  rendering  of  several 
Heb.  words,  (i)  'edhd,  a  company  met  to- 
gether by  appointment  or  acting  in  concert. 
It  is  applied  to  Israel  as  the  organic  union  of 
the  Twelve  Tribes,  the  cnvayuyq,  and  also  to  a 
community  in  its  corporate  capacity  (Num.35. 
24ff.).  (2)  qdhdl,  an  assembly,  the  €KK\r]aia, 
used  of  an  assembly  specially  convoked  for  a 
special  occasion,  purpose,  or  time — e.g.  for 
feasts  (iK.8.65  ;  Ps.26.i2, 68.26  ;  JI.2.16).  It 
is  used  of  the  whole  body  of  Israel  :  LXX. 
awaywyr],  in  Ex.,  Lev.,  Num.,  Deut.5.22,  and 
€KK\r]TLa  in  Deut.  and  the  historical  books. 
Hence  no  distinction  between  (i)  and  (2)  can 
be  proved  from  the  LXX.,  but  cf.  Pr.5.14.    (3) 


176 


CONIAH 


mo'edh  (same  root  as  i),  Ps.74.4,  R  V.  "  as- 
sembly "  ;  cf.  ver.  8,  "  all  the  apftointed  places  of 
God  in  the  land."  The  phrase  "  tabernacle 
or  tent  of  the  congregation  "  is  correctly 
rendered  in  the  R.V.  by  "  tent  of  meeting  " — 
i.e.  of  God  with  His  people.  [Tabernacle, 
Names.]  In  post-Exilic  times  awaywyrj  was 
used  for  both  the  community  and  the  place  of 
worship  ;  and  (KKXrjaia  for  the  assembly  of 
worshippers.     [Family  ;  Elders.]       [h.h.] 

Coniah.     [Jeconiah.] 

Cononiah',  the  Levite,  in  charge  of  the 
offerings  and  tithes  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah 
(2Chr.31. 12,13). 

Conscience  {(rwelSrjffts)-  The  word  oc- 
curs in  O.T  in  deutero-canonical  books  only  : 
Wis.17.li  ;  Ecclus.14.2  (R.V.  SOI//)  ;  2Mac.'6. 
II  (R.V.  scruple).  In  N.T.  30  times  (R.V.)  in 
Acts  and  Epp.  In  Hcb.10.2  it  is  equivalent 
to  modern  "  consciousness."  The  doctrine 
of  Conscience  implies  a  stage  in  psychological 
analysis  not  attained  in  O.T.,  nor  in  Gk. 
thought  till  Stoicism,  which  first  took  a  sub- 
jective view  of  the  moral  problem  and  gave  a 
moral  turn  to  the  term  ffweidijins  (conscious- 
ness). [Stoics.]  This  does  not,  of  course, 
mean  that  the  O.T.  lacks  the  idea  of  a  moral 
faculty  in  man  ;  but  it  is  at  first  not  differenti- 
ated, and  the  moral  law  is  conceived  as  ex- 
ternal. God  speaks  audibly  to  patriarchs  and 
to  Israel ;  and  the  ordinances  of  the  Mosaic 
law  supersede  the  individual  conscience.  We 
first  hear  of  a  "  law  written  in  the  heart  "  in 
Je.31.33  ;  cf.  Is. 51. 7.  The  function  of  "  ac- 
cusing or  excusing  "  actions  is  assigned  to  the 
heart  in  Job  27.6.  When  we  reach  the  Gk. 
books  of  Wisdom  and  Ecclus.  and  the  N.T., 
Gk.  influence  has  introduced  the  subjective 
standpoint  ;  but  Conscience  is  still  a  terni  of 
the  Schools — it  is  lacking  in  the  gospels  (Jn. 
8.9,  not  in  R.V.).  Our  Lord  speaks  simply  of 
the  heart  as  the  moral  organ,  or  metaphorically 
of  the  eye  or  "  the  light  which  is  in  "  man  (Mt. 
6.23).  First  in  St.  Paul  and  in  Pauline  speeches 
(Ac.23.i,24.i6)  do  we  find  the  word  :  outside 
St.  Paul  only  in  Hcb.  and  iPe.,  which  are  both 
influenced  by  Pauline  ideas. — Historical. 
There  is  no  definition  of  Conscience  in  the 
Bible,  nor,  indeed,  any  systematic  treatment 
of  the  subject  till  the  days  of  the  great  School- 
men. St.  Thomas  Aquinas  distinguishes 
Synderesis  (possibly  a  corruption  of  avvddriais), 
meaning  the  faculty  which  apprehends  first 
principles  in  morals,  from  Conscientia,  which 
applies  them  to  jnuticular  cases.  Conscience 
is  with  the  Schoolmen  an  act  of  the  intellect  — 
a  practical  judgment.  When  thought  broke 
loose  from  scholastic  tutelage,  it  tended  to 
deny  the  absolute  nature  of  any  judgments,  and 
Conscience  became,  c.f^.  in  Hobbes,  merely  an 
expression  of  individual  ojiinion  f)r  convention. 
Purely  naturalistic  systems  follow  Hobbes. 
calling  to  their  aid  nowadays  the  theory  of 
Evolution.  Conscience  has  developed,  and 
differs  in  different  races  and  classes  :  how, 
then,  can  it  claim  objective  truth  ?  The  same 
denial  of  objectivity  follows  from  the  premisses 
of  the  "  NIoral  Sense  "  school.  Here  Con- 
Science  is  a  feeling  or  emotion,  not  an  intellec- 
tual judgment.  But  in  that  case,  it  is  iinpos* 
sible  to  pronounce  its  deliverances  true  or  false. 


CONVERSION 

Two  consciences,  one  declaring  to  be  right 
what  the  other  calls  wrong,  may  be  equally 
true,  each  for  itself.  But  Conscience  claims  to 
pronounce  what  is  objectively  right  and  to 
legislate  for  all  men  ;  and  this  claim  can  only 
be  justified  if  it  is  an  act  of  reason.  No  doubt 
the  moral  judgment  is  accompanied  by  and 
largely  dependent  upon  feelings  ;  but  in  itself 
it  is  an  aiYair  of  the  head,  not  of  the  heart.  The 
Evolutionary  problem  is  met  by  a  comparison 
of  moral  with,  cc;..  mathematical  judgments. 
Because  a  child  makes  a  mistake  in  the  mul- 
tiplication-table, it  does  not  follow  that  one 
cannot  assert  that  12x12  always  and  every- 
where =  1-1^4.  Similarly,  the  fact  that  Con- 
science grows  and  retjuires  education  does  not 
invalidate  its  judgments  when  it  is  developed 
and  trained. — Christian  Teaching.  The  Chris- 
tian doctrine  of  Conscience  isin  agreement  with 
the  best  moral  philosophy,  while  it  emphasizes 
the  dependence  of  the  moral  faculty  upon  God. 
It  is  the  witness  to  a  moral  law  written  in 
man's  heart  by  God  (Ro.2.14,15).  Its  voice 
is  supreme  over  all  other  considerations,  so  that 
man  must  act  "  for  conscience'  sake,"  not 
because  of  any  external  compulsion  (13. 5). 
Conscience  is  the  sole  final  judge,  and  must  be 
obeyed  ;  but  it  is  not  by  any  means  infallible. 
St.  Paul  acted  with  a  good  conscience  when 
persecuting  the  Church  (.\c.23.i),  as  well  as 
when  afterwards  he  mourned  over  faithless 
Israel  (Ro.9.  i).  Conscience  may  be  unedu- 
cated (Ac. 3. 17:  iTini.1.13  ;  iCor.8.7).  In 
such  a  case  the  wrong  practical  judgment  is 
excused  ;  and  to  act  contrary  to  even  a  false 
judgment  of  conscience  is  sinful :  "  conscience, 
being  weak,  is  defiled."  It  may  also  judge 
wrongly,  because  "  seared  "  or  "  branded  " 
(iTim.4.2).  or  because  "  the  light  has  become 
darkness  "  (Mt.6.23).  Here  the  individual  is 
himself  responsible  for  wilful  perversion  of  his 
moral  judgment  by  disregarding  it  whilst 
sound.  Thus  Conscience  is  (a),  in  agreement 
with  the  Schoolmen  and  Kant,  an  act  of  the  in- 
tellect, judging  questions  of  right  and  wrong  ; 
and  (h)  requires  education  and  guidance.  Thus, 
its  supreme  need  is  a  guide  and  standard  of 
action  ;  which  Christianity,  with  Aristotle, 
finds  in  a  person  ;  whom  the  Gk.  calls  6 
(ppdvi/xof — the  truly  wise  man.  whoever  he  may 
be — and  whom  the  Christian  knows  in  Christ — 
the  incarnate  Wisdom  of  God,  the  Light  of  the 
world, — and  in  the  teaching  of  Scripture  and 
the  Church,  in  which  the  mind  of  Christ 
is  enshrined  and  revealed.  The  Bible  goes 
beyond  Moral  Pliilosojihy  in  recognizing  the 
need  of  a  "  rl(>ansing  of  tlie  conscience  "  from 
past  sin  (Heb.9.14,10.22)  ;  and  here  again 
Christ  affords  the  sole  satisfaction  of  moral 
needs.  [Atonement.]  Thos.  Aq.  Summa  I. 
a,  q.  7<),  I.  2,  q.  if)  ;  Butler,  Sermons  1,  2,  3  ; 
Rashdall,  Theory  0/  Good  and  Evil,  bk.  i.  ch.  6. 
.An>'  treatise  of  Christian  Ethics — Newman 
Smyth  is  comprehensive  ;  and  see  also  our  art. 
Piiii.osopiiv.  [c.l.b.] 

Conversion.  [Cf.  Salvation.]  The  term 
"  conversion  "  does  not  occur  except  in  Ac. 
15.3,  "  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles."  The 
verb,  however,  occurs  several  times  in  A.V. ;  but 
in  R.V.  is  uniformly  translated  "turn,"  the 
retranslators  evidently  feeling  it  inadvisable  to 
introduce  a  word  commonly  used  in  a  technical 


CONVOCATION 

sense,  and  expressive  of  a  particular  view  of 
grace,  when  a  simpler  word  conveyed  a  satis- 
factory and  sufficient  meaning.  Since,  how- 
ever, the  term  is  in  frequent  religious  use,  it 
seems  advisable  to  appropriate  it  to  a  definite 
sense,  as  meaning  the  human  part  in  salvation. 
It  is  granted  that  popularly  it  is  used  of  the 
divine  agency ;  but  this  is  a  mistranslation,  since 
the  word  is  only  used  in  the  active  of  human 
agency  in  turning  a  sinner  from  the  error  of  his 
ways,  and  in  the  middle  voice  of  a  man  turning 
himself  to  repentance,  faith,  and  good  works. 
When  used  in  the  former  sense  there  is  no  dan- 
ger of  misuse,  since  human  influence  can  hardly 
be  so  strong  as  to  annihilate  choice,  as  would 
certainly  be  supposed  likely  if  the  word  was 
used  (which  it  is  not)  of  God.  Any  one  can 
see  the  vast  difference  between  "  except  ye  be 
converted  "  and  "  except  ye  turn."  The  doc- 
trine of  irresistible  grace  appears  therefore  to 
have  come  in  by  way  of  a  mistranslation.  That 
it  has  been  productive  of  great  moral  hurt  will 
hardly  be  denied,  since  it  has  caused  men,  and 
especially  the  young,  to  neglect  personal  effort 
while  waiting  for  a  divine  compulsion.  Pro- 
perly used,  however,  the  term  may  be  usefully 
employed  as  a  summary  of  the  human  side  of 
salvation,    including   repentance,    faith,    and 


COPPER 


177 


only.  The  phrase  is  applied  to  the  sabbath 
(Lev.23.2,3)  ;  the  first  and  last  day  of  Un- 
leavened Bread  or  Passover  (Ex.l2.i6  ;  Lev. 
23.7,8)  ;  Pentecost  (ver.  21)  ;  Trumpets,  the 
first  day  of  the  civil  year  (ver.  24)  ;  Weeks,  or 
Firstfruits  (Num.28. 26)  ;  first  and  last  day  of 
Tabernacles  (Lev.23.35,36)  ;  to  all  these 
festivals  (vv.  4,37)  ;  and  to  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment (ver.  27).  See  also  the  enumeration  in 
Num.28.i8, 25, 29.1, 7,12.  [h.h.] 

Cooking'-  As  meat  did  not  form  an  article 
of  ordinary  diet  among  the  Hebrews,  cooking 
was  of  a  primitive  kind.  Animals  were  only 
slaughtered  for  purposes  of  hospitality  and 
sacrifice.  On  the  arrival  of  a  guest  the  ani- 
mal, a  kid,  lamb,  or  calf,  was  killed  (Gen. 18. 7 ; 
Lu.15.23),  its  throat  being  cut  that  the  blood 
might  be  poured  out  (Lev.7.26)  ;  it  was  then 
flayed  and  was  ready  either  for  roasting  or 
boiling  ;  if  the  former,  the  animal  was  pre- 
served entire  (Ex.i2.46),  and  roasted  over  a 
fire  (Ex. 12.8)  of  wood  (Is.44'.i6),  or  perhaps  in 
an  oven,  consisting  simply  of  a  hole  dug  in  the 
earth,  well  heated,  and  covered  up.  The  Pas- 
chal lamb  was  roasted  in  the  first  way  (Ex.12. 
8,9;  2Chr.35.13).  Boiling,  however,  was  the 
more  usual  method  of  cooking  flesh.  Vegetables 
were  usually  boiled,  and  served  up  as  pottage 


DO 


Q^ 


COOKING.     (From  Wilkinson.) 


obedience.  It  is  not  inconsistent  with  bap- 
tismal regeneration,  but  may  be  considered  as 
its  realization,  and  the  acceptance  by  the  will  of 
a  position  freely  given  by  God.  It  is,  however, 
particularly  applicable  to  the  case  of  those  who 
have  through  ignorance  or  wilfulness  lived  lives 
of  carelessness  or  disobedience,  and  have  gone 
in  a  way  that  is  not  good,  and  should  therefore 
retrace  their  steps.  "  The  way  to  heaven," 
said  Bp.  Selwyn,  "  is  to  turn  to  the  right,  and 
go  straight  on."  In  this  series  of  articles  (which 
includes  also  Salvation,  Saviour,  Faith,  Re- 
pentance) it  will  be  seen  that  the  doctrine  of 
substitution,  and  the  doctrine  of  conversion,  as 
popularly  preached,  both  seriously  depreciate 
the  response  of  the  will.  Repentance  is  often 
slurred  over,  and  faith  restricted  to  trustful 
acceptance ;  and  in  some  cases  obedience  is 
thought  to  partake  of  the  nature  of  "  works." 
This  presentation  of  Christianity  seems  to  arise 
from  the  misunderstanding  of  St.  Paul,  and  the 
omission  of  very  distinct  teachings  both  of 
Christ  and  the  apostles  generall}'.  For  a  fuller 
discussion,  see  the  writer's  Crux  Crucis  (Simp- 
kin,  Marshall :  1907).  [M.S.] 

Convocation.  With  the  prefix  "  holy  " 
this  was  the  technical  term  for  a  religious 
gathering  on  the  sabbath  and  festivals.  No 
servile  work  was  to  be  done,  necessary  pre- 
paration of  food  only  being  permitted  (Ex.12. 
16).  It  occurs  Is. 1.13, 4.5  (E  V.  assemblies), 
without  "  holy  "  ;  elsewhere  in  the  Pentateuch 


(Gen.2-5.29  ;  2K.4.38).  Fish  was  also  cooked 
(Lu.24.42),  probably  broiled.  The  cooking  was 
in  early  times  performed  by  the  mistress  of 
the  household  (Gen. 18. 6)  ;  professional  cooks 
were  afterwards  employed  (iSam. 8. 13,9.23). 

Co'os  (Ac.21.1).     [Cos.] 

Copper  (Heb.  trhdsheth),  in  A.V.  always 
rendered  Brass  except  in  Ezr.8.27  and  Je.l5. 
12  (A.V.  steel).  This  metal  is  usually  found  as 
chalcopyrite  (sulphide  of  copper  and  iron), 
malachite  (hydrous  carb.  of  copper),  or  as  an 
oxide  ;  occasionally  also  native,  but  rarely  in 
the  Old  World.  It  was  almost  exclusively 
used  by  the  ancients  for  common  purposes  ; 
for  which  its  malleable  and  ductile  nature 
rendered  it  practically  available.  Vessels  of  it 
have  been  found  in  tombs  of  kings  of  Egypt 
belonging  to  the  ist  dynasty,  and  the  copper 
mines  neaiWddy  en  Nasb  (Sinai)  were  workedby 
them  from  very  early  times.  It  was  known  in 
Babylonia  (Tel-loh)  as  early  as  2500  e.g.  We 
read  in  the  Bible  of  copper,  possessed  in  count- 
less abundance  (2Chr.4.i8),  and  used  for  every 
kind  of  instrument  :  as  chains  (Judg.l6.21), 
pillars  (iK. 7. 15-21),  lavers,  the  great  one  being 
called  "  the  copper  sea  "  (2K.25.13  ;  iChr.18. 
8),  and  the  other  temple  vessels.  These  were 
made  in  the  foundry,  with  the  assistance  of 
Hiram,  a  Phoenician  (iK.T.isff.),  though  the 
Hebrews  were  not  ignorant  of  metallurgy 
(Deut.4.20,  etc.  ;  Ezk.22.i8).  We  read  also  of 
copper  mirrors  (Ex.38.8  ;  Job  37. 18),  and  even 

.  12 


178 


COR 


of  copper  arms,  as  helmets,  spears,  etc.  (iSam. 
17.5,6,38;  2Sam.2i.16).  The  expression  "  bow 
of  steel,"  in  Job20.24,  Ps.l8.34,  should  be 
rendered  "  bow  of  copper."  They  could 
hardly  have  applied  copper  to  these  purposes 
without  being  acquainted  with  some  means  of 
hardening  it.  Antimony  was  perhaps  some- 
times used,  and  Dr.  J.  H.  Gladstone  (see 
Proc.  Bibl.  Arch.  Soc.  Feb.  1894)  ascertained 
that  copper  weapons  from  Tell  el-Hesy,  found 
in  a  pre-lsraelite  stratum,  contained  (like 
others  from  ancient  sites  in  Egypt)  a  consider- 
able proportion  of  sub-oxide  of  copper,  and 
thinks  the  workers  may  have  discovered  a 
way  of  forming  this  during  the  smelting  in 
order  to  harden  the  mixture.  [Handicrafts.] 
The  only  place  in  A.V.  where  "  copper  "  is 
mentioned  is  Ezr.S.ay  (cf.  iEsd.8.57  ;  but  the 
R.V.  renders  it  "  brass,"  as  in  Je.i5.12).  These 
vessels  may  have  been  of  orichalcum,  like  the 
Persian  or  Indian  vases  found  among  the 
treasures  of  Darius.  In  Ezk.27.i3  the  im- 
portation of  copper  vessels  to  the  markets  of 
Tyre  by  merchants  of  Javan,  Tubal,  and 
Meshech  is  alluded  to.  Probably  these  were 
the  Moschi,  etc.,  who  worked  the  copper-mines 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Caucasus.  In 
2Tim.4.i4  xa^K(vs  is  rendered  "  coppersmith," 
but  the  term  is  perfectly  general. 

Cop  (kor).     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Coral  occurs  only,  as  the  somewhat  doubt- 
ful renderhig  of  the  Heb.  rdmulh,  in  Job  28. 18 
and  Ezk.27.i6.  The  old  versions  fail  to  give 
any  clue,  but  as  the  natural  upward  growth  of 
the  Corallium  rubrum  is  well  suited  to  the  ety- 
mology of  n/jHri//;,  it  probably  is  rightly  rendered 
"coral."  This  was  known  to  Theophrastus  and 
Pliny,  was  worn  for  ornament,  and  supposed  to 
possess  medical  and  magical  virtues,  an  idea 
lingering  yet,  especially  in  Italy.  Pliny  says 
that  the  Indians  valued  coral  as  the  Romans 
valued  pearls,  and  it  is  still  highly  esteemed 
in  the  far  East.  Coral  often  occurs  in  ancient 
Egyptian  beads  and  amulets.  [t.g.b.] 

Copban'.  Heb.  subst.  connected  with  a 
verb  meaning  to  bring  near.  In  the  Penta- 
teuch it  denotes  either  (i)  an  animal  or  vege- 
table offering  brought  to  the  religious  centre 
for  sacrificial  purposes  (Lev. 3. 2,  etc.)  ;  or  (2) 
specifically  that  portion  of  the  animal  or 
offering  which  was  presented  by  the  sacrificant 
for  God  or  the  priests  (Lev.3.i4,7.29ff.,  etc.)  ; 
or  (3)  any  offering  brought  near  to  God  for 
sacred  purposes — e.^.  a  portion  of  spoil  (Num. 
31.50),  the  gifts  of  the  princes  (Num.7).  Sub- 
sequently used  in  vows  (e.g.  Mt.15.5  ;  Mk.7.ii) 
to  dedicate  something  to  God,  thereby  with- 
drawing it  from  human  use  (c/.Pr.26.25),  a 
practice  by  which  other  obligations  were  some- 
times evaded.  In  Mt.27.6  it  denotes  the  sacred 
treasury.   [Vow.]  Jew-  Enc.  wii.  ^bi.     [h.m.w.J 

Cop'be  (il-:s(1.5.i2)  =  Zaccai. 

Copd,  iiichiding  rope,  and  twisted  thongs, 
was  used  for  the  fi)liowing,  among  other,  pur- 
poses :  For  fastening  a  tent  (Ex.35. 18  ;  Is.54. 
2).  As  the  tent  supplied  a  favourite  image  of 
the  human  l)ody,  the  cords  which  held  it  in  its 
place  represented  the  principle  of  life  (Job 30. 
II  ;  Ec.12.6).  For  binding  slaughtered  ani- 
mals to  th?  horns  of  the  altar  (Ps.ll8.27).  For 
yokinc  animals  to  a  cart  (Is.5.i8)  or  plough 
(Job  39.10).     For  binding  prisoners  (Judg.l5. 


CORlNTfl 

13  ;  Ps.2.3  ;  Ezk.3.25).  For  bow-strings  (Ps. 
11.2),  made  of  ox  and  camel  gut  ;  such  are 
spoken  of  in  Judg.16.7  (A.V.  green  withs, 
but  more  properly  fresh  or  moist  bow-strings). 
For  the  ropes  or  "  tacklings  "  of  a  vessel  (Is. 
33.23).  For  measuring  ground  (2Sam.8.2  ; 
Ps.78.55  ;  Am. 7. 17  ;  Zech.2.i)  ;  hence  cord  or 
line  became  an  expression  for  an  inheritance 
(Jos.i7.14, 19.9  ;  Ps.16.6  ;  Ezk.47.i3),  and  even 
for  any  defined  district  (Deut.3.4).  For  at- 
taching articles  of  dress  ;  as  the  "  wreathen 
chains,"  which  were  twisted  cords,  worn  by 
the  high-priests  (Ex. 28. 14, 22, 24,39.15, 17).  For 
fastening  awnings  (Esth.1.6).  For  drawing 
water  out  of  a  well,  or  raising  heavy  weights 
(J05.2.15  ;  Je.38.6,13).  Cords  were  also  worn 
as  a  sign  of  humility  (1K.2O.31).  The  materials 
of  which  cord  was  made  varied  according  to 
the  strength  required  ;  the  strongest  rope  was 
probably  made  of  strips  of  camel  or  ox  hide,  as 
still  used  by  the  Bedouin  Arabs.  The  finer 
sorts  were  made  of  flax  (Is.19.9),  and  probably 
of  reeds  and  rushes.  In  N.T.  the  term  ffxoivla. 
is  applied  to  the  whip  which  our  Saviour  made 
(Jn.2.15),  and  to  the  ropes  of  a  ship  (Ac. 27. 32). 

Cop'e  (Ecclus.45.i8  ;   Ju.ii)=  Korah,  i. 

Copiandep.  The  Coriandrum  sativum  is 
found  in  Egypt,  Persia,  and  India,  and  has  a 
round  tall  stalk.  It  bears  umbelliferous  white 
or  reddish  flowers,  from  which  arise  globular, 
greyish,  spicy  seed-corns,  marked  with  fine 
striae.  Formerly  coriander  was  regarded  as 
possessing  many  virtues  against  sickness.  It 
is  mentioned  in  the  Bible  only  as  resembling 
manna  (Ex. 16. 31  ;    Num. 11. 7). 

Coplnth.  This  city,  remarkable  for  its  dis- 
tinctive geographical  position,  was  eminent 
in  classical  history,  and  closely  connected 
with  the  early  spread  of  Christianity.  So 
famous  was  its  Isthmus  that  that  name  has 
been  given  to  every  narrow  neck  of  land 
between  two  seas.  But,  besides  this,  the  site 
of  Corinth  is  distinguished  by  another  con- 
spicuous feature — viz.  the  Acrocorinthus,  a 
vast  citadel  of  rock  rising  abruptly  2,000  ft. 
above  the  sea-level,  with  a  summit  so  exten- 
sive that  it  once  contained  a  whole  town. 
The  situation  of  Corinth  with  its  E.  and  W. 
harbours  is  the  key  to  its  history.  Its  im- 
portance probably  began  under  the  Phoeni- 
cians, but  the  first  authentic  records  show  the 
Greeks  here  in  a  position  of  wealth  and  military 
strength;  and  in  the  latest  days  of  Gk.  history 
Corinth  w;is  still  conspicuous.  But  before  St. 
Paul's  day  it  had  been  rebuilt  and  established 
as  a  Roman  colony.  The  distinction  between 
the  Greek  and  Roman  cities  of  Corinth  must 
be  carefully  remembered.  The  new  city  was 
hardly  less  distinguished  than  the  old,  and  was 
the  metropolis  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Achaia.  It  was  a  place  alike  of  great  mental 
activity  and  of  commercial  and  manufactur- 
ing enterprise.  Its  wealth,  its  vice,  and  the 
profligacy  of  its  inliabitants  were  proverbial. 
The  worship  of  Venus  was  here  attended  with 
shameful  licentiousness.  All  these  points  are 
incidentally  illustrated  in  i  and  2  Cor.  Corinth 
is  still  an  episcopal  see.  The  cathedral  church 
of  St.  Nicolas,  "  a  verv  mean  place  for  such  an 
ecclesiastical  dignity,''  used  to  be,  in  Turkish 
times,  in  the  Acrocorinthus.  The  city  is 
now  only  a  wretched  village,  on  the  old  site. 


eORIN'THIANS,  FIRS*  EP.  TO 

and  bearing  the  old  name,  often  corrupted, 
however,  into  Gortho.  Pausanias,  describing 
the  antiquities  of  Corinth  as  they  existed  in 
his  day,  distinguishes  clearly  between  those 
of  Greek  and  Roman  origin.  Two  relics  of 
Roman  work  are  still  to  be  seen :  a  heap  of 
brick-work  which  may  have  been  part  of  the 
baths  erected  by  Hadrian,  and  the  remains  of 
an  amphitheatre  with  subterranean  arrange- 
ments for  gladiators.  Far  more  interesting, 
however,  are  the  ruins  of  the  very  ancient 
Greek  temple.  From  the  Posidonium,  or  sanc- 
tuary of  Neptune,  the  scene  of  the  Isthmian 
games,  St.  Paul  draws  some  of  his  most  striking 
imagery  in  iCor.  and  other  epistles.  This 
sanctuary  was  a  short  distance  N.E.  of  Corinth, 
at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Isthmus,  near  the 
harbour  of  Schoenus  (now  Kalamdki)  on  the 
Saronic  gulf.  Its  exact  site  is  doubtful ;  but  to 
the  S.  are  the  remains  of  the  stadium,  where 
the  foot-races  were  run  (iCor.9.24)  ;  to  the  E. 
those  of  the  theatre,  which  was  probably  the 
scene  of  the  pugilistic  contests  (ver.  26) ;  and 
on  the  shore  grow  many  small  green  pine-trees 
such  as  provided  the  fading  ^vreath  (ver.  25) 
for  the  victors  in  the  games. 

Copinthians,  First  Epistle  to.  Date. 
Some  time  before  Pentecost  (iCor.16.8),  and 
near  the  Passover  (5.6-8),  towards  the  close 
of  St.  Paul's  visit  to  Ephesus  ;  therefore  a 
httle  before  Easter,  58  a.d. — Place.  Written 
from  Ephesus  (16.8,19),  where  St.  Paul  sta^^ed 
more  than  two  years  (see  Ac. 19. 8, 10),  after  he 
had  sent  Timothy  and  Erastus  to  Macedonia 
(Timothy  also  to  Corinth,  Ac.19.22  ;  iCor.16. 
10),  and  had  already  determined  to  journey 
round  through  Macedonia  and  Achaia  to  Jeru- 
salem (Ac. 19.21  ;  iCor.16.3). — Readers.  Cor- 
inth, destroyed  by  Mummius  in  146  B.C.,  was 
rebuilt  by  Julius  Caesar,  made  a  Roman  colony, 
and  under  the  care  of  the  emperors  was  re- 
stored with  wonderful  rapidity  to  its  former 
glory  and  luxury.  It  became  a  wide  commer- 
cial city,  the  seat  of  the  Roman  proconsulate, 
of  the  Isthmian  games,  of  the  fine  arts,  of 
learning,  andof  the  worship  of  Aphrodite.  Here, 
in  54  A.D.,  St.  Paul  planted  Christianity  (2Cor. 
3.6),  on  his  second  missionary  journey,  and 
stayed  upwards  of  a  year  and  a  half  (Ac.18.i- 
17).  He  lodged  with  Aquila,  his  fellow-crafts- 
man, whom  he  converted  here  (18. 1,2),  and 
afterwards  with  the  proselyte  Justus  (18. 2-7), 
when  Silas  and  Timotheus  had  arrived  (18. 5), 
and  Jewish  opposition  had  caused  him  to  turn 
to  the  Gentiles.  This  had  the  advantage  of 
making  the  church  from  the  first  mixed  (the 
Gentiles  were  in  the  majority,  iCor.12.2)  and 
very  numerous  (Ac. 18. 4, 8, 10),  the  most  im- 
portant in  Greece,  the  mother-church  of  the 
province  (iCor.l.2).  Only  a  few  of  the  upper 
classes  believed  (I.26,  etc.,  among  them  Cris- 
pus,  the  president  of  the  synagogue,  Ac. 18. 8  ; 
iCor.1.14)  ;  for  the  preaching  of  the  cross  did 
not  suit  their  intellectual  pretensions  and 
their  moral  laxity.  Some  time  after  the  failure 
of  the  Jewish  accusation  against  St.  Paul  be- 
fore Gallio  (Ac. 18. 12-17),  he  left  Corinth  with 
Aquila  and  Priscilla  (who  stopped  at  Ephesus), 
and  travelled  to  Jerusalem,  and  thence 
through  Galatia  and  Phrygia  (18. 18-23). 
Meantime  Apollos,  an  eloquent  and  fervid  dis- 
ciple of  St.  J  ohn  Baptist  from  Alexandria,  had 


CORINTHIANS,  FIRST  EP.  TO    179 

been  brought  to  Christianity  by  Aquila  and 
Priscilla  at  Ephesus  (18. 24,  etc.),  and  went  to 
Corinth  (19.  i),  where  he  preached  Pauline 
Christianity,  but  in  somewhat  different 
phraseology,  probably  introducing  terms  from 
Philo.  There  was  no  divergence  of  doctrine 
(iCor.3.5,4.6,16.12),  but  some  preferred  the 
manner  of  the  former  teacher,  some  that  of  the 
new  ;  and  thus  partisanship  crystallized.  Then 
there  came  to  Corinth  Judaizing  teachers,  with 
leanings  to  St.  Peter,  having  letters  of  recom- 
mendation (2Cor.3.i),  trying  to  lower  the 
authority  of  St.  Paul  (9.2),  and  exalt  that  of 
St.  Peter  (11. 5),  and  at  the  same  time  boastfully 
asserting  their  national  privileges  (5.t2,11.22, 
1 2. 1 T ).  The  remainder,  repudiating  these  three 
parties,  formed  a  fourth,  by  dissociating  them- 
selves from  the  Pauline,  Apollonian,  and 
Petrine  sections,  and  (with  something  of  phari- 
saic  pedantry)  professing  special  allegiance 
to  Christ  (I.12). — Occasion.  The  epistle  was 
addressed  to  the  whole  church  at  Corinth, 
including  all  sections,  and  the  Christians  of 
Achaia.  Before  the  present  First  Epistle, 
there  had  been  a  letter  (not  now  extant,  an 
alleged  epistle  in  Armenian  being  a  wretched 
apocr>T)hal  production)  from  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians  (iCor.5.9)  ;  but  when  he  wrote  he 
had  not  known  of  the  divisions.  It  was  from 
the  household  of  Chloe  that  he  received  in- 
formation about  them  (l.ii)  ;  and  on  this 
account  he  commissioned  St.  Timothy  to  vis't 
Corinth  (4. 17),  going  first  with  Erastus  through 
Macedonia  (Ac.19.22).  Then  there  was  the  fact 
of  unchastity  in  the  church,  of  which  he  had 
already  spoken  in  the  last  epistle,  and  which 
had  now  developed  into  a  case  of  incest 
( I  Cor.  5. 1,  etc.).  In  addition,  there  were  the 
questions  brought  in  a  letter  from  the  church 
by  Stephanas,  Fortunatus,  and  Achaicus,  about 
such  matters  as  celibacy  (7.t,  etc.),  the  eating 
of  flesh  offered  in  sacrifice,  etc.  (8.1).  These 
messengers  carried  back  his  own  letter  in  reply 
(16.12,17). — Aim.  (i)  To  counteract  the  party 
divisions,  and  uphold  his  own  authority  as 
founder;  (2)  to  remove  the  unchastity  which 
had  gained  ground  ;  (3)  to  giveinstraction  on 
the  points  mentioned  in  the  questions  ;  (4)  to 
communicate  other  instructions,  suitable  to 
the  state  of  the  church  at  Corinth,  such  as  (a) 
disorders  in  the  public  assemblies  ;  (b)  the 
gifts  of  the  Spirit  ;  (c)  the  Resurrection ;  {d) 
the  coming  collection. — Contents.  Saluta- 
tion and  exordium  (I.1-9)  ;  ist  main  section  : 
the  party  divisions,  with  detailed  justification 
of  the  apostle's  own  method  of  teaching  when 
compared  with  that  of  Apollos  (l.io-4.2i). 
(2)  The  unchastity  (ch.  5).  (3)  The  bad  habit 
of  going  before  heathen  tribunals,  with  a  re- 
peated warning  against  impurity  (ch.  6).  (4) 
The  question  about  marriage  (ch.  7).  (5)  That 
about  meats  used  in  sacrifice,  with  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  unselfishness  he  aimed  at  in  his 
discharge  of  the  apostolic  office  (8-11. i).  (6) 
Directions  as  to  irregularities  in  meetings  for 
worship,  the  head-covering  of  women,  the 
love-feasts  and  the  Lord's  Supper  (ch.  11).  (7) 
Discussion  on  spiritual  gifts  (ch.  12  and  14).  (8) 
The  magnificent  description  of  the  true  ideal 
Christian  love  (ch.  13).  (9)  The  teaching  of 
the  Resurrection  of  the  Dead,  in  reference  to  a 
local  mistake  (ch.  15).    (10)  Injunctions  about 


ISO  CORINTHIANS,  SECOND  EP.  TO    CORINTHIANS,  SECOND  EP,  TO 


the  collection  for  Jerusalem,  miscellaneous  re- 
marks, and  greetings  (ch.  16).  [Cf.  the  Introd. 
to  this  I'"p.  in  Meyer's  Comm.)  [w.m.s.] 

Copinthians,    Second     Epistle      to. 

Occasion.  Timothy  had  been  delegated  to 
Corinth  by  St.  Paul  before  the  composition  of 
the  first  epistle  (iCor.4.i7)  ;  and  as  he  was 
expected  to  arrive  later  than  the  epistle  (16. 
I  of.)  he  would  probably  be  able  to  communi- 
cate its  results  to  his  master.  He  is  with  St. 
Paul  at  the  composition  of  the  second  epistle. 
The  reason  why  no  mention  is  made  directly  of 
what  Timothy  had  reported  is  that  he  is  as- 
sociated with  St.  Paul  (2Cor.l.i)  as  the  joint- 
sender  of  the  epistle,  and  it  would  have  been 
awkward  to  refer  to  his  report,  especially  as 
the  early  effects  of  the  first  epistle  were  not 
favourable  (2.12,7.5).  St.  Paul  was  not  at 
Ephesus,  but  had  travelled  by  way  of  Troas  to 
Macedonia  ;  and  besides  Timothy,  Titus  had 
brought  intelligence  of  these  effects  (2.12,7.15). 
He  had  been  delegated  to  Corinth  after  the 
first  epistle,  and  after  Timothy  had  again 
arrived  in  Ephesus  from  the  journey  mentioned 
in  iCor.l6.io,  cf.  4.17.  Titus  was  now  to 
convey  the  second  epistle  ;  and  its  occasion 
arose  from  the  accounts  first  brought  by 
Timothy,  but  afterwards  chiefly  by  Titus,  of 
the  effects  of  the  previous  letter,  and  of  the 
attitude  of  the  Church  of  Corinth. — Aim. 
Stated  by  St.  Paul  himself  (2Cor.l3. 10)  "  to 
put  the  church  before  his  arrival  in  person  into 
that  frame  of  mind  which  it  was  necessary  that 
he  should  find,  in  order  that  he  might  there- 
upon set  to  work  among  them,  not  with  stern 
corrective  authority,  but  for  their  edification. 
But  in  order  to  attain  this  aim,  he  had  to  make 
it  his  chief  task  to  elucidate,  confirm,  and  vin- 
dicate his  apostolic  authority,  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  former  letter,  had  been  assailed 
still  more  vehemently,  openly,  and  influenti- 
ally  by  o])ponents.  For,  if  that  were  regained, 
his  whole  influence  would  be  regained  ;  if  the 
church  were  again  confirmed  on  this  point, 
and  the  opposition  defeated,  every  hindrance 
to  his  successful  jiersonal  labour  amongst  them 
wf)uld  be  removed.  With  the  establishment 
of  his  apostolic  character  and  reputation  he  is 
chiefly  occupied  in  the  whole  epistle  ;  every- 
thing else  is  only  subordinate,  including  a  de- 
tailed appeal  respecting  the  collection  " 
(Meyer). — Contents,  (i)  Troubles  and  suffer- 
ings before  the  return  of  Titus  (I.1-14).  (2) 
First  plan  of  coming  ;  defence  against  fickle- 
ness (1-15-2. i).  (3)  Satisfaction  at  having 
changed  plan  ;  time  for  repentance  of  incestu- 
ous offender  (iCor.5. i)  ;  need  now  for  sym- 
pathy and  pardon  (2C()r.2.2-i  i).  (.()  Mention 
of  meeting  with  Titus  brings  back  the  trium- 
phant joy  of  that  moment,  filling  him  with  a 
sense  of  issues  of  life  and  death  hanging  on  his 
words  (2.12-17).  (5)  Has  he  a  right  to  say 
this  ?  True  credentials  of  effective  preaching  : 
new  covenant,  of  which  he  is  the  jireacher  ; 
contrast  between  tlie  new  and  the  old,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Judaizers  (3.i-i8).  (6)  Tre- 
mendous responsibility  of  his  commission  ;  his 
fitness  and  unfitness  ;  for  the  latter,  infirmity 
and  disease  ;  for  the  former,  the  life  of  Christ 
working  in  his  life  (4.  i-iH),  and  the  hope  of  life 
after  death,  in  which  the  spiritual  shall  be  free 
from  the  flesh,  and  clothed  with  new  spiritual 


organism  (5.1-9).  (7)  This  hope  does  not  ex- 
clude the  fear  of  judgment,  through  which  all 
must  pass.  At  the  risk  of  seeming  beside  him- 
self, he  nmst  urge  that  fear.  Only  so  can  men 
estimate  rightly  the  transcendent  importance 
of  the  message  of  reconciliation  (5. 10-21).  (8) 
Will  the  Church  receive  his  message  in  vain  ? 
By  all  he  has  done  and  suffered  for  them,  he 
pleads  for  a  place  in  their  affections,  above 
all,  to  give  Christ  the  supreme  place  in  their 
hearts.  Only  so  can  they  be  indeed  God's 
children.  Christ  and  Belial  (the  flesh)  can 
have  no  part  in  common  (6.1-18).  (9)  After 
his  urgent  appeal  to  the  inconsistent,  he  turns 
to  those  who  had  been  zealous  against  im- 
purity, and  describes  more  in  detail  the  delight 
he  had  received  from  the  report  of  Titus  (7. 
1-16).  (10)  He  gives  them  an  opportunity  of 
proving  their  repentance  and  goodwill,  by 
joining  heartily  in  the  great  collection  for  the 
poor  Christians  in  Jerusalem  and  Judaea,  who 
owed  their  poverty  to  their  experiment  in 
socialism  ;  explaining  arrangements,  and  citing 
the  example  of  Macedonia  (8.1-8.15).  (11) 
He  then  finally  vindicates  his  authority  as  an 
apostle,  dealing  with  the  sarcasms  and  in- 
sinuations which  had  caused  him  such  acute 
pain  (IO.1-18).  He  charges  the  Judaizing 
teachers  with  intruding  into  his  province, 
defends  himself  against  some  of  their  special 
accusations,  and  challenges  them  to  a  com- 
parison of  their  sufferings  and  labours  with  his 
own  (11. 1-29).  Even  the  infirmities  with  which 
they  taunted  him  were,  when  rightly  under- 
stood, a  ground  of  confidence  and  strength  (11. 
30-I2.18).  (12)  Now  for  his  projected  visit.  He 
looks  forward,  not  without  anxiety,  to  the  pos- 
sibility of  having  to  exercise  his  apostolic  au- 
thority to  punish  both  the  party  of  licence  and 
the  Judaizers.  His  wish  and  prayer  are  that 
they  may  be  restored  to  completeness  without 
it.  His  own  spirit  is  calmed,  and  he  ends  with 
words  of  peace  and  blessing  (I2.19-I3.14) 
(Dean  Plumptre). — Results.  Within  a  few 
months  he  paid  his  promised  visit,  and  was 
receiveil  by  one  of  the  chief  members  of  the 
Church  (R0.I6.23).  St.  Titus  and  the  unnamed 
brethren  of  2Cor.8.8,22  (probably  St.  Luke  and 
Tychicus)  had  done  their  work  effectually,  and 
he  could  tell  the  Romans  that  the  collection 
had  been  made  in  Achaia  as  well  as  in  Mace- 
donia (Ko.15.26).  The  Jews,  however,  en- 
dangered his  life  by  a  plot  as  he  was  about  to 
embark  at  Cenchreae,  and  he  had  to  change 
his  jilans  and  return  througii  Macedonia  (Ac. 
20.3).  After  his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome, 
and  his  return  to  his  former  labours,  Erastus, 
who  was  i)robahly  travelling  with  him,  and 
was  chamberlain  of  the  city  of  Corinth,  stopped 
there  (R0.I6.23;  2Tim.4.2o).  About  95  a. d., 
some  35  years  after  this  second  ejiistle,  Clement 
of  Rome  wrote  an  ejiistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
which  shows  that,  after  a  time  of  peace,  the  old 
evils  had  reappeared.  A  few  rash  and  self- 
confident  persons,  placing  themselves  at  the 
head  of  a  factious  party,  had  discredited  the 
Church.  Clement  reminds  them  of  the  self- 
denying  labours  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and 
the  faith  and  humility  of  Christ  and  the  O.T. 
saints.  The  doubts  of  the  Resurrection  had 
reappeared,  and  were  once  more  confuted  by 
Clement.     The  authority  of  the  bishops  and 


CORMORANT 

deacons  (cf.  Ph.l.i)  was  disputed,  and  he  urges 
submission,  quoting  the  first  epistle,  esp. 
iCor.13.  Later  on,  c.  135  a.d.,  the  church  of 
Corinth  was  visited  by  Hegesippus,  the  his- 
torian of  the  Jewish  Church  (who  gives  us  the 
account  of  the  death  of  James,  bishop  of 
Jerusalem).  He  touched  at  Corinth  on  his 
voyage  to  Rome,  and  stayed  there  several 
days,  finding  the  church  faithful  to  the  truth 
under  its  bishop  Primus  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iv. 
22).  Dionysius,  succeeding  Primus  as  bishop, 
brought  out  all  that  was  good  in  the  church, 
and  extended  his  activity  to  the  people  of 
Macedonia,  Athens,  Nicomedia,  Crete,  and 
Pontus.  He  bears  testimony  to  the  liberality 
of  the  church  of  Corinth  to  the  poverty  of 
other  churches,  and  to  the  traditional  liberality 
it  had  received  from  the  Roman  churches. 
He  records  the  fact  that  the  epistle  of  Clement 
was  read  from  time  to  time  on  the  Lord's  day. 
One  Chrysophora,  like  Dorcas  and  Priscilla, 
was  conspicuous  both  for  good  works  and 
theology  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23)  (Dean 
Plumptre). — Place.  St.  Paul  was  no  longer  at 
Ephesus,  but  had  already  arrived  in  Mace- 
donia by  way  of  Troas  (aCor. 2. 13,7.5,8.1,9.2  ; 
Ac. 20.1),  where  Titus,  whom  he  had  already 
been  expecting  in  Troas  ( 2Cor.  2. 1 2 , 1 3) ,  returned 
to  him. — Date.  Probably  58,  the  same  year 
as  that  of  the  first  epistle.  That  was  shortly 
before  Easter  ;  he  left  Ephesus  after  Pente- 
cost. He  intended  to  come  to  Corinth,  as  he 
did  soon  after  the  second  epistle  (Ac. 20. 2). — 
Genuineness.  This  is  as  internally  certain  and 
as  unanimously  attested  and  undisputed  as 
that  of  the  first.  Cf.  Iren.  Haer.  ii.  7,  i ;  iv. 
28,  33  ;  Athenagoras,  De  Resurrect,  p.  61  ; 
Clement,  Strom,  iv.  p.  514  ;  TertuUian,  De 
Pudiciiia,   13.  [w.m.s.] 

Copmopant,  the  translation  in  A.  V.  of  the 
Heb.  qd'ath  and  shdldkh.  For  qd'ath,  see 
Pelican,  shdldkh  occurs  only  as  the  name 
of  an  unclean  bird  in  Lev. 11. 17,  Deut.l4'.i7, 
and  has  been  variously  rendered.  The  ety- 
mology points  to  some  diving  bird.  The 
common  cormorant  (Phalacrocorax  carho), 
which  some  have  identified  with  shdldkh,  ranges 
from  Europe  to  India,  while  an  allied  species 
(P.  desmaresti)  inhabits  the  Mediterranean, 
Black,  and  Caspian  Seas.  Other  suggestions 
for  shdldkh  are  gannet  and  tern.  [r.l.] 

Copn,  the  Heb.  words  so  rendered  in 
A.V.  are  ddghdn,  "  produce  "  (Gen. 27. 28),  or 
"bread"  (Lam.2.12)  ;  'dhhur,  "produce" 
(Jos. 5. 11)  ;  bdr,  "  clean  "  winnowed  corn 
(Gen. 41. 35),  or  the  Arab,  bur,  "  wheat  "  ;  and 
shebher  (Gen.'^2i.T.),  probably  "ground"  corn 
or  "  meal."  Corn  of  Minnith  in  Moab,  and 
of  Pannag  (Ezk.27.17),  sometimes  supposed 
to  mean  "  Phoenicia  "  but  otherwise  "  a  sweet 
cake,"  was  especially  valued.  Corn  included 
wheat,  barley,  and  spelt.  [Agriculture.] 
"  Seven  ears  on  one  stalk  "  (Gen. 41. 22)  are  not 
unknown  in  Egypt  and  on  the  bearded  wheat 
of  Palestine.  Corn  was  exported  in  payment 
for  labour  in  Solomon's  time  (2Chr.2.io,i5), 
with  wine  and  oil ;  meal  (shebher)  was  sold 
in  the  market  (Am. 8. 5).  [Barley  ;  Rie  ; 
Wheat.]  [c.r.c] 

Copnelius  (Ac.  1 0),  a  centurion  of  the  Italian 
cohort,  which  probably  consisted  of  Italians 
resident  in  Palestine.     Judaea  was  garrisoned 


CORNET 


181 


not  by  Roman  legions,  but  by  cohorts  of 
auxiliary  forces  raised  from  the  non- Jewish 
population.  Cornelius  was  uncircumcised  (11. 
3),  and  therefore  not  a  full  proselyte,  but  he 
belonged  to  the  numerous  class  of  those  who 
feared  or  worshipped  God,  frequently  men- 
tioned in  Acts,  from  whom  the  Christian 
Church  was  largely  recruited.  His  personal 
character  was  marked  by  devoutness  {vv.  2, 
22),  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  others  (ver.  24), 
humility  (ver.  25),  teachableness  (ver.  33). 
St.  Luke  dwells  on  the  story  of  his  conversion 
as  affording  the  first  or  one  of  the  first  in- 
stances of  the  baptism  of  uncircumcised  per- 
sons, and  their  admission  to  Christian  fellow- 
ship. If  there  had  been  previous  instances,  as 
perhaps  in  8.38,  they  could  not  compare  in 
importance  to  the  public  action  of  St.  Peter, 
the  acknowledged  chief  of  the  apostles,  acting 
under  the  guidance  of  a  divine  vision,  and 
sanctioned  by  a  great  manifestation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  (Ac.lO.44-46  ;  c/.  Gal. 3. 2).    [e.r.b.] 

Copnep. — 1.  The  "  corner  of  a  bed " 
(Am. 3. 12)  means  the  corner  seat  on  a  diwdn, 
and  is  the  seat  of  most  honour  in  a  room. — 2. 
The  "corner"  of  the  field  was  not  allowed 
(Lev. 19. 9)  to  be  wholly  reaped.  It  was  the 
right  of  the  poor  to  carry  off  what  was  so 
leit.  In  the  later  period  of  the  prophets  their 
constant  complaints  concerning  the  defrauding 
the  poor  (Is. 10. 2  ;  Am. 5. 11,8. 6)  show  that 
such  laws  were  neglected.  The  later  rabbis 
(Mishna,  Peah)  fixed  one-sixtieth  as  the 
portion  of  a  field  to  be  left  for  the  legal 
"  corner,"  and  provided  that  two  fields 
should  not  be  so  joined  as  to  leave  one  corner 
only  where  two  should  fairly  be  reckoned.  It 
is  still  a  pious  custom,  which  the  Palestine 
peasantry  derive  from  "  the  law  of  Abraham," 
to  leave  the  corner  of  the  cornfield  unreaped 
for  the  poor  to  take.  [c.r.c] 

Copnep-stone.  (i)  A  stone,  usually  mas- 
sive, so  shaped  and  placed  as  to  bind  together 
two  walls  of  a  building  ;  hence  both  a  corner- 
stone and,  as  helping  to  support  the  structure, 
also  a  foundation-stone.  The  word  has  both 
meanings  in  Is. 28. 16,  but  foundation-  and 
corner-stones  are  distinguished  in  Je.51.26 
[cf.  Job  38.6).  (2)  The  capstone,  which  com- 
pleted the  building  (Zech.4.7  ;  Ps.ll8.22). 
The  word  in  both  meanings  is  applied  to  our 
Lord  (Mt.21.42  ;  Eph.2.20  ;  iPe.2.6,7).  Cf. 
Is.  19. 1 3  marg.,  where  rulers  are  spoken  of  as 
the  corner  or  support  of  the  tribe.         [h.h.] 

Copnet(Heb.  shophdr),  a  loud-sounding  in- 
strument, made  of  the  horn  of  a  ram,  an  ibex, 
or  (sometimes)  an  ox,  and  used  by  the  ancient 
Hebrews  for  signals,  for  announcing  the  "  Ju- 
bile  "  (Lev.25.9),  for  proclaiming  the  new  year, 
for  the  purposes  of  war  (Je.4.5,19  ;  cf.  Job 
39.24,25),  as  well  as  by  the  sentinels  at  the 
watch-towers  in  giving  notice  of  the  approach 
of  an  enemy  (Ezk.33.4-6).  shophdr  is  gene- 
rally rendered  in  E.V.  "  trumpet,"  e.g.  in  all 
the  passages  already  cited,  but  "cornet"  (the 
more  correct  translation)  is  used  in  iChr.15. 
28,  2Chr.i5.14,  Ps.98.6,  and  Ho.5.8.  "  Cor- 
net "  is  also  employed  in  Dan. 3. 5, 7,10,15,  for 
the  Aram,  qeren  (lit.  "a  horn").  Oriental 
scholars  for  the  most  part  consider  shophdr 
and  qeren  to  be  the  same  instrument  ;  but 
some   critics  regard  shophdr  and  hafof^rd  as 


182 


cos 


belonging  to  the  species  of  qeren,  the  usual 
term  for  a  horn.  The  generally  received 
opinion  is  that  qeren  was  the  crooked  horn,  and 
shophar  the  long  and  straight  one  (Mishna, 
Rosh-hassanah  iii.  2-5).  The  silver  trumpets 
(hacocrd)  which  Moses  was  charged  to  furnish 
for  the  Israelites  were  to  be  used  for  calling 
together  the  assembly,  for  the  journeying  of 
the  camps,  for  sounding  the  alarm  of  war,  and 
for  celebrating  the  sacrifices  on  festivals  and 
new  moons  (Num.10. i-io).  In  the  age  of 
Solomon  120  trumpets  were  used  in  the  temple 
worship  (2Chr.5.i2).  yobhel  is  used  sometimes 
for  the  "year  of  Jubile  "  (cf.  Lev. 25. 13, 15 
with  25.28,30),  because  of  its  having  been  in- 
troduced by  the  blowing  of  a  yobhel,  or  ram's 
horn.  The  sounding  of  the  cornet  was  the 
distinguishing  ritual  feature  of  the  festival  ap- 
pointed by  Moses  to  be  held  on  the  first  day 
of  the  seventh  month  as  "  a  day  of  blowing 
of  trumpets  "  (Num.29.i),  or  "  a  memorial  of 
blowing  of  trumpets  "  (Lev.23.24)  ;  and  that 
rite  is  still  observed  by  the  Jews  in  their  cele- 
bration of  the  same  festival,  which  they  now 
call  "  the  day  of  memorial,"  and  also  "  New 
Year."  The  intention  of  the  appointment  of 
the  festival  appears  to  be  set  forth  in  J  1.2. 15  : 
"  Blow  the  trumpet  in  Zion,  sanctify  a  fast, 
call  a  solemn  assembly."  Agreeably  to  this 
sequence,  the  festival  seems  to  be  the  prelude 
and  preparation  for  the  Day  of  Atonement. 
The  word  "  solenm  assembly  "  applies  to  that 
on  the  eighth  day  (Lev.23.36),  the  closing  rite 
of  the  festive  cycle  of  Tishri.  The  cornet  is 
also  sounded  in  the  synagogue  at  the  close  of 
the  service  for  the  Day  of  Atonement,  and, 
amongst  Jews  who  adopt  the  ritual  of  the 
Sephardim,  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  feast  of 
Tabernacles,  known  by  the  post-Biblical  de- 
nomination of  "  the  Great  Hosannah."  A.V. 
also  renders  by  "  cornets"  theHeb.  tn'na'an'im 
(2Sam.6.5),  but  here  the  R.V.  marg.  sistra 
seems  the  best  rendering.  In  Ezk.7.14 
"trumpet"  represents  the  Heb.  tdqo'a' ;  pro- 
perly a  "  blast "  (c/.  Ps.150.3).  [Pipe;  Shawm.] 
Cos  or  Co'os  (now  Stanchio  or  Sianko). 
This  small  island  of  the  Grecian  Archipelago 
has  several  interesting  points  of  connexion 
with  the  Jews.  It  was  one  of  the  places  which 
contained  Jewish  residents  (1Mac.i5.23). 
Josephus,  quoting  Strabo,  mentions  that  the 


»..   crali  aiitl   bow  in  else,  all  witliin   clotted 


ti-;trai)Kaciim  of  C()S. 
Oiv. :  Head  of  young  Hercules  to  right. 
,.  KnioN 

*"'■     MoiXmN- 

sr|u.ire. 

Jews  had  a  great  amount  of  treasure  stored 
tliere  during  the  Mithridatir  war,  and  also 
that  J  ulius  Caesar  issued  an  edict  in  favour  of 
the  Jews  of  Cos.     Herod  the  Great  conferred 


COSMOGONY 

many  favours  on  the  island.  St.  Paul,  on  the 
return  from  his  third  missionary  journey, 
passed  the  night  here,  after  sailing  from 
Miletus.  It  was  celebrated  for  its  light 
woven  fabrics  and  for  its  wines  ;  also  for  a 
temple  of  Aesculapius,  which  was  virtually  a 
museum  of  anatomy  and  pathology.  The  em- 
peror Claudius  bestowed  upon  Cos  the  privi- 
lege of  a  free  state.  The  chief  town  (of  the 
same  name)  was  on  the  N.E.  near  a  promon- 
tory called  Scandarium  ;  and  perhaps  it  is  to 
the  town  that  reference  is  made  in  Ac.21.i. 

Co'sam  (Lu.3.28),  an  ancestor  of  Joseph, 
between  David  and  Zerubbabel.       [c.r.d.b.] 

Cosmogrony.  The  Biblical  conception  of 
the  origin  and  nature  of  the  material  universe 
must  be  inferred  from  a  variety  of  poetical  and 
rhetorical  passages  primarily  designed  to 
convev  spiritual  truth.  The  principal  of  these 
are  Gen. 1-2.7;  iK.8.27;  Job  9.5-q,26. 7-14.28. 
9-11,38  ;  Ps.8.3, 33.6-9,65.6-13,74.13-17,89.9- 
13,90.2,104;  Pr.8.23-29  ;  Is.5i.6  ;  Je.5.22,31. 
35  ;  Jn. 1.1-3  ;  Ac.14.15-17,17.24-29  ;  K0.I.20  ; 
Col. 1.16;  Heb.l.2,10-14,3.4,11.3  ;  2Pe. 3.4-10. 
[Creation.]  While  it  would  be  unfair  to  im- 
pose upon  these  the  strict  literal  interpretation 
appropriate  to  a  scientific  treatise,  it  is  not 
difficult  to  see  that  there  is  a  restraint  upon  the 
sacred  writers  in  their  representation  of  God's 
relation  to  the  universe  which  did  not  rest  upon 
those  who  framed  the  cosmogonies  of  other 
ancient  nations,  or  even  upon  the  commenta- 
tors and  poets  and  scientific  men  of  later  times. 
The  Babylonian  cosmology,  with  which  it 
would  be  most  naturally  compared,  is  but  im- 
perfectly presented  in  the  cuneiform  tablets  by 
reason  of  their  fragmentary  character,  onlv  a 
small  portion  having  been  preserved.  [See 
Plate  XXV.]  But  from  what  remains  it 
would  seem  that  matter  was  regarded  as 
eternal.     The  opening  passage  reads  : 

Long  since,  when  of  the  gods  not  one  had  arisen  .  .  . 
Then  were  made  the  gods. 

Upon  the  creation  of  light,  Tiamat  rebelled,  and 
drew  a  number  of  the  gods  after  her;  where- 
upon Marduk  volunteered  to  conquer  her. 
After  accomplishing  this,  he  cut  her  body  in 
two  halves,  and  out  of  them  made  the  heaven 
and  the  earth.  The  furtlier  account  is  too 
fragmentary  to  be  of  any  service.  From 
Berosus,  however,  we  learn  that  Qd/xTf  was  cut 
asunder  by  Bel.  and  her  blood  mixed  with  clay, 
from  which  man  was  formed.  All  other  non- 
Biblical  cosmologies  are  equally  fantastic  and 
absurd.  According  to  the  l-^gyptian  concep- 
tion, the  latent  germs  of  Being  slept  in  the 
bosom  of  tlie  dark  flood  "  Nut,"  until  a  demi- 
urge moulded  one  of  them  into  an  egg,  from 
which  the  world  was  evolved.  This  conception 
of  a  world-egg  was  very  general.  The  Indian 
mytht)logy  represents  the  "  self-existent,"  the 
"  wonderful,"  as  evolving  from  a  sleeping 
universe  which  was  pre-existent.  This  self- 
existent  Being,  having  created  the  waters, 
placed  in  them  a  seed,  which  became  a  golden 
egg.  in  which  Brahma,  the  progenitor  of  the 
world,  strove  for  a  year,  when  he  split  it  in 
twain,  and  from  the  upper  part  made  the 
heavens,  and  from  the  under  jiart  the  earth. 
According  to  the  Polynesian  myths,  it  was  a 
bird  which  laid  the  world-egg.     Nor  are  the 


COSMOGONY 

Gk.  myths,  with  their  hundred-handed  giants 
and  Titans,  less  fantastic.  Even  Plato  taught 
that  the  earth  was  the  centre  of  the  universe, 
and  that  its  motions  were  produced  by  what 
he  called  the  '"soul  of  the  world";  while 
the  scientific  astronomer,  Ptolemy,  distinctly 
taught  the  geo-centric  theory  of  the  universe.  If 
Milton's  Paradise  Lost  were  taken  as  prose,  and 
interpreted  as  some  would  interpret  Gen.l,  its 
cosmogony  would  appear  extremely  fanciful. 
How  contrary  to  modern  science  and  to  the 
restrained  statements  of  Scripture  is  the  whole 
seventh  book,  of  which  the  following  is  a  fair 
specimen  : 

The  grassy  clods  now  calved  ;  now  half  appeared 
The  tawny  lion,  pawing  to  get  free 
His  hinder  parts,  then  springs  as  broke  from  bonds, 
And  rampant  shakes  his  brindled  mane. 

Yet  popular  ideas  of  Biblical  cosmogony  are 
often  derived  from  Milton,  rather  than  from 
the  Bible.  There  are  two  words  in  Genesis  to 
represent  the  process  of  creation,  namely, 
hard  and  'dsd,  of  which  bard  (to  create)  is  used 
only  when  speaking  of  the  first  creation  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth  (Gen.l.  i),  of  the  creation 
of  animals  (I.21)  and  man  (I.27)  ;  elsewhere 
the  less  specific  word  'dsd  (to  make)  is  used,  or 
even  more  ambiguous  forms  of  expression  like 
"  Let  the  waters  bring  forth  "  (I.20),  which 
positively  favours  some  form  of  evolution. 
There  is  great  force,  therefore,  in  the  remark 
of  Guyot,  that  absolute  creation  is  affirmed  in 
Gen.l  only,  and  precisely  at  the  three  stages  of 
the  creative  process  where  all  theories  of  thorough- 
going evolution  completely  and  hopelessly  break 
down  in  their  evidence.  So  that  "  the  question 
of  evolution  within  each  of  these  great  systems 
— of  matter  into  various  forms  of  matter,  of 
life  into  the  various  forms  of  life,  and  of  man- 
kind in  all  its  various  varieties — remains  still 
open."  Moreover,  when  properly  interpreted, 
the  scriptural  statements  readily  adjust  them- 
selves to  the  best  conceptions  of  the  universe 
formed  by  modern  men  of  science.  The  Co- 
pernican  (rather  than  the  Ptolemaic)  system 
is  implied  in  the  rhetoric  of  Job  26.7,  "  He 
stretcheth  out  the  north  over  the  empty  place, 
and  hangeth  the  earth  upon  nothing."  The 
"  firmament  "  which  divides  the  waters  above 
from  those  below  is  natural  enough  in  Job's  in- 
terpretation (26.8),  "Hebindeth  up  the  waters 
in  his  thick  clouds,  and  the  cloud  is  not  rent 
under  them."  The  only  apparent  interrup- 
tion to  the  progressive  development  of  Gen.l  is 
in  connexion  with  the  appearance  of  the  sun, 
moon,  and  stars,  upon  the  fourth  day  of  crea- 
tion. But  even  there  the  way  is  left  open  for 
adjustment  with  the  natural  order,  if  we  lay 
proper  emphasis  upon  the  piurpose  for  which 
these  bodies  are  said  to  be  set  in  the  heavens, 
viz.  "  to  divide  the  day  from  the  night,"  and  to 
"  be  for  signs  and  for  seasons,"  which  they 
could  be  only  when  the  primeval  clouds,  with 
their  dazzling  glow  of  molecular  light,  had 
given  place  to  conditions  like  those  of  the  pre- 
sent. It  is  not,  necessarily,  the  absolute 
creation  of  the  heavenly  bodies  which  is  re- 
ferred to  in  Gen.l. 14-18,  but  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  "  set 
in  the  firmament."  [Light.]  It  is  certainly 
to  the  believer  no  less  gratifying  than  it  is  sur- 


COTTON 


183 


prising  to  find  the  following  appreciative  words 
in  the  agnostic  Haeckel's  History  of  Creation 
(vol.  i.  pp.  37,  38,  Eng.  trans.):  "Its  extra- 
ordinary success  is  explained  not  only  by  it5 
close  connexion  with  Jewish  and  Christian 
doctrine,  but  also  by  the  simple  and  natural 
chain  of  ideas  which  runs  through  it  [i.e.  the 
Biblical  account],  and  which  contrasts  favour- 
ably with  the  confused  mythology  of  creation 
current  among  most  of  the  ancient  nations.  .  .  . 
Two  great  and  fundamental  ideas,  common 
also  to  the  non-miraculous  theory  of  develop- 
ment, meet  us  in  the  Mosaic  hypothesis  of 
creation  with  surprising  clearness  and  sim- 
plicity— the  idea  of  separation  or  differentia- 
tion, and  the  idea  of  progressive  development 
or  perfecting.  ...  In  his  [Moses']  theory  there 
lies  hidden  the  ruling  idea  of  a  progressive 
development  and  a  differentiation  of  the  ori- 
ginally simple  matter.  We  can  therefore  be- 
stow our  just  and  sincere  admiration  on  the 
Jewish  lawgiver's  grand  insight  into  nature, 
and  his  simple  and  natural  hx^jothesis  of 
creation,  without  discovering  in  it  a  so-called 
Divine  Revelation."  Jensen,  Kosmologie  der 
Babylonier ;  esp.  Gunkel's  Schopfimg,  Eng. 
trans,  by  Open  Court  Co.  ;  Pinches,  O.T.  in  the 
Light  of  the  Hist.  Rec.  of  Ass.  and  Bab.  ;  Cun. 
Tablets,  Brit.  Museum,  pt.  xiii.  plates  1-23, 
35-38  ;  Arnold  Guyot's  Creation,  or  the  Biblical 
Cosmogony  in  the  Light  of  Modern  Science  ;  J. 
D.  Dana,  art.  on  "Creation"  in  Bibliotheca 
Sacra,  April  1885  ;  S.  R.  Driver,  in  Expositor. 
Jan.  1886  ;  G.  F.  Wright,  Scientific  Confirma- 
tions of  O.T.  History,  ch.  xii.  (1906).   [g.f.w.] 

Cotton,  Heb.  karpas  (cf.  Lat.  carbasus), 
Esth.  1.6,  where  the  Vulg.  has  carbasini  coloris, 
as  if  a  colour,  not  a  material  (so  in  A.V.  green), 
were  intended.  There  is  a  doubt  whether  un- 
der shesh,  in  the  earlier,  and  bite,  in  the  later 
books  of  O.T.,  rendered  in  A.V.  by  "  white 
linen,"  "  fine  linen,"  etc.,  cotton  may  have 
been  included.  The  dress  of  the  Egyptian 
priests,  at  any  rate  in  their  ministrations,  was 
without  doubt  of  linen  (Herod,  ii.  37),  though 
Pliny  (in  ist  cent,  a.d.)  says  (xix.  i,  2)  they 
preferred  cotton.  Cotton  garments  for  the 
worship  of  the  temples  are  said  to  be  men- 
tioned in  the  Rosetta  Stone  (c.  195  e.g.). 
There  is,  however,  no  word  for  the  cotton 
plant  in  Heb.,  nor  reason  to  suppose  any 
early  knowledge  of  the  fabric.  The  Egyptian 
mummy  swathings  are  linen.  Cotton  is  made 
from  the  woolly  covering  of  the  seeds  of 
Gossypium  herbaceum,  a  plant  of  the  mallow 
family.  Speaking  of  "  the  trees  of  the  Island 
Tylos,  within  the  Persian  sea,"  Pliny  says  (xii. 
10,  Holland's  trans.) :  "  In  the  highest  part  and 
knap  of  the  same  Island  there  be  trees  bearing 
wooU  .  .  .  they  beare  a  fruit  at  the  last,  like 
Gourds  in  fashion,  and  as  big  as  Quinces  ; 
which  when  they  be  full  ripe,  doe  open  and 
shew  certaine  balls  \vithin  of  downe  :  whereof 
they  make  most  fine  and  costly  linnen  clothes." 
Varro  knew  of  tree-wool  on  the  authority  of 
Ctesias,  contemporary  with  Herodotus.  The 
Greeks,  through  the  commercial  consequences 
of  Alexander's  conquests,  must  have  known  of 
cotton  cloth,  and  more  or  less  of  the  plant. 
Cotton  was  manufactured  extensively  in  Egypt 
later,  but  extant  monuments  give  no  proof 
of  its  growth,  as  in  the  case  of  flax,  in'that 


184 


COUCH 


country.  But  when  Pliny  asserts  that  cotton 
was  then  grown  in  Egypt,  a  statement  con- 
firmed by  Julius  Pollux  (a  century  later),  we 
can  hardly  deny  that  some  plantations  existed 
there.  This  is  the  more  likely,  since  the  cotton- 
tree  is  mentioned  by  Pliny  as  the  only  remark- 
able tree  of  the  adjacent  Ethiopia  ;  and  since 
Arabia,  on  its  other  side,  appears  to  have  known 
cotton  from  time  immemorial,  to  grow  it  in 
abundance,  and  in  parts  to  be  highly  favour- 
able to  that  product.  In  India,  however,  we 
have  the  earliest  records  of  the  use  of  cotton  for 
dress  ;  of  which,  including  the  starching  of  it, 
some  cm-ious  traces  are  found  as  early  as  800 
B.C.,  in  the  Institutes  of  Manu.  Cotton  is  now 
both  grown  and  manufactured  in  various  parts 
of  Syria  and  Palestine  ;  but  there  is  no  proof 
that,  till  their  contact  with  Persia,  the  Hebrews 
generally  knew  of  it  as  a  distinct  fabric  from 
linen.  [Flax  ;  Linen.] 
Couch.     [Bed.] 

Council,  (i)  The  Great  Sanhedrin  (Mt. 
5.22,26.59  ;  Jn. 11.47  ;  Ac.4.i5,5.2i,  etc.).  (2) 
The  Lesser  Sanhedrin  (Mt.lO.17;  Mk.lS.g)  ; 
probably  also  "the  judgment"  (Mt.5.21,22). 
[Sanhedrin,  2.]  (3)  Assessors  (Ac.25.i2). 
Such  were  usual  in  the  Roman  provinces 
(Suet.  Tib.  33  ;    Galba  19).  [h.h.] 

Coupt.  The  rendering  of  two  Heb.  words, 
both  meaning  an  "enclosure."  (i)  'dzdrd,  the 
outer  court  of  Solomon's  temple  (2Chr.4.9,6. 
13)-  (2)  hdcer,  court  of  house,  containing 
the  well  (2Sam.i7.18)  ;  court  of  palace,  the 
"  other  court,"  that  immediately  surrounding 
the  palace  (iK.7.8) ;  court  of  guard — i.e. 
place  of  confinement  in  king's  house  (Ne.3.25  ; 
Je.32.2);  court  of  the  tabernacle  {¥.x.21.'))\ 
of  Solomon's  temple— two  courts  (2K.2I.5), 
the  inner  (iK.6.36)  priests'  (2Chr.4.9)  or  upper 
court  (Je.36.io)  ;  the  new  (2Chr.20.5)  outer 
(Ezk.10.5)  or  great  court  (2Chr.4.g).  Also 
used  of  the  courts  of  Ezekiel's  temple  (Ezk.40. 
14,  etc.).    [Judge.]  [h.h.] 

Cou'tha.  Sons  of  Coutha  were  among  the 
servants  of  the  temple  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.32). 

Covenant,  Ivrith  (lit.  a  cutting,  i.e.  divid- 
ing of  the  sacrifice),  LXX.  biadriKt],  and  N.T. 
The  idea  of  covenant  is  to  be  interpreted,  not 
from  its  crude  beginnings,  but  from  its  highest 
development — as  between  God  and  man,  rather 
than  between  man  and  man.  (For  the  latter, 
see  Law  in  O.T.  ;  F"amily  ;  Handclasp: 
Oaths;  Witness.)  (i)  The  old  covenant 
consisted  in  the  union  between  God  and  one 
selected  nation,  Israel.  The  conditions  were 
recorded  in  the  B<jok  of  the  Covenant.  The 
covenant  was  effected  by  offering  the  covenant- 
sacrifice  (Gen. 15. 7-10;  lix.24.i-ii).  "Themore 
immediate  object  of  the  sacrifice,  on  this  as  on 
every  other  occasion,  was  expiatory.  Before 
Jehovah  could  enter  into  a  covenant-relation 
to  the  people,  it  was  necessary  that  expiation 
should  be  made  for  the  sin  of  the  pcoi^le  " 
(Kurtz,  Hist.  O.  C.  iii.  143).  Thus  the  covenant 
was  rendered  possible  by  sacrificial  blood  (lix. 
24.8),  and  secured  Jehovah's  dwelling  in  the 
midst  of  the  nation.  [Tabernacle  ;  Temple.] 
A  distinctive  feature  is  that  it  was  not  made 
with  individuals,  but  with  an  entire  nation. 
The  individual  shared  its  privileges  as  a  member 
of  the  nation.     His  own  transgressions  might 


COVETOUSNESS 

necessitate  personal  renewal  of  covenant-rela- 
tion by  sacrifice,  but  the  covenant  consecration 
retained  its  validity,  and  was  never  renewed  (cf. 
Kurtz,  ib.  p.  144).    The  value  of  this  sacrificial 
covenant-relationship  is  not  disparaged  by  the 
Psalmist's  emphatic  insistence  on  the  necessity 
of  inward  personal  religion  in  the  worshipper 
(Ps.51).     He  did  not  undervalue  the  outward 
expression,  but  laid  all  stress  on  inward  reality. 
And  necessarily,  the  moral  and  religious  devel- 
opment of  Israel  caused  in  the  serious  mind  in- 
creasing consciousness  of  the  limits  and  inade- 
quacy of  this  entire  covenant.     This  conscious- 
ness finds  its  chief  expression  in   Je. 31. 31-33, 
where  a  more  complete  covenant  is  anticipated 
in  the  future,  the  limitation  of  the  existing  one 
being  indicated  as  consisting  in  its  externality 
(ver.  33)   and  its  incomplete  absolving  power 
(43).    (2)  The  New  Covenant.     On  the  night  of 
the  institution  of  the  Eucharist,  our  Lord  said, 
"  This  is  My  blood  of  the  covenant,  which  is 
shed  for  many  "  (Mk.i4.24,  R.V.).     St.  Paul's 
still  earlier  account  reports,  "  This  cup  is  the 
new  covenant  in  My  blood"  (rC0r.ll.25,  K.V.). 
The  expression  is  in  either  case  an  indisputable 
reference  to  the  old  covenant,  and  must  have 
conveyed  to  the  hearers'  minds,  remembering 
their  traditional  associations,  the  thought  that 
their  Master  was  about  to  institute  anew  cove- 
nant between  God  and  man  ("new,"  as  con- 
trasted with  the  covenant  with  Israel)  ;  and 
that  Jesus'  death  was  to  be  the  covenant-sacri- 
fice.    As  the  old  covenant  was  founded  on  a 
sacrifice,  which  did  not  ratify  but  create  it,  so 
is  the  new.     A  covenant  between  God  and  man 
demands,  from  the  Jewish  traditional  stand- 
point, propitiation,  the  reconciliation  of  God 
with  man.     (Cf.  Lev. 17. 11.)     Thus  the  death 
of  Christ,    by   which   the  new  covenant   was 
created,  is  objectively  a  propitiation,  subjec- 
tively a   communication   of   his  sacrificially- 
offered  life  for  the  sanctification  of  mankind. 
(Cf.    Schmid,    Bibl.    Theol.    N.T.    212).      See 
further    iPe.1.2,    "obedience  and   sprinkling 
of  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,"   and  iPe.l.iS. 
As  the  old  was  a  covenant  with  a  people,  rather 
than  with  individuals,  so  is  the  new.   It  is  God's 
relation  with  a  conununity  (Eph.5.25  ;  Tit. 2. 14). 
The  individual,  being  admitted  within  the  cove- 
nant-body, has  thereby  right  of  direct  access  to 
God,  in  virtue  of  the  covenant-relationship  once 
for  all  enacted.     The  social  side  of  religi<jn  is  as 
emphatic  in  Christianity  as  in  the  Jewish  faith. 
Thus  the  new  covenant  is  associated  with  a 
new  social  rite — the  Eucharist,   which  (what- 
ever else  it  is)  is  a  strong  assertion  of  collective 
unity.       For    apostolic   efforts    to   explain    to 
Jews  the  relation   of  the   old  covenant  to  the 
new,  see  Gal. 3. 15-18  ;   Heb. 8.7-13.      Robertson 
Smith,   Religion  of  the  Sewiles  ;     Holtzmann, 
L.  J.  462.  463  ;  Kurtz,  Hist.  Old  Cov.  iii.  141  ff. ; 
Schmid,  Bibl.  Theol.  N.T.  203,  213,  214;  Denney, 
Death  of   Christ,   53-58;    Freeman,    Principles 
of  Divine  Service.  11.  ii.  2  ff.  ;  Riehm,  Lehrbegriff 
des  Hebnier  Hriefes.  p.  99  fT.  [w.j.s.s.] 

Covetousness.  The  verb  "covet,"  hamadh, 
LXX.  iiTLth'fiiij),  Vulg.  concupisco,  occurs  first  in 
order  of  time  in  the  Decalogue,  with  the  sense 
of  setting  tlie  mind  on  a  forbidden  thing  with 
intent  to  procure  it.  Like  its  L,\  X.  equivalent, 
hamadh  is  used  of  lustful  desire  (I'r. 6. 25),  and  oc- 
curs in  Deut,5.2ili8]  of  desiring  a  neighbour's 


cow 

wife,  while  a  separate  verb  is  used  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  verse  for  "  coveting  "  his  other  pos- 
sessions. The  N.T.  appears  to  connect  the 
ideas  of  coveting  and  impurity  ;  e.g.  "  unclean 
person  nor  covetous  man  "  (Eph.5.5),  "  adul- 
teries, covetings "  (Mk.7.22).  Similarly,  as 
"  fornication  "  is  often  used  for  infidelity  to  Je- 
hovah, so  "covetousness"is  linked  with  thewor- 
ship  of  other  deities:  "  covetousness  which  is 
idolatry  "  (Col.3.5  ;  cf.  Is.l.59).  The  abstract 
noun  is  befa'  in  O.T.,  and  -rrXeov^^ia  in  N.T.  Both 
nouns  have  a  more  restricted  sense  than  the 
corresponding  verbs,  and  connote  the  desire  to 
possess  more  than  one's  share  of  property. 
Since,  however,  the  mind  may  well  be  set  on 
good  things,  hdmadh  is  occasionally — but  more 
rarely — used  in  a  commendable  sense,  e.g.  Is. 
53.2,  "No  beauty  that  we  should  desire,"  in 
1C0r.i2.31,  "  Covet  earnestly  the  best  gifts," 
and  in  14. 39,  "  Covet  to  prophesy."  The  Gk. 
verb  for  this  better  sense  is  not  eiriOvfiiiii,  but 
^77X6(0.     [Idolatry.]  [b.f-s.] 

Cow.     [Cattle.] 

Coz  (R.V.  Hakkoz),  a  descendant  of  Judah 
(iChr.4.8). 

Cozbi',  daughter  of  Zur,  a  Midianitish  chief, 
slain  with  her  paramour  Zimri  by  Phinehas 
(Num.25.i5,i8). 

Cracknels  {niqqudhim,  Jos.9.5,  E.V.  bread ; 
I K. 14.3  only,  in  both  cases  plur.).  The  root- 
meaning  contains  the  idea  of  something 
speckled.  This  might  easily  apply  to  the  word 
as  used  here  :  in  the  former  passage  the  spots 
would  refer  to  decayed  matter,  in  the  latter 
to  some  simple  ornamentation,  such  as  is  still 
customary  in  the  East  upon  cakes,  [w.o.e.o.] 

Cpane.  In  Hezekiah's  prayer  (Is. 38. 14)  we 
have  the  sentence,-  "  Like  a  crane  [sus  or  sis] 
or  a  swallow  {'dghur]  so  did  I  twitter,"  and  in 
Je.8.7,  "  The  crane  and  the  swallow  observe 
the  time  of  their  coming."  Migratory  species 
are  clearly  indicated,  but  the  A.V.  translators 
have  unfortunately  transposed  the  two 
English  words,  crane  being  the  equivalent  for 
'dghur,  while  swallow,  or  rather  swift,  is  indi- 
cated by  sus  or  sis,  which  refers  to  the  well- 
known  twittering  of  these  birds.  The  crane 
(Grus  cinereus  or  Grus  grus)  passes  through 
Palestine  in  enormous  companies  during  the 
spring  migration  ;  while  numbers  spend  the 
winter  in  the  uncultivated  tracts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Beer-sheba.    [Swallow.]   [r.l.] 

Cpates,  governor  of  the  Cyprians  in  the 
reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (2Mac.4.29). 

Cpeation.  (i)  The  world  is  said  in  Gen.l 
to  have  been  created  in  six  days,  and  God  is 
then  declared  to  have  "  rested  "  on  the  seventh. 
These  days  of  creation  were  long  regarded  by 
most  people  as  literal  days  of  24  hours.  But  in 
later  times  the  opinion  has  gained  ground  that 
by  "  day  "  a  long  period  is]meant — a  period  of 
growth  from  the  non-existent  ("evening") 
through  the  dawn  ("  morning  ")  of  a  new  state 
of  things  until  it  was  definitely  established. 
Very  recently  some  German  critics  have 
attempted  to  revive  the  idea  that  literal 
days  are  meant.  But  as  this  theory  is  simply 
adopted  to  disparage  the  authority  of  the 
Mosaic  account  of  creation,  it  need  receive 
little  attention  here.  It  will  be  sufficient^to 
point  out  that  in  Gen. 2. 4  the  whole  work  of 
creation  is  said  to  have  been  accomplished  in  a 


CREATION 


185 


single  "  day."     It  is  true  that  the  latter  part  of 
this  ver.  is  attributed  by  recent  critics  to  another 
author.     But  as  they  suppose  that  author  to 
have  been  an  earlier  author,  and  as  they  have 
also  supposed  that  the  middle  of  Gen. 2. 4  com- 
mences a  different  account  of  creation,  whereas 
it  simply  describes  the  adaptation  of  the  world 
already  created  to  the  needs  of  man,  its  latest 
inhabitant,  the  theory  that  the  word  "  day  " 
must   be   taken   literally   may  be   safely   dis- 
missed.    (2)  Another  question  is  whether  these 
"  days  "  must  necessarily  be  regarded  as  con- 
secutive.    Even  so,'  the  history  of  creation  in 
Gen.l    approaches  with  marvellous  closeness 
to  the  discoveries  of  modern  science,  as  was 
most  distinctly  established  in  the  memorable 
controversy  between  Mr.  Gladstone  and  Prof. 
Huxley.     i3ut    as   the    definite  article  is  not 
prefixed  to  each  number  used  with  the  word 
"  day  "  {a  "  first,"  a  "  second  day,"  and  so  on), 
it  is  not  necessary  to  contend  for  the  chronolo- 
gical order  of  the  narrative.     It  is  sufficient  to 
interpret  it  as  the  order  in  which  the  various 
phenomena  occurred  to  the  narrator,  and  to 
suppose  that  the  allusions  to  "  evening  "  and 
"  morning  "  refer  to  the  gradual  evolution  (by 
the  fiat  of  the  Creator)  of  the  things  or  crea- 
tures mentioned,  according  to  certain  laws  pre- 
scribed by  Him,  into  the  condition  in  which  we 
now  find  them.  His  "  rest  "  on  the  seventh  day 
indicates  that  since  the  "  sixth  day  "  there  has 
been  no  creative  act — but  that  He  Who  brought 
all  the  universe  into  being  has  been  content 
thenceforth  simply  to  guide  and  regulate  His 
creation.     (3)  It  has  been  contended  that  the 
word  Elohim  {'elohhn)  when  used  in  the  narra- 
tive indicates  a  separate  document.  [J  eho vah  ; 
Pentateuch.]     But  in  this  separation  of  the 
"Jehovistic"    and    "  Elohistic "    documents 
the  critics  themselves  are  not  consistent,  and 
the  use  of  the  word  Elohim  indicates  a  great 
scientific    truth.     Its    meaning    is    Power    or 
Force,  and  it  is  significant  that  at  the  early 
period  when  Genesis  was  written,  God  was 
already    recognized,     in     terms    of    modern 
science,  as  the  Great  Primal  Force  to  which,  or 
rather  to  Whom,  all  phenomena  owe  their  ex- 
istence.   (4)  We  next  come  to  the  stages  of  the 
process  of  creation,  which,  as  already  stated, 
correspond  very  closely  indeed  with  the  succes- 
sion of  events  as  laid  down  by  modern  scientific 
research,  though  one  or  two  of  the  processes 
attributed  to  different  "  days  "  may  possibly 
have   been    contemporaneous.     "  In    the    be- 
ginning"  (that  is  to  say,  at  some  period  in  a 
far-distant  past)  God  called  the  visible  universe 
into  being.     At  first  the  earth  was  "  formless 
and  empty  " — that  is,  it  was  as  yet  one  of  those 
gaseous  vortices  which  scientific  research  de- 
clares to  have  preceded  the  formation  of  those 
globular  masses  which  we  now  term  "  suns  "  and 
"  planets."     But  the  gaseous  matter  of  which 
the  nebulae  consisted  eventually  developed  into 
solid  and  liquid  matter,  because  the  Spirit  of 
God — the    Primal    Force  mentioned  above — 
"  brooded,"  or  "  fluttered,"  i.e.  communicated 
a  vibratory  motion   to   the  gaseous   matter, 
until  liquid  and  non-liquid  matter  were  finally 
separated  from  each  other.     Mr.  Capron,  in  his 
able    and   learned  work   [Conflict   of   Truth), 
explains  the    process    as    follows   in   strictly 
scientific  language :    "  In  the  beginning  the 


186 


CREDITOR 


Almighty  Being  created  Matter.  And  Matter 
was  then  in  agaseous  condition,  for  it  was  form- 
less, homogeneous,  and  invisible.  And  the 
Spirit  of  the  Almighty  agitated  with  molecular 
vibrations  the  fluid  mass."  On  the  first  day 
God  decreed  the  existence  of  light.  This  state- 
ment that  "  there  was  light  "  before  the  sun 
was  created  has  long  been  derided  by  those 
who  desire  to  decry  the  authority  of  Scripture. 
But  recent  investigation  of  astronomical  phe- 
nomena has  led  experts  independently  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  facts  of  solar  and  planetary 
evolution  require  the  existence  of  light  before 
the  sun  existed.  [Light.]  A  s^con^i  stage  in  the 
history  of  creation  was  the  aggregation  of  the 
nebulae  into  more  definite  forms,  each  with  its 
fluid  atmosphere  (Heb.  expanse)  around  it,  and 
its  gathering  of  waters  on  its  surface.  A  third 
stage  was  the  conversion  of  the  less  definitely 
coherent  masses  into  something  more  closely 
resembling  our  earth — the  separation  of  sea 
from  land  and  the  preparation  for  the  appear- 
anceof  organic  life  on  the  earthin  itslesshighly 
developed  forms,  including  provisions  for  its 
permanent  continuance.  A  fourth  stage  (which 
may  either  have  preceded,  followed,  or  been 
contemporary  with  the  last)  was  the  evolution 
of  suns,  planets,  and  their  satellites,  as  we  now 
see  them  around  us.  The  writer  next  turns  to 
the  development  of  our  own  planet.  The  fijth 
head  under  which  the  divine  process  is  re- 
garded is  the  creation  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
sea  and  air.  And  lastly  we  are  told  of  His 
bringing  into  existence  the  inhabitants  of  the 
earth,  insects,  reptiles,  and  beasts — "  the  dia- 
pason closing  full  in  man,"  the  highest  and 
noblest  of  all  His  creatures,  to  whom  is  given 
the  power  to  rule  all  other  beings  which  have 
been  created.  The  vegetable  productions  of 
the  earth  are  to  be  his  food,  and  the  animal 
creation  is  to  be  subject  to  his  will.  Then  the 
great  principle  is  laid  down  on  which  all  re- 
vealed religion  is  built — that  all  things  which 
were  made  came  perfect  from  the  hand  of  the 
All-wise  Creator.  "  God  saw  everything  that 
He  had  made,  and  behold  it  was  very  good." 
It  is  not  to  Him,  as  some  have  believed,  nor  to 
matter,  which  is  His  work,  that  the  ruin  and 
misery  to  be  found  in  His  fair  world  are  to  be 
attributed,  but  to  the  misuse  of  the  faculty  of 
free  will,  with  which  man  was  endowed  at  his 
creation.  [Fall.]  Gen.2.4£f.  (not  the  work 
of  another  hand)  tells  us  how  Jehovah  Elo- 
him,  the  Eternal  Power  ("  Persistent  Force,"  as 
Mr.  Herbert  Spencer  calls  Him,  asdistinguished 
from  Creative  F"orce),  continues  the  process 
commenced  at  creation,  of  adapting  the  world 
for  man's  habitation.  The  Conflict  of  Truth, 
by  F.  Hugh  Capron  ;  and  three  works  by  Sir 
J.  W.  Dawson,  The  Story  of  the  Earth  and  Man, 
The  Origin  of  the  World,  Modern  Science  in 
Bible  Lands  ;  "  Heb.  and  JJab.  Cosmcilogies," 
byW.  St.  ClaiiTisdaWin  Nineteenth  Cent.,  Aug. 
>905,  pp.  259-266;  and  see  further  a  valuable 
art.  Cosmogony  in  this  Diet.  [jJl.] 

Cpedltop.     [Loan.] 

Crescens,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul,  who 
had  left  hJMi  to  go  to  Galatia  (2Tim.4.n)).  St. 
Paul's  usage  makes  it  prr)bable  that  Galatia  in 
Asia  Minor  is  meant  :  but  the  reading  of  X.  C, 
Gaul  instead  of  Galatia,  and  the  testimony  of 
Euscbius,  have  led  to  the  belief  that  the  other 


CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS 

Galatia,  viz.  Gaul,  is  meant,  and  the  foundation 
of  the  churches  of  Vienne  and  Mayence  has 
been  ascribed  to  Crescens.  [e.r.b.] 

Crete,  a  large  island  S.  of  Greece,  in  the 
Mediterranean  at  the  mouth  of  the  Aegean  Sea. 
It  is  about  140  miles  E.  and  W.,  and  30  miles 
N.  and  S.  Mount  Ida  rises  8,000  ft.  from 
its  shores.  It  is  first  noticed  in  147  B.C. 
(iMac.10.67)  ;  and  St.  Paul's  voyage  along  its 
S.  shores  is  described  (Ac.27.7-21)  till,  driven 
by  the  N.E.  wind,  the  ship  sheltered  leeward 
of  the  island  Clauda.  [Fair  Havens  ; 
GoRTVNA  ;  Lasea  ;  Phenice  ;  Salmone.]  In 
the  Ep.  to  Titus  the  establishment  of  elders 
and  bishops  in  Crete  is  noticed  (Tit.t.5),  and 
the  evil  reputation  of  the  Cretans  (ver.  12). 
Josephus  mentions  Jews  in  Crete  as  early  as 
the  time  of  our  Lord  (2  Wars  vii.  i).  The  old 
population  was  Greek  ;  and  the  discoveries  of 
Mr.  A.  J.  Evans  (since  1893)  show  that  the 
island  was  civilized  as  early  as  1500  b.c. 
[Writing.]  But  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  theCHERETHiTES  (2Sam.8.i8  ;  Ezk.25.i6) 
were  Cretans.  They  were  probably  inhabit- 
ants of  Keratiyah  in  Philistia.  [c.r.c] 

Cretes  (Ac.2.ii),  Cretians  (Tit. 1. 12), 
inhabitants  of  Crete. 

Cpib  (Heb.  'ebhiis  ;  Job 39-9  :  Pr.14.4  ;  Is. 
1.3),  a  "  feeding-piacc "  or  "stall."  The 
ancient  rock  stables  in  the  Hebron  hills  and 
elsewhere  have  stone  mangers  with  holes  per- 
forated beside  them  for  the  halter  ropes  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  i.  p.  310  ;  iii.  pp.  348,  369).    [c.r.c] 

Cpimes,  Wpong's,  and  Punishments. 
A.  Nature  of  Subject.  In  mature  legislations 
distinctions  exist  between  crimes  and  civil 
vsTongs  (English  tort,  Roman  delict),  but  in 
archaic  law  these  are  not  applicable  without 
considerable  modifications.  The  subject  must 
therefore  be  studied  in  the  light  of  ancient  con- 
ditions and  ideas.  In  all  early  communities 
certain  factors  are  found.  The  following  con- 
cern us  :  (i)  When  the  society  is  weak,  many 
injuries  lead  to  vengeance  expressed  in  blood- 
feud  (see  especially  Gen. 34)  and  retribution, 
seen  in  talion  ("eye  for  eye,"  etc.).  This  is 
often  disadvantageous  to  the  community 
which  is  weakened  by  private  wars  and  the  loss 
or  crippling  of  fighting  men,  and  everywhere 
recourse  is  had  to  a  system  of  compensation 
to  prevent  this.  Tlius  the  owner  of  property 
is  offered  manifold  restitution  from  the  thief  to 
prevent  his  taking  the  law  into  his  own  hands 
and  fighting  (Ex.22.i[21.37],  etc.  ;  Post, 
Grundriss,  ii.  430-432);  and  in  most  cases 
both  the  blood-feud  and  talion  are  regularly 
succeeded  by  composition.  Gen. 20. 16,  where 
a  thousand  pieces  of  silver  are  given  as  "  a 
covering  of  the  eyes,"  is  particularly  instruc- 
tive. (2)  Similar  to  talion  is  the  notion  that 
an  offender  "  shall  be  deprived  oi  the  limb 
with  which  he  offends "  (Gautama,  xii.  i ; 
cl.  Vishnu,  v.  19,  etc.  Sec  Post,  Grundriss, 
ii.  239.  One  instance  in  Pentateuch,  Deut. 
25.12).  (3)  In  other  cases  the  offence  is 
such  as  to  demand  the  maintenance  of  the 
severest  punishments  for  the  protection  of 
society.  Here  the  very  motives  tliat  operate 
in  (i)  to  do  away  with  the  death  penalty  com- 
bine to  preserve  it — e.g.  kidnaiiping  (Ex.21.i6  ; 
sec  Post,  GrM«rffi5.<i,  ii.  355).  (4)  Lawisclosely 
implicated  with  religion  in  all  early  societies, 


CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS 


CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS    187 


and  this  affects  the  subject  in  several  ways, 
(a)  The  existence  of  a  whole  class  of  offences  is 
due  to  religious  ideas — -e.g.  apostasy,  prophesy- 
ing falsely,  certain  sexual  crimes,  etc.  (b) 
Another  ancient  theory  is  that  offenders  against 
gods  should  be  offered  or  devoted  to  the  of- 
fended deity  (Post,  Grundriss,  ii.  244  f.  ;  so 
to  God,  see  Heb.  and  R.V.  marg.  of  Ex.22. 
2o[i9];  Deut. 7. 26,13.15).  [Anathema.]  (c) 
It  is  possible  to  regard  many  offences  in  any 
one  of  four  ways  :  (i)  as  a  sin  against  man  ; 
(ii)  as  a  sin  against  God;  (iii)  as  an  offence 
against  the  community  ;  (iv)  as  defiling  the 
community  or  the  land  in  God's  sight  (Judg. 
20.13  and  often  in  Deut.).  (ii)  and  (iv)  obvi- 
ously require  expiation.  Hence,  if  an  act  is  re- 
garded primarily  from  either  of  these  points  of 
view,  the  piacular  notion  will  predominate — 
e.g.  Deut. 21. 1 -g,  but  without  necessarily  pre- 
venting the  other  aspects  of  the  case  from  be- 
ing present  to  the  lawgiver's  mind,  (d)  Pro- 
bably an  extension  of  this  idea  is  explained  by 
Vishnu,  xxxiv.  2  :  "  Such  criminals  in  the  high- 
est degree  should  proceed  into  the  flames  ;  for 
there  is  not  any  other  way  to  atone  for  their 
crime."  Cf.  Gen. 38. 24  ;  Lev. 20. 14, 21, 9.  {e) 
Divine  punishments  and  rewards  are  often 
promised,  and  the  actions  so  treated  are  pro- 
perly not  within  the  sphere  of  law-courts  at  all. 
It  should  be  noticed  that  the  idea  of  talion  is 
often  prominent  here  (e.g.  Ex.22.24[23]),  as 
also  a  kind  of  sympathetic  talion,  the  wrong- 
doers being  punished  in  that  wherein  they  have 
offended  (e.g.  childless  death  is  a  punishment 
for  certain  cases  of  incest).  (5)  Certain  ac- 
tions outraged  the  moral  sense  of  the  com- 
munity— "  wrought  folly  in  Israel "  (Gen. 34. 7  ; 
Deut. 22. 2T,  etc.).  In  Israel  they  appear  to  have 
been  offences  faUing  under  (4).  (6)  The  idea 
of  punishment  as  a  deterrent  from  crime  also 
appearssoon(Deut.l9.20,  etc.).  (7)  On  the  idea 
of  collective  responsibility,  see  L.\w  in  O.T. 
[B.  (7)  (iv)].  (8)  Certain  offences  are  usually 
treated  as  merely  giving  rise  to  claims  for  com- 
pensation—£.g.  damage  done  to  crops  by  stray- 
ing cattle.  This  is  the  department  that  shows 
the  greatest  similarity  to  modern  law. — B. 
Pre-Mosaic.  In  most  cases  our  information  is 
fragmentary,  and  no  certainty  is  attainable. 
(a)  See  Homicide,  (b)  Adultery  is  treated  as  a 
sin  against  God  in  Gen.l2.io-2o,20,26.TO  and 
39,  and  the  (alleged)  attempt  is  treated  by 
Joseph's  master  as  a  crime  punishable  hy  im- 
prisonment. [Adultery.]  The  attempt  gives 
rise  to  compensation  in  Gen. 20  [supra,  A.  (i)]. 
(c)  Reuben  committed  incest,  and  was  punished 
for  it  by  the  loss  of  his  birthright  and  blessing 
(Gen.49.3f.  ;  iChr.S.if.).  (d)  The  sin  of  Sodom 
was  clearly  very  grave  according  to  Hebrew 
ideas.  Probably  it  would  have  been  treated 
as  a  crime  if  committed  by  a  Hebrew,  (e) 
Rape  committed  by  a  foreigner  gave  rise  to 
blood-feud  in  Gen. 34.  There  were,  however, 
differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  action  of 
Dinah's  brothers  (34.3of.),  which,  in  fact, 
belongs  to  an  earlier  stage  than  criminal  law. 
(/)  Unchastity  in  a  widow  was,  at  any  rate  in 
some'^cases,  an  offence  punishable  by  burning 
(3S). T(g)  Kidnap  ping  occurs  in.  Joseph's  case.  It 
was  an  offence]against  men  (42.2if.).  It  would 
have  given  rise  to  vengeance  (with  unspecified 
results)  (50.15-17).     (h)  Theft  of  movables  was 


punishable  by  death  or  bondage  (31.32,44-9,  etc.). 
(i)  Spying  was  clearly  a  crime,  at  any  rate  in 
Egypt (42).  (j)Non-circumcisionwa.sTpumsha.hle 
by  cutting  off  (Gen. 17. 14  [infra,  C.  II.  (i)]). — C. 
Mosaic.  I.  In  some  cases,  two  of  the  ideas  ex- 
plained in  A  (supra)  are  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  the  same  offence — e.g.  Deut. 21. 2r.  Unex- 
pressed reasons  must  often  have  played  a  part 
in  forming  a  rule  even  when  others  are  ex- 
pressed, and  in  many  cases  no  reason  at  all  is 
given  for  the  rule  laid  down.  This  makes  a 
scientific  classification  difficult,  and  the  diffi- 
culty is  increased  by  the  fact  that  emphasis  is 
sometimes  laid  on  one  aspect  of  a  rule,  some- 
times on  another.  Again,  what  is  historically 
one  thing,  e.g.  vengeance,  is  often  made  to  sub- 
serve entirely  different  ideas  of  justice.  Sub- 
ject to  these  remarks,  the  following  arrangement, 
based  on  the  legal  consequences  of  each  action, 
and  generally  omitting  Homicide  (which  is 
separately  treated),  appears  least  open  to  ob- 
jection. In  each  case  C-  stands  for  the  legal 
consequences,  (i)  Offences  against  living  in- 
dividuals, (a)  Vengeance  subjected  to  legal 
process:  Deut. 25. 12,  indecent  assault  by  wife 
on  person  fighting  her  husband  ;  C.  loss  of  h  and. 
[Homicide.]  (b)  Vengeance  subjected  to 
legal  process,  and  tempered  by  money  pay- 
ments, or  else  damages  on  a  scale  calculated  to 
prevent  the  party  wronged  from  taking  the 
law  into  his  own  hands  :  (i)  Injuries  to  per- 
son :  Lev.24.19f.,  injury  by  assault  (wounding, 
etc.);  C.  talion.  Ex. 21. 23-25,  injury,  other 
than  resulting  miscarriage,  to  pregnant  woman 
bystander  at  quarrel :  C.  talion  ;  cf.  infra  (d)  (ii). 
On  composition  for  talion  see  Wiener,  Studies  in 
Biblical  Law,ii7-i22.  (ii)  Injuries  to  property  : 
Ex. 22.1, 4[21. 37-22.3],  theft  of  animal,  i. 
if  killed  or  sold,  (a)  ox  ;  C.  five-fold  restitution. 
(/3)  sheep  ;  C.  four-fold  restitution  [Cattle].  (7) 
sale  of  thing  if  thief  is  penniless  :  2.  if  animal 
found  alive  in  thief's  hands  ;  C.  double  restitu- 
tion. 22.7-9[6-8],  theft  of  the  deposit ;  C.  two- 
fold restitution  by  thief :  other  cases ;  C.  two- 
fold restitution  by  depositary  or  owner  accus- 
ing him  falsely  [Deposit],  (c)  Reparation,  (i) 
Injury  to  property;  C.  simple  damages.  21. 
33f.,  injury  to  animal  by  opened  pit.  21. 36, 
injury  to  animal  by  vicious  ox.  Lev. 24. 18, 21, 
killing  an  animal.  Ex.22.5f.[6f.],  damage  to 
crops,  etc.,  by  animal  or  fire.  22. 12 [11],  deposi- 
tary losing  animal  through  theft.  22.i4[i3], 
damage  to  borrowed  animal  or  object  (see  also 
infra,  4  and  Homicide),  (ii)  Wrongs  to  women  : 
2I.7-11,  Hebrew  concubine  bought  from  her 
father  not  married  by  purchaser  or  given  to  his 
son  ;  C.  to  go  free.  22.i6f.[i5f.],  seduction  ;  C. 
seducer  to  pay  father  bride-price,  also  to 
marry  the  girl  if  her  father  consents  [Slave]. 
Deut. 21. 14,  captive  slave  woman  taken  as  wife 
by  master  who  tires  of  her;  C.  freedom.  22.28f., 
rape  of  virgin  ;  C.  indissoluble  marriage,  and 
payment  of  50  shekels  to  father,  (iii)  Wrong 
to  slave  by  master  :  Ex.2i.26f.,  knocking  out 
eye  or  tooth  ;  C.  freedom  for  slave  ;  cf.  supra  (ii). 
(iv)  Injury  to  (free)  person  :  21.i8f.,  to  a 
combatant  in  a  fight ;  C.  damages  for  time  lost 
and  cost  of  healing :  21.22,  in  fight  to  pregnant 
female  bystander,  causing  miscarriage  only  ; 
C.  damages,  (v)  21. 35 ;  closely  analogous,  is 
the  case  where  two  oxen  (not  known  to  be 
vicious)  fight,  and  one  is  killed ;  C.  share  dea,d  03; 


188    CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS 

and  live  ox  equally,     {d)  Cases  where  repara- 
tion would  be  inadequate,  because  of  sore  out- 
rage to  the  moral  or  religious  sentiments  of  the 
community,  or  owing  to  the  heinousness  of  the 
offence:  (ij  Reparation  and  punishment :  Deut. 
22.13-19,  husband  slandering  innocent  wife;  C. 
reparation  to  wife  through  indissoluble  marri- 
age, to  her  father  by  fine  of  100  shekels  (which 
may  be  partly  penal)  +  punishment  in  chas- 
tisement of  husband,     (ii)   Punishment  only: 
Ex. 21. 15,  striking  parent.     21. 17  ;    Lev. 20. 9, 
cursing  parent.    Ex. 21. 16  ;  Deut. 24. 7,  kidnap- 
ping and  enslaving  or  selling.  Deut. 22. 20  f.,  mis- 
conduct of  virgin  detected  after  Marriage  ;  C. 
death  [Family].  I9.16-21,  giving  false  evidence; 
C.  talion;  cf.  supra  (b)  (i).  21. 18-21,  rebellious 
son;  C.  death.    Lev. 20. lof., 22.22,  adultery;  C. 
death  to  both.      Lying  with  betrothed  woman, 
Deut.22.23f.,  if  free,  C.  death  toboth;  Lev.l9.20, 
if  bondmaid,  (unspecified)  punishment  for  both. 
Deut. 22. 23,  rape  of  betrothed  (free  ?)  woman; 
C.  death   for  the  man.     (N.B.  Many  of  these 
offences  might  perhaps  be  put  under  3,  infra ; 
but    probably  adultery,   etc.,  were  regarded, 
partly  at  any  rate,  from  the  ]5oint  of  view  of 
the  injm-ed  husband.)     {e)  Cases  where  repa- 
ration impossible:    Ex. 21. 20,   master  beating 
slave  and  causing  immediate  death  ;  C.  (un- 
specified) punishment  (compensation  to  slave 
impossible,  because  he  is  dead ;  to  owner  im- 
possible, because  he  is  the  offender).     [Homi- 
cide.]   (N.B.  In  cases  where  a  specified  sum  is 
to  be  paid,  it  is  impossible  to  be  certain  that  the 
damages  are  sim])le  damages,  and  not  larger 
than  the  pecuniary  value  of  the  injury.)     (2) 
Offence    against  the  dead  :    Deut. 25. 5-10,  re- 
sident brother  of  childless  deceased  refusing  to 
perform  levirate  marriage  ;  C.   public   loosing 
of   shoe,  and  spitting   in  face  by  widow.     (3) 
Other  offences,     (a)  Against  God  or  the  com- 
munity only:  Ex.22. i8[i7] ;  Lev. 20. 27,  practis- 
ing witchcraft ;  C.  death.     Ex.22.i9[r8| ;   Lev. 
20.15  ;  cf.  Lev. 18. 23,  certain  unnatural  offences. 
Lev. 20. 6,   consulting  wizards,  etc. ;  C.  cutting 
off  byGod  (infra,  II.).     Ex.22.2o[i9].  sacrifice 
to  a  false  god ;  C.  devotion,  i.e.  death  [Ana- 
thema].   Ritual  offences  ;  C.  death,  cutting  off 
{infra,  II.)  or  destruction.    Ex. 31. 12-17,35.1-3, 
cf.  Num. 15. 32-36,  SAnBATii-breakiug.     Ex.30. 
31-33,  making  or  misusing  holy  anointing  Oil. 
30.38,  making  holy  Incense  for  scent.    Lev. 
7. 1 8,20,2 1, 2  3, 27, 17. 3f.,  10-12, 1 3f.,  19, 8,     eating 
flesh     of    Peace-offerinfi%     improperly     or    fat 
or   blood.       17. 8f.,    offering   Burnt-offering  or 
sacrifice  without  bringing  it  to  door  of  taber- 
nacle.    23.29f.,  non-affliction  of  soul  or  work- 
ing on  Day  of  Atonement.     Num. 1.31,3. 10, 38, 
stranger  coming  near  dwelling,  etc..     Ex.12. 15, 
eating  leavened  bread  during  Passover.     Num. 
9.13.20,    not    keeping    Passover,     and    non- 
purification    if    Unclean.      Lev. 22. 3,    Priest 
approaching  holy  things  in  state  of  unclean- 
ness  [Tabernacle  ;  Sacrifice].     Other  ritual 
offences :    22.14,    eating    a    holy    thing    un- 
wittingly;    C.    restore    its   value  +  i.     17.15, 
not  washing  clothes  to  remove  impurity;   C. 
"he  shall  bear  his  iniquity."     Other  offences: 
20.2ff.;  cf.  18.21,   giving  seed  to  Molech  ;   C. 
death,  otherwise  cutting  off.     Lev. 18,  certain 
sexual    offences;    C.   cutting  off.      21. 9,    mis- 
conduct of  priest's  daughter  ;  C.  burning  [supra, 
/V.  (4)  (d)].     2f.ioff.,  blasphemy;    C.  death. 


CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS 

Num. 15. 30,  sinning  with  high  hand;  C.  cutting 
off.     Deut. 13. 1-5,  prophet  or  dreamer  preach- 
ing apostasy;  C.   death.     13.6-1 1,  relation  or 
friend  urging   apostasy;   C.  death.     13. 12-18, 
apostasy  of  city ;  C.  devotion  by  edge  of  sword 
[suf)ra,   A.   (4)   (b)].     17.2-7,    apostasy    of   in- 
dividuate, death,  c/.  Job  3.26-28.    Deut. 18. 20, 
prophesying   falsely  ;    C.    death   [Prophecy]. 
17.i2f.,  disobedience  to  direction  of  judge  or 
priest    in   supreme  court;   C.  death   [Judge]. 
22.2of.,    wife    guilty     before    her     marriage  ; 
C.    death.      On   specific   priestly    offences   see 
Priest  and  Levites.     (b)  In  certain  cases,  the 
person  who  would  otherwise  have  been  injured 
is  a  consenting  party.      Under  this  head  fall 
various   cases  of   incest   specified   in   Lev. 20  ; 
C.  death,  burning,  cutting  off,  dying  childless — 
according  to  the  case.     (4)  In  certain  cases  of 
injury  to  property,  the  action  of  a  wrong-doer 
who  repents  is  treated  primarily  from  the  point 
of  view  of   expiating  sin  (Lev.6.i-7[5.2o-26] ; 
Num. 5. 3-8).     Compensation  is    given    (where 
possible)  by  restoring  the  article,  with  the  ad- 
dition oii;  but  the  emphasis  of  the  law  is  on 
the   Guilt-offering   to    be    brought    [Deposit]. 
In  other  cases,  matters  are  dealt  with  purely 
from  the  point  of  view  of  Sin,  and  fall  outside 
the  scope  of  this  article.     II.  Additional  items 
as  to  punishments,    (i)  Cutting  off  is  frequently 
found,  but  never  defined.   It  has  been  variously 
held  to  mean  death  or  some  form  of  excom- 
munication or  banishment.    Often  (e.g.  Lev. 20. 
3)  it  is  said  that  God  will  cut  off  ;  and  probably 
some  form  of  death  by  His  hand  is  meant.     (2) 
Slotting  was  the  most  frequent  form  of  capital 
punishment,    and   is   probably  usually  meant 
where  the  method  is  not  specified.     It  had  the 
advantage  of  not  exposing  any  individual  to 
blood-feud  or  the  odium  of  being  a  public  exe- 
cutioner.     The   witnesses   were    to    cast    the 
first  stone  in  certain  cases  [Witness],  perhaps 
always.     (3)  Hanging  is  mentioned   Deut. 21. 
22f.,  where  thcexposureof  the  corpse  during  the 
night  is  forbidden  ;   but  it  is  not  clear  whether 
the  hanging  is  the  means  of  execution  or  subse- 
quent thereto.     See  also  Num. 25. 4  ;   2Sam.21. 
6,9.     (4)  Stripes  were  not  to  exceed  forty  in 
number  (Deut. 25. 1-3),  and  appear  to  have  been 
in    judicial    discretinu.     They    were    possibly 
applied  in  the  following  cases  :  Ex. 21. 20  ;  Lev. 
19. 20  ;     Deut. 22. 18,    and   probably   also  in   a 
number  of  cases  not  mentioned  in  the  law. — D. 
Post-Mosaic.     The  references  are  too  scanty 
to  be  of  much  value — e.g.  from  Je.3.2o  it  ap- 
pears that  desertion  of  a  husband  by  his  wife 
was  wrong  ;  but  we  cannot  draw  any  inferences 
as  to  tlie  state  of  tlu-  law  on  the  subject.     The 
following  facts  may  be  gathered  :    Cursing  the 
king  became  an  offence  jiunishable  with  death 
(iSani.l6.<)f.;  1K.2I).  In  Ivzekiel's timea(/i<//tTy 
may  have  been  jumished  in  the  way  suggested 
by  l>>.k.23.47,  but  this  is  not  the  only  possible 
interpretation  of  the  passage.     I-'rom  Je.2O.2f., 
29.26  it  appears  that  prophesying  in  the  temple 
was  an  ofTence  pimishable  with  heating,  stocks, 
and  collar  (?)  (see  commentaries  ad  loc),  if  dis- 
a|>|>roved  by  the  priests.    'J'reasonwus  imnished 
by  heating  and  imprisonment  (Je.37.13ff.).      In 
at    least    one    O.T.    case    prophesying   against 
Jerusalem  and  Judah  was  punished  by  execu- 
tion with  the  sword,   followed   by  casting  the 
corpse  into  the  graves  of  the  common  people  (26. 


CRIMES  AND  PUNISHMENTS 

20-23).  Slaying  with  the  sword  or  spear  often 
occurs  elsewhere  (£:.g.  iK.2.25,34);  but  it  is  not 
always  clear  whether  the  cases  should  be  re- 
garded as  instances  of  legal  punishment.  The 
Philistines  burnt  Samson's  wife  and  father-in- 
law  (Judg. 15.6 ;  c/.  14.15).  Imprisonment  a.p- 
pears  to  have  been  common  under  the  mon- 
archy (iK. 22.27 ;  2Chr.l6.ro;  Je.37.15,  etc.),  as 
also  stripes  (37.15,  etc.).  Some  form  of  Stocks 
or  block  on  the  feet  is  mentioned  in  Job  13.27, 
33.11  (not  the  Heb.  word  translated  "stocks" 
in  Je.20.2,  etc.).  Scourging  with  thorns  and 
briers  occurs  in  Judg. 8. 7, 16,  but  not  as  a  legal 
punishment.  Heaps  of  stones  were  some- 
times raised  over  offenders  who  had  been  put 
to  death  (Jos.7.25f. ).  Banishment  dind  con fisca- 
tion  also  occur  (Ezr.7.26).  On  2Sam.i2.31  see 
H.  P.  Smith  ad  loc.  Theft  of  movables  was 
perhaps  punishable  by  sevenfold  (?  manifold) 
restitution  (Pt.6.21)-  [Law  in  O.T.  ;  Homicide  ; 
Judge.]  For  literature,  see  Law  inO.T.  [h.m.w.] 
— In  N.T.,  Punishments,  etc.  (i)  Stoning. 
(a)  For  blasphemy.  Two  attempts  were  made 
to  stone  Jesus  on  this  charge  :  Jn.8.59,  ^or 
taking  to  Himself  the  divine  name,  and  10. 31, 
for  claiming  unity  of  substance  with  the  Father. 
St.  Stephen  was  charged  with  speaking  blas- 
phemous words  against  the  temple  and  the 
law  (Ac.6.11,13  ;  hut  cf.  7.56  and  Mt. 26. 64, 65). 
[Witness.]  (6)  For  adultery  (Jn. 8. 5, 7).  (c)  It 
was  the  usual  form  of  punishment  inflicted  by 
the  people  (Lu. 20.6:  Ac.5.26,14.5,19  :  Mt. 21.35- 
See  also  2C0r.ll.25  ;  Heb. 11. 37).  (2)  Scourg- 
ing with  thongs,  the  culprit  being  bound  to  a 


GROSS 


189 


ROMAN  SCOURGE.    (From  Kinn's  G 


pillar  by  the  hands,  in  a  stooping  attitude,  (a) 
This  was  part  of  the  punishment  of  Crucifixion, 
and  was  inflicted  after  sentence  of  death  ; 
but  in  our  Lord's  case  it  seems  to  have  been 
a  lesser  punishment,  administered  in  the  hope 


that  it  would  satisfy  His  accusers  (Mt. 27.26  and 
parallels).  [Pilate.]  (b)  Followers  of  Christ 
so  punished  (Mt. 10.17, 23. 34;  2C0r.ll. 24).  A 
stronger  term,  dfpw,  "to  flay,"  N.T.  "to  beat  or 
smite,"  is  used  Mk.lS.g  ;  Lu.22.63  ;  Jn.l8.23  > 
Ac.5. 40,22.19;  see  also  16. 37.  Pa/iSi'foj,  "to 
beat  with  a  rod,"  is  used  Ac. 16. 22  ;  2C0r.ll.25. 
St.  Paul  was  "  put  to  the  question  "  by  scourg- 
ing (Ac.22.24).  According  to  PorcianLaw(Cic. 
Verr.  v.  62-66)  it  was  "  a  high  crime  to  beat  "  a 
Roman  citizen.  (3)  'Vvixiravigu},  "beating  to 
death  "  —  breaking  on  the  wheel.  Heb.  11. 35, 
"others  were  tortured,"  R.V.  marg.  "beaten  to 
death,  "  refers  to  2Mac.6. 19,28, 30.  Josephus, 
de  Mace.  v.  9,  calls  the  same  instrument  rpoxos, 
"  a  wheel."  (4)  Imprisonment.  For  debt, 
Mt.5.26  ;  for  insurrection  and  murder,  Lu.23. 
19.  Believers  in  Christ,  Lu.21.i2  ;  Ac.5. 18, 
8.3,22.4,26,10,  etc.  There  was  a  public  ward, 
.■\c.5.i8  ;  some  kind  of  Stocks  was  in  use  in 
"  the  inner  prison,"  16. 24  ;  prisoners  were 
sometimes  bound  to  soldiers  by  chains,  12.6. 
(5)  Expulsion  from  the  synagogue  for  con- 
fessing Christ,  Jn.9.22,12.42,16.2.  (6)  De- 
capitation. John  the  Baptist,  Mt. 14.8-12. 
Seealso  Ac.12.2  ;  Rev.20.4.  (7)  Precipitation, 
Lu.4.29.  According  to  2Mac.6.io,  two  women 
were  precipitated  from  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
for  circumcising  their  children.  (8)  Drowning, 
Mt.18.6.  This  was  a  Gk.  and  Roman  punish- 
ment;  cf.  Josephus,  14  Ant.  xv.  10.  (9)  Saw- 
ingasunder,  Heb. 11. 37.  Mt. 24.51,  "thelordof 
that  servant  .  .  .  shall  cut  him  asunder,"  R.V. 
marg.  "  severely  scourge  him."  (10)  Exposure 
to  wild  beasts,  1C0r.i5.32  ;  2Tim.4.i7.  The 
meaning  of  these  passages  is,  however,  un- 
certain. (11)  Banishment,  Rev.l.g.  (12) 
Crucifixion.  [Cross.]  (13)  Handing  over  to 
Satan,  iCor.5.5  ;  iTim.l.20.  This  was  prob- 
ably a  temporal  punishment,  intended  to  be 
remedial;  cf.  Lu.l3.i6:  2Cor.l2.7.  [Excom- 
munication; Satan;  Hymenaeus.]  [h.h.] 
Cpimson.  [Colours.] 
Cpispingr-pins  (Is. 8.22).  [Bag.] 
Cpispus,  a  ruler  of  the  synagogue  (dpx'- 
avvdywyos)  at  Corinth.  His  conversion  (Ac. 18. 
8),  coincident  with  St.  Paul's  removal  from  the 
synagogue  to  the  house  of  a  Gentile,  was  ap- 
parently the  turning-point  in  the  history  of  a 
mission  which,  until  then,  had  only  met  with 
resistance.  The  importance  of  such  a  con- 
vert, or  services  rendered  by  him,  would  ac- 
count for  the  distinction  granted  him  of 
baptism  by  the  apostle  himself  (iCor.l.14). 
See  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Heb.  in  loc.  [e.r.b.] 

Cposs.  The  word  represents  the  Gk. 
aravpos,  which  is  strictly  equivalent  to  Lat. 
palus  (stake),  though  it  was  afterwards  used 
(as  in  N.T.)  for  the  Lat.  crux.  Death  by  im- 
paling on  a  stake  had  been  practised  by  the 
Romans  on  their  slaves  as  well  as  death  by 
crucifixion  proper.  Of  the  three  forms  of  the 
cross  (decussata  X,  commissa  T,  immissa  +), 
tradition  is  almost  certainly  right  in  assigning 
the  last  to  our  Lord's  case.  The  upright  limb 
was  usually  left  standing  at  the  ordinary  place 
of  execution  outside  the  citj',  and  only  the  cross- 
piece  was  borne  thither  by  the  criminal  him- 
self or  another  from  the  place  where  he  had 
been  condemned  or  scourged.  This  was  often 
made  of  two  parallel  timbers  joined  at  the  ends 


1  §0  CROWN 

I  I.   between   which   the    victim's  head 

was  inserted  :  Lat.  patibulum.  On^arrival,  the 
hands  and  feet  were  either  bound  or  (as  in  our 
Lord's  case)  nailed  to  the  cross-piece,  when  it 
had  been  duly  fixed  to  the  upright.     A  stout 


CHRISMA. 

(These  sifrns.  combining  the  cross  and  the  sacred  monosrram, 

are  found  on  the  labarum  of  Constantine,  but  also  earlier  on 

coins  of  non-Christian  Kin^— ?.^.  Herod  the  Great  and  Trajanus 

Uecius — and  in  the  catacombs.) 

wooden  peg,  projecting  from  the  latter,  helped 
to  support  the  body  at  the  centre;  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  there  was  any  similar  sup- 
port below  the  feet.  A  board,  whitened  with 
gypsum,  on  which  the  nature  of  the  offence 
was  written  in  black  letters,  was  usually  carried 
before  the  criminal  to  his  execution,  and  then 
affixed  to  the  cross  over  his  head.  This  was 
done  in  our  Lord's  case.  Pilate  drew  up  the 
inscription,  and  it  was  made  out  in  Heb., 
Lat.,  and  Gk. — the  national,  official,  and 
"  common  "  dialects  of  Judaea.  The  versions 
of  the  inscription  in  SS.  Mark,  Luke,  and  John 
may  possibly  each  represent  one  of  these  ori- 
ginal languages  {Jn.l9.2o)  and  St.  Matthew's 
a  combination  of  the  three.  See  Farrar's  St. 
Luke,  p.  293.  For  further  interesting  con- 
siderations on  the  Title  on  the  Cross  see  Swete's 
notes  on  Mk.i5.26,  Westcott's  on  Jn.i9.19ff., 
and  Edersheim,  Jesus  the  Messiah  (3rd  ed.),  ii. 
590  f.  For  our  Lord's  Words  from  the  Cross, 
see  Seven  Words,  The.  Death  was  often 
long  delayed,  and  sometimes  in  rough  mcrcv 
hastened  by  the  breaking  of  the  legs  (Jn.l9. 
3iff.).  There  is  some  ground  for  thinking  that 
(in  deference  to  Jewish  feeling)  our  Lord  was 
not  (as  was  usual)  stripped  of  His  clothing, 
until  His  body  was  prepared  for  burial.  Even 
so  the  disgrace  of  the  cross  was  fully  as  great 
as  N.T.  (especially  St.  Paul's  epistles)  depicts 
it.     [Calvary.]  [c.l.f.] 

Cpow^n  occurs  in  O.T.  as  the  translation  of 
various  Heb.  words,  (i)  The  simplest  {zer) 
has  merely  the  idea  of  "  encircling,"  and  is 
used  of  the  decorative  golden  wreath  which 


CROWNS   WORN   BY   ASSYRIAN   KINCS.     (Frnm  Nimrftd  and 
Kouyiinjik.) 

crowned  the  ark  of  the  covenant  (Ex.25.ii), 
the  altar  of  incense  (Ex.80.3),  and  the  table  of 
shewbread  (Ex. 25. 24).  (2)  nezir  expresses  the 
idea  of  "  setting   apart  "   for  a  sacred  work, 


6lRYSTAt 

and  has  the  root  that  appears  in  "  Nazarite." 
Hence  this  word  denotes  consecration,  and  is 
used  of  the  crown  which  the  high-priest  wore 
upon  his  mitre  (Ex. 29.6),  and  sometimes  also 
of  the  royal  diadem  (2Sam.l.io).  In  each  case 
it  indicates  a  sacred  office.  [King.]  (3)  The 
ordinary  Heb.  word  ('a*drd)  for  the  royal 
crown,  from  which  oiu:  word  "  tiara  "  is  derived, 
has,  however,  no  such  special  meaning.  (4)  In 
Esth. 1.11,2.17,6. 8  only,  kether  is  used  for  the 
royal  crown.  In  N.T.  the  tik.  words  aT(<pavo^ 
and  5Ldd7]/j.a  are  both  translated  "  crown  "  in 
.'^.V.  (i)  (TTt<pavos  is  the  festal  wreath  that 
rewarded  the  victor  or  was  used  as  a  token 
of  joy.  (2)  5idoT]/xa  is  the  symbol  of  sove- 
reignty. The  crown  that  rewards  the  Chris- 
tian in  N.T.  is  always  the  victor's  wreath  and 
never  the  royal  diadem  (iCor.9.25  ;  Rev.3.ii). 
This  latter  is  ascribed  to  the  ascended  Christ 
(Rev.  19. 1 2),  who  perhaps  is  also  represented 
as  wearing  the  garland  of  victory  (Rev. 6. 2, 14. 
14,  R.V.  marg.).     [Diadem.]  [[.c.v.d.] 

Cpow/^n  of  thopns  (Mt.27.29).  Our  Lord 
was  crowned  with  thorns  in  mockery  by  the 
Roman  soldiers.  The  object  seems  to  have 
been  insult,  rather  than  the  infliction  of  pain. 
The  Rhamnus,  or  Spina  Christi,  although  abun- 
dant near  Jerusalem,  cannot  be  the  plant  in- 
tended, because  its  thorns  are  too  strong  and 
large  for  it  to  have  been  woven  into  a  wreath. 
Had  the  acacia  been  intended,  as  some  suppose, 
the  phrase  would  have  been  different.  Ob- 
viously some  small,  flexile,  thorny  shrub  is 
meant  ;  perhaps  Capparis  spinosa.  Hassel- 
quist  says  the  thorn  used  was  the  Arabian 
Nabq,  or  Nubq  (Zizyphus).  [Thorns.] 

Crucifixion.     [Jesus  Christ  ;   Cross.] 

Cruse  is  employed  in  A.V.,  apparently  in 
a  general  sense,  to  translate  three  distinct 
Heb.  words,  (i)  rappaliath,  carried  by  Saul 
when  on  his  night  expedition  after  David 
(iSam.26.ii,i2,i6).  and  by  Elijah  (iK.19.6). 
In  the  i^resent  day  the  vessel  thus  used  would 
be  a  globular  one  of  blue  porous  clay  about 
9  in.  diameter,  with  a  neck  about  3  in.  long, 
a  small  handle  below  the  neck,  and  oppo- 
site the  handle  a  straight  spout  with  an  orifice 
about  the  size  of  a  straw,  through  which  the 
water  is  drunk  or  sucked.  (2)  The  noise  which 
these  vessels  make  when  emptied  through  the 
neck  is  suggesti\e  of  the  second  term,  baqbuq. 
This  is  found  but  twice  :  a  "  cruse  of  honey  " 
(iK.14.3),  and  an  "earthen  bottle"  (Je.19. 
i).  (3)  Apparently  very  different  from  both 
these  is  the  rilahd,  a  larger  vessel  ;  pro- 
bably a  flat  metal  saucer  of  the  form  still  com- 
mon in  the  l-'ast.  It  occurs  in  2Chr.35.13, 
"  pans  "  ;  and  other  words  from  the  same  root 
are  found  in  2K.2.20,  "  cruse,"  and  2 K. 21. 13, 
"dish  "  (cf.  Pr.l9.24,26.i5). 

Crystal  represr»nts  in  A.V.  two  Heb.  words. 
(i)  z'^khi'ikhith  (Job  28.17  only).  Notwith- 
standing the  different  interpretations,  "  rock 
crystal,"  "  adamant."  etc.,  that  have  been 
suggested,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
"  glass  "  is  intended.  The  Aramaic  form  of  the 
word  occurs  in  the  Talmud  in  this  sense. 
[Class.]  (2)  qerdh  often  occurs  in  O.T.  to 
denote  "  ice,"  "  frost."  etc.  ;  but  once  only 
(Ii;zk.l.22).as  is  generallyunderstood.to  signify 
"  crystal."  The  ancients  supposed  rock- 
crystal  to  be  ice  congealed  by  intense  cold. 


CVBIT 

The  similarity  of  appearance  between  ice  and 
crystal  doubtless  caused  the  same  term  to  be 
used  for  both  these  substances.  The  Gk.  word 
occurs  in  Rev.4.6,22.i.  It  may  mean  either 
"  ice  "  or  "  crystal." 
Cubit.  [Weights  and  Measures.] 
Cuckoo  (Heb.  shahaph).  There  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  authority  for  this  translation 
in  A.V.  of  the  Heb.  word,  which  occurs  twice 
only  (Lev. 11.16  ;  Deut.i4.15),  as  the  name  of 
some  unclean  bird.  Bochart  has  attempted 
to  show  that  shahaph  denotes  the  storm- 
petrel.  Tristram,  on  the  other  hand,  has 
suggested  that  some  of  the  larger  petrels  or 
shearwaters,  such  as  Puffinus  griseus  and  P. 
anglorum,  which  abound  in  the  E.  of  the 
Mediterranean  and  are  very  similar  in  habits 
to  the  storm-petrel,  may  be  denoted  by  the 
Heb.  ;  but  nothing  definite  can  be  stated  as 
to  the  real  meaning  of  the  latter.  [r.l.] 


ClTESEl 


191 


cucumber,  which  they  eat  rind  and  all."  The 
"  lodge  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers  "  (Is.1.8)  is  a 
rude  temporary  shelter,  erected  in  the  open 
grounds  where  vines,  cucumbers,  gourds,  etc., 
are  grown,  in  which  some  lonely  man  or  boy 
guards  the  plants  from  robbers  and  scares 
away  the  foxes  and  jackals  from  the  vines. 

Cummin,  a  cultivated  plant  of  Palestine 
(Is.28.25,27  ;  Mt.23.23).  Itis  an  umbelliferous 
plant,  something  like  fennel.  The  seeds  have  a 
bitterish  warm  taste,  with  an  aromatic  flavour. 
The  Maltese  of  to-day  are  said  to  grow  it,  and 
to  thresh  it  as  described  by  Isaiah. 

Cup.  There  are  two  words  in  Heb.  for 
"cup":  kos  (Gen.^O.ii,  etc.),  the  ordinary 
drinking-vessel;  andg'Wim'  (Gen.44.2 ;  Je.35.5), 
a  larger  vessel,  corresponding  to  "  tankard." 
Both  were  made  of  clay,  probably  also  of  horn 
and  wood;  golden  cups  at  the  king's  table  were 
also  known  (iK. 10.21).    [Goblet.]    [w.o.e.o.] 


EGYPTIAN  CUPS.     (Brit.   Mus.) 


Cucumbeps.  The  Heb.  qishshu'im  occurs 
once  only,  in  Num.11. 5,  among  the  good  things 
of  Egypt  for  which  the  Israelites  longed.  Egypt 
produces  excellent  cucumbers,  melons,  etc. 
[Melons],  the  Cucumis  chate  being,  according  to 
Hasselquist  (Trav.  p.  258),  the  best  of  its  tribe 
yet  known.  This  plant  grows  around  Cairo, 
and  not  elsewhere  in  Egypt.  The  C.  chate  is  a 
variety  only  of  the  common  melon  (C.  nielo). 
It  was  once  cultivated  in  England,  and  called 
"  the  round-leaved  Egyptian  melon  "  ;  but  is 
rather  an  insipid  sort.  Besides  the  Cucumis 
chate,  the  common  cucumber  (C.  sativus),  of 
which  the  Arabs  distinguish  a  number  of  varie- 
ties, is  common  in  Egypt.  "  Both  Cucumis 
chate  and  C.  sativus,"  says  Dr.  Tristram,  "  are 
now  grown  in  great  quantities  in  Palestine.  On 
visiting  the  Arab  school  in  Jerusalem  (1858)  I 
observed  that  the  dinner  which  the  children 
brought  with  them  to  school  consisted,  without 
exception,  of  a  piece  of  barley  cake  and  a  raw 


Cupbearep  (Heb.  mashqe,  rendered 
"  butler  "  in  Gen.40.5),  an  official  who  held  an 
important  position  at  the  Persian  court  as  at 
those  of  Egypt,  Palestine,  and  Babylonia.  He 
figures  in  the  mural  drawings  of  Egypt  (where 
his  title  is  auh)  ;  and  in  Babylon  there  was  a 
special  kind  of  wine  which  alone  the  cup- 
bearer offered  to  his  royal  master.  Nehemiah 
held  this  post  (Ne.l.ii,2.i)  at  the  court  of 
Artaxerxes.  The  title  "  Rab-shakeh  "  does 
not  (as  has  been  fancied)  denote  "  chief  cup- 
bearer," but  is  the  Assyrian  Rab-shdqii,  and  de- 
notes an  officer  holding  rank  next  to  the  Tartan 
(Assyr.  turtannu)  or  generalissimo.  Rawlinson, 
W.  A.  Inscriptions,  vol.  ii.  67, 1.  66  ;  Ebers,  Eine 
Aegyptische  Konigstochter,  etc.       [w.st.ct.] 

Cupse.  Usually  either  an  invocation  to  a 
divine  power  to  inflict  evil  on  somebody,  or  else 
a  resolution  of  God  to  send  such  an  evil.  The 
word  is,  however,  also  applied  to  the  actual 
evil  sent,   to  blasphemous  language  used  of 


192 


CURTAINS 


God,  and  to  one  who  is  reduced  to  such  a  pite- 
ous plight  that  it  is  a  malediction  to  wish  that 
another  may  become  like  him.  A  curse  was 
sometimes  regarded  as  having  objective  power 
(Jos. 6. 26  ;  1K.I6.34  ;  Num. 22. 6),  and  language 
is  even  used  implying  that  it  had  some  definite 
separate  existence  (Is. 24.6  ;  Zech.5.3).  Hence 
the  twelve  curses,  Deut. 27. 15-26,  were  aimed  at 
offences  which  could  only  be  reached  by  the 
ordinary  law  with  difficulty,  if  at  all.  Hence, 
too,  Micah's  confession,  Judg.  17.2.  Appar- 
ently the  uttering  of  a  curse  concerning  some 
offence  placed  those  who  knew  the  circum- 
stances under  a  duty  to  confess  ;  otherwise  they 
were  liable  to  the  effects  of  the  curse  (Lev.S.i  ; 
Pr.29.24);  but  the  guilt  could  be  purged  by  con- 
fession, sacrifice,  and  atonement  by  the  priest 
(Lev.S.sff. ).  It  was  held  that  a  causeless  curse 
did  not  light  (Pr. 26. 2);  perhaps  also  that  in  some 
cases  a  curse  could  be  diverted  (Gen. 27. 1 3. )  Ap- 
parently a  curse  could  counteract  (or  be  counter- 
acted by)  a  blessing  (Judg. 17. 2  ;  Mai. 2. 2  ;  cf. 
Deut.29.i9[i8]  ;  Ecclus.3.9).  Most  oaths  con- 
tain a  curse  (expressed  or  implied),  conditioned 
to  take  effect  in  the  case  of  promissory  oaths  if 
the  pronaise  be  violated,  and  in  the  case  of  de- 
claratory oaths  if  the  asseveration  be  untrue. 
[Oaths.]  Hence  every  covenant  contains  a 
curse  (though  sometimes  only  implied  in  such 
a  phrase  as  "'God  judge — or  be  witness — be- 
tween me  and  thee  ").  Thus  the  curse  forms  a 
part  of  the  covenant  of  Deut.,  and  is  one  of  the 
sanctions  of  the  law  it  contains.  The  formulae 
of  curses  varied  very  greatly — e.g.  Deut.28.i6ff. ; 
Judg.9.7-20;  cf.  9.57;  Je.29.22;  2Sam.l6.7f.: 
Ne.5.13.  Curses  were  sometimes  accompanied 
by  symbolical  actions  or  ceremonies  (Ne.5. 
13  ;  Ac. 18. 6  ;  Deut. 27,  etc.)  and  by  sacrifice 
(Judg.9.27  ;  Num. 23. iff.).  As  to  legal  pro- 
visions, cursing  a  father  or  mother  was  punish- 
able with  death  (Ex.21. 17  ;  Lev.20.9).  So  was 
cursing  God  (Lev. 24.1  r -2 3).  The  law  also  pro- 
hibits cursing  judges  and  princes  (Ex.22.28[27]) 
and  the  deaf  (Lev.i9.14).  Later,  cursing  the 
king  was  regarded  as  a  capital  offence  (2Sam.l9. 
2i[22];  1K.2I). — Terminology.  TheHeh.  (fldU 
(and  verb)  are  never  used  of  self-imprecation 
(on  iSam.3.13  see  H.  P.  Smith's  critical  note) ; 
nor  is  'drar.  [Blessing;  Vow.]  Leist,  Grdco- 
Jtalische  Rechtsgeschichte,  755-758  ;  Realency- 
klopddie  filr  Protestantische  Theologie  und 
Kirche^,  xviii.  148-154  ;  Westermarck  in  Socio- 
logical Papers,  ii.  145  ff.  [h.m.vv.] 

In  N.T.  An  instance  of  a  curse  with  ob- 
jective power  is  Mk.ll.14,  where  Jesus  dooms  a 
fig-tree  to  perj^etual  sterility  ;  ver.  21,  "  the  fig- 
tree  which  Thou  cursedst  is  withered  away." 
Cf.  Heb.6.8,  the  land  "  nigh  unto  a  curse,"  and 
Gen. 3. 1 7.  Used  of  persons  devoted  to  destruc- 
tion, Mt.25.41,  "  Depart  from  Me,  ye  cursed," 
R.V.  marg.  "  Depart  from  Me — under  a 
curse."  Also  of  those  under  a  curse,  2Pe.2. 
14,  R.V.  "  children  of  cursing."  Christ  by  the 
manner  of  His  death — crucifixion — was  made 
a  curse,  i.e.,  mctonymically,  "accursed," 
Gal. 3. 10, 13,  with  reference  to  Deut. 21. 23. 
[Oaths  ;    .-Anathema.]  [n.u.] 

Cuptains.  The  rendering  of  three  Heb. 
words  :  (i)  y'ri'd.  thc^  10  inner  curtains  of  the 
tabernacle,  constituting  tin;  "  dwelling."  These 
were  of  costlv  material  and  fine  workmansliip 
(Ex.26. 1,36.8).     The  11  curtains  of  goat-hair. 


CtJSHI 

the  "  tent  "  over  the  Tabernacle  (26.7,36. 
14).  Synonymous  with  Tabernacle  (2Sam.7. 
2  ;  iChr.l7.i)  and  with  Tent  (Je.4.2o,10.2o,49. 
29  ;  Hab.3.7  ;  Can.1.5  ;  cf.  Ps.104.2).  Figura- 
tively of  Jerusalem's  prosperity  (Is.54.2).  (2) 
masakh,  prop,  portiere  (Num.3. 26).  [Hanging.] 
(3)  doq  (Is. 40. 22),  a  thin  veil,  R.V.  marg. 
gauze.  [H.H.] 

Cush  (i:'!;2).— 1.  Son  of  Ham  (Gen.10.8  ; 
iChr.l.io),  perhaps  called  after  a  country 
allotted  to  him. — 2.  Cush,  a  country  (Gen. 2. 13) 
encompassed  by  Gihon,  the  second  river  of 
Paradise,  would  seem  to  have  been  somewhere 
N.W.  of  Assyria. — 3.  Ethiopia  above  Egypt  is 
termed  in  the  ancient  Egyptian  inscriptions 
Kesh,  and  probably  corresponds  to  Cush  else- 
where than  in  Gen. 2. 13.  The  Cushites,  how- 
ever, had  clearly  a  wider  extension,  and  spread 
along  tracts  extending  from  the  higher  Nile  to 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  A  Cushite  runner 
was  employed  by  Joab  to  take  David  the  news 
of  Absalom's  death  (2Sam.l8.21).  Zerah  the 
Cushite  (A.V.  Ethiopian,  2Chr.l4.9),  who  was 
defeated  by  Asa,  was  probably  the  leader  of  an 
Egyptian  army,  but  may  have  come  from 
central  Arabia.  Zipporah,  Moses'  wife,  is  called 
a  Cushite  (Num. 12.1).     [Races.]     [c.r.d.b.] 

Cush  (CMIi),  a  Benjamite  mentioned  only 
in  Ps.7  (title).  A.V.  marg.  suggests  an  identi- 
fication with  Shimei.     See  2Sam.l6.5,ii. 

Cushan'  (Hab.3.7).  It  is  doubtful  whether 
this  is  the  same  as  Cushan-rishathaim  (A.V. 
Chushan-),  king  of  Mesopotamia  (Judg.3.8,io), 
but  the  order  of  events  alluded  to  by  the  prophet 
seems  to  favour  this  supposition.  The  LXX. 
has  "  Ethiopians  "  ;  but  it  is  unlikely  that 
Cushan  here  stands  for  the  .\siatic  Cush. 

Cushi',     properly    "  the    Cushite,"     "  the 


AN   AKAll   RUNNliR. 


CtJTH 

fethiopian,"  a  man  apparently  attached  to 
Joab's  person,  who  bore  the  tidings  of  the  de- 
feat and  death  of  Absalom  to  David.  That 
Cushi  was  a  foreigner — as  we  should  infer  from 
his  name — is  possibly  corroborated  by  his 
ignorance  of  the  ground  in  the  Jordan  valley, 
by  knowing  which  Ahimaaz  was  enabled  to 
outrun  him  (2Sam.l8.2i,22,23,3i,32). 

Cuth,  or  Cuthah',  one  of  the  places 
whence  Shalmaneser  introduced  colonists  into 
Samaria  (2K. 17. 24, 30).  The  statement  that 
the  men  of  Cuth  (  =  Cuthah)  made  (images  of) 
Nergal  at  once  indicates  the  locality  as  being 
the  Babylonian  Kutii  (non-Semitic  Gudua),  now 
Tel-Ibrahim,  about  15  miles  N.E.  of  Babylon. 
It  was  one  of  the  centres  of  the  worship  of 
Nergal,  so  that  the  identification  seems  certain. 
(See  Hormuzd  Rassam,  Asshnr  and  the  Land 
of  Nimrod,  p.  396,  etc.).  [t.g.p.] 

Cutting'  off  from  the  people.  [Excom- 
munication.] 

Cutting's  in  the  flesh.  Disfigurements 
of  the  body  (see  Lev.19.28,21.5  ;  Deut.l4.i) 
are  still  frequent  amongst  Eastern  nations. 
The  reason  they  were  so  strictly  forbidden 
under  the  Mosaic  law  is  not  at  first  obvious. 
Aaron  and  his  sons  were  indeed  forbidden  to 
show  any  signs  of  grief  for  Nadab  and  Abihu, 
but  this  was  on  special  grounds  (see  Lev. 10. 5), 
for  the  priests  of  God  might  not  bewail  the 
judgments  of  God.  The  real  cause  why  cut- 
ting and  shaving  of  the  body  were  so  strictly 
forbidden  was  twofold.  First,  it  has  always 
been  the  custom  in  the  East,  as  with  many 
fakirs  of  to-day,  to  put  the  special  marks  of 
some  false  deity  upon  the  body  where  they 
cannot  be  obliterated  ;  and  secondly,  there 
was  always  the  idea  that  by  self-mutilation 
the  manes  of  the  dead  might  be  propitiated, 
the  living  delivered  from  their  molestations, 
and  their  future  welfare  assured.  The  Mosaic 
law,  being  always  jealously  strict  with  regard 
to  anything  like  superstition  or  idolatry, 
naturally  forbids  customs  which  would  give 
countenance  to  such  views.  [f.j.] 

Cy'amon  (Jth.7.3  only),  a  place  lying  in 
the  plain  (A.V.  valley)  over  against  Esdraelon. 
The  earlier  J  OKNEAM(re/Z  Qeimiln).     [c.r.c] 

Cymbal,  Cymbals,  a  percussive  musical 
instrument.  Two  kinds  of  cymbals  are  men- 
tioned in  Ps.150.5,  "  loud  cymbals,"  or  perhaps 
castanets  (c/.  R.V.  2Sam.6.5),  and  "high  sound- 
ing cymbals."  The  former  consisted  of  four 
small  plates  of  brass  or  some  hard  metal,  two 
plates  were  attached  to  each  hand  of  the  per- 
former, and  were  struck  together  ;  the  latter  of 
two  larger  plates,  one  held  in  each  hand,  and 
struck  together  as  an  accompaniment  to  other 
instruments.  Cymbals  were  not  only  used  in 
the  temple  worship  and  on  sacred  occasions  : 
they  were  employed  for  military  purposes,  and 
also  by  the  Heb.  women  as  an  accompani- 
ment to  their  national  dances.  Both  kinds 
are  still  common  in  the  East  in  military  music, 
and  Niebuhr  often  refers  to  them.  The 
"  bells  "  of  Zech.14.20  were  probably  concave 
disks  or  plates  of  brass,  which  in  Palestine  and 
SjTia  were  attached  to  horses  as  ornaments. 

Cypress.  The  Heb.  tirzd  is  found  only 
in  Is. 44. 14.  It  points  to  some  tree  with  a  hard 
grain,  but  neither  the  etymology  nor  the  con- 
text decides  its  identity.     Besides  the  cypress, 


dYRENE 


193 


the  "  beech,"  the  "  holm-oak,"  and  the  "  fir  " 
have  been  proposed.  There  are  two  mentions 
of  cypress  {nvTrdpiaaos)  inEcclus.24.i3,50.io,  "I 
was  exalted  like  a  cedar  in  Libanus,  and  as  a 
cypress  tree  upon  the  mountains  of  Hermon," 
and  "  as  a  cypress  tree  which  groweth  up  to  the 
clouds."  Here  the  Cupressus  sempervirens  is 
undoubtedly  referred  to.  In  the  Geneva  version 
the  Isaiah  reading  is  oke  (oek,  Wyclif ),  so  that 
the  holm-tree,  or  holm-oak,  of  R.V.  has  ancient 
authority.     [Holm-tree.]  [h.c.h.] 

Cyprus,  named  apparently  from  its 
"  copper,"  by  Canaanites  or  Phoenicians,  an 
island  in  the  Mediterranean,  about  100  miles 
W.  of  Laodicea.  It  is  about  4,000  square 
miles  in  area  ;  and,  when  the  Cyprian  Olym- 
pus is  covered  with  snow,  it  is  conspicuous  in 
the  view  from  Lebanon.  In  general  character 
it  is  very  like  Palestme.  The  Cyprians  are 
noticed  (2Mac.4.29)  in  2nd  cent,  e.g.,  but  the 
island  only  in  N.T.  (Ac.4.36,11. 19,20,13.4,15. 
39,21.3,16,27.4)  with  its  chief  cities  Paphos 
and  Salamis.  It  is  supposed  to  be  the 
Chittim  of  O.T.  (perhaps  the  Akkadian  Kit-itn, 
or  "west  region"),  or  Kittim  (Gen. 10. 4),  a 
land  of  ships  (Num. 24.24)  separated  by  sea 
from  T\Te  (Is.23.i,i2  ;  Je.2.io  ;  Ezk.27.6  ; 
Dan.ll.'3o),  though  the  "  isles  of  Chittim " 
may  include  others  in  the  W.  Ramses  III. 
(about  1200  B.C.)  apparently  conquered 
Kition,  Soli,  Idalion,  and  Cerynia,  in  Cyprus 
(Brugsch.  Hist.  Egt.  ii.  p.  152).  Sargon  set  up 
a  monument  at  Idalion,  and  Esar-haddon 
(about  670  B.C.)  received  tribute  from  Itu- 
dagon  the  Phoenician  king  of  Paphos,  and 
from  the  Gk.  kings  Aegisthus  of  Idalion,  Py- 
thagoras of  Kition,  Euryalus  of  Soli,  and 
Damasus  of  Kurion.  This  mixed  Gk.  and 
Phoenician  population  still  divided  the  island 
as  late  as  254  b.c.  A  bilingual  text  in  Phoe- 
nician and  in  Gk- — the  latter  in  the  peculiar 
Cypriote  characters — dates  from  375  b.c.  The 
Phoenician  kings  of  Kition  and  Idalion  (450- 
312  B.C.)  were  named  Ba'al-melek,  'Az-ba'al, 
Ba'al-ram,  Melek-iathon,  and  Pun-iathon. 
Numerous  rude  semi- Phoenician  statues,  with 
Greek  inscriptions  on  them  in  Cypriote  char- 
acters, have  been  found.  Cyprus  was  con- 
quered by  Amasis  of  Egypt  in  6th  cent,  b.c, 
and  by  Persia  in  525  b.c  In  387  b.c,  after 
the  Ionian  revolt,  Evagoras  of  Salamis  be- 
came independent,  and  the  Cyprians  declared 
for  Alexander  the  Great  in  333  b.c.  Ptolemy 
reconquered  Cj'prus  for  Egypt  in  295  b.c,  and 
Rome  annexed  it  in  58  b.c  It  was  thus 
(after  the  battle  of  Actium)  ruled  by  a  pro- 
consul (see  Ac. 13. 6, 7,12).  [c.r.c] 

Cyre'ne,  the  principal  city  of  that  part 
of  N.  Africa  which  was  anciently  called 
Cyrenaica  and  also  (from  its  five  chief  cities) 
Pentapolitana.  This  district  was  that  wide 
projecting  portion  of  the  coast  (corresponding 
to  the  modern  Tripoli)  which  was  separated 
from  the  territory  of  Carthage  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  Egypt  on  the  other.  Its  surface 
is  a  table-land  descending  by  terraces  to  the 
sea  ;  and  it  was  celebrated  for  its  climate  and 
fertility.  The  N.T.  references  to  Cyrene  agree 
with  the  facts — that,  though  on  the  African 
coast,  it  was  a  Gk.  city;  that  the  Jews  were 
settled  there  in  large  numbers  ;  and  that  under 
the  Romans  it  was  politically  connected  with 

13 


194 


CYE.ENIUS 


Crete.  The  Gk.  colonization  of  this  part  of 
Africa  under  Battus  began  as  early  as  631  b.c. 
After  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  it  be- 
came a  dependency  of  Egypt.  In  this  period 
we  find  the  Jews  established  there  with  great 
privileges,  having  been  introduced  by  Ptolemy 
the  son  of  Lagus.  Soon  after  the  Jewish  war 
they  rose  against  the  Roman  power.  In  the 
year  75  e.g.  the  territory  of  Cyrene  was  made 
a  province.  On  the  conquest  of  Crete  (67  b.c.) 
the  two  were  united  in  one  province,  frequently 
called  Creta-Cyrene.  The  numbers  and  posi- 
tion of  the  Jews  here  accords  with  the  fre- 
quent mention  of  C>Tene  in  N.T.  Simon,  who 
bore  our  Saviour's  cross  (Mt.27.32  ;  Mk.l5.2i  ; 
Lu.23.26)  was  a  native  of  Cyrene.  Jewish 
dwellers  in  Cyreuaica  were  in  Jerusalem  at 
Pentecost  (Ac. 2. 10).  They  even  gave  their 
name  to  a  synagogue  in  Jerusalem  (6.9). 
Christian  converts  from  Cyrene  were  among 
those  who  helped  to  found  the  first  Gentile 
church  at  Antioch  (11. 20).  Lucius  of  Cyrene 
(13.1)  is  traditionally  said  to  have  been  the 
first  bishop  of  his  native  district. 

Cypenius.  This  is  P.  Sulpicius  Quirinus, 
described  by  Tacitus  (Afinals  iii.  48).  After 
the  deposition  of  Archelaus  in  6  a.d.,  Quirinus, 
then  proconsul  of  Syria,  took  o\er  Judaea, 
and  carried  out  a  census  or  assessment  for  tax- 
ation, which  met  with  some  resistance  (Ac. 5. 
37).  St.  Luke,  who  records  this  revolt  in  the 
speech  of  Gamaliel,  refers  (Lu.2.2)  to  a  previous" 
census  as  occurring  during  Quirinus'  govern- 
ment of  Syria,  and  dates  the  birth  uf  Christ  by 
it.  He  clearly  distinguishes  it  from  the  census 
in  6  A.D.  by  calling  it  "  first,"  thus  implying 
that  he  knew  of  another.  Serious  difficulties 
arise  in  respect  of  this  statement.  Allowing 
on  sufficient  grounds  the  probability  that 
Quirinus  was  twice  proconsul  of  Syria,  his 
earlier  tenure  cannot  have  begun  til!  after  the 
death  of  Herod  the  Great,  4  b.c,  and  therefore 
would  not  remove  the  difficulty,  as  Christ  was 
born  in  Herod's  lifetime  (Mt.2.i).  Varus  was 
proconsul  of  Syria  till  after  Herod's  death.  It 
is,  however,  probable  that  Quirinus  was  in 
the  province,  during  the  government  of  Varus, 
with  a  military  command,  which  was,  we 
know,  given  him  in  order  to  reduce  certain 
Cilician  tribesmen.  And  the  vague  word 
translated  "  was  governor  "  (Lu.2.2)might  w^ell 
describe  such  a  command  as  distinct  from  the 
civil  governorship  held  at  that  time  by  Varus. 
[Taxing.]  Other  objections  to  the  accuracy 
of  the  statement  are  as  follows:  (i)  Herod 
was  king  of  Judaea,  and  a  census  could  not 
have  been  imposed  on  him  by  the  emperor. 
But  this  is  to  misunderstand  the  dependent 
position  of  the  subject  kingdoms.  (2)  A 
Roman  would  not  have  required  enrolment  at 
the  city  of  origin  (e.p,.  Bethlehem).  But  paral- 
lels for  a  tribal  and  family  system  of  enrolment 
by  Roman  authority  in  Egypt  have  been  dis- 
covered in  the  papyri.  liven  if  Ramsay's 
explanation  be  rejected,  and  a  mistake  on  St. 
Luke's  part  be  admitted,  the  historical  char- 
acter of  the  census  which  brought  Joseph  and 
Mary  to  Bethlehem  is  not  necessarily  im- 
pugned, and  the  utmost  result  of  criticism  is 
that  St.  Luke,  who  knew  of  Quirinus'  census 
in  6  A.D.,  has  wrongly  attributed  to  him  also 
the  census  at  the  time  of  the  nativity.     Augus- 


DABBASHETH 

tus,  as  we  know  from  other  sources,  did  or- 
ganize periodical  assessments  for  various  parts 
of  the  (Roman)  world.  [e.r.b.J 

Cypus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  empire 
(see  Dan.6.28,10.1,13  ;  2Chr.36.22, 23),  was 
son  of  Cambyses,  king  of  AnSan,  a  descendant 
of  Teispes.  There  are  several  contradictory 
accounts  of  his  birth  and  rise  to  power,  but 
they  are  all  regarded  as  unhistorical,  including 
the  tragic  story  told  by  Herodotus  (i.  95), 
which  makes  him  tf)  have  been  the  son  of  a 
Persian  nobleman  named  Cambyses  and  Man- 
dane,  daughter  of  Astyages,  the  last  king  of 
Media.  According  to  the  Babylonian  Chron- 
icle, Astyages  marched  against  Cyrus  (549  b.c) 
to  capture  him,  but  his  army  revolted,  and  de- 
livered him  to  Cyrus,  who  then  took  Ecbatana, 
and  carried  off  its  spoil  to  Ansan.  He  subse- 
quently defeated  Croesus,  and  annexed  Lydia. 
In  538  B.C.  a  revolt  took  place  in  Babylonia, 
and  this  gave  Cyrus  an  opportunity  of  invading 
the  country.  After  defeating  the  Babylonians 
at  Opis,  his  army  entered  Sippar,  and  Naboni- 
dus  sought  safety  in  flight,  but  was  captured  in 
Babylon,  which  had  been  taken  by  Gobryas 
without  fighting,  though  Belshazzar,  son  of 
Nabonidus,  seems  to  have  held  out  in  some 
part  of  the  city.  [Belsmazzak.]  The  result  of 
these  successes  was,  the  addition  of  the  whole 
of  Babylonia  to  the  empire.  The  date  of  the 
reduction  of  the  Gk.  cities  in  -Asia  Minor  is 
doubtful.  Cyrus  is  said  to  have  fallen  in 
battle  against  the  Massagetae  in  529  B.C.,  but 
.Xenophon  makes  him  to  have  died  peaceably, 
and  to  ha\c  been  buried  at  Pasargadae.  Before 
his  time  the  great  kings  with  whom  the  Jews 
had  come  into  contact  had  been  either  open 
oppressors  or  seductive  allies,  but  Cyrus  was  a 
generous  liberator.  The  prophet  Isaiah  (44. 
28)  recognized  in  him  "  a  shepherd  "  of  the 
Lord,  an  "anointed"  king  (45. i),  but  his 
favouring  of  the  Jews  is  now  regarded  as  being 
rather  due  to  policy  than  to  sympathy  with 
them  as  a  monothoist — he  was  equally  sym- 
[iathetic  to  the  Babylonian  priesthood.  The 
edict  of  Cvrus  for  the  building  of  the  temple 
(2Chr.36.2'2,23  ;  Ezr.l. 1-4, 3. 7,4-3. 5.13,17,6.3) 
gave  new  life  to  Judaism,  and  enabled  that 
development  to  take  place  which  the  after- 
history  of  the  Jews  reveals.  The  reputed 
tomb  of  Cyrus  at  Murg-ab  is  probably  not  that 
of  the  great  conqueror.  See  Savce  in  Hast- 
ings, D.B.  (3  vols.  1898).  '       [T.G.P.] 


Dabapeh'  (Jos. 21. 28).    Daberath,  as  R.V. 

Dabba'sheth,  a  place  important  as  de- 
fining the  boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
(Jos. 19. 11),  which  "reached  to  Dabbasheth, 
and  reached  to  the  river  [Kishon]  facing 
JoKNEAM."  This  defines  the  extent  N.  and  S. 
Dabbasheth  is  apparently  the  present  ruin 
Dabahch,  where  alone  in  Palestine  the  name 
has  been  found.  It  is  on  a  hill  13  miles  N.E. 
of  Accho,  on  S.W.  side  of  the  great  valley 
W'lidy  el  Qurn,  which  is  probably  the  valley 
(gi)  of  Jiphthah-el  (the  mif^hty  opening), 
so  called  because  of  its  breadth  ;  for  near 
Dabsheh  it  expands  into  a  broad  vale  called  el 


DABERATH 

Buqei'ah  (Heb.  hiq'd)  a  term  applied  only  to 
wide,  deep  valleys.  This  line  agrees  with  the 
position  of  Hanxathon  (Kefr  'Andn),  and  the 
two  latter  names  (Jos. 19. 14)  sufficiently  de- 
fine the  N.  border  as  far  as  Dabbasheth,  where 
the  line  turned  S.  "towards  the  west"  (ver.  11, 
A.V.  sea).  Zebulun  thus  embraced  the  hills 
and  plains  from  near  Tabor  to  Hannathon  on 
E.  and  from  Jokneam  to  Dabbasheth  on  W., 
not  reaching  the  sea  of  Galilee  (in  Naphtali), 
nor  the  shores  of  the  bay  of  Accho  (in  Asher). 
Nazareth  was  thus  in  Zebulun,  and  Caper- 
naum in  Naphtali  (Mt.4.13).  [c.r.c] 

Dabepath'  (with  the  articlein  Jos.),  a  town 
on  the  boundary  of  Zebulun  (Jos. 19. 12),  named 
as  next  to  Chisloth-tabor.  In  iChr.6.72  and 
Jos. 21. 28  (R.V.)  it  is  said  to  belong  to  Issachar. 
Now  the  village  Debiirieh  at  the  W.  foot  of 
Tabor.  [c.r.c] 

Da'bnia,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  who 
recorded  the  visions  of  Ezra  (2Esd.i4.24). 

Daco'bi  (iEsd.5.28).     [Akkub.] 

Dadd'eus,  or  Sadde'us  (R.V.  Lodde'us; 
iEsd.8.45,46),  a  corruption  of  Iddo,  6. 

Dag'on',  a  Philistine  god  (iSam.5.2)  whose 
most  famous  temples  were  at  Gaza  (Judg.16. 
21-30)  and  Ashdod  (iSam.5.5,6  ;  iChr.lO.io). 
The  latter  was  destroyed  by  Jonathan  in  the 
Maccabaean  wars  (1Mac.lO.83, 84, 11. 4).  Traces 
of  the  worship  of  Dagon  likewise  appear 
in  the  names  Caphar-dagon  (near  Jamnia) 
and  Beth-dagon  in  Judah  (Jos.i5.41)  and 
Asher  (Jos. 19. 27).  Dagon  was  originally  a 
Babylonian  deity  whose  name  and  cult  had 
been  introduced  into  Palestine  in  early  days. 
The  old  belief  that  he  was  a  fish -god  is  more 
than  doubtful  [Ashkelon],  since  the  Baby- 
Ionian  fish-god  was  Ea,  the  god  of  wisdom,  and 
not  Dagon.  According  to  Philo  Byblius, 
Dagon  was  a  god  of  agriculture  whose 
name  was  derived  from  a  Phoenician 
word  signifying  "  corn."  [a.h.s.] 

Dai'san  (iEsd.5.31)  =  Rezin,  2  (Ezr. 
2.48),  by  the  common  confusion  of  R 
andD. 

Dalaiah',  the  sixth  son  of  Elioenai 
and  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (iChr. 
3.24). 

Dalmanutha  (Mk.8.10),  an  Aramaic 
equivalent  for  the  Heb.  mighdol. 
[Magdala.] 

Dalma'tia,  a  mountainous  district 
on  the  E.  coast  of  the  Adriatic  Sea, 
extending  from  the  river  Naro  in  the  S. 
to  the  Savus  in  the  N.  St.  Paul  sent 
Titus  there  (2Tim.4.io),  and  he  himself 
had  preached  near  it  (R0.I5.19). 

Dalphon',  the  second  son  of  Haman 
(Esth.9.7)- 

Dam'apis,  an  Athenian  woman  con- 
verted by  St.  Paul's  preaching  (Ac. 17. 34). 

Damascus.  The  name  of  this  famous 
capital  of  Aram,  or  Zobah,  does  not  seem 
to  be  Semitic.  The  city  is  still  called 
Dimeshq  esh  Sham,  or  "  Damascus  of 
Syria "  (Shdmi  in  Syr.  Arabic  being 
usually  the  word  for  "north,"  otherwise 
Shemdl).  As  an  Akkadian  word  Dim-esk 
would  mean  "  chief  town,"  and  Dim-isk 
perhaps  "  verdant  city."  Damascus  is 
mentioned  in  the  time  of  Abraham  (Gen. 
14.15),  who  said,  "  The  holder  [mesheq] 


IDAMASCIJS 


195 


of  my  house,  that  is  Dani-meseq  [as  now 
pointed  in  Heb.],  is  Eliezer"  (15.2).  There 
appears  to  be  a  play  on  the  name  of  the  city  ; 
but  the  word  is  perhaps  a  later  note  creeping 
into  the  text,  referring  to  the  "  house,"  as  it 
cannot  refer  grammatically  to  Eliezer.  Hence 
arose  an  early  Jewish  tradition  that  Abraham 
had  a  house  at  Damascus,  of  which  Eliezer 
was  tenant,  or  steward.  In  the  time  of  David 
Damascus  was  the  capital  of  Hadadezer,  king 
of  Zobah,  whom  he  defeated,  taking  from  him 
shields  of  gold,  chariots,  and  chariot  horses 
(2Sam.8.5,6  ;  1Chr.l8.3-7  ;  Can.7.4).  About 
950  B.C.  Rezon  became  independent  in  Da- 
mascus, after  the  death  of  Solomon  (iK.ll. 
23-25),  and  was  succeeded  by  Tab-rimmon,  son 
of  Hezion.  The  kings  who  followed — accord- 
ing to  O.T.  and  Assyrian  accounts — were  Ben- 
hadad  I.  son  of  Tab-rimmon,  Hazael  I., 
Hadadezer  II.,  Hazael  II.,  Benhadad  II.  (who 
became  subject  to  Jeroboam  II.  of  Israel  for 
some  years),  Mari,  Benhadad  III.  (Am.1.4), 
and  Rezin,  who  was  put  to  death  by  the 
Ass}Tians  on  the  capture  of  Damascus  in  732 
B.C.  This  represents  about  20  years  for  the 
average  reign  of  each  king.  These  kings  were 
generally  at  war  with  Israel  or  with  Judah, 
with  intervals  of  alliance  after  defeat,  or  taking 
the  side  of  one  against  the  other,  in  the  shifting 
policy  of  the  age.  In  spite  of  alliance  with  the 
princes  of  N.  Syria,  Damascus  fell  before 
Tigath-pileser  III.  in  732  e.g.  (2K.I6.9  ;  Is. 
7.8  ;  m.1.5).  The  O.T.  mentions  the 
league  of  Benhadad  I.  with  Judah  (1K.I5.19; 
2Chr.l6.3),  and  his  attack  on  Ahab  (iK.20.i- 
34),  whom  he  slew  at  Ramoth-gilead  (22.1-36); 
also  his  murder — after  a  reign  of  about  60 
years — by  Hazael  I.  (2K.8.15).  His  second 
siege  of   Samaria  (2 K. 6. 24-7. 20)  occurred  in 


NORTHERN   SIDE    ARCH,    EAST    GATE,    DAMASCUS. 
(From  Five  Years  in  Dantasats,  by  T.  L,  Porter.) 


196 


DAMASCirS 


the  reign  of  Jehoram  son  of  Ahab.  In  the 
reign  of  Benhadad  II.,  Jeroboam  II.  of 
Israel  "  recovered  Damascus "  (2K.I4.28). 
Rezin,  with  Pekah  of  Israel,  about  742 
B.C.,  attacked  Jerusalem  in  vain,  but  Rezin 
appears  to  have  conquered  E.  Palestine  to 
Elath,  before  his  defeat  by  the  Assyrians  (2K. 
16.5-11),  which  Isaiah  foresaw  (Is. 7. 1-7)  :  he 
speaks  of  the  wealth  of  Damascus  (8.4),  and  of 
its  fall  (10.9,17.1),  which  Amos  predicts  as  a 
punishment  for  the  slaughter  in  Gilead  (I.3  ; 
see  5.27).  Jeremiah  speaks  of  the  weakness 
of  Damascus  about  600  b.c.  (49.24,27),  per- 
haps under  a  Benhadad  IV.  tributary  to 
Nebuchadnezzar  (ver.  30).  Ezekiel,  rather  later, 
mentions  the  trade  of  Damascus  in  wine  of 
Helbon,  and  white  wool,  sent  to  Tyre  (Ezk. 
27.18).  Its  border  marched  with  that  of 
Hamath,  and  included  Hermon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon  (47.16,17).  Damascus  is  also  noticed 
as  attacked  by  Jonathan,  brother  of  Judas 


MONUMKNr  FROM  -IIU.I.   liS  SAI.AIIIVAH   (DAMASCUS). 

Maccabaeus  (iMacll. 62,12.32),  about  147 
B.C.  It  then  fell  into  the  hands  of  Aretas 
(Harith)  the  Nabathean  king  of  Petra  (Jose- 
phus,  13  Ant.  XV.  2  ;  14  Ant.  ii.  3),  from  about 
82  to  69  B.C.  ;  and  it  was  conquered  for  Pom- 
pey  by  Scaurus  in  65  b.c.  In  the  time  of  St. 
Paul  another  Aretas  was  "king"  of  Damascus 
(Ac.9. 2-25, 22.5-11,26.12, 20  ;  2C0r.ll. 32  ;  Cal. 
1.17;  see  18  Ant.  v.  i). — The  Monumental 
History  of  Damascus  begins  with  its  conquest 
by  Thothmes  III.  in  i6th  cent.  b.c.  A  very 
archaic  figure  in  relief,  found  in  1865  near  the 
city,  may  be  as  old  as  Abraham's  age.  It 
represents  (see  illustration  above)  a  bearded 
man  with  a  short  tunic  ;  unfortunately  it  is 
not  inscribcfl.  The  city  Thamasku  (No.  13)  in 
the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  precedes  Abila  (15) 
and  Hamath  (16),  on  his  route  to  Kadesh  and 
Arvad.  In  the  Amarna  letters  (Brit.  Mus. 
37  and  43)  the  name  is  spelt  Timasgi  and 
Dimaska.  The  city  was  then  attacked  by 
Aiduganiu,  the  Hittite  king  of  Kadesh  :   and 


DAN 

Hobah  (Gen. 14.15)  is  here  noticed  as  a  country 
near  it.  The  Amorites  were  apparently  in 
alliance  with  the  Hittites,  and  this  event  led 
to  their  conquest  of  Bashan  and  Gilead  shortly 
before  the  Heb.  conquest  (see  Berlin  171 
and  132),  for  the  advance  lay  by  Tibhath,  a 
city  N.W.  of  Damascus  which  they  then  took, 
and  Ashtaroth  fell  in  turn  (Brit.  Mus.  64). 
In  853  B.C.  Shalmaneser  II.  defeated  Hadad- 
ezer  II.  and  the  Syrians,  N.  of  Riblah  ;  and  in 
842  he  shut  up  Hazael  II.  in  Damascus,  and 
then  invaded  Bashan.  In  797  Mari  of  Da- 
mascus submitted  to  Rimmon-nirari  III.  of 
.Assyria,  presenting  2,300  talents  of  silver,  20 
talentsof  gold,  3,000  of  copper,  and  5,000  of  iron, 
with  robes  and  utensils.  The  final  siege  by 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  lasted  for  two  years  (734- 
732  B.C.),  during  which  N.  and  E.  Palestine, 
and  the  plains  down  to  Philistia,  were  overrun 
by  the  Assyrians.  Damascus  is  now  a  beautiful 
city  of  some  250,000  inhabitants,  in  the  plain 
E.  of  Hermon.  Two  rivers  (Barada  and  Taura) 
join  on  its  W.  and  flow  through  it ;  it  lies  amid 
gardens  and  poplars,  surrounded  by  tilled 
lands.  The  street  "  called  Straight  "  (Ac.9.ii) 
was  probably  the  main  street  which  runs  E. 
and  W.  straight  through  the  whole  city.  The 
most  famous  of  the  buildings  of  Damascus  is . 
the  Great  Mosque,  built  in  7th  cent.  a.d.  by  the 
Khalifs,  who  included  the  ancient  cathedral 
of  St.  John,  which  had  replaced  a  Roman 
temple,  on  the  site — no  doubt — of  the  temple 
of  Rimmon  (2K.5.18).  A  Gk.  text  (Wadding- 
ton,  No.  2,549)  gives  the  name  of  Metrophanes, 
"high-priest  of  the  temple"  ;  and  on  the  Byzan- 
tine facade  of  the  cathedral  which  stood  in  the 
great  temple  court.  Dr.  Porter  found  another 
also  in  Gk.  (Waddington,  No.  2,551),  "Thy 
kingdom,  O  Christ,  is  an  everlasting  kingdom, 
and  thy  dominion  throughout  all  generations  " 
(see  Ps.i45.13).  [c.R.c] 

Dan  (judge),  Jacob's  5th  son,  and  the  ist  son 
of  Bilhah,  Rachel's  slave,  named  from  Rachel's 
exclamation,  "God  hath  judged  me  [or,  de- 
cided the  case  in  my  favour],  and  hath  also 
heard  my  voice"  (Gen. 30. 6).  In  the  blessing 
of  Jacob  Dan  is  likened  to  a  snake,  but  is  to 
"judge  his  people  "  (49. 16, 17).  In  theblessing 
of  Moses(Deut.33.22)  he  is  a  lion's  cub  "  pounc- 
ing from"  (or,  "on")  "the  Bashan"  (or,  "soft 
soil ")  of  his  plains  held  by  theCanaanites.  In 
the  wilderness  the  tribe,  under  Ahiezer  (Num. 
1.12),  is  the  second  largest  (1.39,26.42),  and  it 
included  a  skilled  artisan  (Ex. 35. 34),  as  in  the 
time  of  Solomon  also  (2Chr.2. 1 4),  when  a  woman 
of  the  tribe  married  a  Tyrian.  In  the  song  of 
Deborah  (Judg.5.17)  the  reference  appears  to 
be  to  Danites  on  the  coast,  whose  fleet  watched 
the  struggle  against  Sisera.  But,  somewhat 
earlier,  it  appears  that  they  had  been  unable 
to  conquer  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  siiore  plain 
(Judg.1.34),  and  were  crowded  in  the  moun- 
tains (18.2).  Hence  they  sought  new  lands 
in  the  far  N.,  under  Hermon  (18-19)  at 
I.Aisn,  which  they  renamed  Dan  in  the  time 
of  Jonathan  the  grandson  of  Moses  (not  of 
"Manasseh"),  and  where  tiiey  worshipped  a 
graven  imane  until  "  the  captivitv  of  the  ark  " 
(Heb.  MS.  916  A.n.)  and  the  fall  of  Shiloh 
(18.30,31).  [Mahanku-dan.I  —  The  Tribal  Lot 
(Jos. 19. 40-48)  included  about  400  sq-m.  of 
hill  and  plain.  Its  E.  border  was  the  W.  border 


DAN 

of  Benjamin,  and  its  S.  border  the  N.  border 
of  JuDAH.  On  the  W.  the  tribe  extended  to 
the  sea,  and  on   N.  apparently  to  the  brook 


DANIEL 


197 


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THE  TRIBAL  LOT  OF  DAN. 

Kanah  and  the  Me-jarkon  and  Rakkon. 
It  included  some  of  the  best  corn  lands  of 
Sharon. — The  Town,  called  Laish,  and  after- 
wards Dan  (Judg.l8.29),  is  noticed  in  Gen. 
14.14  and  Deut.  34.i  before  it  was  so  named. 
But  it  is  dangerous,  as  Ewald  saw,  to  base 
criticism  on  such  incidental  notes,  unless  we 
could  know  for  certain  that  they  are  not  later 
glosses.  In  the  second  passage  this  appears 
very  probable  [Nebo],  because  Dan  is  not 
actually  visible  from  mount  Nebo.  This 
town  is  said  to  have  been  "  far  from  Zidon  " 
(Judg.l8.28),  and  is  noticed  (as  captured  by 
Benhadad  I.)  with  places  in  the  extreme  N.E. 
of  the  land  of  Israel  W.  of  Jordan  (iK.15.20  ; 
2Chr.l6.4).  From  the  time  of  its  conquest  the 
term  "Dan  to  Beer-sheba"  (Judg.20.i,  etc.) 
signified  the  whole  length  of  Palestine.  Jero- 
boam, erecting  two  shrines  with  calf  idols  on 
the  borders  of  his  kingdom,  placed  one  of  them 
at  Dan  (iK. 12.29,30  ;  2K.IO.29)  ;  and  to  this 
idolatrous  centre  Amos  (8.14)  refers,  coupling 
it  with  another  at  Beer-sheba.  Dan  also  repre- 
sents the  far  N.  in  Jeremiah  (4.15,8.16).  It 
is  remarkable  that  no  list  of  Danite  genealogies 
occurs  in  Chronicles,  and  that  the  tribe  is  also 
not  among  those  sealed  in  Rev. 7. 5-8,  perhaps 
on  account  of  idolatry.  Josephus  says  that 
the  calf  temple  was  near  Daphne  (now  the 
ruin  Dufneh),  which  points  to  the  great  mound 
a  mile  to  N.E.  now  called  Tell  el  Qd4i,  or 
"mound  of  the  judge" — perhaps  a  transla- 
tion of  the  name  Dan.  From  this  mound,  and 
its  great  spring  'Ain  Ledddn,  flows  the  stream 
of  "Little  Jordan"  (Josephus,  4  Wars  i.  i). 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  in  1881,  the  pre- 
sent writer  discovered  a  group  of  dolmens  on 
the  slope  to  W.  (at  a  place  called  Nukheileh,  or 
"  little  palm,"  a  mile  from  Tell  el  Qd4i),  show- 
ing that  the  vicinity  was  a  sacred  centre  [Moab] 


in  very  early  times.  The  Dan  mentioned  with 
Javan  (Ezk.27.19)  as  trading  with  Tyre  about 
600  B.C.  has  no  connexion  with  the  town 
above  described.  The  reference  is  probably  to 
the  Danai,  who  appear  (as  early  as  the  14th 
and  13th  cents,  e.g.)  among  the  fair  Aryan 
tribes  of  the  "  north  "  who  attacked  Egypt. 
Probably  like  Javan  (Ionia),  the  Danai  were 
Greeks,  and  as  such  the  name  is  familiar,  [c.r.c.] 
Dance  (/;wi,  "to  whirl  round"  ;  Mghagh,  "to 
keep  the  feast";  kdrar,  "  to  whirl"  ;  rdqadh,  "to 
jump  ").  Thedanceisspokenof  in  Holy  Scrip- 
ture universally  as  symbolic  of  rejoicing,  and 
is  often  coupled  for  the  sake  of  contrast  with 
mourning,  e.g.  Ec.3.4  (c/.  Ps.30.ii  ;  Mt.ll.i?)- 
In  the  earlier  period  it  is  found  combined  with 
some  song  or  refrain  (Ex.l5.2o,32.i8,i9  ;  iSam. 
21.11)  ;  and  with  the  tambourine  (A.V.  tim- 
brel), more  especially  in  those  impulsive  out- 
bursts of  popular  feeling  which  cannot  find 
sufficient  vent  merely  in  voice  or  in  gesture. 
Dancing  formed  a  part  of  the  religious  cere- 
monies of  every  primitive  race.     Cf.   David 


EGYPTIAN  DANCES.     (Wilkinson.) 


dancing  before  the  ark  (2Sam.6.i4),  especially 
in  connexion  with  the  words  "  he  was  girded 
with  a  linen  ephod,"  i.e.  a  holy  garment  worn 
while  waiting  on  the  Lord.  Many  representa- 
tions of  dances,  both  of  men  and  women,  are 
found  in  the  Egyptian  paintings.  The  "  feast 
unto  the  Lord"  which  Moses  proposed  to 
Pharaoh  to  hold  was  really  a  dance.  Among 
Arabs,  dances  of  men  are  an  extremely  ancient 
custom.  In  the  period  of  the  Judges  the 
dances  of  the  virgins  in  Shiloh  (Judg.21. 19-23) 
were  certainly  part  of  a  rehgious  festivity. 
Dancing  also  had  its  place  among  rnerely 
festive  amusements  apart  from  any  religious 
character  (Je.31. 4,13  ;  Lam.5.i5  ;  Mk.6.22  ; 
Lu.15.25). 

Daniel. — 1.  A  son  of  David,  called  his  2nd 
son,  bv  Abigail  the  Carmelitess  (iChr.3.2),  and 
apparently  identical  with  Chileab  (2Sam.3.3). 
— 2.  The  head  of  the  house  of  Ithamar,  who 


198 


DANIEL,  BOOK  OF 


returned  from  the  Exile  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.2). — 
3.  One  of  those  who  joined  in  sealing  the  cove- 
nant (Ne.10.6). — 4.  One  of  the  prophets  of  the 
Exile  carried  away  into  the  land  of  Shinar  in 
the  reign  of  Jehoiakim.  On  his  arrival  at  the 
court  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  he  had  to  undergo 
(with  his  three  companions,  Hananiah,  Mishael, 
and  Azariah)  a  special  training  for  three  years, 
before  they  could  stand  before  the  king.  This 
included  a  special  dieting,  from  which  they 
obtained  exemption,  which  improved  their 
appearance  above  all  their  companions.  They 
received  fresh  names,  being  called  respectively 
Beltcshazzar,  Shadrach,  Meshach,  Abed- 
NEGO.  They  were  all  young  men  of  high  birth 
(Dan. 1.3)  ;  Daniel  was  noted  above  them  all 
for  skill  in  the  interpretation  of  dreams.  On 
the  first  occasion  on  which  he  explained  a 
dream  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  he  was  made  "ruler 
over  the  whole  province  of  Babylon,  and  chief 
governor  over  all  the  wise  men  of  Babylon," 
and  obtained  from  the  king  offices  for  his  three 
companions.  He  interpreted  Nebuchadnez- 
zar's dream  foretelling  his  temporary  mental 
aberration,  and  also  the  writing  on  the  wall  at 
Belshazzar's  feast,  by  which  time  he  seems  to 
have  lost  his  office  as  governor  of  the  wise  men. 
In  the  reign  of  Darius  the  Made  he  was  cast 
into  the  den  of  lions,  for  his  faithfulness  in 
praying  to  his  own  God,  though  he  was  then 
one  of  the  three  presidents  of  the  whole  king- 
dom (Dan. 6. 2).  Coming  out  unscathed,  he  pros- 
pered throughout  the  reign  of  Darius  and  in 
that  of  Cyrus.  His  visions  are  dated,  that  of  the 
last  being  in  the  third  year  of  Cyrus  (Dan. 10- 1), 
by  thebanks  of  Hiddekel,  «'.<>.  the  Tigris.  In  Bel- 
shazzar's reign  his  home  seems  to  have  been  in 
the  royal  palace  at  Susa.  Ezekiel  twice  men- 
tions Daniel :  in  14. 12-20  he  is  joined  with 
Noah  and  Job  as  an  example  of  righteousness  ; 
in  28.3  as  a  pattern  of  wisdom — exactly  the 
qualities  which  the  Daniel  of  the  book  w^hich 
bears  his  name  displayed.  Some  have  thought 
that  Ezekiel  could  scarcely  have  referred  this 
to  so  young  a  man  as  Daniel  must  have  then 
been,  and  have  made  this  Daniel  another  per- 
son, but  there  seems  no  real  reason  to  doubt 
that  they  were  one.  It  is  curious  that  Daniel's 
name  does  not  occur  in  the  commemoration  of 
the  prophets  by  the  son  of  Sirach  (Ecclus.49). 
Our  Lord  refers  to  "Daniel  the  prophet  "  in  His 
discourse  upon  the  approaching  Fall  of  Jerusa- 
lem, when  "  the  abomination  of  desolation  " 
was  to  stand  in  the  holv  place  (Mt.24.i5  ;  Mk. 
13.i-t,   A. v.).  [H. A.R.I 

Daniel,  Book  of,  is  one  of  the  most  diffi- 
cult books  of  the  Bible  to  deal  with.  To  begin 
with,  whilst  our  l-2nglish  Bible  classes  the  book 
with  those  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel,  in 
the  Hf'b.  canon  it  is  counted  among  the  Hagio- 
gra|)ha.  or  third  class  ni  vs-ritings  into  which  the 
O.T.  is  divided.  Then  again,  the  language  of 
it  is  pot  all  the  same.  1-2.40,8.1-12.13  are 
written  in  Heb. ;  2.4ft-7.28  are  in  Aramaic. 
Further  still,  thercr  are  (ik.  additions  to  the  book 
which  almost  certainly  were  originally  written 
in  r.k.  and  not  in  a  Semitic  language.  It  is  the 
first  extant  specimen  of  apocalyptic  literature, 
though  a  precursor  may  bo  found  in  some  of 
the  prophecies  of  ICzekiel — a  style  of  literature 
which  finds  its  highest  develoiimcnt  in  the 
apocalyptic   discourses  of  our   Lord   and  the 


DANIEL,  BOOK  OF 

book  of  Revelation.  Yet  with  all  this  the 
book  claims  to  give  us  also  historical  details 
connected  with  the  Babylonian  and  Persian 
empires  ;  and,  according  to  some  commenta- 
tors, some  of  its  prophecies  enter  into  such 
detail  that  they  must  necessarily  have  been 
composed  after  and  not  before  the  events  they 
describe.  It  is  because  of  this  that  some  have 
den'ed  it  any  connexion  with  Daniel,  and  re- 
fused to  accept  its  authenticity  or  historicity. 
Some  of  these  points  are  dealt  with  later. — ■ 
A  nalysis  of  Contents.  Roughly  speaking,  the  first 
six  chapters  profess  to  be  history,  the  last  six 
prophecy  ;  but  this  division  takes  no  account 
of  the  variation  in  language,  or  the  form  of  the 
book.  We  may  better  divide  it  as  follows:  Ch.l 
introduces  Daniel  to  us  and  accounts  for  his 
position.  2-7.15  gives  a  history  of  Daniel  and 
his  first  vision  in  the  third  person.  Then 
with  the  interpretation  of  that  vision  we  begin 
what  we  may  call  (from  the  uniform  use  of  the 
first  person)  the  "  I  "  section  of  Daniel  (7. 15-I2. 
13).  The  first  person  is  suddenly  introduced, 
although  the  first  portion  of  ch.  7  gives  us  what 
profess  to  be  Daniel's  actual  words.  A  similar 
variation  is  found  in  Nehemiah,  the  greater 
part  of  which  is  in  the  first  person,  a  smaller 
portion  telling  us  about  Nehemiah.  If  we 
take  the  book  itself  as  our  authority,  1-7. 14 
are  anonymous,  the  rest  we  must  ascribe  to 
Daniel.  An  editor  has  combined  two  (or  per- 
haps three)  sources  into  one  whole,  and  inscribed 
it  with  the  name  of  Daniel.  This,  however, 
leaves  many  difficulties  unsolved,  and  they 
vary  with  the  two  main  portions  of  the  book. 
In  the  former  the  question  of  miracles  as  well 
as  of  revelation  by  dreams  enters,  both  being 
difficulties  not  confined  to  the  book  of  Daniel, 
or  even  to  O.T.  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss 
these  in  detail,  but,  granted  that  miracles  are 
possible,  and  that  the  .•\lmighty  may  choose  to 
make  His  purposes  known  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  dreams  {cf.  Job  33. 15. 16),  there  is 
nothing  inherently  improbable  in  what  is  told 
us  in  this  book.  We  have  only  to  compare  these 
with  the  apocryphal  stories  of  Bel  and  the 
Dragon  to  see  on  what  a  different  plane  they 
stand  :  the  one  is  dignified  and  real  in  feeling, 
the  others  are  childish  and  almost  vulgar.  The 
argument  against  the  minute  details  of  the 
prophecies  runs  parallel  with  the  former.  If 
the  .Almighty  chooses  to  reveal  the  future  to 
man.  He  may  do  it  in  broad  outline  or  in  detail, 
as  seemeth  best  to  His  omniscience.  The 
v-ery  exceptional  character  of  these  prophecies 
may  go  to  prove  the  rule  of  His  generally  leav- 
ing His  servants  the  prophets  to  deal  only  in 
generalities.  With  regard  to  this  history,  if 
indeed  it  could  be  shown  that  the  historical 
details  of  the  book  contradicted  the  history  of 
the  times  as  derived  from  other  sources,  then 
the  question  might  have  to  be  reopened.  But 
there  is  nothing  of  that  kind  to  be  foimd. 
Difficulties  that  seemed  insuperable  have  been 
cleared  up,  especially  with  regard  to  Darius 
the  Mede  and  his  rule  over  Babylon.  It  ap- 
pears that  he  may  reasonably  be  identified 
with  oneGobryas,  who  acted  as  imderlord  over 
Babvlonia  till  Cvrus  came  in  person  to  take 
possession  of  that  portion  of  his  empire.  A 
comparatively  less  important  difficulty  has 
been  raised  from  the  fact  that  the  names  of  some 


DANIEL,  BOOK  OF 

of  the  musical  instruments  in  ch.  3  are  said  to 
be  of  Gk.  origin.  But  we  have  only  to  ex- 
amine some  map  in  which  are  marked  the  old 
trade-routes  of  the  East  (see,  e.g.,  that  in  the 
Encyc.  Bibl.)  to  see  how  possible  it  was  in  very 
early  times  for  Gk.  musical  instruments  to 
have  been  carried  to  Babylon  and  naturalized 
there,  or  vice  versa.  [Dulcimer.]  If  the 
book  had  been  a  composition  of  an  orthodox 
Jew  of  the  Maccabaean  period,  he  would 
scarcely,  with  the  feeling  against  Hellenism 
then  prevalent  in  orthodox  circles,  have  ven- 
tured to  insert  words  drawn  from  such  a 
source.  [See  also  Semitic  Languages.]  The 
final  shape  which  the  book  assumed  may  indeed 
be  later  than  Daniel,  but  we  have  no  sufficient 
reason  for  ruling  the  latter  part  of  the  book  to  be 
of  later  invention  or  for  discrediting  the  history 
of  the  prophet's  life  and  that  of  his  companions. 
The  author  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  seems 
to  refer  to  this  record  when,  in  his  account  of  the 
heroes  of  older  times,  he  speaks  of  those  "  who 
through  faith  .  .  .  stopped  the  mouths  of  lions, 
quenched  the  power  of  fire  "  (Heb.ll.33,34). 
Some  portions  of  the  apocryphal  book  of  Baruch 
shew  an  inter-relation  between  the  two  (see  the 
marg.  references  in  the  R.V.  of  Baruch),  and 
doubtless  the  writer  of  Baruch  made  use  of  this 
book.  The  first  book  of  the  Maccabees  recog- 
nizes (2.59,60)  the  deliverances  of  the  Three 
Children  and  of  Daniel,  and  also  (1-54  ;  cf.  6.7) 
"  an  abomination  of  desolation  "  in  Jerusalem. 
Josephus  held  the  book  to  be  valuable  and 
authentic,  and  informs  us  (11  Ant.  viii.  4)  that 
Daniel's  prophecies  won  for  the  Jews  the  good- 
will of  Alexander  the  Great.  The  only  early 
writer  who  attacks  the  book  is  Porphyry,  early 
in  the  4th  cent.  Nothing  very  definite  can  be 
asserted  as  to  the  historian  who  composed  the 
first  chapters  of  the  book.  Jewish  authorities 
hold  to  a  tradition  that  this  book,  together 
with  the  twelve  minor  prophets,  Ezekiel.  and 
Esther,  was,  to  use  a  modern  expression, 
"  edited  "  by  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue. 
It  seems  clear  from  the  version  of  the  LXX. 
that  it  was  held  that  greater  liberty  might  be 
used  in  translating  this  book  into  Gk.  than  in 
the  case  of  any  other  book  of  the  Bible,  except 
perhaps  the  Proverbs.  The  result  is  that  the 
LXX.  translation  is  paraphrastic  rather  than 
literal,  and  has  somewhat  of  the  nature  of 
a  Jewish  midrash  upon  the  text.  In  later 
times  this  seems  to  have  been  felt  so  much 
that  Theodotion's  more  literal  version  sup- 
planted the  elder  one,  of  which  only  one  copy  in 
Gk.  survives.  It  remains  to  indicate  briefly  the 
most  probable  interpretations  of  the  prophecies 
in  the  book,  (i)  In  Dan. 2  the  four  kingdoms 
are  Nebuchadnezzar's,  the  Median,  the  Persian, 
and  the  Macedonian  ;  the  last  is  divided  be- 
tween the  Seleucidae  and  the  Ptolemies,  who 
are  to  give  place  to  the  kingdom  of  God.  (2) 
In  Dan. 7  the  four  beasts  represent  the  same 
four  kingdoms ;  the  ten  horns  are  Alexander  the 
Great's  successors  ;  the  little  horn  is  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  after  whose  time  is  to  come  the 
kingdom  of  God.  (3)  In  Dan. 8  the  ram  with 
two  horns  is  Media  and  Persia  ;  the  rough  goat 
is  Greece  under  Alexander  the  Great  ;  the 
four  kingdoms  after  him  are  those  into  which 
his  kingdom  came  to  be  divided,  one  of  them 
being  that  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  represented 


DARIUS 


199 


by  the  little  horn.  (4)  In  Dan.10-12  wehave  a 
more  detailed  account  of  the  Seleucidae  and  the 
Ptolemies,  as  well  as  of  the  times  of  Antiochus, 
followed  once  again  by  the  kingdom  of  God'. 
The  varying  opinions  about  these  prophecies, 
and  also  about  the  interpretation  of  Dan.9,  are 
fairly  stated  in  Driver's  edition  in  the  Cam- 
bridge Bible.  [H.A.R.] 

Daniel,  Apocryphal  additions  to. 
The  Apocrypha  contains  three  additions  to  the 
book  of  Daniel,  which  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Gk.  (i)  The  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children, 
of  which  part  is  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  and  goes  bv  the  name  "  Bene- 
dicite,  omnia  opera."  It  begins  with  a  prayer  of 
deliverance  uttered  by  Azarias  (vv.  3-22),  fol- 
lowed by  an  account  of  their  protection  'from 
the  fire.  (2)  The  Historv  of  Susanna,  which 
generally  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  the  book, 
though  occasionally  at  the  end.  This  is  a 
story  told  to  illustrate  the  wisdom  and  discern- 
ment of  Daniel.  (3)  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  a 
story  into  which  the  prophet  Habakkuk  is 
introduced.  No  historical  authority  can  be 
claimed  for  any  of  these.  [h.a.r.] 

Dan'ites,  members  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
(Judg.l3.2,18.i,ii  ;  iChr.12.35). 

Dan-ja'an  (2Sam.24.6),  a  place  on  the 
N.W.  border  of  David's  kingdom,  noticed  with 
Zidon  and  Tyre.  It  is  thought  to  be  the  ruin 
Ddnidn,  4  miles  N.  of  Achzib  (Ez-ztb).  The 
Phoenician  coast  cities  were  independent  at 
this  time.  [c.r.c] 

Dannah'  {low),  a  city  in  the  mountains 
of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 49).  Now  the  village  Idhna, 
8  miles  W.  of  Hebron,  on  the  lower  hills. 

Daph'ne  (2Mac.4.33),  a  celebrated  grove 
and  sanctuary  of  Apollo,  about  5  miles  from 
Antioch  in  Syria,  with  which  it  is  intimately 
associated  in  history.  Its  establishment,  like 
that  of  the  city,  was  due  to  Seleucus  Nicator. 
Its  situation  was  very  beautiful,  with  peren- 
nial fountains  and  abundant  wood.  Succeed- 
ing Seleurid  monarchs,  especially  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  embellished  the  place  still  further. 
When  Syria  became  Roman,  Daphne  continued 
to  be  famous  as  a  place  of  pilgrimage  and  vice. 
The  site  has  been  well  identified  by  Pococke 
and  others  at  Beit-el-Md,  "  the  House  of  the 
Water,"  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orontes,  to 
the  S.W.  of  Antioch. 

Dana'  (iChr.2.6).     [Darda.] 

Dapda',  a  son  of  Mahol,  one  of  the  four  wise 
men  surpassed  in  wisdom  by  Solomon  (iK.4. 
31).  In  iChr.2.6  his  name  appears  as  Dara, 
son  (i.e.  perhaos  descendant)  of  Zerah. 

Dapie  (.\.V.  dram  ;  iChr.29.7  ;  Ezr.2.69, 
8.27  ;  Ne. 7. 70, 71, 72),  a  gold  coin  current  in 
Palestine  after  the  return  from  Babylon. 
There  was  then  no  large  issue  of  gold  money 
except  by  the  Persian  kings.  The  Darics 
which  have  been  discovered  are  thick  pieces 
of  pure  gold,  of  archaic  style,  bearing  on  the 
obverse  the  figure  of  a  king  kneeling  on  one 
knee,  with  bow  and  spear,  and  on  the  reverse 
an  irregular  incuse  square  or  oblong.  Their 
full  weight  is  about  128  grs.  troy,  or  a  little 
less  than  that  of  an  Attic  stater,  and  is  most 
probably  that  of  an  earlv  didrachm  of  the 
Phoenician  talent.  The  Daric  was  the  chief 
gold  coin  of  Persia.     rWEiGHT<=,  Com<r.l 

Darius,  the  name  of  several  kings  of  Media 


200 


DARKON 


and  Persia,  three  of  whom  are  mentioned  in  O.T. 
— 1.  Darius  the  Medc  (Dan. 5.31, 6.1),  "son  of 
Ahasuerus,  of  the  seed  of  the  Medes  "  (9.i), 
who  received  the  Babylonian  kingdom  on  the 
death  of  Belshazzar,  being  then  62  years  old 
(5.31,9.1).  Only  one  year  of  his  reign  is  men- 
tioned (9.i,tl.ij,  but  that  was  of  importance 
for  the  Jews.  Daniel  was  advanced  by  him  to 
the  highest  dignity  (6. iff.),  probably  in  conse- 
quence of  former  services  {cf.  5.17)  ;  and  after 
his  miraculous  deliverance,  Darius  issued  a 
decree  enjoining  "  reverence  for  the  God  of 
Daniel"  (6.25ff.).  Three  identifications  of 
Darius  the  Mede  have  been  proposed.  The 
first  makes  him  Darius  Hystaspis ;  but  this,  as 
it  is  unsupported  by  history,  may  be  dismissed. 
The  second,  adopted  by  Josephus  and  sup- 
ported by  many  critics,  regards  him  as  Cyax- 
ares  II.,  "  the  son  and  successor  of  Astyages," 
who  is  looked  upon  as  the  last  king  of  Media. 
The  third  identifies  him  with  Gobryas,  gover- 
nor of  Gutium  (Media),  who,  entering  Babylon 

0351] 

CARTOUCHE  OF  ANTARIUSHA  (DARIUS  HYSTASPIS). 

with  the  army  of  Cyrus  on  Tammuz  16. 
thus  received  the  kingdom  for  him,  and 
appointed  governors,  or  satraps,  like  Darius 
the  Mede.  He  possibly  led  the  attack  which 
resulted  in  Belshazzar's  death.  [Belshazzar.] 
The  insertion  of  Darius  instead  of  Gobryas  in 
the  sacred  te.xt  is  probably  a  copyist's  error. 
— 2.  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  the  founder  of 
the  Perso-Aryan  dynasty.  Upon  the  usurpa- 
tion of  the  Magian  Smerdis,  he,  with  six  other 
Persian  chiefs,  overthrew  the  impostor,  and 
was  placed  on  the  throne  521  B.C.  His  de- 
signs of  foreign  conquest  were  interrupted  by 
a  revolt  in  Babylonia,  which  spread  to  the  pro- 
vinces, and  19  battles  were  fought  before  he 
could  say  that  "  the  land  was  his."  Crossing 
the  Danube,  he  penetrated  Europe,  but  had  to 
return.  He  next  attempted  to  annex  (ireece, 
and  his  defeat  at  Marathon,  490  B.C.,  only 
roused  him  to  prepare  for  that  struggle  with 
the  West  which  had  become  inevitable.  His 
plans  were  again  thwarted  by  rebellion,  this 
time  in  Egypt.  He  then  decided  to  reduce 
both  (Ireece  and  Egypt  together,  but  died 
before  effecting  anything  in  the  way  of  con- 
quest, after  a  reign  of  36  years.  Like  Cyrus, 
Darius  Hystasi)is  treated  the  Jews  favourably, 
and  restf)red  to  them  the  privileges  they  had 
lost  (Ezr.5.1,  etc.,  6.1,  etc.). — 3-  Darius  the 
Persian  (Ne.i2.22).  If  the  whuic  passage  was 
written  Ijy  Neheiniah,  this  is  possibly  Darius 
II.,  Nothus  (Ochus),  king  of  Persia  423-404 
B.C.  If,  however,  the  register  w-as  continued 
until  later,  the  occurrence  of  the  name  Jaddtia 
points  to  Darius  III.,  Codomaninis,  the  an- 
tagonist of  Alexander,  and  last  king  of  IVrsia, 
336-330  B.C.  (iMac.l.i).^-4.  .-Vkeus,  king  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  (iMar.12.7).       [t.c;.p.] 

Dapkon'.  Children  of  Darkon  were  among 
the  "  children  of  Solomon's  servants  "  (c/. 
2K.9.21)  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (i:zr.2.5ri  :    Ne.T.sH)- 

Dathan',   a   Keubenite   chieftain,  son   of 


DAVID 

EUab,  who  joined  the  conspiracy  of  Korah  the 
Levite(Num.l6.iff.,26.9;Deut.ll.6;Ps.l06.i7). 
Dathema  (i Mac. 5. 9),  a  fortress  to  which, 
in  164  B.C.,  the  Jews  fled  from  the  heathen  of 
Gilead.     The  site  is  not  known.  [c.r.c] 

Daug'htep.     The  Heb.  and  E.V.  use  this 
term  not  only  in  its  ordinary  sense  but  also  of 
the  women  of  a  jilace,  tribe,  or  people  {e.^.  of 
Zion,  Levi,  Canaan),  of  young  women  (Gen. 30. 
13,  etc.),  and  in  personifications  of  places  {e.g. 
daughter  of  Zion  =  Zion).     [Family.]    [h.m.w.] 
In  N.T.  used  also  of  a    female  descendant 
(Lu. 1.5, 13. 16)  ;    as  a  tender  form  of  direct  ad- 
dress (Mt.9.22) ;   collectively,  for  inhabitants 
of   Jerusalem   (21.5  ;    Jn.i2.15)  ;    with  names 
of  places  as  the  form  of  address  to  the  female 
inhabitants  (Lu.23. 28).     The  dimin.  dvydrpiov, 
"a  little  daughter,"  occurs  Mk. 5. 23, 7. 25.   [h.h.] 
David,  perhaps  shortened  from  Dodavahu 
(beloved  of  Jehovah).     We  may  divide  his  life 
into  three  portions,  premising,  however,  that, 
owing  to  the  composite  character  of  the  narra- 
tive and  occasional  duplications  of  incidents, 
it  contains  inconsistencies  not  now  capable  of 
certain  explanation. — I.  The  Early  Life  of 
David,  before  his  introduction  to  the  court  of 
Saul.     He  was  the  youngest  of  eight  sons,  and 
(accordingtoRu.4.2if.)  great -grandson  of  Ruth 
[cf.    iSam.22.3).     His  mother's  name    is   un- 
known.    His  father,  Jesse,  was  of  a  great  age 
when  David  was  still  young  (i Sam. 17. 12).     His 
connexion  with    Bethlehem    as  his  birthplace 
brought  it  in  after  times  universal  fame  (Lu.2. 
4).     Zeruiah    (mother   of   Joab,   Abishai,   and 
Asahel)  and  Abigail  (mother  of    Amasa)  were 
probably  his  half-sisters  (see  2Sam.i7.25).     His 
sisters'  sons  were  probably  of  about  the  same 
age  as  himself,  and  accordingly  were  to  hira 
throughout  life  in    the   relation  usually  occu- 
pied by  brothers  and  cousins.     David's  first 
appearance  in  history  was  at  an  annual  sacri- 
fice at  Bethlehem,  at  which  Jesse  would  pre- 
side (iSam.20.6).     Samuel  is  present,  sent  to 
anoint  him  whom  the  Lord  shall  choose.     He 
is  restrained  by  divine  intimation  as  son  after 
son  passes  by,  until  the  youngest  was  at  last 
sent   for  while  pursuing  the  occupation   of  a 
shepherd,  usually  allotted  in  Eastern  countries 
to  the  slaves,  the  females,  or  the  despised  of 
the  family.     He  was   "  ruddv  and  goodly  to 
look  upon  "  (16. 1 2).     When  the  body-guard  of 
Saul  were  discussing  with   their  master  where 
the  best  minstrel  could  be  found  to  chase  away 
his  madness  by  music,  one  of  the  young  men 
in  the  guard  suggested  David.     Saul  instantly 
sent  for  him,  and  in  the  success  of  David's  harp 
we  have  the  first  glimpse  into  that  genius  for 
music  and  poetry   afterwards   consecrated  in 
the  Psalms.     One  incident  alone  of  his  solitary 
shepherd  life  has  come  down  to  us — his  con- 
flict with  the  lion  and  the  bear  in  defence  of  his 
father's   flocks    (iSani.17.34,35).     But   it   did 
not  stand  alone.      He  was  already  known  to 
Saul's  guards  for  his  martial  exploits,  probably 
against  the  Philistines  (16. 18),  and,  when  he 
suddenly    appeared    in    the    camp,    his    elder 
brother  immediately  guessed  that  he  had  left 
the  sheep  in  his  ardour  to  see  the  battle  (17.28). 
There   is   no   perfectly   satisfactory   means   of 
reconciling  the   aiiparentlv   contradictory  ac- 
counts  in    iSain. 16. 14-23  and   17.12-31,55-58. 
The  latter  may  be  accepted  as  an  independent 


DAVID 

statement  of  David's  first  appearance.  The 
scene  of  the  battle  is  at  Ephes-dammim  [Pas- 
D  ammim]  ,  near  the  frontier-hills  of  J  udah.  Saul's 
army  is  encamped  on  one  side  of  the  ravine, 
the  Philistines  on  the  other,  the  watercourse 
of  Elah  or  "  the  Terebinth  "  runs  between. 
The  incidents  which  led  to  the  conflict  with 
Goliath  are  familiar,  as  is  its  result.  David's 
victory  is  rendered  more  conspicuous  by  his 
youth  and  by  the  simple  weapons  used — the 
sling,  and  the  five  polished  pebbles  which  he 
picked  up  as  he  went  from  the  watercourse 
of  the  valley  and  put  in  his  shepherd's 
wallet.  Two  trophies  long  remained  of  the 
battle — one,  the  huge  sword  of  the  Philistine, 
which  was  hung  up  behind  the  ephod  in 
the  tabernacle  at  Nob  (iSam.21.9)  ;  the 
other,  the  head,  which  he  bore  away  him- 
self, and  which  was  either  laid  up  at  Nob,  or 
subsequently  at  Jerusalem. — II.  Relations 
WITH  Saul.  The  victory  over  Goliath  had 
been  a  turning-point  of  his  career.  Saul  in- 
quired his  parentage,  and  took  him  finally  to 
his  court,  and  was  charmed  by  the  soothing 
influence  of  his  musical  ability.  In  Jonathan 
was  inspired  the  romantic  friendship  which 
bound  the  two  youths  together  to  the  end.  The 
triumphant  songs  of  the  Israelitish  women  an- 
nounced that  in  him  Israel  had  now  found  a 
deliverer  mightier  even  than  Saul.  And  by 
those  songs  and  the  fame  thus  acquired  was 
laid  the  foundation  of  that  unhappy  jealousy 
of  Saul  towards  David  which,  together  with 
the  king's  constitutional  malady,  poisoned 
their  whole  future  relations.  David,  however, 
displays  a  magnanimous  forbearance,  which 
he  exhibited  (with  a  few  painful  exceptions) 
throughout  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  is  the  first  ex- 
ample of  the  virtue  of  chivalry.  This  part  of 
his  life  may  be  sub-divided  into  four  portions. — 
I.  His  life  at  the  coiurt  of  Saul  till  his  final  escape 
(iSam.l8.2-19.i8),  where,  besides  being  min- 
strel, he  held  successively  posts  of  increasing 
responsibiUty  (16.21,18.2,22.14,  R.V.)  He 
was  now  chiefly  known  for  his  successful  ex- 
ploits in  border  warfare  against  the  Philistines, 
by  one  of  which  he  won  his  wife,  Michal,  Saul's 
second  daughter,  and  struck  a  blow  at  the 
Philistine  power  from  which  it  only  rallied  at 
the  disastrous  close  of  Saul's  reign.  But  the 
successive  snares  laid  by  Saul  to  entrap  him, 
and  the  open  violence  into  which  the  king's 
madness  twice  broke  out,  at  last  convinced 
David  that  his  life  was  no  longer  safe.  Warned 
by  his  friend  Jonathan  and  assisted  by  his 
wife  Michal,  he  escaped  by  night,  and  was 
thenceforward  a  fugitive.  Jonathan  he  never 
saw  again  except  by  stealth.  Michal  was 
given  in  marriage  to  another  (Phaltiel),  and  he 
saw  her  no  more  till  long  after  her  father's 
death. — 2.  His  escape  (iSam.l9.i8-21.i5). 
For  the  rest  of  Saul's  reign  David  was  an  out- 
law. He  first  fled  to  Naioth  (the  pastoral 
dwellings)  of  Ramah  to  Samuel.  Up  to  this 
time  both  the  king  and  himself  had  thought 
a  reunion  possible  (see  20.5,26).  But  the 
madness  of  Saul  now  became  more  settled  and 
ferocious  in  character,  and  David's  danger 
proportionately  greater.  His  secret  interview 
with  Jonathan  confirmed  the  alarm  already 
excited  by  Saul's  endeavour  to  seize  him  at 
Ilamah,  and  he  now  determined  to  leave  his 


DAVID 


201 


country  and  take  refuge  in  the  court  of  Saul's 
enemy.  Before  this  he  visited  Nob,  the  seat 
of  the  tabernacle,  partly  to  obtain  a  final  in- 
terview with  the  high-priest  (iSam.22.9,15), 
partly  to  obtain  food  and  weapons.  On  the 
pretext  of  a  secret  mission  from  Saul,  he  gained 
an  answer  from  the  oracle,  some  of  the  conse- 
crated loaves,  and  the  consecrated  sword  of 
GoUath.  His  stay  at  the  court  of  Achish  was 
short.  Discovered  possibly  by  "  the  sword  of 
Goliath,"  his  presence  revived  the  national 
enmity  of  the  Philistines  against  their  former 
conqueror,  and  he  only  escaped  by  feigning 
madness  (1Sam.2i.13). — 3-  His  life  as  fugi- 
tive (22.1-26.25).  (a)  His  first  retreat  was 
the  cave  of  Adullam,  in  the  low-lying  country 
(sh'pheld)  W.  of  Hebron.  Outlaws  and 
debtors  from  every  part  resorted  to  him.  (b) 
At  En-gedi  occurred  the  chivalrous  exploit  of 
the  three  heroes  who  procured  water  from  the 
well  of  Bethlehem,  and  David's  chivalrous 
answer,  like  that  of  Alexander  in  the  desert 
of  Gedrosia  (iChr.ll. 16-19  ;  2Sam. 23. 14-17)- 
(c)  Advised  by  Gad,  David  fled  next  to  the 
forest  of  Hareth  (iSam.22.5),  and  then  we  find 
him  making  a  descent  on  the  foraging  parties 
of  the  Philistines,  and  relieving  Keilah,  in 
which  he  took  up  his  abode.  Whilst  there, 
now  for  the  first  time  in  a  fortified  town 
(23.7),  he  was  joined  by  a  new  and  most 
important  ally — Abiathar,  the  last  survivor  of 
the  house  of  Ithamar  and  son  of  Ahimelech  of 
Nob  who  with  his  brother-priests  had  been 
slain  by  Saul  on  suspicion  of  conspiracy 
against  him  (22.9fl[.).  By  this  time  the  400  who 
had  joined  him  at  Adullam  (22.2)  had  swelled 
to  600  (23.13).  The  situation  was  now 
changed  by  the  appearance  of  Saul  himself. 
Apparently  the  danger  was  too  great  for  the 
little  army  to  keep  together.  They  escaped 
from  Keilah,  and  dispersed,  "  whithersoever 
they  could  go,"  amongst  the  fastnesses  of 
J  udah.  Henceforth  it  becomes  difficult  to 
follow  his  movements  with  exactness.  Saul 
hunts  him  "hke  a  partridge  "  in  the  wilderness 
of  Ziph  and  of  Maon;  David  chivalrously 
sparing  Saul's  life,  when  in  his  power,  on  at 
least  one  occasion  (iSam.24,26).  Whilst  he 
was  in  the  latter  place  occurred  David's 
adventure  with  Nabal,  instructive  as  showing 
his  mode  of  carrying  on  the  freebooter's  life, 
and  his  marriage  with  Abigail. — 4.  His 
service  under  Achish  (iSam.27,29.ii).  Wearied 
with  his  wandering  life,  he  at  last  crosses  the 
Philistine  frontier,  not,  as  before,  as  a  fugitive, 
but  as  the  chief  of  a  powerful  band — his  600 
men  now  grown  into  an  organized  force,  with 
their  wives  and  families  around  them  (27.2,3). 
After  the  manner  of  Eastern  potentates, 
Achish  gave  him,  for  his  support,  a  city — Zik- 
lag  on  the  frontier  of  Philistia  (27.6).  He  was 
settled  there  for  a  year  and  four  months  (27.7) — 
the  first  note  of  time  in  David's  life.  He  de- 
ceived Achish  into  confidence  by  attacking  the 
old  nomadic  inhabitants  of  the  desert  frontier, 
and  representing  the  plunder  to  be  of  portions 
of  the  southern  tribes  or  the  nomadic  allied 
tribes  of  Israel.  But  this  confidence  was  not 
shared  by  the  Philistine  nobles,  and  accord- 
ingly David  was  sent  back  by  Achish  from  the 
last  victorious  campaign  against  Saul.  During 
his  absence  a  raid  of    Amalekites,  whom  he 


202 


DAVID 


had  plundered  during  the  previous  year,  had 
burnt  Ziklag,  and  carried  off  the  inhabitants. 
Assisted  by  an  Egyptian  slave,  David  over- 
took the  invaders  in  the  desert,  and  recovered 
the  spoil  (iSam.30).  Two  days  after  this  vic- 
tory an  Anialekite  arrived  from  the  N.  with  the 
fatal  news  of  the  defeat  of  Gilboa.  The  recep- 
tion of  the  tidings  of  the  death  of  his  rival  and 
of  his  friend,  the  solemn  mourning,  the  vent  of 
his  indignation  against  the  bearer  of  the  mes- 
sage, the  pathetic  lamentation  that  followed, 
well  close  the  second  period  of  David's  life 
(2Sam. 1.1-27). — III.  His  Reign. — i.  As  king 
of  Judah  at  Hebron  (2Sam.2.i-5.5),  7 J  years 
(2.1 1 ),  concerning  which  period  our  infor- 
mation is  scanty.  Hebron  was  selected, 
doubtless,  as  the  ancient  sacred  city  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah,  the  burial-place  of  the  patriarchs 
and  the  inheritance  of  Caleb.  Here  David 
was  formally  anointed  king  (2Sam.2.4).  His 
dominion  was  nominally  confined  to  Judah. 
Gradually  his  power  increased,  and  during  the 
2  years  which  followed  the  elevation  of 
Ishbosheth  a  series  of  skirmishes  took  place 
between  the  two  kingdoms.  Then  rapidly 
followed,  though  without  David's  consent,  the 
successive  murders  of  A'bner  and  of  Ish- 
bosheth {2Sam.3.3o,4.5,6).  The  throne,  so 
long  waiting  for  him,  was  now  vacant,  and  the 
united  voice  of  the  whole  people  at  once  called 
him  to  occupy  it.  For  the  third  time  David 
was  anointed  king.  The  command  of  the 
army  he  devolved  on  his  nephew  Joab  (2Sam. 
2.28). — 2.  Reign  over  all  Israel  33  years  (2Sam. 
5.5-1K.2.11).  (i)  The  acquisition  of  Jeru- 
salem. This  city,  hitherto  unconquered,  was 
captured  under  the  leadership  of  Joab,  hence- 
forward captain  of  the  host  {iChr.11.6).  Phil- 
istine attacks  were  repulsed  (2Sam.5.i7-2o  ; 
iChr.l4.ii),  and  the  capture  and  conflagration 
of  their  own  idols  was  a  retribution  for 
their  former  victories  (14.12).  Tyre,  under 
Hiram,  now  for  the  first  time  appearing  in 
sacred  history,  allied  herself  with  Israel  ;  and 
Hiram  sent  cedarwood  for  the  buildings  of  the 
new  capital  (2Sam.5.ii),  especially  for  the 
palace  of  David  himself  (7.2).  Unhallowed 
and  profane  as  the  city  had  been,  it  was 
at  once  elevated  to  a  sanctity,  which  it  has 
never  lost,  above  all  the  ancient  sanc- 
tuaries of  the  land.  The  ark,  after  a  tem- 
porary halt  (owing  to  the  death  of  Uzza)  at 
Obed-edom's  house,  was  brought  with  great 
state  to  Jerusalem.  David's  act  of  severity 
towards  Michal  on  this  occasion  was  an  addi- 
tional mark  of  the  stress  which  he  himself  laid 
on  its  solemnity  (2Sam.6.2o-23  ;  1Chr.i5.29). 
A  divine  message  through  the  prophet  Nathan 
postponed  to  the  subsequent  reign  the  erection 
of  a  permanent  temple.  (2)  Foundation  of 
the  court  and  empire  of  Israel  (2Sam.8  12). 
On  the  erection  of  the  new  capital  at  Jerusa- 
lem David  became  a  king  on  the  scale  of  the 
great  rulers  of  I'-gypt  and  Persia,  with  a  regu- 
lar administration  and  organi/ation  of  court 
and  camp,  and  founded  an  imperial  dominion 
which  for  the  first  time  realized  the  prophetic 
description  of  the  bounds  of  the  chosen  people 
(Gen. 15. 18-21).  The  internal  organization 
lasted  till  the  final  overthrow  of  the  monarchy. 
The  em|)ir(!  was  of  mucii  shorter  duratii)n.  con- 
tjuuing  only  through  the  reigns  of  David  and 


DAVID 

his  successor  Solomon.  But,  for  the  period  of 
its  existence,  it  lent  a  peculiar  character  to  the 
sacred  history,  (a)  In  the  internal  organiza- 
tion of  the  kingdom  the  first  new  element 
to  be  considered  is  the  royal  family,  the 
dynasty,  of  which  Da\-id  was  the  founder, 
a  position  which  entitled  him  to  the  name  of 
"  patriarch  "  (Ac.2.29),  and  (ultimately)  of 
the  ancestor  of  the  Messiah.  Of  this  family, 
Absalom  and  Adonijah  both  inherited  their 
father's  beauty  (2Sam.i4.23;  iK.1.6)  ;  but 
Solomon  alone  possessed  any  of  his  higher 
qualities.  It  was  from  a  union  of  the  children 
of  Solomon  and  Absalom  that  the  royal  line 
was  carried  on  (iK.15.2).  {!>)  The  military 
organization,  inherited  from  Saul,  but  greatly 
developed  by  David,  was  as  follows:  (i)  "The 
host,"  consisting  of  all  males  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms,  and  summoned  only  for  war.  There 
were  12  monthly  divisions  of  24,000  each  ;  and 
over  each  presided  an  officer,  selected  from 
the  other  military  bodies  formed  by  David 
(1Chr.27.1-15).  In  the  army  were  introduced 
a  very  limited  number  of  chariots  (2Sam.8.4) 
and  of  mules  instead  of  asses  for  the  princes 
and  officers  (13.29,18.9).  (ii)  The  body-guard. 
This  also  had  e.xisted  in  the  court  of  Saul,  and 
David  himself  had  probably  been  its  command- 
ing officer.  But  it  now  assumed  a  peculiar 
organization.  The  guards  were  at  least  in  name 
foreigners,  as  having  been  probably  drawn 
from  the  Philistines  during  David's  resi- 
dence at  the  court  of  Gath.  They  are  usually 
called  from  this  circumstance  Cherethites 
AND  Pelethites.  The  captain  of  the  force, 
however,  was  not  only  not  a  foreigner,  but  an 
Israelite  of  the  highest  distinction  and  purest 
descent,  who  first  appears  in  this  capacity,  but 
who  outlived  David  and  became  the  chief  sup- 
port of  the  throne  of  his  son,  namely  Benaiah, 
son  of  the  chief  priest  Jehoiada.  representative 
of  the  eldest  branch  of  Aaron's  house  (2 
Sam.8.i8, 15. 18.20.23  ;  iK. 1.38,44)-  (iii)  The 
most  peculiar  military  institution  in  David's 
army  arose  out  of  the  circumstances  of  his 
early  life.  The  nucleus  of  what  afterwards 
became  the  only  standing  army  in  David's 
forces  was  the  baud  of  600  men  who  had  gath- 
ered round  him  in  his  wanderings.  The  number 
of  600  was  still  i)reserved.  It  was  di\ided  into  3 
large  bands  of  200  each,  and  small  bands  of  20 
each.  The  small  bands  were  commanded  by 
30  officers,  one  for  each  band,  who  together 
formed  "  the  thirty,"  and  the  3  large  bands  by 
3  officers,  who  together  formed  "  the  three," 
and  the  whole  by  one  chief,  "  the  captain 
of  the  mighty  men  "  (2Sam.23.8-39  ;  iChr.ll. 
9-47).  This  rommander  of  the  whole  force  was 
.\bishai,  David's  nephew  (1Chr.ll.20  ;  and  c/. 
2Sam.l6.9).  (c)  Side  by  side  with  this  mili- 
tary organization  were  established  social  and 
moral  institutions.  Some  were  entirely  for 
pastoral,  agricultural,  and  financial  purposes 
(iChr.27. 25-31),  others  were  judicial  (26.29- 
32).  A  few  men  are  named  as  constituting 
what  would  now  be  called  the  court,  or  council 
of  the  king  :  tiu-  councillors,  .\hithophel  of 
(iiloh,  and  Jonathan  the  king's  nephew 
(27.32,33)  :  the  companion  or  "  friend," 
Hushai"  "(iChr.27.33  :  2Sam.l5.37,16.i9)  :  .the 
scribe,  Sheva,  or  Seraiah,  and  at  one  time 
i  Jonathan  (2Sam.2O.25  ;     it  hr.27.32)  ;     Jeho- 


DAVID 

shaphat,  the  recorder  or  historian  (2Sam.20. 
24),  and  Adoram  the  tax-collector,  both  of 
whom  survived  him  (iK. 4. 3, 6, 12. 18).  Two 
prophets  appear  as  the  king's  constant  ad- 
visers. Gad,  being  called  "  the  seer,"  belongs 
probably  to  the  earliest  form  of  the  pro- 
phetic schools.  Nathan,  who  appears  for 
the  first  time  after  the  establishment  of  the 
kingdom  at  Jerusalem  (aSam.T.a),  is  distin- 
guished both  by  his  title  of  "  prophet  "  and  by 
the  nature  of  the  prophecies  which  he  utters 
(7.5-17,12.1-14)  as  of  the  purest  type  of  the 
prophetic  dispensation,  and  as  the  hope  of 
the  new  generation,  which  he  supports  in  the 
person  of  Solomon  (iK.l).  Two  high-priests 
also  appear — representatives  of  the  two  rival 
houses  of  Aaron  (iChr.24.3)  :  Abiathar,  com- 
panion of  David's  exile,  and  Zadok,  who  was 
made  the  head  of  the  Aaronic  family  (27. 17). 
Besides  these  four  great  religious  functionaries 
there  were  two  classes  of  subordinates — pro- 
phets, specially  instructed  in  singing  and 
music,  under  Asaph,  Heman  the  grandson  of 
Samuel,  and  Jeduthun  (1Chr.25.1-31),  and 
Levites,  or  attendants  on  the  sanctuary 
(26).  (d)  The  external  relations  of  David's 
kingdom  will  be  found  under  the  various  coun- 
tries concerned.  It  will  here  be  only  neces- 
sary briefly  to  indicate  the  enlargement  of  his 
dominions.  Within  10  years  from  the  cap- 
ture of  Jerusalem  he  had  reduced  to  a  state 
of  permanent  subjection  the  Philistines  on 
the  W.  (aSam.S.i)  ;    the  Moabites  on  the  E. 

(8.2)  by  the  exploits  of  Benaiah  (23. 20)  ;  the 
Syrians  on  the  N.E.  as  far  as  the  Euphrates 

(8.3)  ;  the  Edgmites  (8.14)  on  the  S.  ;  and 
finally  the  Ammonites,  who  had  broken  their 
ancient  alliance,  and  made  one  grand  resist- 
ance to  the  advance  of  his  empire  (10. 1-19,12. 
26-31).  These  three  last  wars  overlapped  each 
other.  The  crowning  point  was  the  siege 
of  Rabbah.  (3)  Three  great  calamities  marked 
the  beginning,  middle,  and  close  of  David's 
otherwise  prosperous  reign.  (a)  A  three 
years'  famine  (21. iff.)  was  the  punishment 
inflicted  on  the  nation  as  involved  in  Saul's 
slaughter  of  the  Gibeonites.  At  their  request 
David  in  consequence  surrendered  all  his 
predecessor's  sons,  except  Mephibosheth,  to 
be  slain,  thus  acting  in  accordance  with  the 
religious  beliefs  of  his  time.  (6)  The  second 
group  of  incidents  contains  the  tragedy  of 
David's  life,  which  grew  in  all  its  parts  out  of 
the  polygamy,  with  its  evil  consequences,  into 
which  lie  had  plunged  on  becoming  king — the 
double  crime  of  adulter}^  with  Bathsheba  and 
of  the  virtual  murder  of  Uriah.  The  crimes 
are  undoubtedly  those  of  a  common  Oriental 
despot.  But  the  rebuke  of  Nathan,  the  sud- 
den revival  of  the  king's  conscience,  his  grief 
for  the  sickness  of  the  child,  the  gathering  of 
his  uncles  and  elder  brothers  around  him,  his 
return  of  hope  and  peace,  are  characteristic  of 
David,  and  of  David  only.  But  the  clouds 
from  this  time  gathered  over  David's  fortunes, 
and  henceforward  "  the  sword  never  departed 
from  his  house"  (I2.10).  The  outrage  on 
his  daughter  Tamar,  the  murder  of  his  eldest 
son  Amnon,  and  then  the  revolt  of  his  best 
belovedjAbsalom,  brought  on  the  crisis  which 
once  more  sent  him  forth  a  wanderer,  as  in  the 
days  when  he  fled  from  Saul ;    and  this,  the 


DAVID 


203 


heaviest  trial  of  his  life,  was  aggravated  by 
the  impetuosity  of  Joab,  now,  perhaps  from  his 
complicity  in  David's  crime,  more  unmanage- 
able than  ever.  The  rebellion  was  fostered  ap- 
parently by  the  growing  jealousy  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  at  seeing  their  king  absorbed  by  the 
whole  nation.  For  its  general  course,  see 
Ahithophel.  The  final  battle  was  fought  in 
the  "  forest  of  Ephraim,"  which  terminated  in 
the  accident  leading  to  the  death  of  Absalom 
(I8.6-9).  Judah  was  reconciled,  and  David 
again  reigned  in  undisturbed  peace  at  Jerusa- 
lem (20.1-22).  (c)  The  closing  period  of 
David's  life,  with  the  exception  of  one  great 
calamity,  may  be  considered  as  a  gradual  pre- 
paration for  the  reign  of  his  successor.  David's 
census,  carried  out  against  Joab's  warning, 
brought  three  days'  pestilence  (24. iff.),  and 
the  vision  of  a  destroying  angel  over  the 
threshing-floor  of  Araunah  (Oman),  a  wealthy 
Jebusite,  marked  out  the  spot  as  site  for  the 
future  temple  on  mount  Zion,  the  centre  of  the 
national  worship,  with  but  slight  interruption, 
for  more  than  1,000  years.  A  formidable  con- 
spiracy to  interrupt  the  succession  broke  out 
in  the  last  days  of  David's  reign,  which  de- 
tached from  his  person  two  of  his  court,  who 
from  personal  offence  or  adherence  to  the 
ancient  family  had  been  alienated  from  him — 
Joab  and  Abiathar.  But  Zadok,  Nathan, 
Benaiah,  Shimei,  and  Rei  remaining  firm,  the 
plot  was  stifled,  and  Solomon's  inauguration 
took  place  under  his  father's  auspices  (iK.l. 
1-53)-  By  this  time  David's  infirmities  had 
grown  upon  him.  The  incident  of  the  young 
Shunammite,  Abishag  (l.iff.),  is  apparently 
mentioned  for  the  sake  of  the  later  incident 
of  Adonijah  (2.17).  His  last  song  is  pre- 
served— a  striking  union  of  the  ideal  of  a  just 
ruler  which  he  had  placed  before  him,  and  of 
the  difficulties  which  he  had  felt  in  realizing 
it  (2Sam.23.1-7).  His  last  words,  as  recorded, 
to  his  successor,  are  general  exhortations  to  his 
duty,  combined  with  warnings  against  Joab 
and  Shimei,  and  charges  to  remember  the 
children  of  Barzillai  (iK. 2.1-9).  He  died,  ac- 
cording to  Josephus  at  the  age  of  70,  and 
"  was  buried  in  the  city  of  David."  After  the 
return  from  the  Captivity,  "  the  sepulchres  of 
David"  and  "the  house  of  the  mighty  men" 
were  still  pointed  out,  apparently  near  Siloam 
(Ne.3.i6).  The  above  sketch  shows  us  David 
in  the  capacity  both  of  man  and  ruler  as  illus- 
trative of  the  transitional  character  belonging 
to  his  time.  The  blemishes  in  his  conduct,  at 
any  rate  to  some  extent,  are  attributable  to. 
the  cruel,  hasty,  and  arbitrary  element  in 
human  nature  in  which  those  who  were  pos- 
sessed of  any  species  of  power  did  not  hesitate 
to  indulge.  Even  his  great  sin  in  the  matter 
of  Bathsheba  and  Uriah,  standing  out  single, 
and  thus  the  more  conspicuous,  in  his  life,  has 
for  parallels  numberless  acts,  at  least  equal 
in  violence,  in  and  after  his  day,  just  as  his 
failure  to  control  his  children  is  a  character- 
istic of  the  Eastern  parent  even  at  the  present 
time.  On  the  other  hand,  his  general  un- 
selfishness and  righteous  rule,  his  personal 
charm,  his  family  affection,  diplomatic  skill, 
courage,  generosity,  and  power  of  inspiring 
devotion  in  his  followers  at  once  indicate  and 
help  forward   the    advance  towards  4  higher 


204 


DAVID,  CITY  OF 


level  of  cultivation  than  had  previously  ex- 
isted in  Palestine.  [a.w.s.] 
David,  City  of.  [Jerusalem.] 
David,  Towep  of.  [Tower  of  David.] 
Day.  The  Heb.  yom  denotes  both  the  day- 
time and  the  period  of  24  hours  from  sunset 
to  sunset.  The  ancient  Israelites  reckoned 
the  day  from  evening  to  evening  (Lev. 23. 32). 
Some  think  the  earlier  mode  of  reckoning  was 
from  morning  to  morning,  and  base  their 
opinion  on  Gen.l.5,  quoting  as  traces  of 
this  arrangement  passages  in  which  day  is 
mentioned  before  night  (e.g.  Lev. 8. ^5  ;  1K.8. 
59;  Ps.l. 2, 32.4, 42.3, 8[4, 91,55. io[ii]  ;  Is.60. 
II  ;  Je.9.i[8.23j,16.i3, 33.25  ;  Lam.2.i8).  For 
sacrifices  the  evening  was  reckoned  with 
the  preceding  day  (Lev.7. 15, 22.30).  The 
day  was  not  divided  into  periods  of  defined 
length,  but  its  progress  was  marked  by  the 
use  of  descriptive  terms.  These  were:  (i) 
shahar,  with  'aid,  "to  ascend,"  lit.  "  rising  of 
the  morning  (star),"  dawn  (Gen. 19. 15).  (2) 
hoqer,  from  a  root  meaning  "  to  split  or  pene- 
trate," as  the  dawn  does  the  darkness  ;  time  of 
sunrise  (cf.  Gen. 19. 23, 32. 31).  (3)  "The  heat 
of  the  day,"  about  ten  o'clock  (Gcn.l8.i). 
(4)  (ohdyayim,  "  the  double  light,"  or  noon 
(43.16).  (5)  nesheph,  the  twilight  breeze 
(1Sam.3O.17),  or  "  the  breeze  of  the  day  " 
(Gen.3. 8)  before  simset.  (6)  ' crebh,  the  setiing 
(of  the  sun),  evenirig  (E.x.l2.i8).  "  Between 
the  evenings  "  denotes  the  whole  period  of 
the  decline  of  the  sun.  [Passover.]  Sunrise, 
noon,  and  evening  are  mentioned  as  times  of 
prayer  (Ps.55.i7[i8]).  The  Babylonians  were 
far  in  advance  of  other  Semitic  nations  in  as- 
tronomical knowledge,  and  the  invention  of  the 
sun-dial  and  division  of  the  day  into  twelve 
periods  is  attributed  to  them  (Herod,  ii.  109). 
The  Hebrews  probably  borrowed  from  this 
source  both  the  division  of  the  day  into  hours, 
and  the  dial  (2 K. 20. 11  ;  Is.38.8).  The  dial  of 
Ahaz  was  probably  a  circular  flight  of  steps 
surmounted  by  an  obelisk  which  threw  its 
shadow  on  to  them.  Since  the  shadow  could 
either  ascend  or  descend  ten  degrees  (2K.2O.9), 
there  must  have  been  more  than  twenty  steps, 
each  marking  some  fixed  portion  of  time.  In 
N.T.  times  the  division  of  the  night  into  four 
watches,  and  of  the  day  into  twelve  hours, 
from  6  a.m.  to  6  p.m.,  was  fully  established : 
"  Are  there  not  twelve  hours  in  the  day  ?  " 
(Jn.11.9).  The  dllovving  hours  are  men- 
tioned: 3rd,  Mt.20.3;  6th,  27.45,  Jii.*.6, 
19.14;  7lh.  4.52;  9th,  Mt.27.45,46  ;  loth, 
J n. 1.39  ;  nth  Mt.20.6,9  The  Jewish  hour 
is  divided  into  1,080  parts  of  fixed  quantity, 
used  in  calculating  the  time  of  Ni;w  Moon. 
The  Pirke  R.  EL  vii.  sjieaks  of  "  large  hours," 
equal  to  twc  common  ones,  corresponding  to 
the  Assyrian  kashu  six  of  which  went  to  a 
day  and  six  to  a  night  when  day  and  night 
were  of  equal  length  (Smith,  -4s.syr.  Epon. 
Can.  19).     [Creation  ;   Dial.]  [n.n.] 

Day's  Journey  (Lx.5.3,  etc.).  The  aver- 
age length  (if  a  journey  among  Arabs,  when 
changing  camp  with  women, children, and  flocks, 
does  not  exceed  10  or  12  miles  ;  but  merchants, 
with  pack  animals,  will  traverse  15  to  20,  and 
sometimes  30  miU^s  in  a  day.  The  Sahhaiii 
Day's  Joiiknkv  did  not  exceed  2,000  steps,  or 
afjout  half  a  mile.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 


DEACONESS 

The  Jews  considered  15  miles  a  longdistance, 
and  spoke  of  a  day's  journey  as  only  about  5 
Roman  miles.    [Modin.]  [c.r.c] 

Daysman,  an  old  Eng.  term  common 
in  i6th  cent.  (Spenser's  Faerie  Queene,  ii.  c.  8; 
1551  ed.  Bible  in  iSam.2.25  ;  Holland's  Livy, 
p.  137,  etc),  meaning  umpire  or  arbitrator 
(Job  9.33),  and  derived  from  day,  in  the 
specific  sense  of  a  day  fixed  for  a  trial. 

Deacon.  The  word  "  deacon  "  (Siciko/'os)  as 
a  title  does  not  appear  to  have  been  derived 
from  any  Jewish  or  pagan  source.  In  the  LXX. 
Slclkovos  occurs  in  a  general  sense  in  Esth.l.io, 
2.2,6.1,3,5;  Pr.10.4;  4Mac.9.i7  ;  and  Staftrovia 
inEsth.6.3,5  ;  iMac.11.58,  with  some  complica- 
tions of  readings  as  to  Smkovos  and  iiaKovla. 
In  N.T.  Slo-kovos  and  diaKovia  and  diaxoviu  are 
used  frequently  in  a  general  sense.  As  a  title 
5idKovos  occurs  in  Ph.l.i  ;  iTim.3.8-13  ;  and 
possibly  R0.I6. 1.  [Deaconess.]  On  the  na- 
ture of  the  office  and  the  method  of  appoint- 
ment and  the  identification  with  the  "  seven 
men  of  good  report  "  of  Ac.6.2-6,  see  Church  ; 
Laving    on    of     Hands.  Plumptre   and 

Gibson  in  Smith,  D.B.  (2nd  ed.),  i.  738-741  ; 
Armitage  Robinson  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  i.  1038- 
1040  ;  Gwatkin  in  Hastings,  D.B.  i.  574, 
575  ;  Hort,  The  Christian  Ecclesia,  pp.  198- 
210  ;  Stone,  The  Christian  Church,  pp.  266- 
269,  273,  274,  280.  [d.s.] 

Deaconess.  It  is  possible  that  the  word 
8idKovos  is  used  in  a  technical  sense  to  denote 
a  deaconess  in  Ro.l6.i,2,  "  I  commend  unto 
you  Phoebe  our  sister,  who  is  a  servant 
IdioLKOvov)  of  the  church  that  is  at  Cenchrea, 
that  ye  may  receive  her  in  the  Lord,  worthily 
of  the  saints,  and  that  ye  assist  her  in  whatso- 
ever matter  she  may  have  need  of  you  ;  for 
she  herself  also  hath  been  a  succourer(7r/)0(rrdTtj) 
of  many,  and  of  mine  own  self."  In  view  of 
the  facts  that  diaKOvos  is  used  constantly  in 
N.T.  in  a  general  sense,  and,  apart  from  this 
passat,e,  only  in  Ph.l.i  and  iTim.3.8-13  in  a 
technical  sense,  and  that  there  is  nothing  in 
this  passage  as  a  whole  or  in  the  word  "  suc- 
courer  "  which  necessarily  requires  an  official, 
it  cannot  certainly  be  determined  that  Phoebe 
filled  the  office  of  deaconess  at  Cenchrea.  It 
is,  however,  likely  that  an  oftice  of  deaconess, 
corresponding  to  that  found  in  later  history, 
existed  in  N.T.  times,  and  that  it  is  referred  to 
in  iTinL3.li.  The  A.V.  translation  "their 
wives  "  is  there  ob\iously  incorrect  ;  and  the 
alternatives  are  to  take  "women"  (yvvaiKai) 
in  a  quite  general  sense  for  "women  of  the 
Christian  community,"  which  appears  to  be  the 
meaning  intended  by  K.V'.,  or  to  understand  it 
to  denote  an  <ifli('ial  order  of  women.  The 
latter  interpretation  is  strongly  indicated  by 
the  position  of  the  verse  in  the  midst  of  in- 
structions about  the  deacons.  If  deaconesses 
are  here  referred  to,  it  is  laid  down  in  regard 
to  them  that  they  are  to  be  "  grave,  not  slan- 
derers, temiierate,  faithful  in  all  things."  It 
is  possible  that  Mary,  Tryjihena,  and  Tryphosa 
(Ko.16.6, 12)  were  deaconesses.  The  widows 
of  iTim.5.3-i6  are  not  members  of  an  official 
order  such  as  that  of  deaconesses,  but  women 
on  the  roll  of  the  church  for  the  reception  of 
relict.  l'lunii)tre  and  (iilison  in  Smith,  /)./?. 
(2ud  ed.),  i.  740,  741  ;    Armitage  Robinson  in 


DEAD,  BAPTISM  FOR  THE 

Encycl.  Bibl.  i.  1039,  1040  I  Adeney  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  iv.  936  ;  Cecilia  Robinson,  The 
Ministry  of  Deaconesses  ;  Hort,  The  Christian 
Ecdesia,  pp.  207,  208;  Stone,  The  Christian 
Church,  pp.  308,  309  ;  Ch.  Qtly.  Rev.  for 
Jan.  1899,  pp.  305,  306.  [d.s.I 

Dead,  Baptism  fop  the.     [Baptism.] 

Dead  Sea.  This  name  is  not  found  in  the 
Bible,  and  does  not  appear  to  have  been  used 
until  the  2nd  cent,  a.d.,  when  it  is  found  in  the 
works  of  Pausanias,  Galen,  and  Justin.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  been  used  to  indicate  the  absence 
of  animal  life  in  these  waters.  Josephus  (4  Wars 
viii.)  mentions  it  as  bitter  and  unfruitful;  and 
both  ancient  historians  and  modern  writers 
speak  of  an  unnatural  gloom,  not  upon  the  sea 
only,  but  also  over  the  whole  plain  below 
Jericho.  In  O.T.  it  is  called  the  "  Salt  Sea," 
q.v.,  or  the  "Seaof  the  Plain  (Arabah)."     [c.w.] 

Dearth.     [Famine.] 

Death  may  be  considered  as  it  presents  it- 
self physically  to  our  eyes,  the  act  of  d^dng,  the 
circumstances  of  that  final  agony  in  which 
visible  conscious  relations  with  the  things  of 
this  world  come  to  an  end.  As  such  it  is  much 
the  same  to  all  men  of  all  times — to  the  Hebrew 
of  old  as  to  ourselves.  What  varies  in  the 
conception  of  death  is  the  significance  attached 
to  the  act  of  dying  ;  and  this  significance 
depends  upon  the  ideas  men  have  of  what 
happens  after  death.  To  the  Hebrew,  death 
meant  not  only  the  end  of  communion  with  this 
world,  but  also  the  end  of  communion  with  God. 
It  is  true  there  is  existence  in  Sheol  for  the 
man  after  death  ;  but  it  is  only  a  half-life,  a 
shadow  of  the  former  life  (Job  3. 13-19  ;  Ps.88. 
12  ;  Ec.9.5),  and  in  this  half-life  the  dead  had 
nolongerthe  joy  of  believing  and  praising  God 
which  is  the  highest  happiness  of  this  earthly 
life  (Ps.6.5.30.9  ;  Is.38.i8).  In  death  the  body 
returns  to  the  dust  from  which  it  was  made, 
and  the  spirit  returns  to  God  who  gave  it  (Ec. 
12.7;  cf.  Gen. 2. 7, 3. 19).  When  therefore  we  are 
told  that  through  sin  death  came  (R0.5.12  ; 
cf.  Gen.2.17,3.19),  it  is  essential  for  under- 
standing what  is  meant  that  we  should  realize 
the  significance  of  death  to  the  Jew  not  only 
in  its  physical  but  also  in  its  theological 
aspect.  The  natural  punishment  of  sin  is  that 
separation  from  the  love  and  favour  of  God 
which  was  to  the  Jew  the  chief  element  in  his 
idea  of  death,  that  which  gave  to  physical 
death  its  greatest  terror — what  St.  Paul  calls 
the  "sting  of  death"  (1C0r.i5.56).  With 
the  Christian  revelation  of  the  "  things  which 
God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love  Him  " 
the  view  of  death  is  changed.  To  die  is  "to 
be  with  Christ,  which  is  very  far  better  "  than 
earthly  life  (Ph.l.23)  ;  "  blessed  are  the  dead 
which  die  in  the  Lord"  (Rev. 14. 13).  The 
Christian  shrinks,  indeed,  with  a  natural  fear 
from  dying,  "  not  that  we  would  be  un- 
clothed," but  longs  for  the  blessed  life  to 
which  death  is  the  gateway  (2Cor.5.2-6). 
Death  with  the  associations  which  it  had  to 
the  Jew,  death  with  that  separation  from  God 
which  attached  to  it  as  the  consequence  of 
sin,  was  overcome  by  the  dying  and  resur- 
rection of  Jesus  Christ  (aTim.l.io  ;  Heb.2.14). 
Art.  "  Eschatology,"  by  A.  B.  Davidson,  R. 
H.  Charles,  and  S.  D.  F.  Salmond  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904) ;  books  on  the  subject  of  the 


DEBORAH 


205 


Future  Life,  e.g.  Salmond,  Christian  Doctrine 
of  Immortality.  [s.c.g.] 

Debip',  king  of  Eglon ;  one  of  the  five  kings 
hanged  by  Joshua  (Jos. 10. 3). 

Detaip'  {back). — 1.  A  city  of  Judah  in  the 
Hebron  district  (Jos. 10. 38),  with  an  Anakim 
population  (11.21 )  ;  a  royal  city  (12. 13),  con- 
quered again  by  Othniel,  and  having  near  it 
"  upper  and  lower  springs  "  (gulloth),  though 
the  region  generallywasnt;ge6A  or  "dry"  (15. 17- 
19;  Judg.l. 13-15).  It  is  noticed  with  Socoh 
(Shuweikeh),  Dannah  (Idhna),  and  Anab 
('Andb),  and  was  called  Kirjath-sannah  (Jos. 
15.48-50)  and  KiRjATH-SEPHER  (Judg.l. II, 12). 
It  was  given  to  the  Levites  (Jos. 21. 15;  iChr.6. 
58).  It  is  identified  by  Ewald  with  the  present 
village  edh  Dhdheriyeh  (of  the  ridge),  about  12 
milesS.W.  of  Hebron  and  2  miles  N.E.  of  'Anab. 
There  are  ancient  tombs  near  the  village, 
which  stands  on  a  high  ridge.  The  country 
is  here  without  any  springs,  but  there  are  both 
upper  and  lower  springs,  or  "  streams  "  (gul- 
loth), 7  miles  N.E.  of  the  town,  at  the  Seil  ed 
Dilbeh,  or  "  brook  of  the  plane  tree." — 2. 
A  place  on  N.  border  of  Judah  (Jos.15.7),  S.  of 
Gilgal ;  perhaps  only  a  "  ridge,"  but  noticed 
with  Adummim,  close  to  which  (on  S.W.)  the 
name  Thoghret  ed  Debr  (pass  of  the  back)  still 
survives. — 3.  "  The  border  of  Debir"  (Jos. 13. 
26  ;  R.V.  marg.  Lidebir  as  though  for 
Lodebar)  was  apparently  W.  of  Mahanaim  ; 
perhaps  meaning  only  "  the  limit  of  the  ridge" 
or  W.  slope  of  Gilead.  [c.r.c] 

Deb'opa,  a  woman  of  Naphtali,  the  grand- 
mother of  Tobit  (Tob.1.8). 

Debopah  (bee). — 1.  Rebekah's  nurse,  who 
accompanied  her  from  the  house  of  Bethuel 
(Gen. 24. 59).  She  died  at  Bethel,  and  was 
buried  beneath  the  terebinth,  AUon-bachuth 
(Gen. 35. 8).  The  second  reference  may  be  out 
of  place,  as  it  is  hard  to  account  for  Deborah's 
being  with  Jacob. — 2.  (Judg.4,5.)  The  pro- 
phetess, wife  of  Lapidoth.  It  is  unlikely  that 
Lapidoth  (flashes)  is  another  name  for  Barak 
(lightning).  Deborah  lived  under  the  palm- 
tree  (not  "terebinth  ")  between  Ramah  and 
Bethel,  but  from  5.15  some  think  she  belonged 
to  Issachar.  If  so,  the  facts  need  not  conflict, 
but  the  critical  inference  is  doubtful.  (Note 
esp.  5. II  and  14,  and  cf.  iChr.8.40  and  12.2.) 
She  judged — was  a  mother  in  Israel — pre- 
sumably, therefore,  she  did  not  live  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Sisera.  She  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  Barak,  and  at  his  request  promised 
support.  He  summoned  Naphtali  and  Zebu- 
lun  to  Kedesh  and  led  10,000  of  them  to  Tabor. 
There  Deborah  joined  him  with  Benjamin, 
Ephraim,  and  Machir.  Other  tribes  were  sum- 
moned. The  princes  of  Issachar  responded. 
— The  Battle  of  Megiddo.  Sisera  summoned 
his  allies  (5. 19),  and  with  900  chariots  marched 
from  Harosheth  up  Esdraelon.  A  storm  broke 
from  the  N.,  and  beat  in  the  faces  of  Sisera's 
army.  Kishon  suddenly  flooded  the  marshy 
land.  The  chariots  were  useless.  The  light - 
armed  highlanders  of  Barak  cut  the  enemy's 
line,  and  pursued  the  main  rout  to  Harosheth. 
The  van  fled  northward,  and  apparently  escaped 
annihilation  through  the  cowardice  of  Meroz, 
which  was  put  to  the  ban.  Sisera,  probably  in 
the  van,  cut  off  from  Harosheth,  tried  to  escape 
to  Hazor,  and  was  slain  in  J  ael's  tent.    [J  ael.] 


206 


Debtor 


— Importance  of  Victory.  The  unity  of  Israel 
was  at  stake.  The  plain  of  Esdraelon  might  well 
have  become  the  frontier.  From  the  ode  we 
see  how  faith  in  a  common  God  made  the  less 
selfish  tribes  true  to  the  ideal  of  one  fatherland. 
— Critical  Theories.  Moore,  Budde,  Cooke, 
Driver,  etc.,  think  that  in  ch.  4  two  distinct 
narratives  are  interwoven,  (i)  concerning  a 
defeat  of  J  abin  by  Zebulun  and  Naphtali  in  the 
N.,  and  (2)  concerning  the  defeat  of  Sisera. 
But  there  is  no  reason  why  two  such  narra- 
tives should  be  mixed.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  there  were  two  Baraks  ;  but  why  is  that 
easier  to  believe  than  two  Jabins  ?  The 
critics  have  failed  to  distinguish  the  narratives. 
Ch.  4  is  consistent,  and  5  is  more  in  harmony 
with  it  than  with  the  critics'  theory. — Song  of 
Deborah.  Ch.  5  is  undoubtedly  contemporary. 
The  most  advanced  critics  admit  its  antiquity. 
The  language  is  archaic.  There  are  hapax 
legomena.  The  corruption  of  the  text  is  per- 
haps due  to  oral  transmission.  Sayce  main- 
tains it  was  first  written  in  the  Phoenician 
alphabet.  The  monotheism  is  that  of  the 
Pentateuch.  Orr  writes  :  "  How  sublime  is 
the  picturing  of  the  majesty  and  omnipotence 
of  God  in  the  opening  theophany  ;  how  irre- 
concilable with  the  idea  of  a  local  deity,  the  re- 
sistless presence  of  Jehovah  in  Seir,  at  Sinai,  in 
Canaan  ;  how  manifest  the  supremacy  of  this 
God  in  nature  and  providence,  where  even  the 
stars  in  their  courses  fight  against  His  enemies  ; 
how  distinct  the  assertion  of  Jehovah's  right- 
eousness ;  how  lofty  and  spiritual  the  closing 
strain  suggestive  of  the  Second  Commandment 
and  Deut. — '  Let  them  that  love  him  be  as  the 
sun  that  goeth  forth  in  his  strength.'  "  As 
Davidson  says,  if  there  were  more  of  these 
songs  and  less  of  rude  soldiers  we  should  have  a 
higher  conception  of  religion  under  the  J  udges. 
Cooke,  Hist,  and  Song  of  Deb.  ;  Mozley,  Ruling 
Ideas  ;  G.  A.  Smith,  Hist.  Geog.  ;  Sayce,  Early 
Hist,  of  Heb.  ;  Orr,  Problem  of  O.T.  ;  Maurice, 
Prophets  and  Kings  ;  Liddon,  O.T.  Sermons  ; 
Davidson,  Expositor,  3rd  series,  vol.  v. ;  and 
see  also  Judges,  Book  of.  [h.m.s.] 

Debtor.     [Loan.] 

Decalog°ue.  [Ten  Commandments.] 
Decapolis.  Gk.  for  a  "  ten-city  "  district 
(Mt.4.25  ;  Mk. 5. 20, 7. 31),  a  region  in  Bashan 
where  ten  cities,  in  a  league,  appear  to  have 
received  privileges  from  Rome  after  63  b.c. 
The  group,  however,  included  Scythopolis 
(Beisdn)  in  the  valley  W.  of  Jordan,  and  this 
is  said  to  have  been  the  largest  of  these  towns 
(Joseph us,  3  Wars  ix.  7).  Perhaps  other  cities 
joined  the  league  later,  but  the  accounts  differ, 
and  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat.  v.  i8)  even  includes 
Damascus,  which  was  much  larger  than 
Scythopolis  (see  Reland,  Pal.  Illustr.  i.  p.  203, 
ii.  p.  525).  Ptolemy  (v.  17)  mentions  Capi- 
tolias  in  addition  to  places  named  by  Pliny  ; 
and  a  Gk.  text  at  Palmyra  speaks  of  "  Abila 
of  Decapolis."  If  we  leave  out  Damascus  and 
Philadelphia  [  RAnHAXii-AMMON],  which  is  very 
far  S.  of  the  rest  and  much  larger  than 
Scythopolis,  there  remain  q  cities  K.  of  Jordan, 
besides  the  last  named  :  ^i)  Capitolias,  half- 
way from  Gadara  to  Edkei,  at  an  unknown 
site  ;  (2)  Abila  {Tell  Abil),  near  the  preceding 
on  N.li.  ;  (3)  Hippos  (now  Stlsieh),  near  the 
sea  of  Galilee  on  E.  ;    (4)  Gadara  IMekeis)  ; 


DEDICATION,  I-EAST  OF  THE 

(5)  Pella  (Fdhil)  in  the  Jordan  Valley  E.  of  the 
river,  nearly  opposite  Scythopolis  ;  (6)  Gekasa 
(Jerdsh)  in  N.  Gilead  ;  (7)  Dion  (ed  Ddnn),  9 
miles  N.W.  of  Abila;  (8)  Kenath  (Qanawdt); 
and  (9)  Raphon  (/^rt/e/i),i7milesN.E.of  Edrei; 
the  loth  city  is  Scvthopolis.  Decapolis  thus 
covered  some  1,000  square  miles  of  S.  Bashan,  ' 
and  it  was  inhabited  by  a  mixed  Greek  and  ,\rab 
population,  as  shown  by  inscriptions,  some  of 
them  as  old  as  the  time  of  our  Lord.  It  was 
also  denselv  populated  (see  Mt.4.25)  ;  and  the 
herding  of  swine,  which  all  Semitic  peoples 
held  unclean,  is  thus  explained,  as  the  Greeks 
were  swine-herds  from  Homer's  time  onwards 

(Mt.8.28,30  ;  Mk.5.1.11).  [C.R.C] 

Decision,  Valley  of.  [Jehoshaphat. 
Valley   oe.] 

Dedan'. — 1.  A  son  of  Raamah,  son  of  Cush 
(Gen. 10. 7  ;  iChr.l.9). — 2.  A  son  of  Jokshan, 
sonof  Keturah  (Gen.25.3  ;  iChr.l.32).  In  each 
case  the  brother  of  Dedan  is  named  Sheba. 
Dedan  is  also  mentioned  in  Is. 21. 13  ;  Je.25.23, 
49.8;  Ezk.25. 13,27. 15,20,38. 13.  [Arabi\.]  The 
name  perhaps  survives  in  that  of  Dadan,  an 
isle  in  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  Dedanites  were 
travelling  traders,  but  some  of  the  passages 
cited  point  to  a  second  Dedan  (probably  that 
of  Jokshan)  near  Edom.  [c.r.c] 

Dedanim'   (Is. 21. 13).     [Dedan,  2.] 

Dedication,  Feast  of  the.  The  feast  of 
the  Hasmonaeaus.  known  as  Hanukka  among 
the  Jews,  was  instituted  to  commemorate  the 


IjA.Nl.  KKA   I.A.Mr.  W  .D.A. 

I  ne  in  the  possession  of  the  Chief  Rabbi.) 


dedication  of  the  altar  and  the  purging  of  the 
temple  aftf-r  the  victory  of  Judas  Maccabaeus 
over    the   Syrians,    164    b.c.     The   dedicated 


altar  replaced  the  pagan  altar  erected  3  years 
earlier  on  the  same  day  by  Antiochus  for  his 
idol  Zeus  Olympius.  The  festival  commenced 
on  Kisleu  25  (December),  and  lasted  eight  days. 
It  was  celebrated  like  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, with  the  carrying  of  palm  branches  and 
with  singing  of  Hallel,  but  it  did  not  require 
a  visit  to  Jerusalem,  as  the  three  great  Mosaic 
festivals  did.  Its  institution  is  recorded  iMac. 
4.52-59;  2Mac.l.i8.  J osephus  calls  it  </>uJra  = 
festival  of  "light"  (12  Ant.  vii.  7).  It  is 
named  but  once  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures, 
Jn.10.22,  mentioning  that  it  was  in  winter. 
The  Hanukka  festival  is  still  observed  by 
orthodox  Jews  with  the  lighting  of  lamps 
in  their  households  at  night,  beginmng  with  one 
light  on  the  ist  day  and  increasing  daily  to  eight 
on  the  8th  day.  The  idea  of  dedication  was 
not  new:  Moses  had  dedicated  the  altar  (Num. 
7.1 1 )  ;  David  is  credited  with  "  a  Psalm  of  the 
Dedication  of  the  House"  (Ps.30,  title),  which 
probably  refers  to  the  removal  of  the  ark 
to  the  city  of  David  (2Sam. 6-12-15)  ;  Solomon 
dedicated  the  temple  (iK.8.63).  Jewish  Encycl. 
iv.  23,  s.v.  Hanukkah.  [j.d.e.) 

Deep,  The  (Lu.8.31 ;   R0.IO.7).     [Pit.] 
Deep.     [Fallow  Deer  ;    Roe.] 
Degrees,  Song's    of.      [Psalms,  Titles 

OF.] 

Deha'vites  (Ezr.4.9  only)  were  among 
the  colonists  planted  in  Samaria  after  the 
completion  of  the  Captivity  of  Israel.  From 
their  name,  and  from  the  fact  that  they  are 
mentioned  with  the  Susanchites  (Susianians, 
or  people  of  Susa)  and  the  Elamites  (Ely- 
maeans,  natives  of  the  same  country),  it  is 
fairly  concluded  that  they  are  the  Dai  or  Dahi, 
mentioned  by  Herodotus  (i.  125)  among  the 
nomadic  tribes  of  Persia. 

Dekap'.  The  son  of  Dekar  (Ben  Dekar)  was 
the  ruler  of  Solomon's  2nd  district  (iK.4.9), 
including  towns  of  Dan.  [Palestine.]  [c.r.c] 

Delaiah'. — 1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of 
David,  leader  of  the  23rd  course  of  priests  (i 
Ohr.24.i8). — 2.  "  Children  of  Delaiah  "  were 
among  the  people  of  uncertain  pedigree  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.60  ;  Ne.7.62). — 3.  Son  of  Mehetabeel  and 
father  of  Shemaiah  (Ne.6.io). — 4.  Son  of 
Shemaiah,  one  of  the  "  princes  "  about  the 
court  of  Jehoiakim  (Je. 36. 12, 25).  The  name 
also  occurs  in  A.V.  as  Dalaiah  (iChr.3.24). 

Delilah'  (Judg.l6.4-18),  a  woman  of  the 
valley  of  Sorek,  loved  by  Samson.  St.  Chrysos- 
tom  calls  her  his  "wife"  ;  but  this  is  improbable. 
She  teased  him  until  he  told  the  secret  of  his 
strength,  and  then  betrayed  him.  Her  nerve 
and  forethought  were  remarkable.  She  thrice 
failed  without  Samson's  guessing  her  intent. 
She  extorted  an  enormous  sum  from  the  Philis- 
tine lords  (5,500  shekels  of  silver).  Her 
treachery  was  revolting,  for  it  was  she  "  who 
began  to  afflict  him  "  when  his  seven  locks  were 
shorn.  Some  commentators  suppose  that  she 
was  an  Israelite  ;  but  Sorek  was  in  Philistine 
territory,  and  an  Israelite  would  at  once  have 
connected  Samson's  powers  with  his  Nazirite 
vow.     [Samson.]  [h.m.s.] 

Delug'e.     [Noah.] 

De'lus  (iMac.15.23)  is  the  smallest  of  the 
islands  called  Cyclades  in  the  Aegean  Sea. 
It  was  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  the  worship  of 


DEMETRITTS  ll. 


207 


Apollo,  and  was  celebrated  as  the  birthplace 
of  this  god  and  of  his  sister  Artemis  (Diana). 

Demas,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  during 
his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome  (Ph. 24  ;  Col. 
4.14).  In  the  second  imprisonment  Demas 
forsook  him,  but  it  is  not  fair  to  conclude 
with  Bunyan  that  apostasy  from  the  faith  is 
implied.  [e.r.b.] 

Demetrius  I.  {Soter,  =  Saviour),  king  of 
Syria  (162-150  B.C.),  son  of  Seleucus  IV.  [Philo- 
pator),  became  king  after  defeating  Antio- 
chus V.  (Eupator)  and  putting  him  to  death. 
He  then  obtained  from  the  Romans  recogni- 
tion of  his  position,  though  they  had  refused 
him  assistance.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
Hellenizing  party  in  Judaea,  Demetrius  made 
their  leader  Alcimus  high-priest,  and  sent  four 
expeditions  against  the  Hasmonaean  party, 
who  were  true  to  their  country  and  to  their 
God.  Bacchides,  at  the  head  of  a  Syrian 
army  (161),  succeeded  in  establishing  Alcimus 
in  Jerusalem,  but,  shortly  after  the  Syrian 
withdrawal,  was  obliged  to  flee  to  Antioch. 
Demetrius  sent  Nicanor  against  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus,  but  the  latter  defeated  him  at  Caphar- 
salama  in  162.  On  Adar  13,  161  e.g.,  the 
Syrians    were  utterly  routed  at  Adasa,  near 


TETRADRACHM  (ATTIC  TALENT)  OF   DEMETRIUS   I. 

Beth-horon,  and  their  leader  slain.  Dreading 
another  attack,  Judas  sent  an  embassy  to 
Rome,  and  the  Senate  "made  an  alliance  with 
him,  promising  to  forbid  Demetrius  to  prose- 
cute the  war  further.  Meanwhile,  however, 
Bacchides  again  invaded  Palestine.  Judas, 
with  only  800  men,  met  him  in  battle  at  Eleasa, 
but  was  defeated  and  slain.  His  youngest 
brother,  Jonathan,  was  then  chosen  as  leader  of 
the  patriots,  and  still  held  out  across  the  Jor- 
dan. Soon  after  Alcimus  died,  and  Bacchides 
withdrew.  In  158  he  returned,  but  failed  to 
put  down  the  Hasmonaean  party,  and  was 
compelled  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Jonathan. 
"  Thus  the  sword  ceased  from  Israel."  Deme- 
trius had  aroused  much  popular  odium  by  his 
tyranny,  and  in  the  insurrection  of  Alexander 
Balas,  who  was  aided  by  Jonathan,  he  was 
defeated  and  slain  in  150  b.c,  after  accom- 
plishing prodigies  of  valour.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Demetpius  II.,  surnamed  Nicator  and  Ni- 
canor (the  Victorious),  king  of  Syria  (146-145 
B.C.  and  again  128),  was  the  elder  of  Demetrius 
Soter's  two  sons.  At  the  time  when  Alexander 
Balas  rose  in  rebellion,  his  father  had  sent  him 
to  Cnidus,  along  with  his  younger  son  Antio- 
chus, to  await  the  issue  of  the  war,  and  to 
avenge  his  father  should  the  rebellion  for  a 
time  succeed.  On  attaining  manhood,  Deme- 
trius gathered  a  force  of  Cretans,  and  landed  in 
Syria  to  claim  the  kingdom.  Alexander,  sunk 
in  debauchery,  and  not  expecting  an  attack. 


208 


DEMElPftltJg 


was  deserted  by  the   people  of  Antioch  and 
by  many  of  his  own  soldiers,  and  was  slain. 
[Alexander    Balas.]     Ptolemy    Philometor 
helped  to  seat  Demetrius  on  the  throne,  giving 
him  his  daughter  Cleopatra  in  marriage.    Soon 
after  his  arrival  in  Syria,  Demetrius  renewed 
the  war  against  Jonathan,   whom  Balas   had 
made    high-priest,    and    had  invested   with   a 
purple  robe.     ApoUonius,   governor  of  Coelo- 
syria,  advanced  to  Azotus  with  a  large  army 
(147  B.C.),  but  was  there  routed  by  Jonathan, 
losing  nearly  8,000  men.     An  interview  then 
took  place  at   Ptoleraais  between   Demetrius 
and  Jonathan,   in  which  Jonathan  was  con- 
firmed in  his  position.     In  145,  Trvphon,  who 
had  been  an  officer  of  Alexander  Balas,  brought 
Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  the  latter,  from 
Arabia,   where  he  had  taken  refuge,   and  re- 
belled   against    Demetrius.      The    people    of 
Antioch  rose  in  revolt,  and    Jonathan,  disap- 
pointed in   the   hope   that   Demetrius   would 
keep  his  promise  to  withdraw  the  Syrian  garri- 
rison   from   the   citadel  of   Jerusalem,    joined 
Antiochus.     With   the  assistance  of  his  own 
brother  Simon,  he  took  possession  of  all  Pales- 
tine as  far  as  Damascus,  and  held  it  for  Antio- 
chus.    The  latter  confirmed  Jonathan  in  his 
high  office,  and  made  Simon  governor  of  the 
whole  district  between  Tyre  and  the  borders  of 
Egypt  (144  B.C.)-     In  the  same  year  Jonathan 
defeated   Demetrius'    troops  near    Kadesh   in 
Galilee,  but  in  143  Tryphon  seized  the  high- 
priest  by  treachery,   and  murdered  him.     Si- 
mon was  chosen,  in  his  brother's  stead,  head  of 
the  Jewish    state  and    high-priest.     Tryphon 
then    murdered    Antiochus,   and  claimed    the 
throne  for  himself.     Simon  joined  Demetrius, 
who  for  a  time  got  the  better  in  the  contest 
with  Tryphon.     In  138  Demetrius  made  war 
with  Mithridates  (.4rsaces  VI).  of  Parthia,  and, 
aided   by   Elanaites,   Persians,    and  Bactrians, 
was  for  a  time  successful.     At  last,  however, 
Mithridates  captured  him  by  treachery  (141 
B.C.),  and  sent  him  as  an  honourably  treated 
prisoner  to  Hyrcania.     Meanwhile  Demetrius' 
brother,  Antiochus  Sidetcs,  overthrew  Tryphon, 
and  became  king  of  Syria  (137  b.c).     He  en- 
gaged in  a  war  with  the  Parthians,  and  this  led 
Phraates  II.,  who  was  then  king,  into  alliance 
with   Demetrius,   who  had  married  his  sister 
Khodoguna.     Demetrius  was  sent  into  Syria, 
with  a  Parthian  army,  to  force  Antiochus  to  re- 
treat, and  he  thus  regained  the  throne  (128  B.C.). 
But  a  rival  claimant,  Zabinas  (who  took   the 
nameof  Ale.xander),  aided  by  Ptolemy  Physcon 
of  Egypt,   soon  after  defeated  him  in  battle 
near  Damascus,  and  compelled  him  to  flee  to 
Tyre,    where    he    was   murdered    <jn    landing. 
Eusebius,  Chron.   Arm.  ;     Winer,    Bibl.    Real- 
worterhuch.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Demetpius. — 1.  An  Ephcsian  silversmith 
who  made  miniature  "  shrines  of  Artemis  " 
[Diana],  which  probably  represented  the 
goddess  sitting  in  a  niche  (Ramsay,  Church 
tn  the  Roman  Empire,  vii.).  Such  statuettes 
were  made  in  metal,  marble,  and  tcrra-cotta 
for  worshippers  to  offer  in  her  tensile.  The 
spread  of  Christianity  would  endanger  the 
trade,  hence  the  opposition  raised  bv  Deme- 
trius (Ac.19.23-27). — 2.  (3jn.l2.)  Probably 
one  of  the  evangelists  to  whom  Diotrephes 
had  refused  hospitality.  [e.r  b.] 


Demoniacal  possessiok* 

Demon  (LXX.  and  N.T.  daifxdviov,  rarely 
Sai/xwv).     Rabbinical    theology    distinguishes 
two  classes  of  demons,  (i)  Fallen  angels,  under 
the  sovereignty  of  Satan  ;    these  are  incor- 
poreal   and  immortal.     (2)    Inferior    demons, 
under  the  authority  of  Ashmedai  [.\smodeus]; 
these  are  semi-corporeal,  they  eat  and  drink, 
multiply  by  sexual  propagation  (cf.  Tob.6.14), 
and,  though  long-lived,  finally  die.     It  is  pos- 
sible   that    some   such    distinction    as    this   is 
scriptural.     The    hairy,    goat-like   demons   of 
Lev. 17. 7  ;     Is. 13. 21     (s'"lrim  —  satyrs)  ;     the 
female    vampire     of     Pr.3O.15    ('dluqd,    A.V. 
horse-leech),  which,  in  the  words  of  the  Targum 
of  Ps.12.8,  "  drinks  the  blood  of  men  "  ;    the 
nocturnal  ghoul  of  Is. 34. 14,  which,  according 
to    Jewish    belief,    was    particularly    danger- 
ous   to    children    (liltth;    R.V.    night-monster), 
seem    to   belong    to   the    latter    class.      But 
the  shedhim  of  Deut.32.i7  ;    Ps.lO6.37   (R.V. 
demons),  to  whom  even  human  sacrifices  were 
offered,  seem  demons  of  a  higher  order,  as  also 
does    the  desert-haunting    Azazel    of    Lev. 16. 
[Atonement,  Day  of.]     All  the  N.T.  demons, 
even  those  of    Mt.i2.43,   Rev. 16. 13,  seem    to 
belong  to  the  higher  class.     They  are  called 
"  angels,"  2Cor.l2.7  (E.V.  messenger)  ;   2Pe.2 
4  ;    Ju.6  ;    Rev. 12. 7, 9  ;    perhaps  also  iCor.6.3. 
Other  names  are  "  unclean  spirit,"  "  spirit  of 
an  unclean  demon,"   "  evil  spirit,"   "  spirit," 
"  spirit    of   sickness    (infirmity)  "    (Lu.l3.ii), 
"  dumb  and  deaf  spirit  "  (Mk.9.25),  "  spirit  of 
divination  "    {wvevpLa    TrvOwva.   Ac. 16. 16).     St. 
Paul  calls  them  "  the  principalities,  the  powers, 
the  world-rulers  of  this  darkness,  the  spiritual 
hosts  of  wickedness  in  the  heavenly  places  " 
(Eph.6. 12)  ;    possibly  also  "  the  rulers  [A.V. 
princes]   of    this    world  "    (iCor.2.6,8).     They 
dwell  in  those  higher  spheres  of  existence  called 
"  heavens."  some,  perhaps,  even  in  the  highest 
heaven  {it>  rots  ewovpavion.  Eph.6. 12  ;  cf.  Mt. 
18. 35)  ;   but,  like  Satan,  they  "  go  to  and  fro  in 
the  earth,"  deceiving,  injuring,  possessing  men. 
They  are  specially  powerful  among  the  heathen, 
with  whose  divinities  the\-  are  sometimes  iden- 
tified (Deut. 32.17  ;    Ps.106. 37  ;    Ba.*.7  ;    iCor. 
10.20).     Our  Lord's  allusion  to  them  as  haunt- 
ing  waterless   places    (.Mt.i2.43),    is   perhaps 
metaphorical.     A  special   class  of  demons  is 
mentioned  (2Pe.2.4  ;    Ju.6),   who  are  already 
chained  in   hell.    "  reserved  unto  judgment." 
Both  writers  call  them  "  angels,"  and  seem  to 
follow  the  book  of  Enoch  in  identifying  them 
with  "  the  sons  of  God  "  of  Gen. 6. 2.     [Satan  ; 
Demoniacai,  Possession.]  [c.ii.] 

Demoniacal  possession  is  at  once  one 
of  the  most  diflirnlt  and  most  interesting  of 
the  minor  problems  furnished  by  Holy  Scrip- 
ture. To  deal  effectively  with  the  questions 
raised,  we  must  first  note  the  various  cases  in 
which  a  definite  i)ossession  of  a  human  body 
by  a  si>irit,  good  or  evil,  is  apparently  alleged 
in  the  text.  Th<^  first  case  historically  is  that 
of  Saul  (iSam.l6.i.i),  who,  when  he  turned 
from  tiie  right  jiathway,  was  troubled  by  "  an 
evil  spirit  from  the  Lord."  In  tiiis  case  the 
disease  was  intermittent  ;  the  playing  of  David 
caused  the  siiirit  to  depart  for  a  time.  We 
may  also  note  that  the  evil  spirit  is  said  to 
have  been  "  from  the  Lord,"  but  this  may 
possibly  be  taken  to  imply  that  God  had 
abaudoued  him  to  evil,  rather  than  that  there 


DEMONIACAL  POSSESSION 


DEPOSIT 


209 


was  any  direct  sending  of  evil  upon  him  (c/. 
Ac.7.42  ;  Ro.1.28).  When  we  come  to  N.T. 
we  find  a  very  different  conception.  No  less 
than  seven  cases  of  direct  possession  by  an 
evil  spirit  are  alleged  in  the  four  gospels. 
These  roughly  divide  into  two  classes,  (i) 
We  may  take  Mt.15.22  as  representative  of 
those  (probably  the  greater  number)  in  which 
there  is  a  direct  statement  that  a  person  is 
possessed  of  a  devil,  but  no  indication  of  the 
symptoms.  These  we  may  dismiss  immedi- 
ately, as  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
evangelist  is  simply  using  the  phraseology  of 
his  time,  and  attributing  a  violent  evil,  the 
causes  of  which  were  unknown  in  his  day,  to 
demoniacal  possession.  The  controversy  with 
regard  to  the  story  of  the  Gadarene  swine  has 
received  more  notice  than  it  deserves.  Arch- 
bishop Trench  says  it  "  forms  one  of  the  chief 
stumbling-blocks  in  evangelical  history," 
Dean  Farrar  that  "  we  can  gain  nothing  by 
speculating  upon  it  "  ;  and  the  combat  be- 
tween Mr.  Gladstone  and  Prof.  Huxley  is  in 
the  memory  of  most.  It  is  important  to 
note  that  no  narrator  of  the  story  was  an  eye- 
witness of  the  occurrence,  but  each  was  de- 
pendent upon  outside  information.  Under 
these  circumstances,  is  the  theory  that  the 
demoniac,  "  in  the  parting  paroxysm  of  his 
madness,  hunted  the  swine  over  the  precipice 
into  the  lake,  imparting  to  them  the  fear 
which  possessed  him,"  quite  so  utterly  ridicu- 
lous and  untenable  as  is  often  supposed  ?  (2) 
Those  in  which  our  I^ord  Himself  deliberately 
speaks  of  an  evil  spirit  possessing  the  patient 
present  a  much  more  serious  difficulty.  We 
may  take  Mk.9.17  as  a  specimen  case.  Here 
the  symptoms  are  entirely  those  of  ordinary 
epilepsy  [Madness],  were  it  not  for  the  re- 
markable phrase  in  ver.  25,  "  He  rebuked  the 
evil  spirit,  saying  rmto  him.  Thou  dumb  and 
deaf  spirit."  Hence  the  question  arises,  was 
our  blessed  Lord  capable  of  speaking  as 
though  the  youth  were  possessed  by  a  devil, 
when  as  a  matter  cf  fact  he  was  suffering  from 
an  ordinary  disease  ?  To  say  how  far  this 
question  can  be  answered  by  the  doctrine  of 
the  "  kenosis  "  is  not  within  the  province  of 
this  article ;  but  the  considerations  that 
follow  may  partly  remove  the  necessity.  It 
is  evident  that  it  was  customary  to  attribute 
anything  incomprehensible  to  a  possession  of 
the  devil  from  the  fact  that  the  Jews,  whenever 
our  Lord  Himself  did  anything  which  they 
regarded  as  inexplicable,  were  exceedingly 
ready  to  accuse  him  of  such  possession  (see 
Mt.ll.i8  ;  Lu.7.33,  etc.).  It  is  curious  that 
beyond  the  gospels  there  is  hardly  a  mention 
in  N.T.  of  demoniacal  possession.  The  only 
definite  cases  are  in  Ac.l6.i6,19.i2,19.i3.  In 
the  last  we  have  a  definite  case  of  an  evil 
spirit  who  is  at  once  capable  of  knowledge 
and  of  special  opposition  to  our  Lord.  Vari- 
ous explanations  of  the  whole  matter  have 
been  offered  by  different  theologians.  Of 
these  the  least  feasible  appears  to  be  the 
commonplace  theory  that  while  evil  spirits 
had  extraordinary  powers  during  gospel 
times,  these  have  since  entirely  ceased.  Under 
what  possible  circumstances  the  laws  of  the 
spiritual  world  should  be  entirely  re-modelled 
for  a  brief  space  it  is  hard  to  understand. 


The  two  arguments  generally  adduced  in 
favour  of  this  popular  belief  are,  first,  that 
the  N.T.  age  was  an  age  of  miracle,  and 
secondly,  that  it  was  an  age  of  special  dia- 
bolical activity.  That  a  specially  spiritual 
age  is  always  a  specially  evil  age  is  obvious 
from  history  and  from  reason  alike,  for  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  powers  of  evil 
will  be  specially  active  when  they  are  being 
most  opposed.  But  to  maintain,  as  some  have 
done,  that  an  age  of  miracle  may  be  expected 
to  be  conciKxent  with  an  age  of  xmaccustomed 
diabolic  possession  is  as  urureasonable  as  can 
be,  for  it  presupposes  that  when  this  spirit  of 
good  is  most  active,  then  the  powers  of  evil 
are  given  special  facilities.  It  is  surely  much 
more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  common 
belief  that  the  N.T.  time  was  one  of  special 
manifestation  of  spiritual  power  (both  good 
and  evil)  is  incorrect,  as  affects  kind  though 
not  degree.  Naturally  during  the  Incarnation 
of  our  blessed  Lord,  and  the  period  that 
immediately  followed  that  Incarnation,  the 
power  of  God  was  more  manifest  in  the 
world.  But  our  Lord  Himself  deliberately 
disclaims  that  He  was  doing  anything  more 
in  the  way  of  miracle  than  should  be  done 
by  His  followers  (see  J n.  14. 12).  And  tradi- 
tion and  history  alike  show  that  the  age  both 
of  miracle  and  of  diabolic  activity  by  no 
means  passed  away  with  the  Ascension  or 
with  the  death  of  the  apostles.  Early  pre- 
mediaeval  and  mediaeval  records,  however 
much  we  may  discount  them  as  supposititious, 
cannot  be  altogether  explained  without  some 
theory  of  extra-natural  interposition,  and, 
indeed,  even  now  there  are  so  many  things 
undreamt  of  in  our  philosophy  which  yet 
occasionally  happen  that  he  would  be  bold 
who  would  dogmatize  on  the  subject.  To 
sum  up  :  It  IS  impossible  to  deny  that 
there  are  cases  of  definite  possession  of  a 
human  body  by  a  devil  recorded  in  N.T.  It 
is  imreasonable  to  suppose  that  such  posses- 
sion is  restricted  to  N.T.  times.  It  is  im- 
possible to  state  when  such  possession  ceased, 
or  indeed  that  it  has  ceased  at  all.  And 
finally,  Science,  while  she  offers  no  explanation 
of  these  occurrences,  on  the  other  hand, 
offers  no  definite  contradiction  of  them,  and 
we  must  wait  for  further  elucidation  till  she 
has  attained  further  knowledge.  [f-J-] 

De'inophon,a  Syrian  governor  in  Palestine 
under  Antiochus  V.  Eupator  (2Mac.l2.2). 

Dena'plus  (A.V.  penny,  pennyworth  ; 
Mt.18.28,20.2,9,13,22.19  ;  Mk.6.37,12.15,14.5  ; 
Lu.7.41,10.35,20.24  ;  Jn. 6.7,12. 5  ;  Rev. 6.6), 
a  Roman  silver  coin,  in  the  time  of  our 
Saviour  and  the  apostles.  It  took  its  name 
from  its  being  first  equal  to  ten  "  asses," 
a  number  afterwards  increased  to  sixteen. 
The  earliest  specimens  are  of  about  the  com- 
mencement of  the  2nd  cent.  e.g.  From  this 
time  it  was  the  principal  silver  coin  of  the 
commonwealth.  In  Palestine,  in  the  N.T. 
period,  numismatic  evidence  shows  that  de- 
narii formed  the  civil  silver  ciurrency.  From 
the  parable  of  the  labourers  in  the  vineyard  it 
would  seem  that  a  denarius  was  then  the 
ordinary  Wages  for  a  day's  labour  (Mt.2O.2ff.). 

Deposit.  The  contract  whereby  one 
leaves  with   another     movable   property   for 

14 


210 


DEPUTY 


safe  custody,  (i)  Of  inanimate  objects  :  in 
case  of  theft  the  thief  was  to  make  double 
restitution  to  the  owner.  (2)  Of  animals  : 
in  case  of  death,  injury,  or  cattle-Ufting  with- 
out witness  the  depositary  could  clear  himself 
by  oath  and  make  no  restitution  [Oaths]  ;  for 
theft  he  had  to  restore  ;  if  the  animal  were 
torn  in  pieces  he  went  free  on  production  of 
the  carcase.  (3)  Of  inanimate  objects  and 
animals  :  in  case  of  dispute  as  to  an  injury,  the 
judges  tried  the  issue  between  the  owner  and 
the  depositary,  and  the  unsuccessful  party  paid 
twice  the  value  of  the  object  to  the  other 
(Kx.22.6-i2[7-i3]).  (4)  A  repentant  depositary 
who  had  acted  wrongly  might  voluntarily 
purge  himself  by  restoring  the  deposit  plus 
one-fifth  and  bringing  a  guilt  offering  (Lev. 6. 
i-7[5. 20-26)).  [Crimes.]  Parallels  in  Post, 
Grundriss,  ii.  658  ff.  [h.m.w.] 

The  term  occurs  three  times  in  N.T.,  R.V. 
marg.  "deposit":  in  iTim.6.20,  2Tim.l.i4,  of 
the  Gospel  ;  in  2Tim.I.i2  of  the  whole  being  or 
the  soul.  It  is  used  in  the  latter  sense  by 
Philo  and  Josephus.  [h.h.] 

Deputy.     [Proconsul.] 

Dep'be  (Ac.t4-. 20,21, 16. 1,20.4).  The  exact 
position  of  this  town  has  not  yet  been  ascer- 
tained, but  it  was  in  the  E.  of  the  great  upland 
plain  of  LvcAONiA,  which  stretches  from 
IcoNiuM  eastwards  along  the  N.  of  the  chain 
of  Taurus,  and  near  the  place  where  the 
"  Cilician  Gates "  formed  a  pass  from  the 
plain  of  Cilicia  to  the  table-land  of  the  in- 
terior ;  and  probably  it  was  a  stage  upon  the 
great  road  which  passed  this  way.  Three 
sites  have  been  suggested,  (i)  Col.  Leake 
supposed  it  to  be  Bin-bir-Kilisseh,  at  the  foot 
of  the  Qara  Ddgh,  a  remarkable  volcanic  moun- 
tain in  the  Lycaonian  plain  ;  but  this  is  almost 
certainly  the  site  of  Lystra.  (2)  In  Kiepert's 
Map,  Derbe  is  marked  farther  to  the  E.,  at  a 
spot  where  there  are  ruins,  and  in  the  line  of  a 
Roman  road.  (3)  Hamilton  and  Texier  are 
disposed  to  place  it  at  DivU,  a  little  to  the 
S.W.  of  (2)  and  nearer  the  roots  of  Taurus. 

Desert,  a  word  sparingly  employed  in  A.V. 
to  translate  four  Heb.  terms.  (i)  'drdbhd 
[.-\rabahI  (I':zk.47.8),  and  without  the  Heb. 
article.  Is. 35. 1,6, 40. 3, 41. 19, 51. 3  ;  Je.2.6,5.6 
marg., 17. 6, 50. 12.  (2)  midhbdr.  The  usual 
translation  is  "  wilderness,"  but  "  desert  "  in 
l':x.3.i,5.3.19.2;  Num. 33. 15, 16;  Deut.32.io; 
Job  24. 5;  Is. 21. 1 ;  Je. 25. 24.  The  midhbdr  oiien 
designates  a  plateau  with  grass  in  springtime, 
bare  in  summer.  (3)  horbii  (dry)  is  rendered 
"  desert  "  in  Ps.102.6  •  Is. 48. 21  ;  Ezk.13.4, 
but  usually  in  A.V.  "waste  places"  or  "de- 
solation." (4)  y.s^tnMon  [Jksuimon],  with  the 
definite  article.  Without  the  article  it  occurs 
in  a  few  passages  of  poetrv  ;  rendered  "  desert  " 
(Ps. 78. 40, 106. 14  :   Is. 43. 10,20).  [c.r.c] 

Dessau     (2Mac.i4.1r)),     a    village     (not 

"  town"),  when'  a  battle  appears  to  have  been 

lost  bv  Simon,  brother  of  Judas  Maccabaeus. 

Kwald    conjectures    that    it    may    have    been 

.  Adasa.  [c.R.c] 

Deuel',  father  of  Eliasaph,  the  "  captain  " 
of  the  tribe  of  (iad  at  the  numbering  of  the 
jx'oplc  at  Sinai  (Num. 1.14,7. 42, 47, 10. 20).  In 
2.14  the  name  ajipcars  as  Keuel,  an  inter- 
change of  two  very  similar  Heb.  letters. 
The  LX.X.  has  Raguel  in  all  cases. 


DEtTTERONdMY 

Deuteponomy,  the  closing  book  of  the 
law,  or  Pentateuch.  It  bears  in  Heb.  the  name 
d'bhdrlm  ("words"),  from  the  opening  sentence. 
The  Gk.  translators  named  it  Deuteronomion 
("  second  law  "),  a  designation  not  entirely 
appropriate,  as  the  laws  which  the  books  con- 
tain are,  for  the  most  part,  not  new,  but  a  re- 
petition or  recapitulation  (with  enforcement) 
of  "  statutes  and  judgments  "  already  given. 
The  book,  in  its  main  part,  consists  of  three 
hortatory  discourses,  purporting  to  have  been 
delivered  by  Moses  in  the  Arabah  of  Moab 
("  that  is,"  the  R.V.  explains,  "  the  deep  valley 
recurring  north  and  south  oi  the  Dead  Sea  "), 
in  the  eleventh  month  of  the  fortieth  year  of 
the  wanderings  of  Israel  (I.3),  shortly  before 
his  own  death.  The  discourses,  couched  in  a 
strain  of  eloquent  and  affectionate  admonition 
and  appeal,  recall  the  great  deeds  of  God  in  the 
history  of  the  nation,  and  the  longest  of  them 
embraces  a  rehearsal  (12-26)  of  the  princi- 
pal laws  given  by  God  to  Moses  at  Horeb,  as 
these  were  to  be  observed  by  the  people  in 
their  settlement  in  Canaan.  The  three  ad- 
dresses are  fitted  with  a  brief  introduction  and 
some  connecting  notes,  and  appended  to  them 
are  Moses'  Song  and  Blessing,  and  a  narrative 
of  his  death  on  mount  Nebo. — Contents.  The 
general  introduction  states  the  time  and  place 
of  the  delivery  of  the  discourses  (1. 1-5).  Then 
(i)  1.6-4.40  contain  the  first  discourse  of 
Moses.  The  earlier  part  (1.6-3)  reviews 
the  historical  circumstances  up  to  the  time 
when  the  address  was  given,  and  4.1-40  is  an 
earnest,  practical  appeal.  Subjoined  to  this 
address  is  a  short  account  of  the  appointment 
of  three  cities  of  refuge  E.  of  the  Jordan  (4. 
41-43).  (2)  After  an  introduction  (4.44-49), 
5-26  record  the  second  and  longest  discourse 
of  Moses.  This  consists  of  {a)  a  recital 
of  the  Decalogue,  and  exhortations  based 
thereupon,  relating  to  the  fundamental  theo- 
cratic principles  by  which  the  nation  was  to 
be  guided  (5-11);  and  {b)  a  summary  of 
the  principal  laws.  The  laws  dealt  with  are 
mainlv,  though  bv  no  means  exclusivelv,  those 
in  the'Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex. 20-23)'.  They 
are  reproduced,  not  literally,  but  in  the  form 
of  popular  address,  with  occasional  expansion, 
abbreviation,  or  modification,  as  the  occasion 
required  (Dent.  12- 26).  .\  brief  historical  notice 
is  interjiolated  in  10.(>,  7.  (3)  27-29.1  may  be 
a  conclusion  to  the  preceding  discourse,  or  may, 
lierhaps  better,  be  regarded  as  introductory 
to,  and  prefacing,  the  third  discourse,  which 
properly  begins  in  29.2.  Ch.  27  gives  direc- 
tions for  the  inscribing  of  the  law  on  great 
stones  on  mount  Ebal,  and  for  blessings 
and  cursings  on  mounts  (lerizim  and  Ebal 
respectiveh-  ;  and  28  solemnly  expands  the 
meaning  of  the  blessing,  and,  with  terrible  em- 
phasis, of  the  curse.  A  concluding  discourse 
follows  (29.2-30),  embracing  a  jiromise  of 
restoration  on  reiHMitance  (30.i-io).  The 
people  ar(>  exhorted  to  choose  between  life 
and  death  (30.n-2o).  (4)  Ch.  31  narrates 
certain  transactions  of  Moses  consequent  on 
these  addresses  —his  farewell  to  the  iieojile  and 
commission  of  Joshu.i,  and  sjiecialh-  his  writing 
out  of  the  law  and  delivery  of  it  to  the  priests 
(vv.  1-15,24-27);  then  his  writingof  his  Song  by 
divine  direction  (IT.  16-23,28-30).     Ch.  82gives 


the  Song,  and  ch.  33  the  Blessing  of  Moses. 
Ch.  34  recounts  the  circumstances  of  Moses' 
death,  and  ends  with  a  eulogium  upon  him. — 
Deuteronomy  has  a  unity  of  purpose  and  uni- 
formity of  character  and  style  which  place  it 
by  itself  among  the  books  of  the  Pentateuch, 
with  which,  nevertheless,  both  in  history  and 
laws,  it  is  closely  connected.  The  style  has 
the  elevated,  rhetorical,  expansive  character 
appropriate  to  hortatory  address,  and  is  marked 
by  many  peculiar  expressions  {e.g.  "  observe  to 
do,"  "  that  it  may  be  well  with  thee,"  "  as  it  is 
this  day,"  "  a  peculiar  people,"  "  love  "  of  God, 
etc.  The  long  lists  usually  given,  however, 
require  careful  sifting).  Critics  distinguish  it, 
in  contrast  with  the  styles  of  the  so-called  P 
and  JE,  by  the  symbol  D.  It  has  nearest 
affinity  to  the  Jehovistic  (J  )  style  (cf.  Gen. 26. 5; 
Ex. 13. 3-16,15.26,19. 3-6,  parts  of  20,23.20-23, 
34.10-26)  ;  but  even  the  priestly  (P)  style 
sometimes  takes  on  a  Deuteronomic  character 
(cf.  Lev.26  ;  Num.32).  Only  in  one  or  two 
places  are  the  P  and  JE  writers  thought  to  be 
discerned  in  Deuteronomy.  Ch.  32.48-52,34. 
1,8,9,  are  ascribed  to  P  ;  and  27.5-7 
(groundlessly),  31.14-22,34. 10  are  presumed  to 
be  extracts  from  J  E.  (On  this  nomenclature, 
see  Pentateuch.)  So  well  marked  is  the  style 
of  Deuteronomy,  that  till  recent  times  the  unity 
of  the  book  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  settled 
results  of  criticism.  Dr.  Driver  points  out  how 
"  particular  words  and  phrases,  consisting  some- 
times of  entire  clauses,  recur  with  extraordinary 
frequency,  giving  a.  distinctive  colouring  to  every 
part  of  the  work"  (Deut.  p.  Ixxvii).  Criticism  has 
thought  fit  to  challenge  this  unity,  but  without 
much  agreement  in  results.  Some  think  the 
original  law-book  (attributed  to  the  age  of 
Josiah)  consisted  only  of  12-26  (Wellhausen, 
etc.).  Some  enlarge  its  contents  to  5-26  (e.g. 
Kuenen,  who  also  gives  ch.  28  to  D) ;  while 
others  reduce  the  kernel  to  12-19,  and  explain 
the  present  extent  of  the  book  as  the  result  of 
the  labours  of  a  "  school  "  extending  down 
beyond  the  Babylonian  captivity  (Oxford 
Hexateuch).  Latterly  a  new  theory  has  been 
propounded,  which,  discarding  the  division  into 
"hortatory"  and  "legislative"  parts,  proposes 
to  divide  into  sections  marked  by  the  use  of 
the  singular  pronouns  (Sg. )  and  sections  marked 
by  the  use  of  the  plural  pronouns  (PL).  (Thus 
Steuernagel,  etc.)  To  this  arbitrary  theorizing 
and  disintegration  the  unmistakable  unity  of 
style  and  phraseology  of  the  book  furnish  an 
ali-sufficient  reply.  Taken  as  a  whole,  no  book 
bears  upon  itself  more  clearly  the  marks  of 
unity  of  authorship  than  Deuteronomy.  With 
the  unity  of  the  book  the  question  of  its  age  and 
authorship  stands  in  close  connexion.  That 
the  book  itself  claims  Mosaic  authorship  can 
hardly  be  disputed.  The  discourses  are  de- 
clared, apparently  in  good  faith,  to  have  been 
delivered  by  Moses,  in  the  plains  of  Moab,  to 
assembled  Israel  a  short  time  before  his  death. 
It  is  further  expressly  attested  that  "  he  [Moses] 
wrote  this  law,  and  delivered  it  unto  the  priests 
the  sons  of  Levi.  .  .  .  When  Moses  had  made  an 
end  of  writing  the  words  of  this  law  in  a  book 
until  they  were  finished,  Moses  commanded  the 
Levites,  saying.  Take  this  book  of  the  law,  and 
put  it  by  the  side  of  the  ark"  (31.9,24-26. 
Cf.  17.18  ;  Jos.l. 7,8,24.26  ;  2K.14.5,6).     Moses 


©ETTTERONOMY 


211 


is  said  also  to  have  written  his  Song  (31.19,22), 
and  presumably  it  is  intended  that  the  Blessing 
(33)  was  written  by  him  also.  It  is  granted  at 
once  that  the  expression  "  this  law  "  cannot  be 
pressed  beyond  Deuteronomy ;  but  there  is  no 
reason  for  supposing  that  it  does  not  include 
the  hortatory  as  well  as  the  legislative  parts  of 
Deuteronomy  (cf.  I.5,  where  the  expression 
plainly  applies  to  all  that  follows).  There  is 
still  the  question,  which  is  in  itself  a  fair  one, 
whether  our  present  book  of  Deuteronomy  cor- 
responds precisely  to  the  "  law  "  which  Moses 
wrote,  or  may  not  be  regarded  as  an  inspired 
reproduction,  in  somewhat  elaborated  form,  of 
briefer  notes  of  the  lawgiver  (thus  Delitzsch, 
etc.).  The  possibility  cannot  be  denied;  but 
there  seems  no  reason  why  Moses  should  not 
have  given  the  requisite  literary  form  to  his 
own  addresses.  The  intensely  earnest  per- 
sonal note  in  the  discourses  speaks  to  their  first- 
hand origin.  When,  passing  the  intermediate 
period,  we  come  to  the  discovery  of  "  the  book 
of  the  law  "  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2K.22),  we 
find  reason  to  conclude  that  the  book  then 
found  in  the  temple  was,  or  at  least  included, 
the  book  of  Deuteronomy  ;  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  at  all  that  the  book  then  recovered 
was  already  old,  and  was  taken  by  every  one 
concerned  (Hilkiah,  Shaphan,  the  king,  Hul- 
dah  the  prophetess,  the  people)  to  be  a  genuine 
book  of  the  law  of  Moses  (2K. 22. 8, 23. 2, 24,25). 
The  provisions  of  the  book  conflicted  with  a 
multitude  of  interests.  It  was  unsparing  in  its 
condemnation  of  idolatries  and  other  practices 
of  the  time  (2K. 22.13, 16,17)  ;  yet  no  one  then, 
or  after,  raised  a  voice  in  protest  against  its 
claim  to  be  a  true  Mosaic  work.  The  alterna- 
tive supposition,  adopted  by  leading  critics, 
that  the  work  was  a  "  pious  fraud  " — a  deliber- 
ate deception  practised  by  Hilkiah  and  his 
circle  on  the  king — can  only  be  indignantly 
repelled.  But  if  the  book,  in  accordance  with 
its  claim,  was  universally  accepted  as  Mosaic ; 
then,  to  what  period,  short  of  the  age  of  Moses, 
can  its  origin  be  attributed  ?  When  the  con- 
tents of  the  book  are  examined,  they  are  found, 
in  a  multitude  of  respects,  to  corroborate  its 
claim  to  an  early  and  Mosaic  origin.  Not  to 
speak  of  linguistic  peculiarities  in  this,  as  in 
other  books  of  the  Pentateuch  (the  so-called 
"  archaisms  "),  it  has  often  been  pointed  out 
that  many  of  the  laws  in  Deut.  are  quite  unsuit- 
able to  the  times  of  Josiah,  and  that  many  more 
had  no  possible  bearing  on  the  assumed  aim 
of  the  book — the  centralization  of  worship  and 
putting  down  of  high  places  in  Josiah's  reign. 
Such  are  the  commands  for  the  destruction  of 
the  Canaanites  (Deut. 7. i-6,20. 10-18)  and  of 
the  Amalekites(25. 17-19), laws  for  the  camp  (23. 
2-9),  the  warnings  against  choosing  a  foreigner 
for  aking,  and  causing  to  return  to  Egypt  (17. 
15,16),  etc.  In  the  same  direction  point  the 
impression  constantly  given  of  the  recentness 
of  the  deliverance  from  Pharaoh,  and  the  numer- 
ous references  to  Egypt  (its  diseases,  usages, 
agriculture,  threatening  of  Egypt  as  a  punish- 
ment, 28.27,60,68,  etc.),  and  even  the  command 
to  write  the  law  on  stones  on  mount  Ebal,  and 
the  blessings  and  cursings  on  Gerizim  and  Ebal. 
There  is  no  mention  in  Deuteronomy  of  the 
"  high  places"  of  Josiah's  age,  and  the  assump- 
tion that  the  "  Levites  "  for  whom  provision  is 


212 


t)EtfTEllON6Mlf 


made  in  18.6-8  are  the  "  disestablished  priests  " 
of  these  high  places  is  without  a  shadow  of 
evidence.  The  book  pronounced  a  very  differ- 
ent sentence  on  leaders  in  idolatry  (13).  This 
prima  facie  evidence  of  the  Mosaic  authorship 
of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  can  only  be  over- 
turned by  the  adducing  of  the  strongest  proofs 
to  the  contrary.  Among  such  proofs  cannot  be 
reckoned  the  objection  that  the  book  represents 
too  advanced  a  stage  of  literary  composition 
for  the  age  of  Moses,  for  this  begs  the  very 
question  at  issue — the  literary  capabilities 
of  a  leader  like  Moses.  Writing  was  familiar  to 
one  trained  in  Egypt.  [Pentateuch.]  Nor  is 
it  a  cogent  argument  that  the  last  chapter  of 
the  book  narrates  the  death  of  Moses.  No  one 
now  holds  that  Moses  wrote  the  narrative  of 
his  own  death  in  ch.  34  ;  but  this  only  shows, 
what  on  other  grounds  it  is  reasonable  to  as- 
sume, that  the  book  underwent  editing  and 
completion  by  other  hands.  Probably  the 
framework  and  certain  annotations  in  the  body 
of  the  work  are  due  to  such  editing.  Nor,  again, 
is  it  decisive  of  non-Mosaic  authorship  that 
Moses  is  said  (l.i,5)  to  have  delivered  his 
addresses  "on  the  other  side  Jordan"  (R.V. 
"beyond  Jordan").  Besides  the  local  usage, 
determined  by  the  position  of  the  speaker, 
generally  with  some  defining  phrase  to  show 
which  side  was  meant  (4.41,46,49,11.30),  "  the 
other  side  Jordan  "  was  a  geographical  ex- 
pression for  the  Moabite  side  of  the  river  ; 
hence  could  be  used  by  Moses  himself,  when 
speaking  on  that  side  (3.8).  If  the  framework 
is  due  to  later  editing,  the  objection  disappears 
altogether.  The  critics  are  very  confident  that 
Deuteronomy  can  be  shown  to  be  of  earlier 
date  than  the  Levitical  law.  Neither  in  the 
historical  references  nor  in  the  laws,  it  is  ar- 
gued, is  the  priestly  code  recognized.  The 
older  critical  writers,  with  more  reason,  were 
convinced  of  the  very  opposite  of  this,  that 
Deut.  did  presuppose  the  priestly  history  and 
laws.  As  points  of  contact  with  the  P  history 
may  be  mentioned,  the  allusion  to  the  creation 
narrative  in  4.32  (cf.  Gen. 1. 27),  to  "  seventy  " 
as  the  number  who  went  down  to  Egypt 
(Deut. 10. 22),  to  "twelve"  as  the  number  of 
the  spies  (I.23),  to  Moses  and  Aaron  being  de- 
barred from  Canaan  as  a  punishment  (1.37,3.26, 
4.21),  etc. — all  only  in  P  ;  with  many  special 
words  and  phrases,  as  "  horses  and  chariots," 
"  hard  bondage,"  "  stretched-out  arm,"  etc. 
(4.34,11.4,26.6).  Onlaws,  see  Pentateuch.  A 
special  case  of  alleged  difference  is  the  occur- 
rence in  Deuteronomy  of  the  phrase  "  the 
priests  the  Levites,"  and  the  non-recognition 
of  the  distinction  in  the  other  books  between 
the  "  priests,"  the  sons  of  Aaron,  and  the 
"  Levites  "  as  ministers  to  the  priests.  It  may 
be  sufficient  here  to  point  out  that  while,  in 
Deuteronomy,  an  Aaronic  priesthood  and  dis- 
tinctions witliin  the  tribe  of  Levi  are  implied 
(10.6,18.i-'S),  it  was  natural,  after  the  separa- 
tion of  the  tribe,  that,  in  popular  address,  the 
whole  tribe  should  be  spoken  of,  in  distinction 
from  the  people,  as,  collectively,  a  priestly 
tribe.  The  language  in  Deuteronomy  suits  a 
period  when  the  earlier  designation,  "  sons  of 
Aaron,"  was  being  gradually  dropped  for  ano- 
ther icientifying  the  priests  more  directly  with 
their  tribe.      In   truth,   however,   the  phrase 


»EW 

"  priests  and  Levites"  is  as  little  foimd  in  the 
other  books  as  in  Deuteronomy  ;  and  in  Levi- 
ticus itself  the  "  Levites  "  are  practically  ig' 
nored.  [Levitici's.]  Occasionally,  the  term 
"  Levites  "  is  used,  as  in  Deut.,  to  cover  both 
priests  and  Levites  (Num. 35. 2, 6, 8).  A  princi- 
pal argument  for  the  late  date  of  the  book  is  • 
that  the  law  of  the  unity  of  the  sanctuary  in 
Deut.  12  is  apparently  unknown  in  the  earlier 
history,  and  is  opposed  to  the  older  JE  law 
of  Ex. 20.24,  which  permits  sacrifices  to  be 
offered  without  restriction  of  place.  There  is, 
however,  misapprehension  here  of  both  the  law 
in  Exodus  and  the  law  in  Deuteronomy.  The 
ideal  of  one  sanctuary  is  present  from  the  first 
(Ex.23. 14-19),  and  the  law  in  Deuteronomy 
was  not  intended  to  take  full  effect  till  the  Lord 
had  given  the  people  rest  from  their  enemies 
(12. 10).  Many  of  the  sacrifices  instanced  as 
breaches  of  this  law  were  sanctioned  by  theo- 
phanies,  and  others  (as  in  the  case  of  Samuel) 
belong  to  a  period  of  religious  disorganization. 
How  far  Deuteronomy  is  from  contradicting 
Ex. 20. 24  is  seen  from  its  own  command  to  erect 
an  altar  in  the  precise  terms  of  that  law  (Deut. 
27.5-7).  Objections  are  drawn  from  alleged 
discrepancies  between  the  historical  notices  in 
Deut.  and  those  of  the  earlier  books,  and  from 
like  discrepancies  between  the  laws  in  the  dif- 
ferent codes.  Most  of  the  historical  contra- 
dictions are  far-fetched  and  unreal,  and  the 
discrepancies  of  laws,  though  sometimes  occa- 
sioning difficulty,  usually  admit  of  reasonable 
explanation.  The  tithe-laws  in  Deuteronomy, 
in  particular,  present  a  different  aspect  from 
those  in  the  Levitical  Code.  The  Jews  them- 
selves resolved  the  difficulty  by  the  supposition 
of  a  "  second  "  tithe  for  purposes  of  charity  ; 
while  the  Levitical  provision  seems  clearly  pre- 
supposed in  18.2  {cf.  Num. 18. 20-24).  The  very 
freedom  used  by  the  author  in  his  handling  of 
the  laws  points  to  the  original  law-giver,  as 
alone  entitled  to  use  this  liberty.  1  Law  in  O.T.] 
With  Delitzsch  we  may  hold  that  "  nothing 
necessitates  us  to  deny  the  Song  [Deut. 32]  to 
Moses"  ;  and.  if  the  spirit  of  prophecy  be  ad- 
mitted, the  same  may  be  said  of  Moses'  Blessing 
(33).  The  general  argument  for  the  early  date 
of  Deut.  is  strengthened  by  a  study  of  the  pro- 
phetic writings,  which  appear  in  many  ways  to 
show  acquaintance  with  the  ideas  and  phrase- 
ology of  the  book.  This  is  true  of  both  Amos 
and  Hosea.  Cf.,  e.g..  Am. 4. 6-10, 5. 1 1  with  Deut. 
28.i5ff. :  Am.6.i2  with  Deut. 29. 18  ;  Am.9.14, 
15  w'ith  Deut. 30.  ^ff.  :  Ho. 5. 10  with  Dtut.l9.i4, 
27.17:  Ho. 8. 13  with  Deut. 28.68;  H0.I2.13  with 
Deut. 18. 18, 34.10,  etc.  Driver,  Deut.;  Alex- 
ander, Deut.,  in  Pulpit  Comm.  ;  Moller,  Are 
the  Critics  Right?  Deut.,  in  Speaker's  Comm. ; 
and  sec    Pentateuch.  [J-o.] 

Devil.  [Satan;  Demon;  Demoniacal 
Possession.) 

Hew.  This  is  so  copious  in  summer  in 
Palestine  that  it  suppliesto  someextenttheab- 
sence  of  rain  (Ecclus. 18. 16, 43. 22),  and  becomes 
important  to  the  agriculturist.  An  instance 
of  this  copiousness  is  the  well-known  sign  of 
(iideon  (Judg.6.37fT. ).  Tims  as  a  prime  source 
of  fertilitv  it  is  regard(>d  as  a  divine  blessing 
((;cn.27.28  :  I)eut.33.i3  ;  Zech.8.12),  and  its 
withdrawal  as  a  curse  (iSam.l. 21  ;  iK.17.i  ; 
Hag. 1. 10).     It  is  a  frequent  poetic  image  for 


DIADEM 

that  which  is  gentle,  penetrating,  and  refresh- 
ing (Deut.32.2  ;  Job  29.19  ;  Ps.133.3  ;  Prov.l9. 
12  ;  Is.26.T9  ;  Ho.14.5  ;  Mi.5.7),  or  is  a  sign 
of  night-exposnre  (Can. 5. 2  ;  Dan.4.i5fif.5.2i)  ; 
while  the  speedy  evanescence  of  the  early  dew 
typifies  the  transient  goodness  of  the  hypocrite 
(Ho.6.4,13.3). 

Diadem.  The  Gk.  did8ri/xa  signifies 
properly  a  badge  of  royalty,  and  was  used 
originally  to  describe  the  silken  fillet,  which 
was  fastened  around  the  turban  of  the 
Persian  kings  (Xen.  8  Cyr.  iii.  13).  Thus 
LXX.  uses  the  word  to  describe  the  crown 


DIBON,  DIBON-GAD 


213 


OBVERSE  OF  TETRADRACHM  OF  TIGRANES,  KING  OF  SYRIA. 

royal  of  Vashti(Esth.l.ir)  andof  Esther  (2.i7), 
and  also  the  distinctive  decoration  of  the 
head,  which  was  worn  by  the  successors  of 
Alexander  as  a  token  of  their  assumption  of 
sovereignty  (iMac.l.9,13.32).  This  strict  use 
of  the  word  is,  however,  not  always  observed 
by  LXX.,  which  describes  Mordecai's  robe  of 
honour  by  the  same  term  (Esth.8.15).  In  N.T. 
tlie  Gk.  accurately  distinguishes  between 
diadTfjiiia,  the  symbol  of  sovereignty,  and 
ffTecpavos,  the  festal  wreath.  [Crown.]  The 
former  occurs  in  N.T.  in  Rev.  only,  where 
it  is  used  for  the  rival  dominions  of  the  ex- 
alted Christ  on  the  one  hand  (Rev. 19. 12)  and 
of  "the  dragon"  (12. 3)  and  "the  beast"  (13. 
i)  on  the  other.  This  distinction,  which  A.V. 
failed  to  mark,  has  been  brought  out  by  R.V. 
(cf.  Trench,  N.T.  Syn.  xxiii.).         [j.c.v.d.] 

Dial  (Heb.  ma'dloth,  "steps";  2K.2O. 
11;  Is.38.8;  see  marg.  A.V.  "degrees,"  R.V. 
"  steps  ").  The  word  is  also  rendered  in  the 
same  passages  by  "  degrees  "  (2K.20.9,io  ;  Is. 
38.8).  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and  Jerome  sup- 
posed the  length  of  the  shadow  on  a  flight  of 
steps  to  be  intended.  A  Kassite  boundary 
stone  of  nth  cent.  b.c.  (De  Morgan,  Fouilles  a 
Suse,  1 897-1 899,  ii.  p.  no)  represents  (appar- 
ently as  an  emblem  of  the  spring  equinox) 
the  segment  of  a  circle  divided  into  degrees ; 
and  sun-dials  were  thus  probably  in  use  as 
early  as  the  8th  cent.  B.C.  [c.r.c] 

Diamond  (Heb.  yahdldm),  a  precious 
stone,  the  third  in  the  second  row  on  the 
breast-plate  of  the  high-priest  (Ex. 28. 18, 39. 
II ),  and  one  of  the  precious  stones  of  the  king 
of  Tyre  (Ezk.28.13).  Our  translation,  "  dia- 
mond," is  derived  from  Eben  Esra,  and  de- 
fended by  Braun.  Kalisch  says,  "  perhaps 
emerald."  It  is  practically  certain  that  Pliny 
described  the  diamond  as  one  kind  of  adamant, 
but  very  improbable  that  the  gem  should  have 
been  known  in  the  countries  bordering  the 
Mediterranean  before  the  days  of  Alexander  the 
Great.     At  any  rate,  it  is  not  likely  to  have 


been  available  for  the  high-priest's  breast-plate 
at  the  time  that  was  made.  That  it  should  have 
been  engraved  may  be  pronounced  impossible. 
The  art  of  diamond  cutting  is  hardly  older  than 
the  15th  cent,  in  Europe,  though  it  may  be  of 
more  ancient  date  and  independent  discovery 
in  India.  For  shdmir,  translated  "diamond" 
in  Je.17.1,  see  Adamant.  [t.g.b.] 

Diana,  a  Roman  goddess,  regarded  as 
identical  with  Artemis.  In  Asia  there  was 
an  early  indigenous  deity  to  whom  the  Gk. 
settlers  ascribed  some  of  the  characteristics 
of  their  own  Artemis.  She  was,  however,  in 
the  cult  which  had  its  highest  development  at 
Ephesus  (where  was  her  famous  temple,  the 
Artemisium),  scarcely,  if  at  all,  a  lunar  deity, 
but  a  goddess  who  presided  over  generation 
and  the  procreative  energy  of  mother  earth. 
The  traditional  form  of  the  image  referred 
to  in    Ac. 19  is  preserved  on  Ephesian  coins. 


GREEK  IMPERIAL  COPPER  COIN  OF  EPHESUS  AND 
SMYRNA  ALLIED  ('O^lOTOia)  ;  DOMITIA,  WITH  NAME 
OF  PROCONSUL. 

O*^'.  .■  AOMITIA  CCBACTH.    Bust  facing  to  right. 

Rez\:  AN©Y  KAICCN  nAITOYOMONOIA  e<I>e  ZMYP. 
Ephesian  Diana. 

Some  of  the  symbolism  points  to  fertility  and 
animal  wild-life.  The  turret-crown  appears 
to  denote  affinity  with  Cybele,  which  affinity 
is  also  marked  by  the  orgiastic  rites  of  her 
priests,  the  ^lEja^v^oi.  But  in  spite  of  these 
rites,  the  religion  of  Ephesus  seems  to  have 
contained  some  elements  of  austere  purity. 
The  epithet  "  great  "  was  commonly  ascribed 
to  Artemis  :  hence  the  exclamation,  "  Great 
is  Artemis  of  the  Ephesians."  The  prevalence 
of  her  cult  is  not  inaptly  described  in  the 
words  (ver.  27),  "  Whom  all  Asia  and  the  world 
worshippeth."  See  A.  B.  Cook,  Hell.  Journ., 
1895,  p.  12  ;  Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek  States, 
pp.  480  ff.     [Ephesus.]  [a.r.] 

Dibla'im,  father  (or  mother)  of  Hosea's 
wife  Gomer  (H0.I.3). 

Diblath'  (R.V.  Diblah ;  Ezk.6.14  only). 
"  From  the  wilderness  towards  Diblah  "  may 
refer  to  Beth-diblathaim,  but  four  MSS.  read 
RiBLAH,  a  town  which  has  a  wilderness  to  its 
E.  Dibl  in  Upper  Galilee  is  in  a  rugged  region, 
but  not  in  or  near  the  wilderness.        [c.r.c] 

Dibon',  Dlbon-gad' — 1.  A  chief  city  of 
Moab  immediately  N.  of  the  Arnon  gorge. 
Now  the  ruined  town  Dhihdn,  where  the 
"Moabite  Stone"  was  found  by  Rev.  F. 
Klein  on  August  19,  1868.  The  city  is  first 
noticed  in  the  Amorite  song  of  triumph 
(Num. 21. 30)  ;  and,  though  in  Reuben,  was 
rebuilt  by  men  of  Gad  (32.34).  As  Dibon- 
gad,  it  is  the  next  stage  N.  of  Iim  (33.45)  in 
the  region  given  to  Reuben  (Jos. 13. 9, 17),  but 
held  by  Moabites  after  about  890  b.c.  (Is. 15. 2  ; 
Je.48.i8,22).  The  Moabite  Stone,  erected  by 
king    Mesha    (see    2 K. 1.1,3.4-27)    about    the 


214 


DIBRI 


same  date,  records  the  beginning  of  the 
retreat  of  Israel  from  iMedeba  even  in  Ahab's 
reign,  and  the  final  Moabite  triumph  over  all 
the  plateau  to  Jahaz — as  to  which  Mesha 
savs,  "  I  took  it,  that  I  might  add  it  to  Dibon." 

—2.    (Ne.11.25.)       [DiMON.]  [C.R.C] 

Dibri',  a  Danite,  father  of  Shelomith,  i 
(Lev.24.ii). 

Didpachm.     [Money  ;  Shekel.] 

Didymus  {the  twin),  the  Gk.  translation  of 
Aram,  ti'iina  =  Thomas  (Jn. 11. 16, 20. 24, 21. 2). 

Diklah'  (Gen. 10. 27  ;  iChr.l.21),  a  son  of 
Joktan,  whose  settlements,  as  those  of  the 
other  sons  of  Joktan,  must  be  looked  for  in 
Arabia.  The  Heb.  signifies  "  a  palm-tree," 
hence  perhaps  Diklah  is  a  part  of  Arabia 
containing  many  palm-trees. 

Dilean',  one  of  the  cities  in  the  lowlands  of 
Judah  (Jos.15.38).    An  unknown  site,    [c.r.c] 

Dimnah'  (Jos. 21. 35).  Apparently  for 
KiMMOx    (iChr. 6. 77). 

Dimon',  The  ^vaters  of,  in  the  land 
of  Moab  (Is. 15. 9).  Gesenius  thinks  Dimon 
may  stand  for  Dibon,  just  as  Dimonah  be- 
comes Dibon  (Ne.11.23)  :  but  there  is  a  play 
on  the  sounds  Dimon  and  dam  {blood)  in  the 
passage  cited.  [c.r.c] 

Dimonah',  a  city  in  the  S.  of  Judah  (Jos. 
15.22),  apparently  the  Dibon  of  Ne.ll.25. 

Dinah',  the  daughter  of  Jacob  by  Leah 
(Gen. 30. 21).  She  accompanied  her  father 
from  Mesopotamia  to  Canaan,  and,  going  "  to 
see  the  daughters  of  the  land,"  was  violated 
by  Shechem,  sou  of  Hamor  the  chieftain  of 
the  territory  (Gen. 34.)  Her  age  at  this  time, 
judging  by  the  subsequent  notice  of  Joseph's 
age  (Gen. 37. 2),  may  have  been  from  13  to  15, 
the  ordinary  period  of  marriage  in  Eastern 
countries.  Shechem  proposed  to  make  the 
usual  reparation  by  paying  a  sum  to  the  father 
and  marrying  her  (Gen. 34.12).  But  the 
crown  of  the  offence  consisted  in  its  having 
been  committed  by  an  alien  against  the 
favoured  people  of  God  ;  he  had  "  wrought 
folly  in  Israel  "  (34.7).  Hamor,  who  acted 
as  his  deputy,  proposed  the  fusion  of  the  two 
peoples  by  intermarriage  and  commerce. 
The  sons  of  Jacob  availed  themselves  of  the 
eagerness  of  Shechem  to  effect  their  revenge  : 
they  demanded,  as  a  condition  of  the  proposed 
union,  the  circumcision  of  the  Shechemites. 
The  latter  assented  :  and  on  the  third  day, 
when  the  jiain  and  fever  resulting  from  the 
operation  were  at  the  highest,  Simeon  and 
Levi,  own  brothers  to  Dinah  as  Josephus 
observes,  attacked  them  unexpectedly,  slew 
all  the  males  and  plundered  their  city.  Jacob 
expressed  abhorrence  of  this  act  both  at  the 
time  and  on  his  death-bed  (Gen. 34. 30, 49., 'i-7)- 

Dinaites,  mentioned  in  the  letter  of 
Kcliuin,  the  chancellor  (Ezr.4.Q),  among  the 
inhaldtants  settled  in  the  cities  of  Samaria 
by  "  the  great  and  noble  Asnapper."  Cheyne, 
however,  thinks  that  it  is  not  properly  an  ethnic 
name,  but  that  the  LX.X.  rightly  renders  it 
"  judg<'S."  from  the  root  dr.  He  considers  the 
word  to  be  a  transliteration  of  the  Persian  title 
dahdhar.  The  Dinaites  have  been  identified 
with  various  peoples  bearing  somewhat  similar 
names.  [f-J-F.-J-I 

Dinhabah'  (Gen. 36. 32;  iChr.l..t3),  perhaps 
Dhdneh  in  N.  Ldom.     [Ldom.J  [t-K.c.J.^ 


DISCIPLES 

Dionysia  (in  Latin,  Bacchanalia),  the 
feast  of  DjoHysKi' or  Bacchus.  In  2Mac.i4.33 
Nicanor  threatened  to  destroy  the  temple  in 
Jerusalem  and  erect  "  a  temple  unto  Dionysus 
for  all  to  see"  ;  and  in  an  earlier  chapter  (6.7) 
Antiochus  enjoined  that,  when  the  Dionysia 
came,  the  Jews  were  "  to  go  in  procession  in 
honour  ot  Dionysus,  wearing  wreaths  of  ivy." 
Dif)nysus  was  the  god  of  wine,  and  his  worship, 
which  had  many  Eastern  features,  was  a 
blend  of  orgies  and  mysticism.  In  the  Hel- 
lenic cult  there  were  four  Dionysia — the  rural, 
the  Lenaean,  the  Anthesterian,  the  urban 
festivals.  The  first  and  second  are  associated 
with  the  origin  respectively  of  Gk.  comedy 
and  Gk.  tragedy.  The  festival,  especially 
in  later  times,  was  celebrated  with  wild  ex- 
travagance and  licentious  enthusiasm.  Mae- 
nads— male  and  female  worshippers — crowned 
with  ivy  and  bearing  the  thyrsus,  went  in  pro- 
cession. In  186  B.C.  the  Roman  senate  for- 
bade the  Bacchanalia;  but,  notwithstanding, 
Antiochus  (see  above),  in  168  b.c,  enjoined  its 
observance  on  the  Jews.  [a.r.] 

Dionysius,  a  member  of  the  council  of 
Areopagus,  converted  by  St.  Paul  (Ac. 17. 34). 
There  is  early  evidence  for  his  having  been 
entrusted  with  the  rule  of  the  Church  in 
Athens  (Euseb.  H.E.  iii.  4).  He  is  not 
identical  with  Dionysius  of  Paris  (St.  Denis), 
who  lived  in  the  3rd  cent.,  nor  was  he  the 
author  of  the  celebrated  theological  treatises 
current  under  his  name,  which  are  first 
mentioned  in  6th  cent.  [e.r.b.] 

Dionysus.     [Dionysia.] 

Dioscorinthus  (2Mac.ll.21).  Perhaps 
the  Diosciirux  of  the  Cretan  calendar  (c/.  V'ulg. 
and  A.V.  marg.  Dioscoriis)  =  the  .Macedonian 
Dystrus — i.e.  the  month  immediately  before 
Xanthicus.     Smith's  D.B.  (vol.  ii.  p.  417,  ed. 

1893). 

Diotpephes.  His  refusal  of  hospitality  to 
certain  travelling  evangelists  (3jn.io)  led  to 
the  writing  of  that  epistle  to  Gaius.     [e.r.b.] 

Disciples.  Only  once  in  O.T.  (Is.8.i6,  ev 
8i8aKToh  fxot',  LXX.).  Very  frequent  in  N.T. 
(/j.a6vT-ns.m.,  ixa07iTpia  f.,  of  Tabitha,  Ac. 9.36), 
in  (iospels  and  Acts  only.  As  in  classical 
Greek,  a  disciple  is  a  learner  who  follows  and 
imitates  his  master  ;  a  pupil  (e.g.  in  art). 
It  is  used  (1)  of  the  followers  or  pupils  of 
others  than  Christ,  e.g.  Moses  (Jn. 9.28),  John 
the  Baptist  (Mt. 9. 14,11.2),  Pharisees  (Mk. 
2.18).  When  used  of  the  personal  followers 
of  our  Lord,  it  is  often  (2)  equivalent  to 
"  apostles  " — thus  the  Twelve  are  often 
called  the  disciples  (Mt.26.i8),  or  the  twelve 
(or  eleven)  disciples  (Mt.28.i6  ;  Lu.9.i). 
[ArosTi.E.]  Often  (3)  it  includes  a  wider 
circle  of  ]>ersonal  adherents  (J n. 6. 60, 66),  e.g. 
Joseph  of  Arimathaea  (I9.38)  ;  not  seldom 
it  is  difficult  or  imixissible  to  decide  precisely 
between  (2)  and  (3).  After  the  Ascension  the 
word  is  used  constantly  in  Acts  as  (4) 
ecpiivalent  to  Christian,  where  the  disciple 
was  not  a  personal  follower  of  Jesus  in  His 
lifetime,  e.g.  Timothy  (AclB.i),  Mnason 
(21. 16).  Once  it  is  even  used  of  men  "bap- 
tized unto  John's  baptism  "  (Ac.i9.1-3),  unless 
here  the  word  is  used  proleptically.  After 
N.T.  times  the  word  seems  to  be  disused 
exie()t  liistoricaily.  [cct.] 


DISCUS 

Discus,  a  circular  plate  of  stone  or  metal, 
made  for  throwing  as  an  exercise  of  strength 
and  dexterity.     The  neglect  of  the  altar  for 


DISCOBOLUS.    (Osterley,  Denk.  der  alt.  Kunst,  vol.  i.  No.  139.) 

this  game  by  the  priests  is  mentioned  as  an 
instance  of  the  Hellenizing  influence  of  Jason 
(2Mac.4.i4).     [Hellenist.] 

Diseases.     [Medicine.] 

Dish.  In  Judaea  and  among  the  Bedouin 
Arabs,  guests  handled  their  food  with  the 
fingers,  as  they  still  do  in  Egypt  and  many 
other  countries  in  the  East.  Each  person  broke 
off  a  small  piece  of  bread,  dipped  it  in  the  dish, 
and  then  conveyed  it  to  his  mouth  together 
with  a  small  portion  of  the  meat  or  other  con- 
tents of  the  dish.  To  pick  out  a  delicate  morsel 
and  hand  it  to  a  friend  is  esteemed  a  com- 
pliment, and  to  refuse  such  an  offering  contrary 
to  good  manners.  J  udas  dipping  his  hand  in 
the  same  dish  with  our  Lord  was  showing 
especial  friendliness  and  intimacy.     [Bason.] 

Dishan',  a  Horite  "  duke,"  youngest  son 
of  Seir  (Gen. 36. 21, 28, 30  ;    iChr. 1.38,42). 

Dishon'. — 1.  The  fifth  son  of  Seir  (Gen. 
36.21,26,30;  iChr.1.38). — 2.  ThesonofAnah 
and  grandson  of  Seir  (Gen. 36. 25 ;  iChr.l.38, 
Dishan.)  The  geographical  position  of  the 
tribes  descended  from  these  patriarchs  is  un- 
certain. Knobel  places  them  to  E.  and  S.E. 
of  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba. 

Dispepsion,  The  Je^vs  of  the.  The 
real  starting-point  in  the  dispersion  of  the 
Jews  was  the  deportation  of  the  inhabitants 
of  J  udaea  to  Babylon  in  597  b.c.  [Captivities 
OF  THE  Jews.]  The  people  of  Israel  had  been 
deported  at  an  earlier  date  (722  b.c),  but  do 
not  seem  to  have  had  any  status  in  the  land 
to  which  they  were  carried,  and  are  scarcely 
even  mentioned  as  a  part  of  the  Diaspora. 
St.  James  addresses  his  letter  to  the  Twelve 
Tribes,  and  St.  Paul  speaks  of  the  same 
number  as  still  in  existence  (Ac. 26. 7  ;  cf.  Mt. 
19.28,  Rev.7.5-8).  The  term  Diaspora  was 
technically  used  of  all  members  of  the  race 
who   lived   bevond    the   limits   of   Palestine. 


DISPERSION,  THE  JEWS  OF  THE  215 

The  Jews  asked  whether  our  Lord  spoke  of 
going  "  unto  the  Dispersion  among  the 
Greeks  "  (Jn.7.35),  and  St.  Peter  writes  to 
the  "  sojourners  of  the  Dispersion  "  (iPe.l.i, 
R.  V. ).  At  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the 
Diaspora  was  divided  into  three  main  gioups — 
Babylonia,  Egypt,  and  Asia  Minor,  (i) 
Babylonia.  This  ranked  highest  in  the  esteem 
of  the  Jews.  It  was  the  oldest,  since  it  repre- 
sented the  large  community  of  wealthy  Jews 
who  declined  to  return  with  Ezra  to  the 
desolated  city  of  their  fathers.  It  was 
nearest  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  the  first  to 
receive  of&cial  commimications  from  the 
Sanhedrin.  There  was  also  the  bond  of  a 
common  language,  Aramaic.  Alexander  the 
Great  confirmed  all  their  former  privileges 
(11  Ant.  viii.  5).  It  was  through  them  that 
Zoroastrian  influences  passed  into  the  re- 
ligion of  the  Jews.  After  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  Babylonia  was  the  spiritual  centre 
of  Judaism  for  several  centuries.  Its  aca- 
demies were  famous,  and  it  was  the  seat  of  the 
prince  of  the  Diaspora.  (2)  Egypt.  In  many 
respects  the  most  important  group  of  the 
Diaspora  was  that  in  Alexandria,  reaching 
out  along  the  African  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  as  far  S.  as  Ethiopia.  There 
were  Jewish  settlers  in  Egypt  at  an  early 
date  (Je.41. 17,43.7),  but  it  was  under  Alex- 
ander that  the  colony  was  permanently 
founded.  He  placed  8,000  Jewish  soldiers  in 
the  Thebais,  and  assigned  three  out  of  the 
five  wards  of  the  new  city  Alexandria  to  the 
Jews.  His  successor  continued  the  same 
policy  of  placing  Jews  in  Egypt,  and  Philo 
estimated  their  number  at  not  less  than  one 
million.  About  160  b.c.  Onias,  a  priest  of 
Aaronic  descent,  built  a  temple  at  Leontopolis 
in  imitation  of  the  one  in  Jerusalem.  They 
were  citizens  possessing  full  rights,  and 
ecclesiastical  affairs  were  controlled  by  a 
Gerousia  of  70  members  and  an  ethnarch, 
subject  only  to  the  Great  Sanhedrin  in  Jeru- 
salem. To  this  community  are  due  the  Gk. 
translation  of  the  O.T.,  a  number  of  apocry- 
phal writings,  and  the  Greco-Jewish  philo- 
sophy. (3)  Asia  Minor,  etc.  Large  com- 
munities of  Jews  existed  in  all  the  countries  of 
the  Orient  (Philo,  Legatio  ad  Caitim,  §  36), 
fresh  evidence  of  which  is  being  constantly 
brought  to  light.  During  the  3rd  and  2nd 
cents.  B.C.  great  numbers  of  Jews  were  sold 
into  slavery  and  were  subsequently  redeemed 
by  their  co-religionists.  When  freed,  they 
usually  settled  in  the  places  where  they  were 
living  at  the  time,  and  so  formed  new  com- 
munities. So  long  as  the  temple  stood,  the 
Jews  of  the  Diaspora  looked  to  Jerusalem 
as  the  centre  of  religious  life.  They  made 
pilgrimages  to  the  holy  city  (Ac.2.9-11),  and 
sent  large  contributions  for  the  temple  ser- 
vice. The  Dispersion  prepared  the  waj'  for 
the  spread  of  Christianity,  not  because  the 
Jews  were  indifferent  to  the  claims  of  their 
religion  and  more  disposed  to  new  teaching — 
the  experiences  of  the  Apostles  on  their  mis- 
sionary journeys  disproves  that — but  rather 
as  the  result  of  their  proselytizing  efforts. 
There  were  proselytes  in  large  numbers  in 
every  country  of  the  Dispersion — St.  Paul 
found   them   in    Antioch,    Thyatira,    Thessa- 


216 


DIVINATION 


]oiiica,  and  Athens  (cf.  Josephus,  7  Wars 
iii.  3);  and  thus  the  Jews,  by  spreading  the 
knowledge  of  the  one  God,  prepared  the  Gentile 
world  for  the  reception  of  God's  revelation  of 
Himself  in  Christ.  [h.h.] 

Divination  may  be  said  to  run  through  all 
the  history  recorded  in  the  Bible,  until  and  in- 
cluding the  casting  of  lots  for  a  successor  to 
JudasIscariot{Ac.l.24),asamethod,  permitted 
and  encouraged,  of  "  inquiring  of  the  Lord." 
Within  the  covenant,  no  less  than  without  it, 
the  worshipper  sought  (in  the  crises  of  his  life) 
guidance  from  the  Deity,  and  this  guidance  was 
vouchsafed  in  various  ways.  The  three  most 
important  methods  of  divination  among  the 
covenant  people,  at  any  rate  before  the  build- 
ing of  the  temple,  are  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  the  abandonment  of  Saul  (iSam.28.6), 
"  and  when  Saul  inquired  of  the  Lord,  the  Lord 
answered  him  not,  neither  by  dreams,  nor  by 
Urim,  nor  by  prophets."  Of  these  the  dream 
was  personal,  and  any  individual  in  any  station 
of  life  might  receive  direction  by  a  dream  ( J  udg. 
7. 13-15  ;  cf.  Mt. 1.20,2.13, 19,27.19).  The  use 
of  Urim  was  official,  the  religious  head  of  the 
nation  casting  lots  on  behalf  of  its  civil  head  ; 
and  the  prophet's  function  was  to  supplement 
the  ordinary  channels  of  divine  government  by 
extraordinary  interpositions — when  the  priest- 
hood fails  in  the  sons  of  Eli,  Samuel  is  raised  up 
to  be  prophet ;  when  David  falls  into  sin  he  is 
reproved  by  the  prophets  Nathan(2Sam. 12. 1 -14) 
and  Gad  (aSara. 24.13),  who  indicate  punish- 
ments impending.  All  other  forms  of  divination 
were  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  covenant  (Deut. 
18.10,  II ;  c/.  "Saul  had  put  away  those  that  had 
familiar  spirits,  and  the  wizards,  out  of  the 
land,"  iSam.28.3 ;  Is. 8. 19),  and  indicated,  when 
used  by  the  covenant  people,  sympathy  with 
idolatry.  Such  forms  are  divination  by  a  cup 
(Gen.44.5),  rods(Ho.4.i2),  arrows,  theliver,  and 
teraphim  (Ezk.21.2i  ;  1Sam.i5.23  ;  Zech.lO.2). 
There  were  also  oracles  (2K.I.2-6),  possibly  at 
every  place  named  Debir,  the  holy  of  holies 
itself  being  designated  "the  oracle"  (1K.6. 
16  ;  Ps.28.2).  There  was  a  professional  class 
of  diviners,  varieties  within  which  were  those 
whose  inferiority  was  manifested  when  com- 
pared with  Joseph  (Gen. 41. 8, 39),  Moses 
(Ex. 7.11,12),  Daniel  (5.ii).  Their  methods 
included  converse  with  the  dead  (Lev. 20. 
6  ;  Is.19.3)  and  serpent  charming  (Je.8.17),  as 
well  as  the  muttering  of  formulae  (2K.9.22  ; 
Mi. 5. 12,  etc.).  Balaam,  in  his  resistance  to 
God,  had  resource  to  "enchantments"  (Num. 
24.1),  and  there  are  frequent  references  in  the 
Acts  to  the  conflict  between  the  apostles  and 
various  professors  of  divination  :  Simon  Magus 
(8.9),  Bar-Jesus  (13.6,8),  the  slave-girl  at 
Philippi  (16. 16),  the  vagabond  Jew  exorcists 
and  other  dealers  in  magic  at  Ephesus  (19. 13, 
19  ;  2Tim.3.8,i3.     [Magic]  [c.k.d.b.] 

Divinity  of  Ciinist.  [Incarnation  ; 
John,  Gospel  of.] 

Divorce.  Our  Lord  indicates  that  divorce 
was  not  admissible  in  the  original  institution 
of  marriage  as  given  by  God  in  the  time  of 
man's  innocencv.  "  From  the  beginning  it 
was  not  so "  (Mt.19.8).  After  the  Fall,  it 
appears,  from  the  earliest  laws  and  records  of 
peoples,  that  divorce  must  have  become  very 
general.     It  was  ajnceded  by  the  regulation  of 


DIVORCE 

Deut.24.i-4  to  the  Israelites.  It  was  then  no 
doubt  the  permission  of  an  existing  practice, 
not  easy  of  removal :  "  Moses,  because  of  the 
hardness  of  your  hearts,  suffered  you  to  put 
away  3'our  wives  "  (Mt.19.8).  The  ground 
of  divorce  assigned  was  'erwath  ddbhdr  (A.V. 
"  some  uncleanness,"  R.V.  "  some  imseemly 
thing,"  LX.\.  dffxvtJ-O"  TrpaypLa).  The  later 
schools  of  Jewish  doctors  were  at  variance 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  expression.  The 
school  of  Shammai  understood  it  as  "grave 
moral  fault,"  while  the  school  of  Hillel 
extended  it  to  include  trifling  causes — e.g. 
if  the  wife  burnt  the  food  she  was  cooking 
for  her  husband.  The  question  addressed  to 
our  Lord  by  the  Pharisees  (Mt.19.3)  may  refer 
to  this  difference.  The  husband,  by  the  law 
of  Deut.,  was  to  write  the  wife  "  a  bill  [or, 
book]  of  divorcement,  and  give  it  in  her  hand, 
and  send  her  out  of  his  house  "  (Deut.24.i). 
She  might  then  marry  again.  After  such 
marriage,  if  she  should  again  be  set  free  by 
death  or  divorce,  the  former  husband  might 
not  take  her  back.  The  law  of  Deuteronomy 
thus  (a)  required  a  ground  of  divorce,  (6)  pre- 
scribed a  formal  bill  of  divorcement,  and  (c) 
practically  made  the  act  irrevocable.  In  all 
this  the  legislation  was  doubtless  in  the  direc- 
tion of  restraint,  not  in  that  of  encourage- 
ment. [Family.]  In  the  moral  enactments 
of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  our  Lord  expressly 
revokes  the  concession  of  divorce.  "  It  hath 
been  said,  Whosoever  shall  put  away  his  wife, 
let  him  give  her  a  writing  of  divorcement.  But 
I  say  unto  you,  That  whosoever  shall  put 
away  his  wife,  saving  for  the  cause  of  fornica- 
tion, causeth  her  to  commit  adultery ;  and  who- 
soever shall  marry  her  that  is  divorced  com- 
mitteth  adultery"'  (Mt.5.32).  In  this  passage 
our  Lord  permits  a  man  to  put  away  his  wife 
for  the  one  cause  of  fornication  (vopvda). 
There  is,  however,  no  expressed  sanction  of 
the  remarriage  of  the  man,  even  in  this  case; 
while  the  woman  put  away  is  an  adulteress  if 
she  marry  again.  One  passage  (Mt.19.9)  is 
very  commonly  quoted  as  giving  sanction  to 
the  remarriage  of  the  man  in  the  one  allowed 
case  of  putting  away  :  "  Whosoe\er  shall  put 
away  his  wife,  except  it  be  for  fornication,  and 
shall  marry  another,  committeth  adultery ;  and 
whosoever  marrieth  her  which  is  put  away 
doth  commit  adultery."  This  is  the  reading 
of  theTextus  Reccptus  ;  but  the  extant  MSS., 
as  also  the  Versions  and  Fathers,  show  here 
great  variations.  B  omits  "  and  shall  marry 
another,"  and  reads  "  whosoever  shall  put 
away  his  wife,  saving  for  the  cause  of  fornica- 
tion, causeth  her  to  commit  adultery."  Sup- 
posing the  Textus  Rer.eptus  to  give  the  true 
reading,  various  explanations  have  been  given 
of  it.  (i)  Keble  supposed  the  verse  intended 
for  Christ's  Jewish  hearers,  and  not  for  His 
own  folhiwcrs.  (2)  Von  Dollinger  regarded 
the  specified  exception  ir-opvda  as  meaning  not 
adultery,  but  pre-nuptial  unchastity.  (3) 
Others  regard  the  specified  exception  as  to  be 
read  only  with  "  shall  put  away,"  and  not 
with  "shall  marry  another."  (4)  Others 
understand  the  remarriage  of  the  man  in  this 
case  to  be  allowed.  Those  who  adopt  this 
view  have  to  meet  the  difficulty  arising  from 
the  second  half  of  the  verse,  "  he  that  marrieth 


DIZAHAB 

a  woman  put  away  committeth  adultery." 
The  marriage  bond,  if  it  exist  at  all,  exists  for 
both  husband  and  wife ;  and  if  the  woman  be 
not  free,  it  seems  to  follow  that  the  man  also 
must  be  bound.  The  passage  in  Mt.l9  is  the 
only  passage  in  the  gospels  in  which  any  sup- 
port for  remarriage  after  divorce  can  be  thought 
to  be  found.  Other  passages  bearing  on 
divorce  are  Mk.l0.2-i2  ;  Lu.l6.i8  ;  R0.7.1-4  ; 
iCor.7.10,11,39.  The  Western  Church  has  in 
history  claimed  that  Christ  taught  the  entire 
indissolubility  of  marriage;  while  the  Eastern 
Church  has  in  practice  admitted  divorce  for 
a  variety  of  causes.  For  Bibliography,  see 
Marriage.  [o.d.w.] 

Dizahab',  a  place  in  the  desert,  mentioned 
(Deut.l.i)  as  one  limit  of  the  40  years' wander- 
ings in  the  desert.  Robinson  indentified  it 
with  Dahab,  a  cape  on  the  W.  shore  of  the 
gulf  of  '  Aqaba.  The  Heb.  may  mean 
"  place  of  gold  " — in  Arabic  Dhahab,  vulgarly 
pronounced  Dahab.  Gold  has  been  found  in 
this  region.  [c.r.c] 

Doctops.     [Rabbi.] 

Doctpine  is  used  in  N.T.  to  translate  both 
Sidaxv  and  5i5aaKa\la,  though  in  Tit.l.g 
Hort  translates  "  holding  fast  by  the  word 
which  is  faithful  according  to  the  teaching 
(Sioaxriv),  that  he  may  be  able  both  to  exhort 
in  the  doctrine  {oiSacrKaXia)  that  is  healthful 
and  to  convict  the  gainsayers  "  (The  Christian 
Ecclesia,  p.  191).  Thus  the  "  teaching"  would 
be  that  of  Christian  principles  of  morality  and 
religion,  and  the  "  doctrine  "  would  mclude 
exhortation  which  is  sound,  not  (like  Rabbinical 
teaching)  concerned  with  trifles,  and  uttered  in 
a  spirit  of  narrow  exclusiveness.  We  may 
contrast  with  it  dogma,  which  is  used  in  N.T. 
of  a  decree  issued  by  those  in  authority  (Lu.2. 
i;  Ac.17.7;  of  Moses,  Heb. 11. 23;  Eph.2.15  ; 
Col. 2. 14  ;  of  apostles,  Ac.16.4).  It  represents 
an  authoritative  exposition  of  a  doctrine  when 
reflection  has  drawn  out  all  that  can  be  dis- 
cerned in  it.  We  must  always  remember, 
however,  that  Christianity  did  not  come  into 
the  world  as  a  system  of  doctrine  but  as  a  Life. 
The  value  of  teaching,  condensed  in  exhorta- 
tion and  imposed  by  authority,  is  in  exact 
proportion  to  its  moral  motive  power.'  It  was 
the  men  who  had  lived  with  Christ  who  taught 
other  men  to  worship  Him.  It  was  their  ex- 
perience of  His  goodness  which  led  them  to  set 
such  store  by  His  words.  So  it  came  to  pass 
that  reflection  followed  experience,  and  char- 
acteristic doctrines  of  Christians  about  God 
and  man,  and  the  true  relations  between  God 
and  man,  grew  into  shape  as  a  system  of 
thought,  not  formally  nor  logically  complete 
in  N.T.,  but  based  on  that  common  agreement 
of  mind  among  all  the  saints  to  which  N.T. 
bears  satisfactory  testimony — the  more  pre- 
cious very  often  because  it  is  incidental.  Pre- 
cisely in  the  same  way  as  the  apostles'  teaching 
was  commended  to  the  consciences  of  men  by 
the  beauty  of  holiness  in  their  fellowship,  so 
their  earnestness  in  exhortation  gave  moral 
influence  to  their  decisions  on  questions  of 
truth  or  duty.  The  outline  of  teaching  (Ro. 
6.17)  on  which  the  apostles  were  agreed, 
though  it  was  not  3'et  summarized  in  any  fixed 
form  of  words,  included  the  true  doctrine  of 
God,  the  life  and  work  of  Christ,  and  the  reve- 


DODANIM 


217 


lation  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Preaching  to  Gen- 
tiles, they  began  with  the  doctrine  of  the  true 
God,  in  opposition  to  numberless  heathen 
deities.  Preaching  to  Jews,  they  found  a  com- 
mon basis  of  faith  in  the  God  of  their  fathers, 
and  proceeded  at  once,  as  indeed  when  preach- 
ing to  Gentiles,  to  speak  of  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah — crucified,  risen,  exalted  ;  of  the  gift 
of  the  Spirit  ;  of  baptism  for  the  remission  of 
sins.  The  only  trace  of  a  form  of  creed  in 
N.T.  is  the  confession  of  Jesus  as  the  Lord, 
as  the  Son  of  God  (R0.IO.9  ;  iCor.12.3  ;  ijn. 
4. 15).  This  is  supported  by  the  confession  put 
on  the  lips  of  the  eunuch  in  Ac. 8. 37  :  "  I  be- 
lieve that  Jesus  is  the  Son  of  God."  This  is 
found  only  in  the  Western  text,  and  has  been 
put  in  the  marg.  of  R.  V.  But  this  reading  was 
known  to  Irenaeus,  and  probably  represents 
the  form  of  Baptismal  Creed  in  the  church  of 
Asia  Minor,  from  which  Irenaeus  drew  his 
tradition.  Attempts  to  find  a  longer  form  in 
St.  Paul's  epistles,  e.g.  iTim.6.13,  breakdown. 
The  reference  to  a  beautiful  confession  to  which 
Christ  Jesus  bore  witness  before  Pontius 
Pilate,  is  probably  to  the  Lord's  avowal  that  He 
was  a  king  (Jn.l8.36).  This  would  imply  that 
Pilate  was  mentioned  in  St.  Paul's  teaching, 
but  not  necessarily  in  his  creed.  There  is  a 
reference  to  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  context  of 
2Tim.l.i4  ;  but  the  majority  of  creed-like  pas- 
sages have  nothing  which  in  any  way  corre- 
sponds to  the  third  division  of  the  developed 
creed.  At  the  same  time,  St.  Paul's  belief  both 
in  the  Personality  and  the  Divinity  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  was  as  definite  as  his  belief  in  Christ 
as  Risen.  We  find  the  seed-thoughts  which 
ripen  into  the  later  creed-forms,  and  should  be 
therewith  content.  There  are  other  set  types 
of  teaching — in  the  form  of  a  chronicle  (Mk.l6. 
Qff.),  with  proofs  (1C0r.i5.3-7)  ;  almost  stereo- 
typed catechetical  answers  to  questions  (iPe.3. 
i8ff.)  ;  fragments  of  primitive  hymns  (iTim. 
3.16).  But  these  show  the  freedom  of  utter- 
ance consistent  with  precise  agreement  on 
fundamental  facts  of  spiritual  experience,  "  the 
grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  love  of 
God,  and  the  fellowship  of  the  Holy  Ghost  " 
(2C0r.i3.14).  Again  be  it  said,  it  was  the 
moral  motive  power  of  such  experience  which 
attracted  men,  so  that  the  words  of  the  apostles 
were  with  power,  and  their  decisions  obtained 
the  binding  force  which  the  consciences  of 
many  generations  have  been  glad  to  acknow- 
ledge. J.  F.  Bethune  Baker,  Introd.  to  Early 
Hist,  of  Christian  Doctrine  (1903) ;  A.  E.  Burn, 
The  Apostles'  Creed  (1907).  [a.e.b.] 

Do'cus,  a  "  little  hold  "  near  Jericho  (i 
Mac.l6.15,  cf.  ver.  13)  built  by  Ptolemy  the  son 
of  Abubus.  The  name  still  remains  attached  to 
the  copious  and  excellent  springs  of  'Ain-Duk, 
which  burst  forth  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of 
Quarantania  ((3;<nm?M/),  N.  of  Jericho,    [c.r.c] 

Dodai'.     [Dodo,  2.] 

Dodanim  (plur.  form),  a  people  belonging 
to  the  family  of  Japheth,  the  sons  of  Javan 
(Gen. 10.4  ;  iChr.1.7 ;  Heb.  roddnim  in  iChr.l.7, 
and  Sam.  Pent,  in  both  places).  The  Gk.  is 
'  P65i'ii  ( Rhodians) .  Notice  however  the  short  o, 
which  is  long  in  the  Heb.  If  the  name  is  rodd- 
nim, the  Rhodians,  i.e.  the  inhabitants  of  that 
island  and  its  dependencies,  may  well  be  meant, 
in  view  of  its  importance.     The  city,  however, 


218 


DODAVAH 


was  only  founded  in  408  b.c.  Assuming  the 
Massoretic  reading  in  Gen.  to  be  correct,  it  has 
been  inferred  that  tloddnim  is  a  form  of  Darda- 
nian.  The  name  Dardan,  as  inscriptions  of  Ram- 
ses II.  {13th  cent.  B.C.)  show,  comes  from  early 
times,  and  designates  a  people  of  Asia  Minor 
not  far  from  the  Lycians.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Dodavah',  a  man  of  Mareshah,  father  of 
Elif.zer,  6  (2Chr.2O.37).  Jewish  tradition 
makes  him  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat. 

Dodo'. — 1.  A  man  of  Bethlehem,  father  of 
Elhanan  who  was  one  of  David's  30  captains 
(2Sam.23.24  ;  iChr.11.26).  Heis  distinct  from 
— 2.  Dodo  the  .\hohite,  father  of  Eleazar,  3, 
the  second  of  the  three  mighty  men  who  were 
over  the  Thirty  (2Sam. 23.9  ;  1Chr.ll.12).  He, 
or  his  son — in  which  case  we  must  suppose  the 
words  "  Eleazar  son  of  "  to  have  escaped  from 
the  text — probably  had  the  command  of  the 
second  monthly  course  (see  iChr.27.4),  where 
the  name  is  Dodai. — 3.  A  man  of  Issachar, 
forefather  of  Tola  the  judge  (Judg.lO.i). 

Doeg"',  an  Idumean,  chief  of  Saul's  herd- 
men.  He  was  at  Nob  when  Ahimelech  gave 
David  the  sword  of  Goliath,  and  gave  informa- 
tion to  Saul  and,  when  others  declined  the 
office,  himself  executed  the  king's  order  to 
destroy  the  priests  of  Nob,  with  their  families, 
to  the  number  of  85  persons,  together  with  all 
their  property  (iSam.21.7,22.9,i8,22  ;    Ps.52). 

Dogr  (Heb.  kelebh).  Dogs  are  frequently 
mentioned  in  Scripture,  and  were  used  by  the 
Hebrews  to  guard  their  houses  (Is. 56. 10)  and 
flocks  (Job 30.1 ).  Troops  of  hungry  and  half- 
wild  ("  pariah  ")  dogs  wandered  about  the 
fields  and  streets  of  the  cities,  devouring  car- 
cases and  other  offal  (iK. 14. 11, 16. 4, 21. 19, 23, 
22.38;  2K.9.io,36;  Je.15.3;  Ps.59.6,14),  Just 
in  the  same  manner  as  do  their  successors  at 
the  present  day.  These  became  such  objects 
of  dislike  and  scorn  that  cruel  enemies  are 
styled  dogs  in  Ps. 22. 16,20.  Moreover,  the  dog 
being  an  unclean  animal  (Is. 66. 3),  the  terms 
dog,  dead  dog,  and  dog's  head  were  used  as 
terms  of  reproach  or  of  humility  (iSam.24.i4  ; 
2Sam. 3. 8,9.8,16.9  ;  2K.8.13).  [r.l.] 

Doops.     [Gate.] 

Dophkah',  a  place  mentioned  (Num.33. 12) 
as  a  station  in  the  desert  where  the  Israelites 
encamped. 

Dop.  A  western  town  in  Galilee  (Jos. 11. 2), 
in  a  region  described  as  naphoth-Dor  (12. 23), 
apparently  either  "  the  open  plains  "  or  "  the 
high  grounds "  of  Dor.  It  was  in  Asher 
(17. 11),  and  a  royal  city  of  Canaan,  not  taken 
by  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Judg.l.27).  The 
naphoth-Dor  are  mentioned  as  the  fourth  of 
Solomon's  twelve  provinces,  and  apparently 
answer  to  Manasseh  W.  of  Jordan  (iK.4.ii), 
as  stated  in  iChr.7.29.  It  is  usually  sujiposed 
to  be  the  later  Dora,  now  Tanturah,  on  the 
shore  W.  of  Carmel  (Josephus,  8  Ant.  ii.  3  ; 
Anst.  Apion,  ii.  10),  "  by  the  sea-side  "  (iMac. 
15.11-25  ;  13  Ant.  vii.  2),  placed  in  tiie  One- 
masticon  9  miles  (actually  8)  N.  of  Caesarea. 
If,  however,  Asher  was  bounded  by  Carmel 
on  S.  (J OS. 19. 26),  Dor  would  be  N.  of  that 
mountain,  probably  at  Tell  Thorah,  near  the 
opening  by  which  the  Kishon  enters  the 
sea-plain.  I'lsar-haddon  (about  670  B.C.)  gave 
Dor  to  Tyre.  [c.R.c] 

Do>a'(iMac.l5.ii,i3.25).     [Dor.] 


DOVE'S  DTJNG 

Dopcas.     [Tabitha.] 

Dopy'menes,  father  of  Ptolemy,  surnamed 
Macron  ( I  Mac. 3. 38;  2.Mac.4.45).  Probably  the 
same  D.who  fought  against  Antiochusthe  Great. 

Dosith'eus. — 1.  A  priest  and  Levite 
whom  the  concluding  verse  of  the  LX.X.  Esther 
(Est.  Apoc.ll.i)  states  to  have  brought  the 
book  to  Egypt. — 2.  One  of  the  captains  of 
Judas  Maccabaeus  in  the  battle  against  Timo- 
theus  (2Mac.l2.i9,24). — 3.  .\  soldier  of  Bace- 
nor's  comjiany,  who  was  cut  down  while  at- 
tempting to  capture  the  opposing  general 
Gorgias  (12. 35). ^-4.  An  apostate  Jew,  who 
frustrated  a  plot  against  Ptolemv  Philopator 
(3Mac.l.3).  '         [CD.] 

Dothan'  (Gen. 37. 17),  Dotha'im  (the 
two  wells),  a  place  not  far  from  Shechem 
(ver.  13)  on  the  trade  route  from  Gilead  to 
Egypt  (ver.  25),  where  Joseph  was  put  in  the 
pit, or  well  (bor;  ver.  24).  It  lay  in  a  pastoral 
region,  and  was  visible  far  off  (vv.  15,16,18), 
but  was  near  a  mountain  (2K.6.17).  Do- 
thaim  (Jth.4.6,7.3,18,8.3)  was  in  open  country 
near  Bethulia,  on  N.  not  far  from  hills. 
The  Onomasticon  places  it  12  Roman  miles 
(actually  10  English)  N.  of  Samaria.  It 
appears  to  be  the  Thuthina  of  the  lists  of 
Thothmes  III.  (No.  9),  noticed  \wit\\  Rdba  (10). 
Vandevelde  found  it  at  Tell  Dothdn,  in  the 
plain  S.W.  of  Jenin.  There  is  a  large  mound, 
a  good  well,  and  a  second  one  which  is  called 
"  well  of  the  pit."  These  are  S.  of  the  mound. 
.\  few  terebinths  grow  near  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii. 
pp.  169,  215).  [c.R.c] 

Dove  (Heb.  yond).  The  first  mention  of 
the  dove  occurs  in  Gen. 8  ;  the  rapidity  of  its 
flight  being  alluded  to  in  Ps.55.6  ;  the  beauty 
of  its  plumage  in  Ps.68.13  ;  its  dwelling  in  the 
rocks  and  valleys  in  Je.48.28  and  Iizk.7.i6  ;  its 
mournfulvoiceinIs.38.i4,59.ii  and  Na.2.7';  its 
harmlcssncss  in  Mt.l0.i6  ;  its  simplicity  in 
Ho. 7.1 1 ;  and  its  amativeness  in  Can. 1.15,2.14. 
Doves,  or  rather  pigeons,  as  we  commonly  call 
them,  are  kept  in  a  domesticated  state  in 
many  parts  of  the  East,  the  pigeon-cote 
being  a  universal  feature  in  the  houses  of 
Upper  Egypt.  The  wild  species  indicated  in 
the  above  passages  is  the  rock-dove,  or  rock- 
pigeon  (Columba  livia),  the  parent  stock  of  all 
the  numerous  domesticated  breeds,  which 
abounds  in  suitable  situations  in  Palestine 
throughout  the  year.     [Turtle-dove.]      [r.l.] 

Dove's  duns'  (hiryydnim).  Various  ex- 
planations have  been  given  of  2K.6.25,  which 
describes  tiic  famine  f)f  Samaria  as  so  great  that 
"  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  fourscore  pieces  of 
silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab  of  dove's 
dung  for  five  pieces  of  silver."  Bochart  argues 
that  hiryydnim  denotes  a  species  of  cicer, 
"  chick-pea,"  which  he  says  the  Arabs  call 
usnuH.  and  sometimes  improperly  "  dove's  or 
sparrow's  dung  "  ;  but  Celsius,  who  advocates 
the  literal  interpretation,  has  shown  that  this 
identification  is  erroneous.  Dove's  dimg  was 
of  threat  value  in  the  E.  as  a  manure  for  quick- 
ening the  growth  of  esculent  plants,  particu- 
larly melons.  Harris  quotes  to  this  effect  from 
Tavernier,  p.  146;  and  sec  Bisiiop's /'fr';»a.  i. 
202.  It  was  also  used  in  earlv  times  in  the 
tanners'  art.  Pliny  refers  to  the  former  of  these 
uses  :  "  The  dung  of  foulcs  there  kei)t,  was  suf- 
ficient to  heipe  their  hard  and  hungrie  grounds. 


DOWRY 

In  the  second  degree  of  goodnesse,  Columella 
raungeth  Pigeons  dung  gathered  out  of  done 
cotes.  .  .  .  Others  preferre  the  dung  of  Pigeons 
before  any  other  "  (xvii.  9).  Robert  Greene, 
in  A  Quippe  for  an  Upstart  Courtier,  says  to  a 
tanner  :  "  You  haue  your  Dooues  dung,  your 
Marie,  yourAshenbarke  and  a  thousand  thinges 
more  to  bring  on  your  Leather  apace  "  (ante 
1592).  There  is  a  marginal  note  in  an  early 
Bible  (Oxford,  1679)  :  "  The  Ebrewes  write 
that  they  burned  it  in  the  siege  for  lacke  of 
wood."  This  seems  to  be  unnoticed  by  Harris 
and  other  reference-books.  The  identification 
still  needs  decision.  [h.c.h.] 

Dowry.     [Marriage  ;  Family.] 

Dpaehm  (aMac. 4.19, 10. 20, 12. 43  ;  Lu.15.8, 
9),  a  Gk.  silver  coin,  varying  in  weight  on 
account  of  the  use  of  different  talents.  The 
Jews  must  have  been  acquainted  with  3 
talents,  the  Ptolemaic,  the  Phoenician,  and  the 
Attic.  The  drachmae  of  these  talents  weighed 
respectively,  during  the  period  of  the  Macca- 
bees, about  55  grs.  troy,  58-5,  and  66.  [Money; 
Piece  of  Silver  ;   Weights  ;  Wages.] 

Dpag'on.  A. v.,  apparently  following 
Vulg.,  renders  as  "  dragon "  two  Heb. 
words  tan  and  tannin,  which  appear  distinct 
in  meaning.  The  former  is  used,  always  in 
the  plur..  in  Job30.29;  Ps.44.i9;  Is. 13. 22, 
34.13,35.7,43.20  ;  Je. 9. II, 10. 22, 14.6,49.33, 51. 
37;  Ezk.32.2  (marg.);  and  Mi. 1.8.  It  is  applied 
to  creatures  inhabiting  desert  places,  and  fre- 
quently coupled  with  ostriches  and  wild  beasts. 
It  seems  probably  to  have  been  a  mammal, 
and  may  not  improbably  have  been  the  jackal. 
[Fox.]  tannin  (cf.  tannim  in  Ezk.29.3)  seems 
to  refer  in  most  cases  to  a  large  aquatic  animal, 
and  in  some  instances  denotes  the  crocodile. 
[Leviathan.]  In  Gen. 1. 21  the  word  is  used 
of  the  great  sea-monsters.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  Ex. 7. 9, 10, 12,  Deut.32.33,  Ps.9i.13,  it  refers 
to  land-serpents  of  a  deadly  kind.  "  Dragon  " 
is  applied  metaphorically  in  Rev. 12.38.  to 
"  the  old  serpent  called  the  Devil,  and  Satan," 
the  description  of  the  "  dragon"  being  dictated 
by  the  symbolical  meaning  of  the  image  rather 
than  by  reference  to  any  existing  creature. 
The  reason  of  this  scriptural  symbol  is  to  be 
sought  not  only  in  the  union  of  power  with 
craft  and  malignity,  of  which  the  serpent  is  the 
emblem,  but  in  the  record  of  the  serpent's 
agency  in  the  Temptation  (Gen. 3).       [r.l.] 

Dpag-on  \Vell  (Ne.2.13).  The  LXX. 
renders  the  Heb.  'en  hat-tannin,  "  spring  of 
figs."  It  lay  outside  Jerusalem  on  W.,  where 
also  Josephus  places  the  Serpent's  Pool  (5 
Wars  iii.  2).  No  spring  is  known  now  on  this 
side  of  the  city.  The  Mamilla  Pool  may  be 
meant.  [c.r.c] 

Dpam.     [Daric] 

Dreams,  the  more  or  less  coherent  ac- 
tions of  the  mind  when  the  body  is  asleep, 
have  always  formed  a  fascinating  study  and 
problem.  To  the  untutored  savage  all  dreams 
are  real,  and  aU  equally  real.  They  are 
regarded  as  direct  visions — revelations  from 
another  sphere.  Naturally  these  are  classified 
under  two  headings — first,  those  dreams  that 
come  unsought,  the  ordinary  dreams  of  the 
ordinary  man  ;  and  secondly,  what  may  be 
called  "  professional  "  dreams,  the  product  of 
the   skilled   soothsayer   or   prophet   who   laid 


DRESS 


219 


himself  out  to  obtain  an  insight  into  futurity 
by  this  as  well  as  by  other  means.  That  the 
divine  will  is  sometimes  made  manifest  to 
men  by  means  of  dreams  is  beyond  question. 
Jacob's  dream  at  Bethel  (Gen. 28. 12),  the 
revelation  to  Abimelech  about  Sarah  (20. 3), 
the  appearances  to  St.  Joseph  (Mt.l.20,  etc.), 
the  noted  absence  of  any  special  dream  when 
Saul  was  abandoned  of  God  (iSam.28.8-i6), 
the  coupling  of  dreams  and  visions  as  marks 
of  the  Advent  of  the  Messiah  (Jl.2.28  ;  Ac.2. 
17),  are  fairly  conclusive  testimony  to  any  one 
who  values  the  testimony  of  Holy  Writ.  Nor 
would  it  be  reasonable  to  question  the  matter. 
If  "  our  waking  thoughts  are  our  own,"  it  is 
none  the  less  true  that  at  times  they  are 
consciously  influenced  both  for  good  and  evil 
by  unseen  powers  outside  of  ourselves,  and 
it  is  a  priori  probable  that  in  a  similar  fashion 
our  sleeping  thoughts  may  be  similarly  in- 
fluenced. Naturally,  it  is  also  probable  that 
as  a  people  becomes  more  civilized  and  there- 
fore more  spiritualized,  the  use  of  dreams  as 
a  channel  of  revelation  will  become  less  fre- 
quent ;  for  as  men  learn  to  find  out  the  will 
of  God  through  His  laws,  there  is  less  need  of 
an  extraordinary  manifestation  of  that  will. 
The  difference  between  the  religious  and  the 
superstitious  aspects  of  this  subject  is  very 
marked.  Religion  discriminates  between 
dream  and  dream  when  man  sleeps,  exactly 
as  between  thought  and  thought  when  he 
wakes,  recognizing  in  each  case  a  possibility 
of  divine  intervention,  but  always  chary  of 
claiming  that  intervention  in  any  specific  case 
without  the  amplest  proof.  Superstition,  on 
the  other  hand,  always  wildly  crying  out,  not 
for  the  revelation  of  God,  but  for  omens  and 
portents,  sees  in  every  strange  occurrence  that 
which  it  wishes  to  see,  and  finds  in  every  dream 
an  omen  sent  by  it  knows  not  Whom,  to  de- 
clare it  knows  not  what.  "  Its  object  is  not 
to  know  the  will  of  God  but  to  forecast  the 
future,  and  its  method  of  doing  so  is  neither 
religious  nor  scientific — not  religious,  for  it 
makes  no  attempt  humbly  to  approach  the 
Throne  of  Grace  ;  and  not  scientific,  because 
for  the  patient  study  of  the  laws  by  which 
God  governs  the  universe  it  substitutes  a 
system  of  jumping  at  conclusions  "  (Hastings, 
D.B.,  5  vols.  1904).  Like  superstitious  people 
to-day,  the  heathen  of  old  had  regular  codes  for 
the  interpretation  of  dreams.  But  every  time 
the  manner  of  interpretation  is  alluded  to  in 
Holy  Scripture  there  is  a  distinct  disavowal 
of  anv  method  except  divine  guidance  (see 
Gen. 40.8,41. 16;  Dan.2.28,  etc.).  [f.j.] 

Dress.  I.  Materials.  The  earliest  and  sim- 
plest robe  was  made  out  of  the  leaves  of  the 
fig-tree,  sewn  together  so  as  to  form  an  apron 
(haghord  ;  Gen. 3. 7).  Later  on  skins  of  ani- 
rnals  (kuthnoth)  supplied  a  more  durable 
material  (3. 21).  Skins  were  not  wholly  dis- 
used at  later  periods  ;  the  "  mantle  "  worn 
by  Elijah  appears  to  have  been  the  skin  of  a 
sheep  or  some  other  animal  with  the  wool 
left  on.  It  was  characteristic  of  a  prophet's 
office  from  its  mean  appearance  (Zech.13.4  ;  cf. 
Mt.7.15).  Pelisses  of  sheep-skin  still  form  an 
ordinary  winter  dress  in  the  East.  The  art 
of  weaving  hair  was  known  to  the  Hebrews  at 
an^^early  periodJEx. 26-7,35. 6)  ;  the  sackcloth 


220 


DRESS 


used  by  mourners  was  of  this  material.  Joha 
the  Baptist's  robe  was  of  caniel's  hair  (Mt.3.4). 
Wool  {semer)  was  introduced  at  a  very  early 
period,  the  flocks  of  the  pastoral  families  being 
kept  partly  for  their  wool  (Gen. 38. 12)  ;  it  was 
at  all  times  largely  employed,  particularly  for 
the  outer  garments  (Lev.i3.47  ;  Deut.22.ii  ; 
2K.3.4;  Ezk. 27. 7,34.3,  etc.).  Probably  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  Hebrews  with  linen  dates 
from  the  period  of  the  Captivity  in  Egypt, 
when  they  were  instructed  in  the  manufacture 
(iChr.4.2i).  After  their  return  to  Palestine 
we  have  frequent  notices  of  linen.  Silk  was 
not  introduced  until  a  later  period  (Ezk. 16. 
10,13  ;  Rev. 18. 12).  The  use  of  mixed  ma- 
terial, such  as  wool  and  flax,  was  forbidden 
(Lev.i9.19  ;  Deut.22.ii). — IL  Colour  and 
Decoration.  The  prevailing  colour  was  the 
natural  white  of  the  materials,  sometimes 
brought  to  a  high  state  of  brilliancy  by  the  art 
of  the  fuller  (Mk.9.3).  It  is  uncertain  when  the 
art  of  dyeing  became  known  to  the  Hebrews;  the 
dress  worn  by  Joseph  (Gen. 37. 3, 23)  is  variously 
taken  to  be  either  a  "  coat  of  divers  colours," 
or  with  bright-coloured  patches,  as  still  worn. 
The  notice  of  scarlet  thread  (88.28)  implies 
early  acquaintance  with  dyeing.  Not  only 
the  Egyptians  but  also  the  Babylonians  had 
carried  the  art  of  weaving  and  embroidery 
to  a  high  state  of  perfection,  and  the  Hebrews 
knew  of  various  methods  of  producing 
decorated  stuffs.  The  elements  of  orna- 
mentation were :  (i)  weaving  with  threads 
previously  dyed  (Ex. 35. 25)  ;  (2)  the  intro- 
duction of  gold  thread  or  wire  (Ex.28.6ff.)  ; 
(3)  the  addition  of  figures.  [Handicrafts,  (6).] 
Robes  decorated  with  gold  (Ps.45.i3)  and, 
at  a  later  period,  with  silver  thread  (c/.  Ac.  12. 
21)  were  worn  by  royal  personages  ;  other 
kinds  of  embroidered  robes  were  worn  by  the 
wealthy  both  of  Tyre  (Ezk. 16. 13)  and  Pales- 
tine (Judg.5.30;  Ps.45.14).  The  art  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  maintained  among 
the  Hebrews ;  the  Babylonians  and  other 
Eastern  nations  (Jos. 7. 21  ;  Ezk. 27. 24),  as 
well  as  the  Egyptians  (Ezk. 27. 7),  excelled  in 
it.  Dyed  robes  were  imported  from  foreign 
countries  (Zcph.1.8),  particularly  from  Phoe- 
nicia, and  were  not  much  used  on  account  of 
their  expensivencss  ;  purple  (Pr.31.22  ;  Lu. 
I6.19)  and  scarlet  (2Sam.l.24)  were  occa- 
sionally worn  by  the  wealthy.  The  sur- 
rounding nations  were  more  lavish  in  their  use 
of  them  ;  the  wealthy  Tyrians  (Ezk. 27. 7),  the 
Midianitish  kings  (Judg.8.26),  the  Assyrian 
nobles  (Ezk. 23. 6),  and  Persian  officers  (Esth.8. 
13)  are  all  represented  in  purple. — IIL  The 
Names,  Forms,  and  Mode  of  wearing  the  Robes. 
The  general  characteristics  of  Oriental  dress 
have  preserved  a  remarkable  uniformity  in  all 
ages.  The  modern  Arab  dresses  much  as  the 
ancient  Hebrew  did  ;  there  are  the  same  flowing 
robes,  the  same  distinction  between  the  outer 
and  inner  garments  (the  former  heavy  and 
warm,  the  latter  light,  adapted  to  the  rapid  and 
excessive  changes  of  temperature  in  those 
countries),  and  the  same  distinction  between 
the  costume  of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  consisting 
in  the  multiplication  of  robes  of  a  finer  texture 
and  more  ample  dimensions.  The  costume  of 
the  men  and  women  was  very  similar  ;  there 
was  sufficient  difference,  however,  tojnark  the 


DBESS 

sex,  and  it  was  strictly  forbidden  to  a  woman 
to  wear  tlie  appendages,  such  as  the  staff, 
signet -ring,  and  other  ornaments  (or,  according 
to  J  osephus,  the  weapons)  of  a  man,  or  for  a  man 
to  wear  the  outer  robe  of  a  woman  (Deut.22.5). 
We  shall  first  describe  the  robes  common  to  the 
two  sexes,  and  then  those  peculiar  to  women, 
(i)  The  kuttoneth  was  the  most  essential  article 
of  dress.  It  was  a  long,  loose  gown,  of  linen 
or  wool,  with  long  sleeves,  unfortunately 
translated  "coat"  in  A.V.  It  was  girt  by  a 
girdle,  and  the  fold  formed  by  the  overlapping 
of  the  garment  served  as  an  inner  pocket. 
The  annexed  drawing  (fig.  i)  represents  the 


I-ig.  I.-tGVI'TIA\   .MAN. 

simplest  style  of  Oriental  dress,  a  kuttoneth 
without  a  girdle,  usually  reaching  to  the  ankle. 
(2)  The  sddhin  appears  to  have  been  a  wrapper 
of  fine  linen  (Judg.l4. 12  ;  Pr.3i.24  ;  Is. 
3.22;  c/.  Mk.l4..si).  (3)  The  m''j/ was  an  upper 
or  second  garment,  shorter  than  the  first. 
As  an  article  of  ordinary  dress  it  was  worn  by 
kings  (iSam.24.4),  prophets  (iSam. 28.14), 
nobles  (Job  1. 20),  and  youths  (iSam.2.19). 
The  term  may,  however,  be  used  in  these  pas- 
sages for  any  robe  worn  over  the  kuttoneth. 
[Mantle.]  Where  two  garments  are  men- 
tioned (Lu.3.11)  as  being  worn  at  the  same 
time,  the  second  might  be  a  m'''il ;  the  pros- 
perous wore  two  ixirCivai),  but  the  practice 
was  forbidden  to  the  disciples  (Mt.lO.io; 
Lu.9.3).  The  dress  of  the  middle  and  upper 
classes  in  modern  Palestine  illustrates  the 
customs  of Jthe^Hebrews.  (4)  The  ordinary 
outer  garment  {'abdyah  in  Arab.)  is  a  square 
cloak  with  arm-holes.     The  size  and  texture 


varies  with  the  means  of  the  Weafer.  The 
Heb.  tetms  referring  to  it  are  :  simld,  some- 
times put  for  clothes  generallv(Gen.35.2,37.34  ; 
Ex.3.22,22.9;  Dent. 10.18;  Is.3.7,4.1);  beghedh, 
which  is  more  usual  in  speaking  of  robes  of  a 
handsome  and  substantial  character  (Gen. 27. 
15,41.42  ;  Ex.28. 2  ;  iK.22.io  ;  2Chr.l8.9  ;  Is. 
63.1)  ;  k'-stith,  where  covering  or  protection  is 
the  prominent  idea  (Ex. 22. 26  ;  Job  26.6,31.19) ; 
and  lastly,  l''bhush,  usual  in  poetry,  but  specially 
applied  to  a  warrior's  cloak  (2Sam.2O.8J, 
priests'  vestments  (2 K. 10. 22),  and  royal  ap- 
parel (Esth. 6. 11, 8. 15).  Another  term,  madh,  is 
specifically  applied  to  a  long  or  "spreading" 
cloak  (Judg.3.i6;  2Sam.20.8),  and  to  the  priest's 
coat  (Lev. 6. 10).  The  beghedh  might  be  worn 
in  various  ways,  either  wrapped  round  the 
body,  or  worn  over  the  shoulders,  with  the 
ends  or  "  skirts  "  hanging  down  in  front  ; 
or  thrown  over  the  head,  so  as  to  conceal  the 
face  (2Sam.i5.30  ;  Esth. 6. 12).  The  borders 
of  garments  were  finished  with  a  fringe  and 
bound  with  a  purple  ribband  (Num. 15. 38). 
The  dress  of  women  differed  from  that  of  men 
only  as  to  the  outer  garment,   the  kutloneh 


BUESS 


221 


EGYPTIAN  WOMAN. 


being  worn  equally  by  both  sexes  (Can. 5. 3). 
The  names  of  the  distinctive  robes  of  women 
were  :     (i)    mitpahath    {veil,    wimple,    A.V.), 


a  kind  of  cloak  (Ru.3.15  ;  Is. 3.22)  ;  (2) 
ma'dfdpkd  {mantle,  E.V.),  another  kind  of 
cloak  (Is. 3. 22)  ;    (3)   fdn'tph  {hood,  A.V.),  ap- 


^^pk 

hi  ,m\ 

] 

Mm 

1 

1 

Fig.  3. — PALESTINE  FELLAHAH. 

parently  the  head  Veil  hanging  down  be- 
hind the  heels.  [Head-dress.]  (4)  rddhidh 
{veil,  A. v.),  the  face  veil  (Is.3.23  ;  Can. 5.7), 
otherwise  called  cdiph  (Gen. 24.65, 38. 14, 19) 
or  camimd  (so  R.V.  ;  A.V.  locks  ;  Can. 4. 1,6. 7  ; 
Is. 47. 2)  ;  (5)  p'thighil  {stomacher,  E.V.),  a 
term  of  doubtful  origin,  but  probably  a  v/aist- 
shawl  (Is. 3. 24).  The  garments  of  females 
were  terminated  by  an  ample  train  (so  R  V.  ; 
skirts,  A. v.),  which  concealed  the  feet  (Is. 47. 2  ; 
Je.13.22).  Figs.  2  and  3  illustrate  some  of  the 
peculiarities  of  female  dress  ;  the  former  is  an 
Egyptian  woman  (in  her  walking  dress) ;  the 
latter  represents  a  dress,  probably  of  great 
antiquity,  still  worn  by  the  peasants  in  Pales- 
tine. We  add  a  few  remarks  as  to  equiva- 
lent terms  in  English,  kuttoneth  answers  in 
many  respects  to  "shirt."  In  sacerdotal 
dress  "alb"  exactly  meets  it.  w«^'IZ  may  perhaps 
be  best  rendered  "  gown."  In  the  sacerdotal 
dress  a  more  technical  term  might  be  used  : 
"  vestment,"  in  its  specific  sense  (=  the  cha- 
suble, or  casula),  would  represent  it  very  aptly. 
sddhin  =  "  linen  wrapper."  simld  we  would 
render  "garment,"  and  in  the  plur.  "clothes," 
as  the  broadest  term  of  the  kind;  beghedh  "vest- 
ment," as  being  of  superior  quality  ;  l''bhush 
"robe,"  as  still  superior;  madh  "cloak,"  as  being 
long  ;  and  malbush  "  dress,"  in  the  specific 
sense  of  fine  dress.  In  female  costume  mit- 
pahath might  be  rendered  "  cloak,"  ma'dtd- 
phd  "  mantle,"  pHhighil  "  cummerbund." 
The  dresses  of  foreign  nations  are  occasion- 
ally referred   to   in   the    Bible ;   that   of   the 


222 


DI&BSS 


Persians  is  described  in  Dan. 3. 21  in  terms 
which  have  been  variously  understood,  but 
Which  may  be  identified  as  follows:  (r)  the 
sarbdlin  (A.V.  coals)  =  drawers,  which  were 
the  distinctive  feature  in  the  Persian  as 
compared  with  the  Heb.  dress  ;  (2)  the  pattish 
(A.V.  hosen)  =  inneT  tunic;  (3)  the  karb'id 
(A.V.  hat)  =  upper  tunic,  corresponding  to 
the  m''il  of  the  Hebrews:  (4)  the  I'bhush  (A.V. 
garment)  —  cloak,  perhaps  worn,  like  the 
beghedh,  over  all,  though  the  modern  Arab. 
libs  is  a  very  common  word,  signifying  "  dress  " 
generally.  In  addition  to  these,  a  robe  of  state 
of  fine  linen,  takhrikh,  is  so  called  from  its  ample 
dimensions  (F,sth.8.i5).  References  to  Gk.  or 
Rom.  dress  are  few  :  the  x^n^i'S  (2Mac.i2.35  ; 
Mt.27.28)  was  either  the  paludamentum,  the 
military  scarf  of  the  Roman  soldiery,  or  the  Gk. 


chlamys  itself,  which  was  introduced  under  the 
Emperors  ;  it  was  especially  worn  by  officers. 
The  travelling-c/oa/i  referred  to  by  St.  Paul  (2 
Tim. 4. 13)  is  generally  identified  with  the  Rom. 
pacnula,  of  wiiicli  it  may  be  a  corruption. 
[Cloki:.]  It  is.  however,  otherwise  explained 
as  a  travelling-case  for  carrying  clothes  or 
books. — IV.  Special  Usages  relating  to  Dress. 


DRINK,  STRONG 

The  length  of  the  dress  rendered  it  inconveni- 
ent for  active  exercise  ;  hence  the  outer  gar- 
ments were  either  left  in  the  house  by  a  person 
working  close  by  (Mt.24.i8)  or  thrown  off  when 
the  occasion  arose  (.Mk.lO.50  ;  Jn.13.4  ;  Ac.7. 
58)  ;  in  the  case  of  a  person  travelling,  the 
under  garment  was  girded  up  (1K.I8.46  ;  2K. 
4.29,9.1  ;  iPe.1.13)  by  passing  it  between 
the  legs  and  through  the  girdle  in  front  (see 
illustration  to  our  art.  Cushi)  ;  on  entering 
a  house  the  upper  garment  was  probably 
laid  aside  and  resumed  on  going  out  (.A.c.12.8). 
In  a  sitting  posture  the  garments  concealed 
the  feet  ;  this  was  held  to  be  an  act  of  rever- 
ence (Is. 6. 2).  The  number  of  suits  possessed 
by  Hebrews  was  considerable  ;  a  single  suit 
consisted  of  an  under  and  upper  garment.  The 
presentation  of  a  robe  in  many  instances 
amounted  to  installation  or  investiture  (Gen. 
41.42;  Esth.8.15  ;  Is.22.2i);  on  the  other 
hand,  taking  it  away  amounted  to  dismissal 
from  office  (2Mac.4.38).  The  production  of 
the  best  robe  was  a  mark  of  special  honour  (Lu. 
15.22).  The  number  of  robes  thus  received  or 
kept  in  store  for  presents  was  very  large,  and 
formed  one  of  the  main  elements  of  wealth  in 
the  East  (Job  27.16;  Mt.6.19;  Jas.5.2),  so  that 
to  have  clothitig  =  to  be  w'ealthy  and  powerful 
(Is. 3. 6, 7).  On  grand  occasions  the  entertainer 
provided  becoming  robes  for  his  guests.  The 
business  of  making  clothes  devolved  upon 
women  (Pr.31.22  ;  Ac. 9. 39)  ;  little  art  was  re- 
quired in  what  we  may  term  the  tailoring  de- 
partment ;  the  garments  came  forth  for  the 
most  part  ready  made  from  the  loom,  so  that 
the  weaver  siijiplanted  the  tailor.  [Sandal.]- 
Dpink,  Strong".  The  Heb.  shekhdr,  in  its 
etymological  sense,  applies  to  any  intoxicating 
beverage.  We  may  infer  from  Can. 8. 2  that 
the  Hebrews  were  in  the  habit  of  expressing  the 
juice  of  other  fruits  besides  the  grape  to  make 
wine;  the  pomegranate,  there  noticed,  being 
probably  one  out  of  many  fruits  so  used.  From 
Jerome  and  other  sources  of  information  we 
find  that  the  following  beverages  were  known 
in  later  times  to  the  Jews,  (i)  Beer,  largely 
consumed  in  I'^gyjit  under  the  name  of  zythus, 
and  thence  introduced  into  Palestine.  It  was 
made  of  barley  ;  certain  herbs,  such  as  lupin 
and  skirrett,  were  used  as  substitutes  for  hops. 
(2}  Cider,  noticed  in  tiie  Mishna  as  «/'/''/t'-Ji'/»ir. 
(3)  Honey-wine,  of  which  there  were  two  sorts — 
one  consisting  of  a  mixture  of  wine,  honey,  and 
I^cpper  ;  the  other  a  decoction  of  the  juice  of  the 
grape,  termed  d' bluish  (honey)  by  the  Hebrews 
and  (/(7).s-  by  the  modern  Syrians.  (4)  Dale-wine, 
whicli  was  also  manufactured  in  Egypt,  was 
made  bv  masliing  the  fruit  in  water  in  certain 
prnpiirtions  (cf.  Mishna,  Trumoth  xi.  2  ; 
Sabbath  xx.  2).  (5)  Various  other  fruits  and 
vegetables  are  enumerated  by  Pliny  as  sup- 
plying materials  for  factitious  or  home-made 
wine,  such  as  figs,  millet,  the  carob  fruit,  etc. 
It  is  not  imjiroitable  that  the  Hebrews  applied 
raisins  to  this  purpose  in  the  simi)le  manner  of 
the  Arabians — viz.  by  jnitting  them  in  jars  of 
water  and  burying  them  in  tiie  ground  until 
fermentation  takes  place.  The  use  of  strong 
drink  was  forl)itlden  to  the  jiriests  (Lev. 11. 9) 
and  to  those  imder  the  Nazirite  vow  (Num. 
6.3  ;  cf.  Ln.1.15),  and  even  to  the  mother  who 
was  bearing  a  child  destined  to  be  a  Nazirite 


DROMEDARY 

(Judg.13.4  ;  cf.  iSam.1.15),  and  its  evil  effects 
are  especially  set  forth  in  Pr.20.i,31.4,5,  and 
Is.5.11, 22-24,28.7. 

Dpomedapy,  the  translation  in  A.V.  of 
the  Heb.  words  bekher  or  bikhrd,  rekhesh  and 
remdkh.  As  to  the  two  former  terms,  see 
Camel,  rekhesh  is  interpreted  in  our  version 
by  "dromedaries"  (iK.4.28),  "mules" 
(Esth.8. 10,14),  and  "  swift  beasts  "  (Mi.l.13)  ; 
but  there  seems  no  doubt  that  it  denotes  a 
superior  kind  of  horse.  remdkh  (Esth.8. 10) 
is  properly  a  "  mare."     [  Horse.]  [r.l.] 

Dpusilla,  youngest  daughter  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.,  and  wife  of  Aziz,  king  of  Emesa. 
Like  both  her  sisters  Bernice  and  Mariamne, 
she  left  her  first  husband  ;  seduced  to  do  so  by 
Felix,  who  married  her.  Her  career  gives 
point  to  the  mention  of  her  presence  when  St. 
Paul  reasoned  before  her  of  righteousness, 
self-control,    and   judgment     to   come    (Ac. 24. 

24^25).  [E.R.B.] 

Duke.  The  Heb.  word  so  translated  in 
A.V.  means  simply  "  chieftain,"  and  is 
applied  to  the  tribal  leaders  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 
i5ff.)andof  J udah  (Zech. 12. 5f.;  A.V.  governors, 
R.V.  chieftains).  [j.c.v.d.] 

Dulcimep  (Heb.  sumpdw'yd),  a  musical 
instrument  mentioned  in  Dan. 3. 5, 15.  Rabbi 
Saadia  Gaon  describes  the  sumpdwyd  as  the 
bag-pipe,  an  opinion  adopted  by  the  majority 
of  Biblical  critics.  The  same  instrument  is  still 
in  use  amongst  peasants  in  the  N.  W.  of  Asia  and 
in  S.  Europe,  where  it  is  known  by  the  similar 
name,  sampogna  or  zampogna.  With  regard 
to  three  of  the  musical  terms  used  in  Dan. 3 
and  represented  by  "harp,"  "psaltery," 
"  dulcimer,"  it  has  been  contended  that  they 
are  Gk.  in  origin  and  that  the  last  of  them  is  at 
the  most  only  as  old  as  Polybius.  But  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  argue  simply  from  the 
non-occurrence  of  a  word  in  earlier  surviving 
Gk.  literature  ;  and  as  more  becomes  known 
of  the  ancient  trade-routes  it  seems  more  and 
more  certain  that  there  was  an  interchange 
of  musical  instruments  and  their  names,  as  of 
other  things,  between  E.  and  W.  More  than 
one  Gk.  musical  instrument,  at  any  rate,  has 
an  Eastern  origin  for  its  name.  See  also 
Semitic  Languages.  [h.a.r.] 

Dumah'. — 1.  A  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen. 25. 14; 
iChr.1.30). — 2.  The  town  in  the  N.W.  part  of 
Arabia  called  Dumat-el-Jendel  is  no  doubt  the 
Dumah  of  Isaiah  (21. 11),  and  signifies  "the 
stony  silence." — 3.  A  city  in  the  mountains 
near  Hebron  (Jos. 15. 52).  Now  ed  Domeh,  a 
ruin  10  miles  S.W.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Dung-  was,  and  is,  used  in  the  East  not 
only  as  manure,  but  also  as  fuel.  The  manure 
was  mixed  with  straw  (Is. 25. 10),  or  was  the 
sweepings  (Is. 5. 25  marg.  ;  cf.  R.V.)  of  roads, 
which  were  collected  in  heaps  outside  the 
walls  of  towns  at  fixed  spots  (hence  the  Dung 
Gate  at  Jerusalem,  Ne.2.13)  in  readiness  for 
use  on  the  fields.  The  manure  was  applied  to 
trees  by  digging  about  their  roots  and  inserting 
it  (Lu.13.8).  In  the  case  of  sacrifices  the 
dung  was  burnt  outside  the  camp  (Ex. 29. 14  ; 
Lev. 4. 11,8. 17  ;  Num. 19. 5)  :  hence  the  ex- 
treme opprobrium  of  the  threat  in  Mai. 2. 3. 
Particular  care  was  taken  in  the  law  to  enforce 
cleanliness  with  regard  to  human  ordure 
(Deut.23.i2ff.)  :    the  worst   threat  that  could 


£AB,INd^ 


223 


be  used  against  a  house  was  that  it  should 
become  a  "draught  house"  (2K.IO.27)  or  a 
"  dung-hill"  (Ezr.6.11  ;  Dan. 2.5, 3. 29).  PubUc 
establishments  of  that  nature  are  still  found 
in  the  large  towns  of  the  East.  The  difficulty 
of  procuring  fuel  in  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Egypt 
has  made  dried  cow's  and  camel's  dung  a 
valuable  substitute  :  it  produces  an  equitable 
heat,  and  is  used  for  heating  ovens  and  for 
baking  cakes  (Ezk.4. 1 2, 1 5).  In  Ph.3.8,(r/fi>/3aXa 
is  refuse  of  any  kind  ;  cf.  Ecclus.27.4. 

Dung-  Port.     [Jerusalem.] 

Dung-eon.     [Prison.] 

Dupa',  the  plain  where  Nebuchadnezzar  set 
up  the  golden  image  (Dan.S.i),  has  been  some- 
times identified  with  a  tract  a  little  below  Tek- 
rit.  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  where  the 
name  Dur  is  still  found.  Prof.  Oppert  placed 
Dura  to  the  S.E.  of  Babylon,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  mound  Dowair  or  Duair.  Possibly  it  is 
connected  with  the  Semitic-Babylonian  durti, 
"  fortification,"  i.e.  one  of  the  great  walls  de- 
fending the  city.  The  position  of  the  town 
called  burn  is  unknown.  [t.g.p.] 

Dust.     [Mourning.] 

Dyeing.     [Handicrafts,  (8).] 


E 


Eagle  (Heb.  nesher).  The  Heb.  nesher 
(lit.  to  tear  or  rip  open  with  the  beak)  =  Arab. 
nisr,  which  is  the  designation  of  both  the 
eagle  and  the  griffon-vulture  (Gyps  fulvus) ; 
but  there  is  little  doubt  that  in  most  of 
the  numerous  passages  where  "  eagle  "  occurs 
in  A.V.  the  vulture  is  intended.  Confirma- 
tion of  this  is  afforded  by  Mi.l.i6,  where  "en- 
large thy  baldness  as  the  eagle  [nesher]  "  can 
scarcely  refer  to  aught  else  than  the  bare  head 
and  neck  of  the  griffon-vulture.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  possibility  that  in  some  cases  the  word 
may  be  used  in  a  wider  sense  to  denote  eagles 
also ;  although  the  fact  of  the  existence  of 
several  distinct  Heb.  words  for  diurnal  birds  of 
prey  is  somewhat  against  this  view.  [Gier- 
eagle;  Ospray;  Ossifrage.]  Griffon-vultures, 
of  which  several  species,  or  perhaps  races,  are 
recognized,  have  a  wide  range  in  the  warmer 
parts  of  the  Old  World,  and  are  abundant  in 
Palestine,  where  their  large  size  and  soaring 
flight  make  them  conspicuous  objects.  They 
would  accordingly  be  sure  to  attract  the 
attention  of  even  primitive  people.  Nisroch 
of  the  Assyr.  sculptures,  alluded  to  in  2K. 
19.37  and  Is. 37. 38,  is  the  deification  of  nisr. 
[Semitic  Languages.]  In  Mt. 24.28  and  Lu. 
17.37  "  vultures  "  would  be  a  better  rendering 
of  derol  than  is  "eagles";  for  although  some 
of  the  smaller  eagles  found  in  Palestine,  such 
as  the  short-toed  eagle  [Circaetus  cinereus),  feed 
largely  on  carrion,  these  would  certainly  form 
but  a  small  minority  of  any  assemblage  of  birds 
of  prey  gathered  round  a  carcase.  [r.l.] 

JS'anes  (iEsd.9.2i),  a  name  which  stands 
in  the  place  of  the  sons  of  Harim,  Maaseiah, 
and  Elijah,  in  the  parallel  list  of  Ezr.lO.21. 

Eaplng  (Gen. 45.6;  Ex. 34.21  ;  Dent. 21. 4; 
iSam.8.i2  ;  Is.3O.24  'cf.  Ezk.36.34).  The  Heb. 
words  signify  to  "work"  ( 'dbhadh )  and '  'plough' ' 


224 


EARNEST 


(hdrash),  the  former  elsewhere  readered  "  to 
till."  The  English  of  A.V.  (see  Skeat,  Etymol. 
Diet.  s.v.  Ear  [3])  is  the  old  English  eren,  "  to 
plough,"  as  used  by  Chaucer,  and  in  Piers 
Ploughman.  [c.r.c] 

Earnest  (aCor.l. 22,5.5  ;  Eph.l.14).  The 
Gk.  dppafiibv  =  Heb.  irdbon,  a  word  which 
was  introduced  by  the  Phoenicians  into 
Greece,  and  also  into  Italy,  where  it  reappears 
a;  arrhaho  and  arrha.  It  may  again  be  traced 
in  the  French  arrhes,  and  in  the  old  Eng. 
EarVs  or  Arle's  money.  The  Heb.  word  was 
used  generally  for  pledge  (Gen.38.i7),  and  in 
its  cognate  forms  for  surety  (Pr.l7.i8)  and 
hostage  (2K.I4.14).  The  Gk.  derivative,  how- 
ever, acquired  a  more  technical  sense,  as  the 
part-payment  of  a  contract  to  be  hereafter 
fully  carried  out. 

Eappings.  The  word  nezem,  by  which 
these  ornaments  are  usually  described,  origin- 
ally referred  to  the  nose-ring  (from  ndzdm,  "  to 
bore"),  and  was  thence  transferred  to  the  ear- 
ring. The  material  was  generally  gold,  and  their 
form  circular.  They  were  worn  by  women 
and  by  the  young  of  both  sexes  (Ex. 32. 2).  It 
has  been  inferred,  but  without  certain  justifi- 
cation, from  this  passage  and  from  Judg.8.24, 
that  they  were  not  worn  by  men.  The  earring 
appears  to  have  been  regarded  with  super- 
stitious reverence  as  an  amulet  (Is. 3. 20).  For 
this  reason  they  were  surrendered  with  the  idols 
by  Jacob's  household  (fien. 35. 4).  Chardin  de- 
scribed earrings,  with  talismanic  figures  and 
characters  on  them,  as  still  existing  in  the  East. 
Jewels  were  sometimes  attached  to  the  rings. 
The  earrings  still  worn  in  Eastern  countries  are 
often  very  large  ;  hence  they  formed  a  hand- 
some present  (Job  42. 11),  or  offering  for  the 
service  of  God  (Num. 31. 50). 

EapthenAvape.     [Handicrafts,  (4).] 

Eapthquake.  Earthquakes,  more  or  less 
violent,  are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Pales- 
tine, and  numerous  traces  of  seismic  action 
are  visible  in  the  features  of  that  country. 
The  valley  of  the  Jordan  marks  the  course  of 
an  ancient  fracture  in  the  earth's  crust,  and 
volcanic  lavas  are  found  in  several  directions. 
The  instances  recorded  in  the  Bible  are,  how- 
ever, but  few.  Of  these  the  most  remarkable 
occurred  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (Am.l.i  ; 
Zech.14.5),  which  Josephus  (9  Ant.  x.  4) 
connects  with  the  sacrilege  and  consequent 
punishment  of  that  monarch  (2Chr.26.16ff.). 
The  phenomenon,  as  described  by  Josephus, 
bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  that  foretold  by 
Zechariah,  and  possibly  the  earlier  event  may 
have  suggested  the  imagery  of  the  prophet. 
An  earthquake  occurred  at  the  time  of  our 
Saviour's  death  (Mt. 27.51-54)  which  had  the 
effect  of  opening  the  graves  and  constituted 
one  of  the  most  terrifying  accompaniments 
of  that  sublime  event.  Earthquakes  are  not 
unfrcquently  accompanied  by  fissures  of  the 
earth's  surface,  and  such  an  occurrence  may 
have  rent  the  rocks  and  opened  the  sepulchres 
in  the  valley  of  the  Kidron.  The  destruction 
of  Korah  and  his  company  (Num. 16. 32)  would 
seem  to  be  due  to  the  same  cause,  and  may  be 
paralleled  by  a  similar  occurrence  in  Italy, 
1783  A.I).,  when  the  surface  of  Calabria  was 
devastated,  and  chasms,  opening  in  the 
ground,  swallowed  up  many  people,    [a.a.r.] 


EBONY 

East.  In  Heb.  represented  by  two  words, 
(i)  qedhem,  "in  front,"  the  usual  Oriental 
description  of  that  direction :  W.  being 
"behind,"  N.  "to  left,"  and  S.  "to  right" 
(see  Job  23.8,9).  [Kedemah;  Bene-kedem.] 
(2)  mizrdh,  "the  rising  of  the  sun"  (Jos. 11. 3, 
etc.),  especially  as  contrasted  with  the  W.  or 
"  sea."  This  word  is  used  73  times,  while 
qedhem  occurs  25  times  in  O.T.  [c.r.c] 

Eastep  (Ac.  12.4).  This  rendering  of  to 
7rd(Txa  is  retained  only  here  in  A.V.  from  older 
versions  ;  R.V.  renders  it  correctly  "  the  Pass- 
over."    [Passover.]  [h.h.] 

Eastepn  Sea.     [Salt  Sea  ;  Sea.] 

Ebal'. — 1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Shobal  the 
son  of  Seir  (Gen. 36. 23  ;  iChr.l.40). — 2.  Obal 
the  son  of  Joktan  (iChr.l.22  ;   cf.  Gen. 10. 28). 

Ebal,  Mount.  The  "  bare  "  mountain, 
N.  of  Shechem  (Ueut.ll.29,27.4,13).  On 
it  were  placed  stones  covered  with  plaster, 
on  which  the  law  was  written.  The  Samari- 
tans read  Gerizim  for  Ebal,  and  believe  that 
Joshua's  altar  (Jos.8. 30,33)  was  on  Gerizim. 
The  summit  is  3,077  ft.  above  sea-level,  1,400 
above  Shechem  ;  it  is  thus  227  ft.  higher  than 
Gerizim,  and  is  very  rocky  and  barren  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  ii.  p.   147).  [c.r.c] 

E'bed. — 1.  (Many  MSB.,  and  the  Syr.  and 
Arab,  versions,  have  Eber),  father  of  Gaal 
(Judg.9.26,28,30,31,35). — 2.  Son  of  Jonathan  ; 
one  of  the  Bene-Adin  who  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.6). 

Ebed-melech  ('ebhedhmclekh),  an  Ethio- 
pian eunuch  of  king  Zedekiah,  who  secured 
Jeremiah's  release  from  prison  (Je.38.7,39.i6). 
The  name,  which  means  "king's  servant,"  may 
have  been  derived  from  his  official  position,  or 
=  "servant  of  God."  Gray  {Heb.  Names,  147) 
thinks  that  at  this  time  the  heathen  deity 
Moloch  would  ha^'e  been  so  familiar  to  the 
Hebrews  that  they  would  have  ceased  to  use  the 
similar  title  melekh  (king)  of  the  God  of  Israel. 
He  suggests  that  as  the  eunuch  was  an  Ethio- 
pian, he  may  have  been  named  "  Servant  of  (the 
god)  Moloch  "  by  heathen  parents.       [b.f.s.] 

Ebene'zep  [stone  of  help),  a  monument  of 
victorvset  upbySamuel  (iSam.4.i,5.r,7.i2)  on 
the  same  site  where  Israel  had  been  defeated 
in  Eli's  time.  It  stood  "  between  Mizpeh  and 
Ha-Shen  "  [Sue.v],  or  between  Tell  Xasbeh  and 
'Ain  Sinia  (6  miles  apart),  near  Bethel  on  a 
very  high  ridge.  [Abel,  i;  Beth -car.]  [c.r.c] 

E'bep. — 1.  In  Gen.lO  the  nations  known  to 
Israel  are  traced  back,  each  to  a  single  ances- 
tor, who  bears  the  name  of  the  nation  and  has 
sprung  from  one  of  the  sons  of  Noah.  [Races.] 
In  ver.  21  Eber  represents  the  Hebrews,  and 
appears  here  and  in  iChr. 1.18,19  as  the 
great-grandson  of  Shem.  This  figurative 
method  oi  genealogy,  which  is  found  also  in 
other  nations,  is  a  natural  expression  of  the 
patriarclial  stage  of  social  progress.  This 
same  eponymous  ancestor  appears  again  as  a 
poetic  synonym  for  the  Hebrews  in  Num.24. 
24. — 2.  The  name  appears  in  the  Chronicler's 
«ene.ilugi(  s,  once  in  the  Gadite  tables  (iChr.5. 
13.  Hihek)  and  twice  in  those  of  Benjamin 
(iChr.8.12,22). — 3.  A  priest  in  the  days  of 
Joiakim  (\e.l2.2o).  [j.c.v.n.] 

Eblasaph'.     [Abiasaph.] 

Ebony  (Heb.  hobhntm)  occurs  only  in  Ezk. 
27.15,  'IS  one  of  the  valuable  commodities  im- 


EBRONAH 

{jorted  into  Tyre  by  the  men  of  Dedan.'  The 
best  kind  of  ebony  is  yielded  by  the  Diospyros 
ebeniim,  a  tree  which  grows  in  Ceylon  and 
S.  India ;  but  many  trees  of  the  natural 
order  Ebenaceae  produce  it.  It  is  not  known 
what  tree  yielded  the  Ethiopian  ebony.  Pliny 
says  (xii.  4) :  "  Herodotus  [iii.  97, 114]  assigneth 
it  rather  to  Ethiopia;  and  saith,  That  every 
three  yeares  the  Ethiopians  were  wont  to 
pay  by  way  of  tribute  unto  the  kings  of  Persia, 
200  billets  of  the  timber  of  that  tree,  together 
with  gold  and  yvorie. .  .  .  Ebene  was  a  rich 
tribute,  and  deserved  the  third  place,  after  Gold 
and  Ivorie."  Vergil  (Georg.  ii.  116)  says  that 
India  alone  yields  black  ebony  ("it  will  not 
grow  elsewhere,"  Pliny).  [h.c.h.] 

Ebponah'  (R.V.  Abronah),  a  halting-place 
of  the  Israelites  in  the  desert,  immediately 
preceding  Ezion-geber  (Num. 33. 34, 35). 

Eca'nus  (R.V.  Ethanus),  one  of  the  five 
swift  scribes  of  Ezra  (2Esd.i4.24). 

Ecbat'ana  (Aram,  'ahnfthd).  Though 
many  of  the  best  commentators  understand  this 
word,  inEzr.6.2,  as  meaning  "  in  a  coffer, "  there 
is  little  doubt  that  it  is  a  place-name,  and  that 
one  of  the  two  Ecbatanas  is  intended.  In  the 
Apoc.  Ecbatana  is  frequently  mentioned  (Tob. 
3.7,14.12,14;  Jth. 1.1,2;  2Mac.9.3,  etc.).  Two 
cities  so  named  seem  to  have  existed  in  ancient 
times — one  the  capital  of  Northern  Media,  the 
Media  Atropatene  of  Strabo  ;  the  other  the 
metropolis  of  the  larger  and  more  important 
province  known  as  Media  Magna.  The  site  of 
the  former  appears  to  be  marked  by  the  very 
curious  ruins  at  Takht-i-Sulayman  (lat.  36°  28', 
long.  47°  9' ) ;  while  that  of  the  latter  is  occupied 
by  Hamaddn,  one  of  the  most  important  cities 
of  modern  Persia.  There  is  generally  some  diffi- 
culty in  determining,  when  Ecbatana  is  men- 
tioned, whether  the  northern  or  the  southern 
metropolis  is  intended,  as  they  lie  sufliciently 
near  to  one  another  for  geographical  notices 
usually  to  suit  either  site.  The  northern  city 
was  the  "  seven-walled  town  "  of  Herodotus, 
who  describes  it  as  the  capital  of  Cyrus 
(Herod,  i.  98,  99,  153);  and  it  was  thus  most 


PLAN  OF  ECBATANA. 


Jlxp/arta/wri. 

1.  Remains  of  a  fire-temple.  5.  Cemetery. 

2.  Ruined  mosque.  6.  Ridge  of  rocl<  called  "the  Dragon." 

3.  Ancient  buildings  with  shafts  and  capitals.         7.  Hill  called  "  l~awilah,"  or  "  the  Stable. 

4.  Ruins  of  the  palace  of  Abakai  Khan.  8.  Ruins  of  Kalisiah. 

9.  Rocky  hill  of  Zindani-Soleiman. 


ECCLESIASTES,  THE  BOOK  OF   2^0 

probably  there  that  the  roll  was  found  which 
proved  to  Darius  that  Cyrus  had  really  made 
a  decree  allowing  the  Jews  to  rebuild  their 
temple.  The  peculiar  feature  of  the  site  of 
Takht-i-Sulayman  is  a  conical  hill  rising  to 
about  150  ft.  above  the  plain,  and  covered 
on  its  top  and  sides  with  massive  ruins  of  the 
most  antique  and  primitive  character.  A  per- 
fect enceinte,  formed  of  large  blocks  of  squared 
stone,  may  be  traced  round  the  entire  hill  along 
its  brow  ;  within  there  is  an  oval  enclosure 
varying  from  800  yds.  to  400  in  diameter, 
strewn  with  ruins,  which  cluster  round  a  re- 
markable lake.  On  three  sides — S.,  W.,  and 
N. — the  acclivity  is  steep  and  the  height  above 
the  plain  uniform,  but  on  E.  it  abuts  upon  a 
hilly  tract  of  ground,  and  is  here  but  slightly 
elevated  above  the  adjacent  country.  The 
northern  Ecbatana  continued  to  be  important 
down  to  the  13th  cent,  after  Christ.  By  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  it  appears  to  have  been 
known  as  Gaza,  Gazaca,  or  Canzaca,  "  the 
treasure  city,"  on  account  of  the  wealth  laid  up 
in  it  ;  and  by  the  Orientals  as  Shiz.  Its  decay 
is  referable  to  the  Mogul  conquests,  c.  1200 
A.D.  ;  and  its  final  ruin  is  supposed  to  date 
from  c.  13th  or  i6th  cent.  In  2Mac.  (8.3,  etc.) 
the  Ecbatana  mentioned  is  undoubtedly  the 
southern  city,  now  represented  both  in  name 
and  site  by  Hamaddn.  Situated  on  the  north- 
ern flank  of  the  great  mountain  called  formerly 
Orontes,  and  now  Elwend,  it  was  perhaps  as 
ancient  as  the  other,  and  is  far  better  known  in 
history.  It  was  the  Median  capital  of  Cyrus, 
and  from  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis  re- 
mained the  chief  city  of  the  Persian  satrapy  of 
Media,  and  the  summer  residence  of  the  Persian 
kings.  The  Ecbatana  of  Tobit  is  thought  by 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  to  be  the  northern  city, 
Takht-i-Sulayman. 

Ecclesiastes,  The  Book  of,  called  in 
Heb.  qoheleth,  translated  by  LXX.  eKKX-qaiacFT-qs, 
or  the  Preacher,  a  translation  adopted  by  Vulg. 
and  very  generally  approved  of  by  the  best 
critics,  although  tlie  exact  sense  of  the  Heb.  is 
still  disputed.  The  Heb.  form  is  probably  an 
intensive,  and  hence  is 
fem.  Several  names  of 
the  same  formation  oc- 
cur in  the  later  books — 
e.g.  Ezr.2.57  ;  Ne.7.57, 
59.  Fem.  proper  names 
of  the  same  formation 
are  likewise  foimd — e.g. 
iChr.4.8,7.i8.  The  word 
qoheleth  is  used  as  a 
fem.  in  Ec.7.27,  but  the 
reading  there  is  prob- 
ably erroneous.  The 
book  is  much  later  than 
the  period  of  Solomon, 
as  is  proved  both  by 
the  language  of  the 
original,  and  by  the 
contents  of  the  work. 
The  name  Solomon  was 
assumed  simply  as  a 
literary  device,  and  not 
as  a  pious  fraud  or 
forgery,  and  traditional 
Solomonic  utterances 
may  form  some  of  the 


15 


226  ECCLESIASTES,  THE  BOOK  OF      ECCLESIASTES,  THE  BOOK  6f 


bases  of  the  work.  But  Solomon  is  spoken 
of  in  it  in  a  manner  which  shows  that 
when  the  book  was  written  that  monarch 
had  long  passed  away.  The  name  of  such 
a  man— marked  out  in  the  sacred  writings 
as  most  renowned  for  wisdom — was  most 
suitable  to  be  employed  as  setting  forth 
the  principles  of  wisdom  not  only  to  his  own 
age,  but  to  the  ages  after  him.  The  writer 
of  the  book  of  Wisdom  followed  the  example 
set  to  him  by  his  great  predecessor.  The 
latter  work,  which  in  its  opening  chapters  might 
be  described  almost  as  an  Anti-Ecclesiastes 
(see  especially  Wis. 2),  opposes  the  false  and 
superficial  interpretation  placed  upon  the 
statements  of  Kohelethby  the  materialist  free- 
thinkers among  the  Jewish  students  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  puts  in  the  mouth  of  Solomon,  whose 
history  is  ably  sketched  by  the  later  writer  after 
the  analog^'  of  the  earlier,  sentiments  of  a  very 
different  character.  [Philosophy.]  Although, 
therefore,  the  book  hasbeen  regarded  in  ancient 
times  as  the  production  of  Solomon — and  it  has 
been  suggested  that  it  was  written  in  the  days 
of  his  penitence— it  is  impossible  to  ujihold  any 
such  theory  in  the  light  of  modern  criticism. 
Even  in  ancient  times  there  are  not  a  few  indi- 
cations that  Jewish  scholars  were  by  no  means 
unanimous  on  that  subject.  Many  passages  in 
the  work  contain  what  may  be  regarded  as 
actual  disavowals  of  Solomonic  authorship,and 
the  facts  which  the  writer  describes  as  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  time  in  which  he  himself 
lived,  point  to  a  much  later  period.  Many 
orthodox  scholars  of  more  modern  times  have 
therefore  placed  its  authorship  in  the  last  cen- 
tury of  the  Persian  period  (440-336  e.g.).  The 
portion  which  is  written  under  the  form  of  a 
Solomonic  autobiography  extends  only  to  the 
end  of  ch.  2.  It  describes  the  vanity  of  all 
earthly  things,  and  points  out  that  there  is  no 
actual  progress  in  the  affairs  of  men — nothing 
really  new — everything  in  human  life  being 
merely  a  repetition  of  that  which  has  taken  place 
already.  Solomon  is  introduced  as  one  who, 
though  a  king.had  in  his  own  lifetime  discovered 
by  personal  experience  the  vanity  of  wisdom, 
pleasure,  and  riches ;  such  being  described  as  an 
evil  exercise  which  God  has  given  to  the  sons  of 
men  (1. 13),  and  but  vanity  and  a  striving  after 
wind.  The  writer  argues  that,  although  tiiere 
was,  no  doubt,  an  advantage  in  wisdom,  yet 
the  wise  man  must  at  last  die  like  the  fool  ;  and 
a  wise  king  may  have  a  successor  who  will  turn 
his  wisdom  intofiiolishness.  Cheerful  enjoyment 
of  life,  with  (iod  as  his  guide,  is  the  only  thing 
fit  to  be  striven  for  (2.24[25],3.i2,i3[i4,i5J) ; 
yet  even  that  is  vanity,  as  man  cannot  ensure  it. 
We  maintain,  desi)ite  all  that  has  been  written 
to  the  contrary,  that  the  word  "eternity"  (the 
rendering  of  the  word  in  all  other  passages  of 
O.T.)  in  3.1 1  affords  a  far  better  sense  than 
"  the  world,"  wiiich  is  given  in  the  text  of  A.  V. 
and  R.V.,  contrary  to  the  judgment  of  the 
American  revisers.  Man,  viewed  as  belonging 
only  to  this  world,  is  short-sighted  and  power- 
less in  the  sight  of  Him  Who  is  the  arranger  and 
disposer  of  all  things  and  of  all  events  that 
happen  to  men.  Left  to  himself,  he  is  like  the 
brute  that  perishes ;  and  (iod  shall  judge  him  at 
last,  after  He  has  duly  tested  him — for  "  there  is 
a  time  for  every  work  there"  (8.17).    For  man, 


blind  as  he  is  with  regard  to  that  which  shall  be 
after  him,  there  is  nothing  better  than  that  he 
"should  rejoice  in  his  works."  Koheleth  turns 
in  ch.  4  to  review  that  which  hinders  his  cheerful 
enjoyment,  such  as  man's  oppression  by  his 
fellow  man  (4.1-3).  Rivalry  and  useless  toil 
prevent  that  enjoyment ;  and  yet,  in  spite  of  all, 
this  companionship  is  preferable  to  the  life  of 
a  solitary  worker  (7-12).  The  striving  after  the 
wind  is  strikingly  exemplified  in  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  people  for  anew  king  (13-16),  while  "van- 
ity "  is  seen  in  their  worship  of  God,  and  in 
their  delight  in  making  vows  which  are  not  per- 
formed (5.2-7[4.i7-5.6J).  The  vanity  of  striv- 
ing after  riches  is  seen  by  what  is  done  under  de- 
spotic rule  (5-8,9[7,8])  by  rulers  who  know  not 
that  the  cultivation  of  the  land  is  of  the  highest 
importance.  But  after  all,  riches  are  in  them- 
selves of  little  real  advantage,  and  are  collected 
together  only  to  be  scattered  by  others  (5. 10-20 
[9-19]).  The  section  closes  with  the  commenda- 
tion of  a  cheerful  and  contented  life  as  the  gift  of 
God.  In  the  next  section  the  writer  shows  that 
man  may  have  riches,  and  have  no  power  of  en- 
jiH'ing  them  ;  the  desire  after  such  is  insatiable, 
and  man  has  also  in  this  life  to  deal  with  God, 
Who  is  stronger  than  he.  God  knows  the  future, 
and  is  working  towards  a  certain  end ;  but  man 
does  not  know  what  is  good  for  him  in  life,  or 
what  shall  happen  after  him  (6. 10-12).  In 
7.1-6  arc  set  forth  divers  proverbs,  which  speak 
of  things  which  man  ought  to  prefer  above 
others;  and  teach  that  patience  and  wisdom  are 
the  best  preservatives  in  oppression  and  adver- 
sity. Both  prosperity  and  ad\ersity  are  or- 
dained of  God  for  His  own  purposes.  Man 
would  do  well  therefore  to  rejoice  in  the  day  of 
prosperity,  and  in  the  day  of  adversity  to  con- 
sider why  Ciod  has  permitted  even  that.  The 
section  is  closed  by  insisting  upon  the  import- 
ance of  "  the  middle  mean,"  and  the  practical 
usefulness  of  wisdom  (7.1-24),  and  in  speak- 
ing briefly  but  emphatically  of  "  the  wicked 
woman  "  by  whose  snares  men  are  caught  (7. 
25-29),  the  writer  does  not  indulge  in  any  tirade 
against  the  female  sex,  but  describes  in  the 
strongest  colours  the  ruin  wrought  in  all  ages 
by  immorality.  (The  true  wife,  who  is  man's 
helpmeet,  is  described  in  9.7-9.)  He  then  re- 
turns to  his  general  theme,  and  urges  again  the 
benefit  of  wisdom  in  days  of  oppression,  such  as 
those  in  which  he  lived.  This  is  the  thought 
pervading  ch.  8.  in  which  he  again  refers  to  the 
fact  that  there  is  a  God  that  judgeth  the  earth, 
and  that  it  will  ultimately  be  well  for  those  that 
fear  God.  God's  works  man  cannot  com|->rchend, 
and  He  apparently  often  permits  the  same 
fate  to  happen  to  all  (8-9.2).  In  close  connexion 
with  this  subject  Koheleth  glances  at  the  state 
of  the  dead,  as  far  as  then  revealed:  again  re- 
turning to  the  great  practical  conclusion  of 
the  importance  of  a  contented  and  happy  life, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  man  knows  not 
the  time  allotted  to  him,  and  that  death  falls 
upon  him  suddenly.  The  story  of  the  poor  wise 
man,  and  the  wisdom  by  which  he  was  able  to 
save  his  little  city  from  ruin — a  parable  based 
upon  the  historical  fact  recorded  in  2Sam.2O.15- 
22 — is  here  suitably  introduced  as  a  proof  of  the 
power  of  wisdom,  and  of  the  ingratitude  often 
displayed  to  benefactors  (Ec.9.13-15).  A  few 
proverbs,  loosely  connected.are  strung  together 


EOCLESIASTES,  THE  BOOK  OP 

in  lO.i-ii.  The  benefit  to  be  derived  from 
the  talk  of  the  wise  is  there  pithily  described, 
and  the  detriment  that  comes  from  the  foolish 
talk  of  fooUsh  men  (IO.12-15).  But  worse  than 
all  these  is  the  misery  caused  to  a  land  by  a 
foolish  king.  Even,  however,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, prudence  is  urged;  and  the  people 
ought  not  to  provoke  a  foolish  king  by  curses 
(10. 16-20).  In  general,  it  is  noted  that  there  is 
real  wisdom  in  beneficence.  And,  though  the 
future  belongs  to  God,  man — while  he  can — 
ought  to  labour,  and  to  enjoy  himself  in  the 
sight  of  his  Maker  (11. 1-8).  Koheleth  then 
breaks  into  a  song  briefly  describing  the  days 
of  life,  which  ought  to  be  spent  by  man  as 
ever  mindful  of  the  great  judgment  of  God,  and 
of  his  Creator,  especially  in  the  days  of  youth. 
We  do  not  agree  with  those  who  interpret 
ch.  12  of  the  approach  of  old  age.  It  com- 
pares rather  the  days  of  evil  (or  of  death)  to  a 
sudden  storm,  which  darkens  the  whole  face  of 
nature,  makes  the  keepers  of  the  house  tremble, 
thegrinding-maids  (see  R.V.  marg.)  cease  their 
work,  and  spreads  dismay  among  the  ladies  at 
the  lattices ;  singing  women  cannot  enliven  in 
such  a  case  ;  fears  above  and  fears  beneath  be- 
set the  path  to  the  grave.  After  a  mere  earthly 
storm,  nature  reawakens,  the  almond-tree  blos- 
soms, and  the  locust  crawls  forth ;  but  for  man 
there  is  no  such  awakening.  In  the  storm  he 
disappears ;  for  the  dust  returns  to  the  earth  as 
it  was,  and  the  spirit  to  the  God  Who  gave  it 
(12).  The  epilogue  (I2.3-14)  has  been  variously 
interpreted.  Some  regard  it  an  addition  to 
the  work  by  a  later  writer,  others  as  an  integral 
portion  of  the  book.  We  are  of  the  latter 
opinion.  The  writer  seems  in  it  to  throw  off 
the  mask  of  Solomon,  and  describes  himself  as 
"  a  wise  man  "  who  lived  and  thought  for  the 
people's  good.  Collections  of  the  words  of  the 
wise  are  like  goads,  driving  on  those  who  attend 
to  them ;  and  the  words  of  men  fully  versed  in 
such  collections  are  like  nails  firmly  driven  in. 
For  the  "collections"  are  really  given  by  the  One 
Shepherd,  Who  leadeth  His  people  like  a  flock. 
The  end  of  the  whole  matter  is,  "Fear  God, 
and  keep  His  commandments."  There  is  a  day 
of  God's  judgment,  though  foolish  man  may  not 
bear  it  in  mind,  and,  because  there  is  such,  there 
is  a  life  after  death.  Thus  there  is  recognized 
the  light  that  will  ultimately  dispel  the  dark- 
ness which  later  revelation  shows  to  have  been 
in  great  measure  removed  by  the  coming  of 
the  Life  and  the  Light  of  men.  The  literature  on 
Ecclesiastes  is  very  extensive.  Jerome's  com- 
mentary is  still  worthy  of  study.  The  days  of 
the  Reformation  produced  manycommentators. 
Luther  wrote  on  it  (in  1532)  a  work  of  consider- 
able size  and  of  practical  merit.  See  also 
Mercer  (1573),  Drusius  (1635),  M.  Geier(i668), 
Schmidt  (1691),  Zirkel  (1792).  More  critical 
were  the  works  of  Knobel  (1836),  Herzfeld 
(1838),  Heiligstedt  (1848)  in  Maiurer's  Comm., 
Vaihinger  (1858),  Hengstenberg  (1859),  De- 
litzsch  (1875,  grossly  misrepresented  in  the 
English  transl.).  H.  Graetz' (1871)  very  fanci- 
ful work  was  the  basis  of  E.  Kenan's  brilliant 
but  utterly  mistaken  exposition  (1882).  Other 
works  are  those  of  Kleinert  (1883),  Seigfried 
(1898),  F.  Buhl  (1890),  and  Menzel  (Der  griech- 
ische  Einfluss  auf  Prediger,  1890),  who  denies 
such  influence.    Among  English  comm.  of  in- 


ECCLESlASTICtrS 


227 


terest  are:  Th.  Preston  (1845),  C.  D.  Ginsburg 
(1861),  which  contains  the  fullest  description 
of  the  literature  up  to  that  date  ;  Thos.  Tyler 
(1874,  much  enlarged  in  1899),  E.  H.  Plump- 
tre  (1881),  C.  H.  H.  Wright  (1883),  Bradley 
(1887),  and  T.  K.  Cheyne  (1887).  Among  the 
critical  comm.  or  monographs  on  Ecclesiastes  of 
special  importance  may  be  noted  Leimdorfer, 
Die  Prediger  Sal.  in  hist.  Beleachtimg,  1892  ; 
Euringer,  Der  M assorahtext  der  Kohel-krit. 
untersucht,  1890  ;  Dr.  E.  Klostermann,  Deli- 
bri  Coheleth  Vers.  Alex.,  1892  ;  A.  Dillmann, 
Ueber  diegriech.  U ebersetzung  derQohel.,  the  two 
last-named  are  decisive  against  Graetz'  theory 
— that  the  present  text  of  the  LXX.  is  that  of 
Aquila— a  theory  which  has  been  defended  by 
Kenan.  [c.h.h.w.] 

Ecclesiastieus  is  the  title  in  the  Latin 
versions  of  the  book  called  in  the  LXX.  "  The 
Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach."  An  en- 
tirely new  phase  has  passed  over  the  history 
and  interest  of  this  remarkable  book  since  the 
discovery  of  the  fragments  of  the  Heb.  text 
by  Mrs.  Lewis  in  1896  in  St.  Catharine's  mon- 
astery at  Sinai.  At  present,  some  39  chapters 
out  of  51  have  been  recovered  from  4  different 
Heb.  MSS.,  and  many  years  must  elapse  before 
the  fresh  light  thus  thrown  upon  the  book  is 
explored  and  its  results  classified.  Apart  from 
this  discovery,  Ecclesiastieus  is,  perhaps,  the 
most  important  book  in  the  Apocrypha.  "  It 
exhibits  Jewish  thought  and  religion  at  a 
period  otherwise  almost  unknown."  It  is  im- 
portant as  illustrating  Judaism  in  its  transi- 
tion state  between  O.T.  and  N.T.,  and  for  its 
influence  for  generations  upon  the  religious  life 
of  both  Jew  and  Christian.  At  least  two  of 
the  best-known  hymns  of  the  Church  are  de- 
rived from  its  pages,  the  Jubilee  rhythm  of  St. 
Bernard  (partially  translated  in  the  well- 
known  "  Jesu,  the  very  thought  of  Thee  " — 
Ecclus. 24.20  f.)  and  the  German  "  Now  thank 
we  all  our  God  "  (Ecclus. 50. 22-24)  ;  whilst  the 
Greek  and  the  Roman  Churches  place  it  in  the 
canon.  Whilst  it  was  never  received  among 
the  24  books  of  the  Heb.  Bible,  it  had  a  pro- 
minent place  in  the  Greek  and  Latin,  in  the 
former  of  which  it  is  commonly  grouped  with 
the  other  poetical  books  (e.g.  in  Cod.  B  the 
order  is  "  Ps.,  Prov.,  Eccles.,  Can.,  Job,  Wisd., 
Sirach,  Esth.").  The  order  in  the  present  edi- 
tions of  the  Eng.  Apoc.  is  due  to  the  German 
translation  of  1529  (Zurich).  The  name,  Ec- 
clesiastieus, the  ordinary  title  since  Cyprian,  is 
doubtless  derived,  as  Kufinus  points  out,  from 
its  frequent  use  by  the  early  Church,  especially 
in  the  instruction  of  catechumens.  It  was  for 
the  Jews  of  Alexandria  first,  and  then  for  the 
Christians,  the  favourite  book  of  ecclesiastical 
edification,  "  the  summary  of  all  the  virtues," 
as  Eusebius  first  calls  it.  In  Cod.  B  the 
title  is  "  The  Wisdom  of  Sirach  "  ;  in  Codd. 
ACS  "The  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach." 
In  the  Heb.  text  we  read  at  the  end,  "  Hitherto 
the  words  of  Simeon  ben  Jeshua  who  is  called 
ben  Sira.  The  Wisdom  of  Simeon  ben  Jeshua, 
ben  Eleazar,  ben  Sira."  The  question  of  the 
original  title,  therefore,  is  unsettled,  and  the 
newly  discovered  texts  only  add  fresh  diffi- 
culty as  to  the  author's  name.  According  to 
Jerome,  its  original  title  in  Heb.  was  "  Pro- 
verbs."    The   textual   criticism   of  the  book 


228 


ECCLESIASTICTTS 


presents  a  deeply  interesting  problem,  as  may 
be  seen  from  a  cursory  glance  at  K.V.,  where 
some  80  marginal  notes  are  to  be  found  ;  and 
there  is  evidence  that  some  dislocation  has 
taken  place  (probably  a  misplacement  of 
leaves)  in  the  copy  from  which  all  the  Gk. 
MSS.  hitherto  known  have  been  derived, 
though  this  does  not  account  for  the  extraor- 
dinary divergences  in  the  Gk.  texts,  which 
are  carried  still  further  in  the  ancient  versions 
and  patristic  quotations.  When  the  frag- 
mentary Heb.  text  was  discovered,  it  was 
naturally  hoped  that  more  definite  light  would 
be  thrown  upon  the  strange -variations  of  the 
existing  versions,  but  Margoliouth  (followed  by 
Bickell)  declared,  after  careful  examination  of 
all  the  fragments  that  had  come  to  light,  that 
the  Heb.  was  not  the  original,  but  a  retrans- 
lation  of  the  Gk.  Later  opinion,  however, 
seeks  to  modify  this  assertion,  and  leans  rather 
to  the  theory  that  the  Heb.  preserves,  to  a 
larger  degree  than  was  thought  at  first,  frag- 
ments of  the  original.  Little  is  known  of  the 
author  beyond  what  is  told  us  in  the  preface  of 
the  book,  which  states  that  the  Gk.  transla- 
tion was  made  by  his  grandson  in  Egypt  "  in 
the  reign  of  Euergetes,"  for  the  instruction  of 
those  "  in  a  strange  country  who  were  previ- 
ously prepared  to  live  after  the  law."  The 
probable  interpretation  of  this  is  that  the 
grandson  went  to  Egypt  in  the  38th  year  of  the 
king  Euergetes  (132  b.c),  i.e.  Ptolemy  V'lII. 
Physcon,  and  the  translation  was  issued  a  little 
later.  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach,  when  speaking 
of  Simon  the  high-priest  (50.i-2i),  would 
then  be  drawing  from  his  own  recollection 
of  Simon  IL,  whose  high-priesthood  ended 
c.  199  B.C.  Some  scholjirs,  however,  prefer 
to  identify  the  Euergetes  mentioned  with 
Ptolemy  IIL  Euergetes  (247-222),  and  the 
high-priest,  in  that  case,  with  Simon  L,  the 
Just  (310-290). — Contents.  The  book  is  a  fine 
example  of  Jewish  "wisdom  literature,"  and 
consists  of  a  collection  of  gnomic  sayings, 
modelled,  in  all  probability,  upon  the  canonical 
book  of  Proverbs.  It  has  been  considered 
the  chief  exemplar  of  primitive  Sadducee- 
ism,  a  theory  which  has  found  corroboration  in 
the  Heb.  text,  in  which,  after  50.12,  there 
is  an  addition  in  the  form  of  a  hymn,  praising 
the  sons  of  Zadok,  "  O  give  thanks  unto  him 
that  chose  the  sons  of  Zadok  to  be  priests,  for 
His  mercy  endureth  for  ever."  The  author 
speaks  with  respect  of  the  religious  hterature  of 
the  past,  and  acknowledges  himself  to  be  but 
"  a  gleaner  after  the  grape-gatherers."  None 
the  less,  he  thinks  he  has  something  to  give  to 
his  readers  of  that  wisdom  which  comes  from 
God.  In  spite  of  his  heterogeneous  mixture  of 
subjects,  there  lies  at  the  back  of  them  all  the 
central  thought  of  that  which  is  true  wisdom, 
viz.  the  placing  of  human  conduct  in  its  right 
relationship  to  Ciod.  The  book  may  be  roughly 
divided  into  two  unequal  halves  :  first,  1-13. 
14 — the  Sayings  of  the  Wise,  introduced  in  ch. 
1  by  an  eulogy  on  Wisdom,  and  closing  with  the 
praises  of  Nature  (I3.15-43.33)  ;  second  (44- 
50.2),  the  praises  of  the  .Mighty  Men,  to  which 
is  added  an  epilogue  (5O.22-29),  and  a  final 
Song  of  Praise  (51).  In  the  course  of  his  writ- 
ing the  author  discusses  most  varied  questions 
in  the  realm  of  practical  morality — e.g.  friend- 


EDEN 

ship,  women,  anger,  servants,  children.  The 
Song  of  Nature  is  a  very  powerful  composition, 
whilst  the  poem  dealing  with  the  roll  of  Israel's 
heroes  is  obviously  imitated  in  Heb.ll.  The 
author's  ethical  and  social  teachings  have 
remained  popular,  and  in  some  of  them  he 
approaches  very  near  those  of  the  Gospel.  The 
epistle  of  St.  James  also  shows  acquaintance 
with  Ecclesiasticus,  and  there  are  other  possible 
allusions  in  N.T.  The  early  Christian  writers 
made  a  very  extensive  use  of  the  book.  Eder- 
sheim  in  the  Speaker's  Commentary  ;  Schech- 
ter  Taylor,  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  ;  Nestle, 
in  Hastings,  B.D.  (5  vols.  1904).  [s.n.s.] 

Kclipse  of  the  sun.  No  historical 
notice  of  an  eclipse  occurs  in  the  Bible,  but 
there  are  passages  in  the  prophets  which  have 
been  supposed  to  allude  to  such  phenomena 
(Am.8.9';  Mi.3.6  ;  Zech.14.6).  J1.2.io  and 
3.15  can  scarcely  refer  to  an  eclipse,  since  a 
striking  feature  of  such  an  occurrence  is  the 
visibility  of  the  stars  during  the  total  phase. 
[Locust.]  The  darkness  that  overspread  the 
world  at  the  Crucifi.xion  cannot  be  attributed 
to  an  eclipse  of  the  sun,  as  such  events  can  only 
take  place  at  new  moon,  and  the  moon  was 
full  at  the  time  of  the  Passover.         [a.a.r.] 

Ed  (Jos. 22. 34).  The  children  of  Reuben 
and  Gad  (or  Joshua,  according  to  LXX.) 
"  named  "  this  altar  as  a  "  witness  "  ('edh)  ; 
but  it  is  not  very  clear  where  it  stood.  Ap- 
parently it  was  E.  of  Jordan,  near  the  Jericho 
ford  (ver.  11);  the  LXX.  understands  "  above 
Jordan,"  "  at  the  geliloth  of  Jordan,"  "  op- 
posite "  Israel  and  Canaan  (W.  Palestine). 
There  are  many  rude  dolmens  and  monu- 
ments on  the  spurs  E.  of  Jordan.       [cr.c] 

B'dap,  Tower  of  (R.V.  Eder ;  Gen. 35. 
21).  Jacob's  first  halting-place  between  Beth- 
lehem and  Hebron  was  "  beyond  the  tower 
Eder."  According  to  Jerome  it  was  1,000 
paces  from  Bethlehem.  It  stands  perhaps 
for  Bethlehem  itself  in  Mi. 4.8  (A.V.  tower  of 
the  flock  ;  see  R.V.  marg.).  [cr.c] 

Eddias  (iEsd.9.26)  =  Jeziah. 

Eden,  a  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of  Joah, 
in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.i2,31.i5). 

Eden,  the  place  where  lay  a  garden  which 
was  the  first  abode  of  man.  According  to 
Gen. 2. 8-14,  this  garden  was  planted  "  in  Eden 
eastward,"  and  a  river  went  forth  from  Eden 
to  water  it,  and  thence  "  divided  and  became 
four  heads."  The  first  was  Pison,  "  which 
compasseth  the  whole  land  of  Havilah,"  a 
place  producing  good  gold,  bdellium,  and  onyx 
stone  {shuham).  The  second  river  was  Gihon, 
"  which  compasseth  the  whole  land  of  Cush." 
The  third  was  Hiddekel  (the  Tigris),  which 
floweth  before  Ass>Tia."  The  fourth  river  is 
simply  described  as  the  Euphrates  {p'rath). 
The  identity  of  the  last  two  has  never  been  dis- 
puted, and  the  difficulty  was  to  find  a  water- 
way into  which  flow  four  streams,  two  of  thera 
being  these  well-known  rivers.  The  theories 
are  too  numerous  tv  give  details  of  all,  even  if 
to  do  so  could  be  regarded  as  serviceable. 
Philo  the  Jew  (born  c.  20  n.c.)  was  the  first 
who  ventured  upon  an  allegorical  interpreta- 
tion :  Paradise  darkly  shadows  forth  the 
governing  faculty  of  the  soul  ;  the  tree  of  life 
signifies  religion,  the  inunortalizer  ;  the  four 
rivers  are  the  virtues  of  prudence,  temperance, 


EDEN 

courage,  and  justice,  the  main  stream  being  the 
generic  virtue,  goodness,  which  goes  forth  from 
Eden,  the  wisdom  of  God.  One  of  the  Heb. 
traditions  enumerated  by  Jerome  makes  Para- 
dise to  have  been  created  before  the  world,  and 
therefore  beyond  its  limits.  To  all  appear- 
ance, however,  the  writer  of  the  account  in 
Genesis  intended  to  describe  a  place  which 
existed,  or  which  he  believed  to  exist.  Jose- 
phus  thought  that  the  ocean-stream  believed 
to  surround  the  earth  was  the  source  from 
which  the  four  rivers  flowed  ;  whilst  according 
to  others  it  was  the  Shatt  al-'Arab,  which,  how- 
ever, is  of  too  late  formation  to  be  taken  into 
consideration.  Those  who  place  Eden  in  the 
highlands  of  Armenia  see  in  the  river  from 
which  the  four  streams  diverge  "  a  collection  of 
springs,"  or  a  well-watered  district.  Others 
explain  it  as  the  Caspian  Sea.  Josephus, 
Eusebius,  and  many  others  identified  the  Pison 
with  the  Ganges,  and  the  Gihon  with  the  Nile. 
That  the  Pison  was  the  Indus  was  held  long 
before  that  identification  was  revived  by 
Ewald  and  adopted  by  Kalisch ;  Rashi  sug- 
gested the  Nile,  and  Philostorgius  the  Hy- 
daspes  ;  the  advocates  of  the  Armenian  posi- 
tion of  Eden  identify  it  with  the  Phasis.  Col. 
Chesney  identified  the  Halys  and  the  Araxes 
with  the  Pison  and  Gihon  ;  and  the  country 
within  the  former  was  the  Havilah,  "  that 
which  borders  on  the  latter  being  the  still  more 
remarkable  country  of  Cush."  According  to 
Golius,  Jihun  is  the  name  given  to  the  Oxus, 
which  has  therefore  been  assumed  to  be  the 
Gihon  by  Rosenmiiller,  Hartmann,  and 
Michaelis.  But  the  Araxes  is  called,  by  the 
Persians,  Jihun  ar-Rds,  and  has  therefore 
likewise  been  identified  with  it  by  Reland, 
Calmet,  and  Col.  Chesney.  Probably,  how- 
ever, the  latest  theory  of  Ass>Tiologists  is  the 
most  satisfactory.  The  river  which  became 
four  heads  is  the  Persian  Gulf,  which  is  called 
ndru  marratu,  "  the  bitter  river,"  in  the  in- 
scriptions. As  the  Shatt  al-'Arab  did  not 
anciently  exist,  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates 
flowed  immediately  into  it.  Eden  was  thus 
the  land  of  Babylonia  itself,  the  plain  of  which 
was  called  edina,  Semitic  edinu,  by  the  ancient 
inhabitants.  Indeed,  one  of  the  names  of 
Sippar,  or  a  city  in  connexion  therewith,  was 
Sippar-edina.  The  Pison  and  the  Gihon  were 
identified  by  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  with  the 
Uknu  and  the  Stirappu,  streams  (or  canals) 
mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  in  S. 
Babylonia.  Later,  however  he  identified  the 
Pison  with  the  Arahtu,  and  the  Gihon  with  the 
modern  Jukha,  which  runs  from  the  Euphrates 
W.  towards  Abu-Shahrein.  Fried.  Delitzsch 
also  identified  the  Gihon  with  the  Arahtu  (Gu- 
handi),  but  he  thought  the  Pison  to"  be  the 
Pallukatu,  the  Pallacopas  of  classical  geo- 
graphy. The  Arahtu,  however,  is  now  iden- 
tified with  a  canal  in  the  city  of  Babylon. 
These  two  rivers  must  therefore  be  regarded 
as  still  uncertain.  As  to  the  position  of  the 
garden,  though  uncertain  likewise,  something 
may  nevertheless  be  said.  The  Babylonians 
apparently  regarded  it  as  identical  with 
Eridu,  "  the  good  city,"  now  Abu-Shahrein, 
originally  near  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates. 
In  this  city  4  sacred  plant  was  supposed  to 


EDEB 


229 


grow,  probably  a  kind  of  vine,  in  appearance 
like  the  sacred  lapis-lazuli.  In  the  sacred 
house,  which  was  like  a  forest,  its  shadow 
extended,  and  no  man  entered  within  it — it 
was  the  sun-god  Tammuz  who  dwelt  there, 
between  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  (the  Tigris 
and  the  Euphrates  are  apparently  intended) 
which  are  on  both  sides.  The  ideograph  for 
this  city,  when  turned  the  right  way,  shows  a 
central  stem  with  branches,  suggesting  a  tree 
or  vine.  Whether  it  is  this  tree  which  is 
represented  on  the  Bab^'lonian  cylinder-seals 
and  the  bas-reliefs  of  Assyria  is  uncertain,  but 
not  unlikely — indeed,  one  of  the  cylinder- 
subjects  shows  the  tree  (a  date-palm),  with 
figvues  apparently  about  to  pluck  the  fruit, 
and  a  serpent  behind  one  of  them  (see  our 
illustration  under  Fall).  The  Babylonian 
"  Garden  of  Eden,"  therefore,  if  not  "  east- 
ward," was  at  least  south-eastward  in  Eden. 
For  the  rest,  the  land  of  Havilah  which  the 
Pison  encompassed  has  been  explained  as 
the  "sandy  "  portion  of  N.  Arabia,  extending 
towards  the  Egvptian  frontier  (cf.  Gen. 10. 29, 
25.18;  iSam.15.7)-  The  "bdellium  "  (b'^dholah) 
produced  there  is  probably  the  budulhu  of 
the  Assyro-Babylonian  lists  of  edible  plants, 
and  the  s^o^aw-stone  seems  to  be  the  Assyrian 
sdnitu,  which  is  said  to  have  been  brought  from 
the  desert  E.  of  Egypt'.  Prof.  Sayce  suggests 
that  the  Gihon  nay  be  the  Kerkha,  which 
rises  E.  of  the  Tigris  in  the  mountains  of 
Luristan,  the  home  of  the  Kossaeans  (Assyr. 
Kassi),  whosenamemaybeconnected  with  that 
of  Cush.  Both  the  Kerkha  and  the  Kurun 
anciently  flowed  into  the  Persian  Gulf.  In  a 
Babylonian  exercise-tablet,  Pardisu  or  Papa- 
DisE  appears  as  the  name  of  a  country.  This 
word  was  possibly  borrowed  from  the  Persian, 
and  is  preceded  by  Maganu,  probably  Magan 
or  E.  Arabia  (Havilah),  and  followed  by  Bit- 
Napsanu.  See  Delitzsch,  Wo  lag  das  Fara- 
dies  ?    and   Savce  in  Hastings,    D.B.  (vol.  i. 

1898).  '  [T.G.P.] 

Eden. — 1.  One  of  the  marts  which  supplied 
Tyre  with  richly  embroidered  stuffs  (Ezk. 
27.23).  It  is  associated  with  Haran,  Sheba, 
Asshur,  etc.  In  2K. 19.12  and  Is.37.i2  "the 
sons  of  Eden  who  were  in  Telassar  "  are  men- 
tioned with  Gozan,  Haran,  and  Reseph  as 
victims  of  Assyrian  greed  of  conquest.  Telas- 
sar is  possibly  the  Til-Asurri  mentioned  by 
Esar-haddon,  which  is  regarded  as  having  been 
situated  in  Upper  Mesopotamia.  This  would 
support  the  identification  of  Eden  with  the 
Assyrian  Bit-Adini,  an  Aramean  state  about 
200  miles  N.N.E.  of  Damascus.  Michaelis 
suggested  the  modern  Aden  as  the  Eden  of 
Ezekiel  ;  an  identification  lately  revived  by 
Margoliouth. — 2.  Beth-eden,  "  house  of 
Eden "  (Am.1.5),  was  probably  a  country 
residence  of  the  kings  of  Damascus.  Ewald 
identified  it  with  the  Paradise  of  Strabo. 
Michaelis  suggested  Ehden,  20  miles  N.W.  of 
Ba'albek  ;  and  Driver  favours  this  same  site 
or  the  Bit-Adini,  quoted  above.  Others,  in- 
cluding Farrar,  have  suggested  Beit  al-Janna, 
"  the  house  of  Paradise,"  S.W.  of  Damascus, 
on  the  E.  slope  of  Hermon,  not  far  from 
Mejdel.  [t.g.p.] 

E'dep. — 1.  (Jos.15.2i.)  A  city  of  Judah 
probably  on  the  border  of  Edom.     Henderson 


230 


EDES 


suggests  the  ruin  'Addr,  5  miles  S.  of  Gaza, 
but  this  is  near  the  sea,  not  near  Edom. — 2. 
A  Merarite  Levite  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr. 
23.23,24.30).  [C.R.C] 

E  des  (iEsd.9.35)  =  Jadau. 

Ed  na,  the  wife  of  Raguel  (Tob.7.2,  etc.). 

Edom  {red),  Edomites,  Idumea.  Esau 
asked  Jacob  to  give  him  "  the  red,  the  red" 
(Gen. 25. 30),  and  received  first  the  red  pottage, 
and  afterwards  the  red  land  of  Edom,  so  called 
probably  from  the  red  sandstone  mountains 
of  mount  Seir  ("rough"  mountain);  thus 
he  became  "  father  of  the  Edomites  "  (Gen. 36. 
9,43),  and  he  is  himself  called  Edom  {vv.  8, 
19).  Edom  is  the  mountain  plateau  S.  of 
Moab  and  E.  of  the  broad  Arabah  Valley, 
stretching  from  the  Zered  stream  (Wddy  el 
//esv)  near  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba 
at  Eloth  (iK.9.26),  100  miles  N.  and  S.,  and 
about  20  miles  from  mount  Hor  (Num. 20. 23) 
eastwards  to  the  desert.  The  plateau  is  called 
the  "field"  or  "pasture"  (sddi)  of  Edom 
(Gen. 32. 3  ;  Judg.5.4).  It  rises  to  5,300  ft. 
above  sea-level  E.  of  Petra,  and  slopes  gently 
E.  to  the  desert  (midhbdr),  while  on  W.  steep 
ridges,  with  cloven  gorges,  fall  towards  the 
Arabah,  which  slopes  S.  to  the  Red  Sea  and 
N.  to  the  Dead  Sea,  from  a  watershed  (S.  of 
Petra)  where  the  level  is  about  600  ft.  above 
the  Red  Sea.  The  rugged  mountains,  in- 
cluding Hor  (4,580  ft.)  and  the  granite  peaks 
in  the  S.  (4,200  ft.),  originate  the  later  name 
(Gebalitis,  2  Ant.  i.  2  ;  3  Ant.  ii.  i),  still  given 
to  the  jebdl  or  "  mountain  region."  On  the 
underlying  granite  and  porphyry  rise  cliffs  of 
red  and  yellow  sandstone  surmounted  by  hard 
limestone,  while  soft  yellowish  limestone  forms 
the  plateau  above.  The  rain  sinks  through 
this  to  pour  down  the  gorges  of  hard  stone  in 
such  brooks  as  Zered.  The  plateau  is  bare, 
with  scattered  bushes  of  broom  and  hibiscus, 
and  grass  in  spring  ;  but  remains  of  an  oak 
forest  occur  on  it  near  Petra  ;  and  in  places 
where  there  is  water — as  at  Tophel,  Maon,  and 
Petra — the  olive,  fig,  pomegranate,  and  vine 
are  still  grown.  The  mountains  are  covered 
with  snow  in  winter  (see  Job  6.16,  Uz  being  in 
Edom  ;  Lam. 4. 21).  The  capital  at  Petra  is 
half-way  N.  and  S.  on  the  W.  border.  [Sela.] 
It  is  identified  by  Josephus  (4  Ant.  iv.  7,  vii.  i) 
with  Kadesh-barnea,  which  was  on  the 
border  (Num.20. 16).  and  with  Reqem  {many 
coloured),  a  name  taken  from  the  remarkable 
colouring  of  the  sandstone.  The  Targum  of 
Oukclos  agrees,  and  Keoem-de-gaya  {of  the 
ravine)  is  the  present  el  ]i.  Other  places  in 
Edom  include  Iim  ('.iimeh),  Tophel  (Tulileh), 
BozRAH  {Buseireh)  towards  the  N.,  and  Maon 
{M'dn)  S.E.  of  Petra,  with  Elath  {Ailah) 
on  the  Red  Sea  shore.  In  the  4th  cent.  B.C. 
the  increased  power  of  the  Edomites  caused 
the  name  Edom  to  be  extended  over  the 
desert  to  the  W.  ;  and  about  168  b.c.  Idumea 
reached  W.  even  to  Adoraim  and  Mareshah 
(13  Ant.  ix.  i)  and  N.  to  Hebron,  Beth-zur 
being  the  border  fortress  of  the  Jews  (iMac.4. 
15,29,61,5.3,65.6.31  ;  2Mac.i2.32  ;  Mk.3.8). — 
Inhabitants.  The  first  inhabitants  were  Ho- 
RiTES,  or  "  cave-dwellers,"  called  "  children 
of  Seir  "  (Gen. 36. 20  ;  Deut.2.i2),  who  were 
conquered  by  the  sons  of  Esau.  The  Ben 
Hasaa  picture  in  Egypt  (12th    dynasty,  i.e. 


EDOM,  EDOMITES 

earlier  than  .\braham)  represents  nomads 
from  Aduma  with  a  gazelle  and  an  ibe.x  as 
presents,  driving  asses,  armed  with  spears 
and  bows,  and  playing  on  a  ten-stringed  harp. 
They  appear  to  be  Semitic,  and  the  later 
Edomites  were  akin  to  the  Hebrews.  After 
the  Captivity  Petra  became  the  capital  of 
Ishmaelite  Arabs  from  S.E.  called  Nabatheans 
[Nebaiotii],  trading  as  a  free  people  with 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  and  powerful  in  the 
Sinaitic  desert.  The  Edomites  worshipped 
many  gods  of  the  "  children  of  Seir  "  (2Chr. 
25.14,15,20),  and  Arab  deities  such  as  'Aud 
(Uz),  the  chief  one  apparently  being  Qaus,  or 
Qushi,  "  the  bow  god  " — probably  the  sun — 
whom  Josephus  calls  Koze  (15  Ant.  vii.  9),  and 
whose  name  perhaps  appears  in  those  of  the 
Edomite  rulers  Qaus-malka,  Qaus-gabri,  and 
Costobarus.  The  Edomite  language  appears 
to  have  been  Araraean  even  before  the  spread 
of  the  Nabatheans. — History.  The  original 
inhabitants  obeyed  "  dukes  "  or  "  leaders  " 
{'alluphim  ;  Gen. 36. 15  ;  iChr.l.54),  and  these, 
among  the  children  of  Esau  in  the  time  of 
Moses,  were  organized  under  a  king  (Ex.15. 15  ; 
Num. 20. 14)  ;  one  of  these  "  dukes  "  found 
"  hot  springs  "  (R.V.)  in  the  desert  (Gen. 36. 
24).  Israel  respected  the  Edomite  inde- 
pendence and,  passing  S.  from  Kadesh-barnea, 
struck  E.  to  the  main  N.  trade-route  on  the 
plateau,  which  led  from  Eloth  (Deut.2.8)  to 
IjE-ABARiM  i'Aimeh)  on  the  border  of  Moab 
(Num. 33. 44),  near  the  source  of  the  border 
stream  Zered  (Num. 21. 12).  The  names  of 
eight  Edomite  kings  ruling  before  Saul  are 
given  (Gen. 36.31-39  ;  iChr. 1.43-51),  their 
native  places  being  Diniiabah  (perhaps 
Dhdneh),  Bozrah  {Biiseireh),  .\vith  {'Aimeh), 
Rehoboth  on  the  Euphrates,  and  Pau  (Pai). 
Hadad,  the  last  of  these  kings  (iChr.l.50  ;  iK. 
11.14-22),  or  a  son  so  named,  fled  from  David 
to  Egvpt,  and  returned  with  a  royal  bride  after 
David's  death.  Edom  was  then  restricted 
to  moimt  Seir  (Jos. 15. i  ;  Judg.5.4).  It  was 
attacked  by  Saul  (1Sam.i4.47).  and  conquered 
for  David  by  Joab  (2Sam.8.i3,i4  :  iChr.18. 
12,13)  after  a  great  battle  in  the  "  valley  of 
salt  "  (see  R.V.  marg.  2Sam.8.i3).  Solomon 
had  a  trading  fleet  in  Eloth  of  Edom  ( i  K.9.26  ; 
2Chr.8.i7),  and  the  king  of  Edom  aided 
Jehoram  and  Jehoshaphat  early  in  the  9th 
cent.  B.C.  in  their  attack  on  the  S.  border 
of  Moab  (2  K. 3. 8, 9, 20),  where  an  unex- 
pected stream  flowed  down  the  valley — pro- 
bably the  brook  Zered.  A  few  years  later 
Joram  of  Judah  was  defeated  in  an  attempt 
to  quell  a  revolt  in  Edom  (2K.8.20  ;  2Chr.21. 
8-10)  ;  but  Amaziah,  late  in  the  same  century, 
took  Sela  (Petra)  after  another  battle  in  the 
"valley  of  salt"  (2K.I4.7  :  2Chr.25.19)- 
In  734  B.C.  Tiglath-pileser  III.  <>f  Assyria 
conquered  Qaus-malka.  king  of  Edom  ;  and 
in  715  B.C.  Sargon  advanced  thence  against 
Thamud  Arabs  to  the  S.  Sennacherib,  in 
702  B.C.,  claimed  .Airammu  of  Edom  as  a 
tributary,  and  Esar-haddon  received  tribute 
about  680  B.C.  from  Qaus-gabri  of  Edom. 
The  S.  Arabs  invaded  Edom  about  650  b.c. 
on  their  way  N.  while  .\ssur-bani-pal  was 
weakened  by  his  brother's  rebellion  in  Baby- 
lon, but  the  Nabatheans  took  the  side  of 
the  Assyrian  monarch,  so  that  Edom  escaped 


EDREI 

his  subsequent  revenge  when  Babylon  fell. 
After  600  B.C.  Edom  appears  to  have  regained 
freedom,  though  impoverished  (Mal.1.4)  by 
the  wars ;  and  the  Nabatheans  contended 
with  the  Gk.  kings  of  Asia  (see  Dan. 11. 41), 
though  the  Idumeans  were  defeated  by  Judas 
Maccabaeus  at  Akrabbim  (iMac.5.3  ;  12  Ant. 
viii.  i).  and  finally  compelled  to  become  cir- 
cumcised (13  Ant.  ix.  i)  about  139  B.C.,  under 
Simon  the  brother  of  Judas.  Idumean  power 
increased  greatly  in  47  e.g.,  when  Antipater 
became  ruler  of  Palestine,  and  his  son  Herod — 
regarded  only  as  "  half  a  Jew  "  (14  Ant.  xv.  2) 
— established  his  own  brother-in-law,  the 
Idumean  Costobarus,  priest  of  Koze,  as  ruler 
of  Idumea  and  Gaza  (15  Ant.  vii.  9  ;  20  Ant. 
ix.  4).  The  Romans  held  Petra  after  105  a.d., 
and  Edom  then  became  a  Roman  province ; 
but  the  Nabatheans  retained  considerable 
independence,  and  were  enriched  by  trade. 
Their  capital  was  at  Petra,  but  their  rude 
inscriptions  in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  continue 
as  late  even  as  the  4th  cent.  a.d.  Coins  of 
kings  bearing  the  names  Malik,  Hareth,  Dabel, 
Gamalith,  and  Sukaminth  have  been  found 
(Taylor,  Alphabet,  i.  pp.  328-332)  belonging 
to  the  later  ages  of  Idumean  freedom.  The 
Idumeans  introduced  into  Jerusalem  in  70  a.d. 
(4  Wars  iv.  i)  proved  an  element  of  weakness 
to  the  Jews.  Edom  was  indeed  always  re- 
garded as  an  enemy  by  Hebrews  from  the  time 
of  Moses,  and  Edomites  probably  aided  the 
Babylonians  to  reduce  Jerusalem  c.  600  b.c. 
SeeNum.24.i8;  Ps.60.8,83.6,137.7;Is.ll.i4,34. 
5-7  (Idumea,  R.V.  Edom),  63. i;  Je. 9. 26,25. 21, 
27.3  (king  of  Edom  c.  600  B.C.),  40. 11 
(Jews  in  Edom  c.  588  b.c),  49.7,13,18,20,22; 
Lam. 4. 21;  Ezk.25.i2,32.29  (kings  of  Edom  c. 
568  B.C.),  36-5  (Idumea,  R.V.  Edom);  JI.3.19 
(Edomite  violence  against  Israel  c  700  b.c)  ; 
Am. 1.6, 2. 1  (the  bones  of  a  king  of  Edom 
burned  for  lime  c.  760  b.c),  9.12  ;  Ob. 1,9 
(mount  Esau);  Mai. 1.4.  These  notices  agree 
with  the  history,  as  above,  and  with  the 
Ass>Trian  statements.    [Nebaioth.]    [cr.c] 

Edpe'i. — 1.  One  of  the  two  capital  cities  of 
Bashan  (Num.21. 33  ;  Deut.l.4,3.10  ;  Jos. 12. 
4),  where  a  victory  was  gained  by  the 
Israelites  over  the  Amorites  under  Og  their 
king.  The  ruins  of  this  ancient  city  still 
bear  the  name  ed  Der'adh  at  a  town  of  4,000  in- 
habitants 25  miles  E.  of  Gadara  (Schumacher, 
Across  the  Jordan,  pp.  121-148) — 2.  A  town 
allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  and  situated 
near  Kedesh  (Jos. 19. 37).  Probably  the  village 
Y'ater,  11  miles  W.  of  Kedesh.  [c.R.c] 

Education.  There  is  no  contemporary 
account  of  Hebrew  education  till  c.  200  a.d., 
nor  ought  we  to  expect  one  of  a  subject  that 
would  not  suggest  itself  for  description  ;  but 
we  can  gather  from  inference  much  clearer 
information  than  might  be  expected.  It  is 
evident  that  the  education  of  children  was 
commanded  by  God  (Ex. 12.26,13. 8. 14  ;  Deut. 
4.9,10,6.2,7,20,11.19;  Sus.3;  Josephus,  Contra 
Apion,  17);  also  that  till  after  the  Captivity 
the  parents,  both  father  and  mother,  were  the 
teachers.  [Family.]  It  is  probable  that  the 
boast  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  (prolog.)  is 
correct,  that  the  Hebrews  "ought  to  be  com- 
mended for  learning  and  wisdom  "  :  though 
their  education  was  confined  in  character,  as 


EDUCATION 


231 


the  subject  of  teaching  was  always  the  law. 
According  to  a  very  late  description  (Pirke 
A  both  V.   21),  boys  at  5  years   old   began  to 
learn  the  Scriptures,  at  10  the  Mishna,  at  13 
they  became  subject  to  the  whole  law,  at  15 
they  entered  the  Gemara.    There  is  no  certain 
evidence  that  boys  were   taught  reading  and 
writing  before  the  Captivity  (J  udg. 5. 14  does  not 
help  us;  see  R.V.),  but  it  is  highly  probable  ; 
the  alphabetical  psalms  and  also  the  fact  that 
the  Hebrew  language  before  the  invention  of 
the  vowel  points  was  extremely  difficult  to  read 
seem  some  evidence  of  this.     Schools  there  were 
none  in   this  period  [Schools  of  Prophets]  ; 
but  that  the  people  generally  were  educated  is 
evidenced  by,  e.g.,  the  commercial  and  intellec- 
tual activity  of  the  reign  of  Solomon.     With 
the  return  from  the  Captivity  a  new  era   in 
the  history  of  education  begins,  due  chiefly  to 
Ezra  the  scribe.     Synagogues    are  built  and 
increase  rapidly,  and  were  primarily  schools, 
and  the  scribes  were  teachers  who  did  their 
work  well,  though  not  at  first  as  elementary 
teachers  ;    but  elementary  education  soon  be- 
came general,  and  it  was  considered  unpatri- 
otic and  irreligious  not  to  be  able  to  read.    The 
education  of  girls  was  not  neglected ;  see  Pr.31 
for  a  compendium  of  their  instruction.    Educa- 
tional literature  was  now  largely  developed  (c/. 
Ecclus.  and  Wisdom) ;  the  first  teachers'  hand- 
book was  the  Proverbs  ;    and  earlier  than  this 
the  terms  "  teacher  "  and  "  scholar  "  (iChr.25. 
8)    marked    recognized    divisions    of    society. 
Children  were  given  elementary  education  in 
the  synagogue  or  in  a  room  attached  ;    they 
sat  on  the  ground  round  a  teacher  on  a  seat. 
Thus  our  Lord  Himself  must  have  been  taught, 
though  His  first  teacher  would  be  His  mother. 
— Education  in  N.T.     Our  Lord  gave  to  chil- 
dren, as  He  did  to  women,  their  proper  place 
in  His  Church.     In  schools  such  as  our  Lord 
must    have    attended,    reading  (with    careful 
attention  to  pronunciation)  and  writing  were 
taught,  and  probably  some  knowledge  of  Greek 
was  imparted  ;  but  from  our  Lord's  condemna- 
tion of  the  scribes  and  His  frequent  criticism 
of  the  current  explanations  of  the  command- 
ments we  gather  that  education  had  degener- 
ated into  the  worst  kind,  viz.  merely  mechani- 
cal teaching.     Naturally  there  are  no  specific 
regulations  as  to  the  instruction  of  children  in 
N.T.  (the  Church  had  to  do  with  older  people 
in   its   first    days),    yet    there   is  much    about 
teaching  and  teachers,  though  the  distinct  office 
of  catechist  dates  from  some  centuries  later. 
The  function  of  teaching  might  be  exercised  by 
any  man,  whether  apostle,  prophet,  or  presby- 
ter,   though    the    ability    is    recognized    as    a 
separate  gift.     It  was  exercised  by  laymen  (we 
know   that    in    the    3rd    cent.    Origen    was    a 
teacher  before  he  was  ordained),  and  appar- 
ently   by    women — see    Tit. 2. 3,     where     the 
technical  word   diddcTKoKo's    (in  contemporary 
Gk.  a  school  word)  is  used.     It  is  not  without 
significance  that  our  Lord  is  often  called  by 
this    title.     In    the    following    passages    also 
dtddaKaXos    or    diddaKiv   is    used:    Ac.l3.i,   at 
Antioch  were  certain  prophets  and  teachers ; 
Ro.2.20,  iCor.12.28,29,  first  apostles,  second- 
arily   prophets,    thirdly    teachers;    Eph.4.ii, 
apostles,    prophets,    evangelists,  pastors,    and 
teachers;    iTim.l.7,2.7  ;   2Tim.l.ii,4.3  ;  Heb, 


232 


EOLAH 


5.12;  Jas.3.1;  cf.  also  Ro.12.7.  From  these 
we  gather  tha.  there  was  no  fixed  nor  definite 
place  for  the  5i5d(r^•aXos,  but  that  the  work  of 
teaching  was  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  most 
important  in  the  Church.  There  are  three 
prominent  facts  with  regard  to  education  in  the 
Bible,  (i)  It  is  by  the  command  and  sanction 
of  God  the  Father.  (2)  It  was  the  practice  of 
God  the  Son.  (3)  It  is  now  to  be  considered 
as  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  Who  is  guiding 
into  all  truth.  The  subsequent  history  and 
development  of  education  are  outside  our 
present  range.  The  following  books  mav  be 
referred  to:  Didache.  15,  and  Dr.  Bigg's  Com- 
mentarv,  p.  27f.  :  Diet,  of  Christian  Antiq.. 
"Catechumen  "  ;  Bishop  Wordsworth,  Ministry 
of  Grace  ;  Church  Work.  93  ff.  (Oxford  Lib.  of 
Practical  Theology)  ;  Harnack's  ed.  of  the 
Didachr,  Weizsacker,  Das  Apostolische Zeitelter; 
Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the 
Messiah.  [b.r.1 

Eg'Iah',  one  of  David's  wives,  and  mother 
of  his  son  Ithream  (2Sam.3.5  ;  iChr.3.3).  Ac- 
cording to  Heb.  tradition,  she  was  Michal. 

'Eglsiim,  a  place  named  only  in  Is. 15. 8, 
apparently  as  one  of  the  most  remote  points 
on  the  boundary  of  Moab.  Probably  the 
same  as  En-eglaim. 

Elg-lon  {c'rcle).  king  of  Moab.  He  op- 
pressed Israel,  and  was  assassinated  bv  Ehud 
(Judc;.3.i2ff.).     [Ehud.1  [h.m.s.I 

Eg-lon',  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  low 
country  (Jos. 15. 30).  Eglon  was  one  of  a  con- 
federacv  of  five  towns  which  under  Jerusalem 
resisted  Israel  by  attacking  its  ally  Gibeon 
(Jos. 10).  The  name  survives  in  the  modern 
Allan,  a  mass  of  ruins  in  the  plain  16  miles 
N.E.  of  Gaza.  [c.R.cl 

Egypt  (mirrayim  or  erec  mifrayim;  A  i'7ii7rTos; 
Aegyptus),  a  country  occupying  the  N.E.  angle 
of  Africa  between  N.  lat.  31°  37'  and  24°  i', 
and  E.  long.  27°  13'  and  34°  12'.  Its  limits  ap- 
pear to  have  been  very  nearly  the  same  imder 
the  Pharaohs  ;  the  most  southern  province 
was  the  district  around  the  city  of  Elephantine, 
which  was  built  opposite  the  present  city  of 
Aswan. — Nantes  and  Divisions.  The  common 
name  in  the  Bible  is  mirravim  (Gen. 10.6, 12. 10), 
or  the  land  of  mirrayim  (Gen. 13. 10  ;  Ex.7. 19, 
etc.)  in  a  dual  form.  There  has  been  much  dis- 
cussion about  this  name,  which  is  not  Egvptian, 
and  has  been  interpreted  as  meaning  the  two 
enclosures,  the  two  districts,  or  the  two  basins. 
The  dual  form  is  in  accordance  with  the  Egyp- 
tian custom  of  considering  Egypt  as  divided 
into  two  regions — the  S.,  which  is  always 
named  first,  and  the  N.  The  usual  emblem  of 
royalty  is  double — the  reed  for  the  S.  and  the 
wasp  for  the  N.  [Mizraim.]  Another  name 
met  with  in  Scripture  is  "  the  Land  of  Ham  " 
(Ps. 105. 23, 106. 22),  which  refers  to  Ham,  one 
of  the  sons  of  Noah,  and  has  a  great  likeness 
with  the  Egyptian  name  of  Kern  or  Kemi,  the 
hieroglyphic  for  which  is  the  tail  of  the  croco- 
dile, and  means  "  the  black  one,"  from  the 
colour  of  the  black  soil.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  name  Rahah  (Ps.87..i,89.io ;  Is.Sl.o) 
always  means  Egypt.  [RAiiAn.]  The  name 
\lyvnro%,  which  in  Homer  is  applied  to  a  river, 
seems  to  be  a  transcription  of  the  word  Ageh  or 
Akeb,  one  of  the  names  of  the  Nile.  The 
superficies  of  the  land  is  at  present  over  11,000 


EGYPT 

sq.  miles,  equal  to  7,300,000  acres,  of  which 
4,625,000  are  cultivated.  The  area  of  culti- 
vated land  is  probably  a  good  deal  smaller  than 
in  ancient  times,  especially  in  the  Delta,  where 
lake  Menzaleh  covers  a  considerable  space, 
part  of  which  was  called  "  the  Garden  of 
Egypt,"  and  where  the  WadyTumilat,  which  is 
now  nearly  barren,  was  a  flourishing  land  with 
important  cities.  The  extent  of  the  cultivated 
area  is  not  exactly  the  same  every  year,  since 
it  depends  entirely  for  its  irrigation  upon  the 
inundation  of  the  Nile.  From  a  very  remote 
period  the  land  was  divided  into  adminis- 
trative districts,  called  by  the  Egyptians 
hesep  or  tesh.  and  by  the  Greeks  nomes.  The 
capital  was  the  abode  of  the  divinitv  peculiar 
to  the  province.  The  number  of  the  nomes 
has  varied,  chiefly  in  the  Delta.  The  later 
hieroglyphical  lists  give  42  or  44,  Upper  Eg\'pt 
and  Lower  Egypt  having  each  21  or  22. 
— General  A  ppearance  ;  Plants  and  A  nimals. 
Eg\Tot,  as  Herodotus  says,  is  a  gift  of  the  Nile. 
It  is  a  long  valley,  extremely  fertile,  owing  to 
the  inundation.  A  little  below  the  present 
city  of  Cairo  the  valley  expands  into  the  Delta, 
a  vast  level  plain,  watered  by  two  branches  of 
the  Nile,  and  numerous  canals.  In  former  times 
the  river  had  seven  branches.  Rain  is  not  infre- 
quent on  the  northern  coast  ;  while  in  Upper 
Egypt  there  are  only  one  or  two  showers  in  a 
year,  though  they  have  occurred  more  fre- 
quently of  late  years.  Rockv  and  barren  deserts 
bound  the  valley  on  both  sides.  Some  geological 
changes  have  occurred  even  in  historical  times. 
N.  of  Suez  the  ground  has  risen,  causing  the 
Red  Sea,  or  the  Arabian  Gulf,  which  extended 
as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  isthmus,  to  retreat 
to  its  present  limits  ;  while  near  the  Mediter- 
ranean coast  it  has  sunk.  Several  ancient 
cities  lie  beneath  the  waters  of  lake  Menzaleh. 
The  wealth  of  the  land  has  always  been  agri- 
cultural. In  all  times  Egypt  produced  great 
quantities  of  corn.  It  often  happened  that, 
like  Jacob  and  his  children,  the  neighbouring 
nations  had  to  draw  corn  from  Egypt.  There 
are  in  the  tombs  detailed  pictures  of  breaking 
up  the  earth,  ploughing,  sowing,  harvest, 
threshing  (which  was  simply  treading  out  by 
oxen  or  cows  unmuzzled),  and  storing  the  corn 
in  granaries.  The  EgN^itians  grew  vines  more 
than  at  present,  and  had  various  sorts  of  wine, 
each  having  its  special  name.  These  came 
from  the  Delta  and  from  the  oases  in  the 
Libyan  desert.  The  olive-tree  and  date-palm 
were  also  cultivated.  The  Egvptians  had 
quantities  of  live-stock — oxen,  sheep,  goats, 
and  asses  ;  also  various  kinds  of  domesticated 
antelopes,  besides  many  birds,  geese,  ducks, 
pigeons,  cranes,  but  not  the  common  fowl. 
Our  information  ns  to  the  tenure  of  land  is  de- 
rived chiefly  from  documents  of  the  Ptolemaic 
epoch.  But  the  C.k.  kings  seem  to  have  made 
very  few  innovations.  It  appears  that  a  great 
quantitv  of  land  was  owned  by  the  king, 
who  made  grants  to  the  temples  and  to  his 
officers;  private  property  existed,  but  probably 
most  of  the  agricultural  population  were 
tenants.  The  land  surveying  of  the  Egyp- 
tians was  very  advanced ;  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  in  a  country  where  the  landmarks 
were  often  carried  away  by  the  inundation. 
An  important  income  was  also  derived  from 


EGYPT 

the  fisheries,  especially  those  of  lake  Moeris,  a 
basin  outside  the  valley  occupying  part  of  the 
present  province  of  the  Fayiim.  Trees  were 
very  few — the  date-palm,  the  acacia  (one  of 
which,  now  called  sunt,  has  a  useful  wood),  and 
the  sycamore  are  nearly  all  that  are  seen. 
The  cereals  mostly  cultivated  are  the  wheat 
and  the  dura.  Its  fruits  and  vegetables  have 
been  famous  since  ancient  times,  especially 
its  melons  and  onions  ;  we  see  presented  as 
offerings  grapes,  figs,  pomegranates,  cucum- 
bers, and  lentils.  The  papyrus  provided  a 
flourishing  industry.  It  probabl)'  came  from 
the  Upper  Nile,  and  was  used  for  making 
paper  ;  it  was  also  boiled  and  eaten  as  food  ; 
light  boats  for  navigating  the  canals  were 
made  of  its  stalks.  It  has  now  disappeared 
entirely  from  Egypt.  Several  plants  have 
been  discovered  in  the  wreaths  of  mummies 
which  do  not  belong  to  the  flora  of  Egypt  ; 
among  them  the  so-called  persea  (Mimusops 
Schimperi),  an  Abyssinian  tree  cultivated  for 
its  red  berries.  Cattle  were  probably  more 
abundant  than  at  present.  The  Egyptians 
had  several  breeds  of  oxen,  both  hornless  and 
horned  ;  and  they  seem  to  have  domesticated 
animals  which  are  no  longer  so  used — the 
sculptures  show  large  herds  of  several  kinds  of 
antelopes  (e.g.  the  leucoryx)  of  which  they  ate 
the  flesh,  and  which  were  sacrificed  with  the 
oxen.  Goats  and  sheep  were  very  abundant  ; 
swine  are  found  as  early  as  the  4th  dynasty, 
but  disappear  afterwards.  The  camel  is  never 
seen  in  the  pictures  ;  while  the  horse  appears 
only  after  the  invasion  of  the  Hyksos,  who 
probably  brought  it  from  Mesopotamia.  The 
horse  throve  so  much  in  Egypt  that  it  was 
exported  to  the  neighbouring  countries.  We 
hear  of  Solomon  obtaining  horses  for  his 
chariots  from  Egypt  (2Chr.l. 16,9.28).  The 
horse  was  used  also  for  ploughing.  Asses  were 
very  numerous,  as  they  are  now.  We  can 
trace  on  the  monuments  dogs  of  various  breeds, 
such  as  hounds  for  hunting  the  gazelle,  mastiffs, 
and  spits.  Wild  animals  abounded  in  the 
desert — hyenas,  jackals,  foxes,  and  wolves. 
The  lion  was  found  farther  N.  than  now.  The 
cat  was  a  sacred  animal,  but  was  not  domesti- 
cated ;  the  kings  and  the  rich  liked  to  have 
strange  animals  brought  to  them — the  giraffe, 
a  kind  of  leopard  used  for  hunting,  and  ele- 
phants. The  chase  of  the  hippopotamus  is 
often  seen  in  the  pictures.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  in  old  times  this  huge  animal  came  down 
as  far  as  the  Delta.  Among  the  birds  the 
falcon,  the  vulture,  the  ibis,  the  plover,  were 
sacred,  as  being  the  emblems  of  divinities. 
The  chase  of  water-fowl  was  a  favourite  sport 
of  the  rich.  The  crocodile  is  usually  called  in 
the  Bible  a  dragon  ;  it  was  found  in  large 
numbers,  but  has  now  retreated  above  the 
second  cataract.  It  played  a  most  important 
part  in  religion  ;  like  the  hippopotamus,  it 
was  in  some  places  the  emblem  of  Typhon  or 
Set  (the  evil  principle),  and  therefore  regarded 
as  impure.  In  other  places  it  was  an  object  of 
great  reverence,  fed  by  the  priests  and  wor- 
shipped as  a  god.  [Nile.]  The  serpent  also 
was  considered  as  an  emblem  of  eternity  and  of 
royal  power  ;  there  are  several  kinds  in  the 
country,  some  of  them,  like  the  horned  asp  or 
cerastes,    very    dangerous.     Frogs    are    very 


EGYPT 


233 


numerous  ;  one  goddess  had  a  frog's  head. 
The  tadpole  is  the  hieroglyphic  sign  for  100,000. 
The  scorpion  also  was  sacred.  It  is  common 
among  the  ruins.  Its  sting  is  dangerous, 
chiefly  in  summer.  Clouds  of  locusts  are 
rare  ;  they  are  more  frequent  in  Nubia  than 
in  Egypt.  Flies  and  mosquitoes  are  among 
the  permanent  plagues  of  the  country. — In- 
habitants. The  old  inhabitants  certainly  be- 
longed to  the  Caucasian  race,  and  to  the  branch 
of  the  Noachian  family  called  Hamite,  or  some- 
times Cushite.  The  great  number  of  skulls 
which  have  been  found  in  the  graves  of  various 
epochs  show  that  they  were  not  Negroes,  al- 
though some  anthropologists  pretend  to  have 
recognized  a  negroid  influence  in  the  type. 
The  question  of  the  cradle  of  the  Egyptians  is 
much  discussed.  For  a  long  time  they  were 
considered  as  invaders  coming  from  Asia 
through  the  isthmus  of  Suez.  But  since  the 
prehistoric  civilization,  the  Stone  Age,  has 
been  discovered  along  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Nile,  it  is  impossible  not  to  consider  the  bulk 
of  the  population  as  being  autochthonous,  of 
African  origin.  A  foreign  element  may  have 
mixed  with  them  and  contributed  to  develop 
their  civilization,  as  the  Aryans  have  done  in 
some  parts  of  Europe.  These  foreign  con- 
querors, whom  some  consider  to  have  been 
Semites,  others  Hamites,  must  have  come 
from  Asia  or  Arabia,  either  through  the  har- 
bour now  called  Kosseir  and  the  valley  of 
Hamamat,  or  more  S.  through  Abyssinia  or 
Somaliland.  After  having  reached  the  Upper 
Nile,  they  came  down  the  river  and  arrived  in 
Egypt,  where  they  settled.  The  Egyptian 
traditions  point  to  conquerors  coming  from  the 
S.  For  them  the  W.  is  the  right  side — that  is, 
they  turn  towards  the  S.,  which  is  always  men- 
tioned before  the  N.  They  seem  to  have  been 
closely  connected  with  the  land  of  Punt,  the 
African  coast  of  the  Red  Sea.  They  had  a 
strong  individual  character,  and  a  deep  con- 
tempt for  the  strangers  whom  they  could  not 
reduce  to  slavery.  They  speak  of  the  "  vile  " 
Cush  and  the  "  vile  Kheta  "  (Hittites). — Lan- 
guage. Their  language  is  known  to  us  from  its 
earliest  time.  We  have  inscriptions  of  the 
first  three  dynasties  ;  but  not  until  the  fourth 
have  we  texts  of  any  length.  This  writing 
lasted  until  Roman  times,  during  a  period  of 
more  than  4,000  years  ;  and  considering  that 
long  duration  it  may  be  said  that  there  has 
been  Uttle  change  in  the  language.  It  belongs 
to  the  Hamitic  branch,  as  do  the  Berber  and 
some  languages  spoken  in  the  Soudan  and 
Abyssinia,  e.g.  the  Galla,  Bedja,  and  Somali. 
It  has  some  affinities  with  the  Semitic  lan- 
guages, but  must  not  be  called  Semitic.  The 
writing  is  hieroglyphical.  It  is  a  transition 
from  the  picture-writing  to  the  phonetic.  A 
sentence  is  generally  a  mixture  of  three  kinds 
of  signs — the  ideographic,  the  syllabic,  and  the 
alphabetical ;  hence  there  is  no  orthography 
in  our  sense  of  that  word.  A  word  may  be 
spelt  in  various  ways  in  the  same  text.  Hiero- 
glyphics have  also  an  ornamental  purpose, 
they  are  the  accompaniment  of  sculpture,  they 
are  used  on  the  monuments  and  in  sacred 
books;  but  such  writing  being  difficult  and 
slow,  the  Egyptians  adopted  for  common  use 
a  shorthand  which  is  called  by  the  (^uite  inade- 


234 


EGYPT 


quale  name  of  "hieratic,"  and  in  which  there 
is  an  equivalent  for  each  hieroglyphical  sign. 
Under  the  22nd  dynasty  there  appeared  a  new 
siinplification,  the  "demotic,"  parallel  with  a 
modification  in  the  language.     The  signs  are 
difficult  to  recognize,   but  there  are  still  the 
three  kinds.     The  Egyptians  never  adopted  a 
purely  alphabetical  system,  until  they  rejected 
entirelv    their   own  script,    and   adojited   the 
Gk.  alphabet  with  four  additional  signs,  which 
constitutes   the    Coptic    alphabet.     Then   the 
language    was    much    altered    under    the    in- 
fluence of  Greek.     Coptic,  which  was  spoken 
and  written  b\'  the  Christians,  is  still  the  sacred 
language  of  the  Copts,  who  read  their  prayers 
without      understanding     the     meaning.     It 
seems  to  have  only  ceased  to  be  a  spoken  lan- 
guage at  the  end  of  the  i8th  cent. — Religion. 
The  religion  has  often  been  viewed  in  a  false 
light,  owing  to  the  Greeks  having  translated 
into  their  own  language  the  names  of  Egyptian 
gods,  thus  giving  an  utterly  false  idea  of  their 
nature  and  attributes.     It  is  not   a  well  co- 
ordinated system,  even  if  we  consider  only  the 
doctrine  of  the  priests.     It  is  pre-eminently  a 
worship  of  nature  and  of  its  leading  manifesta- 
tions.    The  chief  god,  to  whom,  more  or  less, 
all  the  attribiites  of  the  deity  are  given,  has  a 
different  name  according  to  the  localities — he 
is  called  Amon  at  Thebes,  Tum  at  Heliopolis, 
Phtah  at  Memphis,  Horns  at  Edfu,  Hathor  at 
Denderah.     But  if  we  study  the  character  and 
attributes  of  each,   we  find  that,   with  slight 
differences,  they  are  very  much  alike.     They 
differ  in  their  names  and  in  their  residences, 
and  must  have  been  originally  the  local  gods 
of    the    several    tribes    which    settled    in    the 
country  and  whose  union  constituted  the  em- 
pire.    They    were    identified    with    the    most 
beneficial  elements — the  sun,  earth,  and  water. 
All  manifestations  of  nature,  all  natural  forces, 
were  gods,  but  they  are  not  separated  from  the 
creator  ;    they  are  his  limbs  :    hence  the  pan- 
theistic character  of  the  religion  is  evident. 
The  cosmogonic  doctrine  is  that  of  Heliopolis, 
which  seems  to  have  been  adopted  more  or  less 
throughout   the  land.     The  moral  character, 
which  is  absent  in  nature-gods,  is  found  in  one 
of  these — viz.  Osiris,  the  judge  of   the  dead. 
His    worship    seems    to    have    originated    at 
Abydos.     It  is  before  him  that  the  judgment 
scene  described  in  the  Book  of  the  Dead  has 
to  take  place.     The  heart  of  the  deceased  is 
weighed  in  his  presence,   while  the  deceased 
declares  that  he  has  not  connnitted  one  of  .^2 
great  sins,  thus  certainly  pointing  to  a  high 
moral  law.     The  fate  of  the  soul  after  death  is 
something  very  vague.     It  is  described  in  the 
Book  of  the  Dead  (a  copy  of  which,  written  on 
papyrus,  was  often  put   with    the   mummy)  ; 
sometimes  it    is  painted  on   tin;  walls  of  the 
tomb.     The  deceased  may  go  through  many 
transformations,  he  may  enjoy  great  felicity, 
encounter  great  dangers,  from  which  he  will  be 
delivered  by  magic  words  ;    but  there  is  no 
definite  future,  nothing  to  which  every  one  is 
subjected.     The    human    personality   consists 
of  tliree  elements — the  body,  the  ka  or  image 
(wliic.h  follows  man  even  during  his  lifetinu^), 
and  th(!  soul.      None  of  these  three  elements 
must  perish,  or  the  person  himself  would  be 


EGYPT 

preserved  from  corruption.     This  is  the  reason 
for  mummification.     The  Egyptians  adopted 
as  emblems  of  the  gods  the  figures  of  animals. 
The  falcon  was  the  re]>resentative  of  Horus, 
the  ibis  of  Thoth,  the  ram  of   .\mon.     Two 
sacred  bulls  were  worshipped  :    .\pis  at  Mem- 
phis and  Mnevis  at  Heliopolis.     The  Egyptian 
religion  had  a  very  complicated  ritual,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  festivals  and  ceremonies, 
and  a  powerful  body  of  priests.     Under  the 
Romans  it  degenerated  into  gross  superstition 
and  magic,  and  therefore  fell  into  disrepute. — 
Government.     The  government  was  monarchi- 
cal.    The  king,  whose  fiower  was  limited  by 
law  and  custom,  succeeded  to  the  throne  by 
inheritance  ;   he  was  at  the  same  time  the  chief 
priest  and  the  head  of  all  that  was  connected 
with  religion.     On  the  sculptures  he  is  always 
represented  as  fulfilling  the  duties  of  a  priest. 
Queens  occasionally  occupied  the  throne.     We 
have  only  scanty  information  as  to  the  laws  of 
Egvpt   during    the   Old   and   Middle   Empire. 
Under  the  Theban  dynasties  we  have  records 
of  trials  where  capital  punishment   was   fre- 
quent.    Our   knowledge   of   the   civil   law   of 
Egypt  is  chiefly  derived  from  the  demotic  con- 
tracts.    Under  the  Ptolemies  it  was  apparently 
most  precise  and  definite  ;    it  probably  had  a 
much  older  origm,   as  the  Macedonian  kings 
imitated  what  had  been  done  by  their  native 
predecessors. — Antiy.     The    Egyptians    were 
not  a  warlike  people  ;    during  the  first  dynas- 
ties we  see  thena  defending  themselves  against 
foreign  invaders,  especially  the   Sinaitic  Bed- 
ouin.     They    had    then    no   regular     army ; 
the  troops  consisted  of  levies  mostly  untrained 
and  undisciplined,  among  which  were  negroes 
from  the  Soudan.      But  after  the  country  had 
been  freed  from  the  foreign  rulers,  called  the 
Hyksos,  the  kings  became  conquerors,  espe- 
cially under  the  iSth  dvnastv,  the  most  power- 
ful of  all.     The  kings  had  to  fight  the  Ethio- 
pians,  their  neighbours  on  the  S.   who  were 
subjects  of  Egypt,  but  who  generally  revolted 
at   each    change   of   reign,  and   in  the  E.  the 
nations   of    Palestine  and    Mesopotamia.      At 
that  time  the  Pharaohs  had  a    trained  army 
in  which  chariots  played  an   important  part. 
The  infantry  was  armed   with   lances  and   a 
kind  of  falchion,  and  had  large  shields  ;    the 
light  infantry  were  the  archers,  who  had  also 
hatchets.      louring     the     19th     dynasty     the 
Pharaohs  began  to  enlist  foreign  mercenaries  : 
the  Shartana  (who  wore  a  metal  helmet  and 
who  were  a    Mediterranean  nation),   and  the 
Mashouash  or  Maxyos    from    .\frica  (who  be- 
cami"  a  guard  like  the  pretorians  or  the   janis- 
saries).     During  the  26th   ilynastv  Greek  and 
Carian    mercenaries   continually    increased    in 
uun\ber  in  the  l'"gvi)tian  armies,  which  in  the 
wars  against  the  Persians  were  almost  entirely 
composed  of  these  foreigners,  who  could  make 
their   own    conditions   and    could    greatly   in- 
fluence   the    succession    to    the    throne. — Do- 
ineatic  Life.     As  to  the  domestic  life  of  the 
Egyptians,  we  derive  much  information  from 
the  pictures  in  the  tombs.     A  striking  feature 
is  the  high  ])osition  occu]iied  b\'  women  ;    we 
often  see  them  represented  with  their  husbands, 
and  styled  "  a  palm  of  loveliness,"  "  beloved 
bv  her  husband."     Monogamy  was  certainly 


annjhilatpd  ;    especially    must    the    body   be  |  the  rule,  but  not  for  the  kings,  with  whom 


PLATE   XII 


*Hi. 


Thoth. 


Anubis. 


¥ 


Hathor. 


p.  234i] 


GODs    OF    EGYPT,   WITH    THEIR    SYMBOLS.  P.:ot,s  i,y  .Vanseii. 


EGYPT 


EGYPT 


235 


DISCIPLINED  TROOPS  OF  THE  TIME  OF  THE  18TH  DYNASTY.     (Wilkinson.) 


polygamy  seems  to  have  been  frequent  for 
political  motives.  A  marriage  between  two 
royal  families  was  generally  the  token  of  an 
alliance  between  the  two  states.  The  manner 
of  life  was  that  of  a  highly  civilized  people  ; 
they  seem  to  have  been  of  a  merry  and  cheer- 
ful nature.  They  liked  social  amusements, 
banquets  where  the  guests  were  amused  by 
instrumental  music,  songs,  and  dancing  girls. 
They  practised  sports,  in  which  the  women 
took  part.  They  had  several  games,  one 
of  which  was  draughts.  Their  funeral  cere- 
monies varied  according  to  the  rank  of  the 
deceased.  There  was  a  procession,  and  the 
mummy,  lying  under  a  canopy  on  a  boat,  was 
carried  across  the  Nile.  On  the  shore  it  was 
put  on  a  sledge  drawn  by  cows,  which  brought 
the  coffin  to  the  mountain.  It  was  accom- 
panied by  waiting-women,  by  attendants,  and 
by  a  priest  reading  the  Book  of  the  Dead. 
The  Embalming  of  the  body  lasted  many 
days  ;  this  was  the  occupation  of  families  of 
embalmers  who  dwelt  at  Thebes,  on  the  W. 
side,  among  the  tombs. — Literature  and  Art. 
There  is  an  Egyptian  literature  of  a  very  varied 
character.  We  know  of  several  libraries  built 
in  the  temples,  which  contained  the  so-called 
hermetic  books,  the  sacred  books  attributed 
to  Thoth,  of  which  Clemens  Alexandrinus  says 
there  were  42  ;  they  were  songs  in  honour  of 
the  gods,  descriptions  of  the  royal  life  and  its 
attributes,  astronomical  works  and  horo- 
scopes. The  books  of  the  hierogrammatist  re- 
ferred to  the  art  of  writing,  the  geography  and 
course  of  the  Nile.  The  books  of  the  Stolistes 
were  devoted  to  all  the  ordinances  concerning 
religious  worship.  The  sacred  books  par 
excellence  were  those  which  contained  the 
laws  and  everything  concerning  the  gods  and 
the  education  of  the  priests.  Medical  science 
was  also  the  subject  of  six  hermetic  books. 
The  Book  of  the  Dead  is  a  collection  of  hymns 
and  prayers  supposed  to  be  pronounced  by  the 
deceased  when  he  reaches  the  other  world  ; 
they  describe  all  that  may  happ^en  to  the  soul 
after  it  has  been  separated  from  the  body. 
This  book  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  em- 
pire, and  was  still  placed  with  the  deceased  in 
Roman  times.  Religious  and  funeral  books 
are  by  far  the  largest  part  of  th<;  literature,  but 


we  have  besides  pap^nri  on  mathematics,  on 
moral  teaching,  descriptions  of  travels,  many 
tales  (of  which  the  old  Egyptians  seem  to  have 
been  very  fond),  magical  books,  correspond- 
ence between  a  teacher  and  his  pupil,  and  what 
we  call  poems,  i.e.  narratives  written  in  a  poet- 
ical style,  though  we  have  not  yet  recognized 
actual  verse.  Unfortunately,  we  have  no  his- 
torical books,  except  merely  a  papyrus  giving 
a  list  of  kings  with  the  number  of  years  of 
their  reigns.  This  precious  document,  called 
the  Annals  of  Turin,  is  in  a  very  fragmentary 
state.  Egyptian  art  is  perhaps  the  oldest  we 
know.  It  has  certainly  a  native  origin  ;  we 
cannot  trace  in  it  any  foreign  influence.  It 
reached  a  high  point  of  development  when 
many  of  the  neighbouring  nations  were  still 
barbarians  ;  but  after  that  did  not  progress, 
probably  because  the  Egyptians  never  culti- 
vated art  for  its  own  sake  and  never  strove  to 
reach  ideal  beauty.  Art  was  always  subserv- 
ient to  religion  ;  it  was  considered  as  a  luxury 
and  as  something  secondary.  In  architecture, 
the  art  in  which  the  Egyptians  have  siurpassed 
most  of  their  neighbours,  they  aimed  chiefly 
at  duration,  and  wished  to  impress  men,  not 
by  the  beauty  of  the  constructions  they  raised, 
but  by  their  colossal  and  gigantic  proportions. 
In  sculpture  they  showed  remarkable  skill  in 
working  very  hard  stones  ;  they  made  very 
good  portraits  in  stone  or  wood,  but  they  never 
got  rid  of  what  are  called  conventions — re- 
mains of  the  childhood  of  art  which  they 
thought  it  unnecessary  to  shake  off.  These 
conventions  are  still  seen  in  pictures  and  also 
in  relievo.  Both  of  these  are  intended  as  a 
kind  of  language  for  the  eye,  therefore  are 
always  accompanied  by  their  explanation  in 
hieroglyphics.  Decorative  art  takes  an  im- 
portant place  among  their  industries.  J  ewellery 
was  carried  to  a  point  of  perfection  which 
is  even  yet  unsurpassed  in  some  respects  ; 
and  the  furniture  lately  found  in  royal  tombs 
is  truly  remarkable  both  for  its  good  taste  and 
excellence  of  workmanship.  Egyptian  linen 
had  a  great  repute  ;  we  have  many  specimens 
of  the  art  of  the  weaver  in  the  mummy  cloths, 
of  which  there  are  various  qualities,  but  they 
are  not  generally  coloured.  The  early  Copts 
seem  to  have  preserved  the  tradition  of  tf)e 


236 


EGYPT 


tissues  in  brilliant  colours,  which  they  used  for  I 
their  religious  garments. — Magicians.  The 
Bible  often  speaks  of  the  magicians  of  Egypt 
(Gen. 41. 24  ;  Ex.?. 11, 8.18).  Magic  certainly 
played  an  important  part  in  the  religion  of  the 
country,  and  the  magicians  who  belonged  to  a 
college  or  high  school  were  much  considered. 
We  see  them  occasionally  in  the  processions 
which  took  place  on  the  great  festivals  ;  they 
rank  with  the  highest  class  of  priests.  [Magic] 
— Chronology.  There  are  few  subjects  upon 
which  the  views  of  Egyptologists  vary  more 
than  upon  chronology.  It  is  based  on  as- 
tronomy ;  and  although  we  have  a  few 
astronomical  representations,  they  are  so  in- 
termingled with  mythology  that  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  make  any  use  of  them.  According 
to  the  idea  first  advocated  by  Lepsius,  the 
Egyptian  had  2  different  years,  a  vague  year 
consisting  of  12  months  and  5  intercalary  days, 
and  a  fixed  year  of  365^,  days.  These  years 
originally  began  on  the  same  day,  the  ist  of 
the  month  Thoth  (July  20,  Greg.),  with  the 
heliacal  rising  of  Sothis  ;  but  as  after  4  years 
there  was  a  difference  of  one  day  between  the 
2  years,  it  is  admitted  that  they  made  use 
of  the  Sothiac  cycle,  1,460  fixed  years  corre- 
sponding to  1,461  vague  years.  After  that 
lapse  of  time  the  2  years  began  again  on  the 
same  day.  It  has  been  denied  that  the  Egyp- 
tians knew  that  cycle  ;  however,  Brugsch 
maintains  it,  and  states  "  that  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  vague  year  with  the  fixed 
year  is  indicated  through  the  phases  of  the 
moon,  the  stations  of  the  sun,  the  beginning  of 
the  seasons,  and  the  rising  of  certain  stars." 
Mahler  bases  his  new  system  of  chronology  on 
dates  fixed  by  the  phases  of  the  moon.  It  is 
extraordinary  how  little  importance  the 
Egyptians  seem  to  have  attached  to  astron- 
omy, except  as  connected  with  religion  ;  no 
eclipse  is  recorded,  we  do  not  even  know  their 
word  for  it.  Nor  are  we  much  more  fortunate 
with  historical  chronology.  Our  best  docu- 
ment is  the  before-mentioned  Annals  of  Turin, 
which  is  broken  into  164  pieces.  We  have  three 
sculptured  listsof  kings,  two  of  which  come  from 
the  temple  of  Abydos  ;  they  give  the  names  of 
the  predecessors  of  Scti  I.  The  largest  one 
is  still  in  situ,  but  although  it  is  trustworthy 
as  to  the  order,  whole  dynasties  have  been 
omitted.  According  to  tradition,  the  temple 
lists  were  used  by  a  Seberinytic  priest  called 
Manetho,  who  is  said  to  have  written  three 
books  of  Egyptian  records  {{nro/j.ur]fj.aTa)  under 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  He  divided  the  history 
of  Egypt  into  30  dynasties,  giving  for  each  king 
the  length  of  his  reign  ;  but  as  his  lists  have 
come  to  us  f)nly  third-hand,  through  the  Chris- 
tian chronographers,  the  numbers  he  gives  are 
hardly  reliable,  and  but  seldom  agree  with  those 
found  on  the  monuments.  However,  his 
divisifin  into  30  dynasties  has  been  preserved, 
the  30th  being  that  of  the  last  native  Pharaohs, 
when  Egypt  was  finally  conquered  by  the 
Persians.  Several  authors  have  accepted  the 
numbers  of  Manetho,  others  have  shortened 
considerably  the  time  assigned  by  him  to 
various  dynasties.  The  first  historical  king  is 
dated  by  the  following  authors  thus  :  Manetho, 
5613  ;  Lepsius,  3892  ;  Mariette,  5,004  ; 
Pf  qgscb,    4400 ;    Petrie,  ^777  ;    I^d.    Meyer, 


EGYPT 

3315. — History.  We  now  give  a  very  brief 
sketch  of  the  history,  insisting  chiefly  on  the 
general  features  and  on  the  facts  connected 
with  Scripture.  During  the  last  ten  years  a 
great  deal  has  been  discovered  concerning  the 
prehistoric  state  of  Egypt,  when  the  race 
which  occupied  it  had  not  advanced  beyond 
the  Stone  Age.  We  cannot  but  suppose  that 
there  was  an  invasion  coming  from  Arabia, 
which  may  not  have  been  very  numerous,  but 
which  conquered  the  native  race,  after  which 
civilization  began  to  grow.  The  first  historical 
king  is  Mena  or  Menes.     His  name  has  been 


CARTOUCHE  UF  MENA. 


found  in  hieroglyphics,  but  our  only  informa- 
tion as  to  his  life  is  from  Gk.  writers.  He  is 
said  to  have  come  from  This,  in  Middle  Egypt, 
and  to  have  founded  Memphis,  called  after  his 
name  Mennefer.  The  very  few  monuments 
which  we  have  of  the  first  three  dynasties  are 
found  mostly  in  tombs  at  Abydos.  With  the 
4th  dynasty  we  see  a  sudden  development  of 
every  art  and  of  literature.  Then  the  p>Ta- 
mids  were  built  and  the  graves  adorned  with 
magnificent  sculptures,  such  as  have  not  been 
surpassed  at  any  time  in  Egyptian  history. 
This  brilliant  period  lasted  through  the  4th, 
5th,  and  6th  dynasties,  and  is  one  of  those  of 
which  we  have  the  greatest  amount  of  informa- 
tion. Afterwards  there  is  a  gap.  We  know 
hardly  anything  of  the  succeeding  dynasties 
until  the  loth,  when  a  few  monuments  show 
us  that  the  empire  was  divided  and  that  the 
central  power  was  probably  Heracleopolis. 
The  nth  dynasty  took  Thebes  as  its  capital 
and  founded  this  city's  influence.  The  12th 
dynasty  extended  its  rule  far  into  Nubia  ;  but 
we  then  already  see  the  beginnings  of  the 
peaceful  invasion  of  foreigners,  evidently  from 
the  E.,  who  later  on  came  in  increasing  num- 
bers, conquered  the  country,  and  established 
rulers  of  their  race.  These  invaders  have  been 
called  Hyksos ;  they  evidently  came  from 
Mesopotamia.  They  very  soon  adopted  the 
civilization  of  their  subjects,  in  everything  ex- 
cept religion,  and  this  exception  is  the  reason 
for  their  always  remaining  an  object  of  hatred 
to  the  native  Egyptians.  As  the  kings  were 
Mesopotamians,  they  received  with  favour 
their  kindred  the  Hebrews.  The  Hyksos  rulers 
form  the  15th  and  i6th  dynasties.  It  was 
during  their  rule  that  Abraham  came  into  the 
country,  and  afterwards  Joseph  and  his  family, 
who  were  settled  in  the  land  of  Goshen.  The 
Christian  chronograiihcrs  say  that  it  was 
under  A])ophis,  one  of  the  last  of  these  kings, 
that  Joseph  was  raised  to  his  high  position. 
Very  soon  afterwards  the  Egyptians  shook  off 
the  foreign  power,  and  native  Pharaohs  came 
back  to  the  throne.  The  i8th  and  19th 
dynasties  were  those  of  the  great  conquerors. 
The  oppressor  of  the  Jews,  the  king  "  which 
knew  not  Joseph"  (Ex. 1.8),  was  probably 
Ramses  II.,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the 
Exodus  took  iilace  under  his  son  Mcnephtah. 
Several  times  afterwards  the  Israelites  came 
in  contact  with  (be  Egyptians.     T^e  be«id  o| 


EGYPTIAN,  EGYPTIANS 

the  22nd  dynasty,  Sheshonk,  called  in  Scripture 
Shishak,  invaded  Palestine  under  Rehoboam, 
and  carried  away  the  treasures  of  the  temple 
(iK. 14.25  ;  2Chr.l2.2,9-ii).  A  record  of  his 
campaign  is  engraved  on  a  pylon  at  Thebes. 
The  first  king  of  the  25th  dynasty,  Shabaka, 
called  in  Scripture  So,  received  messengers 
from  Hoshea,  king  of  Samaria  (2K.17.4) ;  but 
after  Samaria  had  been  taken  by  Sargon, 
Shabaka  was  routed  at  Raphia  by  the  As- 
syrians. His  son  Shabatak  also  was  beaten 
by  the  Assyrians,  and  was  driven  from  the 
throne  of  Egypt  by  Tirhakah,  the  Ethiopian 
who  was  the  persevering,  though  finally  un- 
successful, foe  of  the  Assyrians.  There  was 
some  revival  of  the  Egyptian  power  under  the 
26th  dynasty,  the  Saites  who  came  to  the 
throne  with  the  help  of  Greek  and  Carian 
mercenaries.  The  second  king,  Necho,  wishing 
to  invade  Assyria,  asked  Josiah  to  let  him 
pass  through  his  territory.  Josiah  tried  to 
opposej  him,  ^ut  was  defeated  and  killed  at 
Megiddo  (2Chr.35.20)  ;  the  conqueror  made 
Jerusalem  tributary  and  put  Jehoiakim  in  the 
room  of  Josiah  his  father  (2 K. 23. 29-35)  ; 
Necho  himself  was  routed  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 
After  the  26th  dynasty  come  the  struggles  of 
Egypt  against  the  Persians,  with  alternations 
of  successes  which  freed  Egypt  for  a  time,  and 
of  defeats  which  made  her  subject  to  the  great 
king,  until,  at  the  end  of  the  30th  dynasty, 
Nectanebo  was  compelled  to  fly  to  Ethiopia 
before  Artaxerxes  Ochus.  He  was  the  last 
Pharaoh  ;  after  him  Egypt  became  a  Persian 
satrapy  and  was  conquered  by  Alexander. 
Since   Nectanebo   no    native   ruler   has   ever 


EKRON 


237 


f^    AAAAA/" 

(     ^-^^--^ 


CARTOUCHE  OF  NEKHT-NF.B-F  (NECTANEBUS   II.). 

reigned  over  Egypt,  and  the  prophecy  of 
Ezekiel  has  been  hterally  fulfilled,  "  There 
shall  be  no  more  a  prince  out  of  the  land  of 
Egypt"  (Ezk.3O.13).  When  Joseph  "took  the 
young  child  and  his  mother  by  night  and  de- 
parted into  Egypt"  (Mt.2.14;  cf.  Lu.l.8o),  the 
coimtry  had  ahready  been  for  several  years  a 
province  of  the  Roman  empire.     [On.]     [e.n.] 

Egyptian,  Eg-yptians.  The  word  most 
commonly  rendered  Egyptians  (nitfrayiin)  is 
the  name  of  the  country,  and  might  be  so 
translated  in  many  cases.  The  "  Egyptian  " 
of  Ac.  21. 3  8  was  a  false  prophet  who,  five 
years  before,  had  led  an  attack  of  deluded 
Jews  and  hireling  assassins  (sicarii)  upon 
Jerusalem,  and  had  been  suppressed  by  FeUx 
(Josephus,  20  Ant.  viii.  6;  2  Wars  xiii.  5;  and 
Speaker's  Cotnm.  on  Acts,  I.e.). 

Bhi',  head  of  one  of  the  Benjamite  houses, 
according  to  the  list  in  Gen. 46. 21.  He  seems 
to  be  the  same  as  Ahi-ram  in  the  list  in  Num. 
26.38,  and  if  so,  Ahiram  is  probably  the  right 
name,  as  the  family  were  called  Ahiramites.  In 
iChr.8.1  the  same  person  seems  to  be  called 
Aharah,  and  perhaps  also  Aher  in  iChr.7.i2. 

Ehud'  (strong). — 1.  Son  of  Bilhan,  a  Ben- 
jamite (iChr.7. 10,8.6) ;  see  below. — 2.  (Judg.3. 
i2ff.)  It  was  probably  after  the  inter-tribal 
war,  when  Benjamin  wa?  weak,  that  Eglon 


king  of  Moab,  allied  with  Ammon  and  Amalek, 
seized  Jericho  and  oppressed  the  Israelites 
(or  some  districts)  for  18  years.  Then  Ehud 
the  son  of  Gera,  a  left-handed  Benjamite,  was 
sent  with  a  present  (tribute).  On  returning 
Ehud  left  his  followers  at  Gilgal  by  the 
quarries  (terminal  columns,  perhaps  those 
mentioned  Jos. 4. 20).  He  stole  back  to  Eglon, 
professing  to  have  a  secret.  When  the  atten- 
dants had  withdrawn  from  the  summer-parlour 
(roof-chamber),  Ehud  said  his  message  was 
from  God.  The  king  rose  in  reverence  from 
his  chair  ;  and  Ehud  drew  the  double-edged 
dagger,  concealed  by  his  clothes  on  the  right 
thigh,  and  using  his  left  hand  stabbed  the  fat 
king  with  such  violence  that  he  could  not  with- 
draw the  blade.  He  then  went  out,  locking 
the  doors,  and  escaped  unnoticed,  probably 
by  the  external  staircase.  It  was  some  time 
before  Eglon's  servants  dared  to  fetch  the  key. 
[Key.]  Meantime,  Ehud  had  gone  through 
Gilgal  to  Seirath  (R.V.  Seirah)  in  mount 
Ephraim.  There  he  raised  the  people  to  seize 
the  fords.  Ten  thousand  Moabites  were 
slaughtered,  and  the  land  had  rest.  That  the 
act  was  not  avenged  is  natural.  The  power  of 
Oriental  kings  is  personal.  Their  deaths  often 
lead  to  a  disputed  succession.  Doubts  have 
been  cast  on  this  narrative  on  the  grounds  that 
Gera  (Gen. 46. 2 1  and  iChr.8.3)  andEhud  (iChr. 
7.10)  are  the  names  of  Benjamite  clans  ;  but 
even  Budde  allows  that  Ehud  may  have  been 
a  hero  who  gave  his  name  to  a  clan.  Josephus 
has  embellished  the  story  more  suo.  He  fixes 
the  assassination  at  Jericho.  Sayce  (Early 
Hist,  of  the  Heb.  290)  places  it  at  Gilgal,  which 
is  consistent  with  the  text.  Moore  suggests 
the  other  side  of  Jordan.  His  suggestion  is 
not  inconsistent  with  the  text,  and  would 
account  for  the  fact  that  Ehud  was  in  time  to 
intercept  the  Moabite  garrison  at  Jericho.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  Ehud  is  styled  deliverer,  not 
judge,  and  no  approval  of  his  action  is  ex- 
pressed, [h.m.s.] 

E'kep,  a  descendant  of  Judah  (iChr.2.27). 

Ek'pebel,  a  place  named  in  Jth.7.i8  only 
with  Chusi  (probably  Kuzah).  It  appears  to 
be  the  village  'Aqrabeh,  E.  of  Kuzah,  from 
which  the  district  of  Acrabattine  took  its 
name.     [Arbattis.]  [c.r.c] 

Ekpon',  one  of  the  five  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tine lords, not  conquered  by  Joshua  (13. 3).  It 
lay  on  the  borders  of  Judah  and  Dan  (15. ri, 
45,46)  :  it  was  given  to  Dan  (19. 43),  but  not 
conquered  (LXX.  Judg.l.i8),  and  it  was  held 
by  PhiUstines  in  the  time  of  Samuel  (iSam.5. 
10,6.16,7.14,17.52).  It  had  a  shrine  of  Baal- 
ZEBUB  (lord  of  flies)  or  Baal-zebul  (lord  of  the 
disk).  It  was  still  a  Philistine  town  in  8th  cent. 
B.C.  (Am. 1.8),  and  about  610  e.g.  (Zeph.2.4), 
with  a  king  even  in  Jeremiah's  time  (J  e. 25. 20), 
and  after  the  Captivity  (Zech. 9.5, 7).  It  is  now 
the  small  village  'Aqir,  6  miles  W.  of  Gezer, 
with  a  modern  Jewish  colony  hard  by.  In 
734  B.C.  Tiglath-pileser  III.  took  Ekron,  but 
in  703  B.C.  it  revolted  from  Assyria,  and  gave 
up  its  king,  Padi,  to  Hezekiah.  Sennacherib 
took  it  the  next  year,  and  impaled  the  in- 
habitants outside  the  walls,  setting  up  again 
Padi — whom  Hezekiah  surrendered — as  a  king 
faithful  to  Assyria.  The  name  means  "  bare," 
and  the  village  is  on  a  low  bare  hill,  with  a  well 


238 


EKRONITES 


to  N.  As  Accaron  (1Mac.lO.89)  it  is  noticed 
as  given  by  the  king  of  Antioch  to  Jonathan 
the  Hasmonaean  c-  i.^j  b.c.  [c.r.c] 

Ek'ponites  (Jos. 13. 3  ;  iSam.S.io),  in- 
habitants of  Ekron;  in  iSam.S.io  the  LXX. 
and  Josephus  read  Ascalon. 

El,  Eloah',  Elohim',  Elyon'.  El  {'el),  the 
most  primitive  Semitic  word  for  God  (or  a  god) 
in  the  O.T.  It  appears  in  Mehujael,  Methusael, 
Mahalaleel,  before  the  Flood,  in  Bethel  and 
Israt'/  in  the  latter  part  of  Genesis,  in  Elisheba, 
Eliezer,  and  several  names  of  leaders  of  the 
Exodus  in  Num.1,  and  comes  down  to  the 
N.T.  in  Immanuel,  the  name  of  our  Saviour  in 
connexion  with  His  Virgin  Birth.  It  is  found 
in  O.T.  with  the  definite  article,  the  El,  where 
the  Supreme  God,  or  the  God  of  Israel,  is 
meant.  In  a  few  places  it  is  applied  in  Isaiah 
to  an  idol,  but  is  very  rare  in  the  plur.,  and 
does  not  seem  to  be  used  of  gods  in  a  wider 
sense.  It  is  joined  with  titles  of  deity,  e.g.  with 
Elyon  {Most  High),  and  specially  with  Shaddai 
{Almighty),  and  with  attributes  of  Jhvh,  as 
jealous,  merciful,  compassionate,  faithful.  But 
it  is  never  used  as  Elohim  is  in  O.T.  narrative, 
but  in  discourse  or  personal  relation,  or  in  direct 
address  to  the  Deity.  The  root  of  El  suggests 
the  idea  of  strong  or  strength.  Eloah  {'eloah), 
properlv  the  sing,  of  Elohim,  but  very  seldom 
joined  with  Elohim,  as  though  they  were  sing, 
and  plur.  Is.44.6, 8  shows  both  words:  '"There 
is  no  Elohim  beside  Me.  .  .  .  Is  there  an  Eloah 
beside  Me  ?  .  .  .  There  is  no  Rock  ;  I  know  not 
any."  Eloah  and  Elohim  are  held  to  be  deri- 
vatives of  El,  but  the  precise  sense  is  not 
known.  Eloah  occurs  41  times  in  the  dialogue 
of  Job,  where  every  speaker  except  Bildad 
uses  it,  and  appears  in  parallel  with  Shaddai  10 
times.  It  is  never  found  in  Genesis  or  in  the 
narrative  of  any  book  in  O.T.  Its  Aramaic 
equivalent  is  Elah,  or  Elaha,  in  O.T.  Elyon 
('elyon),  unlike  the  preceding  words,  is  not  a 
word  for  God,  but  a  name  or  title  of  the  Ueity. 
Grammatically  it  is  an  adjective,  signifying 
higher  or  highest,  and  used,  like  Shaddai  the 
Almighty,  for  the  Most  High  ((iod).  It  first 
appears  in  Gen. 14,  in  connexion  with  Mclchize- 
dek,  who  was  priest  of  El-Elyon,  i.e.  of  God 
Most  High.  In  this  connexion  Abraham 
joins  it  with  Jhvh.  It  reappears  as  a  patri- 
archal word  in  Balaam's  prophecy,  between 
El  and  Shaddai.  Moses  also  uses  it  with 
Shaddai  in  Ps.91.i.  In  the  historical  portions 
of  O.T.  it  is  applied  to  common  objects — the 
higher  gate,  the  upper  pool  or  chamber,  etc. 
In  Deuteronomv  it  is  aiiplied  prophetically  to 
Israel,  in  the  I'salter  to  David,  apparently  as  a 
type  of  the  Messiah  (Ps.89.27),  but  otherwise 
only  to  the  Most  High.  See  Shaddai  for 
further  illustration  of  the  patriarchal  use  of  the 
three  i)receding  words.  Elohim  {'elohim)  by 
derivation  and  nxeaning  belongs  to  El  and 
Eloah,  vet  by  usage  holds  a  place  in  O.T.  which 
is  absolutely  unique  :  it  is  the  only  narrative 
word  for  God  in  O.T.  Side  by  side  with  this 
stands  another  no  less  surprising  but  equally 
certain  fact,  that  the  only  narrative  Name  0/ 
Elohim  (God)  is  JHVH.  In  the  antediluvian 
portion  of  Genesis  (1-11  inclusive)  no  word  for 
God  occurs  except  Elohim,  and  no  name  of  (iod 
except  JiivH.  Only  in  the  names  .Mahalaleel, 
Mehujael,  Methusael,  do  we  see  traces  of  El, 


EL  AS,  VALLEY  OE 

the  root  word  of  Elohim.  The  last  O.T.  his- 
torical writer  to  whom  any  large  influence  in  its 
composition  is  assigned  is  also  the  greatest 
purist.  Ezra,  in  Chronicles  and  in  the  book 
which  bears  his  name,  does  not  even  employ 
Adonai  as  a  title  of  the  Supreme  Being.  Elo- 
him in  his  Hebrew,  Elaha  in  his  Aramaic,  and 
Jehovah  for  the  name  of  God,  are  all  that  he 
admits.  Even  in  Ps.ll9,  which  can  hardly 
be  assigned  to  any  one  else,  he  uses  Jhvh  24 
times,  and  Elohim  but  once  (ver.  115).  Elo- 
him as  a  plur.  is  used  of  gods  in  general,  or 
persons  who  are  God's  ministers  of  justice  and 
rule  to  men  ("  I  said.  Ye  are  gods,"  explains 
this),  but  far  more  frequently  (quite  12  times 
as  often  as  any  other  term)  for  god  in  O.T. 
Elohim  stands  as  a  plur.  of  distinction  {pluralis 
excellentiae)  with  sing,  verbs,  adjectives,  and 
pronouns.  The  narrative  use  of  Elohim  is 
most  easily  observed  in  Job  and  the  Abrahamic 
portion  of  Genesis.  In  the  narrative  of  Job, 
the  word  for  deity  is  Elohim,  and  the  name 
of  the  Deity  is  Jhvh.  In  the  dialogue  Elo- 
him and  Jehovah  occur  often  enough  to  show 
that  the  speakers  were  acquainted  with  them. 
But  the  terms  in  common  use  among  Job  and 
his  friends,  including  Elihu,  are  El,  E!loah,  and 
Shaddai.  Even  Jhvh,  answering  Job  i)ut  of 
the  whirlwind,  conforms  to  this  use.  And  in 
Genesis  the  same  facts  are  apparent.  The 
narrator  keeps  to  Elohim  and  Jhvh.  The 
speakers  throughout  the  story  make  use  of  El, 
Elyon  (not  Eloah,  which  occurs  but  twice  in 
the  Pentateuch  :  in  Dcut.32),  and  are  ac- 
quainted with  Elohim,  Adonai,  Jhvh,  and 
of  course  with  El-Shaddai,  but  come  by  slow 
degrees  to  the  use  of  Elohim,  and  never  become 
familiar  with  Jhvh.  The  only  determined 
Elohist  in  (iencsis  is  Joseph,  who — though  his 
own  name  (spelt  Jehoseph  in  Ps.82)  is  sugges- 
tive of  Jhvh  (see  Gen.3O.24) — never  names 
J  HVH,  but  only  Elohim.  In  the  face  of 
these  facts,  is  it  possible  to  divide  the  sacred 
narrative  between  writers  who  are  either  Je- 
hovists  or  Elohists,  but  not  both  ?  TheO.T., 
as  it  stands,  has  one  word  for  God,  Elohim,  in 
the  narrati\-c,  from  first  to  last.  In  the  narra- 
tive this  Elohim  has  one  name,  Jhvh;  ex- 
cepting that  in  iK.S.io,  2K.7.6,  and  Dan. 1.2. 
He  is  called  Adonai,  which  He  always  is  by 
the  Jews  in  reading  the  O.T.,  unless  the  word 
.\donai  precedes,  and  then  they  say  Elohim. 
No  such  writer  as  an  Adonaist  having  yet  been 
suggested,  these  three  passages  do  not  affect 
the  question.  TheO.T.  narrative,  as  we  have 
it,  is  J  HVH-lvlohistic  from  first  to  last.   [c.H.w.] 

E'ia  (il':sd.9.27)  =  Elam,  4. 

Eladah',  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  (iChr. 
7.20). 

Elah' 1.  The  fifth  duke  of  Edom  (Gen. 

36.41  ;  iClir.1.52). — 2.  The  father  of  Shimei, 
4  (I  K. 4.18). — 3.  Sou  and  successor  of  Baasha, 
king  of  Israel  ( i  K.I6.6-10)  ;  his  reign  lasted 
for  little  more  than  a  year  {cf.  ver.  8  with  10). 
He  was  killed,  while  drunk,  by  Ziinri,  in  the 
house  of  his  steward  .-^rza,  who  was  probably 
a  confederate  in  the  I'lot. — 4.  F'ather  of 
Hoshe.i,  tiie  last  king  of  Israel  (2 K. 15. 30, 
17.1 ). — 5.  rhesca)nd  S(mof  Caleb  (iChr.4.i5)- 
— 3.  .A  Benjamite,  son  of  Uzzi,  dw(!lling  in 
Jerusalem  in  th<!  time  of  Nehemiah  (iChr.9.8). 

Elah',  Valley  of  (valley  of   the  terebinth  ; 


ELAM 

i5am.l7.2, 19,21.9),  near  Shochoh  (Shuweikeh), 
where  David  slew  Goliath.  It  is  now  called 
Wddy  es  Stint  (valley  of  the  acacia),  but  still  has 
in  it  a  few  terebinths  near  Adullam.  It  rises 
S.  of  Keilah,  and  was  the  great  highway  from 
Gath  to  Hebron,  running  first  N.  and  turning 
W.  near  Shochoh.  The  place  where  it  enters 
the  Philistine  plain  was  guarded  by  Gath,  8 
miles  W.  of  the  scene  of  David's  exploit.  The 
valley  reaches  the  sea  N.  of  Ashdod.  [c.r.c] 
dam'. — 1.  The  name  of  one  of  the  sons  of 
Shem  (Gen. 10. 22  ;  iChr.l.17),  and  also  of  the 
countrv  (Gen.li.i.g  ;  Is.ll.ii  ;  Je.25.25,49. 
34-39  ;'Ezk.32.24  ;  Dan.8.2).  In  iMac.6.i  it 
is  called  Elymais,  and  in  Herodotus  iii.  91 ;  v. 
49,  etc.,  Kissia.  Its  position  was  N.E.  of  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  E.  of  Babylonia — a  moun- 
tainous tract  including  a  fertile  region  between 
the  highlands  and  the  Tigris.  Apparently  it 
was  made  up  of  two  provinces,  the  name  of 
the  other  being  Anzan,  from  its  capital.  The 
capital  of  Elam  was  Susa  (Shushan).  The 
Elamites  spoke  a  non-Semitic  dialect,  but  the 
presence  of  numerous  Semitic  Babylonian 
inscriptions  implies  that  their  country  was  an 
early  Semitic  possession,  hence,  perhaps,  the 
statement  that  Elam  was  the  first  son  of  Shem. 
Long  before  the  time  of  Abraham  Elam  had 
become  an  important  power,  and  nearly  a 
hundred  Elamite  kings  are  known,  from  Hum- 
baba  (killed  by  the  semi-mythical  Babylonian 
hero  Gilgames)  to  Humban-haldas  III.  (who, 
about  635  B.C.,  was  one  of  the  princes  who  drew 
Assur-bani-apli's  chariot  to  the  temple  Mag- 
mas). Kudur-Nahhunte  (c.  2280  b.c.)  invaded 
and  spoiled  the  cities  of  Babylon.  Kudur- 
mabuk  became  a  chief  in  the  land  of  the 
Amorites  ;  Kudur-ku(ku)mal  (?  read  Kudur- 
lahguamal)  is  probably  the  Chedorlaomer  of 
Gen. 14. iff.  who  warred  in  the  same  district. 
About  1380  B.C.  Hurbatila  challenged  Kuri- 
galzu  of  Babylonia'to  battle,  but  was  defeated. 
Kidin-hutrudas  avenged  these  misfortunes 
in  the  time  of  Addu-sum-iddina  (c.  1180  B.C.), 
and  Sutruk-nahhunte  (c.  1115  b.c)  was  also 
successful  against  the  Babylonians,  and  some 
of  the  spoils  which  he  carried  off  are  now 
preserved  in  the  Louvre.  In  721  b.c.  Sargon 
of  Assyria  warred  with  Ummanigas,  ally  of 
Merodach-baladan.  Hullusu,  king  of  Elam, 
captured  Assur-nadin"sum,  Sennacherib's  son, 
who  was  king  of  Babylon,  and  his  father,  in 
revenge,  ravaged  the  country  in  the  reign  of 
Kudur-nahhunte.  Sennacherib  also  fought 
with  Umrnan-menanu,  his  successor,  at 
H  alule  in  Babylonia.  To  give  all  the  dramatic 
incidents  concerning  Elam,  Babylonia,  and 
Assyria  is  impossible.  Elam  apparently  con- 
stantly interfered  in  the  affairs  of  Babylonia  in 
order  to  harass  the  Assyrians,  and  this  policy 
was  continued  by  Humban-haldas  II.  in  the 
time  of  Esar-haddon ;  but  in  the  end  the 
Assyrians  probably  remained  in  possession  of 
the  country,  which  seems  to  have  formed  part 
of  the  dominions  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  [As- 
syria.] Teispes,  Cyrus,  Cambyses,  and  Cyrus 
the  Great,  though  Aryans,  were  all  kings  of 
Anzan,  which  seems  to  have  been  used  inter- 
changeably with  Elam.  With  the  other  pro- 
vinces, it  revolted  against  Darius  the  Great 
after  he  ascended  the  throne,  but  having  been 
reduced  to  submission,  became   one    of   the 


ELD AD,  Med AD 


239 


more  important  satrapies  of  his  empire,  with 
Susa  as  the  royal  residence  (Dan.8.2)  and 
metropolis.  [Cyrus.]  See  Smith,  D.B. 
(4  vols.  1893),  s.v.  ;  and,  for  the  latest  re- 
searches, cf.  de  Morgan,  Delegation  en  Perse 
and  Histoire  et  Travaiix  de  la  Delegation  en 
Perse  (Paris,  1905).  Sayce,  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
(vol.  i.  1898). — 2.  A  Korhite  Levite,  fifth  son 
of  Meshelemiah  ;  one  of  the  Bene-Asaph,  in 
the  time  of  David  (iChr.26.3). — 3.  A  Ben- 
jamite  chief  of  the  sons  of  Shashak  (8. 24). ^-4. 
"  Children  of  Elam,"  numbering  1,254,  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon  (Ezr.2. 
7  ;  Ne.7.i2  ;  iEsd.5.i2),  and  71  more  with 
Ezra  later  (Ezr.8.7  ;  iEsd.8.33).  Members  of 
this  family  put  away  their  foreign  wives  (Ezr. 
10.26),  and  one  of  them  signed  the  covenant 
(Ne.lO.14). — 5-  In  the  same  lists  a  second 
family  (carefully  distinguished  as  that  of  "  the 
other  Elam  ")  also  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. 2. 31  ;  Ne.7.34). — 6.  One  of  the  priests 
who  accompanied  Nehemiah  at  the  dedication 
of  the  Wall  (Ne.i2.42).  [t.g.p.] 

Elamites.  This  word  occurs  only  in  Ezr. 
4.9,  but  is  there  omitted  in  the  LXX.,  pro- 
bably because  partly  included  in  "  Susan- 
chites,"  in  the  same  verse.  In  Jth.1.6  the  Gk. 
form  Elymeans  is  used.  The  Elamites  spoke 
Semitic  Babylonian  and  another  language 
(Elamite  proper),  the  relationship  of  which, 
though  it  can  be  read,  is  still  undetermined. 
They  were  far  advanced  at  an  exceedingly 
early  date  in  art  and  science,  and  had  a  well- 
developed  mythological  system,  among  the 
d'ivine  names  mentioned  ^being  Lagamar 
(Laomer),  Nahhunte,  Humba,  Simes  or  Dagbak, 
probably  god^of  war,  whilst  Elagu  seems  to 
have  corresponded  with  the  consort  of  the 
Babylonian  Merodach.     [Elam.]         [t.g.p.] 

Elasah'. — 1.  A  priest,  who  had  married  a 
Gentile  wife(Ezr.l0.22). — 2.  Son  of  Shaphan  ; 
an  ambassador,  sent  by  King  Zedekiah  to 
Nebuchadnezzar  at  Babylon,  who  bore  Jere- 
miah's letter  to  the  captives  there  (Je.29.3). 

Blath',  Eloth',  a  town  of  Edom,  commonly 
mentioned  with  Ezion-geber,  and  situate  at  the 
head  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  thence  called  the 
Elanitic  Gulf.  It  first  occurs  in  the  account  of 
the  wanderings  (Deut.2.8).  It  was  the  port  of 
Solomon's  navy  ( I K. 9.26  ;  cf.  2Chr.8.i7).  It 
was  rebuilt  by  Azariah  (2K.I4.22  ;  2Chr.26.2). 
After  this,  however,  "  Rezin  king  of  Syria 
recovered  Elath,  and  drave  out  the  Jews  from 
Elath,  and  the  Syrians  came  to  Elath  and  dwelt 
there  to  this  day"  (2K.I6.6).  Now  ^?7a/j,  close 
to  'Aqabah.     [Edom.]  [c.r.c] 

El-beth-el',  Jacob's  shrine  (A.V.  place) 
at  Bethel  (Gen.35.6,7).  [c.r.c] 

El'cia,  a  forefather  of  Judith,  and  there- 
fore a  Simeonite  (Jth.8.1  ;  cf.  9.2). 

Eldaah',  a  son  of  Midian  (Gen. 25. 4 ;  iChr. 
1.33).  The  word  perhaps  means  "  God  hath 
called."  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Eldad'  and  Medad',  two  of  the  70  elders  to 
whom  was  communicated  the  prophetic  power 
of  Moses  (Num.11. 16, 26-29).  Although  their 
names  were  upon  the  list  which  Moses  had 
drawn  up,  they  did  not  repair  with  the  rest 
to  the  tabernacle,  but  continued  to  prophesy 
in  the  camp.  Moses  being  requested  by  Joshua 
to  forbid  this,  refused,  expressing  a  wish  that 
all  the  Lord's  people  were   prophets.      The 


240 


ELDERS 


mode  of  pfophecy  of  Eldad  and  Medad  was 
probably  the  extempore  production  of  hymns, 
chanted  forth  to  the  people  (Hammond)  ; 
cf.  the  case  of  Saul  (iSam.lO.ii). 

Eldeps.  In  primitive  times  the  elders  of 
the  clan  or  tribe  were  invested  with  official 
authority,  being  fitted  by  age  and  experience 
to  administer  justice  and  exercise  authority 
within  their  own  circle.  The  Egyptians  (Gen. 
50.7),  Moabites,  and  Midianites  (Num. 22.7) 
had  their  elders,  and  they  existed  as  an 
official  class  among  the  Hebrews  from  the 
time  prior  to  the  Exodus  till  the  destruction 
of  the  second  temple,  (i)  Before  the  Estab- 
lishment of  the  Monarchy.  Moses  made  his 
commission  known  first  to  the  elders,  who  as 
representatives  of  the  people  went  with  him 
to  Pharaoh  (Ex. 3. 16,18).  In  their  represen- 
tative capacity  they  were  frequently  identified 
with  the  people'  (Ex. 19. 7,8  ;  Jos.24.i,2). 
Moses  appointed  70  elders,  who  held  official 
positions,  to  assist  him  in  the  administration 
of  affairs  (Num.  11. 16).  For  judicial  func- 
tions exercised  in  the  cities,  etc.,  see  Deut.l9. 
12,21.2,22.15,25.7;  Jos.20.4;  Ru.4.2).  They 
took  part  in  certain  sacrificial  rites  (Lev. 4.15). 
(2)  Under  the  Monarchy.  They  approached 
Samuel  on  the  subject  of  a  change  of  govern- 
ment (iSam.8.4;  cf.  2Sam.3.i7)  ;  supported 
Absalom  in  his  rebellion  (I7.4)  ;  Rehoboam 
sought  their  advice  (iK.12.6).  (3)  Post- 
Exilic  Notices  (Ezr.5.5,9,6.7,14,10.8;  Jth.7.23; 
Sus.soff. ;  iMac.l2. 6,35, 13.36).  The  76poi/(7ia, 
or  Council  of  Elders,  of  the  Hasmonaean 
period  may  have  had  its  origin  in  the  ancient 
order  of  elders  (iMac.12.6;  cf.  2Mac.l. 10,4.44  I 
sMac.l.S).  [Synagogue,  The  Great  ;  San- 
HEDRiN  ;  Judge.]  For  the  N.T.  use,  see 
Church  ;  Presbyter  ;  Bishop.  [h.h.] 

Elead',  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  slain  by 
men  of  Gath  when  cattle-raiding  (iChr.7.2i). 
It  is  sometimes  assumed  that  the  words  "whom 
[plur.J  the  men  of  Gath,  bom  in  the  land,  slew 
as  they  came  down  to  take  their  possessions 
[or,  cattle\  "  refers  to  a  raid  on  Gath  by  Elead, 
Zabad,  Shuthelah,  and  Ezer,  from  mount 
Ephraim.  But  the  Heb.  is  as  indefinite  in  its 
pronouns  as  is  E.V.  The  raid  occurred  in  the 
lifetime  of  their  father  Ephraim  (ver.  22),  who 
was  born  and  died  in  Egypt,  long  before  his 
descendants  entered  Palestine,  where  he  him- 
self never  was.  The  passage  seems  clearly  to 
refer  to  a  raid  on  Goshen  by  men  of  Gath,  who 
slew  the  four  sons  of  Ephraim  ;  and  it  cannot, 
therefore,  be  used  as  an  argument  against "  all " 
Israel  (Ex.i2.41)  leaving  Egypt  at  the  Exodus. 
The  expression  to  go  "down"  to  Egypt  (Gen. 
37.25,  etc.)  occurs  often.  [c.r.c] 

Elealeh',  a  town  E.  of  Jordan,  in  the 
pastoral  country,  taken  possession  of  and 
rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (Num.32.3,37). 
By  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  it  is  mentioned  as 
a  Moabite  town  (Is.15.4,16.9  ;  Je.48.34).  The 
ruins  still  bear  very  nearly  their  ancient 
name,  at  El-'Adl,  a  little  more  than  a  mile  N. 
of  Heshbon  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  16)  ;  they  are 
those  of  a  late  Roman  town.  [c.r.c] 

Ele'assi,  a  place  at  which  Judas  Macca- 
baeus  encamped  before  the  battle  with 
Bacchides,  in  which  he  lost  his  life  (iMac.9.5). 
Now  the  ruin  Il'asa,  near  Beth-horon  (Swrr. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  36).  [C.R.C] 


ELEPH 

Bleasah'. — 1.  Son  of  Helez,  a  descendant 
of  Judah  in  the  female  line  (iChr.2.39). — 2. 
Son  of  Rapha,  or  Rephaiah  ;  a  descendant  of 
Saul  through  Jonathan  (iChr.8.37,9.43). 

Klea'zap. — 1.  Third  son  of  Aaron,  by  Eli- 
sheba,  daughter  of  Amminadab.  Nadab  and 
Abihu  leavingnochildren(Lev.l0.i ;  Num. 3. 4), 
Eleazar  was  appointed  chief  over  the  principal 
Levites  (Num.3.32).  With  his  brother  Ithamar 
he  ministered  as  a  priest  during  their  father's 
lifetime,  and  immediately  before  Aaron's  death 
was  invested  on  mount  Hor  with  the  sacred 
garments,  as  his  successor  in  the  office  of  high- 
priest  (Num. 20. 28).  One  of  his  first  duties  was 
to  superintend,  in  conjunction  with  .Moses,  the 
censusofthepeople(Num.26.3,4).  After  the  con- 
quest of  Canaan  he  took  part  in  the  distribution 
of  the  land  (Jos.l4.i,17. 4,19.51, 21. 1).  Hisburial 
is  recorded  in  Jos. 24. 33.  The  office  of  high- 
priest  was  held  by  descendants  of  Eleazar  till 
the  time  of  the  Hasmonaeans,  except  during 
the  period  between  Eli  and  Solomon,  when  the 
office  was  held  by  members  of  the  family  of 
Ithamar.  [Abiathar  ;  Zadok.] — 2.  The  son 
of  Abinadab,  of  the  hill  of  Kirjath-jearim  (i 
Sam. 7.1). — 3.  The  son  of  Dodo  the  Ahohite, 
i.e.  possibly  a  descendant  of  Ahoah  of  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.4) ;  one  of  the  three 
principal  mighty  men  of  David's  armv  (2Sam. 
23.9  ;  iChr.11.12). — 4.  A  Levite,  son  of  Mahli. 
and  grandson  of  Merari  (iChr.23.2i,22,24.28. 
— 5.  A  priest  who  took  part  in  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  walls  under  Nehemiah  (Ne.i2.42). 
— 8.  One  of  the  sons  of  Parosh  ;  an  Israelite 
{i.e.  a  layman)  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife, 
and  had  to  put  her  away  (Ezr.lO.25  ;  iEsd.9. 
26). — 7.  Son  of  Phinehas  a  Levite  (Ezr.8.33  ; 
iEsd.8.63). — 8.  The4thsonof  Mattathias,  sur- 
named  Avaran  (i Mac. 2. 5),  who  fell  by  a  noble 
act  of  self-devotion  in  an  engagement  with 
Antiochus  Eupator,  164  b.c  (iMac.6.43ff.). 
In  a  former  battle  with  Nicanor,  Eleazar  was 
appointed  by  Judas  to  read  "  the  holy  book  " 
before  the  attack,  and  the  watch-word  in  the 
fight — "the  help  of  God" — was  his  own  name 
(2Mac.8.23). — 9.  A  distinguished  scribe  (2MaC. 
6.18)  of  great  age,  who  suffered  martyrdom 
during  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(2Mac.6.i8-3i). — 10.  The  father  of  Jason, 
ambassador  from  J  udas  Maccabaeus  to  Rome 
(iMac.8.17). — 11.  The  son  of  Eliud,  in  the 
genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Mt.l.15). 

Eleazu  PUS  (iEsd.9.24)  =  Ei.iashib,  4. 

Election.     [Pkedestinatio.v.] 

EI-Elohe  -Israel'  (God,  the  God  of  Israel), 
the  name  bcsti)\ved  by  Jacob  on  the  altar 
which  he  erected  on  laud  in  Canaan  bought  of 
the  sons  of  Hamor  (Gen. 33. 20). 

Elements  (2l'e.3.io;  R.V.  marg.  hea- 
venly  bodies),  here  undoubtedly  means  the 
physical  elements  of  which  the  world  is  com- 
posed. The  Circek  aroixeia-  nieans  that  which 
stands  in  a  row  or  series,  (ttoixos:  (i)  the 
alphabet;  the  elements  from  which  words  are 
formed,  (2)  the  elements  of  the  universe,  (3) 
the  first  principles  (rudiments)  of  any  kind  of 
knowledge  (Heb. 5. 12,  etc.).  Gal. 4.3, 9  appar- 
ently refers  to  the  worship  of  heavenly  bodies 
(called  ffToixfia)  as  elements  of  the  universe, 
and  rcgul.iting  the  calendar,  though  R.V. 
gives  "  ruilimrnts,"  as  (3)  above.        [s.N.s.] 

B'leph,  a  town  of  Benjamin,  named  next 


ELEPHANT 

before  Jerusalem  (Jos.l8.28).  Now  the  village 
Lifta,  2  miles  W.  of  the  city.  [c.r.c] 

Elephant.  The  word  does  not  occur  in  the 
text  of  the  canonical  Scriptures  of  A.V.,  but  is 
found  as  the  marginal  reading  to  Behemoth, 
in  Job  40.15.  "  Elephants'  teeth"  [shen-habhim) 
is  the  marginal  reading  for  "ivory"  in  iK. 
10.22;  2Chr.9.2i.  Elephants,  however,  are 
mentioned  in  the  ist  and  2nd  books  of  Macca- 
bees as  being  used  in  warfare.  These  belonged 
to  the  Indian  species  (Elephas  maximiis),  which 
was  first  brought  to  Palestine  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  king  of  Syria,  who  employed  these 
animals  in  his  wars  against  Egypt,  as  Eupator 
(163  B.C.)  did  against  the  Jews  (iMac.6.34). 
[Apes  ;  Ivory  ;   Palestine.]  [r.l.] 

Eleu'thepus,  a  river  of  Syria  (iMac.ll.7, 
12.30).  In  early  ages  it  was  a  noted  border 
stream.  According  to  Strabo,  it  separated 
Syria  from  Phoenicia,  and  formed  the  N.  limit 
of  CoelosjTia.  The  identity  of  the  Eleutherus 
with  the  modern  Nahr-el-Kebir  (Great  River) 
is  not  doubted.  Its  highest  source  is  in  the 
open  valley  between  the  Lebanon  (S.)  and 
the  Bargylus  (N.)  ranges  :  it  flows  through 
the  opening  called  in  Num.34. 8  "  the  entrance 
of  Hamath  "  ;  and  falls  into  the  Mediterra- 
nean about  i8' miles  N.  of  Tripolis.    [c.r.c] 

Elhanan'. — 1.  A  warrior  in  the  time  of 
king  David,  who  performed  a  memorable 
exploit  against  the  Philistines,  about  which 
a  difficulty  arises:  (a)  2Sam.2i.19  says  that 
he  was  the  "son  of  Jaare-oregim  the  Bethle- 
hemite,"  and  that  he  "slew  the  brother  of 
Goliath  the  Gittite,  the  staff  of  whose  spear 
was  like  a  weaver's  beam."  Here  in  A.V.  the 
words  in  italics  are  inserted  to  bring  the 
passage  into  agreement  with  (6)  iChr.20.5, 
which  states  that  "  Elhanan  son  of  J  air  slew 
Lahmi  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite,  the 
staff,"  etc.  The  latter  is  probably  the  more 
correct  statement,  the  differences  between 
them  being  much  smaller  in  the  original  than 
in  English.  The  "oregim"  (weavers)  has 
probably  crept  into  the  text  of  2Sam-21.i9 
from  the  following  Une. — 2.  The  son  of  Dodo 
of  Bethlehem,  one  of  the  Thirty  of  David's 
guard,  and  named  first  on  the  list  (2Sam.23. 
24  ;    iChr.11.26). 

Eli,  the  high-priest  before  whom  Samuel 
ministered  to  the  Lord,  was  descended  from 
Aaron  through  Ithamar,  the  youngest  of  his 
two  surviving  sons  {Lev.lO.1,2,12  ;  iK.2.27, 
cf.  2Sam.8.i7  ;  iChr.24.3).  As  the  history 
mentions  no  high-priest  of  the  line  of  Ithamar 
before  Eli,  he  is  generally  supposed  to  have 
been  the  first  of  that  line  to  hold  the  office. 
From  him,  his  sons  having  died  before  him,  it 
appears  to  have  passed  to  his  grandson  Ahitub 
(iSam.14.3),  and  it  certainly  remained  in  his 
family  till  Abiathar,  the  grandson  of  Ahitub, 
was  "  thrust  out  from  being  priest  unto  the 
Lord  "  by  Solomon  for  his  share  in  Adonijah's 
rebellion  (iK. 1.7,2.26, 27),  and  the  liigh- 
priesthood  returned  to  the  family  of  Eleazar  in 
the  person  of  Zadok  (2.35).  Its  return  to 
the  elder  branch  was  one  part  of  the  punish- 
ment pronounced  against  Eli  during  his  life- 
time, for  his  lack  of  control  over  his  sons,  who 
by  their  rapacity  and  licentiousness  profaned 
the  priesthood,  and  brought  the  rites  of  re- 
ligion into  abhorrence  among  the  people  (i 


ElilAM 


241 


Sam.2.22-36  ;  iK.2.27).  Notwithstanding  this 
failure  of  his  old  age,  the  character  of  Eli 
is  marked  by  eminent  piety,  as  shown  by 
his  meek  submission  to  the  divine  judgment 
(iSam.3.18),  and  his  supreme  regard  for  the 
ark  of  God  (4. 18).  He  "  judged  Israel  40 
years  "  (ib.  marg.),  and  died  at  the  age  of  98 
years  (ver.  15),  stricken  down  by  the  disastrous 
news  that  the  ark  of  God  had  been  taken  in 
battle  by  the  Philistines,  who  had  also  slain 
his  sons  Hophni  and  Phinehas. 

Eliab'. — 1.  Son  of  Helon  and  leader  of  the 
tribe  of  Zebulun  at  the  time  of  the  census  in 
the  wilderness  (Num. 1.9,2.7,7.24,29, 10. 16). — 
2.  A  Reubenite,  son  of  Pallu  or  Phallu,  father 
of  Dathan  and  Abiram  (I6.1, 12,26.8,9  ;  Deut. 
11.6). — 3.  The  eldest  brother  of  David  (iSam. 
16.6,17.13,28;  iChr.2.13).  Elihuin  iChr.27.i8 
is  probably  a  variant  of  Eliab  (Jerome). — 4. 
A  Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  who  was  both  a 
"  porter  "  and  a  musician  on  the  "  psaltery  " 
(15.18,20,16.5). — 5.  One  of  the  warlike  Gadite 
leaders  who  came  to  David  in  the  wilderness 
(I2.9). — 6.  An  ancestor  of  Samuel  the  pro- 
phet ;  a  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Nahath 
(6.27). — 7.  Son  of  Nathanael ;  an  ancestor  of 
Judith  (Jth.8.1). 

Eliada'. — 1.  One  of  David's  sons  ;  ac- 
cording to  the  lists,  the  youngest  but  one  of 
those  born  to  him  after  his  establishment  in 
Jerusalem  (2Sam.5. 16  ;  iChr.3.8).  He  is  called 
Beeliada  in  iChr.14.7. — 2.  A  mighty  man  of 
war,  a  Benjamite,  who  led  200,000  of  his  tribe 
to  the  army  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.i7.17). 

Eliadah',   father  of  Rezon  (1K.II.23). 

ELiadas  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Elioenai,  7. 

El'iadun  (R.V.  Iliadun;  iEsd.5.58),  pos- 
sibly identical  with  Henadad. 

Eliah'. — 1.  A  Benjamite  chief  ;  one  of  the 
sons  of  Jeroham  (iChr.8.27). — 2.  One  of  the 
Bene-Elam  ;  an  Israelite  (i.e.  a  la>'man)  who 
had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lb.26). 

Eliahba',  a  Shaaleonite,  one  of  the 
Thirty  of  David's  guard  (2Sam.23.32;   iChr. 

11-33)- 

Ellakim'  (whom  God  sets  up). — 1.  Son  of 
Hilkiah  ;  master  of  Hezekiah's  household 
("over  the  house,"  as  Is.36.3),  2K.I8. 18,37. 
He  succeeded  Sheona  in  this  office,  with  the 
warm  approval  of  Isaiah  (Is. 22.15-23).  Its 
important  character  is  indicated  through  its 
tenure  by  Jotham,  when  heir-apparent  (2K. 
15.5),  cf.  major  domus  under  the  Merovingian 
dynasty.  Eliakim  was  a  good  man,  as  is 
shown  by  his  conduct  on  the  occasion  of 
Sennacherib's  invasion  (18.37,19.1-5),  and  in 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  high  position 
(Is. 22.21).  But  it  is  certain  from  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  office  in  Is. 22,  and  especially  from 
ver.  22,  that  it  was  the  king's  house,  and  not  (as 
the  LXX.  and  Jerome)  the  House  of  God,  of 
which  Eliakim  was  prefect. — 2.  The  original 
name  of  Jehoiakim  king  of  Judah  (2K. 23.34; 
2Chr.36.4). — 3.  A  priest  in  the  days  of  Nehe- 
miah,  who  assisted  at  the  dedication  of  the  new 
wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.41). — 4,  5.  Ancestors 
of  Christ  (Mt.1.13  ;  Lu.3.30).  [a.w.s.] 

Eli'ali  (iEsd.9.34)  =  BiNNUi,  3. 

Eliam'. — 1.  Father  of  Bathsheba,  the 
wife  of  David  (2Sam.ll.3).  In  iChr.3.5  the 
names  of  father  and  daughter  appear  as  Am- 
miel  and  Bathshua.     Probably  the  same  as-^ 

16 


242 


ElilAONlAS 


2.  Son   of  Ahithophel   the   Gilonite  ;    one   of 
David's   heroes   (2Sam.23.34). 

Eliaonias  (iEsd.8.31)  =  Elihoenai. 
Eli'as,  the  ionn  of  the  name  Elijah  in 
A.V.  of  N.T.  and  in  Ecclus.48.iff.,  iMac.2.58. 
In  Ro.11.2  the  reference  is  not  to  the 
prophet,  but  to  the  portion  of  Scripture 
referring  to  him,  the  words  being  "  in  Elias," 
not  as  in  A.V.  "  of  Elias." 

Eliasaph'. — 1.  Son  of  Deuel,  and  the 
Dauite  chief  at  the  census  in  the  wilderness 
of  Sinai  (Num. 1.14,2.14, 7. 42, 47,10.20). — 2. 
Son  of  Lael  ;  a  Levite,  and  "  chief  of  the 
house  of  the  father  of  the  Gershonites  "  at 
the  same  time  (Num. 3. 24). 

Kliashib'. — 1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of 
David,  the  eleventh  of  the  "  governors  "  of 
the  sanctuary  (iChr.24.i2). — 2.  A  son  of 
Elioenai  ;  one  of  the  latest-named  descendants 
of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (3.24). — 3.  High- 
priest  at  J  erusalem  at  the  time  of  the  rebuilding 
of  the  walls  (Ne.3.i,  etc.).  His  genealogy  is 
given  in  12.ioff.  He  was  "allied"  (Heb. 
near)  to  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  and  is  doubt- 
less the  same  as  the  Eliashib  of  Ezr.10.6. — 
4.  A  singer  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr. 10.24),  as  had  also — 5.  A  "son"  of  Zattu 
(IO.27),  and — 8.  A  "  son  "  of  Bani  (IO.36). 

Kli'asis  (iEsd.9.34),  perhaps  identical  with 
Eliasuu!  (Ezr. 10.36). 

Kliathah',  son  of  Heman ;  a  musician  in 
the  temple  in  the  time  of  king  David,  who 
with  his  sons  and  brethren  had  the  2otli 
division  of  the  temple  service  (iChr.25.4,27). 
Klidad',  son  of  Chislon,  and  prince  of 
Benjamin,  chosen  to  assist  in  the  division  of 
the  land  of  Canaan  (Num.34.2i). 

Eliel'. — 1.  A  chief  of  the  half-tribe  of 
Manasseh  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (iChr.5.24). — 
2.  Son  of  Toah  ;  a  forefather  of  Heman  the 
singer  (6.34);  possibly  the  same  as  Eliab  in 
ver.  27  and  as  Elihu  (iSam.l.i). — 3.  One  of 
the  Bene-Shimhi ;  a  Benjamite  chief  (iChr.8. 
20). — 4.  Also  a  Benjamite,  but  of  the  sons 
of  Shashak  (8.22).— 5,  6.  "The  Mahavite  " 
and  another  ;  heroes  of  David's  guard  in  the 
e.xteuded  list  of  11.46,47. — 7.  One  of  the 
Gadite  heroes  who  came  across  Jordan  to 
David  when  he  was  hiding  from  Saul  in  the 
wilderness  of  Judah  (12. 11). — 8.  A  Koha- 
thite  Levite  who  assisted  in  bringing  the 
ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  to  Jeru- 
salem (15.9,11 ). — 9.  A  Levite  in  the  time 
of  Hezekiah  ;  one  of  those  in  charge  of  the 
temple  offerings  (2Chr.3i.13). 

Eliena'i.  Of  the  Bene-Shimhi  ;  a  de- 
scendant  of   Benjamin  (iChr.8.20). 

Elie'zer  (God  is  help). — 1.  Abraham's 
chief  servant,  called  by  him  "  Elliezer  of 
naniascus"  (Gen. 15. 2, A. V. ;  see  K.V'.).  The 
phrase  in  vcr.  3  sIkjuUI  be  "son  of  my  house," 
which  merely  imjjorts  that  he  was  one  of 
Abraham's  household.  For  ver.  2,  where 
K.V.  shirks  the  difficulty,  see  Damascus. 
It  is  i^robably  Eliezer  who  is  described  in 
(ien.24.2. — 2.  Second  son  of  Moses  and  Zip- 
porah,  so  named  by  his  father,  "because,  said 
he,  the  (iod  of  my  father  was  my  help,  that 
delivered  me  from  the  sword  of  I'haraoh  " 
(Ex. 18. 4  ;  iChr.23.15,17).  He  remained  with 
his  mother  and  brother  (iersliom,  in  the  care  of 
Jethro  his  grandfather,  when  Moses  returned 


ELIJAH 

to  Egypt  (Ex. 4.18),  she  having  been  sent  back 
to  her  father  by  Moses  (18. 2),  though  she 
had  gone  part  of  the  way  with  him. — 3.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Becher,  son  of  Benjamin 
(iChr.7.8). — 4.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  David 
(15. 24). — 5.  Son  of  Zichri,  ruler  of  the 
Reubeaites  in  the  reign  of  David  (27. 16). 
— 6.  Son  of  Dodavah,  of  Mareshah  in  Judah 
(2Chr.2O.37),  a  prophet,  who  denounced  Je- 
hoshaphat's  alliance  with  Ahaziah. — 7.  .\  chief 
Israelite — a  "man  of  understanding" — whom 
Ezra  sent  with  others  from  .A.hava  to  Casiphia, 
to  induce  some  Levites  and  Nethiium  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 8. 16). — 8,  9,  10. 
A  priest,  a  Levite,  and  an  Israelite  of  the  sons  of 
Harim,  who  had  married  foreign  wives  (10. 
18,23,31). — 11.  Son  of  Jorim,  in  the  genealogy 
of  Christ  (Lu.3.29). 

Elihoena'l,  son  of  Zerahiah,  of  the  sons  of 
Pahath-moab,  who  with  200  men  returned 
from  the  Captivity  with  Ezra  (Ezr. 8. 4). 

Eliho'peph,  son  of  Shisha,  and  one  of 
Solomon's  scribes   (iK.4.3). 

Elihu'. — 1.  One  of  the  interlocutors  of  Job  ; 
described  as  the  "  son  of  Barachel  the  Buzite, 
of  the  kindred  of  Ram"  (Job  32.2,6).  [Buzite.] 
— 2.  An  ancestor  of  Samuel  called  Eliab  in 
iChr.6.27  and  Eliel  in  6.34. — 3.  "  One  of  the 
brethren  of  David"  mentioned  as  the  ruler 
of  Judah  (27.18) ;  called  Eliab  in  iSam.16.6.— 
4.  One  of  the  captains  of  the  thousands  of 
Manasseh  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr. 
12.20). — 5.  A  Korahite  Levite  in  the  time  of 
David  ;  one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  house  of 
Jehovah.  He  was  a  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  of 
the  family  of  Obed-edom  (26.7).         [h.c.b.] 

Elijah. — 1.  The  Tishbits,  "  one  of  the 
sojourners  of  (iilead  "  (iK.17.i),  makes  an 
abrupt  appearance  in  Israelitish  history  in  the 
reign  of  Ahab.  Nothing  is  told  of  his  an- 
cestry or  previous  history,  though  he  may 
have  been  one  of  the  refugees  from  the  perse- 
cutions of  Jezebel  (18. 4).  He  was  "a  man 
subject  to  like  passions  as  we  are  "  (Jas.5.17), 
the  chief  feature  of  his  ])ersonal  appearance 
being  his  hair,  which  flowed,  like  a  Nazirite's, 
down  his  back  and  betokened,  as  Samson's 
did,  great  personal  strength.  He  was  capable 
of  long  fasts  (iK.19.8),  of  living  on  the  most 
scanty  food  (17.6, 16),  of  sleeping  on  the 
hard  ground  (19.5),  was  fond  of  the  moun- 
tains (18.19,19.8;  2K.2.16),  and  could  run 
a  distance  of  16  miles  in  front  of  the  royal 
chariot  (i  K. 18. 42-46).  There  is  a  pathetic  sense 
of  loneliness  in  his  earlier  life  (18.22,19.10,14), 
though  later  In;  has  the  devoted  companion- 
shi])  of  i;iisha  (19.21;  2 K. 3. 11.2.2,4,6),  and 
is  a  familiar  figure  in  the  schools  of  the  pro- 
phets at  Bethel  and  Jericho  (2.3,5,15).  He 
wore  the  ordinary  articles  of  dress — viz.  girded 
under-robe,  and  overall  or  mantle  (2K.I.8, 
2.14;  iK. 19. 13, 19),  which  has  supplied  one 
of  our  most  familiar  figures  of  speech.  But 
the  characteristic  which  most  impressed  his 
countrymen  what  that  he  was  "  a  man  of 
(iod  "  (i  K. 17. 18,24  ;  2K. 1.9-13)  whom  the 
Spirit  of  God  would  protect  from  harm  (iK. 
18.12  ;  2K.2.16),  and  who  was  able  to  prevail 
in  jtrayer  with  "the  Lord"  (I  K. 17. 22. 18. 37). 
in  Whose  jiresence  he  claimed  to  stand 
(17. 1. 18. 1 5).  Indeed,  devotion  to  the  Lord 
was  the  master-passion  of  his  life  (18.36,18.10, 


ELIJAH 

14),  as  is  betokened  by  his  name  {^=  Jehovah 
is  my  God),  which  was  at  once  a  creed  and 
a  battle  cry,  and  recognized  as  such  (17. 
12,20,18.10).  For  the  religious  condition  of 
Israel  was  one  which  called  for  vigorous 
protest.  Ahab  had  been  driven,  in  order  to 
settle  himself  on  his  precarious  throne,  to  make 
a  political  marriage  with  Jezebel,  daughter  of 
Ethbaal  king  of  the  Zidonians  (16. 31),  who 
being  himself  a  usurper  had  less  compunction 
about  deserting  the  traditional  alliance  be- 
tween Tyre  and  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  repeti- 
tion of  the  phrase  about  Ahab,  "which  did  sell 
himself  to  do  that  which  was  evil"  (21.20,25), 
suggests  that  commercial  interests  were  solidi- 
fied by  the  match  between  Samaria  and 
Zidon.  To  Ethbaal,  whose  dominions  could 
not  produce  food  supplies  for  the  inhabitants, 


ELIJAH 


243 


(Ecclus.48.i).  He  presented  himself  before 
Ahab  ( I K. 17.1  )andannounced  that  Ahab's  pros- 
titution of  religion  to  politics  would  be  severely 
punished  ;  the  Lord,  the  God  of  Israel,  would 
vindicate  Himself  against  the  rival  intruded 
upon  His  people  for  their  worship  ;  the  com- 
mercial gains  expected  to  accrue  to  Phoenicia 
would  be  precluded  by  a  prolonged  drought  ; 
and  Jezebel's  own  relations  would  suffer 
by  famine  in  punishment  for  the  sufferings 
she  had  brought  and  inflicted  upon  Israel. 
Naturally  he  had  to  fly  (17. 3),  and  every 
means  possible  was  taken  by  Ahab  to  secure  the 
capture  of  "  the  troubler  of  Israel  "  (18. 10, 
17).  At  first  he  hid  by  the  brook  Cherith, 
directed  thither  by  God  and  having  the  assur- 
ance that  He  Who  made  provision  for  the 
ravens  (Job 88.41  ;  Ps.147.9  ;  Lu.i2.24)  would 


CARMF.L,  PLACE  OK  ELIJAH'S  SACRIFICE.     (From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 


it  brought  the  opportunity  of  drawing  upon  the 
rich  cornlands  of  Esdraelon  (iK.5.9,11  ;  Ezk. 
27.17;  Ezr.3.7;  Ac.12.20).  To  Ahab  it  meant 
the  gradual  subversion  of  the  old  system  of 
land  tenure  and  administration  (iK. 20. 15, 21. 3, 
8,22.26),  which  was  connected  with  the  belief 
that  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel,  had  given 
His  people  their  land  ;  and  though  Ahab's 
children  all  had  names  compounded  with 
Jehovah  (Joash,  iK. 22.26;  Ahaziah,  22.40; 
Jehoram,  2K.3.1;  Athaliah,  8.26),  Ahab  al- 
lowed Jezebel  great  liberty  in  the  worship  of 
her  Phoenician  deities  and  aided  her  in  promot- 
ing it  (iK.16.31-33,18.19  ;  2K.3.2,10.2i).  A 
spirit  of  tyranny  ( i  K.21.7)  and  persecution  (18. 
4,19.10,14)  was  abroad,  and  as  a  result  "the 
children  of  Israel  had  forsaken  the  covenant 
of  Jehovah  "  (19. 10)  and  were  "  halting 
between  two  opinions"  (18. 21).  Drastic 
measures  were  necessary.  "  Then  stood  up  Elias 
as  a  fire  and  his  word  burned  as  a  lamp  " 


provide  for  His  servant  through  them  (iK. 
17.4).  When  the  brook  dried  up,  he  was  sent 
to  a  place  in  which  he  was  least  likely  to  be 
suspected  of  hiding,  as  it  was  in  Jezebel's  own 
country.  [Zarephath.]  Elijah's  residence 
there  is  referred  to  by  our  Lord  as  a  proof 
of  God's  loving  watchfulness  over  those  out- 
side His  covenant,  and  of  His  purpose  to 
make  such  persons  co-operate  in  the  further- 
ance of  His  designs  (Lu.4.26).  Two  miracles 
were  performed  here  :  the  continual  supply 
of  food  for  the  day  (iK.17.i6,  cf.  Ex.l6.i8), 
and  the  restoration  of  the  widow's  son  to  life, 
an  instance  of  chastisement  awakening  peni- 
tence (iK.17.i8)  and  of  Elijah's  sympathy 
and  power  in  prayer  (Jas.5.16,17).  In  the 
third  year  after  this  incident  (1K.I8.1),  when 
the  drought  had  now  lasted  3  years  and  6 
months  (Lu.4.25  ;  Jas.5.i7)  and  cattle  were 
perishing  for  want  of  pasture  and  bread  and 
water  had  become  great  luxuries,  Elijah  met 


^44 


ELIJAH 


Obadiah,  who  had  been  deputed  by  Ahab  to 
search  in  one  direction  through  the  land  for 
water,  while  he  went  in  the  other,  and  told 
him  to  summon  his  master.  The  king  came, 
and  arrangements  were  at  once  made  for  a 
general  meeting  of  the  Baal  prophets  with 
Elijah  at  Mount  Carmel.  Possibly  Elijah  had 
divine  authority  for  suggesting  the  ordeal  ; 
possibly  Ahab  felt  he  would  like  the  question 
settled  ;  at  any  rate,  the  scheme  seems  to 
have  been  long  planned.  Carmel  had  been  a 
"  high  place  "  with  an  altar  of  Jehovah  such 
as  Jezebel  had  caused  to  be  thrown  down 
(iK. 18. 30, 19. 10, 14).  This  altar  Elijah  repairs 
with  an  action  symbolical  of  his  purpose  to 
demonstrate  the  unity  of  the  covenant  people  : 
he  "took  twelve  stones,  according  to  the  number 
of  the  tribes  of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  unto  whom 
the  word  of  Jehovah  came,  saying,  Israel  shall 
be  thy  name  "  (18-31),  and  from  the  perennial 
spring  under  the  mountain  was  able,  in  spite  of 
the  drought,  to  get  twelve  barrels  of  water  with 
which  the  altar  and  sacrifice  were  thoroughly 
drenched  and  surrounded.  Then,  with  a  third 
demonstration  of  the  imity  of  the  two  realms,  he 
prayed  to  Jehovah  "  at  the  time  of  the  offering 
of  the  evening  oblation,"  i.e.  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem  (18. 36),  and  the  fire  of  the  Lord  fell, 
consuming  sacrifice,  wood,  stones,  and  all  the 
water.  The  people  accepted  the  result  of  the 
ordeal,  and  Elijah  commanded  a  general  mas- 
sacre of  the  priests  of  Baal  at  Kishon  (18. 40). 
The  honour  of  Jehovah  thus  vindicated,  signs 
of  approaching  rain  are  vouchsafed  to  Elijah's 
messenger,  and  the  prophet,  having  an- 
nounced it  to  Ahab,  runs  before  the  king's 
chariot  the  16  miles  to  J  ezreel.  Reaction  was 
inevitable  after  this  physical  and  spiritual 
strain,  and  when  word  came  to  him  of  Jeze- 
bel's determination  to  get  rid  of  him,  he  fled 
to  Beer-sheba  with  his  servant  ;  and  leaving 
him  there,  went  on  alone  a  day's  journey  into  the 
wilderness,  and  resting  under  a  desert  broom 
requests  to  be  allowed  to  die  (I9.4).  He  was 
first  answered  by  having  his  body  refreshed 
with  meals  provided  miraculously  (19. 5-8); 
then,  having  made  his  way  to  Horeb  and  lodged 
there  in  the  pilgrim's  cave,  his  stormy  mind 
was  calmed  by  the  spectacle  of  nature's 
power  and  beauty,  and  he  was  brought  to  a 
sense  of  his  responsibility  for  life,  by  being 
made  to  do  that  which  he  had  so  often  claimed 
to  do,  viz.  "  stand  before  the  Lord  "  (19.i  i )  and 
account  for  his  presence  there  (19. 13).  He 
states  his  case,  and  then  is  bidden  to  return, 
with  the  assurance  that  Ahab's  dynasty  shall 
soon  come  to  an  end,  and  that  his  work  will 
be  taken  up  and  continued  by  one  whose 
birth  pledged  him  to  maintain  the  divine 
system  of  land  tenure,  and  who  had  been 
named,  perhaps  through  the  consciousness  of 
idolatrous  oppression,  "  God  is  salvation  " — 
l'-lislia.  Elijah  therefore  returned  N.  and  found 
Elisha  at  .\bel-meholah.  He  had  only  to  cast 
his  mantle  on  Elisha's  shoulder,  and  the  young 
man  followed  him,  never  to  leave  him  again. 
From  Abel-meholah  Elijahwent  tojezreel  with 
a  fresh  denunciation  of  Ahab  for  a  fresh  sin. 
The  king  had  wished  to  acquire  some  property 
from  Naboth,  but  was  refused,  and,  apparently 
while  Elijah  had  been  in  the  S.,  Jezebel  deter- 
mined to  maintain  her  position  in  the  kingdom 


ELIJA]^ 

by  compassing  a  judicial  murder.  On  a  false 
charge  of  blasphemy  Naboth  and  his  sons  were 
put  to  death  and  their  property  forfeited  to  the 
crown  (iK.21.i6).  Ahab  went  down  to  visit 
the  newly  acquired  estate,  accompanied  by 
Jehu  and  Bidkar  (2K.9.25),  but  was  met  there 
by  Elijah,  whose  terrible  denunciation  sank 
into  the  king's  heart  :  his  repentance  was  so 
sincere  that  he  put  on  sackcloth  and  fasted 
and  went  bare-foot,  keeping  every  anniversary 
of  Naboth's  death  with  signs  of  mourning 
(I K. 21. 27,  cf.  LXX.).  Three  other  incidents 
only  are  recorded  in  the  life  of  Elijah,  (i)  His 
letter  to  "the  son-in-law  of  Ahab,  who  sat 
on  the  throne  as  king  for  some  years  during 
the  life  of  his  father  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.2i.12). 
(2)  His  warning  to  Ahab's  son  of  his  certain 
death  of  the  disease  about  which  he  consulted 
Baal-zebub,  god  of  Ekron  (2K.I.4),  and  the 
consequent  destruction  of  two  successive 
captains  of  50,  with  their  men,  who  had  been 
sent  to  apprehend  him  ;  at  the  arrival  of  the 
third  company  he  was  directed  to  go  to  speak 
directly  to  Ahaziah  without  fear,  and  therefore 
went  down  from  Carmel  to  Samaria  (vv.  9,15). 
It  was  this  incident  which  inspired  the  emula- 
tion of  the  "sons  of  thunder,"  and  elicited  a 
rebuke  from  our  Lord  (Lu. 9. 51-56).  (3)  His 
translation.  Starting  from  Gilgal,  where  was 
a  school  of  the  prophets  (2K.4.38),  he  came 
down  to  Bethel  and  thence  to  Jericho,  at  each 
place  begging  Elisha  to  come  no  farther,  his 
impending  removal  from  earth  being  a  matter 
of  general  knowledge  (2K.2.3,5),  but  Elisha 
refused  ;  and  when  asked  by  Elijah  what  he 
should  do  for  him  before  he  was  taken  away, 
simply  requested  the  elder  son's  portion  of 
his  spirit,  and  to  be  able  to  reproduce  in  his 
day  what  Elijah  had  been  to  his  generation. 
Elijah's  answer  was  that  it  would  all  depend 
on  the  training  Elisha  had  given  to  his 
spiritual  vision,  and  as  that  condition  had 
been  complied  with,  Elisha  saw  the  chariot 
and  horses  of  fire  which  were  the  manifestation 
of  Jehovah's  presence  {cf.  Job38.i  ;  Ezk.l.4) 
before  Elijah  "  went  up,"  not  in  the  chariot, 
but  by  a  whirlwind,  into  heaven  (2K.2.11  ; 
cf.  Judg.20.40).  The  word  "went  up" 
carries  the  thought  forward  to  the  Ascension 
of  our  Lord,  where  the  word  "  taken  up  "  is 
used  by  one  of  the  two  men  (.\c.l.io,ii)  who 
dismissed  the  apostles,  and  who  probably 
were  Moses  and  Elijah,  as  they  on  the  mount 
of  Transfiguration  had  spoken  of  the  exodus 
which  w.is  to  be  accomplished  at  Jerusalem 
(Lu.9.31).  The  announcement  of  our  Lord's 
future  return  is  an  office  assigned  to  Elijah  in 
theO.T.  (Mai. 4.5),  and  by  the  Jewish  tradition, 
which  enacts  a  pause  in  the  celebration  of  the 
Passover  for  the  appearance  of  Elijah  {cf. 
Mt.27.47  ;  Mk.15.35)  to  announce  the  coming 
of  Messiah.  The  fulfilment  of  the  type  of 
Elijah  by  the  foreruimer  John  Baptist  was 
only  partial,  as  was  indicated  by  our  Lord 
Himself  after  the  Transfiguration  in  the  words 
"  Ivlias  truly  shall  come  and  restore  all  things  " 
(Mt.17.li).  No  prophet  is  mentioned  so  often 
in  N.T.  as  he  (Jn.l.25  ;  cf.  Mt.17.3  ;  Mk.9.4  ; 
Lu.9.30).  He  has  been  canonized  both  in  the 
Gk.  and  Lat.  Churches,  his  festival  being 
July  20,  and  he  is  revered  in  the  Lat.  Church 
as    founder    of    the    "  Order    of    Barefooted 


ElilKA 

Carmelites."  Milligan,  "Elijah"  in  Men  of  the 
B. — 2.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Harim,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.21).   [c.r.d.b.1 

Elika',  a  Harodite,  one  of  the  Thirty  of 
David's  guard  (2Sam.23.25). 

Elim'  (Ex. 15. 27  ;  Num.33. 9),  the  second 
station  where  the  IsraeUtes  encamped  after 
crossing  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  distinguished  as 
having  had  "twelve  wells  [springs]  of  water,  and 
threescore  and  ten  palm-trees."  Supposing 
Israel  to  have  camped  at  'Ayiin  Miisa  after 
crossing  the  Red  Sea  (Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  i. 
p.  67),  and  taking  10  miles  as  the  average 
daily  march  (which  fits  the  distances  between 
all  the  known  sites  on  their  road),  Marah 
would  be  'Ain  Hawdrah,  and  Elim  at  Wddy 
Ghiiriindel  where  there  is  still  a  brook  with 
stunted  palms.     [Exodus,  The.]       [c.r.c] 

Elitne'lech,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
and  of  the  family  of  the  Hezronites,  who 
dwelt  in  Bethlehem-ephratah  in  the  days  of 
the  J  udges.  In  consequence  of  a  great  dearth 
in  the  land  he  went  with  his  wife  Naomi,  and 
his  two  sons,  Mahlon  and  Chilion,  to  dwell  in 
Moab,  where  he  and  his  sons  died  without 
posterity  (Ru.l.2,3,  etc.). 

Elioena'l. — 1.  Eldest  son  of  Neariah,  the 
son  of  Shemaiah  (iChr.3.23,24). — 2.  Head  of  a 
family  of  the  Simeonites  (4.36). — 3.  Head  of  one 
of  the  families  of  the  sons  of  Becher  son  of  Ben- 
jamin (7.8).— 4.  Seventh  son  of  Meshelemiah, 
son  of  Kore  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  a  Korahite 
Levite,  and  one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the 
"house  of  Jehovah"  (26.3). — 5.  Apriest  of  the 
sons  of  Pashur  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.10.22).  Possibly  the  same  as — 6.  One  of 
the  priests  who  accompanied  Nehemiah  with 
trumpets  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem (Ne. 12.41). — 7.  An  Israelite,  of  the  sons 
of  Zattu,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.10.27). 

Elio'nas — 1.  (iEsd.9.22)  =  Elioenai,  5. 
— 2.   (iEsd.9.32)  =  Eliezer,    10. 

Eliphal',  son  of  Ur  (1Chr.ll.35)  = 
Eliphelet,  3. 

Eliphal'at  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Eliphelet,  6. 

Eliphalet — 1.  [Eliphelet,  2.] — 2.  (i 
Esd.8.39)  =  Eliphelet,  5. 

Eliphaz'. — 1.  The  eldest  son  of  Esau  and 
Adah,  and  father  of  Teman  (Gen. 86.4, 15  ;  iChr. 
1.35,36). — 2.  The  chief  of  the  "  three  friends  " 
of  Job.  He  is  called  "the  Temanite"  ;  hence 
probably  he  was  an  inhabitant  of  Teman.  On 
him  falls  the  main  burden  of  the  argument,  that 
God's  retribution  in  this  world  is  perfect  and 
certain,  and  that  consequently  suffering  must 
be  a  proof  of  previous  sin  (Job  4,5,15,22).  The 
great  truth  brought  out  by  him  is  the  unap- 
proachable majesty  and  purity  of  God  (4. 12-21, 
15.12-16).     [Teman  ;  Job.] 

Elipheleh',  a  Merarite  Levite ;  one  of  the 
gate-keepers  appointed  by  David  to  play  on 
the  harp  "  on  the  Sheminith  "  when  the  ark 
was  brought  to  Jerusalem  (iChr.l5.i8,2i). 

Eliphelet. — 1.  One  of  the  sons  of  David, 
born  after  his  establishment  in  Jerusalem  (i 
Chr.3.6),  but  omitted  in  the  longer  list  of  2Sam. 
5.15,16,  and  in  iChr.14.5  given  as  Elpalet. 
—2.  Another  son  of  David,  the  last  of  the  Jeru- 
salemfamily(iChr.3.8;c/.  2Sam.5.i6,iChr.l4.7, 
where  the  vowel  is  lengthened  and  the  name 
given  as  Eliphalet). — 3-  Soa  of  Abasbai,  son 


ELISHA 


245 


of  the  Maachathite.  One  of  the  Thirty  of 
David's  guard  (2Sam. 23.34). — 4.  Son  of  Eshek, 
a  descendant  of  king  Saul  through  Jonathan 
(iChr.8.39). — 5.  A  leader  of  the  Bene-Adoni- 
kam,  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.8.13). — 8.  One  of  the  Bene-Hashum  who 
had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.33). 

Elisabeth,  wife  of  Zach arias  and  mother 
of  the  Baptist.  The  name  is  the  same  as 
Elisheba  (Ex. 6.23  ;  cf.  Jehosheba),  and,  as 
borne  by  the  wife  of  Aaron,  would  be  tradi- 
tional in  priestly  families.  Lu.l.73  may  allude 
to  its  meaning,  "  God  is  an  oath,"  i.e.  "  One  to 
swear  by  "  (Gesenius).  [e.r.b.] 

Elise'us,  the  form  of  the  name  Elisha 
in  A.V.  of  Ecclus.48.i2  and  Lu.4.27. 

Elisha,  the  son  of  Shaphat  of  Abel-meholah, 
designated  to  Elijah  at  Horeb  as  his  successor. 
The  meeting  between  them  was  that  of  a  hero- 
worshipper  with  his  hero.  The  news  of  Elijah's 
ordeal  and  victory  on  Mount  Carmel  must  have 
run  through  the  northern  kingdom  and  stimu- 
lated the  endurance  of  those  7,000,  such  as 
Shaphat  and  his  son,  who  "  had  not  bowed  the 
knee  to  Baal"  (19.i8).  At  any  rate,  Elijah 
had  only  to  cast  his  mantle  on  Elisha's  shoulder 
and  the  younger  man  was  ready  to  follow  him. 
He  just  made  a  farewell  to  the  people  of  his 
village,  using  for  the  feast  the  oxen  with  which 
he  had  been  found  ploughing,  and  then  left 
his  home,  to  cast  in  his  lot  with  his  hero. 
No  duty  that  he  could  perform  for  Elijah  was 
undone  ;  years  after  he  was  known  to  the  court 
as  the  man  who  had  thrown  away  chances  of 
advancement  elsewhere  to  be  the  menial  at- 
tendant on  a  dervish  ("  Elisha,  which  poured 
water  on  the  hands  of  Elijah,"  2K.3.11),  and  a 
fierce  hatred  of  the  house  of  Omri  blazed  in  him 
(3.14,6.32).  So,  when  the  time  for  Elijah's 
translation  came,  though  his  master  begged 
him  to  remain  behind,  he  would  not  :  he  had 
counted  the  cost,  he  knew  he  had  to  take  his 
master's  place,  and  he  would  remain  to  the 
last  with  him,  only  asking  that  he  might,  in  his 
day,  be  something  like  what  Elijah  had  been, 
showing  his  spiritual  lineage  by  his  inheritance 
(2.10).  His  cry  as  Elijah  went  up  in  the 
whirlwind  shows  what  the  prophet  had  been 
to  him — a  constant  sacrament  of  the  divine 
presence  and  protection :  "  My  father,  my 
father,  the  chariot  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen 
thereof"  (2K.2.12  ;  cf.  Deut.l7.i6,  Ps.l47. 
10,11).  He  could  not  but  show  the  ordinary 
signs  of  mourning  ;  then  "  he  took  up  Elijah's 
mantle  that  fell  from  him,"  assured  himself 
that  he  had  powers  similar  to  his  master's  (2K. 
2.14)  and  received  the  recognition  of  them  from 
others  (2.15),  and  then  made  his  way  back  to 
the  place  where  his  master  had  twice  called 
down  fire  from  heaven,  to  build  himself  up  there 
in  communion  with  God  amid  consecrated 
memories  (2.25).  There,  if  the  modern  legend 
of  the  cave  still  shown  at  Haifa  as  "  Elisha's 
school"  be  true  (see  Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  p.  285), 
he  taught  others  to  walk  in  his  master's 
footsteps  ;  there  he  made  his  abode  (4.25  ; 
cf.  1.9).  It  is  very  difficult  to  form  any 
exact  chronology  of  the  events  in  Elisha's 
life,  because  the  chapters  which  are  concerned 
with  it  are  confused  ia  arrangement  by  the 
operation  of  that  rule  of  the  Heb.  historians 
to  roimd  off  one  incident  before  proceeding 


246  ELISHA 

with  another,  which  is  so  vividly  ilhistrated  in 
Lu.t.8o,2.6.  In  2K.13  the  incidents  in  vv.  14- 
21  must  ct)nic  between  vv.  12  and  13.  and  8. 1-7 
should  probably  come  in  between  4.37,38.  Yet 
from  the  mention  of  Benhadad  (6.24)  and 
Hazael  (8.28,9.14)  we  gather  that  all  the  public 
ministry  of  Elisha  recorded  for  us  falls  within 
the  12  years  of  Jehoram,  "who  wrought  evil, 
but  not  like  his  father  or  mother"  (3. 1,2). 
Though  Jezebel's  influence  went  against  him 
(9.22),  Jehoram  called  Elisha  '"father"  (6. 
21  ;  cf.  5.13),  and  was  tolerated  until  in  his 
despair  at  the  extremity  of  famine  in  Samaria 
through  the  war  with  Syria  he  planned  Elisha's 
assassination  (6.31)  and  until  his  sister's 
influence  in  Judah  was  seen  to  be  baneful 
(2Chr.22.4).  Then  the  doom  of  the  house  of 
Omri  fell.  Three  incidents  after  Elijah's  as- 
cension manifested  Elisha's  powers  before  he 
went  into  retreat  on  Mount  Carmel.  (i)  A  sensi- 
tive man  might  not  have  yielded  the  point 
about  sending  to  look  for  Elijah's  remains,  but 
he  gave  up  his  own  will  (2K.2.17).  (2)  He 
not  only  tarried  at  Jericho,  but  brought  to  its 
inhabitants  blessings;  by  casting  salt  into  the 
spring,  he  showed  how  sin  must  be  arrested 
at  its  source  (2.22).  (3)  He  showed  that  he 
could  be  as  severe  as  his  master,  and  that 
God  would  support  him  in  his  severity  when 
"  a  set  of  boys  "  from  the  ill-famed  city  of 
Bethel  made  God's  exaltation  of  the  long- 
haired prophet  a  cause  of  mockery  to  him 
with  his  close-cropped  locks  (2.24).  His 
fame  spread  to  the  southern  kingdom.  No 
sooner  is  he  brought  to  the  notice  of  Jehosha- 
phat  than  that  monarch  owns  "the  word  of 
the  Lord  is  with  him  "  (8.12)  ;  and  his  disciple- 
ship  has  its  due  reward  when  the  three  kings 
go  down  to  consult  Elijah's  servant.  He 
shows  what  he  had  learnt  from  his  master  in 
using  e.xternal  influence  to  calm  his  perturbed 
spirit  (3.15  :  cf.  iK.19.ii)  and  in  making 
arrangements  for  the  divine  intervention  to 
synchronize  with  the  offering  of  the  covenant 
worship  in  the  covenant  centre  at  Jerusalem 
(2K.3.20).  After  this,  apparently  he  made 
his  home  in  Samaria  trying  to  influence 
Jehoram  for  good  (5.3  ;  cf.  8.4.6.21,30).  Yet 
this  recognition  by  royalty  did  not  harden 
him.  Poverty  meets  him,  and  is  relieved  with 
tact  and  sufficiency  (4.7)  ;  at  the  next  turn  he 
enjoys  the  generous  hospitality  of  the  wealthy 
farmer  (4.8).  His  very  bearing  causes  him  to 
be  known  as — like  Elijah — a  "  man  of  (iod  " 
(4.9),  the  phrase  being  used  of  him  20 
times  ;  and  he  not  only  ])romises  his  hostess 
a  son,  but  restores  the  child  to  life  when  dead. 
It  is  in  this  story  that  we  first  meet  Gehazi, 
whose  qualification  for  being  with  Elisha  is 
shown  by  his  insight  (4.14).  but  who  seems 
to  have  l)een  spoilt  by  such  early  success. 
Treated  with  confidence,  he  shows  himself  able 
to  obey  a  strict  command  (4.29,31a),  yet  with 
apparent  expectation  of  jiowers  not  yet  com- 
nutted  tr)  him  (4.31/)).  He  might  have  learned 
to  trust  Elisha  when  h<;  rais(!(l  the  child  to  life 
and  when  lat(;r  at  (iilgal  he  healed  the  ])ottagc 
(4.38-4  I ).  but  his  (piestion  about  the  food  shows 
that  he  would  not  credit  his  master's  powers 
(4.43)  and  that  he  was  indulging  the  spirit 
whicii  destroys  religion  (l'h.2. 14).  I-'or  7  years, 
while  there  was  famine  in  the  laud,  Elisha  bore 


ElilSHA 

with  him  and  tried  to  help  him, and  he  was  proud 
of  his  association  with  the  prophet  (2K.8.4); 
but  his  character  developed  in  insensibility  to 
divine  things,  and  his  conduct  to  Naaman  (5. 
20)  shows  him  as  avaricious  and  deceitful.  The 
leprosy  which  covered  him  without  was  the 
manifestation  of  his  spiritual  corruption  within 
(5.27).  •'^11  the  remaining  stories  of  Elisha  illus- 
trate his  insight.  Naaman  gets  sternness  or 
sympathy  as  each  is  needed  (5.11,19);  Ge- 
hazi ct)uld  not  deceive  him  ("  went  not  mine 
heart  with  thee?"  5.26);  Jehoram  is  warned 
of  Benhadad's  secret  counsels  (6.12). 
Taught  perhaps  by  his  failure  with  Gehazi,  he 
prays  for  the  gift  of  spiritual  illumination  for 
his  new  servant,  and  it  is  granted  (6.17). 
His  tactful  treatment  of  the  Syrian  captives 
secures  peace  for  Israel  (6.22,23),  and  he 
foretells  plenty  as  he  had  previously  foretold 
famine  (6.31).  Then  comes  the  duty  of 
shutting  the  door  on  the  king  (6.32),  and  the 
end  of  his  public  ministry.  He  went  himself 
to  Damascus  and  told  Hazael  he  was  to  be 
king  (8.13),  and  sent  one  of  the  sons  of  the 
prophets  to  anoint  Jehu  (9.i).  Then  he  is 
not  mentioned  for  more  than  40  years,  during 
which  he  has  to  watch  the  terrible  disapjpoint- 
ment  in  Jehu,  who  kept  up  calf-worship  (10. 
31),  and  the  fearful  havoc  made  by  Athaliah 
in  the  southern  kingdom  (11. i).  He  saw  the 
fulfilment  of  his  own  words  to  Hazael  (8.12), 
who  during  the  reign  of  Jehu  overran  all  the 
territory  E.  of  Jordan  (10. 33),  pursued  his 
conquests  in  the  reign  of  Jehu's  son  till  he 
made  the  Israelites  "like  dust  by  threshing" 
(13. 7),  and  then  proceeded  S.  to  capture  Gath 
and  attack  Jerusalem,  but  retired  on  receiv- 
ing tribute  (12.17,18).  Meanwhile  the  .Assyrian 
power  was  rising,  and  in  it  "  the  Lord  gave 
Israel  a  saviour  "  (13.5),  because  while  the 
.\ssyrians  attacked  Hazael's  dynasty  from  the 
N.,  from  the  S.  of  Syria  the  house  of  Jehu  was 
able  to  recover  its  dominions  (13. 25).  It  is 
when  this  gleam  of  hope  is  rising  on  the 
northern  kingdom  that  we  hear  for  the  last 
time  of  Elisha.  .\s  he  lies  on  his  deathbed,  king 
Joash  visits  him.  and  owns  that  he  had  been  to 
Israel  in  his  day  what  Elijah  had  formerly  been 
("  chariot  and  horsemen,"  13. 14  ;  cf.  2.12). 
Elisha  tries  to  teach  the  king  the  lesson  of 
depending  on  God  while  independent  of  man, 
but  Joash,  when  bidden  to  shoot,  has  not  the 
imagination  to  see  his  foes  at  his  feet  and  to 
shoot  at  them  till  the  voice  that  bade  him  smite 
called  him  to  stav.  .Self-consciousness,  a  weak 
dependence  on  others,  an  eye  askance  to  see  how 
far  he  may  go,  a  feebleness  within  the  mind,  are 
the  king's,  and  no  power  of  living  by  the 
strength  of  individual  heroism  and  individual 
devotion.  His  life  was  tested,  and  the  drama 
of  it  fore-written  from  that  scene  of  rehearsal. 
So  Ivlisha  passed  away.  But  even  after  his 
death  spiritual  vigour  was  in  his  poor  remains, 
and  a  dead  man  dropped  in  hasty  burial  into 
his  tomb  received  life  back  from  his  contact 
with  I-;iish;i's  bones — as  to-day  some  victim 
of  impure  s(!lf-indulgence  (the  special  sin  of 
Moab)  may  be  converted  by  reading  stray 
pagesof  asaint's  life  (2K.I3.21).  Thereisonly 
one  reference  in  N.T.  to  lilisha  (Lu.4.27).  and 
that  iu)t  to  his  typical  anticipation  of  the 
i  loving  work  of  the  Son  of  Man  "  Who  went 


ELISHAH 


ELOI,ELOI,LAMASABACHTHANI  247 


about  doing  good "  (Ac.lO.38)  which  later 
ages  have  loved  to  trace.  Alexander  in 
Oxford  Lent  Sermons,  1869  ;  Maurice,  Prophets 
and  Kings ;  Newman,  Sermons  on  Subjects 
of  the  Day  :  "  Elisha,  a  Type  of  Christ  "  ;  Is. 
Williams,  O.T.  Characters.  [  c.r.d.b.] 

Elishah'  ("son of  Javan"  ;  Gen.lO.4;  Ezk. 
27.7),  mentioned  as  an  Ionian  country,  with 
Tarshish  (Tarsils),  Kittim  [see  Cyprus],  and 
DoDANiM  (perhaps  Rhodes).  About  600  B.C. 
the  "isles  [or,  shores]  of  Elishah"  provided 
blue  and  purple  for  Tyre.  Josephus  under- 
stands that  the  Eliseans  were  Aeolians  {i  Ant. 
vi.  i),  on  the  Ionian  shore  E.  of  the  Aegean 
Sea.  The  Talmud  of  Jerusalem  (Megilla,  i.  11) 
and  the  Midrash  and  Targums  read  Elis  or  Eolis. 
The  Amarna  letters  include  10  from  Alasia — 
probably  Elishah — which,  in  15th  cent,  e.g., 
had  a  Semitic  population  ruled  by  a  king,  who 
sent  copper  to  Egypt  in  ships,  and  possessed 
gold,  chariots,  and  art  objects.  This  king  states 
(Brit.  Mus.  5)  that  he  was  not  familiar  with  the 
kings  of  the  Hittites  or  of  Shinar;  and  he  was 
also  an  enemy  of  the  Lukki  (Berlin  11)  who  were 
either  Lycians  or  Ligyes,  but  most  probably 
the  former,  which  would  place  Elishah  on 
W.  shores  of  Asia  Minor.  [c.R.c] 

Blisha'ma. — 1.  Son  of  Ammihud,  the  lead- 
er of  Ephraim  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num. 
1.10,2.18,7.48,53,10.22),  and  grandfather  to 
Joshua  (iChr.7.26). — 2.  A  son  of  king  David, 
born  after  his  establishment  in  J  erusalem(2Sam. 
5.16  ;  iChr.3.8,14.7). — 3.  Another  son  of  David 
(iChr.3.6),  called  in  the  other  lists  Elishua. — 
4.  Son  of  Jekamiah  ;  a  descendant  of  Judah 
(2.41),  possibly  the  same  as — 5.  Father 
of  Nethaniah  and  grandfather  of  the  traitor 
Ishmael  (2K.25.25  ;  Je.41.i). — 6.  Scribe  to 
king  Jehoiakim  (Je.36.i2ff.). — 7.  A  priest  sent 
bv  Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  law  to  the  people 
of  Judah  (2Chr.l7'.8). 

Elisha'phat,  son  of  Zichri  ;  one  of  the 
conspirators  with  Jehoiada  (.2Chr.23.i). 

Elishe'ba,  wife  of  Aaron  (Ex. 6. 23), 
daughter  of  Amminadab,  and  sister  of 
Nahshon. 

Klishu'a  (2Sam.5.i5  ;  iChr.14.5)  =  Eli- 
shama,  3. 

Eli'simus  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Eliashib,  3. 

Bli'u,  a  forefather  of  Judith  (Jth.8.1). 

Briud,  son  of  Achim  in  the  genealogy  of 
Christ  (Mt.1.15). 

Elizaphan'. — 1.  A  Kohathite  Levite  chief, 
son  of  Uzziel,  at  the  census  in  the  wilderness 
of  Sinai  (Num. 3. 30)  ;  his  family  is  mentioned 
later  in  iChr.15.8  ;  2Chr.29.13. — 2.  Son  of 
Parnach  ;  prince  of  Zebulun  at  the  division 
of  the  land  (Num. 34.25). 

Elizup',  son  of  Shedeur  ;  leader  of  Reuben 
at  the  census  in  the  wilderness  (Num. 1.5,2.10, 
7.30,3540.18). 

Elkanah'. — 1.  One  of  the  three  sons  (Ex.6. 
24  ;  or,  according  to  iChr.6.22,23,  a  grandson) 
of  Korah. — 2.  Another  Kohathite  Levite,  the 
son  of  J  eroham,  and  father  of  Samuel.  All  that 
is  known  of  him  is  contained  in  iChr.6.27,33, 
34  and  iSam.l.i-23,2.20. — 3.  The  father  of 
Zuph  or  Zophai  (iChr.6.26,35). — 4.  A  Levite 
(9. 16). — 5.  A  Korhite  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (12.1,6).  Possibly  the  same  as — 8.  A 
doorkeeper  for  the  ark  (15. 23). — 7.  A  courtier 
in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  "that   was  next  to  the 


king";  slain  by  Zichri  the  Ephraimite,  when 
Pekah  invaded  Judah  (2Chr.28.6,7).    [h.c.b.] 

Elkosh',  the  birthplace  of  the  prophet 
Nahum,  "  the  Elkoshite  "  (Na.l.i).  Two  wide- 
ly differing  Jewish  traditions  assign  as  widely 
different  locaUties  to  this  place.  In  the  time 
of  Jerome  it  was  identified  with  a  small 
village  of  Galilee.  But  mediaeval  tradition 
attached  the  fame  of  the  prophet's  burial-place 
to  Alkush,  a  village  on  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris 
about  2  miles  N.  of  Mosul.  The  prophecv  men- 
tions Bashan.Carmel, Lebanon  (t.  4),  and  Thebes 
in  Egypt  (3.8;  A-V.  No),  but  is  mainly  con- 
cerned with  Assyria.     [Capernaum.]     [c.r.c] 

Ellasar',  the  city  of  Arioch  (Gen.l4.i), 
seems  to  be  the  old  Babylonian  town  called 
Larsa  in  Semitic  Babylonian  and  Ararma  in 
Sumerian.  Larsa  was  situated  in  Lower 
Babylonia  or  Chaldea,  about  midway  between 
Ur  (Muqeir)  and  Erech  [Warka],  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Euphrates.  It  is  now  Senqdrah. 
Among  its  rulers  may  be  mentioned  Rim-Anu, 
Sin-idinna,  Eri-Aku  (Arioch),  and  Rim-Sin, 
who  was  defeated  by  Hammurabi  (Amraphel) 
and   Samsu-iluna,    his"  son.  [t.g.p.] 

Elm  (H0.4.13;  R.V.  terebinth).     [Oak.] 

Elmo'dam,  son  of  Er  in  the  genealogy  of 
Joseph  (Lu.3.28). 

Elna'am,  the  father  of  Jeribai  and  Josha- 
viah,  2  of  David'sguard, accordingtorChr.il. 46. 

Elnathan'. — 1.  The  maternal  grandfather 
of  Jehoiachin,  distinguished  as  "  Elnathan  of 
Jerusalem  "  (2K.24.8),  possibly  identical  with 
Elnathan, son  of  Achbor  (Je. 26. 22, 36. 12, 25). — 
2.  Thenameof  three  "learned [or,  chief]  men" 
(Ezr.8.i6) ;  in  iEsd.8.44  they  are  represented 
by  two  names  only,  Alnathan  and  Eunatan. 

Eloah,  Elohim.     [El  ;    Jehovah.] 

Eloi,  Eloi,  lama  sabachthani,  'HXet 
(eXwi)  riXei  Xe/na  aafBaxSai'ei.  (i)  Linguistic. 
These  words  are  given  (Mt.27.46  ;  Mk.i5.34) 
as  the  actual  sentence  spoken  by  Christ  on  the 
cross.  They  are  a  quotation  from  Ps.22,  which 
commences  in  Heb.  ^ell  ^eli  Idmd  'dzabhtdni. 
There  are  a  number  of  variant  readings  ;  'HXe: 
(Mt.)  may  be  a  correction  to  the  Heb.  from  the 
'HXwt  of  St.  Mark  (which  is  nearer  to  the  Aram. 
aZo/fi),  or  may  possibly  be  a  provincial  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  Heb.  The  Gospel  of  St.  Peter  has  the 
curious  variant,  "  My  power."  lama  is  Heb. ; 
lema,  read  by  some  edd.,  Aram.  Sabachthani 
is  the  Aram,  word  shebaqtani,  found  in  the 
Peshitta.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  this  com- 
bination of  dialects.  Probably  it  is  due  to  the 
evangelists  or  to  transcribers.  But  we  may 
have  the  sentence,  just  as  it  came  from  one 
Who,  accustomed  to  speak  in  Aram.,  was 
quoting  from  the  sacred  tongue.  It  might  even 
be  that  Christ  used  the  words  "  Eli,  Eloi  " 
(much  as  St.  Paul  says  "Abba,  Father"),  and 
Ijoth  words  have  been  handed  down  separately. 
(2)  Doctrinal.  The  fact  that  the  Son  of  God 
should  speak  of  Himself  as  forsaken  by  God, 
Whom  He  here  refrains  from  calling  "  Father," 
has  given  rise  to  some  difficulty.  Taken  liter- 
ally, it  only  proves  the  extent  of  the  kenosis, 
and  the  reality  of  our  Lord's  human  nature, 
in  that  He  was  able  to  share  even  the  experience 
of  isolation  from  God.  But  the  words  are  not 
to  be  narrowly  pressed.  Forsaken  by  all,  in 
the  agony  of  death,  He  uses  a  quotation  to 


248 


ELON 


express  His  utter  loneliness,  and  makes  His  own 
the  words  of  a  Psalmist  who  was  passing 
through  an  experience  in  some  points  similar. 
We  are,  however,  justified  in  seeing  in  the 
words  (rt)  the  sense  of  separation  from  the 
Father  entailed  by  the  sins  of  the  world,  which 
Christ  was  bearing,  (6)  willingness  to  sound 
human  misery  to  its  very  depth,  even  to  the  loss 
of  the  sense  of  the  divine  presence.       [b.f.s.] 

Elon'. — 1.  A  Hittite,  whose  daughter  was 
one  of  Esau's  wives  ((ien.26.34,36.2).  [Bash- 
EMATH.] — 2.  Second  of  the  three  sons  of  Ze- 
bulun  (Gen. 46. 14  ;  Num. 26. 26).  and  founder 
of  the  familv  of  the  Elonites. — 3.  A  Zebulun- 
ite,  who  judged  Israel  for  ten  years,  and  was 
buried  in  Aijalon  in  Zebulun  (Judg.l2.ii,i2). 

Elon',  one  of  the  towns  in  the  border  of  the 
tribe  of  Dan  (Jos. 19. 43).  Perhaps  Beit  Ello, 
a  village  8  miles  N.W.  of  Bethel.         [c.r.c] 

Elon'-beth'-hanan'  is  named  with  two 
Danite  towns  as  forming  one  of  Solomon's 
districts  (iK.4.9).  Now  the  village  Beil 
'Andn,  8  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem,  close  to  E. 
border  of  Dan.  [c.r.c] 

Elonites.     [Elon,  2.] 

Eloth.     [Elath.] 

Elpaal',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Hushim  and 
brother  of  Abitub  (iChr.8.11). 

Elpa'let.     [Eliphelet,  i.] 

El-paran'  (Gen. 14. 5).     [Paran.] 

Eltekeh'  (Jos. 19.44,21. 23),  a  town  of  Dan 
given  to  the  Levites.  Perhaps  Beit  Liqia,  2 
miles  S.  of  the  lower  Beth-horon.         [c.r.c] 

Eltekon'  (Jos. 15. 59),  a  townof  Judah  in  the 
Hebron  mountains,  possibly  the  older  form  of 
Tekoa.  The  LXX.  (Be^-ol'/M.  Vat.  MS.)  dis- 
tinguishes it  from  Theko  (Be/cw),  mentioned 
in  the  added  verse,  immediately  after,  with 
Bethlehem.  This  verse  appears,  however,  to  be 
a  very  late  gloss,  and  gives  to  Judah  towns 
which  lay  in  Benjamin,  such  as  Kulon  (Qolonia 
— a  Latin  name),Tatam  ('Ain  et  Tut),  Thobes 
(Soba),  Karem  ('Ain  Karim),  Galem  (Beit  Jala), 
Thether  (probably  Bether,  Biltir),  and  Ma- 
nocho  (Mdlhah),  besides  Aitan  (Ain  'A(dn) 
and  Phagor  (Faghtir),  just  inside  the  border  of 
Judah.  These  eleven  added  cities  all  lie  close 
together  W.  and  S.W.  of  Jerusalem,    [c.r.c] 

Eltolad',  one  of  the  cities  in  the  S.  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15. 30)  allotted  to  Simeon  (Jos. 19. 
4)  ;  and  in  possession  of  that  tribe  until  the 
time  of  David  (iChr.4.29). 

EIul'  (Ne.6.15  ;    iMac.14.27).     [Months.] 

Eluzai',  one  of  the  warriors  of  Benjamin, 
who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.5). 

Elymais  ('KXi/xais),  Gk.  form  of  Elam 
Cildm),  Assyr.  ilamu,  tlamtu,  "the  highland," 
translation  of  Akkadian  name  Nim-ma-ki. 
Later,  the  province  of  Elymais  on  the  Persian 
Gulf  was  separated  from  Susiana  (in  the  nar- 
rower sense)  bythe  IJlai  (Eulaeus):  in  awider 
sense  Susiana  included  lUymais  (the  Elam  of 
E7.r.4.o).  The  citv  Elymais  (i Mac. 6.1)  never 
existed  :  the  incident  recorded  in  this  verse 
is  doubtless  that  mentioned  in  2Mac.9.i,2,  and 
Persepolis  bears  nearly  the  same  name  as 
the  province  of  Persis  in  which  it  stood, 
which  accounts  for  the  blunder.  Polybius, 
however,  places  the  attempted  temple-i)lunder- 
iuK  in  the  province  oi  Jvlymais.       [vv.ST.C.T.] 

Elymas,  the  magian  (A.V.  sorcerer),  or 
"wise  man"  (c/.  Mt.2.i),  further  described  as 


EMBALMING 

"  a  false  prophet,  a  Jew,"  who  withstood  St. 
Paul  (Ac. 13. 8),  and,  as  a  punishment,  was 
stricken  with  temporary  Blindness.  Bar- 
jesus  being  merely  a  patronymic,  he  had  as- 
sumed the  title  Elymas  also,  which  St.  Luke 
seems  to  translate  as  "  the  magian,"  but  the  de- 
rivation of  Elymas  remains  uncertain,   [e.r.b.] 

Elyme'ans  (K.V.  Elymaeans).  [Elamites.] 

Elyon.     [El.] 

Elzabad . — 1.  One  of  the  Gadite  heroes 
who  crossed  Jordan  to  join  David  at  Ziklag 
(1Chr.i2.12). — 2.  A  Korhite  Levite  who  was 
a  doorkeeper  of  the  sanctuary  (iChr.26.7). 

Elzaphan'   (Ex. 6. 22)  =  Elizaphan,   i. 

Embalming'-  Only  mentioned  twice 
(Gen. 50. 2-3  and  26)  in  Holy  Writ.  Apparently 
embalming  was  practised  by  the  ancient 
Egyptians  in  many  different  ways.  Probably, 
underlying  the  practice,  there  was  a  belief  that 
the  soul,  in  spite  of  its  transmigration,  had 
some  connexion  with  the  body  so  long  as  the 
matter  existed  ;  for  not  only  were  the  bodies 
of  great  people  thus  preserved,  but  they  were 
sealed  up  in  vastly  heavy  sarcophagi  and  hid- 
den in  tombs  (e.g.  the  Pyramids)  so  cunningly 
as  to  be  only  discovered  by  cutting  away  the 
solid  walls  of  the  passage.  According  to  Hero- 
dotus, there  were  three  methods  of  embalming. 
In  the  first  the  head  was  cleansed  of  brain,  etc., 
through  the  nostrils,  the  skull  afterwards  being 
rinsed  with  drugs.  The  abdomen  and  thorax 
were  opened  by  means  of  a  cutting  in  the  side, 
and  the  viscera  removed  ;  the  cavities  being 
filled  with  myrrh,  acacia,  and  other  spices  (cf. 
J  n. 19.39),  and  the  opening  sewn  up.  The  body 
was  then  placed  in  natron  or  sodium  carbonate 


)IAM>Ai;iN(.   A   MLMMV.      |\Vilk 


for  70  days.  At  the  end  of  this  time  it  was 
washed  to  avoid  crystallization  on  the  surface, 
and  bandaged  with  fine  linen  cloth,  which  had 
been  previously  soaked  in  gum.  It  was  then 
placed  in  a  wooden  case,  the  outside  of  which 
was  carved  to  rcseml)le  the  features  of  the 
deceased,  and  cither  laid  in  a  sarcophagus  or 
stood  upright  against  the  side  of  the  sepulchre 
chamber.  This  method  cost  about  a  talent  of 
silver,  i.e.  roughly,  £200  to  £300.  In  the  second 
method  there  were  no  incisions  made  in  the 
body,  but  the  cavities  were  filled  with  cedar- 
wood  oil,  and  the  body  laid  in  natron  as  before. 
At  the  end  of  70  days  the  oil  was  allowed  to 
escape  by  the  natural  vent,  and  brought  with 
it  at  least  the  greater  part  of  the  viscera,  which 
it  destroyed.  This  process  cost  ixom  £80  to 
£100.  In  the  third  process,  which  was  very 
cheap,  till-  body  was  merely  emptied  with 
a  powerful  clyster  or  enema,  and  soaked  in 
natron.     Although  embalming  does  not  appear 


EMBROIDERER 

to  have  been  practised  by  the  Jews,  they 
evidently  buried  those  whom  they  desired  to 
honour  ^v^apped  with  ointment  and  spices 
(19. 40).  Mummies  occur  at  Palymra  [Tad- 
mor].  It  has  been  suggested  that  in  Job 
21.33  we  should  read  "bees"  (naJil)  for  A.V. 
"  valleys,"  in  the  description  of  a  rich  man's 
funeral.  Thus  "  the  clods  of  the  bees  are 
sweet  on  him  "  would  indicate  a  sort  of  em- 
balming by  honey,  or  wax,  or  honeycomb. 
Herodotus  (i.  198)  says  that  the  Babylonians 
embalmed  in  honey,  and  the  Talmud  (Tal. 
Bab.  Baba  Bathra  3  b)  says  that  Herod  em- 
balmed Mariamne  in  honey.  [fJ-] 

Embpoidepep.     [Handicrafts,  (9).] 

Emepald,  a  precious  stone,  first  in  the 
second  row  on  the  breastplate  of  the  high- 
priest  (Ex. 28. 18, 39. 11),  imported  to  T>Te  from 
S\Tia  (Ezk.27.i6),  used  as  a  seal  or  signet 
(Ecclus.32.6),  as  an  ornament  of  clothing  and 
bedding  (Ezk.28.13  ;  Jth.lO.21),  and  spoken 
of  as  one  of  the  foundations  of  the  new  Jeru- 
salem (Rev.2i.19  ;  Tob.l3.i6).  The  rainbow 
round  the  throne  is  compared  to  emerald  in 
Rev. 4. 3.  This  gem  was  known  to  the  Romans 
in  the  days  of  Pliny,  and  is  probably  intended 
here  [Carbuncle],  though  we  must  re- 
member that  in  the  rainbow  the  red  and  violet 
tints  are  also  conspicuous.  The  stone  called 
urriqu  (=  green)  by  Babylonians  was  perhaps 
the  emerald.  As  emeralds  are  obtained  in 
Upper  Egypt  and  the  natural  crystal  is  an 
attractive  object,  it  may  have  been  used  for 
an  ornament  at  an  early  date.  [t.g.b.] 

Emepods  (see  Deut. 28.27  and  iSam. 
5.6ff.),  possibly  haemorrhoids  (or  piles),  but 
more  probably  bubonic  plague.  The  occur- 
rence of  piles  is  very  common  in  all  Eastern 
countries.     [Plague.]  [f-JO 

Bmims',  a  tribe  of  gigantic  stature  which 
originally  inhabited  the  region  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  They  were  like  the  Anakim  ;  but  the 
Moabites  termed  them  Emim — that  is, 
"terrible  men"  (Deut. 2. 10, 11) — most  pro- 
bably on  account  of  their  fierce  aspect. 

Emmanuel  (Mt.l.23).     [Immanuel.] 

Emma'us,  or  Nicop'olis  (iMac.3.40),  a 
town  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
22  Roman  miles  from  Jerusalem,  and  10  from 
Lydda.  It  was  fortified  by  Bacchides,  the 
general  of  Demetrius,  when  at  war  with  Jona- 
than (iMac.9.50).  In  the  plain  beside  this 
city  Judas  Maccabaeus  signally  defeated  the 
Syrians  (iMac.3.57,4.3).  A  small  village  called 
'A  mwds  still  occupies  the  site,  with  remains  of 
an  early  church  {Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  63). 

Emma'us,  the  village  to  which  the  two 
disciples  were  on  their  way  when  our  Lord 
appeared  to  them  on  the  day  of  His  resur- 
rection (Lu.24.13)  :  60  stadia,  or  about  7J 
miles  from  Jerusalem.  Josephus  (7  Wars  vi. 
6)  mentions  "  a  village  called  Emmaus  "  at 
the  same  distance.  The  Sinaitic  MS.  reads 
160  stadia  (which  seems  too  far  to  be  probable), 
and  in  the  4th  cent.  a.d.  Emmaus  Nicopolis 
was  understood.  The  name  is  the  Heb. 
Hammath  ("hot"  springs).  A  possible  site 
is  the  ruin  Khamasah,  8  miles  S.W.  of  Jerusa- 
lem. In  12th  cent,  the  site  was  shown  at 
Qubeibeh,  9  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem — a 
village  with  a  mediaeval  church.         [c.r.c] 

Em'mep  (iEsd,9.2i)  =  Immer, 


ENCAMPMENT 


249 


Em'mop  (Ac.7.16),  "  the  father  of  Sy- 
chem,"  A.V. ;  correctly,  "HAMORinSHECHEM," 
R.V.  Apparently  there  is  here  a  confusion 
between  the  two  transactions  of  Abraham 
(Gen.23)  and  Jacob  (33.19) ;  though  the  diffi- 
culty disappears  if,  with  some  commentators 
(see  Speaker's  Comin.  ad  loc),  we  regard  "  Abra- 
ham "  as  an  interpolation  in  the  Gk.  text. 

Enam'  (Jos. 15. 34),  a  city  of  Judah  in 
the  Shephelah,  near  Jarmuth.  It  is  probably 
noticed  also  in  Genesis  (88.14)  as  on  the  road 
to  TiMNATH  (Tibneh):  see  R.V.  "in  the  gate 
[or,  opening]  of  Enaim."  There  is  a  ruin 
called  Kefr  'Ana,  6  miles  N.W.  of  Tibneh,  in 
the  place  where  the  valley  of  Sorek  enters  the 
Philistine  Plain.  It  seems  to  be  the  Beth 
Anataof  Thothmes  III.  (No.  iii),near  En-gan- 
nim  of  Judah  (113).  If  the  flocks  of  Judah 
were  pastured  in  this  valley,  the  site  would  fit 
that  of  the  place  where  he  met  Tamar,  and  also 
of  Enam,  noticed  with  En-gannim  and  other 
towns  near  the  valley  of  Sorek.        [c.r.c.] 

Enan',  father  or  ancestor  of  Ahira 
(Num. 1.15). 

Ena'sibus  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Eliashib,  6. 

Encampment  (Heb.  mahdnd,  in  all 
places  except  2K.6.8,  where  tahdnoth  is  used). 
The  word  primarily  denoted  the  resting-place 
of  an  army  or  company  of  travellers  at  night 
(Gen. 32. 21  ;  Ex. 16. 13),  and  was  hence  applied 
to  the  army  or  caravan  when  on  its  march 
(Gen.32.7,8;  Ex. 14.19;  Jos.lO.5,11.4).  The 
description  of  the  camp  of  the  Israelites,  on 
their  march  from  Egypt  (Num. 2,3),  supplies 
the  greatest  amount  of  information  on  the 
subject.  The  sanitary  regulations  of  the 
camp  of  the  Israelites  were  for  the  twofold 
purpose  of  preserving  the  health  of  the  vast 
multitude  and  the  purity  of  the  camp  as  the 
dwelling-place  of  God  (Num. 5.3  ;  Deut. 23. 14). 
The  execution  of  criminals  took  place  without 
the  camp  (Lev.24.i4  ;  Num. 15. 35, 36  ;  Jos.7. 
24),  as  did  the  burning  of  the  young  bullock 
for  the  sin-offering  (Lev.4.12),  both  of  which 
circumstances  are  referred  to  in  Heb. 13. 12. 
High  ground  appears  to  have  been  generally 
selected  for  the  position  of  a  camp,  whether 
on  a  hill,  a  mountain  side,  or  in  an  inaccessible 
pass  (Judg.7.i8).  Another  important  con- 
sideration in  fixing  upon  a  position  for  a  camp 
was  the  propinquity  of  water  ;  hence  in  most 
instances  camps  were  pitched  near  a  spring 
or  well  (Judg.7.1  ;  iMac.9.33).  The  camp 
was  surrounded  by  the  ma'gdld  (trench ; 
iSam.l7.2o),  or  ma'gdl  (iSam.26.5,7),  which 
some  explain  as  an  earthwork  thrown  up 
round  the  encampment,  others  as  the  barrier 
formed  by  the  baggage-waggons.  There  was 
the  less  need  of  a  formal  entrenchment,  as  few 
instances  occur  of  engagements  in  the  camps 
themselves,  and  these  were  night  attacks  only. 
To  guard  against  these,  sentinels  were  posted 
(Judg.7.19  ;  iMac.12.27)  round  the  camp. 
The  valley  which  separated  the  hostile  camps 
was  generally  selected  as  the  fighting  ground 
(iSam.4.2, 14.15  ;  2Sam.l8.6),  and  hence  the 
valleys  of  Palestine  have  played  so  conspicu- 
ous a  part  in  its  history  (Jos. 8. 13  ;  Judg.6.33  ; 
2Sam.5.22,8.i3,  etc.).  When  the  fighting  men 
went  forth  to  the  place  of  marshalling  (iSam. 
17.20),  a  detachment  was  left  to  protect  the 
camp  and  baggage  (iSam.17.22,30.24). 


250 


ENCHANTMENTS 


Enchantments.     [Divination  ;  Magic] 

En-dop',    a     place     in    the    territory    of 

Issachar,  yet  possessed  by  Manasseh  (Jos. 17. 

ii).      Eusebius    (Onomasticon)    describes     it 

as  a  large  village  4  miles  S.  of  Tabor.     Near 


CAVF.  AT  KN-IJUR.  W.U.A. 

(From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 

it  Sisera  was  defeated  (Ps.83.io),  and  here 
Saul  consulted  the  witch  (iSam.28.7).  Now 
Andur,  a  small  village  S.  of  Tabor  and  6  miles 
E.  of  Nazareth.  [c.r.c] 

En-eg-la'im,  a  place  named  only  by 
Ezekiel  (47. 10),  apparently  opposite  Engedi. 
Probably  Eglaim  in  Moab'(Is.l5.8).    [c.r.c] 

Enemes'sap  is  the  name  of  Shalmaneser 
in  the  book  of  Tobit  (I.2,  etc.). 

Ene'nius,  a  name  which  takes  the  place 
in  Esd.5.8  of  Nahamani  (Nc.7.7). 

En-g-addi'  (Ecclus.24.i4).     [En-gedi.] 

En-g-annim'  (spring  of  gardens). — 1. 
(Jos. 15. 34.)  A  town  of  Judah  in  the  Shephelah 
region,  near  Zanoah.  Now  the  ruin  Umm 
Jina  (Clermont-Gaimeau),  3  miles  N.W.  of 
Zdnii'a.  It  is  noticed  in  i6th  cent,  b.c,  in  the 
list  of  ThothmesIII.  (No.  113),  as  An  Kenamii 
near  En  am  (hi). — 2.  A  city  of  Issachar  given 
totheLevites(Jos.l9.2i,21.29).  Now  the  town 
Jenin  on  S.  border  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
Josephus  calls  it  Ginea  on  the  border  of 
Samaria  and  Galilee  (3  Wars  iii.  4).       [c.r.c] 

En-g-edi'  (spring  of  the  kid),  a  town  in  the 
desert  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 62)  amid  the  "rocks  of 
the  wild  goats"  (iSam.23.29,24.i,2) ;  now  'Ain 
Jidi,  a  spring  on  the  W.  oi  the  Dead  Sea,  about 
the  middle  of  its  length.  It  had  vineyards  and 
palms  (Can.l.T4  ;  I':cclus.24.i4),  and  was  close 
to  the  lake  (Ezk.47.io).  The  ibex,  or  wild 
goat,  is  still  found  here  in  large  herds.  The 
older  name  was  Hazezon-tamar,  or  "  clefts  of 
the  palm"  (Gen. 14-7;  2Chr.20.2),  a  name  still 
extant  in  that  of  HasAsch,  a  valley  7  miles  N. 
of  the  spring.  Here  also  was  the  "ascent  of 
ha(if"  or  rock-cut  road  from  the  shores  to  i\n: 
plateau  (2Chr.2O.16).  [Ziz.]  The  balsam  of 
En-gedi  was  famous  (Josc^phus.  0  Ant.  i.  2  ; 
Tal.  Bab.  Sabbath  26a)  ;  and  Pliny  sjieaks  of 
its  jKilms  (Hist.  Nat.  v.  17).  The  perennial 
spring  (with  a  temperature  83°  Fahr.)  issues 
from  under  a  huge  boulder,  610  ft.  above  the 


ENOCH,  THE  BOOK  OF 

Dead  Sea,  and  1,340  ft.  below  the  desert 
plateau.  The  rock-cut  road  leads  down  past  it. 
The  stream  flows  into  the  lake  below,  down 
a  steep  slope,  and  was  once  used  for  irrigation. 
It  is  fringed  with  canes,  acacia,  tamarisk,  and 
'osher  trees  (Calotropis  procera)  or  "  apples  of 
Sodom."  N.  of  the  spring  is  a  platform  of  large 
undressed  stones,  with  traces  of  old  garden 
terraces  ;  just  below  is  a  ruined  mill.  Vines 
were  cultivated  here  even  in  12th  cent.  a.d. 
(See  Surv.  U'.  Pa/,  iii.  pp.  384-387.)     [c.r.c] 

Engrine.     [Arms.] 

Eng-pavep.     [Handicrafts,  (2).] 

Eng-paving-.     [Writing.] 

En-haddah'  (Jos. 19. 21),  the  "boun- 
dary spring,"  a  town  of  Issachar.  It  is  pro- 
bably Kefr  Adhdn,  a  village  with  a  well  to  the 
W.,  on  the  edge  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon, 
3  miles  N.W.  of  Jenin.  In  the  Mishna 
(Gittin  vii.  7)  it  is  called  Caphar-'Outheni, 
on  the  border  of  Samaria.  [c.r.c] 

En-hak-ko'pe  (Judg.i5.19  ;  spring  of  the 
crier).     [Ramath-lehi.] 

En-hazop'  (Jos.i9.37  ;  spring  of  enclosure), 
a  fenced  city  of  Naphtali.  Now  the  ruin 
Hazireh,  with  a  spring  called  'Ain  HazzHr, 
10  miles  W.  of  Kedesh,  with  which  it  is 
noticed.  [c.r.c] 

En-mishpat'  (Gen. 14.7).     [Kadesh.] 

Enoch'  (=  behemoth,  i.e.  "great  cow."  Cf. 
Turkish  eneh  =  "cow"). — 1.  The  eldest  son  of 
Cain,  who  called  the  city  which  he  built  after  his 
own  name  (Gen. 4. 17,18). — 2.  Son  of  Jared  and 
father  of  Methuselah  (5.2iff. ;  Eu.3.38),  seventh 
in  descent  from  Adam  in  the  line  of  Seth  (Gen. 
5.2iff. ;  Lu.3.28  ;  Ju.14).  In  Gen. 5.22  it  is  said 
that  Enoch  "  walked  with  God,"  an  expression 
only  used  elsewhere  of  Noah  (6.9;  cf.  17. i). 
After  living  365  years  "  he  was  not  ;  for  God 
took  him,"  an  assertion  which  is  thus  ex- 
panded in  Heb.11.5  :  "  By  faith  Enoch  was 
translated  that  he  should  not  see  death  ;  and 
he  was  not  found,  because  God  translated 
him."  Both  the  Latin  and  Gk.  fathers  cite 
Enoch  and  P^llijah  as  witnessing  to  the  possi- 
bility of  a  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  of  a 
true  human  existence  in  glory  ;  and  the  voice 
of  early  ecclesiastical  tradition  is  almost  un- 
animous in  regarding  them  as  "  the  two  wit- 
nesses "  (Rev.ll.3lT.)  who  should  fall  before 
"  the  beast."  For  legends  connected  with 
Enoch,  see  Jew.  EncycL,  and  Rylc,  Early 
Narratives  of  Gen. — 3.  In  2Esd.6.4g,3i  Enoch 
stands  in  the  Latin  and  .-X.V.  for  Behemoth  in 
the  Aethiopic  and  in  R.\'.  [h.c.b.] 

Enoch,  The  Book  of.  This  book — 
quoted  by  Jude  (vv.  14,  13),  cited  as  Scripture 
in  the  Ep.  of  Barnabas  (iv.  3),  and  referred  to 
by  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Origen,  and  other 
Fathers — was  lost  sight  of  for  nearly  a  millen- 
nium. Extracts  from  it  had  been  made  by 
Georgius  SynccUus  in  8th  cent. ;  but  after  that 
there  is  no  record  of  ac(iuaiiUance  with  it.  In 
1773  Bruce,  the  .Abyssinian  traveller,  brought  to 
Iviir()i>e  three  copies  of  an  I-lthiopic  translation. 
Nearly  30  years  later  .\rchbishop  Lawrence,  in 
1H21.  publislied  an  l'"nglish  translation  of  this, 
and  17  years  later  an  edition  of  the  text.  About 
the  same  time  Hoffmann  issued  the  first  German 
translation.  In  1831  Dilhnann  published  his 
edition  of  the  l-"thiopic  text.  Schodde's  Eng. 
translation  followed  in  1882 ;  that  of  Charles 


ENON 

in  1893.  This  last  had  the  advantage  of  the 
use  of  a  large  number  of  MSS.  of  the  Ethiopic 
Enoch  brought  to  Britain  in  1868,  after  the 
capture  of  Magdala.  The  book  of  Enoch  may 
be  divided  into  four  portions  :  (i)  The  book  of 
the  Angels  (ch.  1-36)  is  an  account  of  the  sin 
of  the  angels  referred  to  in  Gen. 6. 2,  and  their 
punishment.  There  is  an  episodical  account  of 
the  sources  of  physical  phenomena,  followed 
by  an  account  of  the  places  of  woe  and  of  bliss. 
(2)  The  book  of  Similitudes  (ch.  37-71).  There 
are  three  similitudes  :  the  first  is  of  the  dwell- 
ings of  the  righteous  ;  the  second  of  the  place  of 
punishment  ;  the  third  is  confused,  and  inter- 
polated from  another  apocalyptic  book,  the 
book  of  Noah.  (3)  The  book  of  the  Courses 
of  the  Luminaries  of  Heaven  (ch.  72-91) 
contains  an  elaborate  account  of  the  calendar. 
In  order  to  make  the  year  a  multiple  of  7,  and 
have  e.xactly  52  weeks,  the  writer  declares  it  to 
have  only  364  days,  despite  the  fact  that  the 
neighbouring  peoples  had  a  year  more  nearly 
agreeable  to  astronomic  truth.  After  the  as- 
tronomical section  he  gives  an  account  of  the 
history  of  the  human  race  from  the  Creation  to 
the  age  of  the  Maccabees.  (4)  The  appendix 
(ch.  92-104)  consists  of  exhortations,  which 
Enoch  addresses  to  his  assembled  descendants. 
After  this  some  fragments  have  been  added. 
These  divisions  do  not  represent  the  real 
structure  of  the  book.  The  theories  as  to  the 
history  of  its  evolution  are  many.  None  re- 
gard it  as  a  unity — not  to  speak  of  the  Noa- 
chian  fragments,  in  which,  not  Enoch,  but 
Noah  is  the  speaker — differences  in  the  names 
given  to  the  angels,  different  ideas  as  to  the 
constitution  of  the  heavens,  mark  off  certain 
portions  from  the  rest.  Mr.  Charles  regards 
the  book  of  the  Angels  as  the  earliest  portion ; 
in  this  he  is  in  agreement  with  the  majority  of 
students  of  apocalyptics.  Thereafter,  at  vari- 
ous dates,  the  remaining  portions  are  added. 
The  book  of  Similitudes  he  thinks  late.  In  op- 
position to  the  common  opinion  of  critics,  the 
present  WTiter  ventures  to  regard  the  book 
of  Similitudes  as  the  nucleus  of  the  whole. 
In  it  were  inserted  the  Noachian  fragments, 
which  were  either  extracted  from  an  otherwise 
lost  book  of  Noah  or  invented  by  an  editor 
and  inserted  under  Noah's  name.  To  the  author 
of  the  Similitudes  may  be  attributed  a  portion 
(91-99)  of  the  fourth  book.  The  first  book 
and  the  opening  portion  of  the  third  appear  to 
be  the  work  of  a  later  member  of  the  same 
school.  The  probable  date  of  the  nucleus  may 
be  proved  to  be  earlier  than  the  book  of  the 
Angels  by  the  comparative  simplicity  of  its 
physical  speculations.  The  note  of  time  indi- 
cates that  it  was  written  during  the  reign  of 
Antiochus  the  Great,  approximately  210  b.c 
The  later  portion  may  be  dated  160  b.c.  ;  the 
Noachian  fragments  at  some  intermediate 
date.  The  title  "  Son  of  Man,"  which  our 
Lord  uses  of  Himself,  appears  to  be  taken  from 
this  book,  as  in  it  the  "  Son  of  Man  "  is  a  title 
ascribed  to  the  Messiah.  What  is  called  the 
Sclavonic  book  of  Enoch  is  a  later  product, 
probably  originating  in  Egypt,  and  may  be 
dated  approximately  60  a.d.  [j.e.h.t.] 

Enon.     [Aenon.] 

E'nos,  properly  Enosh  (iChr.l.i),  son 
of  Seth  (Gen.4.26,5.6ff.  ;  Lu.3.38). 


EPAPHRAS 


251 


En-pimmon',  one  of  the  places  which  the 
men  of  J  udah  reinhabited  after  their  return  from 
the  Captivity  (Ne.ll.29).  Probably  the  same 
as  "  Ain  and  Rimmon  "  (Jos. 15. 32)  and  "  Ain, 
Remmon"  (19.7  :  iChr.4.32).  Called  Rimmon 
in  Zech.l4.io.  Apparently  Umni  er  Rumamin, 
a  ruin  11  miles  N.  of  Beer-sheba.        [c.r.c] 

En-po'g"el  {spring  of  the  water  channel),  a 
spring  immediately  E.  of  Jerusalem  (Jos. 15. 7, 
18. 16),  by  the  stone  Zoheleth  (iK.1.9)and 
outside  the  city  (2Sam.i7.17).  The  only  spring 
in  this  situation  is  now  'Ain  Umm  ed  Deraj 
(mother  of  steps),  otherwise  Gihon,  and 
perhaps  Bethesda.  Before  its  waters  were 
carried  by  Hezekiah  to  Siloam  by  the  rock 
aqueduct,  it  had  no  doubt  a  "  channel "  in  the 
Kedron  Valley,  which  he  stopped  up.     [c.r.c] 

En-she'mesh,  a  spring  which  formed  one 
of  the  landmarks  on  the  N.  boundary  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15. 7)  and  the  S.  boundary  of 
Benjamin  (I8.17).  The  position  is  that  of 
'Ain  Hod,  a  mile  E.  of  Bethany.         [c.r.c] 

Ensiipn  (ni's  ;  in  A.V.  generally  "  ensign," 
sometimes  "standard";  deghel,  "standard," 
except  Can. 2.4,  "  banner  "  ;  '6th,  "  ensign," 
lit.  "  sign  ").  The  distinction  between  these 
three  Heb.  terms  is  marked  by  their  respec- 
tive uses  :   nes  is  a  signal ;  deghel  a  military 


EGYPTIAN  STANDARDS.     (From  Wilkinson.) 

standard  for  a  large  division  of  an  army,  and 
'6th  for  a  small  one.  Neither,  however,  ex- 
presses the  idea  of  a  flag  ;  the  standards  in  use 
among  the  Hebrews  probably  resembled  those 
of  the  Egyptians  and  Assyrians — a  figure  or 
device  of  some  kind  elevated  on  a  pole. 
En-tappu'ah  (Jos. 17. 7).  [Tappuah.] 
Epae'netus,  one  of  the  first  converts  made 
in  the  province  of  Asia  (R0.I6.5  ;  A.V.  Achaia, 
but  see  R.V.).  [e.r.b.] 

Epaphpas,  a  Colossian,  not  identical  with 
Epaphroditus  of  Philippi  who  bore  the  same 
name  in  its  full,  unabbreviated  form.  He  had 
on  St.  Paul's  behalf  (C0I.I.7,  R.V.)  evangelized 
Colossae.  Anxiety  for  the  faith  of  his  con- 
verts [cf.  Col.4.12,13)  was  probably  the  cause 
of  his  journey  to  Rome,  to  see  St.  Paul  (cf. 
Ph. 2 3)  ;  and  the  result  of  his  report  was  the 
writing  of  the  epistle.  Lightfoot,  Colossians, 
pp,  31  ff.  [E.R.B.] 


252 


EPAPHRODITXrS 


Epaphpodi'tus  came  to  St.  Paul  at  Rome 
as  bearer  of  gifts  from  the  Philippians  (Ph.4.  i8), 
and  remaining  there  for  personal  service  to 
the  apostle  and  for  the  work  of  Christ,  in- 
curred a  dangerous  illness  (2.27),  but  recovered 
and  was  sent  home.  Lightfoot,  Philippians, 
p.  60.  [e.r.b.] 

Ephah'. — 1.  The  first,  in  order,  of  the  sons 
of  Midian  (Gen. 25.4  ;  iChr.l.33),  afterwards 
mentioned  in  Is.60.6,7.  No  satisfactory  identi- 
fication of  this  tribe  has  been  discovered. — 2. 
Concubine  of  Caleb  (iChr.2.46). — 3-  Son  of 
Jahdai  in  the  line  of  Judah  (2.47)- 

Ephah.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Ephai',  a  Netophathite,  whose  sons  were 
among  the  "captains  of  the  forces"  left  in 
Judah  after  the  deportation  to  Babylon 
{Je.40.8). 

E'phep. — 1.  The  second,  in  order,  of  the 
sons  of  Midian  (Gen.25.4  ;  iChr.l.33).  His 
settlements  have  not  been  identified  with  any 
probability. — 2.  A  descendant  of  Judah  (iChr. 
4.17). — 3.  One  of  the  heads  of  Manasseh  on 
the  E.  of  Jordan  (iChr.5.24). 

Ephes-dammim'.     [Pas-dammim.] 

Ephesians,  Epistle  to  the,  written  by 
St.  Paul  from  Rome  (c.  62  a.d.),  and  carried 
with  Colossians  and  Philemon  into  Asia  by 
Tychicus.  It  was  almost  certainly  not  addressed 
exclusively  to  Christians  in  Ephesus,  but  was 
an  encyclical  or  "circular"  letter,  sent  by 
rotation  or  in  several  copies  to  many,  or  all, 
of  the  "  churches  of  Asia."  So  only  can  we 
account  for  [a)  the  omission,  in  the  best  MSS., 
of  the  words  iv  'E<pi(Tii)  from  the  opening  sen- 
tence, and  (b)  the  absence  of  personal  greet- 
ings. The  epistle  falls  into  two  parts,  one 
(1-3)  doctrinal,  the  other  (4-6)  mainly  practi- 
cal. After  the  salutation  (l.if.)  comes  a 
hvmn  of  praise  (I.3-14)  for  the  redemption 
"in  Christ  "  of  things  created  ;  then  (I.15- 
2.22)  a  thanksgiving  for  the  faith  and  a 
prayer  for  the  illumination  of  the  recipients; 
followed  bv  a  triumphant  assertion  of  what 
God,  after  the  raising  and  e.xaltation  of  Christ, 
had  done  for  men,  once  aliens,  now  recon- 
ciled. Gentile  and  Jew,  "both  in  one  body," 
to  God  "  in  Christ  "  ;  and  then  a  declaration 
of  the  "  mystery  " — or,  truth  long  hidden,  now 
revealed— that  "  the  nations  "  are  "  fellow- 
members  of  the  one  body  and  partakers  of  the 
promise  in  Christ  Jesus  through  the  gospel"; 
then  another  prayer,  ending  in  a  doxology, 
to  God  the  Father.  The  second  part,  after 
dwelling  (4.1-6)  on  the  ideal  unity  of  the 
Church — "  one  body  "  informed  by  "  one 
Spirit,"  owning  "one  Lord,"  guided  by 
"  one  God  and  Father  of  all  " — and  then  (7-12) 
on  the  diversity,  within  it,  of  individual  gifts 
and  functions,  goes  on  to  show  what  the 
Christian  life  and  character  should  be.  From 
general  exhortation  the  epistle  passes  to  speci- 
fic prohibition  and  precepts  (4.25-5.21),  and 
then  (5.22-6.0)  to  particular  reciprocal  duties 
of  the  family.  Lastly  (6.10-20)  he  describes 
the  armour  of  the  Christian  warriors  in  war- 
fare against  the  powers  of  evil.  About  one- 
third  of  the  epistle  finds  a  parallel  in  Colos- 
sians. It  is  presupposed  by  I  Peter.  Remin- 
iscence of  it  may  be  traced  in  Clem.  Rom., 
Ignatius,  Polycarp,  Hcrmas,  and  in  early 
gnostic   works.     It    is    explicitly    quoted    as 


EPHESXTS 

Pauline  first  by  Irenaeus,  then  by  TertuUian 
and  Clem.  Alex.  The  authenticity  of  the 
epistle  has,  however,  been  questioned,  and 
needs  therefore  to  be  established,  principally 
on  internal  evidence.  The  chief  arguments 
urged  against  Pauline  authorship  are  :  (i)  the 
number  of  words  peculiar  to  this  epistle  ;  (2) 
doctrinal  divergence  from  the  four  undisputed 
letters  (iCor.,  2Cor.,  Gal.,  Ro.)  of  St.  Paul; 
(3)  the  advanced  stage  of  church-organization 
which  it  is  said  to  imply.  They  are  met  by 
observing  (i)  that  most  of  the  "peculiar" 
words  are  due  to  the  subject-matter;  (2)  that 
in  doctrine,  differences  notwithstanding,  it  has 
profound  essential  connexion  with  the  four 
standard  epistles,  especially  with  Romans — to 
which,  indeed,  it  is  complementary  ;  (3)  that  no 
hierarchy  is  implied,  but  only  a  distribution 
of  gifts  and  abilities,  such  as  are  already  dis- 
tinguished in  I  Cor.,  where  also  the  conception 
of  the  unity  of  the  Church  appears.  Rightly 
understood,  the  epistle  is  the  crown  and  con- 
summation of  St.  Paul's  creative  theology. 
The  Pastorals  form  an  epilogue  to  the  great 
drama  of  the  nine  Pauline  epistles  to  churches, 
of  which  Ephesians  is  the  last  and  the  most 
catholic.     [Paul.]  [j.m.s.] 

Ephesus,  an  illustrious  city  in  the  district 
of  Ionia,  nearly  opposite  the  island  of  Samos, 
and  about  the  middle  of  the  W.  coast  of  the 
peninsula  commonly  called  Asia  Minor.  It 
was  the  capital  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Asia. — I.  Geographical  Relations.  All  the 
cities  of  Ionia  were  remarkably  well  situated 
for  the  growth  of  commercial  prosperity,  and 
none  more  so  than  Ephesus.  In  the  time  of 
.\ugustus  it  was  the  great  emporium  of  all  the 
regions  of  Asia  within  the  Taurus  ;  its  harbour 
(named  Panormus),  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Cayster,  was  elaborately  constructed.  St. 
Paul's  life  alone  furnishes  illustrations  of  its 
mercantile  relations  with  Achaia  on  the  W., 
Macedonia  on  the  N.,  and  Syria  on  the  E. 
The  relations  of  Ephesus  to  the  inland  regions 
of  the  continent  also  are  prominently  brought 
before  us  in  the  apostle's  travels.  The 
"upper  coasts"  (.•\c.l9.i)  through  which  he 
passed,  when  about  to  take  up  his  residence 
in  the  city,  were  the  Phrygian  tablelands  of 
the  interior.  Two  great  roads  at  least,  in  the 
Roman  times,  led  eastward  from  Ephesus — 
one  through  the  passes  of  Tmolus  to  Sardis 
(Rev. 3.1)  and  thence  to  Galatia  and  the  N.E., 
the  other  round  the  extremity  of  Pactyas  to 
Magnesia,  and  so  up  the  valley  of  the  Maeander 
to  Iconium,  whence  the  communication  was 
direct  to  the  Euphrates  and  to  the  Syrian 
Antioch.  There  seem  to  have  been  Sardian 
and  Magnesian  gates  on  the  E.  side  of  Ephesus 
corresponding  to  these  roads  respectively. 
There  were  also  coast-roads  leading  N.  to 
Smyrna  and  S.  to  Miletus.  By  the  latter  of 
these  it  is  probable  that  the  Ephesian  elders 
travelled  when  summoned  to  meet  Paul  at 
the  latter  city  (Ac. 20. 17, 18).— 11.  Temple  and 
WoRSHiPOF  i>iANA.  Conspicuous  at  the  head 
nf  the  harbour  of  Ephesus  was  the  great 
temiile  of  Diana  or  .\rtemis,  the  tutelary 
divinity  of  tiie  city.  This  building  was  raised 
on  immense  substructures,  in  consequence  of 
the  swampy  nature  of  the  ground.  The  earlier 
temple,    which    had   been   begun   before   the 


PLATE    Xl!l 


VIEW    OF   EPHESUS. 
(Reproduced  by  permission  of  Mr.  H.  T.  Ashby.) 


r-  252] 


EPHESUS  THEATRE. 
(Reprr.duced  by  permission  of  Mr.  H.  T.  Ashby.) 


EPHESUS 


EPHESTJS 


2§3 


Persian  war,  was  burnt  down  in  the  night 
when  Alexander  the  Great  was  born  ;  and 
another  structure,  raised  by  the  enthusiastic 
co-operation  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  "  Asia," 
took    its    place.     The    magnificence    of   this 


sanctuary  was  a  proverb  throughout  the 
civilized  world.  In  consequence  of  this  de- 
votion the  city  of  Ephesus  was  called  the 
vediKopo^  (Ac. 19. 35),  or  "warden,"  of  Diana. 
On  account  of  the  celebrity  of  Diana's  worship 
a  large  manufactory  grew  up  there  of  portable 
shrines,  which  strangers  purchased,  and 
dev'otees  carried  with  them  on  journeys  or  set 
up  in  their  houses.  Of  the  manufacturers 
engaged  in  this  business,  perhaps  Alexander 
the    "  coppersmith "    (2Tim.4.i4)    was    one. 


PLAN  OF  THE  TEMPLK  OF  DIANA  AT  EPHESUS. 
(From  Guhl's  }iph(siaca.) 


COINS  OF  EPHESl.'S, 
Showing:   (a]  temple  of  Artemis;  (*)  figure  of  Uiana. 

The  case  of  Demetrius  the  "  silversmith  "  is 
explicit. — III.  Study  and  Practice  of  Magic. 
Not  unconnected  with  the  preceding  subject 
was  the  remarkable  prevalence  of  magical 
arts  at  Ephesus.  In  illustration  of  the 
magical  books  which  were  publicly  burnt 
(Ac. 19. 19)  under  the  influence  of  St.  Paul's 
preaching,  it  is  enough  here  to  refer  to  the 
■E0^<na  ypafxixara  (mentioned  by  Plutarch  and 
others),  which  were  regarded  as  a  charm  when 
pronounced,  and  when  written  down  were  worn 
as  amulets. — IV.  Provincial  and  Municipal 
Government.  It  is  well  known  that  Asia  was 
a  proconsular  province  ;  and  in  harmony  with 
this  fact  we  find  proconsuls  (A.V.  "  deputies") 
specially  mentioned  (ver.  38).  Again,  we 
learn  from  Pliny  (v.  32)  that  Ephesus  was 
an  assize-town,  and  in  Ac.i9.38  we  find  the 
court-days  alluded  to  as  actually  being  held 
(A.V.  "  the  law  is  open  ")  during  the  uproar. 
Ephesus  itself  was  a  "  free  city,"  and  had 
its  own  assemblies  and  its  own  magistrates. 
The  senate  is  mentioned  by  Josephus  ;   and 


254 


EPHLAL 


St.  Luke,  in  the  narrative  before  us,  Speaks 
of  the  dfjfxoi  (vv.  30,33,  A.V.  "the  people") 
and  of  its  customary  assemblies  (ver.  39, 
A.V.  "a  lawful  assembly"),  and  conspicuous 
mention  is  made  of  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant municipal  officers  of  Ephesus,  the 
"  town  clerk  "  or  keeper  of  the  records,  whom 
we  know  from  other  sources  to  have  been  a 
person  of  great  influence  and  responsibility. 
It  is  remarkable  how  all  these  political  and 
religious  characteristics  of  Ephesus,  which 
appear  in  the  sacred  narrative,  are  illustrated 
by  inscriptions  and  coins.  Many  coins  of 
Ephesus  bear  allusions  to  the  worship  of 
Diana  in  her  various  aspects.  That  Jews  were 
established  there  in  considerable  numbers  is 
known  from  Josephus  (14  Ant.  x.  25),  and 
might  be  inferred  from  its  mercantile  eminence, 
but  is  also  evident  from  Ac. 2. 0,6.9.  It  is 
here,  and  here  only,  that  we  find  disciples  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist  explicitly  mentioned  after 
the  ascension  of  Christ  (Ac. 18. 25, 19. 3).  The 
case  of  ApoUos  (18. 24)  is  a  further  instance 
of  the  intercourse  between  this  place  and 
Alexandria.  The  first  seeds  of  Christian  truth 
were  possibly  sown  at  Ephesus  immediately 
after  the  Great  Pentecost  (Ac. 2).  In  St. 
Paul's  stay  of  more  than  two  years  (19. 8, 10, 
20.31),  which  formed  the  most  important 
passage  of  his  third  circuit,  and  during  which 
he  laboured,  first  in  the  synagogue  (19.8),  and 
then  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus  (ver.  9),  and 
also  in  private  houses  (20. 20),  and  during  which 
he  wrote  iCor.,  we  have  the  period  of  the  chief 
evangelization  of  this  shore  of  the  Aegean. 
The  address  at  Miletus  shows  that  the  church 
at  Ephesus  was  thoroughly  organized  under 
its  presbyters.  At  a  later  period  Ti.mothv 
was  set  over  them,  as  we  learn  from  the  two 
epistles  addressed  to  him.  Among  St.  Paul's 
other  companions,  two,  Trophimus  and 
Tychicus,  were  natives  of  Asia  (Ac. 20. 4)  ;  the 
latter  probably  (2Tim.4.i2),  the  former  cer- 
tainly (Ac. 21. 29),  of  Ephesus.  In  the  same 
connexion  we  ought  to  mention  Onesiphorus 
(2Tim.l. 16-18)  and  his  household  (4.19),  and 
on  the  other  hand  certain  specified  Ephesian 
antagonists  of  the  apostle,  the  sons  of  Sceva 
and  his  party  (Ac. 19. 14),  Hymenaeus  and 
Alexander  (iTim.l.20  ;  2Tim.4'.i4),  and 
Phygellus  and  Hermogencs  (aTim.l.is).  The 
site  of  ancient  Ephesus  has  been  examined  by 
many  travellers  during  the  last  200  years. 
The  whole  place  is  now  utterly  desolate,  with 
the  exception  of  the  small  Turkish  village  at 
Ayasaluk.  The  ruins  arc  of  vast  extent,  both  on 
Coressus  and  on  the  plain  ;  but  there  is  great 
doubt  as  to  many  topographical  details.  It  is 
satisfactory,  however,  that  the  position  of  the 
theatre  on  mount  Prion  is  absolutely  certain. 

Ephlal',  a  descendant  of  J  udah  ( rChr.2. 37). 

Ephod'  (Num. 34. 23),  father  of  Hannikl. 

Ephod.  The  simplest  form  of  ephod  of 
which  we  read  was  tiie  linen  ephf)d  ('iphodh 
badh),  the  distinguishing  dress  of  theministrant 
priest  (iSam. 2.18, 22.18  ;  2Sam.6.i4),  which 
seems  to  have  been  a  vest  or  tunic  bound  to 
the  body  by  a  girdle.  .\  much  more  elaborate 
garment  was  the  epliod  of  the  High-i'kiest, 
described  in  I-:x.28.6-8,27,29.5,39.2-.s,i9f- :  Lev. 
8.7.  This  was  made  of  richly  variegated  stuff 
of  four  colours,  interwoven  with  gold  tlircad, 


EPHBAIM 

supported  by  two  shoulder'Straps,  and  held 
round  the  body  by  a  band  of  the  same  material. 
On  each  of  tlie  shoulder-straps  was  an  onyx 
stone,  on  which  were  engraved  the  names  of  si.x 
of  the  tribes  of  Israel.  Attached  to  the  front 
of  the  ephod,  and  filling  the  space  between  the 
shoulder-straps,  was  the  breast-plate,  with  12 
precious  stones  in  four  rows,  each  stone  also  en- 
graved with  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes.  In 
this  breast-plate  was  a  kind  of  pocket,  contain- 
ing the  Urim  and  Thummim,  or  sacred  lots,  by 
the  use  of  which  oracles  were  delivered.  As 
we  read  several  times  of  the  ephod  being 
"  carried  "  and  "  brought  near  "  when  the 
people  wished  to  "  inquire  of  the  Lord,"  we 
may  suppose  that  the  sacred  lots  were  con- 
sidered an  indispensable  part  of  it  ;  and  so 
also  there  was  a  priest  who  took  charge  of  it. 
This  may  throw  some  light  on  those  passages 
in  which  the  ephod  is  spoken  of  in  such  a  way 
that  many  consider  that  it  was  an  idolatrous 
image.  An  ephod  and  teraphim  were  part  of  the 
furniture  of  Micah's  shrine  (Judg.l7.i8),  and 
Gideon  made  an  ephod  of  the  gold  ornaments 
of  the  Midianites,  and  "  set  it  up  "  in  Ophrah, 
where  it  became  a  snare  to  Gideon  and  to  his 
house.  The  prophet  Isaiah  uses  a  derivative 
word  ('(iphuddd)  to  denote  the  "  plating  "  of 
molten  images  (Is. 30. 22)  ;  and  it  may  be  that 
the  original  coat  became  a  rich  coating,  super- 
imposed upon  a  figure  or  stand,  which  was 
produced  when  an  oracle  was  to  be  sought  by 
the  sacred  lots.  It  does  not  seem  that  the 
ephod  itself  was  worshipped,  but  rather  that 
it  was  made  the  accompaniment  and  instru- 
ment of  superstitious  worship.  [j-R-l 

Ephraim,  the  younger  son  of  Joseph 
(Gen. 41. 52, 48. 13-20).  The  strong  tribes  of 
Joseph  and  J  udah  occupied  the  mountains  of 
south  and  central  Palestine  before  Joshua  al- 
lotted parts  of  the  conquered  land  to  Benjamin, 
Dan,  and  Simeon.  Thus  Ephraim  marched  with 
Judah  at  Gezer  (Jos. 18. 3)  before  Dan  received 
its  territory.  The  N.  border  of  Benjamin  was 
the  S.  border    of    liphraim  (16.1-5,18.11-14), 


1  in-     IKIIiAI.    1,01    (II-    lU'llKAlM. 

running  from  Jordan  and  Naaran  N.  of 
Jericho  to  Bkth-avf.n,  and  thence  S.W.  to 
Luz,  .Atakoth-aoak,  and  BETH-noRON.  N. 
of  this  line  Ephraim  lield  a  region  of  rugged 


EPHRAIM 

mountains,  with  springs  and  orchards :  but  the 
brother- tribe  of  Manasseh  was  more  powerful 
(Jos. 17. 17),  and  Ephraim's  lot  was  only  300  sq. 
m.,  against  1,300  sq.  m.  (partly  conquered)  for 
Manasseh  W.  of  J  ordan.  The  N.W.  border  was 
formed  by  the  brook  Kanah,  dividing  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh,  and  ran  by  Michmethah,  E.  of 
Shechem,  and  by  Taanath-shiloh  and 
Janohah,  above  the  Jordan  Valley,  going 
down  to  Naaran  (see  further  under  Asher). 
It  is  remarkable  that  few  towns  within  the  lot 
of  either  Ephraim  or  Manasseh  are  enumerated 
in  the  book  of  Joshua;  the  region  coincided 
closely  with  Samaria  in  extent.  The  term 
mount  Ephraim  seems  used  with  a  wider  signi- 
ficance than  that  of  the  tribal  lot  in  later  times 
(iSam.l.i  ;  2Chr.l3.4,i9,15.8),  since  it  appar- 
ently included  Bethel,  Ramah,  and  Ephraim, 
which  once  belonged  to  Benjamin,     [c.r.c] 

Ephpaim,  near  Baal-hazor  (2Sam.i3.23), 
or  Ephpain  near  Bethel  and  Jeshanah  (2 
Chr.i3.19),  and  near  the  "wilderness"  (Jn.ll. 
54) — the  "city  called  Ephraim,"  to  which  our 
Lord  retired — are  all  names  of  Ophrah  (Jos. 
18. 23  ;  iSam.l3.i7)-  Eusebius  (Onomasticon) 
places  it  5  Roman  miles  E.  of  Bethel,  where  is 
now  the  village  Taiyibeh,  with  a  ruined  church 
and  a  fine  view  of  the  wilderness  and  of  the 
Jordan  Valley  beyond.  It  lies  within  the 
border  of  Benjamin.     [Apherema.]         [c.r.c] 

Ephpaim,  Gate  of  (2K.14.13  ;  2Chr.25. 
23  ;  Ne. 8. 16, 12. 39),  a  gate  on  W.  side  of 
Jerusalem.  [c.r.c] 

Ephpa'im,  "Wood  of,  a  forest  E.  of 
Jordan,  in  which  the  fatal  battle  was  fought 
between  the  armies  of  David  and  Absalom 
(2Sam.l8.6).     The  site  is  unknown,    [c.r.c] 

Ephpai'mite. — 1.  Of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim 
(Judg.12.5;  see  R.V.). — 2.  An  Ephrathite 
(iK.11.26),  a  dweller  in  Mt.  Ephraim.    [c.r.c] 

Ephpain.     [Ephraim.] 

Ephpatah',  or  Ephpath'. — 1.  Second 
wife  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron,  mother  of 
Hut,  and  grandmother  of  Caleb  the  spy, 
according  to  iChr.2.19,50,  but  see  2.24  and  4.4. 
— 2.  The  ancient  name  of  Bethlehem-judah 
(Gen.35.i6,i9,48.7  ;  Ps.132.6).  The  word 
signifies  "  fruitful."  [c.r.c] 

Eph'pathite. — 1.  An  inhabitant  of  Bethle- 
hem-ephratah  (Ru.1.2  ;  iSam.l7.i2).  Possibly 
the  same  meaning  in  iSam.l.i.  [Ramathaim- 
zgphim;  Zuph.] — 2.  An  Ephraimite  (iK.11. 
26). 

Ephpon',  the  son  of  Zohar,  a  Hittite,  from 
whom  Abraham  bought  the  field  and  cave  of 
Machpelah  (Gen. 23. 8-17  ;  25.9,49.29,30,50.13). 

Ephpon',  a  strong  city  between  Carnaim 
(Ashteroth  Karnaim)  and  Beth-shean,  at- 
tacked and  demolished  by  Judas  Maccabaeus 
(iMac.5.46-52  ;  2Mac.i2.27).  The  site  is  un- 
known, [c.r.c] 

Ephpon',  Mount.  The  "  cities  of  mount 
Ephron  "  formed  landmarks  on  the  northern 
boundary  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 9).  Apparently 
places  near  Ephratah  (Bethlehem),    [c.r.c] 

Epicupeans.     [Stoics.] 

Epiph'anes  (iMac.l.io,10.i).  [Antio- 
CHUS  IV.] 

Epiphany.     [Jesus  Christ  ;  Magi.] 

Ep'iphi  ('Ein.<pi,  3Mac.6.38),  the  name  of 
the  nth  month  of  the  Egyptian  Vague  year, 
and  the  Alexandrian  or  Egyptian  Julian  year. 


iSRASTtrS 


255 


As  the  Egyptian  month  had  30  days,  from 
Pachon  25  to  Epiphi  4  would  be  an  interval 
of  40  days,  as  in  loc.  cit.  [h.h.] 

Epistle.  It  is  well  to  distinguish  be- 
tween letter  and  epistle,  the  latter  being 
more  formal  and  artificial  in  character.  In- 
tercommunication by  letter  was  one  of  the 
earliest  results  of  the  invention  of  writing, 
but  in  a  primitive  society  it  would  be  the 
privilege  of  the  minority,  (i)  In  O.T.  prac- 
tically all  the  letters  mentioned  are  of  the 
nature  of  epistles,  i.e.  formal  communications, 
mostly  from  superiors  to  inferiors.  The 
Amarna  tablets  imply  that  such  communi- 
cations must  have  been  common  in  Palestine 
some  centuries  before  the  earliest  letter  men- 
tioned in  O.T.  ;  and  the  private  letters  found 
among  the  Oxyrhynchus  PapxTi  (ed.  Grenfell 
and  Hunt,  1898-1899)  make  it  remarkable  that 
there  is  so  little  reference  to  private  letters 
among  the  Jews  in  later  O.T.  times.  The 
following  O.T.  epistles  may  be  noted  as 
specimens  :  David  to  Joab  (2Sam.ll.i4,i5)  ; 
Jezebel  about  Naboth  (iK.21.8,9)  ;  Jehu  to 
Samaria  (2K.lO.r-6)  ;  Benhadad  about  Naa- 
man  (5.5-7)  ;  Sennacherib  (I9.14)  and  Bero- 
dach-baladan  (20.12)  to  Hezekiah.  Elijah 
(2Chr.2i.12)  and  Jeremiah  (Je.29.i)  both  sent 
written  communications,  and  there  are  numer- 
ous references  to  the  practice  inEzra,  Nehemi- 
ah,  and  Esther.  The  terms  used  include  "IDD 
and  2n3P  (=  writing),  and,  later,  FTISX ; 
Bab.  igi'ru,  "tile,"  "tablet"  (2Chr.30.'i,6 ; 
Ne. 2.7-9,6.5, 17,19  ;  Esth.9.26,29),  or  STIN 
(Ezr.4.8,11.5,6).  (2)  In  N.T.  the  official  letter 
is  also  common,  iiriaTo\-q  being  the  usual 
term  :  e.g.  to  synagogues  (Ac. 9. 2, 22. 5)  ;  the 
apostles  and  elders  to  Gentile  Christians  (15. 
23-30)  ;  avaraTiKal  iwLCTToXai,  or  letters  intro- 
ductory (2Cor.3.i).  But  the  most  striking 
feature  is  the  collection  of  21  "Epistles,"  of 
which  13  are  ascribed  to  St.  Paul  and  the  rest  are 
divided  among  SS.  James,  Peter,  John,  Jude, 
and  the  unknown  writer  of  Hebrews.  On  the 
classification  of  these  as  private  letters,  letters 
not  private  but  personal,  and  formal  and  imper- 
sonal "epistles,"  see  Deissmann,  B.S.  (1895- 
1897,  Eng.  tr.  1901).  The  idea  that  St.  Paul 
"  invented  "  the  N.T.  epistle  must  be  modified 
in  the  light  of  letters  recently  discovered  in 
Egypt  and  elsewhere  (cf.  J.  Armitage  Robin- 
son, £^/j.  pp.  275  ff.),  which  illustrate  the  form 
and  phrases  of  N.T.  epistles.  All  that  is  new 
in  the  latter  is  the  result  of  the  spiritual  force 
contained  in  their  message.  [e.h.p.] 

Ep. — 1.  First-born  of  Judah.  Er  "  was 
wicked  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  ;  and  the  Lord 
slew  him."  The  nature  of  his  sin  is  not  stated, 
but  it  was  possibly  connected  with  the  abomin- 
able idolatries  of  Canaan,  his  mother's  land 
(Gen. 38. 3-7, 46. 12;  Nu1n.26.19). — 2.  Descend- 
ant of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah  (iChr.4.2i). — 3. 
Son  of  Jose,  and  father  of  Elmodam  (Lu.3.28). 

Epan',  ancestor  of  the  Epanites  and  son  of 
Shuthelah,  eldest  son  of  Ephraim  (Num. 26. 36). 

Epast'us. — 1.  One  of  the  attendants,  or 
deacons,  of  St.  Paul  at  Ephesus,  who  (with 
Timothy)  was  sent  forward  into  Macedonia 
while  the  apostle  himself  remained  in  Asia 
(Ac. 19. 22).  He  is  probably  the  Erastus 
mentioned  in  the  salutations  in  2Tim.4.20. — 2 


S56 


h]  H.  r!fT  H 


Erastus  the  chamberlain,  or  rather, "  treasurer," 
of  Corinth;  one  of  the  early  converts  to  Chris- 
tianity (R0.I6.23). 

E'pech  (Gen.lO.io),  the  second  city  of  Nim- 
rod's  kingdom  in  Shinar  (Babylonia) ;  the  Uruk 
of  the  inscriptions.  In  Sumerian,  Unug  ;  now 
Warka,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  W. 
of  the  Nile  Canal.  In  the  bilingual  Creation- 
story  its  origin  is  attributed  to  Merodach.  The 
deities  worshipped  there  were  Istar^  and  Nanaa, 
and  Ann,  god  of  the  heavens.  Egiparimina, 
"  the  house  of  the  seven  enclosures,"  its 
temple-tower,  probably  originated  its  name  of 
Uruk  SHpuri,  "  Erech  of  the  enclosures,"  in  the 
time  of  (iilgames.    [Archevites.]        [t.g.p.] 

Epi',  son  of  Gad  (Gen. 46. 16),  and  ancestor 
of  the  Epltes  (Num.26. 16). 

Esa'ias,  N.T.  form  of  Isaiah. 

Esaphaddon'  (Assyr.  Assur-ah-iddina ; 
Assur  has  given  a  brother),  son  to  Sennacherib 
(2 K. 19.37  ;  Is. 37. 38).  succeeding  him  on  his 
murder  (681  b.c),  and  procuring  the  desertion 
to  his  side  of  the  rebel  forces  on  the  W. 
frontier  of  Ararat,  whither  the  conspirators 
had  fled.  By  a  judicious  policy  within  the 
empire  and  conspicuous  ability  in  the  field  he 
avoided  internal  dissensions  such  as  had 
troubled  his  father's  reign,  and  was  uniformly 
successful  in  war.  The  fierce  swarms  of  the 
Gimirra  (Cimmerians,  Gomer ;  Gen. 10. 2f., etc.), 
invading  Assyria  from  the  N.,  were  defeated 
by  him  in  a  decisive  battle  (677  b.c)  and 
forced  in  a  westerly  direction.  In  the  same 
year  he  took  and  levelled  Sidon  in  consequence 
of  a  revolt,  planting  a  colony  from  Elain  and 
Babylonia  in  the  new  city  which  he  built  on 
the  site.  After  other  successful  campaigns  he 
carried  out  (from  674-670  b.c)  three  invasions 
of  Egypt,  inflicting  finally  a  signal  defeat  at 
Memphis,  and  annexing  the  whole  country  to 
his  empire.  Two  years  later,  when  on  his  way 
to  punish  an  Egyptian  revolt,  he  fell  sick  and 
died.  Early  in  his  reign  he  had  rebuilt  Babylon 
(destroyed  by  his  father  689  b.c),  making  it 
second  only  to  Nineveh  in  importance.  He  ap- 
pears to  have  planted  colonists  in  the  cities  of 
Samaria  (Ezr.4.2),  in  addition  to  those  which 
his  predecessors  had  established  there  in  the 
room  of  the  captive  Jews.  [a.w.s.] 

Esau',  the  eldest  son  of  Isaac,  and  twin- 
brother  of  Jacob.  The  appearance  of  the 
child  at  birth  is  said  in  Gen. 25. 25  to  have  sug- 
gested his  name  (hairy),  but  the  real  meaning 
of  "  Esau  "  is  doubtful.  His  surname  Edom 
(red),  cliiefly  applied  to  his  posterity,  owed 
its  origin  to  the  incident  related  in  25.30. 
[Edom.]  The  strife  between  the  brothers 
began  prior  to  birth,  and  led  to  the  prophecy 
"  the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger  "  (25.22,23). 
Esau  grew  up  to  be  a  "  cunning  hunter,  a  man 
of  the  field,"  in  fact,  a  thorough  Bedatvi,  a 
"  son  of  the  desert,"  impatient  of  the  restraints 
of  civilized  or  settled  life.  One  day,  re- 
turning from  hunting,  faint  and  hungry,  Esau 
asked  his  brother  to  feed  him  with  the  red 
pottage  he  was  preparing.  Taking  advantage 
of  his  distress,  and  mindful  probably  of  the 
prophecy  in  his  own  favour,  Jacob  demanded 
his  brotlier's  birthright  as  the  price.  Esau 
married  at  the  age  of  40,  and  contrary  to 
the  wish  of  liis  parents.  His  wives  were  both 
Hittites  ;   and  they  "  were  bitterness  of  spirit 


unto  Isaac  and  to  Rebekah  "  (Gen. 26. 34, 35). 
The  next  episode  in  the  history  of  the  brothers 
is  still  more  painful.  Jacob,  through  the 
craft  of  his  mother,  is  again  successful,  and 
secures  irrevocably  the  covenant  blessing. 
Esau  vows  vengeance.  But  he  knew  not  a 
mother's  watchful  care.  By  a  characteristic 
piece  of  domestic  policy  Rebekah  succeeded 
both  in  exciting  Isaac's  anger  against  Esau, 
and  obtaining  his  consent  to  Jacob's  depar- 
ture. When  Esau  heard  that  his  father  had 
commanded  Jacob  to  take  a  wife  of  the 
daughters  of  his  kinsman  Laban,  he  also  re- 
solved to  try  whether  by  a  new  alliance  he 
could  propitiate  his  parents.  He  accordingly 
married  his  cousin  Mahalath,  the  daughter  of 
Ishmael  (28.8,9).  This  marriage  appears  to 
have  brought  him  into  connexion  with  the 
Ishmaelitish  tribes  beyond  the  valley  of  Ara- 
bah.  He  soon  afterwards  established  himself 
in  mount  Seir  ;  still  retaining,  however,  some 
interest  in  his  father's  property  in  Southern 
Palestine.  He  was  residing  in  mount  Seir 
when  Jacob  returned  from  Padan-aram,  and 
had  then  become  so  rich  and  powerful  that 
the  impressions  of  his  brother's  early  offences 
seem  to  have  been  almost  completely  effaced. 
It  does  not  appear  that  the  brothers  again  met 
until  the  death  of  their  father  about  twenty 
years  afterwards.  They  united  in  laying 
Isaac's  body  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.  Of 
Esau's  subsequent  history  nothing  is  known  ; 
for  that  of  his  descendants,  see  Edom  and 
Edomites. 

E'sau  (iEsd.5.29)  =  ZiHA. 
E'say  (2Esd.2.i8;  Ecclus.48.2o,22)  =  Isa- 
iah. 

Eschatology,  the  doctrine  of  the  Last 
Things,  the  things  that  shall  be  at  the  end  of 
the  world,  is  bound  up  with  the  idea  that  the 
world,  this  present  order  of  things,  will  one 
day  pass  away  and  be  succeeded  by  another 
age,  the  age  to  come.  In  O.T.  the  doctrine 
was  first  brought  into  prominence  in  order  to 
answer,  from  the  national  point  of  view,  the 
problem  of  the  (so-conceived)  undeserved  op- 
pression of  (iod's  people  by  their  enemies. 
God,  it  was  thought,  was  waiting  His  time  to 
reveal  Himself,  to  \indicate  His  honour  and 
deliver  His  peojile.  .-Ml  this  would  happen  in 
the  Day  of  the  Lord  (see  furtlier  under  Comino 
OF  Cmkist).  Gradually  the  expectation  of 
this  day  was  [nit  in  the  more  distant  future, 
until  at  length  it  was  generally  supposed  that 
it  would  herald  the  end  of  this  age  by  a  great 
and  final  judgment  of  the  nations,  and  that 
tiie  good  time  for  Israel  would  be  in  a  new 
and  golden  age  to  come.  Then  the  glory  of 
Zion's  world-wide  rule  would  be  realized  in 
a  new  earth  delivered  from  pain  and  sin.  So 
cschatologv  iiasses  out  of  tlie  region  of  pro- 
phecy (which  is  always  practically  concerned 
wit!)  the  near  future)  into  that  of  apocalypse, 
wliich  leaps  ov<'r  from  the  present  to  the  end 
(jf  time  (often  in  O.T.,  and  in  N.T.  generally, 
conceived  as  quite  near).  Christianity  thus 
inherited  from  Judaism  these  ideas:  a  great 
"  Day  "  at  the  end  of  tlie  world,  witii  a  Last 
Judgment  from  wliich  there  is  no  furtlier  ap- 
peal, to  be  followed  by  a  state  of  blessedness 
for  some,  secure  from  all  future  danger  or 
fear,  and  for  others  a  state  of  woe  from  which 


ESDRAELON 

there  is  no  hope  of  recovery.  Our  Lord  sanc- 
tioned these  ideas,  but  made  them  moral  and 
spiritual :  not  the  Israel  of  the  flesh,  but  the 
"  Israel  of  God,"  the  redeemed  of  His  Church 
gathered  out  of  every  nation,  will  be  the 
blessed  ;  not  the  Gentiles  of  the  flesh,  but  the 
uncircumcised  in  heart  (including  many  Jews), 
will  be  the  doomed.  The  glorious  reign  of 
Israel  will  be  not  an  earthly  but  a  heavenly 
kingdom,  a  rule  of  love  and  goodness.  Further, 
the  blessedness  and  the  woe  were  expanded  by 
Him  into  the  Christian  doctrines  of  the  Resur- 
rection, Heaven  and  Hell.  See  further. 
Death,  Future  Life,  Heaven,  Hell,  and 
Eternity.  Charles,  Eschatology  ;  Salmond, 
Immortality  ;  Hastings,  D.B.  s.v.  (5  vols.  1904) ; 
Agar  Beet,   The  Last  Things.  [s.c.g.] 

Esdrae'lon.  This  is  merely  the  Gk.  form 
of  the  Heb.  Jezreel  (Jth.3.9,4.6).  In  Jth.1.8 
Esdrelom,  with  the  addition  of  "  the  great 
plain."  This  plain  is  W.  of  Jezreel  [Pales- 
tine], the  "  valley  of  Jezreel "  .being  E.  of  that 
town.    'i>io\\  caXled  Merj Ibn 'Amr.     [c.r.c] 

Es'dpas  for  Ezra  the  scribe  in  i  and  aEsd. 

Es'dpas,  Fipst  Book  of,  the  first  in 
order  of  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha  in  the 
English  Bible.  In  LXX.  this  book  is  entitled 
Esdras  A  ;  Esdras  B  including  the  canonical 
books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  In  the  Vulg.  (fol- 
lowed in  Eng.  P.  B.,  art.  vi.),  Esdras  I.  and  II. 
stand  for  the  canonical  books,  Esdras  A  be- 
coming Esdras  III.,  and  Esdras  IV.  being  the 
book  known  to  us  as  "  the  second  book  of  Es- 
dras." The  classification  in  the  English  Bible, 
viz.  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  r  and  aEsdras  is  adopted 
from  the  Genevan  Bible  (1560),  the  first  so  to 
enumerate  them.  The  Isook  contains  a  re- 
petition of  the  history  of  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple,  and  is  made  up  almost  entirely  of  ma- 
terials from  the  canonical  books  of  aChronicles, 
Ezra,  and  Nehemiah.  There  is  one  original  sec- 
tion (3.1-5.6).  The  transcript  is  more  or  less 
exact,  except  that  the  history  is  reversed — 
Artaxerxes,  Darius,  and  Cyrus,  instead  of  Cy- 
rus, Darius,  and  Artaxerxes ;  and,  though  it 
adds  nothing  to  our  historical  knowledge,  the 
book  is  interesting  as  exemplifying  the  freedom 
with  which  Jewish  writers  dealt  with  their 
Scriptures.  Josephus  uses  it  largely  in 
11  Ant.  i.-v.,  and  follows  its  order  rather  than 
that  of  the  canonical  books  ;  and  it  is  quoted 
considerably  by  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  e.g. 
Clem.  Alex.,  Athan.,  Tertull.,  Cyprian.  Few 
people  recognize  the  frequently  misquoted  pro- 
verb, "Magna  est  veritas  et  prevalet  "  (4.41)  as 
coming  from  this  book,  though  it  is  quoted  by 
many  Fathers.  The  book  appears  to  be  an 
attempt  to  tell  the  story  of  the  Return  and 
restoration  of  the  temple  in  an  elegant  style, 
agreeable  to  Gk.  readers  unacquainted  with 
Heb.  Whether  it  be  (a)  a  compilation  from  the 
Gk.  of  the  LXX.  or  (b)  the  editing  of  a  Gk. 
translation  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah 
earlier  than  the  LXX.,  or  (c)  a  direct  transla- 
tion of  the  Heb.,  made  quite  independently,  is 
uncertain.  Its  object  was  to  exhibit  to  Gk.- 
speaking  Jews  the  favour  once  shown  to  their 
nation  by  heathen  monarchs,  under  God's  pro- 
vidence, to  stimulate  more  earnest  observance 
of  the  law,  and  possibly  to  win  for  them  the 
favour  of  some  foreign  ruler,  perhaps  one  of  the 
Ptolemies.     Its  date  may  probably  be  170-100 


ESD3BAS,  SECOND  BOOK  OP     257 

B.C.,  some  time  before  the  Hasmonaean  wars, 
it  being  unlikely  that  any  translator  would  ven- 
ture to  tamper  with  the  order  or  materials  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  after  that  date,  at  which 
they  had  become  canonical.  Lupton's  in- 
genious theory  that  the  book  was  edited  when 
Onias — fleeing  from  the  persecution  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiph.  in  Palestine — petitioned  Ptolemy 
Philometor  for  leave  to  build  a  temple  at  Helio- 
polis  is,  though  only  conjectural,  of  great 
interest,  and  the  character  of  the  translation, 
together  with  certain  phrases  and  peculiarities 
(e.g.  4.23),  point  to  its  being  written  for  the 
important  colony  of  J  ews  in  Egypt,  rather  than 
for  those  of  Palestine,  though  there  is  no  more 
certain  clue.  The  section  3-5.6,  the  story  of 
the  three  pages,  may  be  a  tradition  of  Persian 
history,  and  is  described  by  some  commenta- 
tors as  the  nucleus  around  which  the  rest  of  the 
book  was  grouped.  The  author  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  books  of  Esther  and  Daniel  ; 
the  agreement  with  the  LXX.  of  those  books 
being  most  striking,  and  there  are  also  refer- 
ences to  other  O.T.  books.  Hastings,  D.B. 
(5  vols.  1904)  ;  Speaker's  Comm. ;  Ewald,  Hist, 
of  Israel,  etc.  [s.n.s.] 

Es'dpas,  Second  Book  of.  This,  the 
title  in  the  English  Bible,  is  derived  from  the 
author's  own  words  (1.  i ).  In  the  Vulg.  it  is  called 
the  Fourth  Book.  (See  above.)  It  is  suggested 
that  the  original  title  was  either  (i)  "  Ezra 
the  Prophet  "  (Hilgenfeld,  based  on  quotations 
of  Clem.  Alex,  and  Ambrose),  or  (2)  the  "  Apo- 
calypse of  Esdras  "  (Westcott,  based  on  cata- 
logue of  the  60  canonical  and  apocryphal 
books  found  in  Asia).  This  latter  is  the  most 
obvious  and  suitable.  The  original  language 
of  2Esdras  is  Gk.,  but  for  a  long  time  the  book 
was  only  known  through  the  Latin  version. 
No  Gk.  MS.  of  the  book  exists,  though  two 
quotations  from  the  Gk.  are  found  in  Clem. 
Alex,  and  Apost.  Constit.  The  Latin  version 
contains  two  important  additions  (1,2  ;  15, 
16)  not  found  in  the  other  versions,  and  it  is 
obvious  that  a  large  section  is  missing  between 
vv.  35  and  36  of  ch.  7.  The  missing  verses 
(now  restored  in  our  R.V.)  are  found  in  the 
Syriac,  Ethiopic,  Arabic,  and  Armenian  ver- 
sions (of  these  the  Syriac  is  the  best),  and  the 
missing  Latin  fragment  was  found  in  a  MS.  of 
the  9th  cent.,  by  Bensly  in  1874.  In  1865, 
moreover,  Gildemeister  proved  that  the  miss- 
ing verses  had  actually  been  contained  in  the 
Latin  Cod.  S,  but  the  page  had  been  cut  out  in 
early  times.  Hence  the  conclusion  was  drawn 
that  all  the  Latin  MSS.  which  do  not  contain 
the  section  are  derived  from  Cod.  S.  The 
reason  for  the  excision  of  7.35-105  is  probably 
a  dogmatic  one.  It  contains  a  description 
of  the  intermediate  state,  and  an  emphatic 
denial  of  the  ef&cacy  of  prayers  for  the 
dead,  a  matter  of  curious  interest  when  it  is 
remembered  that  the  words  of  2.24-35  are 
employed  in  the  ancient  Missa  pro  Defunctis, 
whence  the  origin  of  the  use  of  the  word  Re- 
quiem, and  that  this  passage,  with  2.36,37 
(formerly  used  by  the  English  Church  as  the 
Introit  for  Whit-Tuesday),  is  the  only  one 
from  this  book  made  use  of  by  the  Church. 
Leaving  for  the  moment  ch.  1,  2,  15,  16,  the 
real  2Esdras  consists  of  an  account  of  three 
revelations  and  four  visions  granted  to  Ezra 

17 


568    ESDKAS,  SECOND  BOOK  OP 

during  the  Captivity,  by  which  he  is  instructed 
in  some  of  the  great  mysteries  of  the  moral 
world,  and  God's  dealings  with  His  people.  The 
first  revelation  (4—5.14)  shows  the  unsearch- 
ableness  of  God's  purpose  and  the  signs  of  the 
last  age.  The  second  revelation  (5.20-6.34) 
carries  the  teaching  still  further,  and  pro- 
phesies the  time  when  "  evil  shall  be  put  out 
and  deceit  shall  be  quenched."  Third  reve- 
lation (6.35-9.25):  Ezra,  renewing  his  ques- 
tions, asks  why,  if  the  other  nations  were  out- 
casts compared  wuth  Israel,  the  chosen  race 
should  be  dispossessed  of  their  inheritance.  In 
reply  he  is  told  that  the  narrow  way  must  be 
passed  first,  but  there  shall  be  in  the  future  a 
wider  and  more  glorious  scene.  Then  comes  a 
striking  passage,  giving  a  picture  of  the  Mes- 
sianic Age,  the  appearance  of  "  My  Son  Jesus  " 
(there  are  marks  of  interpolatif)n  here).  His 
death  (with  that  of  all  living)  after  a  reign  of 
400  years,  and  then  the  resurrection  (7.26-35). 
The  missing  fragment  describes  the  pit  of  tor- 
ment, and  the  paradise  of  delight  over  against 
it  ;  and  Ezra  is  warned  that  intercession  for  the 
wicked  is  impossible — "  many  are  created  but 
few  shall  be  saved."  The  first  vision  (9.26- 
10.59)  isof  a  woman  (Sion)  lamenting  the  death 
of  her  only  son  (Jerusalem),  born  to  her  after  30 
years  of  sterility  (the  3,000  years  before  Solo- 
mon built  the  city).  She  vanishes,  and  her  place 
is  taken  by  the  city  in  building — the  heavenly 
Jerusalem  which  is  to  replace  the  earthly. 
Another  interpretation  (see  Drummond,  Jewish 
Messiah)  refers  the  30  years  to  the  period 
following  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  and  from  this 
it  is  argued  that  the  book  is  thus  dated 
70  +  30  =  100  A.D.  The  second  \'ision  (ch. 
11,12)  describes  an  eagle  (Rome)  with  twelve 
wings,  and  eight  little  wings,  and  three  heads, 
which  bear  rule,  until  a  lion  (the  Messiah) 
pronounces  sentence  upon  it  and  it  is  con- 
sumed. Third  vision  (ch.  13)  :  The  Messiah, 
"  flying  with  the  clouds  of  heaven,"  destroys 
the  nations  of  the  earth  gathered  against 
Him,  and  gathering  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel, 
"  a  peaceable  nmltitude,"  offers  them  Sion 
prepared  and  rebuilt.  Fourth  vision  (ch.  14): 
Ezra  is  told  that  he  is  to  be  taken  from  men, 
and  is  bidden  to  make  a  record  of  what  he  has 
seen.  In  40  days  he  writes  94  books  (24  being 
the  O.T.,  and  published  oi)eniy.  the  remaining 
70  to  be  divulged  only  to  the  wise).  This  last 
section  probably  owes  its  origin  to  the  tradition 
which  regarded  Ezra  asthe  representative  of  the 
men  of  the  "  Great  Synagogue."  The  addi- 
tions to  2Esdras  (ch.  i,  2,  15,  16),  confessedly 
of  later  and  Christian  origin  (cf.  for  reminis- 
cences of  N.T.,  1.30,33  with  Mt. 23. 37, 38,  and 
16.42f.  with  iCor.7.29f.,  etc.),  contain  a  re- 
proof of  Israel  for  their  abandonment  of  God, 
and  a  denunciation  of  woe  uixni  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  world.  The  latter  section  begins 
almost  in  direct  continuation  of  the  former. 
— Character  and  Dale.  A  deep  melanciioly  per- 
vades the  original  book,  tiie  key  to  which  is  ob- 
vious, if  we  conclude  (with  most  modern  critics) 
that  the  book  was  written  after  the  terrible 
events  of  70  a.d.,  when  the  outlook  for  the 
Jews  was  rendered  hojieless.  If  this  is  correct, 
the  book  should  proi)ably  be  dated  in  the  resign 
of  Domitian,  Hi-96  a.d.  The  question  turns 
upon  the  interpretation  of  the  eagle  vision,  and 


ESliTEMOA,  ESfiTEMOfi 

the  reigns  of  the  several  wings.  The  book  bears 
a  remarkably  affinity  to  the  "  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch,"  also  a  product  of  the  age  of  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  The  author,  it  is 
admitted,  must  have  been  a  non-Christian  Jew, 
living  either  in  Rome,  or  more  probably  in 
Alexandria — which  will  account  more  readily 
for  the  quotation  of  his  work  by  Clem.  Alex. 
The  author  of  the  additions  (1,  2,  etc.)  was 
undoubtedly  a  Christian,  probably  also  of 
Alexandria.  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904) ; 
Speaker's  Commentary  (Lupton) ;  Camb.  Texts 
and  Studies,  vol.  iii.  2  (1895),  etc.  See  also 
Apnc.  of  Baruch,  Charles  (1896).  [s.n.s.] 

Esdpelom.     [Esdraelon.] 

Esebon  (Jth.5.15)  =  Heshbon. 

Esebri'as  (iHsd.8.54)  =  Shekebiah. 

Esek  (contention),  a  well,  dug  by  the 
herdsmen  of  Isaac  in  the  valley  of  Gerar 
(Gen. 26. 20). 

Esh-ba'al,  the  fourth  son  of  Saul,  according 
to  the  genealogies  of  iChr.8.33  and  9.39.  He 
is  doubtless  the  same  person  as  Ishbosheth. 

JSshban',  a  Horite  ;  one  of  the  four  sons 
of  Dishon  (Gen.36.26;   iChr.l.41). 

Eshcol',  one  of  three  Amorite  brothers  who 
aided  Abraham  in  his  pursuit  of  the  four 
kings  who  had  carried  off  Lot  (Gen. 14. 13, 24). 

Eshcor,  Valley,  or  Bpook,  of,  ex- 
plored by  the  spies  who  were  sent  by  Moses 
from  the  desert.  From  the  terms  of  two  of 
the  notices  (Num. 32.9  ;  Deut.l.24)  it  might 
be  gathered  that  Eschol  was  the  farthest  point 
to  which  the  spies  penetrated.  In  this  case 
Rehob  (Num. 13. 21)  would  be  at  Rehoboth, 
and  the  words  "  as  men  come  to  Hamath  " 
must  be  regarded  as  a  later  gloss.  The  name 
Eshcol  is  connected  with  Hebron  (Gen. 14. 13, 
24),  and  Hebron  was  a  great  vine  country  (see 
Num. 13. 23).  A  spring  called  'Ain  Keshkaleh 
at  Hebron  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  "  brook 
Eshcol,"  but  the  word  does  not  represent  the 
Hebrew.  [c.r.c] 

Eshean',  a  city  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 52). 

E  shek,  a  Benjamite  descended  from  Saul 
and  briither  of  .\zel  (iChr.8.39). 

Esh  kalonites.  The.     [.Ashkelon.] 

Eshtaol',  probably  "  the  hollow "  ;  a 
town  of  Judah  in  the  Shephelah  near  Zorah 
(J  OS. 15.33).  on  th<^  border  of  Dan,  to  which  it 
was  given  up  (I9.41).  It  was  close  to  the 
Maiianeii-dan,  and  to  Samson's  home 
(Siirah):  see  Judg. 13. 25. 16.31,18. 2, 8, II.  Eu- 
sebius  (Onomasticon)  places  it  10  miles  N.  of 
Beit  Jibrin,  and  near  Jarmi'th.  It  is  now  the 
village  Eshu'a,  on  a  hill,  l)y  a  recess  on  N.  side 
of  the  valley  of  Sorek,  il  miles  E.  of  .Siir'aA, 
13  miles  N.N'.E.  of  Beit  Jibrin,  and  5  miles  N. 
of  el    Yarmuq.  [c.R.c] 

Esh  taulites.  The,  one  of  the  families 
of  Kirjatii-jrarim  (iChr.2.53).      [Eshtaol.] 

Eshtemoa,  Eshtemoh',  a  town  of  Ju- 
dah, in  the  mountains  (Jos.i5.50).  With  its 
suburbs  lishtenioa  was  allotted  to  the  priests 
(21.14  ;  iChr.6.57).  It  was  one  of  the  places 
frecjuented  by  David  and  his  followers  during 
their  wanderings  (iSam. 30.28,  cf.  31).  The 
place  was  known  in  the  time  of  Eusebius  and 
Jerome.  It  was  discovered  by  Robinson  at 
es  Semii'a,  a  village  9  miles  S.  of  Hebron. 
Eshtemoa  appears  to  have  been  founded  by 
Ishbah,  a  descendant  of  Caleb  (iChr.4.i7)- 


ESHTOKT 

Eshton',  a  descendant  of  Judah  (iChr.4. 
11,12). 

Es'Ii,  son  of  Nagge,  or  Naggai,  in  the  genea- 
logy of  Joseph  (Lu.3.25). 

Eso'ra,  a  place  fortified  by  the  Jews  on 
the  approach  of  the  Assyrian  army  under 
Holofernes  (Jth.4.4).  Noticed  with  Salem 
(Sdlim)  and  Choba.  Apparently  'Asireh,  near 
Shechem  on  N.  [c.r.c] 

Es'Pil.       [AZAREEL,    4.] 

Es'pom  (Mt.1.3  ;  Lu.3.33)  =  Hezron,  2. 

Essenes,  a  Jewish  party,  or  school  of 
thought,  described  by  Philo  {Q.  0.  P.  L.  12)  and 
Josephus  (2  Wars  viii.  2).  The  latter  mentions 
also  several  individual  Essenes.  The  name 
seems  to  be  derived  from  Aram.  'dsV,  "  a  phy- 
sician"; and  was  probably  given  to  them  from 
without,  not  assumed  by  themselves.  They 
eschewed  marriage,  kept  the  Sabbath  with  great 
strictness,  practised  frequent  ablutions,  and 
had  all  things  in  common  ;  they  avoided  oaths, 
shunned  all  employments  connected  with  war, 
and  lived  a  simple  life.  A  characteristic  men- 
tioned by  both  Josephus  and  Philo  is  that  they 
avoided  the  temple,  and  did  not  offer  bloody 
sacrifices.  This  peculiarity  would  seem  to  cut 
them  off  from  Judaism.  Many  of  the  char- 
acteristics assigned  to  the  party  by  the  two 
authors  from  whom  we  learn  most  about  them 
are  falsified  by  what  is  said  of  individual 
Essenes.  Although  they  are  said  to  shun  the 
temple,  Judas  the  Essene  is  teaching  there 
when  Antigonus  is  murdered.  Although  they 
abjured  arms,  yet  John  the  Essene  is  one  of  the 
commanders  of  the  Jews  at  the  beginning  of 
their  war  with  the  Romans.  These  differ- 
ences may  be  explained  by  supposing  that 
there  were  various  divisions  of  the  party,  of 
which  very  different  statements  might  be 
made.  It  is  difficult  to  harmonize  the  state- 
ment that  they  numbered  only  4,000  with  the 
fact  that  there  were  many  of  them  in  "  every 
city,"  and  that  there  were  "  many  m>Tiads  " 
of  them,  unless  the  statements  refer  to  differ- 
ent sorts  of  Essenes.  While  in  the  main  the 
doctrines  peculiar  to  Essenism  were  of  indi- 
genous Jewish  origin,  there  are  features  that 
suggest  Parsaism  and  possibly  neo-Pytha- 
goreanism.  One  of  the  enigmatical  features 
in  the  history  of  the  party  is  the  absence  of  any 
mention  of  them  in  N.T.  They  were  numer- 
ous all  over  the  country,  but  though  our  Lord 
meets  Pharisees,  Sadducees,  Herodians,  fol- 
lowers of  John  the  Baptist,  etc.,  He  is  not  even 
once  recorded  to  have  met  an  Essene.  If,  as 
suggested  above,  the  name  was  given  them 
from  without,  they  may  be  present  in  the 
gospels  under  another  designation.  There  are 
certain  persons  who  are  associated  with  our 
Lord's  birth  and  burial,  "  waiters  for  the  re- 
demption of  Israel,"  to  which  Anna  the  pro- 
phetess and  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  belonged — 
these  may  be  the  Essenes.  If  our  Lord  Him- 
self belonged  in  some  sense  to  the  party,  it 
would  explain  how  He  never  encountered 
them.  Many  of  His  teachings  resemble  those 
of  the  Essenes — those  that  differ  may  be  ex- 
plained by  differences  in  the  subdivisions. 
This  would  also  explain  the  disappearance  of 
the  Essenes  in  the  Christian  Church.  Some  of 
the  heretical  movements  in  the  2nd  cent,  are 
explicable  on  the  supposition  of  Essene  influ- 


ESTHER,  BOOK  OF 


259 


ence.  Josephus  (2  Wars  viii.  7)  mentions  that 
they  had  many  secret  books  ;  these  have  been 
thought  to  have  been  the  Jewish  apocalypses. 
Confirmatory  of  this  is  the  resemblance  be- 
tween the  bliss  that  Josephus  tells  us  was  the 
hope  of  the  Essenes  and  the  paradise  described 
by  Enoch.  Original  sources:  Philo,  Q.  O.  P. /,. ; 
Josephus,  2  Wars  viii.  2.  Epiphanius  is 
valueless.  Recent  literature :  Ginsburg,  The 
Essenes,  their  Doctrines  and  their  History ; 
Lightfoot,  Comm.  on  Colossians  ;  Lucius,  Der 
Essenismus  ;  Thomson,  Books  which  influenced 
Our  Lord  and  His  Apostles.  Besides  arts,  in 
various  encyclopaedias  and  Bible  dictionaries, 
histories  of  the  J  ews  embracing  the  period  may 
be  consulted  with  advantage.  [j.e.h.t.] 

Esther,  from  Persian  sitareh  {a  star), 
otherwise  called  Hadassah,  Heb.  myrtle, 
daughter  of  Abihail,  and  brought  up  by  her 
cousin  Mordecai.  She  was  chosen  for  her 
exceeding  beauty  by  Ahasuerus  (Xerxes), 
king  of  Persia,  out  of  the  maidens  brought 
from  many  lands,  to  succeed  the  deposed 
queen  Vashti.  The  plan  for  the  extermination 
of  the  Jews,  to  which  Haman,  piqued  by 
Mordecai's  withholding  of  homage,  had  ob- 
tained the  king's  irrevocable  consent,  became 
known  to  Esther  through  her  cousin.  At  his 
instigation  she  risked  death  by  entering  the 
king's  presence  uninvited,  and  through  her 
tactful  action  obtained  the  downfall  of  Haman. 
The  Jews,  at  Esther's  further  request,  were 
permitted  to  defend  themselves  on  the  day 
appointed  for  their  slaughter,  which  they  did 
to  good  purpose.  Outside  the  Bible  we  know 
of  but  one  wife  of  Xerxes,  Amestris.  With 
her  neither  Vashti  nor  Esther  can  be  satis- 
factorily identified.  [Vashti.]  Amestris,  in 
fact,  was  married  to  Xerxes  so  long  before 
the  time  with  which  the  book  of  Esther  deals, 
that  two  of  her  sons  accompanied  his  expedi- 
tion against  Greece.  Probably  Esther  has 
been  idealized,  and  was  nothing  more  than 
a  secondary  wife  or  favourite  member  of  the 
king's  seraglio.  [a.w.s.] 

Esthep,  Book  of,  although  among  the 
later  canonical  books  of  the  O.T.,  is  of  con- 
siderable interest  and  value,  vividly  picturing 
Persian  court  life,  and  furnishing  an  example 
of  self-sacrificing  intercession,  patriotism,  and 
courage.  As  against  the  view  which  would 
place  its  composition  in  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.  on 
the  ground  of  a  supposed  Maccabaean  colour- 
ing, we  may  point  to  its  accurate  and  lifelike 
portrayal  of  Persian  manners.  Although 
the  reign  of  Ahasuerus  is  spoken  of  as  already 
past,  the  narrative,  as  it  stands,  would  have 
been  impossible  for  one  writing  when  the 
substitution  of  Gk.  for  Persian  supremacy  had 
blotted  out  the  details  of  the  earlier  admin- 
istration. The  authorship  has  been  ascribed 
to  Mordecai  (St.  Clem.  Alex.),  Ezra  (St.  Augus- 
tine), the  "Men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  "  (so 
Jewish  tradition),  and  others.  These,  however, 
are  but  conjectures.  The  book  is  plainly  the 
work  of  one  hand,  excepting  possibly  9.20-32. 
The  style  is  easy  and  simple.  The  Heb.  resem- 
bles that  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and  Chronicles. 
It  is  generally  pure,  but  contains  some  later 
forms  and  a  few  Persian  words.  Josephus 
(Cont.  Ap.i.  8)  included  the  book  in  the  Jewish 
Scriptures,  and  the  Jewish  Councils  of  Jerusa- 


260 


ESTHER,  BOOK  OF 


lem  and  Jarania  (ist  cent,  a.d.)  accepted  it. 
Both  Jews  and  Christians,  however,  for  a 
while  showed  some  hesitation  on  the  subject. 
But  from  later  Jews  its  intensely  patriotic 
spirit  evoked  enthusiastic  admiration.  Esther 
forms  the  last  of  the  five  "  Megilloth  "  [Old 
Testament],  and  is  read  by  them  on  the  Feast 
of  Purim.  [I'urim.]  We  must  remember  that 
most  of  the  early  Fathers,  being  ignorant 
of  Hebrew,  were  dependent  upon  the  Gk. 
Canon  of  Scripture,  including  therefore  the 
apocrvphal  additions  to  Esther  (see  below). 
These  may  well  have  presented  a  difficulty  to 
some ;  as  did  the  absence  of  the  divine  Name 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  explicit  handling 
of  tlie  relation  between  God  and  His  people 
to  be  found  elsewhere  on  the  part  of  Biblical 
writers  who  set  forth  His  attitude  towards 
men  and  theirs  towards  Him  witliout  reserve. 
Here,  on  the  contrary,  all  such  treatment 
of    the    matters    handled    is    held    rigidly    in 


ETAM 

original.  They  were  introduced  at  various 
points  of  the  story,  proceeding  in  a  perfectly 
smooth  and  consecutive  narrative.  But, 
appearing  as  one  book  in  the  English  Apo- 
crypha, they  are  thus  severed  from  their 
proper  contexts,  while  the  section  which  in 
the  English  stands  first  (10.4-lt.i)  ought 
properly  to  be  placed  last.  Their  confused 
and  unintelligible  appearance  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  St.  Jerome,  in  producing  the  Latin 
Vulg.,  perceived  that  these  sections  had  no 
counterpart  in  the  original  Hebrew,  and  so 
grouped  them  at  the  end  of  the  canonical 
book.  His  marks,  showing  the  respective 
points  at  which  they  should  be  inserted  in  the 
original  text,  disappeared  after  a  while,  with  the 
above  result.  Apart  from  their  non-existence 
in  the  Hebrew,  they  contain  discrepancies  as 
compared  with  the  canonical  book,  [a.w.s.] 

Etani'. — 1.  A  city  of  Simeon  (iChr.4.32), 
perhaps  the  ruin  'Aiiiln  8  miles  N.E.  of  RiM- 


KOCK  i:  lAM.     (From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  C 


check.  One  reason  suggested  for  this  reticence 
is  that  as  the  Feast  of  Purim  was  probably  the 
chief  occasion  on  wnich  the  book  was  to  be 
read,  there  may  have  been  a  desire  to  avoid 
the  risk  that  the  Name  of  God  might  be 
lightly  used  amid  such  surroundings.  The 
book,  nevertheless,  is  far  from  lacking  the 
religious  element  ;  Ps.121.4  ("  He  that 
keepeth,"  etc)  might  well  be  its  motto,  and 
the  words  of  4.14  show  an  unfailing  trust  in 
the  over-ruling  Hand.  One  main  purpose  of 
the  book  was  to  encourage  the  observance  of 
Purim,  and  perhaps  also  to  bring  about  its 
more  intelligent  and  reverent  celebration. 
We  may  also  safely  assume  that  a  foremost 
object  with  the  author  was  to  enforce  upon 
the  Dispersion  lessons  as  to  the  divine  Pro- 
vidence. The  (ik.  version  and  those  de- 
rived from  it  contain  a  number  of  additional 
sections.  One  reason  for  their  introduction 
was  doubtless  to  counteract  what  was  con- 
sidered to  be  the  unduly  secular  tone  of  the 


MON,  with  which  it  is  noticed. — 2.  A  town  of 
Judah  ("  father  "  =  founder,  iChr.4.3)  fortified 
by  Rehoboam,  and  mentioned  with  Bethle- 
hem and  Tekoa.  Josephus  (8  Ant.  vii.  3) 
says  that  at  Ktami\  30  furlongs  from  Jerusa- 
lem, Solomon  made  a  well-watered  garden. 
This  is  clearly  the  present  'Ain  'A(dn,  near 
Ur^as  (Lat.  hortiis,  "  garden  "),  the  so-called 
"sealed  fountain"  (Can.4.i2),  S.  of  Bethle- 
hem, and  about  6  miles  from  Jerusalem.  It 
is  close  to  Pilate's  reservoirs  and  aqueducts. 
The  Talmud  (Tal.  Bab.  Yoma  ^la)  identifies 
/sn  Elain  with  Neimitoah — a  place  of  waters. 
The  town  litani  was  perhaps  at  UrtSs  itself. 
I —3.  The  Rock  Etam  (Judg.15.8)  was  a  crag 
{scl'a),  apparently  near  I-ehi,  and  probably 
near  Phiiistia.  It  had  a  "  cleft  "  (s'cwfyh)  into 
which  Samson  "  went  down,"  but  to  wliich  the 
men  of  Judah  "  went  up."  The  probable  site 
is  at  litil  'A(dh,  a  \illage  on  a  remarkable 
rocky  knoll,  in  the  mountains  S.  of  the  valley 
of  Sorck,  5  miles  S.E.  of  Zokah.     Under  the 


ETERNITY 

village  there  is  a  rock  passage  {called  Btr  el 
HasMah,  or  the  well  of  refuge)  which  may  be 
the  "cleft"  where  Samson  hid  high  above  the 
ravine  {Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  22, 137)-     [c.r.c] 

Eternity.  InO.T.  this  word  and  its  cognates 
are  represented  by  necah,  lanecdh,  I'adh,  and 
l<-'6ldm.  The  first  has  the  meaning  of  pre-emin- 
ence in  honour,  glory,  or  endurance.  It  denotes 
an  uninterrupted  continuance  ;  but  hardly  in 
the  modern  sense  of  an  infinite  duration  of  time. 
Either  some  consummation  is  to  be  reached 
("  tried  unto theend,"  Job34.36),  orthetimeis 
regarded  vaguely  as  unlimited  within  the  epoch 
in  which  the  event  occurs — e.g.  the  human  life 
("  perpetual  pain,"  Je.l5.i8).  Its  nearest  ap- 
proach to  "endlessness"  is  in  negative  clauses, 
"shall  not  .  .  .  for  ever  "  {passim).  '61dm  has  a 
more  defined  sense  of  time.  It  is  an  age  past, 
present,  or  to  come  (hd'oldm  habbd ).  From  their 
very  indefiniteness,  the  past  and  future  epochs 
would  tend  to  lose  their  limits,  and  thus  justify 
the  English  translation  "  from  ever  "  and  "  for 
ever."  Doubtless  the  positive  idea  of  endless 
duration  was  gradually  developed  from  the  fact 
that  the  Hebrews  were  unable  to  think  of  Jeho- 
vah as  ceasing  to  exist.  (Cf.  Ps.9.7  and  102.27, 
and  Chr.  passim.)  In  N.T.  at'wi'  is  heir  to  the 
various  senses  of  'dldm,  and  els  to.  aluiva  takes 
the  place  of  the  prepositional  form  l^'oldm. 
While,  perhaps,  it  approaches  nearer  to  our 
"everlasting"  (dtSios),  we  must  be  careful  not 
to  introduce  this  meaning  entirely  and  solely 
into  the  constantly  repeated  phrase  "  eternal 
life."  A  careful  study  of  all  the  places  in 
which  this  term  occurs  will  probably  show 
that  its  antithesis  is  not  so  much  to  terminated 
life,  as  to  physical  and  secular  life  on  the  earth 
(ev  TU3  ai(3vi,  roj  epxofJ-euif}  ^wt]v  aithviov  :  Lu.l8. 
30).  It  is  a  type  of  life  which,  according  to 
St.  J  ohn,  starts  here.  Cf.  too  the  phrase  aiuiviav 
\vTpujaiv  inHeb.9.i2.  For  a  somewhat  different 
view,  see  Future  Life.  [n.F.s.] 

Etham.  [Exodus,  The  ;  Red  Sea,  Pas- 
sage   OF.] 

Ethan'. — 1.  "  The  Ezrahite,"  one  of  the 
four  sons  of  Mahel,  whose  wisdom  was  excelled 
by  Solomon  (1K.4.31  ;  iChr.2.6  ;  cf.  Ps.88 
and  89,  titles). — 2.  Son  of  Kishi,  or  Kushaiah  ; 
a  Merarite  Levite,  head  of  that  family  in  the 
time  of  David  (iChr.6.44),  and  spoken  of  as  a 
"  singer."  With  Heman  and  Asaph,  the  heads 
of  the  other  two  families  of  Levites,  Ethan  was 
appointed  to  sound  with  cymbals  (15. 17,19). 
It  is  probable  that  Ethan  is  the  same  as  Jedu- 
thun  ;  but  there  is  no  decisive  evidence. — 3. 
A  Gershonite  Levite,  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
Asaph  the  singer  (iChr.6.42). 

Ethanim.     [Months.] 

Ethba'al,  king  of  Sidon  and  father  of  Jeze- 
bel ( r  K.  16. 3 1 ).  J  osephus  represents  him  as  king 
of  the  Tyrians  as  well  as  of  the  Sidonians.  We 
may  thus  identify  him  with  Eithobalus,  noticed 
by  Menander,  a  priest  of  Astarte,  who,  after 
having  assassinated  Pheles,  usurped  the  throne 
of  Tyre  for  32  years.     [Tyre.] 

E'thep,  a  town  of  Judah  given  to  Simeon 
(Jos. 15. 42, 19. 7).  Eusebius  places  it  at  Jattir 
{'Attir),  but  the  site  is  doubtful.  [c.r.c] 
t  Ethio'pia.  The  country,  described  by 
Greeks  and  Romans  as  "  Aethiopia  "  and  by 
Hebrews  as  "  Cush,"  lay  to  the  S.  of  Egypt, 


ETHNI 


261 


and  embraced,  in  its  most  extended  sense,  the 
modern  Nubia,  Sennaar.  Kordofan,  and  nor- 
thern Abyssinia,  and  in  its  more  definite  sense 
the  kingdom  of  Meroe.  The  only  certain 
boundary  is  in  the  N.,  where  Syene  marked  the 
division  between  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  (Ezk.29. 
10)  :  in  other  directions  the  boundaries  can  be 
only  generally  described  as  the  Red  Sea  on  the 
E.,  the  Libyan  desert  on  the  W.,  and  the  Abys- 
sinian highlands  on  the  S.  "  Ethiopia  "  thus 
roughly  corresponds  to  the  modern  Siidan.  The 
Hebrews  do  not  appear  to  have  had  much 
practical  acquaintance  with  Ethiopia  itself, 
though  the  Ethiopians  were  well  known  to 
them  through  their  intercourse  with  Egypt. 
They  were,  however,  perfectly  aware  of  its 
position  (Ezk.29. 10)  and  its  tropical  character- 
istics, and  they  had  commercial  intercourse 
with  it.  The  country  is  for  the  most  part 
mountainous,  the  ranges  gradually  increasing 
in  altitude  towards  the  S.,  until  they  attain 
an  elevation  of  about  8,000  ft.  in  Abyssinia. 
The  inhabitants  of  Ethiopia  were  a  Hamitic 
race  (Gen. 10. 6).  Of  their  various  tribes  the 
Sabeans  were  the  most  powerful.  The  history 
of  Ethiopia  is  closely  interwoven  with  that  of 
Egypt.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Egypt, 
Cambyses  advanced  against  Meroe  and  subdued 
it  ;  but  the  Persian  rule  did  not  take  any  root 
there,  nor  did  the  influence  of  the  Ptolemies 
generally  extend  beyond  northern  Ethiopia. 
Shortly  before  our  Saviour's  birth  a  queen, 
Candace  (Plin.  vi.  35),  held  sway  in  Ethiopia, 
and  even  resisted  the  advance  of  the  Roman 
arms.  Another  queen  of  the  same  name  is 
noticed  in  Ac.8.27.  Both  queens  probably  ruled 
at  Meroe  (now  Naga),  which  had  succeeded  the 
old  kingdom  of  Napata  (the  modern  Merawi), 
and  where  king  Ergamenes  was  reigning  270 
B.C.  Meroe  was  supplanted  by  the  Abys- 
sinian kingdom  of  Axum  in  the  ist  cent,  of 
the  Christian  era.     [Races.]  [a.h.s.] 

Ethio'pian,  properly  "Cushite"  (Je.l3. 
23)  ;  used  of  Zerah  (2Chr.l4.9[8]),  and  Ebed- 
melech  (Je.38. 7,10,12, 39.i6). 

Ethiopian  eunuch  (Ac.8.27-39),  trea- 
surer of  Candace,  queen  of  Meroe.  As  he  was 
returning  from  Jerusalem  in  his  chariot  and 
reading  the  LXX.  version  of  Isaiah,  Philip  the 
Evangelist  overtook  him  and  preached  unto 
him  Jesus.  The  profession  of  faith  (ver.  37)is 
probably  an  interpolation  dating  back  to  the 
2nd  cent.  Ethiopian  tradition  gives  him 
the  name  of  Indieh,  and  he  is  said  to  have 
propagated  the  Gospel  in  Arabia  Felix  and 
Ethiopia.  [g.m.y.] 

Ethio'pian  v/'oman.  The  wife  of  Moses 
is  so  described  in  Num. 12. i.  It  seems  neces- 
sary to  distinguish  her  from  Zipporah,  who 
was  a  Midianitess.  [a.h.s.] 

Ethio'pians.  Literally  "  Cush  "  or/'  Ethio- 
pia "  in  two  passages  (Is.20.4  ;  Je.46.9). 
Elsewhere  "  Cushites,"  or  inhabitants  of 
Ethiopia(2Chr.l2.3,14.i2[ii],i3[i2],16.8,21.i6; 
Dan. 11. 43  ;  Am. 9.7  ;  Zeph.2.i2). 

Eth'ma  {iEsd.9.35;  R.V.  No'oma),  appar- 
ently a  corruption  of  Nebo,  3  (cf.  Ezr.lO.43). 

Ethnan',  a  descendant  of  Judah  ;  son  of 
Ashur  by  his  wife  Helah  (iChr.4.7). 
Ethnapch.     [Governor.] 
Ethni',  a   Gershonite   Levite,  ancestor  of 
Asaph  the  singer  (iChr.6.4i[26]). 


262 


ETTBXJLTJS 


Eubu'lus,  a  Christian  at  Rome  (2Tim.4.2i ). 

Euchapist,  the  Sacrament  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ.  For  this  no  specific 
name  used  in  N.T.,  and  the  earliest  known 
example  of  evxapiuria  in  this  definite  sense 
is  in  Ignatius,  Smyrn.  vii.  i.  The  name  is 
derived  from  the  evxapKTria,  or  solemn  act 
of  thanksgiving,  which  the  earliest  liturgical 
indications  show  to  have  accompanied  the 
blessing  of  the  Bread  and  the  Wine  to  be  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ.  The  word  may  be 
so  used  in  iCor.l4.i6. — I.  The  earliest  extant 
account  of  this  holy  mystery  is  in  ch.  10  and  11. 
St,  Paul  there  speaks  of  a  "  Lord's  supper," 
in  connexion  with  which  there  were  certain 
abuses  to  be  corrected.  "  When  you  as- 
semble together,"  he  says,  "  it  is  not  to  eat  a 
Lord's  supper  " — that  is  to  say,  their  conduct 
was  not  befitting  such  an  occasion — "  for 
each  one  in  eating  hurries  to  get  his  own 
supper,  and  one  is  hungry,  while  another  is 
drunken."  Here  is  evidently  the  Agape,  a 
solemn  repast,  which  ought  to  be  most  orderly, 
and  not  regarded  as  a  satisfaction  of  appe- 
tite (11.21,34).  But  there  is  a  special  reason 
for  solemnity  :  "  For  I  received  from  the 
Lord  what  I  also  delivered  to  you,  that  the 
Lord  Jesus,  in  the  night  when  He  was  be- 
trayed, took  a  loaf,  and  after  gi\ing  thanks 
broke  it,  and  said.  This  is  my  Body,  which 
is  for  you  :  do  this  for  My  memorial.  Like- 
wise also  the  cup  after  supper,  saying,  This 
cup  is  the  new  covenant  in  My  Blood  :  do 
this,  as  often  as  you  drink  it,  for  My  me- 
morial. For  as  often  as  you  eat  this  loaf 
and  drink  this  cup,  you  proclaim  the  Lord's 
death  until  He  come.  So  that  if  any  man 
eat  the  loaf  or  drink  the  cup  of  the  Lord  un- 
worthily, he  will  be  guilty  of  the  Body  and 
of  the  Blood  of  the  Lord."  With  this  must 
be  read  the  words  of  the  preceding  chapter  : 
"  The  cup  of  the  blessing,  which  we  bless,  is  it 
not  a  partaking  of  Christ's  Blood  ?  The  loaf 
which  we  break,  is  it  not  a  partaking  of 
Christ's  Body  ?  "  There  is  no  ground  for 
supposing  this  feature  of  the  Agape  to  have 
been  instituted  by  St.  Paul.  He  refers  the 
institution  to  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  obser- 
vance to  a  current  tradition.  Of  this  insti- 
tution accounts  are  preserved  in  the  Synoptic 
Gospels,  which  should  be  closely  compared 
with  St.  Paul's  account.  They  agree  with 
him  in  placing  it  on  the  night  of  the  betrayal, 
and  they  appear  to  connect  it  with  the  Paschal 
Snpi:)er.  But  this  connexion  is  inconsistent 
with  the  note  in  Mt.26.5  that  the  Sanhedrin 
resnhed  not  to  arrest  Jesus  on  the  feast-day, 
which  agrees  with  the  clear  intlications  of  the 
Fourth  Ciosi^cl  that  all  was  hurriedly  done 
before  the  killing  of  the  Passover.  The  sug- 
gestion that  our  Lord  kej^t  the  Passover  one 
day  earlier  than  the  Jewish  authorities,  based 
on  an  ingenious  calculation  of  the  calendar, 
seems  to  be  inconsistent  with  His  general 
attitude  towards  the  Law.  Moreover,  the 
notion  that  the  Passover  was  in  any  sense  eaten 
on  this  occasion  appears  to  be  excluded  by 
Lu.22. 15  (see  K.V.)  :  "  Eagerly  I  desired  to 
eat  this  Passover  with  you  before  My  passion  ; 
for  I  say  unto  you,  I  shall  not  cat  it  until  it  be 
fulfillcri  in  the  kingdom  of  (iod."  It  has  been 
suggested,    therefore,   that    after    making    all 


EUCHARIST 

preparations  for  the  Passover,  the  Lord  and 
His  disciples  assembled,  not  to  eat  the  Paschal 
Supper,  but  to  observe  the  qiddush  of  the 
Passo\'er.  The  qiddush  is  a  domestic  cere- 
mony performed  on  the  eve  of  each  sabbath 
or  high  festival,  immediately  before  supper  ; 
it  includes  the  blessing  of  a  cup  of  wine, 
followed  by  the  breaking  of  a  loaf  for  distri- 
bution to  all  present.  Here  is  found  the  oc- 
casion for  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist. 
Against  this  hvpothesis  are  the  facts  that 
Mk. 14.18-26  and  Mt. 26.26-30  seem  to  place 
the  institution  during  the  meal  and  not  at 
the  beginning  ;  that  both  they  and  St.  Paul  in 
iCor.ll.24,25  make  the  breaking  of  the  loaf 
precede  the  blessing  of  the  cup.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  Lu.22. 14- 19  (the  confusing 
addition  of  ver.  20  being  omitted,  as  in  R.V. 
marg.)  we  find  the  order  of  the  qiddush 
exactly  followed.  This  striking  divergence 
from  Mark  is  very  significant,  and  not  less 
so  is  the  order  in  iCor.l0.i6.  (On  Mt. 26.17, 
Mk.l4.i2,  Lu.22. 7,  see  Box,  op.  cit.  infra.) 
Equally  important  is  it  that  in  Didache,  9, 
the  blessing  of  the  cup  precedes  the  breaking 
of  the  loaf.  This  indicates  the  survival  of  such 
a  practice  in  some  Syrian  churches  at  the 
beginning  of  the  2nd  cent.  It  may  be  the 
original  order,  altered  elsewhere  at  a  very  early 
date  to  that  which  St.  Paul  describes.  Such 
a  change  would  illustrate  the  power  of  the 
Church  to  vary  anvthing  that  is  not  essential  to 
the  institution.  The  current  practice  would 
account  for  the  order  in  Mk.-Mt.  also.  It 
may  be  doubted  whether  any  of  the  narratives 
were  intended  to  be  sufficiently  precise  in 
detail  to  afford  materials  for  argument,  but 
that  of  Luke  seems  to  be  the  most  consecu- 
ti\'e. — II.  If  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist 
took  place  at  the  qiddush.  the  .Agape  would 
probably  be  ordered  after  the  same  fashion, 
the  solemn  blessing  of  the  cup  and  breaking 
of  the  loaf  being  followed  by  the  common 
repast.  St.  Chrysostom  {Horn.  .54)  expressly 
declares  this  to  have  been  the  case  ;  but  he 
may  have  been  misled  by  the  practice  of 
his  own  day.  St.  Augustine  (Ep.  118),  on  the 
contrary,  seems  to  assume  that  in  the  first 
age  the  l^icharist  followed  the  Supper.  The 
indications  afforded  by  N.T.  are  but  slight. 
iCor. 11. 20-34  is  indecisive.  The  words  "  after 
supper  "  in  ver.  25  are  puzzling.  They  imply 
a  considerable  interval,  occupied  by  the 
supper,  between  the  breaking  of  the  loaf  and 
the  blessing  of  the  cuji  ;  but  this  agrees  ill 
with  .Mark,  .Maltht-.c;  and  uninterpolatcd  I.uke. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  agrees  with  the  supposed 
derivation  of  the  Christian  rite  from  the 
Paschal  Supjier,  the  cuji  in  this  case  being  the 
/ourlh  cup  of  the  Paschal  ritual.  But  the 
difficulty  of  this  derivation  has  been  sh(nvn. 
It  is  jiossible  that  the  delivery  of  the  cup, 
previously  blessed,  was  postponed.  Apart 
from  this,  the  whole  passage  agrees  best  with 
tlie  hypf)thesis  that  the  blessing  of  the  loaf 
and  of  the  cup  came  first,  antl  that  the  fault 
of  the  Corinthians  was  to  let  indecent  haste 
for  the  supper  break  in  upon  this  solemnity. 
The  only  other  references  to  the  celebration 
of  the  luicharist  in  N.T. — and  those  not 
unquestionable — are  in  Ac.2.42,4(),20.7,i  i, 
and  possibly  27.35.     I»  Ac.2.46  it  would  be 


EUCHARIST 

extravagant  to  build  on  the  order  of  the  words. 
In  20.11  the  order  is  perhaps  more  significant. 
The  disciples  assembled  "  for  the  breaking  of 
a  loaf,"  and  St.  Paul  began  the  proceedings 
with  a  long  discourse  ;  after  the  mishap  of 
F.utychus,  "  when  he  was  gone  up,  and  had 
broken  the  loaf,  and  had  eaten,  and  had  talked 
with  them  a  long  while,  even  till  dawn,  so  he 
departed."  The  word  yevad/xevos,  used  thus 
absolutely,  can  only  mean  "  taking  food  "  ; 
and  the  use  of  the  aorist  participles,  together 
with  the  precision  of  the  whole  narrative 
which  is  essentially  that  of  an  eyewitness, 
leaves  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  order  of 
proceeding  is  distinctly  marked.  Here,  then, 
the  repast  follows  the  "  breaking  of  the  loaf." 
In  Ac. 27. 33  the  circumstances  are  too  excep- 
tional to  supply  any  argument.  Hence,  the 
one  clear  indication  in  N.T.  points  to  the 
Eucharist  preceding  the  Agape.     In  Didache, 

9,  lo,  we  find  the  same  order,  nor  is  there 
any  indication  elsewhere  of  its  inversion. 
[Passover.] — III.  We  find  in  N.T.  only  slight 
indications  of  the  ritual  of  the  Eucharist  : 
viz.  the  blessing  of  the  cup,  the  breaking 
of  the  bread,  the  eating  and  drinking  ;  pos- 
sibly also  the  act  of  thanksgiving  and  the 
responsive  Amen,  which  accompanied  the 
blessing  (iCot.H.jG).  Mk.i4.24,  followed  by 
Mt.,  also  notes  the  blessing  of  the  loaf.  The 
same  elements  are  mentioned  in  Didache,  9, 

10,  14,  and  in  Ignatius,  Eph.  20  ;  Phil.  4  ; 
Smyrn.  vii.  8,  the  latter  also  insisting  on  the 
presence  of  the  bishop  or  his  delegate.  No- 
thing more  precise  is  found  recorded  until  the 
time  of  Justin  Martyr.  Of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Eucharist  there  are  fuller  indications.  In 
iCor.l0.i6  St.  Paul  writes  :  "  The  cup  which 
we  bless,  is  it  not  a  communion  of  the  Blood 
of  Christ  ?  The  loaf  which  we  break,  is  it  not 
a  communion  of  the  Body  of  Christ  ?  "  The 
word  Koivuivia  (communion)  needs  attention. 
It  contains  the  idea  of  common  particit>ation, 
as  is  shown  by  what  follows  immediately. 
But  the  use  of  "  communion  of  the  altar  "  in 
ver.  18,  supported  by  similar  uses  in  2Cor.l.7 
and  iPe.5.1,  brings  in  the  further  idea  of 
individual  participation  in  a  common  good. 
Thus  the  broken  loaf  and  the  blessed  cup  are 
the  means  by  which  the  Body  and  the  Blood 
of  Christ  are  imparted  to  individual  believers 
and  shared  in  common  by  all  believers.  The 
participators  eat  Christ's  Body  and  drink  His 
Blood.  Therefore  St.  Paul  says,  "  Whoso- 
ever eats  the  loaf  or  drinks  the  cup  of  the 
Lord  unworthily  will  be  guilty  of  an  offence 
against  the  Body  and  Bloodof  the  Lord  "  (iCor. 

11,  7).  This  eating  and  drinking  are  regarded 
in  the  two  aspects  of  sacrificial  communion 
and  of  spiritual  sustenance,  (i)  The  idea  of 
sacrificial  communion  is  most  in  evidence. 
It  is  conspicuous  in  St.  Paul's  comparison  of 
the  Eucharist  with  the  sacrifices  of  O.T.  and 
of  the  Gentile  religions.  The  "  table  of  the 
Lord  "  is  set  over  against  the  "  table  of 
demons,"  as  exactly  parallel.  The  com- 
munion of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  is 
set  over  against  the  communion  of  the  altar 
in  O.T.  With  the  latter  parallel  should  be 
compared  Heb.13.io  :  "We  have  an  altar, 
whereof  they  have  no  right  to  eat  which  serve 
the  tabernacle."      The  reference  is   to  those 


EXTCHARIST 


263 


sin-offerings  of  which,  in  O.T.,  offerers  were 
not   allowed  to  partake.     [Sacrifice.]     The 
sacrifice  of  Christ,  His  immolation  upon  the 
cross,   corresponds   to  these  sacrifices  of  the 
Law,   as  well  as  to  others  ;    but  there  is  a 
difference  implied,  in  that  we  can  partake  of 
the  Victim.     The  more  obvious  correspond- 
ence with  the  Passover  is  pressed  by  St.  Paul 
in   iCor.5.8,   where  the  words   "  let  us  keep 
festival  .  .  .  with   the   unleavened   bread   of 
sincerity  and  truth,"  though  much  wider  in 
their  application,   seem  to   contain   a  direct 
allusion  to  the  Eucharist.     The  predominantly 
sacrificial  character  of  the  Eucharist  is  further 
illustrated  by  the  records  of  the  institution. 
The  wording  of  Lu.22.i5,  the  sense  of  which 
seems  to  underlie  iCor.5.7,  while  excluding  the 
direct  conne  ion  of   the  institution  with  the 
Passover,  indicates  a    close  ideal   conne  ion. 
But  the  actual  words  of  institution  are  more 
important,    and  must  be  compared  as  they 
stand  in  the  records.     iCor.ll.24,25  :     "This 
is  My  Body,  which  is  [being  broken]  for  you. 
.  .  .  This  cup   is   the    new   covenant  in   My 
Blood  :    this  do,  as  oft  as  ye  drink,  in  remem- 
brance of  Me."    Mk.l4. 22-24:     "Takeye,  this 
is  My   Body.   .   .   .  This  is  My  Blood  of  the 
[new]  covenant  which  is  being  poured  out  for 
many."     Mt.26.26-  8  :   "Take,  eat,  this  is  My 
Body.   .   .   .  This  is   My   Blood   of  the   [new] 
covenant,  which  is  being  poured  out  for  many, 
unto  remission  of  sins."     Lu. 22. 19,20  :     "This 
is  My  Body  [wh'ch  is  being  given  for   you ; 
this    do    in  remembrance  of    Me.  .  .  .  This 
cup  is  the  new  covenant   in  My  Blood,  that 
which  is  being  poured  out  for  you]." — N.B. 
The  words  in  brackets  are  doubtful  readings. 
The  words  "  This  is  My  Body  "  are  evidently 
recorded  as  used  by  the  Lord  Himself.     The 
addition  in   1C0r.ll.24  may  equally  well  be 
a  kind  of  liturgical  exposition,  or  a  record  of 
the    Lord's    own    words.     The    doubtful    ad- 
dition to  L'  ke  is  probablv  a  textual  transfer 
from  iCor.  with  the  substitution  of  5  ^0  lev^w 
(given)  for  K\d)iJ.evov  (broken).     In  regard  to 
the  cup  we  have  two  forms,  verbally  different, 
but  the  same  in  substance,   speaking  of  the 
Blood   of  the   Covenant  ;     the  phrase  recalls 
Ex.24. 8,     which    is    significantly    quoted    in 
Heb.9.20,  and  the  action  is  at  once  stamped  as 
sacrificial.    The  words  added  in  Ma  Ar  and  Mat- 
then',  "  which  is  being  poured  out  for  many," 
look  the  same  way    whether  they  be  taken  as 
the   Lord's   actual   words   or  as   a   liturgical 
gloss,  they  show,  by  the  force  of  the  present 
participle,  that  the  action  is  no  anticipation 
of  future  blood-shedding  or  memorial  of  past 
blood-shedding,    but     is    to    be     understood 
mysticallv  as  a  present  shedding  of  sacrificial 
blood.     The  words  "  unto  remission  of  sins," 
added  in  Mat>heK\  connect  the  action  with  the 
sin-offerings   of   O.T.     The   additional   words 
contained  in  St.   Paul's  record,    "  Do  this  ui 
remembrance  of  Me,"  have  their  sense  deter- 
mined by  the  context  :    they  are  a  direction 
to  do  what  the  Lord  Himself  did,   and  this 
being  a  sacrificial  action,  the  repeated  act  is 
sacrificial.     There  is  no  need  to  insist  on  the 
fact   that   the   word   iroiene   (do)    and    words 
akin     to     di'duc-rjo-is    {remembrance),     have     a 
recognized   use  in   this  sense  :     the   sense   is 
always    determined    by    the    context.     The 


264 


EUERGETES 


actual  words  thus  added  may  be  a  gloss  ;  but 
there  is  no  reasonable  ground  for  doubting 
that  such  a  direction  was  really  given  by 
Jesus  Christ.  Apart  from  the  doubtful  ad- 
dition following  the  Pauline  text,  St.  Luke 
does  not  give  the  descriptive  words  about 
the  cup,  recording  only  the  direction  "  Take 
this,  and  divide  it  among  yourselves."  The 
sacrificial  meaning  of  the  Eucharist,  thus 
clearly  resulting  from  the  records  of  the  in- 
stitution, is  further  emphasized  by  St.  Paul's 
words,  "  As  often  as  ye  eat  this  loaf  and  drink 
the  cup  ye  proclaim  the  Lord's  death  mitil 
He  come."  The  celebration  of  this  holy 
mystery  is  the  means,  alike  for  the  Christian 
Church  and  for  the  individual  believer,  of 
achieving  so  intimate  an  association  with  the 
death  of  Christ  that  a  real  representation  of 
the  one  sacrifice  may  be  continually  made. 
The  main  purpose  of  sacrifice,  communion 
with  God  and  the  removal  of  the  guilt  of  sin 
which  hinders  that  communion,  is  fulfilled 
for  us  in  this  "  Sacrament  of  our  Redemption." 
See  further  Sacrifice  (B);  JesusChrist,  X.(i). 
(2)  The  idea  of  spiritual  sustenance  is  usually 
connected  in  N.T.  with  teaching,  or  the  com- 
munication of  the  Word  of  God.  In  this 
sense  it  is  frequent  ;  but  in  two  places  it 
appears  in  connexion  with  the  Eucharist. 
The  words  of  iCor.lO.4  about  the  spiritual 
meat  and  drink  given  to  Israel  in  the  wilder- 
ness stand  in  evident  relation  to  the  subject 
of  the  communion  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ  which  the  writer  is  approaching.  The 
discourse  in  Jn. 6. 27-50  has  no  direct  relation 
to  the  Eucharist,  but  the  connexion  of  thought 
is  unquestionable,  and  the  allusion  to  the 
manna  and  the  dependence  of  the  whole  on 
the  miracle  of  the  feeding  of  the  5,000  show 
that  spiritual  sustenance  is  intended.  These 
two  passages,  therefore,  support  that  con- 
ception of  the  Eucharist  which  is  most 
common  in  the  devotions  of  the  present  day  : 
sustenance  is  here  afforded  for  the  spiritual 
life  of  the  individual  believer.  We  may  pur- 
sue St.  Paul's  comparison  with  the  sacrifices 
of  O.T.  and  of  Gentile  religions.  In  their 
case,  the  feast  on  the  flesh  of  the  victims, 
though  primarily  intended  as  a  means  of 
communion  with  God,  was  also  a  taking  of 
ordinary  nutriment  ;  so  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist,  though  given 
primarily  for  sacrificial  communion  with  God, 
are  given  also  for  the  strengthening  and  re- 
freshing of  the  souls  of  the  faithful. — Keating, 
Agape  and  Eucharist  ;  Box  in  J  I.  Theol.  Stud- 
in.  p.  357;  Jewish  Antecedents  of  Eucharist; 
Lambert,  Passover  and  Lord's  Supper,  in  ib. 
iv.  p.  184  ;  Gardner,  Origin  of  Lord's 
Supper  ;  Cheetham,  The  Mysteries,  Pagan 
and  Christian  ;  Frankland,  The  Early  Eu- 
charist ;  Hatch,  Organization  of  the  Early 
Christian  Churches  ;  R6ville,  Origines  de 
V episcopal  ;  Wordsworth,  Ministry  of  Grace  ; 
Gore,  Church  and  Ministry  ;  Schiirer  (Eng. 
tr.).  Hist,  of  Jewish  People  in  Time  of 
J .  C.  ;  Duchesne,  Origines  du  culte  chretien  ; 
Willis,  Worship  of  Old  Covenant,  esp.  in  Rel. 
to  the  New ;  Lepin,  L'idee  du  sacrifice 
dans  la  religion  chretienne ;  Gore,  Body  of 
Christ.  [T.A.L.] 

Buep'K^tes  (benefactor),     In  the  prologue 


ETJODIAS 

of  Ecclus.,  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  mentions 
this  as  the  surname  of  the  king  on  the  throne 
of  Egypt  when  he  himself  came  thither.  This 
wasprobalily  Ptolemy  111.(247-222  b.c),  as 
the  book  was  perhaps  composed  c.  180  B.C. 
Ptolemy  VII.  (145-117  b.c),  however,  is 
sometimes  given  this  title,  though  he  is  better 
known  as  Physcon.  Antiochus  VII.  of  Syria 
(137-128  B.C.)  also  bore  this  appellation,  and 
it  was  occasionally  used  of  officials  in  Gk. 
states  at  an  earlier  date.  Probably  our  Lord 
refers  to  the  Ptolemys  and  Antiochus  when  He 
uses  the  word  (Lu. 22.25).  [w.st.c.t.] 

Eumenes  II.  (iMac.8.8),  king  of  Per- 
gamos  (197-159  B.C.),  was  son  and  successor  of 
Attains  I.  He  sent  a  fleet  to  convey  the 
Roman  troops  from  Thrace  to  Troas  during 
their  war  with  Antiochus  the  Great,  and  his 
forces  shared  in  the  conclusive  victory  of  Mag- 
nesia (190  B.C.).  [Antiochus  III.]  The  flight 
of  Hannibal  from  Antiochus  to  the  court  of 
Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia,  led  Eumenes  into  a 
war  with  the  latter.  Eumenes  visited  Rome 
(189  B.C.),  and  the  Senate  rewarded  his  services 
with  the  provinces  of  Mysia,  Lydia,  Phrygia, 
Lycaonia,  part  of  Ionia,  and  the  Thracian 
Chersonesus.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Eunatan'   (iEsd.8.44).     [Elnathan,  2.] 

Eunice,  mother  of  Timothy  (2Tim.l.5)  ; 
a  Christian  and  a  Jewess  (Ac.l6.i).     [e.r.b.] 

Eunuch.  The  Heb.  word  clearly  implies 
the  incapacity  which  mutilation  involves,  and 
perhaps  includes  all  the  classes  mentioned  in 
Mt.l9.i2,  not  signifying  an  office  merely.  The 
law  (Deut.23.i  ;  cf.  Lev.22.24)  is  repugnant 
to  thus  treating  any  Israelite  ;  and  Samuel, 
when  describing  the  arbitrary  power  of  the 
future  king  (iSam.8.15,  marg. ),  mentions  "  his 
eunuchs,"  but  does  not  say  that  he  would 
make  "  their  sons  "  such.  This,  if  we  compare 
2K.2O.18,  Is.39.7,  possibly  implies  that  these 
persons  would  be  foreigners.  It  was  a  bar- 
barous custom  of  the  East  thus  to  treat  captives 
(Herod,  iii.  49,  vi.  32),  not  only  of  tender  age, 
but,  it  would  seem,  when  past  puberty.  The 
word  is  used,  however,  in  a  wider  sense  of  cer- 
tain officials;  e.g.  the  "officer"  Potiphar  (Gen. 
37.36,39.1,  marg.  eunuch)  was  an  Egyptian, 
was  married,  and  was  the  "  captain  of  the 
guard  "  ;  and  in  the  Assyrian  monuments  a 
eunuch  c)ften  appears,  sometimes  armed,  and 
in  a  warlike  capacity,  or  as  a  scribe,  noting 
the  number  of  heads  and  amoiuit  of  spoil,  as 
receiving  the  prisoners,  and  even  as  officiating 
in  religious  ceremonies.  The  origination  of 
the  practice  is  ascribed  to  Seiuiraiuis,  and  is 
no  doubt  as  early,  or  nearly  so.  as  Eastern 
despotism  itself.  In  Israel,  and  latterly  in 
Judah,  eunuchs  were  promiuent  (2K.8.6, 
9.32. 23. II. 25.10  ;  Is.56.3,4  ;  Je.29.2, 34.19. 
38.7,41.16,52.25).  They  mostly  ap]>ear  either 
as  "  set  over  the  men  of  war,"  or  associated 
with  the  surveillance  of  the  harems  of  Oriental 
inonarchs.  We  find  the  .Assyrian  Rabsaris.  or 
"chief  eunuch  "  (2K.I8.17),  employed  together 
with  other  high  officials  as  ambassador.  It  is 
probable  that  Daniel  and  his  companions  were 
thus  treated,  in  fulfilment  of  2K.2O.17.18  ; 
Is.39.7  ;  cf.  Dan. 1.3, 7.  The  court  of  Herod 
had  its  eimuchs,  as  had  also  that  of  queen 
Candaro  (.\c.8.27).     [Ethiopian  Eunuch.] 

Euodiasi     (R.V.     correctly     Euodia),     a 


EUPHRATES 

Christian  woman  of  Philippi  between  whona 
and    Syntyche    differences    had  arisen  (Ph. 

4.2).  [E.R.B.] 

Euphra'tes  is  a  Gk.  corruption  of  the 
Persian  Ufratu,  itself  derived  from  the  Baby- 
lonian Purattu,  which  is  formed  by  means 
of  the  Semitic  feminine  suffix  from  the  Su- 
merian  pitra  (water).  In  the  pre-Semitic 
Sumerian  of  Babylonia  the  river  was  ordinarily 
known  as  the  Pura-nun,  or  "  Great  Water."  It 
is  most  frequently  denoted  in  the  Bible  by  the 
term  "  the  river."  The  Euphrates  is  the 
largest,  the  longest,  and  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  rivers  of  W.  Asia.  It  has  two 
chief  sources  in  the  Armenian  mountains,  one 
at  Domli,  25  miles  N.E.  of  Erzeroum,  and  little 
more  than  a  degree  from  the  Black  Sea  ;  the 
other  on  the  N.  slope  of  the  range  called  Ala- 
Ddgli,  near  the  village  of  Diyadin,  and  not  far 
from  mount  Ararat.  Both  branches  flow  at 
first  towards  the  W.  or  S.W.,  passing  through 
the  wildest  mountain  districts  of  Armenia  ; 
they  meet  at  Kebban-Maden,  nearly  in  long. 
39°  E.  from  Greenwich,  having  run  respec- 
tively 400  and  270  miles.  Here  the  combined 
stream  is  120  yds.  wide,  rapid,  and  very  deep  ; 
it  now  flows  nearly  southward,  but  in  a  tor- 
tuous course,  forcing  a  way  through  the  ranges 
of  Taurus  and  Anti-taurus  ;  seeming  as  if  it 
would  empty  itself  into  the  Mediterranean,  but 
prevented  from  so  doing  by  the  longitudinal 
ranges  of  Amanus  and  Lebanon,  which  here 
run  parallel  to  the  Syrian  coast,  and  at  no 
great  distance  from  it ;  and  in  about  lat.  36°  it 
turns  S.E.,  and  proceeds  in  this  direction  for 
above  1,000  miles  to  its  embouchure  in  the  Per- 
sian Gulf.  The  entire  course  is  calculated  at 
1,780  miles,  and  of  this  distance  1,200  miles  is 
navigable  for  boats.  Its  width  is  greatest  700 
or  800  miles  from  its  mouth — i.e.  from  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Khabiir  to  the  village  of  Werai. 
It  there  averages  400  yards.  The  annual  in- 
undation of  the  Euphrates  is  caused  by  the 
melting  of  the  snows  in  the  Armenian  high- 
lands, and  occurs  in  the  month  of  May.  The 
great  hydraulic  works  ascribed  to  Nebuchad- 
nezzar were  chiefly  intended  to  control  the  in- 
undation. The  Euphrates  has  at  all  times 
been  of  some  importance  as  a  line  of  traffic  be- 
tween the  E.  and  the  W.  It  is  first  mentioned 
in  Scripture  as  one  of  the  four  rivers  of  Eden 
(Gen. 2. 14).  Its  celebrity  is  there  sufficiently 
indicated  by  the  absence  of  any  explanatory 
phrase,  such  as  accompanies  the  names  of  the 
other  streams.  We  next  hear  of  it  in  the  cove- 
nant made  with  Abraham  (Gen. 15. 18),  where 
the  whole  country  from  "  the  great  river,  the 
river  Euphrates,"  to  the  river  of  Egypt  is 
promised  to  the  chosen  race.  During  the 
reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  the  dominion  of 
Israel  actually  attained  to  the  full  extent  of 
the  original  promise.  This  widespread  terri- 
tory was  lost  upon  the  disruption  of  the  king- 
dom under  Rehoboam  ;  and  no  more  is  heard 
in  Scripture  of  the  Euphrates  until  the  expe- 
dition of  Necho  against  the  Babylonians  in  the 
reign  of  Josiah.  The  river  still  brings  down  as 
much  water  as  of  old,  but  the  various  water- 
courses along  which  it  was  in  former  times  con- 
veyed are  dry  ;  the  main  channel  has  shrunk  ; 
and  the  water  stagnates  in  unwholesome 
marsljes.     Originally  the  Euphrates  fell  into 


EVI 


265 


the  sea  without  joining  the  Tigris.  The  accu- 
mulation of  silt,  however,  has  caused  what  was 
once  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  become 
land.  Loftus  estimates  that  the  growth  of  the 
delta  at  the  mouths  of  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris  since  the  Christian  era  has  been  at  the 
rate  of  a  mile  in  about  70  years.  [a.h.s.] 

Euporemus,  "  son  of  John,  the  son  of 
Accos,"  one  of  the  envoys  sent  to  Rome  by 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  c.  161  B.C.  (iMac.8.17  ; 
2Mac.4.ii),  and  probably  identical  with  the 
historian  Eupolemus,  who  was  almost  certainly 
of  Jewish  descent. 

Eupoc'lydon  (the  reading  Euraqiiilo, 
adopted  in  R.V.,  is  to  be  preferred),  the  name 
(Ac.27.14)  of  the  wind  which  (olf  the  S. 
coast  of  Crete)  seized  the  ship  in  which  St.  Paul 
ultimately  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta. 
[Melita.]  St.  Luke  describes  it  as  "  typhonic  " 
(th(P(^vlk6s),  indicating  that  its  nature  was  that 
of  a  sudden,  violent  squall.  [Winds.]     [a.c.d.] 

Eutychus,  restored  to  life  by  St.  Paul  at 
Troas  (Ac. 20. 9, 10)  ;  but  the  apparent  contra- 
diction between  vv.  9  and  10  leaves  it  uncer- 
tain whether  it  was  a  miracle  of  healing  or  of 
raising  from  the  dead.  [e.r.b.] 

Evang'elist.  The  word  "evangelist" 
{ivayye\L(TTrii)  occurs  three  times  in  N.T. : 
in  Ac.21.8,  without  explanation,  to  describe 
Philip,  who  was  one  of  the  "  seven  men  of  good 
report  "  of  6.5  ;  in  Eph.4.ii  ("  He  gave  some, 
to  be  apostles ;  and  some,  prophets ;  and  some, 
evangelists  ;  and  some,  pastors  and  teachers  "), 
where  it  probably  refers,  like  "  pastors  and 
teachers,"  rather  to  one  exercising  a  function 
than  to  one  holding  an  office ;  and  in  2Tim.4.5, 
where  St.  Paul  bids  St.  Timothy  "  do  the 
work  of  an  evangelist."  In  each  of  these 
passages  the  word  appears  to  be  used  as  de- 
scriptive of  work  done.  The  nature  of  the  work 
may  be  inferred  from  the  derivation  of  the 
word.  Evangelist  is  connected  with  the  verb 
to  "evangelize"  (evay-yeKiiofKu),  constantly 
used  in  N.T.  of  the  first  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  [cf.  Ac.5.42, 8. 4, 12,25,35,40,10.36,11.20, 
13.32,14.7,15,21,15.35,16.10,17.18).  Reference 
to  these  passages  suggests  that  the  noun 
"  evangelist  "  means  one  who  preaches  the 
Gospel  where  it  was  hitherto  unknown.  The 
word  does  not  occur  in  N.T.  in  the  sense  of  a 
writer  of  one  of  the  four  gospels.  Plumptre 
and  Gibson  in  Smith,  D.B.  (2nd  ed.),  i.  1012  ; 
Armitage  Robinson  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  ii.  1430  ; 
Massie  in  Hastings,  D.B.  ii.  795-797.      [d.s.] 

Eve  (Heb.  havvd  ;  i.e.  living)  is  said  to 
have  been  formed  by  God  from  the  rib  of  Adam 
while  he  slept.  Some  have  assigned  a  figura- 
tive meaning  to  this,  and  regarded  it  as  intended 
to  point  out  the  infinitely  higher  and  closer 
relation  that  exists  between  man  and  wife  than 
between  any  other  of  God's  creatures.  The 
wife's  nature,  originally  derived  from  the  man, 
corresponds  to  (Heb.  is  set  over-against)  his 
nature,  and  by  marriage  they  become  "one 
flesh."  Eve  is  represented  as  having  incited 
her  husband  to  violate  the  laws  of  his  being 
[Fall],  and  the  pangs  of  childbirth  were  there- 
fore imposed  on  her  in  addition  to  the  labour, 
sorrow,  and  death  which  became  the  common  lot 
of  all.     Eve's  death  is  not  recorded,    [j.j.l.] 

E'vi,  one  of  the  5  kings  or  princes  of  Midian, 
slain  by  the  Israehtes  (Num.31, 8  ;  Jos.l$,3i). 


266 


EVIDENCE 


Evidence       (Je. 32. 10-14).         [Writing;! 
Witness.] 

Evil'-mepo'dach  (2 K. 25. 27),  the  Bab. 
Awel-Maruduk,  was  son  and  successor  of 
Nebuchadnezzar.  In  his  two  years'  reign 
(561-559  B.C.),  in  the  opinion  of  Berosus,  he 
governed  "  lawlessly  and  extravagantly."  His 
consideration  for  Jehoiachin,  however,  is  note- 
worthy. The  Babylonian  historian  states 
that  he  was  slain  by  his  sister's  husband, 
Neriglissooros,  for  whom  see  Xergal-sh.\r- 
EZER.  [t.g.p.] 

Excommunication.  I.  Among  the  Jews. 
The  principle  of  excommunication  is  found 
in  O.T.  in  the  penalty  of  being  cut  off  from  the 
people  denounced  against  any  who  should  be 
uncircumcised  (Gen. 17. 14)  ;  eat  unleavened 
bread  when  forbidden  (Ex.12. 15,19)  ;  imitate 
or  put  to  a  strange  use  the  holy  anointing  oil 
(30.33),  or  incense  (30. 38)  ;  do  any  work  on 
the  sabbath  (in  this  case  associated  with 
death,  31. 14)  ;  eat  of  the  peace-offerings  when 
unclean  (Lev. 7. 20),  or  of  the  fat  of  an  offering 
(7.25),  or  of  blood  (7. 27,17. 10,14)  ;  fail  to 
bring  an  offering  to  the  tabernacle  (17.4,9)  ; 
commit  various  moral  abominations  (18. 29); 
eat  a  peace-offering  on  the  third  day  (19.8); 
give  any  of  his  seed  to  Moloch  (20.3,5)  ;  com- 
mit incest  (20.17)  ;  have  sexual  intercourse 
with  a  woman  at  forbidden  times  (20. 18)  ; 
approach  the  holy  things  when  unclean  (22.3); 
fail  to  be  afflicted  on  the  Day  of  Atonement 
(23.29)  ;  forbear  to  keep  the  Passover  (Num.9. 
13)  ;  act  presumptuously  (15. 30)  ;  or  fail  to 
perform  ceremonial  purifications  when  un- 
clean (19.13,20)  ;  and  is  found  also  in  the  ex- 
clusion of  the  leprous  from  the  camp  (Lev. 13. 
46;  Num. 12. 14).  and  in  the  threat  of  sepa- 
ration from  the  congregation  of  the  captivity 
of  those  who  did  not  come  to  Jerusalem  in 
obedience  to  the  proclamation  of  Ezra  (Ezr.lO. 
8).  From  this  principle  the  Rabbis  de- 
veloped an  elaborate  system  of  excommunica- 
tion, much  of  which  may  have  existed  in  the 
time  of  our  Lord.  Exclusion  from  the  syna- 
gogue as  an  exercise  of  Jewish  discipline  is 
mentioned  in  Jn. 9.22, 12-42,16.2  (c/.  9.34,35, 
which  may  refer  to  excommunication  or  to 
exclusion  from  the  meeting  where  the  man 
then  was).  The  Jewish  excommunication  ap- 
pears to  be  referred  to  in  Lu.6.22,  "  Blessed 
are  ye,  when  men  shall  hate  you,  and  when 
they  shall  separate  you  from  their  company, 
and  reproach  you,  and  cast  out  y(jur  name  as 
evil,  for  the  Son  of  Man's  sake  "  ;  and  it  is 
possible,  though  perhaps  hardly  likely,  that 
three  distinct  stages  in  it  arc  alluded  to  in  the 
words,  "  separate  "  (d<popi(ruatv),  "  reproach  " 
(dffiSicrwffiv),  and  "cast  out  your  name  as 
evil  "  (tK^dXuaii'  rb  6vo/xa  v/xu>v  ilij  irovripdf). — 
H.  In  the  Teachin'^  nj  Christ.  The  principle  is 
sanctioned  by  our  Lord  in  Mt.l8.17.  "  ^  he  re- 
fuse to  hear  the  Church  also,  let  him  be  unto 
thee  as  the  Cientile  and  the  publican  "  ;  and 
is  involved  in  the  gift  of  the  power  of  binding 
and  loosing  to  St.  I'eter  in  Mt.l6.18.19.  aiid  to 
the  apostles  in  general  (18. 18).  — HI.  In  the 
Apostolic  Period.  St.  Haul  frequently  alludes 
to  his  right  to  exercise  discipline  over  Chris- 
tians :  e.R.  2Cor.l.23.13.io.  Instances  of  his 
cutting  off  offenders  from  the  Church,  and 
describing  himself  as  delivering  them  to  Satan, 


EXODUS 

are  in  iCor.5.1-5.  iTim. 1.19,20,  the  action  of 
the  Corinthian  church  being  associated  with 
his  own  action  in  iCor.5. 1-5.  St.  Paul  orders 
the  infliction  of  some  kind  of  excommunica- 
tion of  those  who  cause  di\isions  and  occasions 
of  stumbling  (R0.I6.17)  ;  obey  not  his  teach- 
ing (2Th.3.i4)  ;  or  teach  a  different  doctrine 
(iTim.6.3)  ;  and  of  a  heretic  (Tit. 3. 10).  The 
degree  of  separation  ordered  in  these  cases 
would  probably  include  exclusion  from  the 
Holy  Communion,  as  would  St.  John's  in- 
struction not  to  receive  into  a  house  those  who 
brought  not  the  teaching  of  Christ  (2jn.io). 
St.  John  mentions  that  the  power  of  excom- 
munication had  been  wrongly  exercised  by 
Diotrephes  (3jn.io).  St.  Paul's  denuncia- 
tions, "Let  him  be  anathema"  (1C0r.l6.22; 
Gal. 1.8, 9),  probably  do  not  directly  refer  to 
excommunication,  but  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  excommunication  would  be  in- 
volved in  the  attitude  taken  by  him.  There 
appears  to  be  an  instance  of  restoration  after 
excommunication  in  2Cor.2.6-io.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  St.  Paul  may  have  regarded 
some  actual  bodily  infliction  as  following  the 
disciplinary  exclusion  from  Communion,  and 
that  this  is  the  explanation  of  the  phrase 
'■  Deliver  unto  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the 
flesh  "  (iCor.5.5),  "  Delivered  unto  Satan,  that 
they  may  learn  not  to  blaspheme  "  (iTim.l. 
20)  ;  and  that  this  is  parallel  to  the  physical 
consequences  of  unworthy  Communion  re- 
ferred to  in  1Cor.ll.30,  as  explained  by  some 
interpreters.  Meyrick  in  Smith,  D.B.  (2nd 
ed.),  i.  1013-1016;  Cheyne  in  Encycl.  Bibl. 
ii.  1431,  1432  ;  Brown  in  Hastings,  D.B.  ii. 
800,  801  ;  Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of 
Jesus  the  .Messiah,  ii.  183,  184  ;  Greenstone  in 
The  Jewish  Encycl.  v.  285-287  ;  Weizsacker, 
Apostolic  Age,  ii.  379,  380.  [Satan  ;  Hymen- 
AEus  ;  Crimes  in  N.t.,  (13).]  [d.s.] 

Executionep.  Heb.  tabbdh  (Gen.37.36 
marg. ;  Dan. 2. 14).  rendered  Guard  in  30  pas- 
sages {cook  in  iSam.9.23,24  :  Arab,  {abbakh). 
Probably  Akkad.  tab-hi,  or  "arranging  a 
host  " — a  marshal.  The  Gk.  ffveKovXaTtiip 
(Mk.6.27),  cf.  Lat.  speculator,  meant  originally 
a  military  spy  or  scout,  but  under  the  emperors 
a  body-guard.  [c.r.c] 

Exile.  [Captivities  ;  Dispersion.] 
Exodus,  the  second  of  the  booksof  the  law, 
called  by  the  Jews  shcmoth  ("names"),  from 
the  words  in  ver.  i,  and  named  by  the  Gk.  trans- 
lators "  Exodus."  from  its  principal  theme — 
the  "  Going-out  "  of  the  children  of  Israel  from 
Egypt,  .-kfter  a  brief  recapitulatory  section 
(1.1-6),  it  narrates  the  oppression  of  Israel:  the 
birth  and  call  of  Moses;  the  conflict  with  Pha- 
raoh, plagues,  and  events  which  led  up  to  the 
Exodus;  the  pursuit  and  deliverance  at  the  Red 
Sea;  the  march  to  Sinai  and  trials  in  the  wilder- 
ness ;  the  lawgiving,  covenant,  and  long  encamp- 
ment at  Sinai,  while  the  ark  and  tabernacle 
were  being  made ;  the  breach  of  the  covenant  in 
the  making  of  the  golden  calf  while  .Moses  was 
in  the  niuunt ;  the  restoration,  the  making,  and, 
finally,  the  setting  uji  and  consecration,  of  the 
tabernacle.  The  book  is  instinct  with  drama- 
tic i)ower,  and  throbs  with  a  consciousness  of 
the  living  presence  ana  ai:iir>n  of  God  which 
witiu'sscs  to  its  composition  while  yet  the 
1  memory  and  deep  impressiou  of  the  events  it 


EXODUS 

records  were  fresh  upon  the  mind.  The  book 
may  naturally  he  divided  into  four  parts:  (i)The 
oppression  and  conflicts  with  Pharaoh  (2-7- 
11);  (2)  The  Exodus  and  journey  to  Sinai  (12- 
18);  (3)  Thelaw giving  and  covenant  (19-24); 
(4)  The  tabernacle  (25-40),  with  (in  32-34)  the 
episode  of  the  golden  calf,  and  the  renewal  of 
the  tables.  In  28,29  are  directions  about  the 
priesthood,  vvhich  connect  with  Lev. 8, 9.  The 
heart  of  the  history  is  the  solemn  transaction 
al  Sinai,  by  which  the  people  formally  accepted 
Jehovah  as  their  God,  pledging  themselves  to 
obey  His  laws,  and  Jehovah  took  Israel  to  be 
His  people  ;  but  the  story  of  the  deliverance 
which  precedes,  displaying  as  it  does  the  attri- 
butes of  Jehovah  in  their  grandest  exercise,  is 
hardly  inferior  in  interest  and  power.  The 
narrative  of  the  lawgiving  is  especially  impor- 
tant, as  embodying  one  of  the  great  codes  of 
law  in  Israel's  history — the  Decalogue,  fol- 
lowed by  the  "  statutes  and  judgments  "  of  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex. 20-23).  The  modern 
critical  analysis  of  the  book  of  Exodus  follows, 
in  a  documentary  respect,  the  main  lines  in- 
dicated in  the  article  on  Genesis.  [See  also 
Pentateuch.]  The  documents  J  and  E,  now  all 
but  indistinguishably  fused  together,  are  as- 
sumed to  be  combined  with  a  third  priestly 
document,  to  which  belong  peculiarly  the  laws 
relating  to  the  passover  (12. 1-20. 41-51),  and 
the  long  series  of  directions  and  details  of  exe- 
cution relating  to  the  tabernacle  (25-31,34-40). 
Two  things  are,  however,  to  be  observed,  dis- 
tinguishing (on  the  theory)  the  use  of  these 
documents  in  Exodus  from  their  use  in  Genesis, 
(fl)  In  the  case  of  both  E  and  P,  the  use  of  the 
divine  name  "  Elohim  "  (characteristic  of  these 
sources  in  Genesis)  ceases  with  the  revelation 
of  the  name  "  Jehovah  "  to  Moses  (with  E  in 
3.1-6  ;  with  P  in  6.2-8).  Yet  we  find  Elohis- 
tic  passages  (E)  later,  as  in  13.17-19,18.  (&) 
In  Genesis  the  P  element  supplies  the  frame- 
work of  the  JE  narrative  ;  in  Exodus  the  ele- 
ments are  co-ordinate,  and  P  can  no  longer  be 
spoken  of  as  "  framework."  This  is  a  remark- 
able feature,  pointing  to  distinct  circumstances 
of  origin,  and  favouring  the  idea  that  Genesis 
was  an  earlier  definitely-planned  work.  The 
P  sections  in  Exodus,  as  elsewhere,  are  generally 
easily  distinguished  by  their  particularistic 
style  and  peculiar  vocabulary  (such  a  phrase, 
e.g.,  as  "  the  self-same  day,"  12.17,41). 
Examples  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  book  are 
eh.  6,  giving  the  call  and  genealogy  of  Moses, 
and  certain  of  the  narratives  of  the  plagues, 
as  7.1-13,8.5-7,16-19,9.8-12,  with  a  few  other 
passages,  as  13.1,20,14.1-4,15-23,26,  etc.  The 
rest  of  the  narrative  belongs  to  JE.  The  re- 
marks made  on  this  modern  critical  theory  in  the 
articles  above  noted  [Pentateuch;  Genesis] 
apply  with  undiminished  force  to  Exodus. 
Distinction  between  J  and  E  in  this  book  is  ad- 
mittedly all  but  impossible  when  the  criterion 
of  the  divine  names  fails  ;  and  it  is  incredible 
that  the  P  sections  could  ever  have  subsisted 
as  an  independent  document  in  separation 
from  the  other  elements  in  the  history.  The 
attempt  to  carry  through  such  separation  leads 
to  destruction  of  the  narrative.  E.g.,  Pis  made 
to  pass  abruptly  from  the  increase  and  pros- 
perity of  the  Israelites  in  I.7  to  their  bitter 
bondage  in  ui;.  1 3, 1 4.       Plainly  the  intervening 


EXODUS 


267 


verses  (E)  are  needed  to  give  the  explanation- 
Again,  the  language  of  P  in  2.23-25  has  its  ver- 
bal counterpart  in  3.7  (J).  Yet  P  is  supposed 
to  be  later  than  J.  In  6.2  (P)  we  have  the 
revelation  beginning  with  the  words,  "  And 
God  spake  unto  Moses,"  but  nothing  has  yet 
been  said  in  P  of  either  Moses  or  Aaron.  In 
the  plagues,  J  records  the  threatening  of  frogs 
(8.1-4),  but  P  narrates  the  execution  of  the 
threat  (vv.  5-7).  In  P  Aaron  is  appointed  to  be 
a  prophet  to  Moses,  to  speak  for  him  (7. 1,2), 
but  in  none  of  the  P  sections  does  Moses  or 
Aaron  ever  utter  a  word.  J  alone  narrates  the 
destruction  of  the  firstborn  (12.29,30),  which  is 
announced  in  the  Passover  law  of  P  (ver.  12). 
These  examples  suffice  to  show  that,  while 
different  hands  (at  least  styles)  ma\'  be  recog- 
nized in  different  portions,  the  connexion  of  the 
elements  throughout  is  so  close  that  the  attempt 
to  part  them,  and  make  of  each  a  separate  do- 
cument, must  hopelessly  fail.  A  well-marked 
turning-point  in  Exodus,  on  which  not  a  little 
depends,  is  God's  revelation  of  Himself  to 
Moses  by  His  name  "  Jehovah  "  in  3. 13-16 
(E)  and  again  in  6.2-8  (P).  This  is  one  of  the 
alleged  "  duplicates  "  in  the  narrative  of  Exo- 
dus. The  incidents,  however,  are  distinct — 
one  at  the  burning  bush  in  Midian,  the  other  in 
Egypt — and  the  P  narrative,  as  noted  above, 
presupposes  (in  its  abrupt  mention  of  Moses 
and  Aaron)  what  has  gone  before.  A  weightier 
question  is  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  revelation. 
Does  it  imply  that  "  Jehovah  "  was  an  abso- 
lutely new  name  of  God  to  Israel  ?  Or  does  it 
mean  that  God,  Who  had  revealed  Himself 
before  to  the  fathers  by  His  name  "  El  Shad- 
dai,"  was  now  to  reveal  Himself  by  the  grander 
attributes  implied  in  the  name  "  Jehovah  " 
("I  am  that  I  am  ")  ?  In  view  of  the  context 
in  the  earlier  passage  ("  Jehovah,  the  God  of 
your  fathers,"  3.15,16),  this  would  seem  to  be 
the  more  reasonable  view.  There  is  now  a 
tendency  on  the  part  of  critics  themselves  to 
recognize  that  Jehovah  was  an  older  name  of 
God.  It  became,  however,  from  this  point, 
the  peculiar  name  of  God  in  His  covenant 
relation  to  Israel.  This  brings  us  to  the  dis- 
puted question  of  the  connexion  of  Moses 
with  the  composition  of  the  work.  If  the  fore- 
going reasonings,  and  those  in  the  article 
Pentateuch,  are  sound,  the  presence  of 
priestly  laws  of  the  Passover,  and  of  extended 
descriptions  of  the  tabernacle  (attributed  by 
the  critics  to  post-Exilian  times),  need  not  mili- 
tate against  our  acceptance  of  an  origin  of  the 
book  in  the  Mosaic  age.  Grounds  have  been 
shown  for  asserting  (i)  that  the  Levitical 
legislation  and  the  history  connected  with  it 
(P)  did  not,  and  could  not,  have  their  origin  in 
the  age  after  the  Exile  ;  (2)  that  P  never  could 
have  existed  as  an  independent  document  ;  and 
(3)  that  the  elements  of  P  stand  in  inseparable 
relation  with  those  of  JE,  and  must  be  prac- 
tically contemporaneous  with  the  latter.  The 
attempt  (in  particular)  to  ascribe  a  post-Exilian 
date  to  the  laws  of  the  Passover  in  Exodus 
must  be  pronounced  a  failure.  These  contem- 
plate a  domestic  observance  of  the  festival 
(12.13,40-51  ;  cf.  JE.  12.25-28)  which  would 
have  been  quite  unsuitable  after  the  law  in 
Deut.l6.i-8  came  into  force.  The  question  of 
age  and  authorship  must  be  settled,  therefore, 


268 


EXODUS 


on  indcpcndt^iit  j;rouiids.  That  Moses  had  a 
certain  connexion  with  the  composition  of  the 
Pentateuch  is  attested  by  the  book  itself.  It  is 
expressly  declared  that  he  wrote  "  all  the  words 
of  the  Lord  "  in  "  the  book  of  the  covenant  " 
(Ex. 24. 4, 7).  This  covers  20-23.  A  second 
summary  of  laws  is  said  to  have  been  written 
by  him  (34.27).  The  regulations  for  the  making 
of  the  tabernacle  and  the  account  of  its  con- 
struction are  in  the  style  of  P,  but  (by  whatever 
hand  set  down)  Moses  is  declared  to  be  their 
author  (25.2,0,35. 1,4,  etc.).  In  17. 14,  Moses 
is  directed  to  write  God's  threat  against  Ama- 
lek  "  for  a  memorial  in  a  book,"  or,  according 
to  the  Heb.  pointing,  "  in  the  book  "  (c/.  Amer. 
R.V.).  The  natural  meaning  is  that  there  was 
some  existing  "  book  "  in  which  Moses  made 
entries  or  records  (c/.  Jos. t. 7, 8, 24. 26).  It  is 
wholly  unlikely  that  a  threat  against  Amalek 
would  be  solemnly  recorded  in  a  single  sentence, 
and  no  account  of  the  hostile  action  of  Amalek 
which  evoked  the  threat  be  preserved.  The 
Song  of  Moses  at  tlie  Red  Sea  (lix.l5.i-2o) 
is  evidently  intended  to  be  regarded  as  the 
composition  of  Moses.  With  this  agree  the 
notices  in  other  passages  of  the  familiarity  of 
Moses  with  the  art  of  writing  and  with  books 
(Num. 33. 2  ;  Dent. 31. 9, 24),  and  of  his  composi- 
tion of  songs  and  blessings  (l)eut. 31. 22, 30, 33.1 ). 
It  is  a  misreading  of  these  particular  notices  to 
regard  them  as  excluding  other  writings;  they 
rather  create  a  presumption  that  such  writing 
was  customary.  A  final  editing  of  the  Mosaic 
and  other  material  of  this  (Mosaic)  period  need 
not  be  assumed  till  after  ^Ioscs'  death — a  sup- 
position which  fully  accounts  for  any  disloca- 
tions, hiatuses,  or  explanatory  notes  or  allu- 
sions to  latei  events  which  may  be  thought  to 
be  observed.  There  is,  however,  little  in  the 
book  which  really  points  to  times  later  than 
Moses.  Ex. 16. 35,  on  the  cessation  of  the 
manna,  may  be  such  a  passage,  though  it 
actually  does  not  carry  us  farther  than  "  the 
borders  of  the  land  of  Canaan."  No  weight 
need  be  attached  to  the  fact  that  Moses  is 
spoken  of  in  the  third  person  ;  and  such  an 
encomium  on  Moses  as  in  11. 3  (cf.  Num. 12. 3), 
which  maybe  thought  unsuitable  from  Moses' 
own  pen,  is  readily  explicable  if  indirect  au- 
thorship and  later  editing  are  allowed  {cf.  Deut. 
34.10-12).  The  historicity  of  the  book  of  Exo- 
dus has  been  assailed  bv  Colenso  and  others  on 
the  grounds  of  its  internal  incredibilities  and 
contradictions.  Objection  is  taken  to  the 
rapid  increase  of  the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt, 
the  impossibility  of  the  Ivxodus  of  so  vast  a 
multitude  of  people  (about  2,000,000)  out  of 
Egypt  on  such  short  notice,  the  miracle  of  the 
Red  Sea,  the  difficulty  of  the  supi)ort  of  such 
numbers  in  the  wilderness,  the  construction  of 
so  elaborate  a  tabernacle,  etc.  The  wonder  of 
the  facts  is  not  denied,  and  it  is  granted  that, 
without  mighty  divine  interpositions  at  the 
Ivxodus,  ihc  Red  Sea,  and  in  the  wilderness, 
the  narrative  is  not  intelligible.  But  these  very 
facts  are  among  the  best-attested  in  Israel's 
history,  the  most  deeply  engraven  on  Israel's 
consciousness,  and  lie  at  the  very  foundations 
of  its  national  existence.  The  increase  of 
Israel  is  remarkable,  but  not  incredible  in 
a  i^eriod  of  430  years  (Ex. 12. 40, 41),  if  it  be 
femembered  ^hat  the  patriarchal  families  at 


EXODTTS,  THE 

the  time  of  the  descent  were  really  considerable 
households  {cf.  Gen. 14. 14, 26. 13, 14, 32. 4, 5, 10, 
etc.).  On  the  other  hand,  the  objectors  ignore 
the  immense  body  of  evidence  in  favour  of  the 
historicity  of  the  book  derivable  from  its  con- 
formity to  Egyptian  conditions,  habits,  and 
customs,  and  its  exact  knowledge  of  the  Sina- 
itic  peninsula.  "The  writer,  whoever  he  was, 
shows  a  notable  acquaintance  with  the  cus- 
toms, climate,  and  productions  of  Egypt  ;  an 
acquaintance  such  as  to  imply  long  residence  in 
the  country,  and  the  sort  of  familiarity  which  it 
takes  years  to  acquire,  with  the  natural  pheno- 
mena, the  method  of  cultivation,  the  religious 
ideas,  and  other  habits  and  usages  of  the 
people  "  (G.  Rawlinson).  "  The  chapters  of 
Exodus  which  belong  either  to  the  early  so- 
journ of  Moses  or  the  wanderings  of  the  Israel- 
ites, are  pervaded  by  a  peculiar  tone,  a  local 
colouring,  an  atmosphere  (so  to  speak)  of  the 
desert,  which  has  made  itself  felt  by  all  those 
who  have  explored  the  country,  to  whatever 
school  of  religious  thought  they  may  have  be- 
longed "  (Canon  Cook).  The  departure  of  the 
Israelites  from  Egypt  was  an  event  of  such  his- 
torical importance  that  we  might  expect  to  find 
some  allusion  to  it  in  profane  history,  or  in  con- 
temporary Egyptian  records:  but,  beyond  the 
late,  confused  statements  of  the  priest  Manetho 
on  the  expulsion  of  the  lepers,  nothing  of  this 
kind  has  as  yet  been  discovered.  The  Exodus 
is  commonly  assmned  (chiefly  on  the  ground  of 
the  names  of  the  store-cities,  Ex.l.ii)  to  have 
taken  place  in  the  reign  of  one  of  the  immediate 
successors  of  Ramses  II.  of  the  19th  dynasty 
(c.  1250  B.C.);  but  the  discovery  of  a  stela  of 
Menephtah,  the  son  of  Ramses,  in  which  "Israel" 
(for  the  first  time  mentioned)  is  apparently 
spoken  of  as  already  in  or  about  Palestine,  has 
inclined  many  to  carry  back  its  date  to  the  i8th 
dynasty.  The  point  awaits  further  determina- 
tion. [E.xoDus,  The  ;  Red  Sea,  Passage 
OF.]  See  Pentateuch;  art.  "Exodus"  in 
Hastings  D.B.  (vol.  i.  1898) ;  Exodus  in 
Speaker's  and  in  Pulpit  Com.  ;  Hengstenberg, 
Egypt  and  the  B<>i<k-<  of  Moses;  Stanlej',  Sinai 
and  ]'alestine  ;  Na\iile,  Store-city  of  Pithom 
and  Route  of  the  Exodus;  Orr,  art.  on  the 
Exodus  in  Expositor,  April  1897.  [j-o.] 

Exodus,  The.  I.  Date.  There  is  consider- 
able divergence  of  opinion  as  to  the  date,  and 
even  as  to  the  dynasty  during  which  the 
Exodus  took  place  :  and,  as  there  is  no  monu- 
mental chronology  in  Egypt,  the  only  guides 
are  the  O.T.  and  the  extracts  from  the  writings 
of  Manetho  given  by  Joscphus.  If  we  may 
accept  2047  u.c.  as  the  date  of  .Abraham's  ex- 
pedition against  Amraphel,  and  deduct  422 
years  for  the  time  intervening,  we  shall  have 
1625  n.c.  as  the  date  of  the  Exodus.  Cf. 
Chkonology  for  a  different  suggestion. — 
History.  The  history  of  the  Isxodus  itself 
commences  with  the  close  of  the  ten  plagues, 
in  the  night  on  which  the  firstborn  were  slain. 

j  Pharaoh    then    urged    the    departure    of    the 

j  Israelites,  and  they  at  once  set  off  from 
Rameses,  towards  morning  of  the  15th  day  of 

I  the  ist  month.  They  made  three  journeys, 
and   arrived   at    I'-tham,    in    the   edge   of   the 

'  wilderness,  not  very  far  from  the  head  of  the 
Red  Sea,  whirli  in  those  days  appears  to  have 

I  stretched  up  N.  of  Suez  as  far  as  the  Bitter 


EXODUS,  THE 

Lakes.  Here  Pharaoh  overtook  them,  and 
the  miracle  occurred  by  which  they  were 
enabled  to  escape  from  their  pursuer,  whilst 
all  the  host  of  Pharaoh  were  destroyed  in  the 
Sea. — Geography.  The  Israelites  were  dwell- 
ing in  the  land  of  Goshen  at  the  time  of  their 
departure  from  Egypt,  and  started  from  the 
town  or  district  of  Raraeses  ;  Pithom  and 
Raameses  being  two  store  cities  which  the 
Israelites  had  built  under  Pharaoh  the  Op- 
pressor. The  land  of  Goshen  must  have  been 
on  the  eastern  confines  of  the  Egyptian  fron- 
tier, on  the  line  of  defence  which  probably 
ran  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Red  Sea, 
nearly  on  the  line  of  the  present  Suez  Canal. 
It  may  be  supposed  that  Goshen,  to  the  N.  of 
the  Bitter  Lakes,  extended  some  miles  beyond 
the  frontier  to  the  edge  of  the  desert,  as  there 
are  indications  that  hereabouts  many  square 
miles  of  fertile  plain  have  been  swallowed 
up,  during  the  last  3,000  years,  by  the 
billows  of  shifting  sands,  blown  southwardly 
from  the  Nile  deposits  on  the  shore  of  the  bay 
of  Pelusium.  From  whatever  point  the  Chil- 
dren of  Israel  may  have  started,  their  line 
of  advance  must  have  been  nearly  due  E., 
through  the  Wady  Tumilat,  along  the  old 
sweet-water  canal  to  about  the  position  where 
Ismailia  now  stands  :  here,  no  doubt  was 
Etham,  on  the  edge  of  the  wilderness.  The  pre- 
ceding station,  Succoth,  which  Prof.  Naville 
identifies  with  Pithom,  has  been  found  by  him 
at  Tell  el-Maskhuta,  in  the  Wady  Tumilat,  on 
the  line  of  railway  from  Zagazig  to  Suez,  close 
to  the  line  of  the  old  sweet-water  canal,  near  to 
the  railway  station,  named  Ramases  by  the 
French  engineers.  The  site  of  the  ancient  town 
of  Raamses  has  not  j^et  been  identified.  On 
arrival  at  Etham  the  Israelites  were  com- 
mapded  "  to  turn  back  and  encamp  before 
Pi-hahiroth,  between  Migdol  and  the  sea, 
before  Baal-zephon."  By  this  command  they 
were  obliged  to  march  southward,  to  the  W. 
of  the  northern  arm  of  the  Red  Sea  and  thus 
were  separated  by  the  gulf  from  the  desert 
over  which  their  route  lay.  Considering  the 
thousands  of  women  and  children,  and  the 
haste  of  their  departure,  with  very  few  wagons, 
carts,  or  beasts  of  burden,  it  is  improbable  that, 
after  leaving  Etham,  they  can  have  gone 
many  miles  to  the  S.  before  being  overtaken 
by  Pharaoh's  hosts,  and  the  scene  of  this 
miraculous  escape  must  have  occurred  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Bitter  Lakes.  For  this  part  of 
the  story  of  the  Exodus,  see  further  Red  Sea, 
Passage  of. — II.  The  Wilderness  of  the  Wan- 
derings. The  Israelites,  after  escaping  safely 
from  Egypt  into  the  desert,  were  free  to 
pursue  their  journey  unmolested,  and  their 
ultimate  objective  was  the  Promised  Land. 
The  route  they  were  destined  to  take  now  calls 
for  consideration.  As  far  as  they  them- 
selves are  concerned,  if  we  may  judge  from 
their  constant  murmuring  against  their 
leaders  Moses  and  Aaron,  they  do  not  appear 
to  have  had  any  interest  in  the  matter  beyond 
the  moment.  They  had  no  eye  to  the  future. 
They  desired  earnestly  to  escape  from  their 
oppression  and  slavery  in  Egypt,  but  they 
were  soft  and  unfitted  for  nomadic  life,  and 
the  discomfort  and  trials  they  met  with  in  the 
desert  now  and  again  outweighed  the  future 


EXODUS,  THE 


269 


prospects  of  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and 
honey.  They  openly  avowed,  from  time  to 
time,  that  they  preferred  the  life  of  slavery 
and  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt  to  the  dangers  of 
the  desert,  and  they  were  subject  to  these 
fits  of  rebellion  against  God  throughout  the 
time  of  their  wanderings.  [Moses.]  This 
tendency  of  the  people,  as  foreseen  by  the 
Almighty,  is  mentioned  (Ex.13. 17) :  "  God  led 
them  not  through  the  way  of  the  land  of  the 
Philistines,  although  that  was  near,  lest  the 
people  should  repent  when  they  see  war  and 
then  retiurn  to  Egypt.  But  God  led  the 
people  about,  through  the  way  of  the  wilder- 
ness of  the  Red  Sea."  We  have  a  further 
indication  of  the  line  of  route  of  the  Israelites, 
when  the  Lord  appeared  to  Moses  in  the 
burning  bush,  in  the  Mountain  of  God  in 
Horeb,  and  said,  "  When  thou  hast  brought 
forth  the  people  out  of  Egypt,  they  shall 
serve  God  upon  this  mountain."  To  under- 
stand the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites,  it  is 
necessary  to  consider  the  condition  in  those 
days  of  the  desert  which  lay  between  Egypt 
and  Syria.  There  were  then  two  roads  into 
Palestine  from  Egypt:  (i)  the  way  of  the 
land  of  the  Philistines,  leading  northward  from 
Goshen,  along  the  sea-shore  by /I /-'/I rfs/i  and 
Gaza;  and  (2)  the  way  of  Shur,  leading  due 
E.  from  Goshen,  and  thence  into  the  S. 
country  towards  Beer-sheba.  In  either  of 
these  cases  the  distance  across  the  desert,  as 
the  crow  flies,  would  not  at  that  time  have 
been  more  than  60  miles,  and,  with  due  pre- 
parations and  depots  of  water  and  provisions 
at  intervals  along  the  route,  the  distance 
could  have  been  accomplished  in  ten  journeys 
of  6  miles  each  in  time  of  peace.  But  if 
the  Philistines  and  other  inhabitants  of  S. 
Palestine  were  hostile,  it  would  entail  the 
necessity  of  the  fighting  force  going  first,  and 
proving  their  superiority,  whilst  the  women 
and  children  and  cattle  were  left  behind  on 
the  confines  of  Egypt.  It  is  evident  that 
the  desert  route  into  Palestine,  if  the  in- 
habitants were  not  friendly,  would  only  be 
practicable  when  covered  by  an  army  of 
experienced  warriors.  A  short  description 
of  the  desert  will  show  that  the  route  taken 
by  the  Israelites,  under  the  guidance  of  the 
Almighty,  was  the  only  practicable  one,  if  the 
people  were  to  have  time  to  organize  them- 
selves for  warlike  operations.  The  desert  of 
Arabia  Petraea  at  the  present  day  extends 
about  150  miles  from  E.  to  W.,  and  from  the 
Suez  Canal  to  the  limits  of  modern  Palestine, 
and,  for  the  sake  of  description,  may  be  divided 
into  four  sections,  whose  aspects  are  very 
dissimilar,  (i)  The  neghebh,  or  S.  Country, 
in  Roman  times  called  Idumea,  extending 
some  60  miles  S.W.  of  Gerar  and  Beer-sheba, 
to  the  river  of  Egypt,  whose  going  out  is  at 
Al  'Arish.  This  district  has  become  a  desert 
in  recent  times  owing  to  a  feeble  government 
and  the  lawlessness  of  the  Bedawin.  At  the 
time  of  the  Exodus  it  possessed  towns  and 
villages,  and  a  settled  population  ;  even  to 
the  present  day  are  to  be  seen  the  remains 
of  the  vineyards  and  wine-presses,  watch- 
houses  and  corn-fields.  A  country  fairly 
supplied  with  water,  through  which  the 
Israelites  could  have  journeyed  without  dif&- 


270 


EXODTTS,  THE 


culty  if  the    inhabitants    had    been   friendly. 
At   the  eastern   end  of   the   S.  Country  was 
Kadesh,   and  it  was  inhabited  by  Amorites, 
Canaanites,    etc.     (2)  The   region   of   shifting 
sands,   stretching   along   the   coast    from  the 
river  of    Eg\T>t   to   lake   Serbonis    and   the 
Egyptian  Delta,  and  ever  moving  southward 
year  by  year,  only  checked   in  its  southward 
course   by   the   mountain    ranges   some    fifty 
miles  inland,  the  northern  features  of  which, 
at  the  present  day,   arc  filled  up  with  sand. 
These  sand-drifts  are  due  to  deposits  from  the 
river  Nile  on  the   shores  of   the  bay  of  Pelu- 
sium,  and  they  are  ever  moving  backwards 
and  forwards,  according  to  the  lie  of  the  wind. 
These  drifts  have  accumulated  in  waves  and 
billows  from  40  to  50   ft.   in  height,   and   at 
Gatieh,  N.E.  of  Ismailia,  there  are  thousands 
of  palm-trees  in  the  desert    which,  rooted  in 
good   soil,    are   sometimes   engulfed   in   sand- 
drifts   and   again   exposed   to   view.     In    this 
ever-moving  desert  there  are  wells,  as  that  at 
Mahadah,  30  miles  from  Ismailia,  where  the 
Bedawin    keep   a    clear    space   down    to   the 
water  by  ever  moving  the  sand  across  from 
the  windward  to  the  leeward  side  of  the  well. 
These  sand-drifts  appear  to  increase  year  by 
year,  and  it  is  probable  that  3,500  years  ago 
much  of   the  ground,   now  encroached   upon 
about  Ismailia,  was  then  part  of  the  land  of 
Goshen.     Yet  in  those  days  it  is  probable  that 
these  sand-drifts  were  in  existence  to  the  N. 
and  N.E.  of  the  Bitter  Lakes,  and  would  have 
presented  an  almost  insurmountable  obstacle 
to   the   journey   of   women    and    children,    in 
haste,  without  due  preparation,  and  without 
a  sufficient  number  of  beasts  of  burden  and 
wagons  to  carry  them.     (3)   The  desert  of  the 
Tih  ("Wanderings  ")  which  stretches  from  the 
frontier  of  Egypt  to  'Aqaba,  and  contains  the 
wilderness  of  Faran.     It  is  a  plateau  gradually 
shelving  up  from  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  extending  some  150  miles 
to  the  S.,  where  it  reaches  a  height  of  4,000  ft. 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  ends  abruptly 
in   a  great  wall  of  rock,  Jebel   et-Tih,  jutting 
into  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  and  presenting  a 
scarp    to   the   S.    many   hundreds   of   feet    in 
height.     At    its   northern    end    for    about    50 
miles  it  is  covered  by  the  shifting  drift-sands 
above    mentioned.     It    is    formed    of    nearly 
horizontal  layers  of  limestone,  with  here  and 
there  a  fault^  when  sandstone  is  visible  ;    and 
in  the  centre  it  is  broken   up  by  mountain- 
ranges.     It  is  for  the  most  part  a  desert,  where 
soil  and  vegetation  are  very  sparse.      In  parts 
the  ground  is  hard  and  white,  without  traces 
of  vegetation  for  stretches  of  8  to  10  miles, 
with  here  and  there  a  seil,   or  water-course, 
with  scanty  vegetation,  and  for  two  months 
in  the  year  a  little  water.     After  heavy  rains, 
which  sometimes  f)ccur  in  Jan.  and  Feb.,  the 
sells  are  full  oi  water    for  a  few    hours,   and 
then  the  pasture  springs  up  in  and  about  the 
water-courses.      During      Nov.,      Dec,      and 
March  there  are  mists  and  heavy  dews,  which 
give  sufficient  moisture  to  the  flocks  <jf  sheep 
and  goats  kept  by  the  liedawin,  but  in  summer- 
time   the    animals    suffer    great     i)ri\ati<)iis, 
having  to  be  fed  in  one  locality  and  taken  to 
water   at   another  spot,   sometimes    15    miles 
distant,   twice  a  week.     The  goats  at  times 


EXODTTS,  THE 

are  fed  on  the  stones  of  dates  boiled  soft. 
There   are   corn-lands   in  some   parts  of  the 
desert  bordering  on  the  Red  Sea,  on  the  flat 
tops  of  the  mountains  where  the  mists  from 
the  sea-breezes  deposit  sufficient  moisture  to 
loosen  the  soil.      It  is  not  probable  that  the 
wanderings  of  the  Israelites  took  place  in  any 
part  of  this  desert,  except  on  the  western  edge, 
when  they  first  escaped  from  Egypt,  and  on 
the  S.E.  side  when  they  went  through  Paran 
to     Kadesh.       (4)    The    Peninsula    of    Sinai. 
This  is  the  portion  of  the  desert  which    ap- 
pears to  have  been  appropriated  to  the  use  of 
the   Israelites   during  their   wanderings,    and 
though  a  wilderness,  it  was  not  so  essentially 
a    desert    as    the    other    portions    of    Arabia 
Petraea  just  described.     It  forms  the  southern 
portion  of  that  triangular  tract  of  land  lying 
between  the  northern  horns  of  the  Red  Sea, 
the  gulfs  of  'Aqaba  and  Suez.     The  northern 
portion  of  this  tract  is  occupied  by  the  table- 
land of  the  Tih  just  described,  standing  up  as 
a   great   wall    1,500   ft.    in   height   above   the 
sandy  plain  which  separates  it  from  the  Sinai 
Peninsula.     The  great  recks  which  form  the 
mountains  of  the  peninsula  rise  in  the  centre 
to  a  height  of  about  8,000  ft.  above  the  sea, 
and  are  almost  denuded  of  the  marl  and  lime- 
stone   which    used    to    cover    them,    and    the 
rugged  heights  and  steep  cliffs  thus  exposed 
are  formed  of  granite,  porphyry,  and  schist. 
In  many  of  the  deep  valleys  intersecting  the 
peninsula   the   sedimentary   deposit    has   not 
been  wholly  cleared  out,  and  where  this  is  the 
case  the  rainfall  can  jienetrate  no  farther,  and 
is  carried  down  along  the  valleys  into  the  sea 
on    the  surface  of    the  marl,   causing  a  suc- 
cession   of   verdant    glades.     In    those    parts 
where   the   denudation    has   been   completed, 
the  valleys  are  arid  and  wanting  in  fertility. 
.As  instances  of  fertile  valleys  may  be  men- 
tioned     Ghurundel,      Hebran,      Eeiran,     and 
Taiyibeh.     The  rainfall  in  the  Sinai  Peninsula 
has,  of  late  years,  been  less  than  in  the  Tih, 
due   probably   to   the   destruction   of  timber, 
owing  to  a   tribvite  of  charcoal   having  been 
imposed  upon  the  Bedawin  of  these  parts  in 
the  year  1823.     There  is  abundant  evidence 
that  the  Sinai   Peninsula  was  once  compara- 
tively well-watered  and  fertile,  and  there  are 
still  the  remains  in  the  valleys  of  cultivated 
lands,  corn-granaries,  and  watch-houses.    The 
principal  trees  were  the  palm  and  the  acacia 
(shittim    wood,    Ex. 25. 5, 10,26.15, 27. i)  ;     and 
there  arc  still  many  kinds  of  bushes,  such  as 
wild    thorn,  willow,  fennel,  tamarisk,    reteni, 
myrrh,  and  caper.     At  the  present  day  every 
Bedawi   family   has  its  portion  of  date-trees 
and    corn-lands,    situated    sometimes    in    the 
desert    itself    and    sometimes    in    some    spot 
adjacent.     There    are    at    present    no   cattle, 
but  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats,  many  camels, 
and  a  few  hf)rses,   the  latter  belonging  to  a 
tribe  called   the  Sowarkeh. — From  the  Cross- 
ing of  the  Red  Sea  to  Sinai.       The  Israelites, 
on    escaping    from    Pharaoh's    host,    turned 
to   the   S.,    into   the   wilderness   of    Shur    (or 
lith.im)  and  travelled  for  three  days  without 
fiiuiiiiK  water  to  drink,  and  when  they  came 
to   .Makah    the   wat<rs   were   bitter,    and    the 
people      murmured      against      Moses.     These 
waters  have  not  yet  been  identified,  although 


EXODtrS,  THE 

Suggestions  have  been  made  that  Moses'  Wells, 
near  Suez,  or  'Ain  I^awara,  on  the  Red  Sea, 
represent  Marah  :  these  springs,  however, 
are  respectively  about  40  and  50  miles  from 
the  scene  of  the  crossing  of  the  Red  Sea, 
and  the  nearest  of  them  is  much  farther  than 
the  Israelites  can  have  travelled  in  three 
days.  We  know  that  the  Israelites  arrived 
at  Sinai  in  the  third  month  (i.e.  in  about  two 
months),  and  they  arrived  at  the  desert  of 
Sin  (which  is  generally  allowed  to  be  the 
plain  of  el-Markha)  in  one  month,  and  from 
these  data  wc  can  assume  that  the  Israelites 
travelled  140  miles  in  the  first  month  and  70 
miles  in  the  second  month,  so  that  at  the 
utmost  they  did  not  average  more  than  5 
miles  a  day.  At  this  rate  of  progress  the 
bitter  waters  of  Marah  would  be  in  the  desert 
somewhat  E.  of  the  Little  Bitter  Lake,  and 
the  next  halting-place,  Elim,  would  be  at 
Moses'  Wells,  some  9  miles  S.E.  of  Suez. 
Here  were  twelve  wells  of  water  and  70  palm- 
trees.  At  the  present  day  there  are,  at  Moses' 
Wells,  about  seven  wells,  and  several  palm- 
trees  and  some  irrigated  ground  ;  in  the 
vicinity  of  these  wells  there  is  much  water, 
as  is  evident  by  the  hundreds  of  camel-loads  of 
water  which  used  to  be  taken  daily  into  Suez 
for  the  use  of  the  town  from  the  well  of 
Naba  el-Ghurqudeh.  From  Elim  [Moses' 
Wells)  they  journeyed  under  Jebel  Rahah 
across  wadies  Siidr,  'Amareh,  and  Ghuriindel, 
where  there  is  water,  and  halted  by  the  Red 
Sea,  opposite  to  a  point  where  the  plateau  of 
the  Tih  terminates  and  the  peninsula  of  Sinai 
commences.  Here  they  turned  into  the 
wilderness  of  Sin  (el-Markha),  where  the  Israel- 
ites again  murmured  against  Moses  and 
Aaron,  longing  for  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt. 
It  was  here  that  the  daily  issue  of  manna 
commenced.  They  now  turned  inland  to- 
wards Sinai,  halting  at  Dophkah  and  Alush, 
and  arrived  at  Rephidim,  probably  in  the 
Wady  Feiran  (Paran),  and  there  was  no  water 
for  the  people  to  drink.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  Amalek  stood  between  the  Israelites  and 
the  waters  of  Feiran,  which  they  wished  to 
preserve  for  their  own  use.  Here  it  was  that 
Moses  smote  the  rock  in  Horeb,  and,  after  the 
defeat  of  the  Amalekites,  built  an  altar  to  the 
Lord.  The  next  halt  was  in  the  wilderness  of 
Sinai  before  the  mount,  in  the  third  month 
after  they  had  gone  forth  out  of  Egypt,  about 
two  lunar  months  after  their  departure. 
During  this  journey  Jethro,  priest  of  Midian, 
presented  himself  to  his  son-in-law  Moses, 
and  gave  him  the  advice  which  led  to  his  or- 
ganizing the  children  of  Israel  into  companies, 
with  rulers  over  tens  and  fifties  and  hundreds 
and  thousands.  The  people  now  commenced 
their  training  in  the  "  simple  life  "  which  was 
eventually  to  fit  them,  as  a  nation  under  arms, 
to  issue  from  the  desert  as  the  conquerors  of 
the  Promised  Land. — Horeb  and  Sinai.  These 
names  appear  to  be  used  interchangeably  in 
the  Bible,  but  most  authorities  now  consider 
that  Horeb  was  the  name  of  the  district  of 
Sinai,  and  that  Sinai  was  the  name  of  the 
mountain  itself  (Ex. 33.6-34.2).  It  has  been 
pointed  out,  however  (Sin.  and  Pal.  p.  29), 
that  the  difference  depends  rather  upon  a 
distinction  of  usage  than  of  place.     In  Ex., 


EXODUS,  THE 


271 


Lev.,  Num.,  and  Judg.,  Sinai  is  always  and 
exclusively  used  for  the  scene  of  the  giving  of 
the  Law,  Horeb  being  only  used  twice  for  the 
scene  of  the  burning  bush,  and  of  the  striking 
of  the  rock.  In  Deut.  Horeb  is  substituted 
for  Sinai  for  the  mountain  of  the  Law.  In  the 
Psalms  and  Historical  Books  the  two  names 
are  used  indifferently  for  the  mountain  of  the 
Law. — Position  of  Mount  Sinai.  Some  travel- 
lers, without  success,  have  sought  for  the 
mountain  of  the  Law  in  the  land  of  Midian, 
E.  of  the  gulf  of  '.'\qaba,  whilst  others  have 
proposed  Jebel  Serbal,  S.  of  the  Wady  Feiran. 
The  Ordnance  Survey  of  the  Sinai  Peninsula, 
with  its  careful  observations,  has  set  this 
question  at  rest  by  showing  that  Jebel  Serbal 
possesses  none  of  the  requirements  of  the 
Bible  narrative,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
traditional  site,  Musa-Sufsafeh,  answers  all 
the  requirements.  Musa-Sufsafeh,  situated 
in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula,  is  a  mass  of 
granite  some  2  miles  from  N.W.  to  S.E.,  and 
about  I  mile  wide,  its  elevation  being  about 
6,000  to  7,000  ft.  above  the  sea.  On  the  S. 
Jebel  Musa  rises  to  over  7,300  ft.,  and  on  the 
N.  Ras  Sufsafeh  rises  to  6,900  feet,  the  inter- 
vening space  being  filled  with  steep  cliffs  and 
deep  indentations.  N.  of  the  Ras  Sufsafeh, 
and  sloping  uniformly  down  to  the  very  foot 
of  the  steep  cliff,  which  forms  its  base,  is  a 
plain  occupying  about  a  square  mile  of  stand- 
ing ground,  directly  facing  the  front  of  the 
mountain,  and  this  plain  extends  to  N.E. 
and  N.W.  through  the  wadies  esh-Sheikh  and 
er-Rahah,  where  a  mighty  host  could  con- 
gregate. The  Ras  Sufsafeh  thus  overlooks  a 
plain  where  the  Israelites  could  assemble  in 
their  multitudes,  and  fulfil  the  conditions 
required  by  the  narrative.  They  could  stand 
at  the  "  nether  part  of  the  mountain  "  and 
yet  "  remove  and  stand  afar  off,"  and  at  the 
same  time  hear  the  voice  of  the  Lord  when  He 
spake  "  out  of  the  midst  of  the  fire  "  and 
answered  Moses  "  by  a  voice."  They  could 
draw  near  and  "touch"  the  precipitous  cliffs, 
and,  standing  under  them,  could  see  the 
summit.  The  peak  is  so  well  defined  that  it 
could  be  easily  distinguished  as  the  "  top  of 
the  mountain"  to  which  the  Lord  came  down. 
Moreover,  this  mass  of  granite  is  so  far  isolated 
that  it  could  be  set  apart  by  prescribing 
bounds  beyond  which  no  man  or  animal  was 
to  pass,  and  it  was  a  mountain  out  of  which 
a  brook  descends,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  which 
there  was  a  good  suppl}'  of  water  and  pasture. 
Within  a  radius  of  6  miles  there  is  sufficient 
space  for  the  encampment  of  the  Israelites, 
and  a  better  supply  of  water  and  pasture  than 
in  any  other  portion  of  the  peninsula. — 
From  Smai  to  Kadesh-barnea.  On  the  20th 
day  of  the  2nd  month  of  the  2nd  year,  the 
Israelites  left  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  on  their 
way  to  the  Promised  Land,  passing  through 
the  wilderness  of  Paran.  They  marched  direct 
upon  Kadesh-barnea,  "  through  all  that  gi^eat 
and  terrible  wilderness  "  by  way  of  the  moun- 
tain of  the  Amorites  (Deut. 1. 19)  ;  through 
Taberah  (Num. 11. 3  ;  Deut. 9. 22),  Kibroth- 
hattaavah  (Num. 11. 34, 33. 16)  and  Hazeroth 
(Num. 11. 35, 33. 17).  From  Kadesh-barnea  the 
spies  were  sent  out  to  examine  the  land  of 
Canaan,  to  ascertain  the  warlike  powers  of  the 


272 


EXODUS,  THE 


people  and  the  condition  of  the  land.  After 
forty  days  they  returned,  with  a  good  report 
of  the  land,  but  with  an  alarming  account  of 
the  strength  of  the  inhabitants,  so  that  the 
whole  congregation  of  the  Israelites  murmured 
against  Aaron  and  Moses,  and  even  proposed 
to  elect  another  captain  and  return  under  his 
guidance  to  servitude  in  Egypt.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  they  were  sentenced  "  to 
wander  in  the  wilderness  forty  years,"  and 
were  commanded  to  get  into  the  wilderness 
at  once  by  way  of  the  Red  Sea.  But  now 
another  spirit  of  rebellion  seized  the  Israel- 
ites, and  they  determined  to  go  up  and  fight 
the  Amorites,  in  spite  of  all  the  warnings  of 
Moses";  and  they  were  driven  back  and 
chased  as  far  as  Hormah,  by  the  Amalekites, 
Canaanites,  and  Amorites  ;  and  after  that 
they  "  abode  in  Kadesh  many  days  "  (Deut. 
1.46). — The  Years  of  Penal  Servitude  in  the 
Wilderness.  There  is  an  absolute  blank  in 
the  history  of  the  Israelites  during  the  next 
37  years  until  they  are  stated  to  have  arrived 
in  Kadesh,  in  the  wilderness  of  Zin,  where 
Miriam  died  {Num.20).  Even  the  position  of 
Kadesh  is  unknown,  but  we  have  the  following 
indications.  It  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Zin, 
on  the  southern  boundary  of  Canaan  and 
Judah,  to  the  W.  of  Edom,  and  eleven  days' 
march  from  Horeb  by  way  of  mount  Hor. 
It  was  on  the  route  followed  by  Chedorlaomer 
from  El-paran  to  En-gedi  (Gen.14.7  ;  Num.20. 
14,22,34.4  ;  Deut. 1.2, 32.51  ;  Jos. tO.41, 14.6). 
From  this  we  may  gather  that  it  was  not 
more  than  40  miles  N.  of  the  head  of  the 
gulf  of  'Aqaba,  and  not  many  miles  W.  of 
the  Arabah  (the  depression  connecting  the 
gulf  of  'Aqaba  with  the  Dead  Sea).  It  seems 
probable  that  Kadesh  or  Kedesh  was  a  district 
as  well  as  a  town,  but  the  accounts  in  Num. 
and  Deut.  are  so  difficult  to  synchronize,  with 
our  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  country, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  ap- 
proximate idea  of  the  locality  of  the  wander- 
ings during  the  37  blank  pages  of  history. 
(See  KadivSii,  and  Kedesh,  i,  for  the  two 
views.) — From  Kadesh-barnea  to  the  Plains  of 
Moab.  In  considering  this  route  we  are  again 
limited  in  our  knowledge  of  the  incidents  of 
the  journey.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  two 
accounts  given  in  Num. 33. 30, 31  and  Deut. 10. 
6,7  that  there  are  certain  stations  mentioned 
which  have  a  similarity  of  name  :  (i)  Mose- 
roth,  Mosera,  (2)  Bene-jaakan,  Bccroth  of  the 
children  of  Jaakan,  (3)  Horhagidgad,  Gud- 
godah,  (4)  Jotbathah,  Jotbath.  Attempts 
have  been  made  to  locate  these  places  at 
various  points  in  the  Sinai  Peninsula,  but 
without  any  satisfactory  results.  The  infor- 
mation at  the  present  time  is  wholly  insuffi- 
cient t(j  enable  us  to  attempt  any  localization 
of  the  places  mentioned  in  the  itinerary,  with 
a  few  exceptions.  Mount  Hor  is  by  general 
agreement  assumed  to  be  Jebel  Neby  HSrCm, 
near  Petra,  agreeing  with  the  tradition  handed 
down  by  Josephus  from  early  times  (4  Ant. 
iv.  7).  From  mount  Hor  the  Israelites 
travelled  to  Elath  and  Ezion-geber  (Deut. 2. 8) 
near  the  head  of  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba,  and  then 
they  must  have  turned  up  Wady  I  thin,  by 
the  '.\qaba  or  ascent,  to  the  iilateau,  following 
the  old  caravan  route  and  present  Hdj  route 


EZEi^IEL 

from  Cairo  to  Mecca.  This  they  followed 
until  they  struck  the  old  caravan  and  modern 
Hdj  route  from  Mecca  to  Damascus,  and, 
skirting  the  eastern  border  of  Edom,  they 
arrived  in  Moab.  The  brook  Zered  is  pro- 
bably the  Wady  el-Ahsi  (Sell  Garahi)  running 
into  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  From 
this  point  to  the^plains  of  Moab  the  only 
stations  which  can  be  fixed  with  certainty 
are  Dibon  Gad  (Dhiban),  mount  Abarim  (near 
ZerqaMa'ain),  Pisgah  (RasSiaghah)W.  of  Jebel 
Neba,  and  the  plains  of  Moab  (Ghor  es-Seise- 
ban).  [c.w.] 

Exopcist.  The  belief  in  a  power  pos- 
sessed by  some  to  drive  nut  devils  is  naturally 
co-existent  with  a  belief  in  Demoniacal 
Possession.  For  if  one  accepts  the  theory 
that  the  Powers  of  Evil  may  inhabit  the 
human  body,  it  naturally  follows  (since  God 
is  stronger  than  evil)  that  there  must  be  a 
counteracting  Power  of  Good.  Hence  in 
N.T.  we  find  exorcism  in  constant  use.  Our 
blessed  Lord  constantly  "  cast  out  spirits  " 
(see,  e.g.,  Mk.5.2ff.),  and  this  He  naturally  did 
by  virtue  of  His  own  authority,  simply  saying, 
"  Come  out  of  him,"  or,  "  I  charge  thee  come 
out  and  enter  no  more  into  him."  This  au- 
thority He  delegated  to  the  Twelve  (Mt.lO.i) 
and  to  the  Seventy  (Lu.lO.17),  and  (if  we 
accept  the  last  verses  of  St.  Mark  as  genuine) 
it  was  to  remain  with  the  Church  as  a  more 
or  less  permanent  mark  of  her  divine  com- 
mission (Mk.l6.17).  St.  Paul  exercised  the 
same  power  (Ac. 16. 18),  and  there^is  no  doubt 
that  it  was  claimed  and  made  use  of  for  many 
centuries,  nor  (according  to  many)  has  it 
ever  been  lost  to  the  Church.  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  exorcism  was  no  new 
thing  when  iiractised  by  our  Lord.  Mt.12.27 
seems  to  suggest  a  regular  practice  of  the  art 
amongst  the  Jews,  wliilc  Ac.i9.13  shows  that 
some  at  least  preteiuled  to  it.  Josephus  (.Ant.) 
gives  some  wonderful  fables  on  the  subject. 
Origen,  Justin  Martyr,  and  TertuUian  all  speak 
of  Jews  who  rlaimetl  the  power  of  exorcizing 
devils  in  the  name  of  God.  [f.J.] 

Expectation,  Messianic,  of  Jews. 
[Messiah.] 

Expiation.     [Sacrifice  ;  Atonement.] 

E'zap(iClir.l.3<S),  properly  Ezer,  i,  as  R.V. 

Ezbai',  father  of  Naarai  (1Chr.ll.37). 

Ezbon  . — 1.  Sou  of  Gad,  and  founder  of 
one  of  the  Gaditc  families  (Gen. 46. 16  ;  =  Ozni, 
Num.26. 16). — 2.  Souliof  Bela,  the  son  of 
Benjamin,  acct)rding  to  iChr.7.7. 

Ezechi'as. — 1.  (iHsd.9.14)  —  Jahaziah. 
— 2.   (2l';sd.7.4o)  ~  king  Hezekiah. 

Ezeci  as.  (ii:sd.9.43)  —  Hilkiah,  5. 

Ezeki  as  ( l':cclus.48-i 7,22,49.4  ;  2Mac.l5. 
22  ;  Mt.l.f),  10)  ==  king  Hezekiah. 

EzeKiel.  l'>.ekiel,  tiie  third,  according  to 
anotlicr  reckoning  the  second,  of  the  great  pro- 
phets, and,  like  Jeremiah  and  Zcchariah,  of 
priestly  descent,  dates  his  several  prophecies 
almost  witiiout  exception  from  the  j'ear  of  his 
(Icixirtation  (5th-27th  years  =  593-571) ;  see 
1.2,29.1  7f.  He  prophesied  amongst  the  exiles 
at  Tel  Ahib  (3.15),  by  the  river  Chebar  in  Baby- 
lonia (1.1,3,3.15),  ])ossesscd  a  house  of  his  own 
(3.24.8.i),'an(rtill  589  had  a  wife  (24.i,i5fT.). 
Though  those  of  his  nation  only  valued  him  for 
his  artistic  power  and  are  often  called  "  a  house 


E2EKIEL 

of  rebelliousness,"  they  freely  resort  to  him 
(33.3of., 37.18),  especially  the  elders  (8.i,14.i, 
20.1).  On  account  of  3. i4f.,26,4.4ff., 24.27,33. 
22,  Klostermann  held  him  to  be  cataleptic  ; 
yet  this  condition  was  imposed  upon  him  (3. 
24ff.,24.25ff.)  on  account  of  Israel's  rebellious- 
ness (3.26).  The  "thirtieth  year"  of  l.i  can 
scarcely  be  understood  of  an  era  of  Nabopo- 
lassar,  and  must  be  reckoned  as  that  of  the 
prophet's  age.  If  so,  he  was  carried  away 
young,  and  before  he  had  exercised  his  priestly 
office  in  Jerusalem  (so  Josephus).  If  he 
were  old  enough  to  have  had  instruction  in  the 
law  and  in  priestly  service,  the  particulars 
exhibited  in  40-48  are  sufficiently  explained. 
Legend  makes  him  the  teacher  of  Pythagoras 
and  the  servant,  or  son,  of  Jeremiah  to  whose 
prophecies  his  are  often  closely  related  (cf. 
Ezk.34  with  Je.23.iff. ;  Ezk.23  with  Je.3. 
6ff.  ;  Ezk.  18.2  with  Je.3i.29,  and  the  similar 
connexion  between  Amos  and  Hosea,  Isaiah 
and  Micah,  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  EUjah  and 
Elisha),  and  finally  a  martyr  and  gives  him 
burial  in  the  grave  of  Shem  and  Arphaxad. 
His  book  contains  two  principal  parts,  corre- 
sponding to  his  double  mission  to  terrify  the 
careless  sinner  and  to  comfort  the  despondent 
(cf.  Micah).  Possibly  this  is  what  Josephus 
means  when  he  says  that  "  he  left  in  writing 
two  books."  The  fall  of  Jerusalem  (Ezk.33. 
21)  forms  the  turning-point.  The  first  part 
embraces  prophecies  against  Israel  (1-24)  and 
in  chronological  order  (l.i,3.i6,8.i,20.i,24.i), 
and  against  seven  heathen  nations  (25-32), 
Ammon,  Moab,  Edom,  Philistia,  Tjnre,  Sidon, 
Egypt  in  geographical  order,  the  supplement 
(29.i7ff.)  being  joined  to  Egypt.  Upon  his 
calling  to  the  prophetic  office  (1-3)  there  fol- 
lows threatening  of  punishment  for  idolatry 
and  unrighteousness,  and  for  failures  in  cere- 
monial and  religious  duties,  in  three  subordin- 
ate divisions  (3ff.,8ff.,20ff.),  culminating  in  ch. 
24.  Part  2,  which  has  as  its  subject  Israel's 
future,  sets  forth  the  principle,  conditions,  and 
historical  course  of  Israel's  restoration  and  sub- 
sequent developments  {34ff.),  and  the  outward 
characteristics  of  this  future — temple,  people, 
land  (40ff.).  The  structure  of  the  book  is  so 
clear  and  homogeneous,  the  thoughts  of  the 
earlier  prophecies  pervading  the  later,  that  it 
stands  out  as  a  unity  and  its  authenticity  is 
generally  admitted.  Its  relegation  to  the 
Persian  or  Greek  era  by  Zunz  and  Seinecke 
respectively  has  not  met  with  any  acceptance. 
Since  Ezekiel  could  only  reach  a  small  part  of 
his  people,  the  scope  of  his  genius  was  even 
more  cramped  than  that  of  his  predecessors. 
It  is  the  custom  nowadays  to  belittle  the 
literary  significance  of  the  book  and  to  char- 
acterize the  author  as  a  fantastic  dreamer 
without  real  intuition.  But  no  prophet  has 
so  feUcitous  a  command  of  allegory,  symbol, 
comparison,  parable,  proverb,  and  lyric,  and 
Schiller  pays  a  warm  and  unprejudiced  tribute 
to  the  poetic  genius  of  Ezekiel.  Herder  called 
this  prophet  "  the  Aeschylus  and  Shakespeare 
of  the  Hebrews."  Ezekiel's  frequent  symbolic 
actions  were  not  wholly  carried  out,  but  were 
ideal.  His  visions,  which  it  is  abitrary  to 
regard  as  mere  literary  embellishment,  are  as 
magnificent  as  his  conception  of  God,  and  of 
this  the  opening  vision  gives  us  a  good  example. 


EZEKIEL 


273 


Above  all,  his  subject-matter  is  many-sided 
and  imposing.  According  to  Wellhausen,  he 
initiated  the  tendency  towards  the  priestly 
codification  of  the  laws,  and  by  not  a  few  he  is 
held  to  be  the  creator  or  editor  of  the  law  of 
holiness  (Lev. 17-26).  We  believe  this  to  be 
quite  impossible.  He  presupposes  both,  under- 
stood these  laws  in  their  deep  symbolism,  and 
brought  their  historical  evolution,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  its  culmination  and  final  result 
(40.ff.).  The  fountain  of  waters  rising  in  the 
temple  (Ezk.47.iff.)  shows  the  concluding  chap- 
ters (40fE.),  on  the  one  hand,  to  be  no  literal 
programme  of  reconstruction,  while,  on  the 
other,  the  very  detailed  measurements  forbid 
our  treating  it  as  mere  allegory.  An  actual 
change  in  the  state  of  affairs  has  been  brought 
about  by  Jehovah.  Similarly,  the  greater  size 
and  stricter  measure  of  the  temple,  as  com- 
pared with  the  one  destroyed,  is  intended  to 
symbolize  God's  holiness.  Sound  exegesis  keeps 
the  middle  path  between  the  extremes  of 
a  false  spiritualism  and  of  an  unimaginative 
realism.  As  was  natural  to  a  priest,  he  makes 
use  of  the  imagery  of  Law  and  Temple  which 
lay  to  his  hand,  but  as  a  prophet  he  bends  it 
freely  to  his  purpose  (see  the  present  writer's 
Are  the  Critics  Right?  pp.  114-141.)  His 
priestly  descent  also  shows  itself  in  his  idea  of 
the  Messiah,  Who  is  for  him  not  only  king  (34. 
iiff.,37.22,24f.)  but  high-priest,  as  in  Jeremiah 
and  Zechariah  (see  21.25f.,  where  both  the 
high-priestly  diadem  and  the  kingly  crown  are 
for  the  Messiah;  45.22f.,  where  "the  prince" 
acts  as  the  high-priestly  intercessor  for  "  all 
the  people "  ;  and  see  further  the  present 
writer's  Messianische  Erwartung  der  vorexil- 
ischen  Propheten,  pp.  334  ff.).  Ezekiel,  though 
not  first  in  this  field,  is  important  also  for  his 
extension  of  eschatological  ideas  (38.17,39.8; 
cf.  Rev. 20. 8).  But  avoiding  mere  apocalyptic 
fantasy  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  dry  bones  of 
ceremonialism  on  the  other,  he  enriches  his 
conceptions  with  the  deepest  thoughts  of 
practical  religion — e.g.  the  religious  value  he 
sets  upon  the  individual,  which,  in  accordance 
with  his  anxious  mission  to  the  exiles,  he  em- 
phasizes in  the  highest  degree  (Ezk.3.i6f.,18, 
33) ;  his  universalism,  which  includes  the 
nations  not  only  in  judgment  (25-32),  but  also 
in  salvation  (5.3,16.46ff.,17.23,34.26)  ;  and  his 
conception  of  God,  which  unites  the  greatest 
love  with  the  greatest  holiness  and  the  loftiest 
sublimity.  For  the  love,  specially  cf.  ll.igf., 
36.25ff.,39.29  ;  for  the  majesty,  consider  the 
opening  vision,  the  frequent  opposition  of  "the 
Lord  Jehovah"  to  "the  Son  of  Man,"  and 
the  fact  that  over  fifty  times  it  is  given  as  the 
design  of  the  whole  divine  plan  and  operation 
that  the  nations  as  well  as  Israel  should  recog- 
nize both  in  judgment  and  in  promise  that  He 
is  Jehovah.  The  text  is  frequently  corrupt  or 
obscure.  Because  some  of  his  opinions  were 
considered  inconsistent  with  the  Law,  the 
Jews  debated  whether  Ezekiel  should  be  read 
in  the  public  services  of  the  synagogue  ;  it  was, 
however,  finally  decided  in  favour  of  such 
reading.  But  on  account  of  the  abstruseness 
of  his  introduction  and  final  vision,  the  private 
studyofthese(asofthe  first  chapters  of  Genesis) 
was  prohibited  to  any  one  of  less  than  30  years 
of  age.     Express  quotation  before  N.T.  times 

18 


274 


EZEL,  THE  STONE 


is  found  only  in  Ecclus.49.Sf.,  which  refers  to 
Ezk. 1,13. II, 38. 9, 16,22.  The  concluding  vision 
has  had  a  special  iulinence  upon  the  Apoca- 
lypse of  St.  John.  Zunz,  Gottesdienstliche 
Vortrdge  ;  Seinccke,  Geschichte  Israels  ;  Cona- 
mcntaries  of  Keil,  Havernick,  Hengstenberg, 
Von  Orelli,  Smend,  Bcrtholet,  Kractzschmar; 
Klostermann  in  Studien  und  Kritiken  (1877)  ; 
Redpath,  Ezk.  in  W cstmin'iter  Comtn.  (1907). 
For  a  discussion  of  the  style  of  Ezekiel,  see 
Spencer  in  Lex  Mosaica,  s.v.  [w.m.] 

E'zel,  The  stone  (1Sam.2O.19).  "The 
stone  of  departure,"  perhaps  the  Levitical 
boundary  stone  at  Gibeah.  The  LXX.  reads 
"  this  Ergab  "  (or  "  stone-heap  ").     [c.r.c] 

E'zem  (iChr.4.29).     [AzEM.] 

E  zap. — 1.  A  Horite  "  duke,"  son  of  Seir, 
dwelling  in  mount  Seir  in  the  land  of  Edom 
(Gen. 36. 21, 27,30  ;  iChr.l.42,  of.  38). — 2.  A 
son  of  Ephraim,   slain  by  the  men  of  Gath 


EZHA 

which  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ne.l2.i). — 2.  A  man  of  Judah  in  the  obscure 
genealogy  of  iChr.4'.i7;  R.V.  Ezrah. — 3.  The 
famous  scribe  and  priest,  descended  from  Hil- 
kiah  who  was  high-priest  in  Josiah's  reign  and 
from  whose  younger  son  Azariah  sprang  Se- 
raiah,  Ezra's  father  (Ezr.T.i,  quite  a  different 
person  from  Seraiah  the  high-priest).  All  that 
is  really  known  of  Ezra  is  contained  in  the  four 
last  chapters  of  the  book  of  Ezra  and  in  Ne.8 
and  12.26.  He  was  a  learned  and  pious  priest- 
scribe,  residing  at  Babylon  in  the  time  of 
Artaxerxes  I.ongimanus.  The  origin  of  his 
connexion  with  the  king  does  not  appear — it 
may  have  been  through  the  influence  of 
Esther's  family.  In  the  seventh  year  of  the 
king's  reign  Ezra  obtained  leave  to  go  to 
Jerusalem,  with  a  company  of  Israelites, 
including  priests,  Le\'ites,  singers,  porters, 
Nethinim,      and     laymen.        Their      journey 


in  a  cattle-raid  (iChr.7.2i).  [Elead.] — 3.  A 
priest  who  assisted  at  the  dedication  of  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.42). — 4.  Father 
of  Hushah  of  the  sons  of  Hur  (iChr.4.4). 

Ezepias  (ilisd.S.i)  =  Azakiah,  7. 

Ezi  as.     [Azii.i.] 

Ezion -g^a  ber,  or  Ezion'-g-e'bep  (Num. 
33.35;  Dcut.2.8  ;  iK. 9.26,22.48  ;  2Chr.8.i7, 
20.36),  the  last  station  named  for  the  encamp- 
ment of  the  Israelites  before  the  wilderness  of 
Zin.  It  was  "  beside  "  Elath,  apparently  on 
the  shore.  The  name  has  been  supposed  to  be 
preserved  at  'A in  Ghucfidn,  10  miles  up  the 
Arai)ah  Valley,  but  tliis  is  duubtful.    [c.r.c] 

Bz'nite,  The.  According  to  2Sam.23.8, 
"  Adinothe  Eznite"  was  theTachmonite  "  that 
sat  in  the  seat."  In  iChr.ll.ii  we  read  instead 
"Jashobeam  an  Hachmoaite."  The  K.V. 
in  the  first  passage  reads  "  Joshebbasshebeth 
a  Tahchemonite."  [c.r.c] 

Ezpa'  (a  shortened  form  of  Azariah). — 1. 
The  head  of  one  of  the  22  courses  of  priests 


from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  took  just  four 
months.  They  brought  with  them  a  large 
free-will  offering  of  gold  and  silver,  and  silver 
vessels.  Ezra's  design  was  to  effect  a  religious 
reformation  among  the  Palestine  Jews,  and  to 
restore  the  observation  of  the  law  of  Moses, 
from  which  they  had  grievously  declined,  and 
to  whicli  he  was  sincerely  dc\'oted.  His  first 
step  was  to  enforce  separation  from  their  wives 
upon  all  who  had  made  heathen  marriages,  as 
many  priests  and  Levites  (as  well  as  other  Is- 
raelites) had  done.  This  was  effected  in  little 
more  than  six  months  after  his  arrival  at  Jeru- 
saleni.  With  tiie  detailed  account  of  this  im- 
jiortant  transaction  I'>.ra's  autobiography  ends 
abruptly.  Perhaps  his  firman  had  expired  ; 
at  any  rate,  wc  hear  nothing  more  of  him  till,  13 
years  afterwards,  in  tlie  20th  of  Artaxerxes,  we 
find  him  again  at  Jerusalem  with  Neheiuiah 
"  the  Tirsliatha."  The  functions  he  executed 
under  Nehemiah  were  mainly  of  a  priestly 
character.      As    he    is    not    mentioned    after 


iE^RA,  BOOK  OP 

Nehemiah's  departure  for  Babylon  in  the  sand 
of  Artaxerxes,  and  as  everything  fell  into  con- 
fusion during  Nehemiah's  absence  (Ne.l3), 
Ezra  may  have  died  or  returned  to  Babylon 
before  that  year.  Josephus  evidently  knew 
nothing  about  the  time  or  the  place  of  his 
death.  There  was  a  strong  Jewish  tradition 
that  he  was  buried  in  Persia.  Ezra  was  pre- 
eminently a  man  of  prayer  and  a  man  of  learn- 
ing. His  knowledge  of  the  law  and  the  pro- 
phets is  recognized  by  all  Jewish  writers,  who 
credit  him  with  many  impossible  feats.  The 
principal  works  traditionally  ascribed  to  him 
by  the  Jews  are  :  (i)  The  institution  of  the 
Great  Synagogue.  (2)  The  settling  the  canon 
of  Scripture,  and  restoring,  correcting,  and 
editing  the  whole  sacred  volume.  (3)  The  in- 
troduction of  the  Aramaic  character  instead  of 
the  old  Hebrew.  (4)  The  authorship  of  the 
books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and  (some 
add)  Esther ;  and  even  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  and 
the  twelve  prophets.  (5)  The  establishment 
of  synagogues. 

Bz'pa,  Book  of.  The  book  of  Ezra  is 
manifestly  a  continuation  of  the  books  of 
Chronicles,  which  it  overlaps.  Like  them,  it 
consists  of  contemporary  historical  journals, 
which  were  afterwards  strung  together,  and 
either  abridged  or  added  to  (as  the  case  re- 
quired) by  a  later  hand.  That  later  hand,  in 
the  book  of  Ezra,  was  possibly  Ezra's  own,  for 
the  four  last  chapters  are  his.  The  first  part 
of  the  book  (ch.  1-6)  gives  us  the  decree  of 
Cyrus,  the  return  of  a  considerable  number  of 
the  people,  the  re-laying  of  the  foundation  of 
the  temple,  the  opposition  which  caused  a  nine- 
years'  delay,  the  subsequent  removal  of  the 
difficulties,  the  completion  of  the  work  under 
the  encouragement  of  the  prophets  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  and  the  inauguration  of  the  temple 
services.  The  second  part  of  the  book  (ch.  7-10) 
brings  Ezra  on  the  scene,  57  years  later,  armed 
with  a  firman  from  Artaxerxes,  which  author- 
ized him  to  administer  justice  and  to  further 
the  religious  interests  of  the  people.  He 
found  many  shameful  abuses,  but  he  faced 
them  in  a  spirit  of  prayer  (ch.  9)  and  courage 
(ch.  10).  A  peculiarity  of  the  book  is  that 
part  of  it  is  in  Aramaic,  i.e.  from  4.8  to  6.18, 
and  also  the  decree  of  Artaxerxes  (7.12-26). 
Cf.  the  case  of  Daniel.  The  Heb.  language 
was  evidently  dying  out,  and  a  neo-Heb., 
such  as  we  read  of  in  N.T.,  was  beginning  to 
take  its  place.  The  chief  portion  of  the  last 
chapter  of  2Chr.  and  Ezr.l  may  have  been 
written  by  Daniel.  Daniel  records  none  of 
the  great  events  of  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  (to 
which  allusion  is  made  in  Dan. 1. 21).  But 
Ezr.l,  if  placed  between  Dan. 9  and  10,  exactly 
fills  up  the  gap,  and  records  the  decree  in 
which  Daniel  was  so  deeply  interested.  More- 
over, the  manner  of  the  record  is  exactly 
Daniel's.  The  giving  the  text  of  the  decree, 
Ezr.l. 2-4  (cf.  Dan.4.1-3),  the  mention  of  the 
name  of  "  Mithredath  the  treasurer,"  ver.  8  (cf. 
Dan. 1.3, 11),  the  allusion  to  the  sacred  vessels 
placed  by  Nebuchadnezzar  in  the  house  of  his 
god,  ver.  7  (cf.  Dan.1.2),  thegivmg  the  Aramaic 
name  of  Zerubbabel,  vv.  8,11  {cf.  Dan.1.7), 
and  the  whole  locus  standi  of  the  narrator,  who 
evidently  wrote  at  Babylon,  not  at  Jerusalem, 
are  all  circumstances  which  possibly  point  to 


EZRA,  BOOK  OF 


2?5 


Daniel  as  the  writer  of  Ezr.l.  Ezr.2-3.i  is 
found  in  duplicate  in  Ne.7,  though  the  copies 
do  not  wholly  agree.  Except  one  explanatory 
addition  (4.6-23),  by  a  later  hand  in  the  reign 
of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  3.2-6  is  the  work 
of  a  writer  contemporary  with  Zerubbabel  and 
Jeshua,  and  an  eye-witness  of  the  rebuilding  of 
the  temple  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Darius  Hystaspis.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
Haggai  was  the  writer.  At  any  rate,  it  was 
much  earlier  than  Ezra's  time.  The  last  four 
chapters  are  Ezra's  own,  and  continue  the  his- 
tory after  a  gap  of  58  years — from  the  6th  of 
Darius  to  the  7th  of  Artaxerxes,  in  the  midst 
of  which  gap  the  book  of  Esther  might  have 
been  inserted.  The  text  of  the  book  is  not 
in  a  good  condition.  There  are  palpable 
corruptions  both  in  names  and  numerals, 
and  perhaps  in  some  other  points.  There 
has  hardly  been  any  doubt  about  the  canon- 
icity  of  the  book,  although  it  is  not  quoted 
in  N.T.  Of  late  years  it  has  been  thought 
that  this  book  ought  to  be  regarded  as 
apocryphal,  and  that  lEsdras  ought  to  take 
its  place.  A  comparison  of  the  two  books, 
however,  suggests  that  difficulties  would  be 
increased  rather  than  diminished  by  this 
course.  Josephus  appears  to  side  with  lEs- 
dras  ;  but  he  writes  rather  vaguely  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  dates  of  the  kings  of  the  period 
covered  by  the  book  of  Ezra  are  as  follows  : 
Cyrus,  538  B.C.  ;  Cambyses,  529  ;  two  im- 
postors, Gomates  and  Smerdis,  followed  by 
Darius  Hystaspis,  522  ;  Xerxes,  485  ;  Arta- 
xerxes, 465.  The  list  given  in  the  book  of 
Ezra  includes  Cyrus,  [Xer.xes,  Artaxerxes,] 
Darius,  Artaxerxes.  The  reference  to  Xerxes 
{i.e.  Ahasuerus)  is  in  one  verse  only  (4.6),  and 
may  be  dismissed  as  an  illustrative  note — 
perhaps  by  Ezra  himself.  The  Artaxerxes  in 
the  passage  which  follows  can  hardly  be  the 
Artaxerxes  (Longimanus)  of  Ezra's  and  Ne- 
hemiah's time ;  otherwise  the  whole  passage 
(4.7-23)  must  be  dealt  with  as  a  later  insertion 
— a  view  which  is  held  by  many.  The  only  al- 
ternative is  to  regard  the  name  as  a  substitute 
for  Cambyses.  This  alone  will  make  the  whole 
passage  harmonious.  The  changing  of  names 
was  not  uncommon.  Zerubbabel  was  turned 
into  Sheshbazzar  (1.8),  while  his  official  title 
was  Tirshatha.  Josephus  calls  him  Sana- 
bassar.  The  impostor  Smerdis  was  called 
Spendadates  by  Ctesias  and  Oropastes  by  Jus- 
tin ;  Xer.xes  was  also  called  Cyrus ;  and  so  with 
others.  Cambyses  is  called  both  Kambathet 
and  also  Mesutra  (?  Ramesiita ;  so  Maspero),  by 
his  Egyptian  subjects  (Petrie,  Egypt,  iii.  360  ; 
Pierret,  Foca&.  pp.  234,  642);  and  his  Palestinian 
subjects  may  have  had  some  reason,  unknown 
to  us,  for  introducing  him  under  the  name 
Artaxerxes.  It  may  be  added  that  Josephus 
says  that  the  delay  caused  by  the  adversaries 
was  one  of  9  years.  This  exactly  takes  us  from 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Cambyses  to  the 
2nd  year  of  Darius  Hystaspis.  The  difficulty 
may  have  some  other  solution.  In  i  Esdras  and 
Josephus  it  is  affirmed  that  Zerubbabel  headed 
a  second  expedition  at  the  beginning  of 
Darius's  reign,  and  that  the  Ust  of  ch.  2  belongs 
to  this  and  not  to  the  first ;  but  the  word  used 
of  it  in  Ne.7. 5 — translated  "  at  the  first  " — i? 
opposed  to  this  view.  [r.b.g.] 


2?6 


EZilAHITE,  THE 


Ez'pahlte,  The,  a  title  attached  to  two 
persons — Ethan  (1K.4.31  ;  Ps.89,  title)  and 
Heman  (Ps.88,  title). 

Ezpi',  sou  of  Chelub,  superintendent  of 
king  David's  farm -labourers    (iChr.27.26). 


Fable.     [Allegory.] 

Fair  Havens  (KaXoi  Ai/xives),  a  har- 
bour in  the  island  of  Cketic  (Ac.27.8).  Though 
not  mentioned  by  classical  writers,  it  is  still 
known  by  its  Gk.  name.  It  appears  to  have 
been  the  harbour  of  Lasea,  E.  of  Cape 
Matala,  which  is  the  most  conspicuous  head- 
land on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete,  and  immediately 
W.  of  which  the  coast  trends  suddenly  N. 

Fairs,  a  word  occurring  only  in  A.V.of  Ezk. 
27,  and  there  no  less  than  seven  times  (vv.  12, 
14,16,19,22,27,33)  :  in  ver.  33  it  is  rendered 
"  wares,"  which  R.V.  rightly  uses  throughout. 

Faith.  Cf.  Salvation;  Repentance  ;  Con- 
version. Faith  is  the  second  step  along  the 
way  of  salvation.  Repentance  is  the  casting 
off  of  the  old  servitude,  faith  the  submission  to 
the  new.  Hence  faith  is  the  moral  opposite 
of  sin,  even  more  than  is  repentance.  It  is  also 
closely  connected  with  sacrifice  as  its  inward 
and  spiritual  reality.  The  place  of  faith  in  the 
spiritual  life  has  been  confused  by  the  theory 
of  substitution  and  vicarious  punishment.  If 
it  is  taught  that  Christ's  sacrifice  was  penal, 
and  that  He  suffered  the  wrath  of  God  in  our 
stead,  all  that  is  left  for  faith  is  trustfully  to 
to  accept  His  sacrifice,  and  to  consent  to  be 
involved  in  His  merits.  This  is  the  view  of 
Bp.  Moule  {cf.  Christian  Doctrine  and  Epistle 
to  the  Romans).  One  primary  objection  is 
that  such  a  view  of  faith  is  inapplicable  to 
O.T.,  and  that  the  faith  of  the  O.T.  saints 
meant  something  higher,  viz.  their  entire  devo- 
tion to  the  cause  and  Church  of  God.  It  can 
hardly  be  supposed  that  faith  should  have  lost, 
and  not  rather  gained  in  intensity  in  con- 
sequence of  the  teachings  of  Christ.  So  far 
from  this,  faith  in  N.T.  includes  the  utmost  of 
sacrifice.  It  is  vain  to  seek  its  meaning  by 
grammar  and  dictionary,  for  the  relation 
defines  the  word,  and  not  the  word  the  rela- 
tion. Faith  is  one  thing  in  a  friend,  another 
as  between  husband  and  wife  ;  but  the  highest, 
most  intimate,  and  most  vital  relation  of  all  is 
between  the  soul  and  God.  Faith  is  the  demand 
of  Christ,  unique,  exceptional,  imperative.  It 
is  not  satisfied  by  intellectual  acceptance,  or 
passive  acquiescence  in  a  work  done  for  us,  but 
is  personal  self-surrender.  This  high  meaning 
will  explain  its  Pauline  preference  to  works. 
By  these  are  meant  works  done  in  substitution 
for  submission.  Such  works  are  of  the  nature 
of  sin,  because  not  done  according  to  the  will  of 
God.  (iod  may  of  His  mercy  take  the  will  for 
the  deed,  and  overlook  imperfect  obedience ; 
but  He  cannf)t  take  the  deed  instead  of  and 
in  the  place  of  the  will.  We  cannot  please 
God  except  as  we  desire  to  please  Him.  This 
desire  to  please  Him  is  called  faith.  |I'aiii,.1 
The  standard  teaching  on  faith  is  contained  in 
Bp.  Jeremy  Taylor's  well-known  sermon  I' ides 


FALL,  THE 

Formata.  "  Faith  destroys  our  sin,  unites 
us  to  God  :  by  it  we  are  partakers  of  Christ's 
death  and  imitators  of  His  life."  [m.s.] 

Fall,  The.  The  narrative  of  the  Fall  has  all 
the  marks  of  the  most  hoar  antiquity.  Whether 
divinely  revealed  to  Abraham  before  his  flight 
from  Mesopotamia,  or  preserved  under  divine 
supervision  in  the  family  of  the  patriarch,  after 
it  had  become  overlaid  by  false  traditions 
among  other  dwellers  in  that  region,  it  is 
clearly  more  archaic  in  style  and  method  than 
any  other  portion  of  O.T.  It  has  been  inter- 
preted both  literally  and  spiritually.  That  it 
is  to  some  extent  figurative  in  form  is  demon- 
strated by  the  allusion  to  the  "  tree  of  know- 
ledge of  good  and  evil."  Literally,  of  course, 
there  is  no  such  "  tree"  ;  and  Holy  Scripture  is 
not  responsible  for  injudicious  literalists,  who 
have  ventured  to  amend  the  Bible,  and  substi- 
tute an  apple  (!)  for  the  "fruit"  mentioned. 
But  whether  taught  literally  or  figuratively, 
the  spiritual  lessons  of  the  narrative  are  neces- 
sary foundation  truths  of  our  religion,  and  the 
starting-point  for  the  whole  scheme  of  redemp- 
tion. That  man  has  fallen  since  his  creation, 
by  violating  the  laws  prescribed  for  him  by  the 
Almighty,  is  a  fact  proved  by  the  whole  history 
of  the  world.  The  first  act  committed  by  man  in 
violation  of  those  laws  constituted  the  Fall.  What- 
ever was  the  exact  character  of  man's  first 
offence,  it  is  clear  that  it  involved  an  abuse  of 
the  free-will  granted  him  by  his  Maker.  He 
fell  at  the  moment  when  he  first  resolved  to 
have  experience  of  evil  as  well  as  of  good.  This 
experiment  was  suggested  by  the  Tempter, 
traces  of  whose  malign  influence  are  not 
wanting  in  tiie  world  before  man  was  intro- 
duced  into  it.     The  temptation  consisted  in 


UABYLONIAN  CYI.INnKK-SI- AI.  :    TRhl-:    OI-    KNoWI.HDC.E  (?/. 
(Hrit.  Mlls.) 

making  our  first  parents  believe  that  they 
winild  elevate  themselves  vastly  in  the  intel- 
lectual and  moral  scale  by  disobedience  to  God's 
CDHimands.  "Ye  shall  be  as  God  ( R.V.], 
knowing  good  and  evil."  The  immediate  re- 
sults of  their  sin  were  (i)  the  loss  of  the  life  of 
happiness  they  had  hitherto  led;  (2)  the  con- 
version of  joyous  industry  into  toil,  distress, 
and  conflict  with  obstacles:  and  (3),  to  the 
woman,  the  agony  of  childbirth.  The  ulti- 
mate results  were  ( i )  jealousy,  murder,  remorse, 
despair,  among  their  immediate  descendants  ; 
(2)  the  universal  sjiread  of  violence  and  dis- 
order ill  the  earth;  (3)  the  destruction  of  man- 
kind, witii  the  excejition  of  a  single  family  ;  {4) 
death.  Some  have  thought  that  s|uritual  death 
is  meant.  Certainly  one  result  of  the  I-'all  was 
the  arrest  of  man's  spiritual  development  until 
the  coming  of  Christ  (Gen. 6. 3).  Some  subsi- 
diary results  may  also  be  mentioned.     The 


FALIiOW-DEER 

sentence  pronounced  on  the  serpent  indicates 
the  moral  degradation  which  sin  invariably 
brings  with  it.  The  sense  of  shame  which  led 
to  the  use  of  clothing  seems  to  point  to  the  vio- 
lation of  the  proper  relations  of  the  sexes  as  an 
early  result  of  the  first  transgression.  Yet  the 
story  of  the  Fall  is  not  allowed  to  leave  man 
hopeless.  Throughout  the  ages,  the  Church 
has  ever  been  taught  to  expect  the  coming  of 
Christ  the  Restorer  ;  and  the  form  of  the  pro- 
phecy (Gen. 3. 15)  indicates  that  man  shall  not 
in  the  end  be  the  loser  by  the  results,  however 
dire,  of  transgression,  but  that  those  to  whom 
God  "  giveth  the  victory,  through  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,"  shall  rise  to  a  higher  fellowship 
with  God,  and  a  higher  communion  with  their 
fellows,  through  conquest  of  self  and  victory 
over  temptation.     [Satan.]  [J-J-l.] 

Fallow-deep  (Heb.  yahmur).  The  Heb. 
word  is  mentioned  only  in  Deut.14.5  and  iK.4. 
23.  Although  the  fallow-deer  (Cervus  dama) 
occurs  in  certain  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  as  well 
as  sparsely  on  Tabor  and  in  the  Lebanon,  while 
the  Mesopotamian  fallow-deer  (C.  mesopota- 
micus)  inhabits  the  mountains  of  Luristan..  in 
Persia,  the  translation  of  yahmur  as  "  fallow- 
deer  "  is  generally  regarded  as  incorrect.  The 
identification  of  the  species  of  wild  ruminants 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  is  a  matter  of  extreme 
difficulty,  and  yahmur  has  been  generally  con- 
sidered to  indicate  the  bubal  hartebeest  (Bu- 
baits  hoselaphus)  of  the  semi-desert  districts 
of  Africa,  which  has  been  supposed  to  occur 
in  Syria,  but  on  wholly  insufficient  evidence  ; 
therefore  it  is  much  more  probable  that  some 
species  of  deer  is  meant.     [Roe.]  [r.l.] 

Family  and  Inhepitance.  The  Heb. 
words  for  family,  etc.,  have  varying  meanings, 
and  it  is  often  impossible  to  be  sure  which 
meaning  was  intended  in  a  particular  context. 
Hence  the  words  in  A  and  B  are  treated  in 
their  more  usual  senses.  A.  The  largest  nor- 
mal subdivision  of  the  tribe  was  the  clan, 
mishpdkhd  (A.V.  often  family,  Num.1. 2,  etc.), 
J0S.7.14  ;  Deut.29.i8[i7],  etc.  (On  the  use  of 
shehhet  in  Judg.20.i2,  iSam.9.2T,  see  Internal. 
Crit.  Comm.,  ad  locos.)  Besides  the  real  or  ficti- 
tious community  of  blood,  several  resulting 
principles  require  attention,  (i)  The  clansmen 
felt  responsibility  for  avenging  the  blood  of  one 
of  their  number  (2Sam.l4.7).  It  does  not  ap- 
pear whether  any  member  could  be  the  go'cl 
hadddm  [Homicide],  when  there  were  nearer 
relations,  or  whether  they  merely  watched  over 
the  fulfilment  of  his  duty  by  the  go' el.  Perhaps, 
too,  the  principle  of  collective  responsibility  for 
sins  extended  to  all  clansmen  (Lev. 20. 5)  [Law 
IN  O.T.,  B  (iv)],  but  possibly  the  Heb.  word  is 
here  used  in  a  narrower  sense.  (2)  There  were 
clan  sacrifices  (iSam.20.6,29),  at  which  all  the 
(?  male)  members  were  present.  (3)  The 
rights  of  inheritance  to,  and  pre-emption  and 
redemption  of  (Lev.25  ;  Je.32),  immovables 
devolved  on  the  nearest  clansmen  in  default  of 
near  relations  {infra,  E,  IIL).  (4)  Probably 
the  restitution  of  Num.5.7f.  was  made  to  the 
nearest  clansman,  if  the  injured  person  and  his 
immediate  family  were  dead,  but  the  meaning 
of  go'cl  here  (R.V.  kinsman)  seems  doubtful. 
(5)The  right  (and,  probably,  duty)  of  redeeming 
persons  who  had  lost  their  freedom  through 
insolvency  devolved  similarly  (Lev.25.49).   (6) 


FAMILY 


277 


From  Ru.3f.  it  would  appear  that  the  duty 
of  contracting  a  Levi  rate  marriage  also 
devolved  similarly.  In  other  ways,  too,  the 
sense  of  connexion  appears,  e.g.  2Sam.l6.5  ; 
Judg.9.1-3  (even  where  through  the  mother); 
Gen. 24. 40.  Occasionally  a  group  of  clans  con- 
stituting a  sub-tribe  is  spoken  of,  and  then 
"  father's  house  "  (Num.3.35,  etc.)  or  "  tribe  " 
(4.18)  is  used;  but  no  special  term  exists. 
[Brother.]  B.  The  next  subdivision  is  the 
beth'dbh,  "  father's  house,"  within  which  every 
individual  desired  his  name  as  the  ancestor  of  a 
family  to  be  preserved  (iSam.24.2i  ;  cf.  2Sam. 
14.7  ;  Num. 27. 4  ;  and  contrast  Dent. 25. 10, 
"  His  name  shall  be  called  in  Israel  the  name 
of  him  that  hath  his  shoe  loosed,"  partly  as  a 
sanction  working  on  men's  feelings,  partly  as 
severing  the  family  bond  ;  cf.  Post,  Grundriss,  i. 
163-165).  That  the  phrase  does  not  mean  mere- 
ly house  of  the  father  appears  from  iSam.22. 
11,22,  where  Ahimelech's  "  father's  house  "  = 
the  (85  ephod-wearing,  i.e.  adult)  priests  in 
Nob  =  Abiathar's  "  father's  house  "  (Ahime- 
lech  being  Abiathar's  father).  See  also  Num. 
1.4,  etc.,  esp.  18.1  (of  Aaron's  family,  i.e.  de- 
scendants). The  collective  idea  is  seen  clearly 
in  iSam.17.25,  "  Will  give  him  his  daughter 
and  make  his  father's  house  free  in  Israel "  ; 
22.16,  "  Thou  shalt  .  .  .  die  .  .  .  thou  and  all  thy 
father's  house  "  (cf.  2Sam.3.29,14.9  ;  1K.2.31). 
So  probably  in  Judg.Q.i  we  should  understand 
Abimelech  as  appealing  to  the  clan  of  his 
mother's  "  father's  house  "  (Moore,  Judges, 
243),  and  this  use  is  frequent  elsewhere.  In 
Chronicles  the  "  father's  houses  "  of  the  priests 
are  two  technical  divisions,  stereotyped  once 
for  all — Eleazar's  house  and  Ithamar's  (iChr. 
24.6) — which  in  turn  were  subdivided  (2Chr.35). 
The  Chronicler  also  uses  the  term  of  technical 
divisions  of  the  Levites  (iChr.23.ii,26.i3),  and 
perhaps  of  the  people  (2Chr.25.5,35.i2)  as  well 
as  in  other  senses.  The  meaning  of  the  ex- 
pression is  often  doubtful.  It  sometimes 
means  household,  sometimes  descendants, 
sometimes  family  (including  ascendants  and 
collaterals),  sometimes,  perhaps,  almost 
"clan"  (Ex. 6. 14).  [Tribe.]  Probably  in 
some  cases  it  is  a  technical  division  of  the  clan, 
in  others  it  denotes  a  family  connexion  not 
necessarily  stereotyped,  but  arising  from 
generation  to  generation.  Presumably,  any 
member  of  this  would  perform  the  last  offices 
in  default  of  nearer  relations  (Am. 6. 10  ;  uncle  ? 
or  kinsman  ?),  except  in  the  case  of  priests. 
Probably  the  head  of  the  senior  "  father's 
house  "  {i.e.  the  senior  representative  of  the 
ancestor  of  the  tribe  through  males  having  the 
blessing  [Birthright])  was  the  Prince  of 
the  tribe.  In  Num.17  "  father's  house " 
is  used  for  tribe,  probably  because  both  the 
Heb.  words  for  "  tribe  "  mean  "rod."  C.  Next 
comes  the  smaller  group  of  close  relations,  for 
whom  a  priest  might  defile  himself  (Lev. 21. 
1-3  ;  Ezk. 44.25),  based  not  on  blood-relation- 
ship merely,  but  partly  also  on  subjection 
(past  or  present)  to  a  common  ancestor.  Thus 
the  sister  is  included,  if  unmarried,  otherwise 
she  will  be  "  under  her  husband,"  not  "  in  her 
father's  house"  {cf.  Num.5. 29,  Heb.).  Yet  the 
principle  of  blood-relationship  excludes  the  wife 
from  the  list.  Relations  separated  by  more 
than   one   generation   (grandchildren,    grand- 


278  FAMILY 

parents,  etc.)  are  tnuitted.  This  group,  there- 
fore, coincides  with  no  other  connexion,  but 
expresses  partly  the  sense  of  blood-relation- 
ship, partly  the  idea  of  family  subjection, 
partly  perhaps  the  conception  oif  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  case.  1).  The  Huitsehold.  I.  The 
head  of  the  house  as  father  and  husband.  In 
early  times  the  father  enjoyed  unlimited 
powers  over  the  members  of  his  household,  in- 
cluding the  power  of  life  and  death  (Gen. 22, 
31. 32, 38. 24, 42. ,37  ;  cf.  Roman  patria  potestas, 
and  Post,  (iyundriss.  i.  170-173,  ii.  135).  Later 
these  dwindled,  and  the  various  powers  must 
be  treated  separately-  (i)  The  father's  juris- 
diction for  offences  involving  death  appears  to 
have  passed  to  the  courts  of  ciders,  who  cer- 
tainlv  acted  on  a  joint  statement  of  father  and 
mother  (Kx. 21. 15,17  :  l.ev.20.q  ;  Deut.21.i8- 
21),  but  his  powers  of  chastisement  remained. 
(2)  The  pmver  to  sacrifice  children  appears  to 
ha\e  remained  substantially  intact  {i.e.  the 
courts  did  not  interfere  much  to  prevent  it), 
and  to  have  been  exercised  (Jc. 7. 31, 19. 5  :  Ezk. 
16.20,20.26  ;  2K.I6.3,  etc.),  although  all  such 
sacrifice  is  expresslv  or  implicitlv  condemned 
in  the  Pentateuch  (Gen. 22  ;  Lev.lS. 21,20.1-5  ; 
Deut. 12.31,18.10).  Lev.27.28f.  recognizes  a 
power  to  "  devote  "  human  beings  "  from  all 
that  is  his,"  but  the  circumstances  in  which  it 
could  be  exercised  are  not  stated.  The  ana- 
logy of  other  passages  suggests  that  it  would 
apply  to  idolatrous  slaves  {cf.  Iix.22.2o[i()l ; 
Deut. 13. 15,  etc.).  (3)  He  could  marry  his 
sons  and  daughters  (Gen. 38. 6  ;  Judg.l2.o  ; 
Ezr.9.2,  etc.).  In  the  case  of  sons  this  power 
may  have  terminated  at  some  specific  age 
{infra.  IV.),  as  we  meet  vs'ith  instances  of  marri- 
ages contracted  during  the  father's  lifetime  by 
the  son  {e./;.  Esau,  Gen. 26. 34).  In  the  case  of 
virgin  daughters  his  power  appears  to  have 
terminated  only  with  his  death.  He  had  no 
jurisdiction  over  widowed  daughters,  except, 
perhaps,  a  childless  widow  or  divorcee  "  re- 
turned unto  her  father's  house  as  in  her 
youth  "  {cf.  Lev. 22. 13),  to  whom  no  levirate 
claims  attached  (contrast  Tamar,  who  in  her 
father's  house  remained  imder  Judah's  po- 
testas). (4 )  He  could  sell  or  pledge  his  children 
(2K.4.1  ;  Is.50.1,  etc.).  (5)  The  prostitution 
of  daughters  (a  method  of  gain  frequently 
practised  in  early  societies — Post,  Grundriss.  i. 
i7Qf.)  was  forbidden  {Lev.i9.29).  (6)  He 
could  disallow  the  oaths  and  vows  of  his  \irgin 
daughter  or  wife  "  in  the  day  that  he 
heareth  "  (Mum. 30).  [Oatus.]  (7)  He  could 
vary  the  respective  rights  of  his  children  among 
themselves  [Birthku.iit],  distribute  his  mov- 
able property  among  them  (subject  to  some 
limitation,  see  infra,  E),  and  adopt  their  chil- 
dren as  his  own  (Gen. 48.5).  (8)  He  could 
divorce  a  wife  at  pleasure,  or  expel  from 
his  household  a  concubine  or  child  (Gen. 21). 
(0)  The  idea  that  he  ruled  over  his  wife  lies  at 
the  root  of  the  Helircw  conception  of  the 
family  (Gen. 3. 16).  (10)  See  infra  IV.  on  the 
deference  due  to  him  from  his  children.  (11) 
Slaves  also  fall  within  the  household  [Slavk], 
the  unit  of  society  being,  as  at  Rome,  the 
familia,  not  the  family.  IT.  His  wives.  [On 
difference  from  concubines,  see  III.  (fc)  infra.] 
{a)  Acquisition,  (i)  The  most  usu.d  form  i>f 
IJiarriage  was  purchase  (cf.  Post,  Grundrtss,  i. 


FAMILY 

286ff.)  by  payment  of  a  bride-price  (Heb.  mo- 
har)  to  the  father  ;  and  accordingly  the  law  of 
seduction  and  rape  provides  for  compensation 
to  the  father,  whose  property  right  in  his 
daughter  has  been  infringed.  [CRiMns.] 
Other  gifts  by  the  bridegroom  or  father  were 
(?  sometimes)  given  ((ien. 24,34. 12  {''viohar  and 
gift,"  but  "gift"  omitted  by  LXX.,  ?  gloss], 
29.24,  etc.),  but  our  information  is  here  inade- 
quate. (2)  Wheresoever  marriage  by  purchase 
exists,  the  custom  of  commuting  the  whole  or 
part  of  the  bride-price  for  service  arises  in  the 
case  of  poor  suitors.  This  is  found  in  Gen. 29; 
cf.  Post,  Familienrecht.  217-218,  Grundriss,  i. 
31S  ff.  (3)  Marriage  by  capture  is  another 
universal  form  which  finds  illustration  in  the 
story  of  the  Benjamites  (Judg.21 ;  cf.  Gen. 34. 29, 
Num. 31. 1 8,  etc.).  Such  women  were  protected 
by  Deut. 21. 10-15,  and  were  probably  (at  any 
rate  in  some  cases)  wives,  not  concubines,  infra 
{b).  {4)  Caleb  promised  his  daughter  to  him 
who  should  accomplish  a  particular  warlike  feat 
(Jos.15.i6;  Judg.l.i2  ;  cf.  1Sam.i7.25).  Mar- 
riages of  this  kind  are  sometimes  treated  as 
forms  of  (i)  or  (2),  but  they  must  always  have 
been  abnormal.  (5)  Orphan  heiresses  (Num.36. 
6  ;  perhaps  all  orphaned  free  virgins)  and 
widows  (1Sam.25.39ff.  ;  other  than  those 
affected  by  the  Levirate  law  and  possibly  royal 
widows)  bestowed  their  own  hands,  presum- 
ably without  bride-price  ;  but  in  the  case  of 
heiresses  of  immovables,  they  were  compelled 
to  marry  within  their  tribe  (Num.36).  In 
Tobit  the  right  of  the  next-of-kin  to  marry  a 
daughter  who  is  an  only  child,  even  in  her 
father's  lifetime,  is  seen  firmly  established 
{e.g.  Tob.6. iif.),  but  this  is  a  later  extension 
of  Num.36.  (6)  There  has  been  much  dis- 
cussion about  matriarchy,  but  among  the 
Hebrews  this  can  only  be  assumed  in  historical 
times  by  ignoring  (amongst  others)  all  the 
facts  set  out  in  A,  B,  and  I),  I.  and  II.,  (a)  (i)- 
(5)  supra,  and  D,  II.  {b).  III.,  V.,  and  E  I.  (a) 
infra,  and  all  the  Biblical  genealogies.  Samson, 
however,  appears  to  have  contracted  <a  form  of 
marriage  with  a  Philistine,  in  which  the  wife 
remains  in  her  family  and  receives  visits  from 
her  husband  (Judg.l4f.).  Matriarchal  ideas 
have  been  used  to  explain  the  conduct  of  La- 
ban  the  S.vr/'rt«,  but  (i)  Laban  (not,  as  in  strict 
matriarchy,  the  mother's  brother)  disposes  of 
the  hands  of  his  daughters;  (ii)  Jacob  contracts 
tniions  with  two  wives  and  two  concubines  in 
direct  contrast  to  some  forms  of  matriarchy  ; 
(iii)  Jacob  clearly  has  the  full  patriarchal 
power  over  his  household  ;  (iv)  the  wives 
themselves  are  counted  by  Laban  as  strangers, 
etc.  (Gen. 31. 14-16),  which  can  only  mean 
that  they  had  jiassed  from  his  family  into 
Jacob's  ;  (v)  the  succession  of  the  sons  depends 
f>n  patriarchal  notions  [infra  III.  (/))  (iv)  and 
E  I.  («)].  (7)  On  racial  bars,  see  infra  III.  (c); 
for  priests,  »«/mIII.  (</);  and  on  forbidden  de- 
grees, MAKKiAt.i:.  (/))  /.c^a/ /'osi/ion,  conjugal 
duties,  etc.,  see  I.  supra  and  I\'.  infra.  From 
Jos. 15. 16-19,  Judg.l.i4f.  {cf.  Gen. 29.24,  etc.), 
it  ajipears  that  a  father  sometimes  gave  his 
daughter  on  or  after  her  marriage  a  blessing, 
consisting  of  jiroperty,  but  how  far  this  gave 
her  the  right  i)f  dealing  with  the  property  with- 
out lirr  husband  doesmit  appear  {cf.  iK.9.i6). 
It  is  not  safe  to  press  Pr.31.i6.     In  Ezk.l6.j3, 


FAMILY 


FAMILY 


279 


nddhdn  {awa^  dprnxivov),  said  to  be  identical 
with  Assyrian  nudnu,  "dowry,"  perhaps  has  a 
technical  meaning.  If  so,  she  could  possibly 
dispose  of  such  property.  In  historical  narra- 
tives the  wife  is  seen  acting  as  mistress  of  the 
house,  e.g.  Abigail,  the  Shunammite,  etc.,  and 
appears  to  have  held  that  position  in  the 
estimation  of  the  household.  Especially  in 
relation  to  the  female  slaves  her  position  was 
similar  to  that  occupied  by  the  master  to  the 
males  (Ps.  123. 2).  She  was  "  mistress  "  (2K.5. 
3  ;  Gen. 16. 4,  etc.).  As  against  her  husband 
she  was  entitled  to  sustenance,  raiment,  and 
(probably)  marriage  rights  (c/.  Ezk.l6.27),  and 
Deut.22.13ff.  protects  her  good  name.  Some- 
times a  limit  was  put  by  agreement  on  the  hus- 
band's right  to  take  additional  wives  (Gen. 31. 
50).  For  an  ideal  picture  of  a  wife's  activities, 
see  Pr. 31. 10-31.  The  metaphor  in  Ezk.l6  {e.g. 
10-13)  gives  a  vivid  impression  of  some  of  a 
wife's  privileges,  etc.,  and  Is.3.i6ff.,  etc.,  of 
women's  luxury.  Much  has  been  made  of  the 
word  b'''uld  ("thing  owned"),  as  showing  that 
the  wife  was  the  absolute  property  of  her  hus- 
band, but  laws  and  literature  alike  forbid  this. 
The  kindred  verb  is  used  with  peculiar  tender- 
ness of  the  husband's  treatment  of  his  wife  (see 
esp.  Je.31.32),  and  b'"uld  and  ba'al  are  always 
used  in  an  honorific  sense.  Adultery  with  a 
b'''iUd  spells  death,  just  because  she  is  free 
(Gen. 20. 3  ;  Deut.22.22  ;  contrast  Lev.l9.2o). 
A  b'''uld  can  only  be  divorced  by  writing  (Deut. 
24.1),  and  her  rights  were  probably  secured 
by  law  {cf.  21.13?.).  Indeed,  even  the  verb 
ba'al  is  never  used  of  servile  concubines.  It 
is  applied  to  the  woman  of  21. 13,  who  may 
possibly  have  been  concubine  and  not  wife. 
She  was  certainly  treated  with  great  favour  by 
the  law,  and  in  no  other  case  can  it  even  be 
suggested  that  the  word  is  used  of  a  concubine 
of  any  sort.  See  also  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion  of 
the  Semites,  2nd  ed.,  io8f.  footnote,  and  cf.  III. 
(b)  infra.  On  adultery,  see  s.v.,  also  Crimes  ; 
Marriage  ;  Divorce.  III.  His  concubines, 
(a)  These  might  be  of  two  sorts,  either  daughters 
of  freemen,  or  women  who  were  previously 
slaves,  (i)  Of  free  origin.  The  law  protected 
their  rights,  securing  to  them  either  conjugal 
rights  or  the  right  of  ransom  while  still  virgin, 
subsequently  food,  raiment,  and  conjugal 
rights,  if  sold  to  the  head  of  the  household 
for  himself,  or  the  treatment  accorded  to 
daughters,  if  for  his  son.  Failing  this,  such 
a  woman  went  free  (Ex.2i.7ff.).  The  ordinary 
terms  of  affinity  were  used  in  reference  to 
the  members  of  her  family,  her  owner  being 
her  father's  son-in-law,  etc.  (Judg.19).  Kin- 
ship with  the  children  of  such  was  fully  recog- 
nized (9. iff.).  They  sometimes  lived  separated 
from  other  wives  (8.31).  (2)  Of  servile  origin 
(e.g.  Bilhah  and  Zilpah).  These  had  no  rights 
(conjugal  or  other)  secured  by  law  in  virtue 
of  their  concubinage,  though  of  course  enjoying 
the  same  legal  protection  as  other  bondwomen. 
[Crimes  ;  Slave.]  Sexual  offences  committed 
with  them  are  expressly  put  on  a  different 
level  from  those  committed  with  free  women 
(Lev. 19. 20).  They  were  (?  sometimes)  subject 
to  the  wives,  who  could  maltreat  them.  If 
given  by  a  wife  to  the  husband,  the  children 
were  sometimes  reckoned  as  hers  (Gen.  16,  etc.), 
perhaps  as  the  result  of  adoption  by  her.    (3) 


On  captives,  see  supra  II.  {a)  (3)  and  (6)  and 
infra  (c).  (b)  Difference  from  ivife.  The  follow- 
ing differences  suggest  themselves,  btit  owing 
to  the  scantiness  of  our  information  the  concu- 
bines referred  to  are,  in  some  cases  perhaps, 
only  servile  concubines,  so  that  the  distinctions 
do  not  all  apply  to  free  concubines,  (i)  In  the 
case  of  wives,  a  marriage  feast  and  perhans 
other  ceremonies  were  usual  (Gen. 29. 22  ;  2Esd. 
9.47  ;  Tob.8. 19,  etc. ),  but  not  in  connexion  with 
concubines,  (ii)  Covenant  relations  subsisted 
between  husband  and  wife,  and  the  wife  was  the 
husband's  consort  (Ezk.16.8  ;  Mai. 2. 14).  This 
can  scarcely  have  been  so  with  concubines, 
(iii)  Similarly,  the  wife  of  a  king  was  a  queen, 
not  so  his  concubines  (Can.6.8f.,  etc.).  (iv) 
The  Chronicler  draws  a  clear  distinction  be- 
tween the  sons  of  David's  wives  and  those  of 
his  concubines  (iChr.3.9).  Similarly  with 
Abraham  (Gen. 25. 6)  and  (in  matters  of  in- 
heritance) Sarah  (21. 10).  In  the  case  of 
Jacob's  sons  the  distinction  was  not  drawn. 
They  were,  perhaps,  adopted  by  the  wives,  but, 
as  Ishmael  was  in  a  precisely  similar  position 
as  regards  Sarah,  the  criterion  cannot  be 
found  there,  and  it  would  seem  that  the 
father  had  power  to  give  concubines'  sons 
inheritance  with  his  other  sons.  The  right  of 
inheritance  of  sons  by  full  wives  was  probably 
not  similarly  at  the  father's  disposal.  It  can 
scarcely  be  thought,  e.g.,  that  the  birthright  of 
the  eldest  son,  or  the  kingship,  or  the  blessing, 
or  the  position  of  "  prince  "  or  "  head  of  a 
father's  house,"  could  ever  have  passed  to  the 
son  of  a  concubine  except  in  default  of  other 
issue,  (v)  Concubines  appear  to  have  passed 
to  the  heir  (2Sam.3.7,16.2if. ;  perhaps  iK.2. 
17-22,  Abishag,  who  was  perhaps  concubine, 
not  wife,  but  whose  union  with  David  had, 
in  any  case,  never  been  consummated,  1K.I.4). 
Widows  (possibl}'  excepting  royal  widows), 
on  the  other  hand,  were  free  women,  except 
in  so  far  as  the  levirate  law  prevented  this 
(Gen. 38.11  ;  Ru.1.8  ;  iSam.25.4o;  infra  E). 
[Oaths.]  (vi)  The  relation  was  differently 
terminated.  A  wife  was  divorced  (piel  of 
shdlah  is  used  technically),  whereas  a  concubine 
was  redeemed  or  emancipated  (Lev. 19. 20  ;  Ex. 
21.8).  So,  too,  shillah  is  not  used  of  unlawful 
unions  ;  contrast  Ezr.iO.3,  etc.,  Heb.  (g^'rushd. 
Lev. 21. 7,  etc.,  would  presumably  cover  all 
sexual  connexions  terminating  during  the 
joint  lives  of  the  parties,  cf.  Gen. 21. 10).  (c) 
Racial  bars  (to  marriage  and  concubinage 
alike).  The  Law  forbids  unions  with  women 
of  the  tribes  that  were  to  be  extirpated  (Ex. 
34..16;  Deut.7.3,20.17  ;  cf.  Judg.3.6).  It  ex- 
pressly permits  unions  with  other  captives 
(Deut. 20.14,21. 10-14),  £.g.  with  virgin  (but  not 
married)  Midianitish  women,  Num.31. 18  (not  of 
course  with  religious  prostitutes,  Num. 25,31. 
i5f.  [Harlot])  ;  and  the  contrast  between 
Lev.21.7  and  21.14  shows  that  even  priests 
were  allowed  to  contract  unions  with  foreign 
women  (contrast  Ezk. 44.22)  \infra  (d)]. 
Later  feeling  varied — e.g.  Ruth  was  a  Moabi- 
tess ;  but  Solomon's  wives  are  condemned 
(iK.ll.iff.,  a  wide  interpretation  being  ap- 
parently given  to  Ex.34),  and  Ezra  and  Nc- 
hemiah  waged  a  vigorous  campaign  against 
foreign  wives  (Ezr.9f.  ;  Ne.i3.25ff.),  including, 
e.g.,  Egyptians,  with  whom  intermarriage  was 


280 


FAMILY 


certainly  not  prohibited.  Doubtless  historical 
experience  rendered  this  extension  of  the  law 
necessary,  (d)  Priests  could  only  contract 
unions  vvith  virgins  or  widows,  Lev.21.7  (Ezk. 
44.22  hmits  to  Israelitish  virgins  and  widows 
of  priests),  while  the  high-priest  was  further 
limited  to  an  Israelitish  virgin  (Lev. 21. 14). 
[Priests.]  (e)  On  forbidden  decrees,  see 
Marriage.  IV.  Children,  especially  sons, 
were  ardently  desired  (Gen.30.i,  etc.).  (a) 
Legal  position.  They  owed  deference  to  both 
parents  alike  (Ex.20. 12,  etc.).  Cursing  or 
smiting  a  parent  was  punishable  by  death. 
[Crimes.]  See  further  I.  supra.  Engert 
instructively  points  to  the  difference  between 
the  reception  of  Bathsheba  by  her  husband 
(iK.l.isff.)  and  by  her  son  (2.i9ff.).  On  the 
age  at  which  a  son  was  emancipated  from  his 
father's  control  we  have  no  certain  informa- 
tion, possibly  20  vears  in  the  Mosaic  period  (c/. 
Ex.30.ii-i6).  [Firstborn.]  (b)  Birth  and 
Education.  Childbirth  was  generally  easy 
(Ex.1. 19,  etc.  ;  contrast  Gen. 3. 16).  Midwives 
usually  assisted  (35.17,38.28  ;  Ex.1  ;  iSam.4. 
igf.).  The  father  was  not  generally  present 
at  the  birth  (Je.2O.15;  cf.  LXX.  rendering  of 
Gen. 21. 7).  Language  is  used  implying  that 
Joseph  attended  the  birth  of  some  of  his 
descendants  (Gen.5O.23j,  but  the  text  is 
doubtful  (Kittel,  ad  loc).  After  the  navel- 
string  had  been  cut  the  child  was  washed, 
salted,  and  swaddled  (Ezk.16.4).  Rubbing  with 
Salt  is  still  usual  in  Syria,  and  is  thought  to 
strengthen  the  child.  Males  were  to  be  cir- 
cumcised on  the  eighth  day.  [Circumcision.] 
The  name  was  usually  given  by  father  or 
mother  (Gen. 5.29.29. 32f.,  etc.,  but  see  25.25 
[Heb.  and  E.V.],30.6;  Ru. 4.17,  etc.).  Laterthis 
occurred  at  the  time  of  circumcision  (Lu.l.59, 
2.21).  According  to  the  law  the  mother  was 
unclean  after  childbirth  for  7  +  33  <J'iys  for  a 
male,  14  +  66  for  a  female,  after  which  certain 
sacrifices  were  offered  (Lev.l2.i-8).  Nurses 
were  sometimes  employed  (Gen. 24.59, 35.8  ; 
2Sam.4.4 ;  2K.II.2,  etc.).  Sometimes  the 
child  was  nursed  for  3  years  (2Mac.7.27).  The 
weaning  was  an  occasion  for  rejoicing  (Gen. 21. 
8).  If  the  mother  were  servile,  the  child  be- 
longed to  her  owner  (Ex. 21. 4, 23. 12,  etc.).  The 
child  of  free  parents  followed  the  father's  na- 
tionality (Lev. 24.10-23).  The  mother  appears 
generally  to  have  taught  the  children  of  both 
sexes  at  first  (Pr.6.20  f.,31.i),  but  "nursing 
fathers  "  or  tutors  arc  mentioned  (Num.11. 12  ; 
2K. 10.1-5  ;  cf.  Is. 49.23).  Moses  commanded 
religious  instruction  (Deut.6.7.  etc.).  [Educa- 
tion.] Num. 12.14  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
treatment  of  troublesome  daughters.  Later, 
daughters  were  secluded  (2Mac.3.i9).  (Cf. 
Hastings,  D.B.  5  vols.  1904,  s.v.  "Birth.") 
V.  Daughters-in-law  passed  into  their  hus- 
band's family  and  were  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  his  father  (Gen. 38;  Ex.21.9).  The  relation 
of  daughter-in-law  to  mother-in-law  is  coupled 
by  Micah  with  that  of  son  to  father  and 
daughter  to  mother  (7.6).  The  only  other  O.T. 
evidence  of  the  position  of  the  mother-in-law 
is  the  case  of  Naomi,  but  in  Toh.lO.12  we  read 
"  Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother  in  law, 
which  are  now  thy  parents."  VI.  Adoption. 
The  only  instances  of  formal  Adoption  are 
those  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  by  Jacob  (Gen. 


FAMILY 

48.5)  and  Esther  by  Mordecai  (Esth.2.7). 
There  are  cases  of  children  being  brought  up 
by  persons  not  their  parents,  Moses  (Ex. 2. 5-10), 
Genubath  (1K.II.20),  Tobit  (Tob.1.8).  Change 
of  family  by  a  man  on  marriage  occurs  once 
(Ezr.2.6i  ;  Ne.7.63),  and  may  conceivably 
be  a  form  of  adoption  (cf.,  however,  Num. 27. 4). 
— E.  Inheritance.  I.  Movables,  [a]  Patri- 
archal age.  The  father  had  some  power  of 
distributing  his  property  among  his  sons 
during  his  lifetime  in  different  proportions  at 
his  pleasure,  and  this  was  analogous  to  a  testa- 
mentary power  (Gen. 25. 6,48. 22  ;  Deut.21.i6), 
but  we  do  not  know  how  far  it  was  limited. 
The  eldest  son  by  a  full  wife  appears  to  have 
had  a  Birthright  by  custom  in  the  absence 
of  special  circumstances.  Sons  of  concubines 
could  be  dismissed  without  being  admitted  to 
a  share  or  brought  in  to  share  equally.  In 
default  of  children  a  slave  could  inherit  (Gen. 
15.2-4).  Perhaps  where  there  were  no  sons,  a 
slave  married  to  a  daughter  often  became  heir 
(cf.  iChr.2.34f.).  (b)  Deut. 21. 15-17  enacts  that 
the  eldest  son  by  a  less  loved  wife  shall  not  be 
passed  over  in  favour  of  a  younger  son  by  a 
favourite  wife,  but  shall  receive  a  double  por- 
tion. (Contrast  Gen. 48.22,  where,  however, 
there  was  good  reason  ;  cf.  Gen. 35. 22, 49. 3f.  ; 
iChr.5.1.)  (c)  Ah\ihoY>\\e\  vnAdie  2i  testamentary 
disposition  (2Sam.i7.23) ;  Hezekiah  was 
recommended  to  do  so  (2K.2O.1  ;  Is.38.i)  ; 
Job  shared  his  property  equally  between  all 
his  sons  and  daughters  (Job  42.15),  Judith 
among  all  the  next-of-kin  of  her  husband  and 
herself  (Jth.l6.24).  From  8.7  it  appears  that 
a  widow  could  inherit  under  her  husband's 
disposition,  and  from  Pr.l7. 2,30.23  that 
slaves  sometimes  inherited,  probably  under 
a  testamentary  disposition.  The  practice  of 
making  such  dispositions  is  enjoined  (Ecclus. 
33.23).  II.  Concubines  and  widows,  see  supra 
D.  III.  (b)  (V).  III.  Immovables.  The 
order  of  succession  laid  down  by  the  Law 
here  is  (i)  sons,  (2)  daughters  (subject  to 
the  rule  that  they  must  marry  within  their 
own  tribe,  (3)  brothers,  (4)  father's  brothers, 
(5)  nearest  kinsmen  (through  males;  Num.27. 
1-11,36;  cf.  Ru.4;  Je.32).  But  in  the  days 
of  Ruth  widows  liad  acquired  some  rights 
of  succession  to  their  husband's  property. 
Naomi  had  some  right  (Ru.4. 3,  etc.),  though 
her  two  sons  had  survived  their  father,  i.e.  the 
widow  took  some  interest  (we  do  not  know 
what)  in  her  deceased  husband's  land  even 
when  he  had  direct  heirs.  Ruth  also  had  some 
right  in  virtue  of  her  widowhood  (4.5).  In  i  K. 
17.17  we  find  a  widow  owning  a  house,  and 
cf.  the  instance  of  Judith  (8.7),  to  whom  her 
husband's  lands  were  left  as  well  as  his  mov- 
ables. Job  (not  a  Hebrew)  appears  to  have 
shared  his  lands  among  all  his  children  (Job 
42.15).  IV.  The  succession  to  the  throne  ap- 
parently depended  on  the  will  of  the  king,  who 
could  cause  any  one  of  his  sons  by  a  queen 
to  inherit  (iK.l.iiff.  ;  2Chr.ll.21f.).  Seem- 
ingly, however,  there  was  a  strong  sentiment  in 
favour  of  primogeniture  (iK.2.22  ;  2Chr.21.3). 
Th.  Engert,  Khe-  und  Familienrecht  der  Hebrder 
(valuable  if  used  cautiously).  Cf.  generally 
Post.  Grundriss,  i.  165-195,  and  the  sections 
relating  to  the  separate  subjects.  [Judge; 
Levirate  Law;  Names.]  [h.m.w.] 


FAMINE 

In  N.T.  the  idea  of  the  fainil)'  relationships 
is  embodied  in  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  parent  to 
govern,  sustain,  and  protect  the  child  from 
evil,  the  child  to  venerate  and  obe}'  the  parent, 
love  being  the  motive  power.  Our  Lord  fre- 
quently refers  to  the  family  in  illustration  of 
His  teaching  {e.g.  Lu.ll.ii-i3,15.iiff.)-  He 
Himself  was  subject  to  His  parents  (2.51  ;  cf. 
Jn.2-i2),  but  He  showed  by  example  (Lu.2.49  ; 
Mt. 12.46-50  ;  Mk.3.31),  and  taught  (Mt.lO. 
37 ;  Mk.lO.28-30),  that  the  claims  of  the 
larger  family,  the  Kingdom,  must  be  given 
precedence  over  the  smaller  one.  He  con- 
demned the  custom  of  pronouncing  a  thing 
CoRBAN  as  a  means  of  evading  a  duty  to 
parents  (7. 10-13).  St.  Paul  admonishes  the 
members  of  the  Christian  family,  wives  and 
husbands,  children  and  parents,  servants  and 
masters,  to  discharge  faithfullv  their  relative 
duties(Eph.5.22-6.9;  C0I.3.18-4.1).  Thefamily 
of  a  bishop  or  deacon  was  to  be  an  example  of 
discipline  and  conduct  (iTim.3.2-i2  ;  Tit. 1.6). 
[M.A.RRIAGE;  Divorce;  Adultery.]     [h.h.] 

Famine.  Though  Palestine  is  frequently 
described  as  a  very  fertile  land,  yet  famine 
through  drought  is  a  constant  danger  there,  as 
throughout  Syria  and  Arabia  generally.  Eg>T)t, 
also — to  which  resort  was  often  had  when 
Palestine  was  afflicted,  and  which  was  even 
more  famous  for  its  fertility — did  not  escape, 
when  the  waters  of  the  Nile  (almost  its  only 
source  of  supply)  were  defective  or  insuffici- 
ently conveyed  to  the  soil.  Palestine  is  chiefly 
dependent  for  escape  from  scarcity  upon  the 
heavy  winter  rains  ;  but  the  Jordan  and  other 
smaller  streams  were  utilized  so  far  as  they 
went.  Occasional  causes  of  famine  in  Bible 
lands  were  violent  hailstorms  {e.g.  Ex.9.23ff.  ; 
Hag.2.17),  the  inroads  of  locusts  and  other 
pests  {e.g.  Ex.lO.15  ;  Jl.1.4  ;  Am.4.9),  and  the 
devastations  of  enemies  {e.g.  Judg.6.4f.  ;  2K. 
6.25ii.).  Some  of  the  principal  references  to 
famine  in  the  Bible  are  (i)  in  the  times  of 
Abraham  and  Isaac  (Gen.l2.io,26.iff.) ;  (2) 
the  great  famine  that  spread  through  Syria 
and  Egypt  in  the  days  of  Jacob  (Gen.4i.53ff.) 
[Joseph]  ;  (3)  in  the  times  of  Elijah  and 
Elisha  (iK. 17. 1, 18. 5  ;  2K.8.iff.  ;  referred  to 
by  our  Lord  in  Lu.4.25f.) ;  (4)  our  Lord  pre- 
dicts "  famines  in  divers  places  "  in  His  es- 
chatological  discourses,  as  one  of  the  signs  of 
the  coming  end  (Mt.24.7  ;  Mk.13.8  ;  Lu.21. 
11)  ;  and  these  are  thought  to  have  been  at 
least  in  part  fulfilled  in  the  horrors  of  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem  described  by  Josephus  (5,  6 
B.J.,  etc.);  (5)  the  prophet  Agabus  (Ac.ll.28) 
likewise  predicted  "  great  famine  over  all  the 
world,  which  came  to  pass  in  the  days  of 
Claudius"  (emperor,  41-54  a.d.).      [c.l.f.] 

Fan  (Heb.  mizrS,  Is.3O.24;  Je.15.7:  Gk. 
TTTvov,  Mt.3.12),  a  winnowing  instrument,  dis- 
tinguished in  the  first  passage  from  the  rahath, 
or  wooden  shovel  used  to  toss  the  grain,  which 
is  thus  winnowed  by  the  wind.  The  Heb.  77tizre 
means  something  to  "  scatter  "  the  grain,  and 
the  Gk.  word  something  to  "  agitate."  The 
grain  was  tossed,  in  baskets  like  the  vannus 
or  winnowing  basket,  which  was  an  important 
Dionysiac  emblem.  Even  locusts,  used  for 
food,  seem  to  have  been  so  tossed  and  winnowed 
(Ps.109.23),  as  they  still  are  by  the  natives  of 
Bechuanaland.  [c.r.c] 


FASTS  AND  FASTING 


281 


Farthing-.  Two  names  of  coins  in  N.T.  are 
thus  rendered  in  A.V.  (i)  KodpdvTrjs,  quadrans 
(Mt.5.26  ;  Mk. 12.42),  a  coin  (of  about  36  grs.  of 
copper)  ctirrent  in  Palestine  in  the  time  of  our 
Lord.  It  was  equivalent  to  2  lepta  (A.V.  mites). 
The  name  quadrans  was  originally  given  to 
the  quarter  of  the  Roman  as,  or  piece  of  3 
unciae,  therefore  also  called  teruncius.  (2) 
daadpiou  (Mt.lO. 29  ;  Lu.12.6),  properly  a  small 
as,  assarium,  but  in  the  time  of  our  Lord  used 
as  the  Gk.  equivalent  of  the  Lat.  as  (about 
144  grs.  of  copper).  The  rendering  of  the  Vulg. 
in  Lu.12.6  makes  it  probable  that  a  single  coin 
is  intended  by  2  assaria.     [Money.] 

Fasts  and  Fasting.  Religious  fasting 
(entire  or  partial  abstinence  from  food  and 
drink),  a  natural  expression  of  self-humiliation, 
is  of  immemorial  antiquity  {e.g.  in  Babylonia, 
Smith,  D.B.,  s.v.  Fasting,  p.  1051 ;  cf.  Jon. 3.5)  ; 
frequently  associated  with  prayer  and  other 
religious  exercises,  (i)  Periodic  Fasts.  One 
annual  fast  [Atonement,  Day  of]  is  pre- 
scribed by  the  Levitical  law  (Lev.23.27,  etc.  ; 
Ac. 27. 9)  ;  the  exiled  Jews  added  four  others,  in 
the  4th,  5th,  and  7th  months  (Zech.7.1-7,8.19), 
commemorating  (Jerome  and  Mishna)  certain 
national  calamities.  Later  still,  the  stricter 
Jews  instituted  a  custom  of  voluntary  fasting 
twice  a  week  (Lu.l8.12),  i.e.  on  the  2nd  and  5th 
days  {Taanith  ii.  9),  and  the  Pharisees  were 
followed  in  this  by  St.  John  Baptist's  disciples 
(Mt.9.14,  parallels).  After  Titus  captured 
Jerusalem,  commemorative  fasts  increased  in 
number — the  present  Jewish  calendar  em- 
braces 28.  (2)  Occasional  Public  Fasts  {cf. 
Jon. 3. 5)  were  proclaimed  at  crises  in  Israel's 
history — e.g.  by  Samuel  (iSam.7.6),  Jehosha- 
phat  (2Chr.20.3),  in  Jehoiakim's  reign  (Je.36. 
9  ;  cf.  Ba.1.5),  under  Nehemiah,  in  444  B.C. 
(Ne.9.i  ;  cf.  Atonement,  Day  of),  and  twice 
by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  in  166  e.g.  (iMac.3.46, 
47),  and  again  in  163  b.c.  (2Mac. 13. 11,12). 
Such  general  fasts  are  described  in  Jl. 1.14,2. 
15-17,  Is. 58,  and  Jth. 4.9-15,  as  marked  by 
public  prayer  and  by  weeping  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes,  and  announced  (JI.2.15)  by  blowing  of 
trumpets.  (3)  Individual  Fasts  recognized  in- 
cidentally in  Num.30. 1 3,  occur  frequently  in 
O.T.  as  the  expression  of  sorrow  or  bereave- 
ment (iSam.l.7,31.13  ;  2Sam.l.i2,  cf.  12. 17  ; 
Ps.109.24  ;  Jth. 8. 6),  of  sympathy  with  per- 
sonal or  national  calamities  (Judg.2O.26  ;  i 
Sam.20.34  ;  Ps.35.13;  Ne.1.4;  Esth.4.i6),  of 
penitence  for  one's  own  offences  (1K.2I.27  ; 
Ecclus. 34.26)  or  those  of  the  community 
(Deut.9.i8;  Ps.69.io  ;  Ezr.10.6  ;  Dan.9.3), 
or,  finally  (like  the  Christian  fast  before  Com- 
munion), as  a  preparation  for  approach  to 
God  and  reception  of  His  revelations  (Ex.34. 
28  ;  Deut.9.9  ;  Dan.lO.2ff.  ;  2Esd.5.i3ff.,5.3i, 
35).  (4)  The  Spirit  of  Fasting  in  O.T.  and 
N.  T.  The  prophetical  denunciations  of  formal 
and  hvpocritical  fasting  (Is. 58. 3-7  ;  Je. 14.12  ; 
JI.2.13  ;  Zech.7.5ff.,8.i6ff.)  are  echoed  bv 
Christ,  Who  yet  fasts  Himself  (Mt.4.2  ;  Lu.4. 
2),  and  gives  recognition  to  the  practice  and 
rules  for  its  observance  (Mt. 6. 16-18),  while 
deprecating  the  methods  of  contemporary 
Judaism  (9. 14-17,  parallels).  His  followers 
fasted  with  prayer  before  ordaining  SS.  Paul 
and  Barnabas  (Ac.13.2,3  ;  cf.  I4.23),  and  St. 
Paul,  while  protesting,  like  his  Master,  against 


282 


FAT 


formal  asceticism  (Ro.l4.2ff.  ;  Col.2. 16,2 iff., 
etc.),  recognizes  the  principle  implicitly  in 
iCor.T.'i,  and  explicitly,  by  example,  in  Ac. 
14.23  ;'c/.  2Cor.6.5,ll-27)-  Passages  where 
the  word  is  now  judged  alien  to  the  original 
te.xt  (Mt. 17.21  ;  Ac.lO.30;  iCor.7.5)  still  tes- 
tify to  very  early  practice  ;  and  we  know 
from  early  writers  that  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians transposed  the  Jewish  Monday  and 
Thursday  fasts  to  Wednesday  and  Friday,  in 
commemoration  of  their  Lord's  betrayal  and 
crucifixion.  Edersheim,  The  Temple:  its 
Ministry  and  Services  \  Jerome,  in  Zech.  viii  \ 
Mishna,  Taanith  and  Yoma.  [i..r.] 

Fat.     [Wine-press.] 

Fat.     [Sacrifice,  3,  iv.  ei] 

Father.     [Family.] 

Fathom  (Gk.  6p~/VL6.:  Ac.27.28  only), 
almost  exactly  the  equivalent  of  our  Eng. 
fathom  =  2  ft. 

Fauchion.     [Arms.] 

Feasts.     [Festivals.] 

Felix,  brother  of  Pallas,  one  of  the  great 
freedmen  who  administered  the  empire  under 
Claudius.  He  was  imperial  procurator  of 
Judaea,  52  to  59  or  60  a.d.  A  conflict  of  state- 
ments in  Tacitus  and  Josephus  seems  to  point 
to  his  having  previously  held  some  subordinate 
position  in  Samaria,  which  would  account  for 
the  "  many  years  "  judgeship  and  more  exact 
knowledge  attributed  to  him  (Ac.24. 10,22). 
He  obtained  his  procuratorship  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  high-priest  Jonathan,  whom 
he  afterwards  caused  to  be  murdered.  His 
administration  is  described  by  Tacitus  (Hist.  v. 
9  ;  Ann.  xii.  54)  in  the  blackest  colours.  The 
narrativeof  Acts,  though  far  less  condemnatory, 
is  not  inconsistent  with  Tacitus,  for  the  com- 
pliments of  Tertullus  (Ac.24.2)  are  empty 
words.  He  was  recalled,  and  accused  before 
Nero  by  a  Jewish  embassy,  but  escaped 
punishment  by  the  influence  of  Pallas.  On 
his  administration  as  a  turning-point  in  the 
history  of  Judaea,  seo  Schiirer,  Hist.  Jew. 
People,  div.  i.  vol.  ii.  p.  174.  [e.r.b.] 

Fenced  cities.     [Cities.] 

Ferret  (Heb.  \'tndqd),  the  A.V.  transla- 
tion of  the  name  of  one  of  the  unclean  creeping 
animals  mentioned  in  Lev. 11. 30.  The  old  Gk. 
rendering  of  'dndqd  is  "  shrew-mouse,"  while 
the  Rabbinical  writers  translate  it  as  "  hedge- 
hog." There  is,  however,  little  doubt  that  the 
Heb.  term  (which  literally  signifies  "that  which 
sighs  or  groans" )  indicates  some  kindof  reptile ; 
and  Tristram  considers  that  it  probably  refers 
to  the  lizard  known  as  the  fan-footed  gecko 
(Ptyodactylus  lobatus),  a  species  commonly  seen 
on  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  houses  in  Syria  and 
Egypt.  Like  its  relatives,  it  utters  a  peculiar 
clicking  cry.  [r.l.] 

Festivals.  The  religious  days  for  rest, 
joy,  and  observance  fixed  in  the  Bible  fall 
under  three  heads:  (i)  by  the  division  of  time  ; 

(2)  in  commemoration  of  historical  events; 

(3)  in  remembrance  of  man's  duty  toward  his 
Maker.  The  first  class  includes  :  (a)  the  sab- 
bath as  a  day  of  rest  in  every  week  (Kx.20.io ; 
Deut.5.i2ff.);  {h)  the  first  day  of  every  new 
moon(Num.28.i4;2K.4.23;Ezr.3.5;Ho.2.ii); 
(c)  the  Feast  of  Trumpets,  or  New  Year's  Day, 
which  falls  on  Tishri  i.  The  second  class  in- 
cludes the  three  pilgrimage  festivals,  namely  : 


FETTERS 

(a)  the  Passover,  on  Nisan  15-22.  to  commem- 
orate the  release  from  Egyptian  bondage,  (b) 
The  Feast  of  Weeks,  or  Pentecost,  counting  7 
weeks  {49  days)  from  the  second  day  of  Pass- 
over, and  celebrating  the  fiftieth  day,  which 
falls  on  Sivan  6.  This  day  was  observed  as  "  the 
Feast  of  Harvest,  the  first  fruits  of  thy  labour  " 
(Ex. 23. 16).  According  to  rabbinical  tradition, 
Pentecost  was  celebrated  also  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  giving  of  the  law  on  Sinai,  which 
occurred  on  the  same  day  and  is  still  observed 
as  such  in  modern  times,  (c)  The  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  or  "  Booths,"  on  Tishri  15-22. 
The  eighth  day  of  Tabernacles  was  a  separate 
holiday,  a  day  of  holy  convocation.  These 
festivals  required  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  and 
special  sacrifices  during  the  temple  period. 
Later  they  were  observed  by  special  prayers  in 
the  synagogue  and  all  manual  work  prohibited, 
except  the  lighting  of  fire  and  cooking  of  meals 
(12. 1 6).  The  intervening  days  of  Passover 
and  Tabernacles  are  observed  as  semi-holi- 
days. The  third  class  includes  the  Day  of 
Atonement,  which  falls  on  Tishri  10,  and 
which,  though  a  day  of  fasting,  is  considered 
also  a  festival  and  equal  in  strict  observance  to 
the  sabbath  day.  The  Festival  of  the  Basket 
is  applied  by  Philo  to  the  individual  offering  of 
the  firstfruits  before  the  Lord  at  the  sanctuary, 
as  described  in  Deut.26.2  (Philo,  v.  p.  51,  ed. 
Tauch.).  No  special  day  is  given  for  such  offer- 
ing, but  the  time  was  to  be  between  Pentecost 
and  Tabernacles.  After  the  Babylonian  Exile 
the  Feast  of  Purim  (Esth.9.20  If. )  and  the 
Feast  of  Dedication,  or  Hanukka  (iMac.4.56), 
were  instituted  as  memorial  days  of  historical 
events,  but  they  were  not  considered  equivalent 
to  the  former  festivals,  as  they  do  not  include 
the  suspension  of  labour.  Josephus  mentions 
also  the  Wood  Festival  in  connexion  with  the 
wood  contributed  to  the  temple,  and  cele- 
brated on  Ab  15  (2  Wars  xvii.  6  ;  cf.  Ne.lO.35, 
13.31  ;  Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  5).  Other  feasts 
instituted  to  commemorate  a  religious  victory 
or  an  escape  from  danger  are  recorded  in 
Megillath  (Scroll),  Taanith,  in  rotation  of  the 
days  of  the  months,  most  of  them  of  a  local 
origin  that  soon  became  obsolete.  The  obser- 
vance of  the  festivals  was  a  most  important 
factor  in  the  economic  life  and  culture  of  the 
Jews.  It  helped  to  maintain  their  national 
unity  and  religious  ties.  See  special  articles  on 
Atonement,  Day  of  ;  Dedication,  Feast  of  ; 
Jubilee,  Year  of  ;  New  Moon;  Passover; 
Pentecost ;  Purim  ;  Sabbath ;  Sabbatical 
Year  ;  Tabernacles,  Feast  of  ;  Trumpets, 
Feast  of.  [j.d.e.] 

Festus,  Pop'cius,  succeeded  Felix  as  pro- 
curatiir  of  Judaea.  Shortly  after  reaching  his 
proxince  he  heard,  in  the  presence  of  Herod 
.■\grippa  II.  and  Hernico  his  sister,  the  cause 
of  St.  Paul,  who  had  been  left  a  prisoner  by 
Felix  (.\c. 24. 2 7-26. 3 2).  Judaea  was  in  a 
disturbed  state  throughout  the  rule  of  F"estus, 
as  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  his  predecessor. 
He  died  in  62  a.d.,  within  two  years  of  his 
arrival.  [a.c.d.] 

Fetters.  Three  words  are  used  in  Heb.  : 
irh<'i\luili,  which  occurs  almost  exclusively  in 
the  dual,  showing  that  they  were  made  in 
pairs.  The  word  implies  that  the  fetters  were 
made  of  bronze  or  copper  (Judg.l6.21  ;  aSam. 


PLATE    XIV 


THE    GODDESS    ISTAR    OF   XIXEVEH. 

(From  a  cylinder-seal  in  the  Brit.  Mus.) 

See  art.  "  Ashtoreth." 


p.  282] 


TIGLATH-PILESER    111., 

GIVING    HIS   TITLES. 

(In  Nimrud  Gallery,  Brit.  Mus.) 


BABYLONIAN   LANDMARK. 
(Brit.  Mus.)  _  See  art.  "  Field." 


CYLINDER-SEAL, 

BEARING   THE    NAME   OF  DARIUS. 

(From  the  Brit.  Mus.) 


FEVER 


FIRMAMENT 


283 


3.34  ;  2K.25.7,  etc.).  It  is  used  figuratively 
for  "  oppression  "  in  Lam. 3. 7,  the  only  occur- 
rence in  the  sing,  ziqqim  is  used  only  in  plur. 
(Is.45.14  ;  Ps.149.8  :  Na.3.io — always  in  con- 
nexion with  captives).  It  is  used  in  a  figura- 
tive sense,  as  the  context  shows,  in  Job  36.8. 
kebhel  is  used  as  a  parallel  with  ziqqim,  and 
occurs  only  in  Ps.l05.i8  (in  sing.)  and  in 
Ps.149.8  (in  plur.).  In  N.T.  TreSr/  is  used,  only 
in  the  plur.,  in  reference  to  the  chains  where- 
with the  demoniac  (Mk.5.4  ;  Lu.8.29)  was 
bound.  [w.o.E.o.] 

Fever.  The  word  only  occurs  once  in  A.V. 
of  O.T. — viz.  Deut.28.22 — and  three  times  in 
N.T.,  in  the  cases  of  Simon's  wife's  mother 
'(Mt.8.14,  etc.),  the  nobleman's  son  (Jn.4. 
52),  and  the  father  of  Publius  (Ac.28.8).  But 
fevers  of  one  sort  and  another  are  so  common 
in  the  East  that  it  is  impossible  to  identify 
exactly  from  what  diseases  these  people  were 
suffering,  except  in  the  last  case  given,  where 
the  disease  is  specified.  [f-J-] 

Field.  The  Heb.  sddhe  is  applied  to  any 
cultivated  or  productive  ground,  and  in  some 
instances  in  marked  opposition  to  the  neigh- 
bouring wilderness.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
sddhi  is  frequently  contrasted  with  what  is  en- 
closed, whether  a  vineyard,  a  garden,  or  a  walled 
town.  It  applies  to  a  pastoral  region  (Gen. 4. 8, 
24.63,25.27;  Deut.22.25).  The  "  landmark  " 
in  a  field  was  probably — as  in  Babylonia — a 
stone  inscribed  with  an  account  of  the  boun- 
daries, and  a  statement  of  the  grant  bv  which 
thefieldwasheld(Deut.l9.i4,27.i7:  c/.Job  24. 
2  ;  Pr.22.28,23.10).  Cornfields  in  Palestine  are 
still  unfenced,  rendering  them  liable  to  damage 
from  straying  cattle  (Ex. 22. 5)  or  fire  (ver.  6  ; 
2Sam.i4.30).  It  should  be  observed  that  the 
expressions  "  fruitful  field  "  (Is. 10. 18, 29. 17, 32. 
15,16)  and  "  plentiful  field  "  (Is.l6.io  ;  Je.48. 
33),  are  not  connected  with  sddhf,  but  with 
karmel,  meaning  a  park  or  wood,  as  distinct  from 
a  wilderness.  Another  word,  sh'^dhemoth,  is 
translated  "  fields  "  (Deut. 32.32  ;  2K. 19.26, 
23.4  ;  Is.16.8  ;  Je.31.40  ;  Hab.3.i7).  It  ap- 
pears to  refer  to  "  enclosures  "  walled  like 
vineyards  (see  Num. 22. 24).  [c.r.c] 

Fig-,  Figr-tpee  (Heb.  t"'end),  occurs  many 
times  in  O.T.,  and  signifies  the  Ficus  carica  of 
Linnaeus,  and  also  its  fruit.  The  fig-tree  is 
very  common  in  Palestine  (Deut. 8. 8).  Mount 
Olivet  was  famous  for  its  fig-trees  in  ancient 
times,  and  they  are  still  found  there.  "  To  sit 
under  one's  own  vine  and  one's  own  fig-tree  " 
became  a  proverb  among  the  Jews  to  denote 
peace  and  prosperity  (iK.4.25  ;  Mi. 4. 4  ;  Zech.3. 
10).  For  figs  as  distinct  from  the  tree,  the  plur. 
t^'entm  is  used  (see  Je.8.13).  We  find  also  (a) 
bikktird  (Ho. 9. 10),  the  first-ripe  fruit  of  the  fig- 
tree  ;  {b)  pagh  (Can. 2. 13),  the  unripe  fig,  which 
hangs  through  the  winter  ;  (c)  d'bheld.  a  cake  of 
figs  pressed  together  to  keep  them  (2K.2O.7). 
In  iSam.30.i2  cakes  of  figs  are  given  to  the 
captured  Egyptian  as  a  restorative  ;  and  in  2K. 
20.7,  etc.,  figs  are  laid  on  Hezekiah's  boil,  and  he 
recovers.  Both  these  uses  receive  independent 
corroboration  from  Pliny,  who  says  (xxiii.  7) : 
"  Figgs  be  restorative,  and  the  best  thing  they 
then  can  eat  who  are  brought  low  by  some 
long  and  languishing  sicknesse,  and  now  upon 
the  mending  hand  and  in  recoverie.  In  like 
manner  they  are  singular  for  the  falling  evil 


and  the  dropsie.  Figgs  applied  as  a  cataplasm 
are  excellent,  either  to  discusse  or  els  bring 
to  maturitie  any  impostumes  or  swellings." 
[Sycamore.]  In  the  passage  "  the  time  of  figs 
was  not  yet"  (Mk.ll.13,  etc.),  the  barren 
fig-tree  is  used  emblematically  of  the  Jewish 
nation.  The  efforts  to  deal  with  this  literally 
have  led  to  many  dissertations,  which  are  well 
summarized  and  referenced  bv  Harris  {Nat. 
Hist,  of  the  Bible).  '  [h.c.h.] 

Fing-ep-bpeadth.  [Weights  and  Mea- 
sures.] 

Fip  (Heb.  b'-rosh,  b'ydth).  Despite  the 
opinion  of  Celsius  that  b''rdsh  exclusively 
means  "cedar,"  "fir"  in  A.V.  represents  more 
than  one  sort  of  wood.  Finns  halepensis  is  the 
only  true  pine  native  in  Palestine  proper;  P. 
pinaster  (maritima)  is  probably  introduced. 
P.  pinea  and  F.  pyrenaica  are  found  high  up  on 
the  Lebanon,  and  F.  carica  on  E.  of  Jordan 
(Tristram).  To  these  may  be  added  other 
conifers,  cedar,  cypress,  and  junipers,  as 
perhaps  suggested  by  "  fir."  In  Ezk.27.5 
the  "fir-trees  of  Senir "  (Lebanon)  are  ex- 
pressly referred  to  amongst  Tyrian  mer- 
chandise, for  shipbuilding.  [h.c.h.] 

Fipe.  In  addition  to  domestic  uses:  (i) 
leprous  garments  burned  (Lev.13.52,57),  and 
idols  (Deut. 7. 5, 25).  (2)  Supernatural  fire  : 
accompaniment  of  theophanies  (Gen. 15. 17  ; 
Ex. 3. 2, 19.18  ;  Deut. 4.36)  ;  destructive  fire 
from  God  (Num. 11. 1-3).  (3)  Altar-fire  : 
divine  origin  (Lev.9.24)  ;  perpetual  on  the 
altar  of  burnt-offerings  (6.i3r6] ;  iEsd.6.24); 
rekindled  (2Chr.7.i-3)  ;  tradition  about  the 
hidden  fire  (2Mac.l. 19-22,31-33)  ;  strange  fire, 
i.e.  from  a  source  other  than  the  altar,  or 
incense  offered  presumptuously  (Lev.lO.i)  ; 
child-sacrifice  by  fire  forbidden  (Lev.l8.21  ; 
Deut. 18. 10),  but  practised  (2K. 16. 3, 17. 17). 
(4)  Death  by  fire  as  penalty  (Lev.20.14,21.9)  ; 
cremation  (Jos.7.25).  Sabbath  law  :  no  fire 
to  be  kindled  (Ex. 35. 3).  [h.h.] 

Fipe-pan  (niahtd).  The  word  thus  ren- 
dered in  A.V.  is  used  in  reference  to  t  hree  differ- 
ent articles.  In  Ex. 25.38,37. 23,  Num. 4.9,  it 
means  "  a  snuff-holder."  It  was  of  gold,  and 
belonged  to  the  tabernacle  furniture.  It  was 
used  for  putting  out  the  lights  on  the  golden 
candlesticks.  A  more  appropriate  word  for  it 
would  be  "extinguisher."  The  root  means 
'■'  to  snatch  up,"  as  it  seemed  to  do  with  the 
flame.  Secondly,  it  was  "a  fire-pan"  in  the 
proper  sense,  and  belonged  to  the  altar  of 
burnt-offerings,  being  used  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  glowing  cinders,  and  putting  them  iti 
the  censers  for  burning  incense.  In  Ex. 27. 3, 
38-3  it  is  spoken  of  as  Brass  ;  in  iK.9.50,  2K. 
25.15  (cf.  Je. 52.19),  as  of  gold.  Lastly,  it 
means  "  a  censer,"  of  bronze,  according  to  Lev. 
10.1,16.12  ;  Num. 16. 6,17,18, 17.2-4.     [w.o.e.o.] 

Fipkin.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Fipmament.  The  Heb.  term  rdqia',  so 
translated,  is  generally  regarded  as  expressive 
of  simple  expansion,  and  is  so  rendered  in  A.V. 
marg.  (Gen. 1.6).  The  root  means  to  expand 
by  beating,  whether  by  the  hand,  the  foot,  or 
any  instrument.  It  is  especially  used  of  beating 
out  metals  into  thin  plates  (Ex.39. 3  ;  Num.16. 
39).  The  sense  of  so/?rfi7y,  therefore,  is  combined 
with  the  ideas  of  expansion  and  tenuity  in  the 
term.     The  same  idea  of  solidity  runs  througl; 


284 


FIRSTBORN 


all  the  references  to  the  rciqm'.  In  Ex.24.io  it  is 
represented  as  a  solid  floor,  and  in  Ezk.l. 22-26 
the  "  firmament  "  is  the  floor  on  which  the 
throne  of  the  Most  High  is  placed.  Further, 
the  office  of  the  rdqia'  in  the  economy  of  the 
world  demanded  strength  and  substance.  It  was 
to  serve  as  a  division  between  the  waters  above 
and  the  waters  below  (Gen.l.7).  In  keeping 
with  this  view  the  rdqia'  was  provided  witli 
"windows"  (Gen. 7. 11  ;  Is. 24. 18  ;  Mai. 3. 10)  and 
"  doors  "  (Ps.78.23),  through  which  the  rain 
and  the  snow  might  descend.  A  secondary 
purpose  which  the  rdqta'  served  was  to  support 
the  heavenly  bodies,  sun,  moon,  and  stars  (Gen. 
1.14),  in  whichtheywere  fixed,  and  fromwhich, 
consequently,  they  might  be  said  to  drop  off 
(Is.14.12,34.4  ;  Mt. 24.29).  In  all  these  particu- 
lars we  recognize  the  same  view  as  was  enter- 
tained by  the  Greeks  and,  to  a  certain  extent, 
by  the  Latins.  If  it  be  objected  to  the  Mosaic 
account  that  the  view  embodied  in  the  word 
rdqia'  does  not  harmonize  with  strict  scien- 
tific truth,  the  answer  is  that  the  writer 
describes  things  in  popular  language. 

Fipstbopn.  (i)  In  commemoration  of  the 
deliverance  from  Egypt,  all  firstborn  human 
males  were  consecrated  to  God.  Their  re- 
demption was  commanded  at  5  shekels  for 
every  child  that  lived  one  month  (Ex.l3.2,iiff., 
22.29[28],34.20  ;  Num.18. I5f.).  In  lieu  of  the 
living  firstborn  God  took  the  Levites  for  His 
service,  5  shekels  being  paid  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  every  firstborn  male  in  excess  of  the 
then  number  of  Levites  (3. i2f., 41-51,8.16-18). 

(2)  The  sacrifice  of  firstborn  appears  to  have 
been  common  in  heathen  cults  (1K.I6.34  ;  2K. 
3.27,  etc.).     For   Israel,  see   Family,  D,  I  (2). 

(3)  On  Deut.25.6.  see  Leviratk  Law.  (4)  Laban 
said  that  in  his  home  it  was  usual  to  marry  a 
firstborn  tlaughter  before  her  younger  sister 
(Gen. 29. 26).  [Biuthright;  Family.]    [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.  (i)  Christ  is  the  irpwrdroKO^  (Mt.l.25 
[omitted  in  R.V.,  X.  B]  ;  Lu.2.7  ;  see  also  vv. 
22,23).  [BiRTiiKir.iiT.  ]  Exodus  Rabba,  xix. 
near  the  end,  God  is  rejireseuted  as  saying  that 
as  He  had  made  J  acob  to  be  firstborn,  so  would 
He  make  the  King  Messiah  the  firstborn,  witli 
reference  to  Bs.89.27[28].  Christ  is  the  First- 
born of  all  creation  (Col. 1. 15)  ;  of  the  dead 
(ver.  18  ;  Rev.l.5)  ;  of  many  brctiiren  (R0.8. 
29).  (2)  The  church  of  the  Firstborn  (Heb. 
12.23),  perhaps  with  reference  to  the  saints  of 
O.  and  N.T.,  the  patriarchs,  prophets,  apostles, 
and  martyrs.  [h.h.| 

Flpst-fpuits.  Two  Heb.  words,  r^shith 
(R.V.  first-fruits)  and  biqqilrim  (R.V.  first- 
fruits,  first-ripe  fruits),  must  be  distinguished, 
(i)  rishith  denotes  "  first,"  connotes  "best" 
(Num. 18.12  ;  iSam.l5.2i).  Ex. 22.2o[28]  en- 
acts that  "  thy  fulness  and  thy  tear  thou 
Shalt  not  delay  "  (R.V.  "  thou  shalt  not  delay 
to  offer  of  the  abundance  of  thy  fruits,  and  of 
thy  liquors  ").  This  is  very  wide,  and  we  meet 
with  rdshith  of  oil,  wine,  corn,  wool,  fruits 
of  ground  (Num.18. 12  ;  Dent. 18. 4, 26. 2-10), 
honey,  and  leaven  (not  meal-olTerings)  (Lev. 2. 
11,12;  cf.  2Chr.31.5) — all  individual  offerings. 
Each  peasant  presented  a  basket  of  "  all  the 
fruit  of  the  ground  "  at  the  temple  and  offered 
a  prayer  (Deut.26.i-io).  An  ofTering  (appar- 
ently national)  of  rfskUh  of  dough  (?  meal)  is 
also   commanded    {Num. 15. 17-21).     A   sheaf 


FIRSTLINGS 

(?  omer)  of  rcshith  of  corn  was  waved  on  "  the 
morrow  after  the  sabbath,"  probably  Nisan 
16  (national  offering).  Bread,  parched  corn, 
and  fresh  ears  might  not  be  eaten  till  then 
(Lev. 23. 9-14).  rcshith  fell  to  the  priest  (Num. 
18.12  ;  Deut.18.4).  (2)  In  legislation  biq- 
qurim  is  apparently  limited  to  things  sown, 
especially  wheat  (Ex. 23. 16, 19, 34. 22, 26  ;  Lev. 2. 
14,23.20).  Individual  offerings,  consisting  of 
meal-offerings  of  biqqiirim  in  the  ear  parched 
with  fire  and  bruised,  were  brought  to  God's 
houseon  theFeastof  Weeks  (Ex. 23. 16, 19,34.22, 
26;  Lev.2.i4-i6),7weeksafterthenationaloffer- 
ing  of  rishtth  of  corn.  They  fell  to  the  priest, 
except  a  "  memorial,"  which  was  burnt  (Lev. 2; 
Num. 18. 13).  Two  loaves  of  biqqilrim  were 
also  waved  then  (Lev. 23. 16-20)  as  a  national 
offering.  In  non-legal  passages  the  word  is  used 
of  grapes,  figs,  etc.  (3)  Nehemiah  arranged 
that  both  biqqilrim  and  rishtth  should  be 
brought,  and  biqqilrim  is  plainly  applied 
to  the  fruit  of  every  tree  as  well  as  to  the 
fruit  of  the  ground  (Ne.l0.35[36],37[38]). 
The  offering  of  reshith  of  dough  (?  meal)  was 
interpreted  by  him  as  individual  (Ne.lO.37 
[38]).  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  Jan.  1908,  pp.  122, 
123  ;  illustrations  of  the  laws  in  Frazer,  Golden 
Bough  (2nd  ed.),  ii.  3231?.,  459  fi. ;  other  views 
in  Gray,  Numbers,  225  ff.  [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.  the  term  is  applied  to  persons, 
the  first  in  order  of  time  to  accept  the  Gospel, 
who  were  thus  the  earnest  of  a  harvest  to 
follow— r.,?.  those  (of  Israel,  probably)  who 
believed  in  Christ,  and  who  were  a  kind  of 
"  firstfruit  "  of  the  entire  nation  (Ro.ll.i6ff., 
perhaps  alluding  to  Num.l5.20,2i)  :  Epaenetus 
(R0.I6.5),  the  house  of  Stephanus(iCor.l6.i5), 
the  brethren  (Jas.l.18),  the  144,000  redeemed 
(Rev. 14. 4).  It  also  applied  to  Christ  (iCor.15. 
20,23),  as  the  "  firstfruits"  of  the  Resurrection, 
and  the  Holy  Spirit  (Ro.8.23),to  possess  Whom 
is  an  earnest  of  the  future  inheritance,     [n.n.] 

Fipstling's.  In  commemoration  of  the  de- 
liverance from  Egypt  through  the  slaying  of  the 
firstborn,  all  firstlings  were  holy — i.e.  were  to 
be  withdrawn  from  ordinary  use  for  sacred 
purpf)scs,  usually  Sacrifice  (Num. 3. 13).  Un- 
blemished clean  animals  were  to  lie  brought 
to  the  temple  on  the  Passover  and  sacrificed. 
The  flesh  was  eaten  by  the  Israelite  and  his 
dependants,  after  giving  the  priest  a  t'nJwa 
(Heave-offering,  contribution),  consisting  pro- 
bably of  one  or  more  of  the  animals  (Ex. 
13.2,11-16,34.19;  Deut. 14.23. 15.19-22  ;  Num. 
5.9,10,18.15-18).  The  sacrifice  could  only  be 
performed  after  the  seventh  day  from  birth 
(Ex.22.3o[29].  where  translate  "  thou  mayest 
give"  for  R.V.,  "thou  shalt").  Blemished 
clean  animals  were  to  be  eaten  locally  without 
sacrifice  (Deut. 15. 21-23).  The  Israelite  was  to 
redeem  the  firstling  of  an  ass  with  a  kid  or 
iamb,  or  alternatively  to  break  its  neck  (l'-x.l3. 
13.34.20).  For  rules  as  to  the  redemption  of 
other  unclean  animals,  see  Lev. 27. 27;  Num.18. 
15,16  (with  Gray  ad  loc).  Nehemiah  ap- 
parently arranged  that  all  firstlings  of  clean 
animals  should  be  brought  to  the  priests  (Ne.lO. 
3''f37])-  [FiKsruoHN ;  Prikst.]  Churchman, 
July  1906,  426-430,  Sept.  1906,  554.  555;  Van 
Hoonacker,  Lieu  du  Culte,  10.  Other  views 
in  Driver,  Deut.  185-187;  Van  Hoonacker, 
Sacerdoce  Uvitiqiie,  401-406.  [h.m.w.] 


PISH,  S-iSHING 

Fish,  Fishing'*  The  ancient  Hebrews 
recognized  fishes  as  forming  one  of  the  great 
divisions  of  the  animal  kingdom,  and,  as  such, 
gave  them  a  place  in  the  account  of  the 
creation  (Gen. 1.21,28),  as  well  as  in  other 
passages  where  a  description  of  living  creatures 
is  intended  (Gen.9.2  ;  Ex.20.4  ;  Deut.4.i8  ; 
iK.4.33)  ;  and,  what  is  very  noteworthy,  dis- 
tinguished them  from  whales.  The  Mosaic 
law  (Lev.ll.9,10)  pronounced  unclean  such 
fish  as  are  devoid  of  fins  of  the  ordinary  type 
and  visible  scales  :  these  are  still  regarded 
as  unwholesome  in  Egypt.  Of  the  various 
kinds  found  in  the  sea  of  Galilee,  the  cat- 
fishes  (Siluridae),  typified  by  the  great  Silurus 
giants  of  the  rivers  of  Europe,  were  classed 
among  the  unclean  ;  as  were  also  skates, 
sharks,  lampreys,  and,  subsequently,  eels. 
The  Hebrews  were  well  aware  of  the  fecundity 
of  fishes.  The  abundance  of  fishes  in  the 
Nile  and  the  lakes  and  canals  rendered  them 
one  of  the  staple  commodities  of  food  (Num.11. 
5)  ;  and  the  destruction  of  fish  was  thus  a 
serious  visitation  to  the  Egyptians  (Ex. 7. 21  ; 
Is. 19. 8).  In  Palestine  the  sea  of  Galilee 
abounds  with  fish,  and  the  value  attached  to 
the  fishery  by  the  Jews  is  shown  by  the 
traditional  belief  that  one  of  the  10  laws  of 
Joshua  enacted  that  it  should  be  open  to  all 
comers.  Jerusalem  derived  its  supply  chiefly 
from  the  Mediterranean  (cf.  Ezk.47.io).  The 
existence  of  a  regular  fish-market  is  implied 
in  the  notice  of  the  Fish  Gate,  which  was 
probably  contiguous  (2Chr.33.14  ;  Ne.3.3,12. 
39  ;  Zeph.l.io).  Numerous  allusions  to  fishing 
occur  in  the  Bible.  The  usual  method  of 
catching  fish  was  by  the  use  of  the  net,  either 
the  casting  net  (Ezk.26.5,i4,47.io  ;  Hab.l.15), 
probably  resembling  the  one  used  in  Egypt,  an 
illustration  of  which  is  shown  in  Wilkinson 
(iii.  55),  or  the  draw  or  drag  net  (Is. 19. 8; 
Hab.1.15),  which  was  larger  and  required  the 
use  of  a  boat.  The  latter  type  of  net  was 
probably  most  used  on  the  sea  of  Galilee, 
where  a  large  number  of  boats  were  kept. 
Angling  was  a  favourite  pursuit  in  Egypt. 
Another  method  was  with  the  trident  or  spear, 
as  practised  in  Egypt  in  taking  the  crocodile 
(Job  41.7).  Any  general  account  of  the  fishes 
of  Palestine  and  the  Nile  is  impossible  within 
the  limitations  of  our  space.  Nothing  definite 
can  be  affirmed  with  regard  to  Tobit's  fish, 
although  Tristram  suggests  that  it  may  have 


PLAJS 


285 


N  l,A.\lJliN<_.-Nur.     (Wilkinson.) 


been  one  of  the  cat -fishes  (Siluridae),  which'are 
common  in  the  Tigris.  A  fish  is  used  as  the 
Christian  symbol  from  the  circumstance  that 
the  letters  forming  the  Gr.  name  t'x'^tys  make  the 
initalsof 'iT/fToOs  Xpiaros.  BeoO  iu6s,  crcurijp (Jesus 
Christ,  Son  of  God,  Saviour).  [r.l.] 

Fitches  (i.e.  vetches)  represents  in  A.V. 
two  Heb.  words,  kussemeth  and  qe^ah.  As  to 
the  former,  see  Rie.  qecah  denotes,  without 
doubt,  Nigella  sativa,  an  herbaceous  annual 
plant  belonging  to  the  Ranunculaceae,  which 
grows  in  the  S.  of  Europe  and  in  the  N.  of 
Africa.  Fitch  is  given  ficche  and  fetchis  in 
Wyclif  (Is.28.24-27).  The  plant  here  intended 
is  known  as  fennel-flower,  and  the  seeds  are  in 
use  for  flavouring  cakes,  curries,  Bread,  etc.  It 
is  native  in  these  countries,  but  also  cultivated. 
The  dry  capsule  has  to  be  broken  to  free  the 
seeds.  Pliny  says  (xix.  8)  :  "  Now  as  for  Gith  or 
Nigella  Romana,  as  it  is  an  hearbe  that  groweth 
for  the  pastrie,  to  fit  the  baker's  hand,  so 
Anise  and  Dill  are  as  appropriate  to  the  kitchin 
forCookes."  He  ascribes  (xx.  17)  manycurative 
virtues  to  "  the  seed  of  Nigella."      [h.c.h.] 

Flag  represents  in  A.V.  two  Heb.  words,  (i) 
'n/(«,  a  word,  according  to  Jerome,  of  Egyp- 
tian origin,  denoting  "  any  green  and  coarse 
herbage,  such  as  rushes  and  reeds,  which  grows 
in  marshy  places."  The  word  occurs  in  Job  8. 
II,  and  again  in  Gen. 41. 2, 18,  where  it  is  said 
that  the  seven  well-favoured  kine  came  up  out 
of  the  river  and  fed  on  'ahil.  Royle  and  Kitto 
are  inclined  to  think  that  the  'a/iw  denotes 
the  Cyperus  esculentiis.  (2)  siiph  occurs  fre- 
quently in  O.T.  in  connexion  with  ydtn,  "  sea," 
to  denote  the  "  Red  Sea"  (properly  "  the  sea  of 
reeds  "  or  "  sea- weeds  ").  "  Aquatic  weeds," 
or  "  sea-weeds,"  represent  (i)  and  (2),  but  the 
attempt  to  limit  the  significations  is  unsatis- 
factory. 

Flag-on,  thus  two  distinct  Heb.  terms  are 
rendered  in  A.V.  (i)  'dshishd  (2Sam.6.i9; 
iChr.16.3  ;  Can. 2. 5  ;  Ho.3.i).  The  real  mean- 
ing of  this  word  is  a  cake  of  pressed  raisins. 
(2)  nebhel  (Is. 22. 24  ;  Lam. 4. 2)  is  commonly 
used  for  a  bottle  or  vessel ;  originally  probably 
a  skin,  but  later  a  piece  of  pottery  (Is. 30. 14). 
Flax  (Heb.  pisJvtd  or  pish'te  ;  Egypt. 
pesht).  Apart  from  references  to  the  manu- 
factured article,  either  the  thread,  the  piece, 
or  the  garment,  we  find  two  possible  references 
to  the  plant  :  Ex. 9. 31,  certain,  and  Jos. 2. 6, 
disputed.  In  the  former  the  flax  of  the 
Egyptians  is  recorded  to  have  been 
damaged  by  the  plague  of  hail.  It 
seems  probable  that  the  cultivation 
of  flax  for  the  manufacture  of  linen 
was  not  confined  to  Egypt ;  but  was 
in  early  times  very  widespread  in 
Asia.  That  it  was  grown  in  Palestine 
even  before  the  conquest  of  that 
country  by  the  Israelites  appears  from 
J  OS. 2. 6.  The  various  processes  em- 
ployed in  preparing  the  flax  for  manu- 
facture into  cloth  are  indicated  :  (i) 
The  drying  process,  after  the  steeping 
has  taken  place  (Is. 42. 3, 43. 17).  (2) 
The  peeling  of  the  stalks,  and  separa- 
tion of  the  fibres  (Jos. 2. 6).  (3)  The 
hackling  (Is. 19. 9).  In  Is. 19. 3-10  there 
may  be  an  intended  connexion  be- 
tween the  drying   up   of  rivers  and 


256  FLEA 

brooks  and  the  loss  of  means  to  prepare  the 
flax  in  the  dams.  That  flax  was  anciently  one 
of  the  most  important  crops  in  Palestine  ap- 
pears from  Ho. 2. 5, 9 — a  fact  that,  in  the  opinion 
of  Mr.  H.  C.  Hart,  points  to  desiccation  in  this 
region.  Dr.  Tristram  states  that  flax  had 
again  been  cultivated  in  the  Jordan  Valley  in 
the  last  century  for  the  Sultan. 

Flea,  an  insect  twice  only  mentioned  in 
Scripture  (iSam.24.i4,26.2o).  Fleas  are  abun- 
dant in  the  E.,  and  provide  the  subject  of  many 
proverbial  expressions. 

Flesh.     [Food  ;  Meat.] 

Flint.  The  Heb.  halldmish  is  rendered 
/Zi'ni  in  Deut. 8.15,32.13, 'Ps.114.8,  and  Is.50.7. 
In  Job  28-9  rock  in  the  text,  and  flint  in  marg. 
In  Ezk.3.9  "  flint  "  occurs  in  the  same  sense, 
but  there  represents  the  Heb.  ror;  cf.  Ex. 4.25, 
where  Zipporah  uses  a  flint-knife  (A.V.  sharp 
stone).  Flint,  or  chert,  which  is  almost  the 
same  thing,  is  common  in  the  limestones  of 
Palestine.  The  Heb.  halldmish  has  been  com- 
pared with  the  Elmisu  (rarely  Elmiisii)  of  the 
monuments  and  with  the  "  stone  of  fire  "  of 
the  Bab.  sign-lists. 

Flood.     [Noah.] 

Floup.     [Bread.] 

Flow/^eps.     [Palestine.] 

Flowers  (Lev. 15.24, 33).  [Blood, Issue  of.] 

Flute,  one  of  the  musical  instruments  used 
at  the  worship  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  golden 
image  (Dan.3.5ff.).  Cf.  also  1K.I.40  marg. 
[Pipe.] 

Flux,  Bloody  (Ac.28.8).  Probably  dysen- 
tery, which  is  extremely  common  in  the  East 
and  generally  extremely  infectious.  Wycliff 
reads  "  Feueres  and  Dissentere  or  flix  "  ; 
K.V.  gives  "  dysentery."  [f-J-] 

Fly,  Flies.  Two  words  are  thus  translated 
in  A.V.,  z'bhiibh  and  'drobh.  The  former  occurs 
only  in  Ec.lO.i  and  Is. 7. 18,  and  is  identical 
with  the  Arab,  dhibbdneh  (  x^dhabab ;  Arab. 
dh  =  Heb.  2).  The  Heb.  word  was  used  in  a 
general  sense.  The  2nd  term,  'drobh  ("swarms 
of  fltes,"  "divers  sorts  of  flies,  "A.V.),  is  em- 
ployed for  the  insect  or  insects  sent  to  punish 
Pharaoh  (Ex.8.21-31 ;  Ps.78.45.105.3i)-  As 
these  'arofc^  are  stated  tohaveftlledthehouses  of 
the  Egyptians,  it  seems  probable  that  the  com- 
mon house-fly, which  is  a  terrible  pest  in  Egypt, 
is  specially  intended,  the  identification  with  the 
cockroach  being  gratuitous.  [Cf.  I'lagues.] 
That  the  z'bhubh  were  also  most  pernicious  is 
testified  by  the  cult  of  the  Phoenician  Baalzebub 
(the  lord  of  flies),  who  was  probably  invoked 
for  protection  against  these  insects,     [r.l.] 

Food.  The  diet  of  Eastern  nations  has 
been  in  all  ages  light  and  simple.  The  chief 
points  of  contrast  with  Western  habits  are  the 
small  amount  of  animal  food  consumed,  the 
variety  of  articles  eaten  with  bread,  and  the 
substitution  of  milk  in  various  forms  for  our 
liquors.  The  chief  point  of  agreement  is  the 
large  consumption  of  bread,  the  imjiortance  of 
which  in  the  eyes  of  the  Heb.  is  testified  by 
the  use  of  the  term  lehem  (originally  food  of 
any  kind)  specifically  for  bread,  as  well  as  by 
the  expression  "  staff  of  bread  "  (Lev. 26. 26  ; 
Ps.l05.i6;  Ezk.4.if),14.i3).  Simpler  prepara- 
tions of  corn  were,  however,  common  ;  some- 
times the  fresh  green  cars  were  eaten  in  a 
natural  state,  the  husks  being  rubbed  off  by 


Foob 

the  hand  (Lev.23.i4  :  Deut.23.25  ;  2K.4.42  ; 
Mt.l2.i  ;  Lu.6.r)  ;  more  frequently,  however, 
the  grains,  after  bping  carefully  picked,  were 
roasted  in  a  pan  over  a  fire  (Lev. 2. 14),  and 
eaten  as  "  parched  corn,"  in  which  form  they 
were  an  ordinary  article  of  diet,  particularly 
among  labourers,  or  others  who  had  not  the 
means  of  dressing  food  (Lev. 23. 14  ;  Ru.2.14  ; 
iSam.17. 17,25.18  ;  2Sam.i7.28)  :  this  prac- 
tice is  still  very  usual  in  the  East.  Sometimes 
the  grain  was  bruised  (A.V.  beaten,  Lev. 2. 14, 
16),  and  then  dried  in  the  sun  ;  it  was  eaten 
either  mixed  with  oil  (2.15),  or  made  into 
a  soft  cake  (A.V.  dough  ;  Num. 15. 20  ;  Ne. 
10.37  ;  Ezk.44.30).  Salt  was  often  used  with 
bread  (Job 6.6).  Sometimes  the  bread  was 
dipped  into  the  sour  wine  (A.V.  vinegar) 
which  the  labourers  drank  (Ru.2.14)  ;  or, 
where  meat  was  eaten,  into  the  gravy,  which 
was  either  served  up  separately  for  the  pur- 
pose, as  by  Gideon  (Judg.6.19),  or  placed  in  the 
middle  of  the  meat-dish,  as  is  done  by  the 
Arabs.  Milk  and  its  preparations  hold  a  con- 
spicuous place  in  Eastern  diet.  Fruit  was 
another  source  of  subsistence  :  figs  stand  first 
in  point  of  importance  ;  they  were  generally 
dried  and  pressed  into  cakes.  Grapes  were 
also  eaten  in  a  dried  state  as  raisins.  Of 
vegetables  we  have  most  frequent  notice  of 
lentils  (Gen. 25. 34  ;  2Sam.l7.28,23.ii  ;  Ezk. 
4.9),  which  are  still  largely  used  by  the 
Bedouin;  beans  (2Sam.i7.28;  Ezk. 4. 9),  leeks, 
onions,  and  garlick,  which  were  and  still  are 
of  a  superior  quality  in  Egypt  (Num. 11. 5). 
Of  vegetables,  radishes  and  leeks  are  most  in 
use,  and  are  eaten  raw  with  bread.  [Agri- 
cuLTiTRE.]  The  spices  or  condiments  known 
to  the  Hebrews  were  numerous.  Another 
important  article  of  food  is  honey,  whether 
the  natural  product  of  the  bee  (1Sam.i4.25  ; 
Mt.3.4),  which  is  found  in  Syria,  or  the  other 
natural  and  artificial  productions  included 
under  that  head;  especially  the  dibs  of  the 
Syrians  and  Arabians,  i.e.  grape-juice  boiled 
down,  which  is  still  extensively  used  in  the  East. 
Oil  was  also  much  used.  Eggs  are  not  often 
noticed,  but  were  evidcntlv  known  as  articles 
of  food  (Job6.6;  Is.lO.14, 59.5  ;  Lu.ll.12). 
The  Orientals  have  been  at  all  times  sparing  in 
the  use  of  animal  food  :  not  only  does  the 
excessive  heat  of  the  climate  render  it  both 
unwholesome  to  eat  much  meat,  and  ex- 
pensive from  the  necessity  of  immediately 
consuming  a  whole  animal,  but  beyond  this 
the  ritual  regulations  of  the  Mosaic  law  in 
ancient,  as  of  the  Koran  in  modern  times,  have 
tended  to  the  same  result.  All  beasts  and 
birds  classed  as  unclean  (Lev. 11. iff.  ;  Deut.l4. 
4ff.)  were  jirohibited.  With  these  exceptions, 
the  Hebrews  were  permitted  the  free  use  of 
animal  food  ;  but,  generally  speaking,  only 
availed  themselves  of  it  in  the  exercise  of  hospi- 
talitv  (Gen. 18. 7).  or  at  festivals  of  a  religious 
(l':x.'l2.H),  jmblic  (1K.I.9;  1Chr.i2.40),  or 
private  character  (Gen. 27. 4  ;  Lu.i5.23)  :  only 
in  royal  households  was  there  a  daily  consump- 
tion of  meat  (iK.4.23;  Ne.5.i8).'  The  ani- 
mals killed  for  meat  were — calves  (Gen. 18. 7  ; 
iSam.28.24  :  .Am. 6. 4);  lambs  (2Sam.l2.4  ; 
Am. 6. 4)  ;  oxen,  not  above  three  vears  of  age 
(iK.1.9;  Pr.i5.17;  Is.22.13;  Mt!22.4):  kids 
(Gen. 27. 9:  Judg.6.19;   1Sa1n.l6.20);  gazelles, 


FOOTMAN 

foe,  and  fallow-deer  (iK.4.23)  ;  birds  of 
various  kinds  ;  fish,  except  those  without 
scales  and  fins  (Lev. 11. 9  ;  Deut.14.9).  Lo- 
custs, of  which  certain  species  only  were  es- 
teemed clean  (Lev. 11. 22),  were  occasionally 
eaten  (Mt.3.4),  but  considered  poor  fare.  Meat 
does  not  appear  ever  to  have  been  eaten  by 
itself ;  various  accompaniments  are  noticed  in 
Scripture,  as  bread,  milk,  and  sour  milk  (Gen. 
18.8);  bread  and  broth  (Judg.6.19)  ;  with  fish, 
either  bread  (Mt. 14. 19, 15. 36  ;  Jn.21.9)  or  a 
honeycomb  (Lu.24.42).  Of  beverages,  milk, 
barley-water,  and  a  mixture,  resembling  the 
modern  sherbet  formed  of  fig-cake  and  water 
[Husks],  were  probably  used,  but  water  was 
most  generally  drunk.  The  Hebrews  were 
also  acquainted  with  various  intoxicating 
liquors.     [Drink,  Strong.] 

Footman,  a  word  employed  in  A.V.  in  two 
senses,  (i)  Heb.  ragh'-li,  to  distinguish  the 
people  or  the  fighting-men  who  went  on  foot 
from  those  on  horseback  or  in  chariots.  (2) 
Heb.  ruftm  (footmen  in  iSam.22.i7  only),  used 
of  a  body  of  swift  runners  [Posts]  in  attend- 
ance on  the  king,  such  as  had  been  foretold 
by  Samuel  (iSam.8.11).  This  body  appears 
to  have  been  afterwards  kept  up,  and  to  have 
been  distinct  from  the  body-guard — the  six 
hundred  and  the  thirty — who  were  originated 
by  David.  See  iK. 14.27,28;  2Chr.l2.io,ii ; 
2K. 11. 4, 6, II, 13, 19;  A.V.  guard:  in  two  in- 
stances runners  in  the  margin  (iK.14.27; 
2K.II.13).     [Cherethites  ;  Guard.] 

Forehead.  An  especial  force  is  given  to 
the  term  "  hard  of  forehead  "  as  descriptive  of 
audacity  in  general  (Ezk.3.7,8,9).  It  was  the 
custom  among  many  Oriental  nations  both  to 
colour  the  face  and  forehead,  and  to  impress 
on  the  body  marks  indicative  of  devotion  to 
some  special  deity  or  religious  sect.  The 
"  jewels  for  the  forehead,"  mentioned  by 
Ezekiel  (16. 12),  and  in  margin  of  A.V.  (Gen. 24. 
22),  refer  to  fringes  of  little  metal  discs. 

Fopeignep.  The  word  most  usually 
rendered  "stranger"  in  the  Bible  is  the  Heb. 
ger,  denoting  the  alien  who  accepts  the  hos- 
pitality of  a  Hebrew  family.  An  equivalent 
in  the  LXX.  is  TrpoayfKvTos,  though  the  ger  was 
not  a  proselyte  in  the  usually  accepted  sense  of 
the  word,  i.e.  a  Gentile  who  from  conviction 
embraced  Judaism.  [Stranger;  Proselyte.] 
The  present  article  will  deal  with  the  Heb. 
words  hen-nekher  or  nokhrl  and  zdr,  the  real 
equivalents  of  our  word  "  foreigner,"  though 
usually  translated  "  stranger."  The  main  dif- 
ference between  the  stranger  [gcr)  and  the 
foreigner  (nekher)  is  that  the  former  had  legal 
rights  and  a  status  in  Israel,  whereas  the  latter 
had  not.  In  all  ancient  nations  the  attitude 
towards  the  foreigner  was  one  of  hostility  ; 
and  the  Israelite  was  always  encouraged  to 
regard  himself  as  separated  from  other  nations. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  necessarily  brought  into 
friendly  relations  with  foreigners  under  the 
following  circumstances  :  (i)  Incorporation. 
The  family  of  Abraham  contained  honoured 
members  who  were  not  akin  to  him  (Gen. 15. 
2);  the  Israelites  at  the  Exodus  were  accom- 
panied by  a  "  mixed  multitude  "  (Ex. 12. 38)  ; 
the  race  of  Hobab  were  allowed  to  share  in  the 
future  benefits  of  God's  people  (Num.lO.29  : 
Judg.l.i6) ;   Rahab  became  a  dweller  in  Israel 


fOREIGNEB, 


287 


(jos.6.25),  and  many  non-Israelite  clans,  like 
the  Calebites  (15. 13)  and  the  Jerahmeelites 
(iSam. 27.10)  [Caleb],  entered  the  common- 
wealth of  Israel.  (2)  Hospitality  was  always 
highly  prized  as  a  virtue  in  the  East,  and  the 
Israelite  felt  boxmd  to  extend  this,  not  merely 
to  his  own  people  and  to  the  ger  (or  foreigner) 
who  joined  his  family,  but  also  to  the  traveller 
who  chanced  to  enter  his  city  (Gen. 19. 2).  Is- 
raelites accepted  the  hospitality  of  strangers 
(Ru.l.i  ;  iSam.27.i).  (3)  Matrimonial  Alli- 
ance with  foreigners  was  discouraged,  and  even 
in  patriarchal  times  great  importance  was  laid 
on  purity  of  blood  (Gen. 24. 3, 26. 34, 35).  Never- 
theless marriage  with  foreigners  was  not  un- 
usual, nor  does  it  seem  to  have  been  severely 
reprobated,  even  if  illegal,  at  any  rate  till  after 
the  Exile  (Ezr.lO,  passim;  Ne.i3.23).  [Mixed 
Marriages.]  (4.)  Warlike  Alliances.  The  Israel- 
ites entered  into  frequent  alliances  offensive 
and  defensive,  and  these  seem  to  have  been  re- 
garded at  the  time  with  no  disfavour,  though 
condemned  by  the  rigorists  of  a  later  period. 
Examples  of  such  alliances  are  Abraham  and 
the  Hebronites  (Gen. 14),  David  and  Nahash 
of  Ammon(2Sam.l0.2),  and  Asa  and  Benhadad 
(iK. 15.18,19,  but  see  2Chr.l6.1-6),  etc.  The 
foreign  policy  of  Hezekiah,  and  his  alliances 
with  Egypt  (Is.31)  and  Babylon  (2K.2O  ;  Is. 
39),  were  condemned  by  the  prophets  of  the 
7th  cent.  [Alliances.]  (5)  Trade  and 
Commerce.  The  matrimonial  alliance  with 
Shechem  (Gen.34.2i)  was  recommended  as 
advantageous  from  a  commercial  standpoint, 
and  David,  Solomon,  and  Ahab  all  made 
alliances  with  the  Phoenicians  (iK. 5. 1,16.31). 
The  close  friendship  between  Judah  and  the 
distant  city  of  Hamath  may  have  had  a  com- 
mercial basis  (2Sam.8.io  ;  2K.I4.28).  [Com- 
merce.] (6)  Royal  Policy.  The  kings  of  the 
house  of  David  seem  to  have  adhered  to  his 
policy  of  employing  foreign  mercenaries.  In 
addition  to  the  Cherethites  and  Pelethites, 
David  had  Hittites  (2Sam.ll),  natives  of  Gath 
(2Sam.i5.19),  and  even  Ethiopians  (2Sam.l8. 
21),  in  his  service.  Shebna,  the  minister  of 
Hezekiah,  has  been  supposed  to  bear  a  foreign 
name  (Is.22.i5,37.2).  (7)  Misfortune.  Israel- 
ites had  to  take  refuge  among  foreigners 
under  various  distressing  circumstances.  In 
days  of  famine  (Gen. 12  ;  Ru.l),  as  exiles 
(iSam.27),  under  stress  of  invasion  (Je.40.ii, 
43).  The  aUenation  of  Israel  from  foreigners 
was  encouraged  as  their  religious  sense  of 
separation  developed  :  (a)  In  the  Deuteronomic 
legislation,  in  which  the  command  to  massacre 
the  Canaanites  on  the  entrance  into  the  land 
is  emphasized,  though  the  laws  of  war  incul- 
cated for  the  time  are  distinguished  for  a 
certain  humanity  (Deut.20.io  ff.),  the  belief 
that  the  Israelites  ought  to  have  annihilated 
all  the  idolatrous  inhabitants  of  their  country 
undoubtedly  helped  to  increase  their  preju- 
dices against  all  foreigners,  (b)  In  the  Exilic 
and  post-Exilic  period  the  necessity  of  preserv- 
ing their  nationality,  religion,  and  language 
(Ne.13.24)  naturally  made  the  Jews  more  ex- 
clusive than  ever,  though  they  still  kept  up 
friendly  relations  with  aliens  (Ne.13.5,28). 
Under  Gk.  influences  the  priests  especially 
showed  a  desire  to  conform  to  Hellenic  cus- 
toms (2Mac.4.i4),  and  the  intense  horror  of 


288 


I'OitESI? 


Hellenism  was  only  engendered  after  the  per- 
secution by  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  [Hellen- 
ist.] The  strict  Palestinian  Jews  of  our 
Lord's  time  refused  to  have  any  social  inter- 
course with  the  lieathen  (Ac. 10),  and  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  (70  a.d.)  and  the  war  in 
the  days  of  Hadrian  (i  17-138  a.d.)  completed 
the  severance  between  the  Jew  and  the  rest  of 
mankind,  which  was  aggravated  by  the  mu- 
tual antagonism  of  Jews  and  Christians  in 
later  times.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Fopest.  The  A.V.  so  renders  3  Heb.  words, 
(i)  ya'i'ird,  the  "  tangled"  copse  (Arab,  wa'r) 
wliich  covers  the  W.  ridges  in  Palestine.  It  is 
used  for  "forest,"  or  "wood,"  in  52  passages  in 
O.T.,  including  the  woods  of  Hareth,  Carmel, 
Ephraim,  and  Lebanon  (iK. 7. 2, 10. 17, 21  ;  2 
Chr.9.16,20);  but  in  iSam.14.25,26  the  right 
rendering  is  clearly  "came  to  a  honeycomb" 
(see  ver.  27,  and  Can.S.i).  (2)  horesh;  this 
word  is  doubtful.  It  appears  to"  refer  to  a 
shady  wood  (Ezk.31.3)  like  the  Lebanon  cedar 
forest ;  but  the  horesh  of  Ziph  (iSam. 23.15- 
19)  may  be  the  present  ruin  Khoreisah  near 
Ziph,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  forts  would  have 
been  built  in  woods  (2Chr.27.4).  The  word  is 
only  elsewhere  found  in  Is. 17. 9  (R.V.  woods). 
(i)pardes,  a  "Paradise"  (A.V.  Ne.2.8,  forest), 
otherwise  "orchard"  (A.V.  Ec.2.5;  Can. 4. 13). 
The  word  only  occurs  in  these  passages.  The 
Greeks  took  it  from  the  Persians  {pairidaeza  ; 
Arab,  ferdiis), who  used  it  for  a  "park."  It  has, 
however,  no  Persian  etymology,  and  may  be  a 
borrowed  word  in  Persian  also.  [c.r.c] 

Fortifications.  [Cities;  Encampment; 
Jerusalem;  War.] 

Foptunatus,  one  of  three  Corinthians  at 
Ephesus,  whenSt.  Paul  wrote  iCor.  (16. 17)-  See 
Lightfoot,  Clem,  of  Rome,  ii.  p.  187.     [e.r.b.] 

Fountain.  The  A.V.  so  renders  (in  some 
passages)  four  Heb.  words,  three  of  which 
refer  to  natural  waters,  and  the  fourth  to  a 
well  or  cistern.  In  the  sense  of  a  supply  by  a 
water-pipe  it  never  occurs,  since  even  the 
Romans  did  not  understand  that  water  in  a 
pipe  rises  almost  to  the  level  of  its  source.  ( i ) 
'avm (Heb.  and  Arab.),  "a  spring"  [Well],  is 
rendered  "  fountain  "  in  Gen. 16. 7  ;  Num.33. 
9  ;  Deut.33.28  (probably  "eye");  iSam.29.i  ; 
2Chr.32.3  ;  Ne.2.14,3.15  ;  Pr.8.28.  It  should 
be  noted  that  Rebekah  met  Abraham's  servant 
at  a  "  spring  "  with  steps.  Springs  are  some- 
times in  caves,  or  have  steps  to  the  water,  in 
the  East.  (2)  ma'ydn,  a  group  of  springs,  is 
rendered  "fountain"  in  Gen. 7. 11, 8. 2  ;  Lev. 
11.36  ;  Jos. 15. 9  (Neputoah,  rendered  "  well  " 
of  the  same  springs  in  18. 15)  ;  1K.I8.5  (2K.3. 
19,25.  "  wells")  ;  2Chr.32..t  ;  Ps.74.i5. 114.8 
("  well  "  in  84.6,  "  springs  "  in  87.7.104. 10)  ; 
Pr.5. 16,8.24,25.26  ;  Can.4.12,15  ;  Is. 41. 18 
("wells"  in  I2.3)  ;  H0.I3.15  ;  J1.3.i8.  In 
Can. 4.12  it  is  equivalent  to  gal,  "  spring."  (3) 
mdqor,  a  "  source  "  (see  Lev. 20. 18),  occurs  14 
times,  and  is  rendered  "  fountain,"  except  in 
Lev. 12.7  "issue";  Pr.lO.ii  "well,"  I6.22  "well 
spring,"  25.26  "  spring  "  ;  Je.5i.36  "  springs." 
(4)  bor,  "pit"  [Cistern],  is  rendered  "foun- 
tain "  in  Je.6.7  (k'thibh.  bor).  [c.r.c.] 

Fowl.  Several  distinct  Hob.  and  Gk. 
words  are  thus  rendered  in  A.V.,  of  which  tlie 
most  common  is  'ci/'/i,  usually  a  collective  term 
for  birds  in  general.     In  i  K.4.23,  among  the 


daily  provisions  for  Solomon's  table,  "  fatted 
fowl  "  are  included.  In  N.T.  the  word  trans- 
lated "  fowls "  is  most  frequently  the  one 
which  comprehends  all  kindsof  birds  (including 
ravens,  Lu.i2.24).  [Sparrow.] 
Fowlep.  [Hunting;  Net.] 
Fox  (Heb.  shu'al).  In  most  of  the  passages 
in  O.T.  where  shu'al  occurs  there  is  little 
doubt  from  the  context  that  it  indicates  the 
jackal,  although  in  other  instances  it  may  refer 
to  the  fox.  The  word  shii'dl  is,  in  fact,  clearly 
identical  with  the  Hindustani  shial  and  the 
Persian  shual,  both  of  which  refer  exclusively 
to  the  jackal.  Despite  the  fact  that  there  is 
the  Heb.  'iyyUn  specially  denoting  jackals,  it 
seems  probable  that  the  ancient  Jews,  like  the 
modern  Syrians,  frequently  used  one  term  for 
both  jackals  and  foxes,  although  well  aware  of 
the  distinction  between  the  two.  Th&shii'alim 
of  Judg.15.4  are  certainly  jackals,  as  foxes  are 
not  gregarious  ;  and  probably  the  same  holds 
good  in  Can. 2. 15.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
aXGiiry)^  of  N.T.  (Mt.8.20)  is  rightly  rendered 
"  fox."  In  some  instances  "  dragon  "  (tannin) 
apparently  also  denotes  the  jackal.  [Dragon.] 
Jackals  are  taller  and  shorter-tailed  animals 
than  foxes,  and  dwell,  often  in  holes,  among 
ruins  and  deserted  buildings,  and  hunt  in  packs 
at  night.  The  Indian  jackal  (Canis  aureus)  is 
the  species  occurring  in  Palestine  and  Syria  ; 
but  in  Egypt  it  is  replaced  by  the  larger  and 
more  wolf-likeEgyptian  jackal  (C.  lupaster),  and 
in  Algeria  and  Morocco  by  the  N.  African  jackal 
(C.  anthus).  The  fox  is  represented  by  a  variety 
of  the  European  species  known  as  the  Egyptian 
fox  (Vulpes  alopex  niloticus).  [r.l.] 

Fpankincense  (Heb.  Vbhond,  Gk.  Xt/iavos), 
a  vegetable  resin,  brittle,  glittering,  and  of  a 
bitter  taste,  used  for  the  purpose  of  sacrificial 
fumigation  (Ex.30.34-36).  It  is  obtained  by 
successive  incisions  in  the  bark  of  a  tree  called 
the  arbor  thuris,  the  first  of  which  yields  the 
purest  and  whitest  kind  ;  while  the  produce  of 
after-incisions  is  spotted  with  yellow,  and  even- 
tually loses  its  whiteness  altogether.  The  He- 
brews imported  their  frankincense  from  Arabia 
(Is.60.6  ;  Je.6.20),  more  particularly  from 
Saba  ;  but  at  present  the  .\rabian  Libanuna,  or 
Olibanum,  is  a  very  inferior  kind,  and  the  finest 
frankincense  imported  into  Turkey  comes 
through  Arabia  from  the  Indian  .A-rchipelago. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  tree  which 
produces  the  Indian  frankincense  is  the  Bos- 
wellia  serrata  of  Roxburgh,  or  Boswellia  Ihuri- 
fera  of  Colebrooke.  It  is  still  uncertain  what 
tree  produces  the  .Arabian  Olibanum.  The 
Boswellias  are  natives  of  India,  Arabia,  and  the 
Somali  country.  Several  of  them  produce  Oliba- 
imm  or  frankincense,  but  especial lyB.//n(ri'/^ra, 
a  tall  tree  native  in  W.  India.  They  belong  to 
the  Mvrrh  family  (.Amarydaceae).  [h.c.h.] 
Fpeedom  (.Acts 22.28).  [Citizenship.] 
Fpeewill.  [Predestination.] 
Fpeewlll  oirepingr.  [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  c] 
Fplng'es.  [Dress  ;  Hem  of  Garment.] 
Fpog'.  riic  mention  of  this  b.itrachian  in 
O.T.  is  (oiitiniil  to  i;x.8.2-7,  etc.,  in  which  the 
plagu('  of  frogs  is  described,  and  to  l's.78.45, 
105.30.  In  N.T.  the  word  occurs  once  only  (Rev. 
16. 13).  The  only  species  of  trvie  frog  inhabiting 
l'"Kyi'l  istii<-c(libl(!  lvi->p,(Ratut  csculcnta).  widely 
ilistributed  in  Jiurope,.\sia,and  N.Africa,  [r.l.] 


FRONTLETS 

Fpontlets,  or  Phylacteries,  strips 
of  parchment,  on  which  is  written  (in  Heb. 
square  characters)  Ex.l3.i-io ;  jb.  11-16 ; 
Deut. 6.4-9  ;   11-13-21,  enclosed  in  square  black 


FUTURE  LIFE,  THE 


289 


FRONTLET,   OR  PHYLACTERY. 

leather  boxes  of  varying  size,  to  which  long 
leather  thongs  are  attached.  The  custom  had 
its  origin  in  a  literal  interpretation  of  Ex.13. 
9,16  ;  Deut. 6.8,11. 18.  The  phylactery  worn  on 
the  forehead  has  four  divisions,  with  a  strip  of 
parchment  in  each ;  and  on  each  strip  is  written 
one  of  the  above  passages.  The  straps  en- 
circle the  head,  are  looped  behind,  and  the  ends 
brought  forward  over  the  shoulders.  The  one 
for  the  hand  is  bound  under  the  upper  part  of 
the  left  arm,  so  as  to  be  over  the  heart  (Deut. 
11.18),  the  strap  carried  seven  times  round  the 
arm  and  three  times  round  the  middle  finger. 
This  has  only  one  compartment,  jmd  one  piece 
of  parchment,  on  which  the  above  passages  are 
written  in  four  columns.  The  phylacteries  were 
in  use  in  the  3rd  cent,  b.c,  and  are  referred 
to  by  Josephus,  4  Ant.  viii.  13.  The  Gk.  term 
(pvXaKTTjpia  occurs  only  in  Mt.23.5  in  Biblical 
times.  The  Heh.  totdphoth  {"haLiids"  originally 
perhaps  a  mark  in  the  flesh,  a  tattoo)  is  rendered 
aadXevTov  (something  immovable,  enduring) 
in  the  LXX.,  and  fphillin  (prayer  fillets)  or 
totdphofh  in  the  Targums  ;  i''phillin  is  the  term 
used  in  Jewish  literature.  '^vXaKrripLov  = 
amulet,  Plut.  de  Is.  ei  Osir.  65,  68  ;  Horapoll. 
I,  24.  The  use  of  this  term  in  N.T.  may 
indicate  that  the  phylacteries  were  regarded 
as  a  protection  against  evil  [Amulets]  ; 
but  the  fact  that  the  word  is  not  found  in 
Rabbin,  literature,  and  that  the  Heb.  terms  do 
not  convey  this  meaning,  is  against  the  infer- 
ence. The  phylacteries,  by  reminding  the 
wearer  of  the  divine  law,  serve  as  a  protection 
against  sin  (Friedlander,  Jewish  Religion,  p. 
337).  The  Samaritans  did  not  use  them,  nor 
do  the  Karaites,  who  interpret  the  Mosaic 
injunctions  in  a  fig.  sense.  The  phylacteries 
were  originally  worn  all  day,  but  during  the 
Dispersion  at  morning  prayer  only,  and  not  at 
all  on  sabbath  or  festival.  They  are  worn  by 
all  males  after  the  13th  birthday.  The  only 
ref.  in  the  N.T.  is  Mt.23.5,  where  our  Lord  de- 
nounces the  Pharisaic  ostentation  of  making 
"  broad,"  or  large,  the  phylactery  as  a  sign  01 


superior  piety  or  stricter  observance  of  the 
law.  Maimoiiides,  Yad,  Tefillin,  i.-iv.  (Amster- 
dam ed.  1702),  vol.  i.  pp.  84-92  ;  Hamburger, 
Real-ency.  Judentums,  ii.,  art.  "Tefillin"  ;  G. 
Klein,  Totafoth  nach  Bibel  und  Tradition,  in 
Jahrb.  (iir  Prot.  Theol.  (1881)  ;  M.  L.  Rodkin- 
son.  Hist,  of  Amulets,  Charms,  and  Talismans 
(1893)  ;  Dembitz,  Jewish  Services  in  Synag. 
and  Home,  pp.  313-317-  [h.h.] 

Fuller.     [Handicrafts,  (10).] 

Fuller's  field  (2K.I8.17  ;  Is.7.3.36.2), 
near  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  on  W.  (see  2K.ISI. 
26),  and  by  a  high  road  (ver.  17).    [Conduit.] 

Funerals.     [Burial.] 

Furlong-.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Furnace.  Various  kinds  of  furnaces  are 
noticed  in  the  Bible,  (i)  tannur  is  so  trans- 
lated in  A.V.  in  Gen.l5.i7  ;  Ne.3.11,12.38  ; 
Is.31.9.  Generally  the  word  applies  to  the 
baker's  oven ;  it  was  made  of  clay.  Judging 
from  those  now  used  by  the  Fellahin  of  Pales- 
tine. [Bread.]  (2)  kibhshdn,  a  smelting  or 
calcining  furnace  (Gen.19.28  ;  Ex.9.8,io,19. 
18),  especially  a  lime-kiln  (Is.33.i2  ;  Am.2.i). 
(3)  Mr,  a  refining  fturnace  (Pr.l7.3,27.2i  ; 
Ezk.22.i8ff.).  (4)  'attun,  a  large  furnace  built 
like  a  brick-kiln  (Dan.3.22,23).  The  Persians 
used  the  furnace  as  a  means  of  inflicting  capital 
punishment  (Dan.   I.e.;   Je.29.22;   2Mac.7.5  ; 


THE  EGYPTIAN  POTTER'S  FURNACE.     (Wilkinson.) 

Ho.7.7).  (5)  The  potter's  furnace  (Ecclus.27. 
5,38.30).  (6)  The  blacksmith's  furnace  (38.8). 
Future  life.  The.  (i)  In  O.T.  From 
the  earliest  times  we  find  amongst  the  people 
of  Israel  the  belief  in  an  existence  after  death. 
But  this  existence  was  regarded  as  so  shadowy 
and  wretched,  in  comparison  with  earthly  life, 
that  they  never  gave  to  it  the  name  of  "  life," 
which  meant  to  them  "  happiness."  The  home 
of  the  dead  was  sh^'ol,  a  land  of  dust  (symbol 
of  barren,  dreary  chaos)  and  darkness,  in  the 
centre  of  the  earth  (often  called  "  the  pit,"  or 
"  the  dust  ").  There  the  r''ph£im  (weak  ones, 
ghosts),  as  the  dead  were  called,  dragged  out  a 
weary  existence  unremembered  of  God  (Ps.88. 
5),  and  without  remembrance  of  Him  (6.5)  ; 
without  any  care  for  their  family  left  behind 
on  earth,  or  for  any  of  their  past  interests  (Ec. 
9.5,6).  This  is  the  fate  of  all  men  alike  :  there 
is  no  Judgment  to  discriminate  between  men 
after  death.  It  may  seem  strange  that  no  direct 
revelation  was  made  by  God  to  His  prophets 
to  put  in  place  of  this  gloomy  doctrine  some 

19 


290 


FUTURE  LIFE,  THE 


more  comforting  knowledge.  But  God  had 
His  purpose.  The  darkness  as  to  the  judg- 
ment beyond  the  grave,  and  the  "  glory  that 
shall  be  revealed  "  for  the  good,  was  a  very  sore 
trial  indeed  to  the  sufferer;  but  in  a  Job 
and  a  Jeremiah  it  was  the  means  of  creating 
some  of  the  most  glorious  fruits  of  faith  that 
have  ever  enriched  mankind.  Once  or  twice 
Job  {e.g.  14.13-15,  19.25-27:  study  these  in  a 
comm. — Delitzsch,  or  Davidson,  or  Gibson) 
stumbles  on  the  threshold  of  the  truth  ;  in 
two  or  three  passages  the  Psalmists  (esp. 
Ps.16.8-ii, 17. 15, 49.14, 15. 73.23-26  ;  see  Kirk- 
patrick,  Psalms)  actually  declare  (though 
perhaps  without  realizing  the  full  meaning  of 
their  words)  their  conviction  that  the  relation 
between  the  saint  and  God  will  go  on  "  for 
ever."  But  these  are  not  revelations  :  they 
are  the  fruit  of  lofty  spiritual  intuition.  Many 
other  truths,  however,'  which  were  revealed 
through  the  prophets,  led  the  Jews  at  last  to 
perceive  that  the  doctrine  of  Sheol  could  not  be 
altogether  true.  Thus,  e.g.,  Ara.9.2  (c/.  Job 
26.6  ;  Ps.139.8)  declares  God's  presence  and 
power  in  Sheol.  The  prophets  taught  also  the 
restoration  of  Israel  from  captivity  under  the 
figure  of  a  resurrection  of  dead  Israelites  (Ezk. 
37),  and  so  familiarized  men  with  the  idea 
of  a  personal  resurrection.  This  truth  is  also 
hinted  at  in  Is.26.19;  and  openly  stated  in 
l)an.l2.2,  where  two  classes  are  said  to  rise 
again — the  very  good  to  glory  and  the  very 
evil  to  shame  and  contempt.  This  marks 
the  climax  of  O.T.  ideas.  [Soul.]  (2)  In  N.T. 
Practically  nothing  is  told  us  about  the  state  of 
the  departed  between  their  death  and  the  last 
judgment.  They  are  "  absent  from  the  body  " 
(2Cor.5. 8),  and  the  good  are  "with  Christ"  [tb. ; 
also  Ph. 1.23)  "in  paradise"  (Lu.23.43),  "at 
rest  "  (Rev. 6. II, 14.13)  ;  the  wicked  are  "  kept 
under  punishment  "  (2Pe.2.9  ;  c/.2.4,3.7  ;  Ju.6). 
Uives  in  the  parable  is  "  in  torments  "  (Lu.l6. 
23),  but  the  reference  to  the  intermediate  state 
IS  uncertain.  The  word  "sleep,"  therefore,  as 
used  of  death,  does  not  signify  "unconscious- 
ness." I  Pe. 3. 19,4.6  may  possibly  imply  that 
there  is  progress  after  death,  and  i("or.3.i3-i5 
may  refer  to  a  purification  by  suffering;  but 
the  meaning  of  both  these  passages  is  highly 
uncertain.  There  is  no  trace  in  the  Bible  of  the 
idea  that  those  who  are  condemned  because  of 
their  earthly  life  will  have  a  second  probation 
after  death  :  the  only  possible  exception  is 
(according  to  one  line  of  interpretation)  iPe.3. 
19,20.  In  2Tim.l.i8  we  have  almost  certainly 
an  instance  of  prayer  for  the  departed.  Rev. 
6. II  and  Heb.l2.i  probably  suggest  that  the 
dead  have  some  knowledge  of  what  is  happen- 
ing on  earth.  The  events  of  the  last  day  are 
(i)  the  resurrection  ;  (ii)  the  judgment  ;  (iii) 
the  end  of  time  and  the  revelation  of  the  eternal 
life,  with  heaven  for  the  saved  and  hell  {ge- 
henna)  for  tlio  damned.  The  resurrection  of 
the  last  day  is  the  rising  again  of  the  body 
(contrasted  with  the  spiritual  resurrection 
which  takes  place  with  a  man's  conversion 
from  spiritual  death  to  life;  see  J n. 5.25-20. 
R0.8.13.  Kph.2.6,  Col. 2. 12  refer  to  the  pre- 
sent si)iritual,  1C0r.i5.23,  PI1.3.11,  iTh.4.i5. 
16  to  the  future  bodily,  resurrection).  This 
bodilv  resurrection  awaits  all  men — good  and 
bad  ('jn.5.29  ;   Ac.24.i5  ;    Rev.2O.13).     In  the 


GABDES 

resurrection  of  the  just,  the  body  will  be 
changed  from  its  earthly  state  of  humiliation 
to  a  glorious  body,  like  that  of  the  risen  Lord 
(iCor.l5. 35-49  ;  Ph. 3. 21).  For  the  last 
judgment,  see  Coming  of  Christ;  for  the 
state  of  the  saved,  see  Heaven  ;  and  for  the 
punishment  of  the  lost,  see  Gehenna;  Hell. 
This  punishment  is  described  as  eternal 
(aidifios,  Mt.25.46),  a  word  used  of  time 
which  has  a  beginning,  but  never  of  time  which 
has  an  ending  ;  it  might  be  translated  "  end- 
less." The  idea  of  a  temporary  hell,  and  the 
ultimate  salvation  of  all  men  (Universalism)  is 
not  found  in  the  Bible.  It  is  God's  will  that 
all  men  should  be  saved  (iTim.2.4)  ;  hut  it 
does  not  follow  that  all  men  will  accept  the 
offer  of  salvation  :  there  is  "  sin  which  hath 
never  forgiveness."  The  idea  that  the  damned 
will  ultimately  cease  to  exist  (Annihilationism) 
rests  upon  a  misunderstanding  of  the  associa- 
tion connected  with  the  words  death,  destruc- 
tion, etc.,  as  used  in  the  Bible  of  the  punish- 
ment of  the  wicked.  These  words  imply  utter 
ruin — the  loss  of  all  that  makes  life  worth 
living  ;  but  they  do  not  involve  the  idea  of  a 
cessation  of  existence.  [Death.]  The  Bible 
never  seems  to  contemplate  the  death  of  the 
soul  in  this  latter  sense.  Salmond,  I mtnortality  ; 
Agar  Beet,  Last  Things  ;  Hastings,  D.B.  (5 
vols.  1904),  art.  "  Eschatology."  [s.c.G.] 


Gaal  (Judg.9.26-41),  son  of  Ebed(a  slave), 
a  freebooter,  who  attempted  to  supplant 
Abimelech  at  Shechem.  His  appeal  to 
Canaanite  tradition  indicates  that  he  was  not 
an  Israelite.  A  braggart  over  his  wine,  he  was 
disconcerted  by  Abimelech's  sudden  appear- 
ance, but  forced  to  fight  by  Zebul's  taunts. 
After  his  defeat,  Zebul  drove  him  out  of 
Shechem.  Ver.  33  {cf.  36)  is  illustrated  by  the 
remark  of  Stanley  (S.  and  P.  pp.  234  f.)  that 
in  the  valley  of  Shechem  "  the  exhalations  re- 
main hovering  among  the  branches  and  leaves 
of  the  olive  trees,  and  hence  that  lovely  bluish 
haze."  [h.m.s.] 

Oa'ash,  a  "hill"  (properly  "  mountain" — 
hdr),  S.  of  Timnatii-heres  (Jos.24.30).  The 
name  has  not  been  recovered.  [c.r.c] 

Oaba'  (A.V.  Jos.l8.24;  Ezr.2.26;  Ne.7.30): 
R.V.  Geba).     [Gibeah.] 

Gab'ael. — 1.  An  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob. 
l.i). — 2.  A  poor  Jew  (Tob. 1. 17.  Vulg.)  of 
"  Rages  in  Media,"  to  whom  Tobias  lent  10 
talents  of  silver  (Tob. 1.14, 4. 1, 20,5. 6, 9. 1, 5, 10.2). 

Oab'atha  (Est.Apoc.l2.i)  =  Bigthan. 

Gabbai',  the  head  of  an  important  family 
of  Benjamin  resident  at  Jerusalem  (Ne.11.8). 

Gab  batha  is  given  as  the  Heb.  or 
Aramaic  name  {raifsed  up)  of  the  "  Pave- 
ment," where  the  judgment-seat  or  bema  was 
planted,  from  which  Pilate  delivered  our  Lord 
to  death  (Jn.i9.13).  The  place  was  outside 
the  praetorium,  for  Pilate  brought  Jesus  forth 
from  thence  to  it.  Apparently  a  public  place 
just  outside  the  tower  Antonia,  and  raised 
above  the  street,  is  intended.  [c.r.c]    ■ 

Gab'des  (iEsd.5.2o)  =Gaba  (Ezr.2.26). 


&ABB,IAS 

Gabpias,  the  "  brother "  (Tob.l.14)  of 
Gabael,  Tobit's  creditor,  though  E.V.  in  4.2o 
makes  Gabael  the  "  son  "  of  Gabrias  ;  but 
the  Gk.  allows  of  either  (cf.  Ac.l.13  with  Ju.i). 
Gabpiel',  "  man  of  El,"  or  "  hero  of  God." 
In  O.T.,  Dan.8.i6,9.2i  only,  not  in  Apocrypha, 
but  in  Pseudepigrapha.  Often  inEth.  Enoch, 
e.g.,  he  "is  over  Paradise  and  the  serpents 
[?  seraphim]  and  the  cherubim "  (xx.  7)  ; 
intercedes  for  those  who  dwell  on  earth  (xl.  6), 
and  probably  in  Asc.  Is.  iii.  16,  xi.  4.  He  is 
still  invoked  in  the  evening  prayer  of  the  Jews. 
In  N.T.,  Lu.l. 19,26  only  (to  Zachariah  and  to 
Mary).  He  represents  angelic  ministry  to 
man,  as  Michael  represents  angehc  opposition 
to  Satan.  For  Jewish  and  Arabian  legends, 
see  Jew.  Encycl.  s.v. ;  cf.  Lueken,  Michael,  pp. 
32  ff.,  55  f..  Ill  ff.  [a.l.w.] 

Gad  (LXX.  dai/j.ovi.ov.  dal/xwv  ;  Vulg.  fortuna), 
properly  "  the  Gad  "  ;  i.e.  "  the  [god  of]  good 
luck."  In  A.V.  of  Is.65.li  the  clause  "  that  pre- 
pare a  table  for  that  troop  "  has  in  the  margin 
instead  of  "  troop  "  the  proper  name  "  Gad  " 
(cf.  Gen.30.li),  evidently  some  idol  worshipped 
by  the  Jews  in  Babylon.  That  Gad  was  the 
deity  Fortune  (LXX.,  and  R.V.  which  likewise 
personifies  "Destiny,"  A.V.  "that  number") 
is  supported  by  the  etymology  (Syr.  gadd,  Arab. 
jadd),  and  is  commonly  accepted.  Gesenius  is 
probably  right  as  to  Gad  being  the  planet  J  upiter 
which  was  regarded  by  Eastern  astrologers  as 
the  star  of  greater  good  fortune.  Movers  fa- 
vours the  planet  Venus.  Illustrations  of  the 
ancient  custom  [lectisternia  ;  cf.  Je.7.i8)  of  plac- 
ing T  banqueting  table  in  honour  of  idols  will 
be  found  in  the  table  spread  for  the  sun  among 
the  Ethiopians  (Her.  iii.  17,18),  and  in  the  feast 
made  by  the  Babylonians  for  their  god  Bel 
(Belsff.  ;  cf.  Her.  i.  181,  etc.).  Evidences  of 
the  worship  of  Gad,  as  the  god  of  fortune,  in 
Canaan  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  proper 
names  Baal-gad  (Jos.ll. 17,12.7,13.5)  and  Mig- 
dal-gad  (Jos.i5.37),  "'the  tower  of  Gad."  G.  A. 
Smith  on  Is. 65. 11  ;  Delitzsch  on  Gen. 30. 11  ; 
Lenormant,  Chaldaean  Magic,  p.  120.  [h.c.b.] 
Gad  [fortune).  The  ethnic  name  Gadites 
occurs  in  17  instances. — 1.  Jacob's  seventh  son, 
and  the  first  child  of  Zilpah,  adopted  by  Leah 
and  named  (see  R.V.)  from  her  exclamation 
(b''ghadh),  "  in  luck."  A.V.,  however,  follows 
the  Massora  in  rendering  it  "  a  troop  [i.e.  of 
children]  cometh,"  agreeing  with  the  play  on 
the  name  in  Jacob's  blessing  (Gen.30.ii,49. 
19),  "a  troop  shall  press  upon  him"  (R.V., 
cf.  margin).  Gad  had  seven  sons  at  the  time 
of  the  descent  into  Egypt  (46.i6).  In  the  desert, 
under  Elizur  and  Eliasaph,  the  numbers  of 
the  tribe  [Palestine]  decreased  (Num.1. 25, 
26.18),  and  included  seven  clans  (26.15)  who 
marched  on  S.  flank  (2.14),  the  spy  selected 
from  Gad  being  Geuel  (13. 15).  On  the  con- 
quest of  Gilead  the  tribe  chose  that  region, 
because  fit  for  the  cattle  taken  as  spoil  (32.1-31 ); 
but  the  fighting  men  went  over  Jordan,  to 
assist  in  the  conquest  of  the  W.  They  stood 
on  Ebal  to  repeat  the  curses  (Deut. 27.13) ;  and 
the  blessing  of  Moses  (33. 20)  compares  Gad  to 
a  lion,  and  refers  to  the  meaning  of  his  name 
— "  blessed  is  he  who  increases  fortune  " — as 
also  to  the  early  settlement  of  his  "portion" 
by  the  lawgiver,  to  which  the  Gadites  re- 
turned (Jos.22.9-34  ;   iSam.13.7  ;  2Sam.24.5). 


GAD 


291 


Some  Gadites,  such  as  Bani  (2Sam.23.36), 
joined  David  early,  and  are  said  to  have  been 
famous  for  skill  in  war  and  for  swiftness  (iChr. 
5.18,12.8),     being    trained    in    fighting    the 


Hagarites  (5.19)  E.  of  Gilead.  These  heroes 
were  found  especially  at  Jazer  in  Gilead  (26. 
31,32).  The  tribe  was,  however,  smitten  by 
Hazael  of  Damascus  (2K. 10. 32, 33),  and 
finally  taken  captive  by  Tiglath-pileser  in  734 
B.C.  (iChr.5.22,26),  when  the  Ammonites  over- 
ran their  territory  (Je.49.i).  The  tribe  is  last 
noticed  in  Ezk. 48. 27,34  ;  Rev. 7. 5.  The  Tribal 
Lot  coincided  with  the  western  slopes  of 
Gilead,  including  nearly  all  the  Jordan 
Valley  E.  of  the  river,  from  Zaphon  to  Jazer 
and  Beth-aram.  But  as  Manasseh  extended 
its  conquests  northwards.  Gad  appears  to  have 
pushed  its  border  N.  on  the  edge  of  Bashan, 
besides  holding  "  half,"  or  "  part  of,"  Gilead 
(Deut. 3. 12, 16  ;  Jos. 13. 24-28  ;  iChr.5.ii),  in- 
cluding all  the  cities  of  that  region,  and  bounded 
on  E.  by  the  Mahanaim  district  (Jos.13.25,26). 
The  Gadites  had  also  rebuilt  three  towns  in  the 
territory  of  Reuben  (Num.32. 34),  and  their 
presence  at  Ataroth  "  from  of  old  "  is  noticed 
on  the  Moabite  Stone.  Probably  J  air  of 
Gilead  (Judg.lO.3)  was  a  judge  of  the  tribe  of 
Gad — 2.  A  prophet,  or  seer,  in  the  time  of 
David  (iSam.22.5  ;  2Sam.24.19),  sent  to  warn 


292 


GAD,  mVER  OF 


the  king  of  impending  punishment  (iChr.21. 
9-19).  He  regulated  the  music  of  the  temple 
(2Chr.29.25),  and  was  one  of  the  three  chroni- 
clers of  David's  reign  (iChr.29.29).      [c.r.c] 

Gad,  Riven  of.     [Jaazer.] 

Gadara,  Gadapenes.  Gadara  was  the 
capital  of  Peraea  (see  Josephus,  13  Ant.  xiii.  3, 
4  Wars  vii.  3).  It  was  taken  by  Antiochus  III. 
in  218  B.C.,  and  by  Alexander  Jannaeus  c.  100 
B.C.  It  submitted  to  Vespasian  in  68  a.d.  It 
was  famous  for  hot  springs.  It  is  now  the 
ruined  town  Mekeis,  about  7  miles  S.E.  of  the 
S.  end  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  6  miles  E.  of 
Jordan,  on  the  low  hills.  [Decapolis.]  The 
ruins  within  the  walls  include  two  theatres  and 
a  basilica,  with  Roman  sarcophagi.  (See  Schu- 
macher, Northern  'Ajlun,  pp.  46-80.)  For  N.T. 
notices,  see  Gergesenes.  [c.r.c] 

Gaddi',  son  of  Susi ;  the  Manassite  spy 
sent  by  Moses  to  explore  Canaan  (Num.13. 11). 

Gaddiel',  son  of  Sodi ;  a  Zebulunite,  one  of 
the  twelve  spies  (Num. 13. 10). 

Gadi',  father  of  Menahem  (2K. 15. 14, 17). 

Gadites.     [Gad.] 

Ga'ham,  son  of  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother 
by  his  concubine  Reumah  (Gen. 22. 24). 

Ga'han.  The  Bene-Gahar  were  Neth- 
inim  who  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.2.47  ;    Ne.7.49). 

Gaius  (Caius),  one  of  the  more  common 
Roman  names,  (i)  Gaiusof  Macedonia  is  men- 
tioned Ac.l9. 29  ;  (2)  Gaius  of  Derbe  Ac.20.4  ; 
(3)  Gaius  of  Corinth  R0.I6.23  ;  iCor.l.14. 
These  are  all  in  connexion  with  St.  Paul.  (4) 
To  a  disciple  of  this  name  St.  John  addressed 
his  third  epistle,  where  he  four  several  times 
calls  him  "  beloved,"  and  speaks  of  his  satis- 
factory conduct  and  excellent  report  as  a 
Christian,  and  in  particular  of  his  courageous 
and  generous  reception  and  entertainment  of 
strangers,  which  had  apparently  met  with  un- 
due criticism  and  blame  among  his  fellow- 
churchmen.  It  is  possible  that  these  "  stran- 
gers "  may  have  been  those  itinerant  evangel- 
ists (airbaToXoL)  mentioned  in  the  Didache,  xi. ; 
cf.  Eus.  5  Hist.  Eccl.  X.  2.  There  is  no  ground 
for  identifying  any  of  the  above  with  one 
another,  nor  with  him  whom  St.  John  made  Bp. 
of  Pergamum  (Const.  Apost.  vii.  46).     [c.l.f.] 

Gal'aad  (Jth. 1.8,15.5  ;  iMac.5.9ff., 13.22), 
the  Gk.  form  of  Gilead. 

Galal',  three  Levites ;  descendants  of  (i) 
Asaph  (iChr.9.15),  (2)  Elkanah  (9.i6),  and 
(3)  Jeduthuu  (Ne. 11.17)- 

Galatia,  in  its  earlier  and  stricter  sense, 
denoted  a  i)art  of  the  dreary  tableland  of  Asia 
Minor,  S.  of  Bithynia,  about  100  m.  broad,  and 
200  m.  long  from  S.W.  to  N.E. ;  but  shortly 
before  the  Christian  era  it  acejuired  a  much 
wider  signification  as  the  official  designation  of 
a  new  Roman  province  of  far  larger  dimensions. 
The  name  was  derived  from  the  Ciallic  or 
Keltic  invaders,  who  forced  their  way  into  the 
country  c.  280  B.C.  ;  and  for  a  similar  reason  it 
was  called  Gallf)-Graecia  by  the  Romans,  who 
found  a  considerable  (ik.  population  there 
before  them.  Although  the  Keltic  immigrants 
were  few  in  iiumber,  compared  with  the  native 
Phrygians,  they  retained  their  characteristics, 
and  held  a  predominant  jiosition  for  several 
centuries.  Leading  at  first  a  i)rcdatory  life,  or 
fighting  in  the  service  of  the  rival  kings  of  Asia 


GALATIANS,  EPISTLE  TO 

Minor,  they  gradually  settled  down  as  a  ruling 
caste  among  a  mixed  population  of  Phrygians, 
Greeks,  and  Jews  ;  and  quitting  their  encamp- 
ments, or  fortified  v-illages,  they  resorted  to 
cities,  of  which  Ancyra,  Tavium,  and  Pessinus 
were  the  chief.  Espousing  the  cause  of  the 
Romans  in  the  war  against  Mithridates,  their 
chiefs  were  rewarded  with  grants  of  additional 
territory — one  of  them  (Deiotarus)  being  ulti- 
mately recognized  as  king  of  Galatia.  On  the 
death  of  Amyntas,  the  last  of  his  successors 
(25  A.D.),  the  country  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Romans,  and  was  constituted  as  a  regular 
province,  which  was  enlarged  in  various  direc- 
tions. The  name  is  employed  bv  St.  Paul  in 
iCor.16.1;  Gal.1.2  (cf.  3.i)  ;  2tim.4.io.  A 
comparison  of  iCor.16.1  with  Ac.20.4  (where 
"  Gaius  of  Derbe  and  Timothy  "  [of  Lystra] 
accompany  St.  I'aul  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem, 
with  the  offerings  from  Galatia  and  elsewhere) 
favours  the  wider  sense,  which  includes  Pisidian 
Antioch,  Iconium,  Lystra,  and  Derbe — as  in 
iPe.l.i.  The  name  also  occurs  twice  in  Acts. 
In  16.6  the  "  Phrygo-Galatic region  "  (Ramsay) 
denotes  the  part  of  Phrygia  in  the  province  of 
Galatia.  In  18. 23  "  the  region  of  Galatia  and 
Phrygia "  would  not  have  been  a  suitable 
designation  for  Galatia  proper  and  Phrygia, 
but  refers  to  St.  Paul's  journey  in  the  Galatic 
part  of  Lycaonia  (in  which  Derbe  and  Lystra 
lay)  and  Phrygia — "  through  the  upper 
country  "  to  Ephesus  (IS.i).  [Galatians, 
Ep.  to.] 

Galatians,  Epistle  to,  one  of  the  Pauline 
letters  whose  genuineness  is  scarcely  disputed. 
The  main  question  is  whether  it  was  addressed 
to  Keltic  Christians  in  K.W.  Galatia,  or  to  the 
churches  in  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia  which  re- 
ceived the  Gospel  from  St.  Paul  in  his  first 
missionary  journey  (AclSf.).  Though  the 
latter  had  no  connexion  with  the  Keltic  race, 
the  title  Galatians  was  the  only  acceptable 
name  by  which  they  could  be  addressed  in  com- 
mon ;  and  it  was  a  mode  of  speech  quite  in  har- 
mony with  the  apostle's  imperial  sympathies 
and  his  habit  of  grouping  churches  according  to 
the  province  in  which  they  were  situated  (e.g. 
"  Syria,"  "  Asia,"  "  Macedonia,"  "  Achaia  "). 
Moreover,  in  this  wider  sense  the  expression 
"  O  foolish  Galatians "  (Gal.3.i)  would 
be  much  less  offensive  than  if  applied  to  a 
proud  community  like  the  inhabitants  of  Gala- 
tia proper.  Confirmation  of  this  view,  suffi- 
cient to  outweigh  the  snpjiosed  allusions  in  the 
epistle  to  traits  of  the  Keltic  character,  will  be 
found  on  a  comparison  of  the  following  pas- 
sages:  Gal.l.6,3.i.  Ac.l4.i8f.  ;  Gal. 2.1,9,13, 
Ac.13.2, 46.51. 14.12  ;  Gal.3.28,  .\c.i3.44f.  ; 
Gal. 4.1.).  Ac.l4.iif.  ;  Gal.S.ii,  Ac.16.3;  C.al. 
6.17,  Ac. 14.19,  cf.  2Tini.3.ii.  As  St.  Paul 
had  a  deep  interest  in  his  S.  Galatian  converts, 
revisiting  them  at  least  once,  for  the  purpose  of 
confirming  and  organizing  them  (.Ac. 16. 1-6,  cf. 
18. 23),  it  would  have  been  surprising  if  no 
letter  had  bt-en  addressed  to  tliem.  On  the 
other  hand,  tiie  very  existence  of  a  Pauline 
church  in  N.  Galatia  is  doubtful,  its  planting 
not  being  recorded  in  .\cts.  It  is  also  difficult 
to  see  why  tiie  apostle  should  have  undertaken 
a  toilsome  journey  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Antioch  or  Iconium  to  such  a  remote  district, 
when  (as  is  implied  inGal.4.i3)hehadnointeii- 


GALBANUM 


GATLiILEE 


293 


tiou  of  preaching  there,  especially  if  already 
suffering  from  his  "infirmity"  there  referred 
to  ;  or  how  he  should  have  subsequently  found 
himself  "  over  against  Mvsia,"  when  proceeding 
toBithynia  (Ac.16.7).  [Paul.]  The  object  oi 
the  epistle  was  to  arrest  and  counteract  a  strong 
tendency  to  Jewish  ritualism.  St.  Paul,  there- 
fore, seeks  first  to  vindicate  his  apostolic  au- 
thority, which  had  been  impugned  by  J  udaizing 
teachers  on  the  ground  that  he  had  never  seen 
the  Lord  and  owed  his  Gospel  to  the  apostles 
at  Jerusalem.  He  then  deals  with  the  doc- 
trinal question,  showing  that  the  law  had  been 
(Gal. If. )  superseded  by  the  Gospel,  as  the  full 
development  of  that  principle  of  faith  which 
had  been  all  along  the  secret  of  acceptance  with 
God  (3f. ).  Finally,  he  reminds  his  converts  of 
the  blessings  they  had  derived  from  the  Gospel 
he  preached,  and  warns  them  against  the  abuse 
of  their  liberty,  exhorting  them  to  live  after  the 
Spirit.  The  date  is  uncertain.  Indications  are 
found  in  1.6  ("so  quicklv  removing,"  R.V.) 
and  4.13  ("the  first  time,'"  R.V.)  ;  cf.  l.iSf., 
2.1-10,  regarding  visits  to  Jerusalem.  On  the 
South-Galatian  theory,  St.  Paul's  first  visit  to 
Galatia  is  recorded  in  Ac.lS.f.,  and  was  previous 
to  the  Council  of  Jerusalem  (49-50  a.d.),  his 
second  visit  (presupposed  in  Gal.  4. 1 3)  being  soon 
after  that  event  (Ac. 16. 1-6) ;  so  that,  possibly, 
the  epistle  may  have  been  written  51-33  a.d., 
perhaps  from  Corinth  (Rendall)  or  Antioch 
(Ramsay),  being  due  to  a  fresh  outbreak  of  the 
J  udaizing  forces  which  had  been  checked  by 
the  council.  If  addressed  to  Christians  in  N. 
Galatia,  the  epistle  could  not  have  been  written 
till  after  St.  Paul's  second  visit  (Ac. 18. 23),  and 
is  often  assigned,  therefore,  to  the  beginning  of 
his  subsequent  "  three  years  "  in  Ephesus  (54- 
55  A.D.).  But  if  "  so  quickly  "  merely  refers  to 
the  suddenness  with  which  the  news  of  the 
defection  reached  the  apostle,  it  is  permissible, 
on  either  theory,  to  adopt  Bishop  Lightfoot's 
view  that  the  epistle  was  wTitten  several  years 
later  (57-58  a.d.),  probably  when  St.  Paul  was 
on  his  way  from  Macedonia  to  Greece  (Ac. 20. 
2  ;  cf.  Gal.1.2),  between  the  writing  of  2C0T. 
and  Romans.  It  bears  a  striking  resemblance 
to  the  former  in  tone  and  spirit,  and  to  the 
latter  both  in  argument  and  expression. 
Lightfoot  on  Ep.  to  Gal.  ;  Sir  Wm.  Ramsay's 
The  Ch.  in  the  Roman  Empire,  and  cognate 
works  ;  Askwith  on  Ep.  to  Gal.  ;  Adeney's 
Comm.  in  Century  Bible,  Randall's  in  Exposi- 
tor's Gk.  T.,  etc.  [j.a.m'c] 

Galbanum,  one  of  the  perfumes  employed 
in  the  preparation  of  the  sacred  incense  (Ex.30. 
34).  The  galbanum  of  commerce  is  brought 
chiefly  from  India  and  the  Levant.  It  is  a 
gum-resin  obtained  from  several  Persian  um- 
bellifers  of  the  genus  Ferula.  The  odour  is 
strongly  pungent  and  medicinal.  Whether 
this  be  the  substance  intended  in  Exodus  {hel- 
b''nd)  has  been  doubted.  Pliny,  however,  is 
explicit  (xii.  25)  :  "  Moreover,  we  have  from 
Syria,  out  of  the  same  mountaine  Amanus, 
another  kind  of  gum  called  Galbanum,  issuing 
out  of  an  hearbe  like  Fenell-geant,  which  some 
call  by  the  name  of  the  said  Rosin,  others, 
Stagonitis.  .  .  .  The  right  Galbanum,  if  you 
burne  it,  chaseth  awaySerpents,  with  the  strong 
perfume  thereof.  It  is  sold  for  five  deniers  the 
pound  :  and  is  used  only  in  Physicke  for  medi- 


cines." Galbanum  is  also  mentioned  in  Ecclus. 
24.15,  as  yielding  apleasant  odour,  in  company 
with  onyx  (onycha,  an  odoriferous  shell)  and 
storax.  [H.C.H.] 

Galeed'  {the  heap  of  witness;  Gen. 31. 47). 
[Gilead  ;    Jegar-sahadutha.] 

Galgrala  (i  Mac. 9. 2).  The  situation  is  not 
clear,  but  apparently  the  Upper  Gilgal  is 
meant.     [Gilgal,   2.]  [c.r.c] 

Galilee  (probably  "  rolling "  hills,  plur. 
Geliloth),  the  N.  province  of  W.  Palestine, 
including  Upper  Galilee,  where  the  mountains 
rise  to  4,000  ft.  above  the  sea,  and  (to  its  S.) 
Lower  Galilee,  where  the  hills  generally  are 
less  than  1,000  ft.  (1,500  near  Nazareth),  with 
small  plains  and  broad  valleys.  The  first  is 
noticed  in  Joshua  (20.7,21.32)  as  "  mount 
Naphtali,"  near  Kedesh.  Lower  Galilee  (iK. 
9. 11),  including  20  cities  near  Cabul — or 
on  the  N.W.  of  the  province,  near  Accho — 
was  partly  surrendered  to  Hiram  of  T\Te  by 
Solomon.  Upper  Galilee — as  far  S.  as  Hazor 
— was  attacked  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  in  734 
or  732  B.C.  (2K. 15.29).  To  this  Isaiah  refers 
(9.1)  ;  for  the  Ass\Tian  advance  from  Damas- 
cus led  "  by  the  way  sea-ward,  over  Jordan,  to 
Galilee  of  the  nations  "  ;  but  the  future  glory 
of  Galilee  is  here  predicted  (see  R.V.).  The 
population  was  then  transferred  to  Assyria, 
and  the  "Gentiles"  {goyim)  probably  replaced 
them.  The  Jews  were  withdrawn  thence  in 
164  B.C.  to  Judaea  (iMac.5.15-23),  and  about 
152  B.C.  the  province  of  Galilee  is  noticed  with 
Samaria  and  Judaea  (10. 30),  including  Cades 
(11. 63),  but  not  Ptolemais  (5.55,12.47,49). 
See  a'lso  Tob.1.2  ;  Jth.l.8,15.5.  In  the  Mish- 
na,  Galilee  includes  three  regions  (Shebiith 
ix.  2),  the  Upper  and  Lower  divided  at  Caphar 
Hananiah  [Hannathon],  where  the  mountains 
rise  rapidly,  with  "  the  valley  " — i.e.  the 
Upper  Jordan  valley.  The  W.  and  N.  boun- 
daries of  Galilee  are  defined,  between  Accho 
and  Caesarea  Philippi,  in  the  Talmudic  litera- 
ture (Neubauer,  Geog.  du  Tal.  p.  11)  ;  and 
the  low  W.  hills  and  plain,  were  outside  Upper 
Galilee.  The  line  ran  from  the  "  wall  of 
Accho,"  and  from  Achzib,  passing  such 
known  sites  as  G'athin  {J'atlnin),  Kebartha 
(Kdbry),  Beth  Zanita  (Zutveinita),  the  fort  of 
Gelil  (Jelil),  Kania  of  'Aiya  (Qdna  and 
'Aya),  Berii  (Berids),  Migdol  Kherub  (el 
Khiirbeh),  'Aulem  {'Almon),  'Aiun  (the  'AyiXn 
plain),  etc.  Josephus,  though  fixing  the  N. 
border  of  Samaria  at  Ginaea  (3  Wars  iii.  4) 
or  Geman  (2  Wars  xii.  3),  now  Jenin  [En- 
gannim],  does  not  include  the  "  great  plain  of 
Samaria  "  [Esdraelon]  in  Galilee.  He  makes 
Lower  Galilee  extend  N.  from  Xaloth  [Chis- 
loth-tabor]  to  Bersabe  (2  Wars  xx.  6,  3 
Wars  iii.  i),  probably  at  the  ruin  Abu  Sheb'a, 
close  to  Hannathon,  while  its  E.  and  W. 
limits  were  Tiberias  and  a  city  called  Za- 
bulon,  near  Accho  (2  Wars  xviii.  9).  Accho, 
or  Ptolemais,  was  outside  Lower  Galilee,  but 
Saab  (Sh'aib),  10  miles  to  its  E.,  was  within 
the  border  (3  Wars  vii.  21).  Upper  Galilee 
ran  N.  from  Bersabe  to  Baka,  near  Tyre,  and 
the  boundaries  on  E.  and  W.  were  Thella  {et 
Tell,  near  Bethsaida)  and  Melloth,  or  AValia. 
close  to  Aloth.  This  agrees  with  the  Tal- 
mudic statements.  In  the  N.T.  Galilee  is 
mentioned  in  35  chapters  of  the  Gospels  and 


294 


GALILEE,  SEA  OF 


Acts,  the  reference  being  in  each  case  to  Lower 
Galilee,  including  Nazareth  (Mt.2.22),  Caper- 
naum (Lu.4.31),  and  Cana  (Jn.2.ii).  It  was 
in  the  tetrarchy  of  Herod  Antipas  (Lu.S.i), 
and  was  the  third  province  of  W.  Palestine 
(Ac.9.31).  The  dialect  of  Galilee  differed 
from  that  of  Jerusalem  (Mk.l4.7o  ;  Lu.22.59). 
The  capital  of  Galilee  was  at  Tiberias  in  our 
Lord's  time,  its  other  chief  towns  being 
Sepphoris  (Sefftirieh),  N.  of  Nazareth,  and 
Kedesh  in  Upper  Galilee.  Lower  Galilee  had 
a  large  population;  and  many  villages  noticed 
by  Josephus  are  still  called  by  their  old  names. 
After  135  A.D.  the  Sanhedrin  sat  at  various 
centres  in  Lower  Galilee,  and  finally  at 
Tiberias.     [Palestine.]  [c.r.c] 

Galilee,  Sea  of  (Mt. 4.18,15.29  ;   Mk.l.i6, 
7.31  ;    Jn.6.1).     [Gennesaret.] 

Gall  represents  in  A.V.  two  Heb.  words,  (i) 
w'rerd,  or  m'rdrd,  denotes  etymologically, 
"  that  which  is  bitter  "  (cf.  Job  13.26).  Hence 
the  term  is  applied  to  the  "  bile  "  or  "  gall" 
(Job  16.13,20.25)  ;  it  is  also  used  of  the  "  poi- 
son "  of  serpents  (Job  2O.14),  which  theancients 
erroneously  believed  was  their  gall.  "  The 
best  wTiters  who  have  searched  most  curiously 
into  the  secrets  of  Nature,  doe  hold  "  (says 
Pliny)  "  that  the  venome  of  Serpents  is  nought 
else  but  their  gall."  (2)  rosh,  generally  trans- 
lated "  gall  "  by  A.  v.,  is  in  H0.IO.4  and  Am. 6. 
12  rendered  "hemlock."  In  Deut.32.33  and  Job 
20.16  it  denotes  the  "  poison  "  or  "  venom  " 
of  serpents.  From  Deut.29.i8,  and  Lam.S.ig, 
compared  with  Ho.lO..|,  it  is  evident  that  the 
Heb.  term  denotes  some  bitter  and  perhaps 
poisonous  plant.  Other  writers  have  supposed, 
and  with  some  reason  (from  Deut.32.32),  that 
some  berry-bearing  plant  must  be  intended. 
Gesenius  understands  "  poppies."  The  cap- 
sules of  the  Papaveraceae  may  well  give  the 
name  of  it  (head  to  the  plant  in  question, 
just  as  we  speak  of  poppy  heads.  The  various 
species  of  this  family  spring  up  quickly  in  corn- 
fields, and  the  juice  is  extremely  bitter.  A 
steeped  solution  of  poppy  heads  may  be  "  the 
water  of  gall  "  of  Je.8.14  ;  but  the  positive 
identification  of  j^all  with  poppy  (Papavcr  som- 
niferum)  is  an  unwarrantable  assumption.  The 
confusion  between  the  senses  of  bitterness  and 
venom  in  the  doubled  use  of  "  gall "  runs 
through  many  passages.  The  Roman  soldiers 
offered  our  Lord,  just  before  His  crucifixion, 
"vinegar  mingled  with  gall"  (Mt.27.34),  or 
"wine  mingled  with  myrrh"  (Mk.i5.23). 
"Gall  "  is  to  be  undcrsto(Kl  as  merely  express- 
ing the  bitter  nature  of  the  draught.  Notwith- 
standing the  opinion  of  many  ancient  and  mod- 
ern conmientators,  that  the  "  wine  mingled 
with  myrrh  "  was  offered  to  our  Lord  as  an  ano- 
dvne,  it  was  probably  a  mere  ordinary  beverage 
of  the  Romans.  Had  the  soldiers  intended  a 
mitigation  of  suffering,  they  would  have  offered 
a  draught  drugged  with  some  narcotic,  [h.c.u.] 
Gallery.  The  A.\'.  so  rcndrrs  four 
Heb.  words,  (i)  'attuq  (E/.k.41.i5)  and  (2) 
'attiq  (41.16,42.3,5);  these  words  meaning  a 
"  separation,"  or  cloister  ;  LXX.  irfpiarvXov 
Vulg.  pnrticus.  (3)  rdhU  (marg.  Can. 1. 17), 
supposed  to  mean  a  ceiling  adorned  with  fret- 
work (LX.\.  (paTuJiixara),  as  a  clerical  error  for 
rdhii  (q^rl),  corrected  by  the  Massora.  (4) 
rdhdt  cognate  to  the  preceding  (Caii.T.j),  where 


GAMES 

the  hair  of  Solomon's  bride  is  described.  The 
proper  rendering  seems  to  be  "  the  king  is 
caught  in  the  tangles."  The  word  is  rendered 
also  (Gen. 30.38,41  ;  Ex.2. 16)  "gutters"  or 
"  water-troughs,"  as  meaning  a  network  of 
channels.  Others  suppose  it  to  refer  to  the 
"  flowing  "  of  locks  and  water.  [c.r.c] 

Galley.     [Ship.] 

Gallitn'  {springs  ;  iSam.25.44  ;  Is.lO.30), 
a  place  mentioned,  with  others  N.  of  Jerusa- 
lem, as  alarmed  by  the  AssNTian  advance.  It 
may,  however,  be  the  Galein  of  LXX.,  now 
Beit  Jdla,  4  miles  S.W.  of  Jerusalem.  [Elte- 
KON.]  There  are  good  springs  in  the  valley 
2  miles  N.     [Laish.]  [c.r.c] 

Gallio,  proconsul  of  Achaia,  when  St.  Paul 
was  at  Corinth  (50-51  a.d.).  He  was  brother  of 
Seneca,  the  Stoic  writer,  Nero's  tutor.  Seneca 
bears  testimony  to  his  brother's  charm  of 
manner  and  beauty  of  character.  Gallio  was 
spared  when  Seneca  fell,  but  perished  after- 
wards among  the  many  victims  of  Nero's 
reign.  His  conduct  at  the  trial  of  St.  Paul 
(Ac.l8. 12-17)  is  one  of  the  many  instances 
given  by  St.  Luke  of  Roman  impartiality 
towards  the  Christian  faith  in  early  days. 
Gallio's  indifference  (I8.17),  which  has  become 
proverbial,  was  not  so  much  indifference  to 
religious  questions  as  to  the  outbreak  of  Gk. 
spite  against  the  Jewish  accusers  of  St.  Paul. 
See  Ramsay,  St.  P.  the  Trav.  pp.  258  ff.  M.  E. 
Bourget  [be  Rebus  Delphicis)  has  recently 
found  a  text  of  the  emperor  Claudius  men- 
tioning a  rescript  sent  to  L.  Junius  Gallio  as 
proconsul  of  Achaia  in  52  a.d.  [e.r.b.] 

Gallows.     [Crimes.] 

Gam'ael  (iEsd.8. 29)  =  Daniel,  2. 

Gamaliel,  son  of  Pedahzur  ;  leader  of 
Manasseh  at  Sinai  (Num.1. 10,2.20,7.54,59, 
10.23). 

Gamaliel.  Rabban  Gamaliel  I.,  grand- 
father of  R.  Gamaliel  II.  (and  sometimes  con- 
fused with  him),  was  at  the  height  of  his  fame 
at  the  time  of  the  trial  related  in  Ac.5. 27-40. 
Notices  of  him  in  rabbinic  literature  cor- 
respond with  the  account  in  this  chapter  of 
the  great  influence  and  tolerant  attitude  of 
Gamaliel.  He  was  the  teacher  of  St.  Paul 
(22.3),  and  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  may 
have  been  prepared  for  the  lessons  of  his  later 
life  by  the  precepts  of  charity  to  Gentiles 
which  tradition  in  the  Mishna  ascribes  to 
Gamaliel  (GiUin,  quoted  by  Hamburger). 
[Scribe.]  [e.r.b.] 

Games.  The  notices  of  juvenile  gaines 
are  very  few.  It  must  not,  however,  be  in- 
ferred from  this  that  the  Heb.  children  were 
without  the  amusements  adapted  to  their  age. 
In  Egvpt,  inside  the  mummy  cases  of  children, 
there  have  been  found  their  toys;  among 
such  are  dolls,  some  with  movable  arms  and 
legs.:  (Sec  Wilkinson,  ii.  pp.  426  ff.)  The  only 
recorded  sports,  however,  are  keeping  tame 
birds  (Job41.5)  and  imitating  the  proceedings 
of  marriages  or  funerals  (.Mt.U.iO) ;  though 
that  there  were  more  manly  sports  is  unques- 
tionable, as  may  be  inferred  from  the  following 
passages:  2Sain.2.i2ff.  This  very  bloodthirsty 
sport,  which  perhaps  occurred  during  a  truce, 
can  be  paralleled  by  similar  things  ainong  other 
peoples.  Running  is  referred  to  in  2Sam.l.23  ; 
archery  in   iSaiu.20.2o  ;    rolling  the  disc  in 


GAMES 

Zech.12.3  ;  playing  at  ball,  popular  among 
many  peoples  of  antiquity,  in  Is. 22. 18.  Much 
bodily  exercise  was  an  absolute  necessity  to 
people  who  were  constantly  fighting,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  the  natural  earnestness  of  their 
character  and  the  influence  of  the  climate  alike 
indisposed  the  Hebrews  to  much  active  exer- 
tion. The  chief  amusement  of  the  men  ap- 
pears to  have  consisted  in  conversation  and 
joking  (Je.l5.i7;  Pr.26.19);  also  in  asking 
riddles  (litdhoth) ;  and,  above  all,  story-telling, 
which  is  the  characteristic  pastime  of  Orientals. 
In  Jerome's  day  the  usual  sport  consisted  in 
lifting  weights  as  a  trial  of  strength,  as  prac- 
tised also  in  Egypt.  Dice  are  mentioned  by 
the  Talmudists,  probably  introduced  from 
Egypt.  Assyrian  dice  of  bronze  have  also  been 
discovered.  Public  games  were  altogether 
foreign  to  the  spirit  of  Heb.  institutions — 
the  great  religious  festivals  supplied  the  plea- 
surable excitement  and  feelings  of  national 
union  which  rendered  the  games  of  Greece  so 
popular,  and  at  the  same  time  inspired  the 
persuasion  that  such  gatherings  should  be  ex- 
clusively connected  with  religious  duties.  Ac- 
cordingly the  erection  of  a  gymnasium  by  J  ason 
was  looked  upon  as  a  heathenish  proceeding 
(iMac.1.14  ;  2Mac.4.i2-i4).  The  entire  ab- 
sence of  verbal  or  historical  reference  to  sports 
in  the  gospels  shows  how  little  they  entered 
into  the  life  of  the  Jews.  Among  the  Greeks 
every  city  of  any  size  possessed  its  theatre  and 
stadium.  At  Ephesus  an  annual  contest  was 
held  in  honour  of  Diana.  It  is  probable  that 
St.  Paul  was  present  when  these  games  were 
proceeding.  A  direct  reference  to  such  ex- 
hibitions is  made  in  1C0r.i5.32,  and  his 
epistles  abound  with  allusions  to  the  Gk. 
contests,  borrowed  probably  from  the  Isth- 
mian games,  at  which  he  may  well  have  been 
present  during  his  first  visit  to  Corinth.  These 
contests  (iTim.6.12  ;  2Tim.4'.7)  were  divided 
into  two  classes,  the  pancratium,  consisting  of 
boxing  and  wrestling,  and  the  pentathlon,  con- 
sisting of  leaping,  running,  quoiting,  hurling 
the  spear,  and  wrestling.  The  competitors 
(iCor.9.25  ;  2Tim.2.5)  required  a  long  and 
severe  course  of  previous  training  (iTim.4.8), 
with  a  particular  diet  (iCor.9.25,27).  In  the 
Olympic  contests  these  preparatory  exercises 
extended  over  a  period  of  ten  months,  during 
the  last  of  which  they  were  conducted  under 
the  supervision  of  appointed  ofiicers.  The 
contests  took  place  in  the  presence  of  a  vast 
multitude  of  spectators  (Heb.l2.i),  the  com- 
petitors being  the  spectacle  (iCor.4'.9  ;  Heb. 
10.33).  The  games  were  opened  by  the  pro- 
clamation of  a  herald,  whose  office  it  was 
also  to  announce  the  name  of  the  victor 
before  the  assembled  multitude.  The  judge 
was  selected  for  his  spotless  integrity  (2Tim.4. 
8)  :  his  office  was  to  decide  any  disputes 
and  to  give  the  prize  (iCor.9.24  ;  Ph. 3. 14), 
consisting  of  a  crown  (2Tim.2.5,4.8)  of  leaves 
of  wild  olive  at  the  Olympic  games,  and  of 
pine,  or  at  one  period,  ivy,  at  the  Isthmian 
games.  St.  Paul  alludes  to  two  only  out  of  the 
five  contests,  boxing  and  running,  most  fre- 
quently to  the  latter.  In  boxing  (cf.  iCor.9. 
26)  the  hands  and  arms  were  bound  with  the 
cestus,  a  band  of  leather  studded  with  nails 
or  knobs.     The  foot-race  (2Tim.4.7)  was  run 


GARDEN 


295 


in  the  stadium  (iCor.9.24),  an  oblong  area, 
open  at  one  end  and  rounded  in  a  semicircular 
form  at  the  other,  along  the  sides  of  which 
were  the  raised  tiers  of  seats  on  which  the 
spectators  sat.  The  judge  was  stationed  by 
the  goal  (Ph. 3.14),  which  was  clearly  visible 
from  one  end  of  the  stadium  to  the  other. 

Gammadims'  (Ezk.27.ii),  the  defenders 
of  the  towers  of  Tyre.  The  word  probably 
means  "  fierce "  warriors,  like  the  Arab. 
jamad.  [c.r.c] 

Ga'mul,  a  priest ;  the  leader  of  the  22nd 
course  in  the  sanctuary-service  (iChr.24.i7). 

Gap.  "  Sons  of  Gar  "  were  among  the  "  sons 
of  the  servants  of  Solomon"  {iEsd.5.34  only). 

Garden.  Gardens  in  the  East  are,  as  the 
Heb.  word  indicates,  inclosures,  on  the  outskirts 
of  towns,  planted  with  various  trees  and  shrubs. 
We  learn  that  they  were  surrounded  by  hedges 
of  thorn  (Is.5.5),  or  walls  of  stone  (Pr.24.31). 
For  further  protection  lodges  (Is. 1.8  ;  Lam. 2. 6) 
or  watchtowers  (Mk.l2.i)  were  built  in  them, 
in  which  sat  the  keeper  (Job  27. 18),  to  drive 
away  the  wild  beasts  and  robbers,  as  is  the  case 
to  this  day.  The  gardens  of  the  Hebrews  were 
planted  with  flowers  and  aromatic  shrubs  (Can. 
4.16,6.2),  besides  olives,  fig-trees,  nuts,  or  wal- 
nuts (6. 11),  pomegranates,  and  other  fruits  for 
domestic  use  (Ex.23. 11  ;  Je.29.5  ;  Am. 9.14). 
Gardens  of  herbs,  or  kitchen-gardens,  are  men- 
tioned in  Deut. 11. 10  and  iK.21.2.  Cucumbers 
were  grown  in  them  (Is.1.8  ;  Ba.6.70),  and 
probably  also  melons,  leeks,  onions,  and  garlic, 
which  are  spoken  of  (Num. 11. 5)  as  the  pro- 
ducts of  a  neighbouring  country.  The  rose- 
garden  in  Jerusalem  (Tal.  Bab.  Baba  Kama 
82.  6)  was  remarkable  as  having  been  the  only 
one  which,  from  the  time  of  the  prophets, 
existed  within  the  city  walls.  But  of  all  the 
gardens  of  Palestine  none  is  possessed  of 
associations  more  sacred  and  imperishable 
than  the  garden  of  Gethsemane,  beside  the 
oil-presses  on  the  slopes  of  Olivet.  Is. 17. 10 
seems  to  imply  that  in  some  gardens  exotics 
were  reared.  In  a  climate  like  that  of 
Palestine,  the  neighbourhood  of  water  was  im- 
portant in  selecting  the  site  of  a  garden.  To 
the  old  Heb.  poets  "  a  well-watered  garden,"  or 
"  a  tree  planted  by  the  waters,"  was  an  emblem 
of  luxuriant  fertility  and  material  prosperity 
(Is.58.li  ;  Je.l7.8,31.i2).  From  a  neighbour- 
ing stream  or  cistern  were  supplied  the  channels 
or  conduits  intersecting  the  gardens,  and  con- 
veying water  to  allparts(Ps.l. 3  ;Ec.2.6;Ecclus. 
24.30).  The  expression  "  to  water  with  the 
foot "  in  Deut. 11. 10  probably  means  to 
direct  the  stream  by  pressing  the  mud  banks 
of  the  channels  with  the  naked  foot,  as  may 
still  be  seen  done  in  the  East.  The  orange, 
lemon,  and  mulberry  groves  around  and 
behind  Jaffa  supply,  perhaps,  the  most  striking 
peculiarities  of  Oriental  gardens,  which 
Maundrell  describes  as  "  a  confused  mis- 
cellany of  trees  jumbled  together,  without 
either  posts,  walks,  arbours,  or  anything  of 
art  or  design,  so  that  they  seem  like  thickets 
rather  than  gardens."  The  kings  and  nobles 
had  their  country-houses  surrounded  by 
gardens  (iK.21.1  ;  2K.9.27),  and  these  were 
used  on  festal  occasions  (Can.S.i).  The  garden 
of  Ahasuerus  was  in  a  court  of  the  palace 
(Esth.1.5)      adjoining      the    banqueting-hall 


296 


GAREB 


{7.7).  In  Babylon  the  gardens  and  orchards 
were  inclosed  by  the  city  walls.  In  large  gar- 
dens the  orchard  was  probably,  as  in  Egypt, 
the  inclosure  set  apart  for  the  cultivation  of 
date  and  sycomore  trees,  and  fruit  trees  of 
various  kinds  (Can. 4. 13  ;  Ec.2.5).  The  an- 
cient Hebrews  made  use  of  gardens  as  places  of 
burial  (Jn.i9.41).  Manasseh  and  his  son  Amon 
were  buried  in  the  garden  of  their  palace,  the 
garden  of  Uzza  (2  K. 21. 18, 26).  The  retirement 
of  gardens  rendered  them  favourite  places  for 
devotion  (Mt.26.36  ;  Jn.18.1  ;  cf.  Gen.24.63). 
In  the  degenerate  times  of  the  monarchy  they 
were  the  scenes  of  idolatrous  worship  (Is.l.29, 
65.3,66.17),  and  idols  were  probably  erected  in 
them.  Gardeners  are  alluded  to  in  Job  27. 18 
and  Jn.2O.15.  But  how  far  the  art  of  garden- 
ing was  carried  among  the  Hebrews  we  have 
few  means  of  ascertaining.  That  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  process  of  grafting  is  evi- 
dent from  Ro.ll. 17,24,  as  well  as  from  the 
minute  prohibitions  of  the  Mishna.  The  tradi- 
tional gardens  and  pools  of  Solomon  [Etam], 
supposed  to  be  alluded  to  in  Ec.2.5, 6,  are  shown 
in  the  Wddy  Urids  {i.e.  Hortus),  a  little  S. 
of  Bethlehem  {c/.  Josephus,  8  Ant.  vii.  3).  The 
"  king's  garden,"  mentioned  in  2K.25.4,  Ne.3. 
15,  Je. 39. 4, 52. 7,  was  near  the  pool  of  Siloam 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Tyropoeon. 

Gareb',  "the  Itiirite,"  one  of  the  heroes 
of  David's  armv  (2Sam.23.38). 

Oapeb',  Hiil — 1.  (Je.3i.39.)  A  hill,  per- 
haps marking  N.  limit  of  Jerusalem,  probably 
"of  gardens"  (.Arab,  jarbah,  "plantation"). 
— 2.  As  the  proper  name  of  one  of  David's 
captains  (2Sam.23.38  ;  1Chr.ll.40),  it  probably 
meant  "  expert."  [c.r.c] 

Gap'izim  (2Mar. 5. 23,6.2)  —  Gerizim. 
Oaplick  (Num. 11. 5)  is  the  Allium  sativum 
of  Linnaeus,  which  abounds  in  Egypt,  where 
it  was  always  held  in  reverential  estimation. 
Pliny  says,  "  I  cannot  overpasse  the  foolish 
superstition  of  the  .'Egyptians,  who  use  to 
sweare  by  Garlicke  and  Onions,  calling  them  to 
witnesse  in  taking  their  othes,  as  if  they  were 
no  lesse  than  some  gods."  [h.c.ii.] 

Oarment.     [Dress.] 

Gap'mlte,  The.  Keilah  the  Garmite — i.e. 
descendant  of  Gerem,  in  the  genealogical  lists 
of  the  families  of  Judah  (iChr.4.19). 

Gappison.  The  Heb.  words  so  rendered 
in  A.V.  are  derivatives  from  the  root  ndfabh,  to 
"place  erect"  fl'iLi-AR],  which  may  be  ap- 
plied to  a  variety  of  objects,  (i)  maijabh  and 
maffdbhd  undoubtedly  mean  a  "  garrison,"  or 
fortified  post  (rSam. 13. 23, 14.1,4,12,15  ;  2Sam. 
23.14).  (2)  n-(ibh  is  used  for  a  "  garrison  " 
(iChr.ll.i6),  but  also  for  a  "column" 
erected  in  an  enemy's  country  as  a  token  of 
conquest  (iSam.13.3),  ^^^  elsewhere  it  means 
"  officers  "  placed  over  a  vanquished  people 
(2Sam.8.6,i4  ;  1Chr.l8.13  ;  2Chr.l7.2). 
Gashmu'.  [Gksiiem.] 
Gatam',  an  Edfimite  "  duke  " ;  son  of 
Eliphaz  son  of  Esau  (Gen.36.ii,i6  ;  iChr. 
1.36). 

Gate.  The  word  is  used  sometimes  to  mean 
a  walled  town  (Gen. 22.17. 24.60;  Deut.l2.i2; 
Judg.5.S;  Ru.4.io;Ps.87.2,122.2).  Gates  were  of 
wood  (Judg.9.52),but  platcdwith  metal,  locked 
and  barred  (Dent. 3. 5  ;  Ps.l07.i6  ;  Is.45.i,2), 
with  bronze  and  iron.     Babylonian  gates  had 


GATH 

votive  texts  on  the  lintels,  and  Hebrew  gates 
were  inscribed  with  passages  from  the  law 
(Deut.6.9).    Solomon's  temple  had  gates  of  fir 


.^ 


J  i^ 

Ilili'llNI'! 

!.•  ... 

ANCIHNT  i-.(".vi-nA.\  DooK.    (Wilkinson.) 


and  of  olive  wood,  adorned  with  gold  (1K.6. 
31-35;  2K.I8.16).  (iate-keepers  are  noticed 
(2  K. 12.9, 25.18,  etc.;  Je.35.4),  and  chambers  in 
gate  towers  (2Sam.l8. 24).    [Cities.]    [c.r.c] 

Gate,  Beautiful.  [Temple.] 

Gate,  Pposelytes  of  the.  [Prose- 
lytes.] 

Gath,  one  of  the  five  cities  of  the  PhiUs- 
tine  lords.  The  O.T.  notices  do  not  fix  its 
site ;  and,  unless  it  be  noticed  as  Giti  Rimuna 
[see  Gath-rimmon]  in  the  .Amarna  letters 
(Berlin  154),  there  are  no  certain  monumental 
allusions.  Eusebius  {Onomasticon)  places  it 
5  miles  N.  of  Beit  Jibrin,  on  the  Lydda  road. 
This  is  usually  supposed  to  refer  to  Tell  es 
■^dfi,  a  village  on  a  high  hill  with  a  white  cliff, 
7i  miles  N.  of  Beit  Jibrin.  Under  the  ruins 
of  the  mediaeval  castle  of  Blanche  Garde,  built 
in  1 144  A.D.,  recent  excavations  have  here 
laid  bare  the  remains  of  an  early  Canaanite 
town,  including  a  line  of  monumental  stones, 
probably  once  sacred.  [Cv.zkr.]  The  site, 
100  ft.  above  the  plain,  where  the  valley  of 
Elah  enters  it,  was  very  strong  ;  and  to 
Gath  the  Philistines  fled  down  this  valley 
(see  iSam.17.52).  It  was  a  city  of  .Anakim, 
not  conquered  by  Joshua  (Jos.ll.22,13.3), 
but  taken  possiblv  in  Samuel's  time  (iSam.5. 
8.6.17.7.14).  David  fled  to  Achish.  the 
Philistine  king  of  Gatii  (21. 10),  as  did  Shimei 
(1K.2.39-41)  ;  and  Ziklag  belonged  to  Gath 
(iSam.27.2-6).  See  also  2Sam.l.2o,15.i8, 
21.20,22.  It  was  attacked  by  Hazael  II.  of 
Syria  (2K.12.17)  ;  and  llzziah  destroyed  its 
walls  about  750  n.c.  (2Chr.26.6).  Amos  (6.2) 
still  notices  it  as  a  Philistine  city.  See  also 
iChr.7.21  (an  early  raid  from  Gath  to  Go- 
shen), 8.13   (Benjaraite  attack),  18. i   (David's 


GATH-HEPHER 

conquest).  20.6,8  (the  giants  inGath),  2Chr.ll. 
7,8,  where  it  occurs  with  Adullam  and  Mare- 
shah  ;  Cf.  MORESHETH-GATH.  [C.R.C] 

Gath-he'phep,      Gittah'-he'phep,      a 

town  on  E.  border  of  Zebulun,  the  home  of  J  onah 
(Jot. 19.13  ;  2K. 14.25).  Jerome  (in  Jonam) 
places  it  2  Roman  miles  E.  of  Sepphoris,  the 
tomb  of  Jonah  being  shown.  Now  el  Mesh-hed 
(the  memorial),  with  a  tomb  of  Jonah  noticed 
by  pilgrims  since  4th  cent.  a.d.  [c.r.c] 

Gath-rimmon'. — 1.  A  city  of  Dan  given 
to  the  Levites  (Jos. 21. 24  ;  iChr.6.69),  not  far 
from  Joppa  (Jos.i9.45).  Eusebius  (Onomas- 
ticon)  places  it  12  Roman  miles  S.  of  Lydda. 
In  the  Amarna  tablets  (Berlin  154)  it  is  called 
Giti  Rimuna. — 2.  A  town  of  Manasseh  W.  of 
the  Jordan,  assigned  to  the  Levites  (Jos. 21. 25). 
Perhaps  the  village  Jett,  12  miles  N.W.  of 
Samaria.  [c.r.c] 

Gaza  (Arab.  Ghazzeh),  more  correctly 
AzzAH  (strong),  as  in  Deut.2.23,  iK.4'.24, 
Je.25.20,  the  most  southern  city  on  the  shore 
trade-route  from  Palestine  to  Egypt.  In  i 
Chr.7.28  Gaza  is  an  error,  probably  for  Ai. 
It  was  on  the  S.  border  of  Canaan  (Gen. 10. 19), 
and  was  the  limit  of  Joshua's  attacks  on  the 
Anakim  (Jos. 10. 41, 11. 22).  It  was  claimed  by 
Judah  (15.47),  but,  according  to  LXX.  render- 
ing, was  not  taken  (Judg.l.i8).  The  Midian- 
ites  and  their  allies,  in  13th  cent,  b.c,  overran 
Palestine  to  Gaza  (6.4),  perhaps  in  alliance 
with  the  Egyptians.  Samson  (16. 1,21)  was 
here  imprisoned  by  the  Philistines.  It  was 
one  of  the  five  cities  of  the  Philistine  lords 
(iSam.6.17),  and  the  limit  of  Hezekiah's 
conquests  (2K.I8.8).  Its  conquest  by  Pha- 
raoh Necho,  c.  609  B.C.,  is  mentioned  by  Jere- 
miah (47.1,5),  and  the  city  was  denounced 
earlier  (Am. 1.6, 7  ;  Zeph.2.4),  but  it  still  had 
a  king  after  the  Captivity  (Zech.9.5).  Jona- 
than and  Simon,  brothers  of  Judas  Macca- 
baeus,  attacked  it  c.  150  and  143  B.C.  (iMac. 
11.61,62.13.43).  The  road  from  Jerusalem 
passed  through  a  desert  near  this  city  (Ac. 8. 
26).  In  the  15th  cent.  b.c.  Gaza  was  subject 
to  Egypt,  and  was  a  refuge  for  the  Canaanites 
fleeing  from  the  'Abiri  or  Hebrews  (Amarna 
Letters,  Berlin  57,  105,  199).  About  1330  b.c 
it  is  noticed  with  Raphia  (Refdh),  in  the  S.  of 
Palestine,  by  the  Egyptian  Mohar  traveller. 
In  732  B.C.  Tiglath-pileser  attacked  Gaza, 
and  its  king  Hanun  fled  to  Egypt,  but  at 
length  submitted.  Sennacherib,  in  702  b.c, 
restored  Silli-bel  (Baal  is  my  shade),  whom 
Hezekiah  had  overthrown,  as  king  of  Gaza  ; 
and  Esar-haddon  (c.  680  b.c)  mentions 
him  as  a  tributary.  After  the  fall  of  Tyre, 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  332  b.c,  met  with 
resistance  only  at  Gaza  on  his  way  to  Egypt. 
Gaza  appears  to  have  been  always  a  trading 
centre.  It  was  still  a  pagan  city  in  400  a.d., 
with  a  famous  temple  of  Marna  (our  lord), 
which  was  then  destroyed  with  other  shrines 
(see  Reland,  Pal.  Illustr.  ii.  p.  793).  Its  pros- 
perity continued  throughout  the  Middle  Ages, 
and  it  is  still  an  important  trade  depot.  It 
had  no  natural  harbour,  but  the  Maiuma  (or 
"water-place")  called  Minois  (el  Mineh)  was 
a  landing-place  2  miles  W.  of  the  city,  where 
remains  of  buildings  are  found  (Surv.  W. 
Pal.  iii.  pp.  236,  251).  The  cityTitself  (Surv. 
W^  Pal,  iii.  pp.   248-251)    stands  on   a  hill. 


GEBAL. 


297 


100  feet  high,  in  the  plain,  and  is  surrounded 
by  mounds  covering  the  mediaeval  walls. 
The  town  has  a  population  of  18,000  persons. 
The  great  mosque  is  a  Templar  church  of  12th 
cent.  A.D.  The  surrounding  gardens  contain 
15  wells  and  many  palms.  They  extend  for 
over  2  miles  round  the  town,  and  a  fine 
olive  grove  stretches  4  miles  N.  There  are 
some  200  Gk.  Christians,  and  a  Gk.  church. 
An  early  Egyptian  text  has  been  found  here, 
with  several  Gk.  inscriptions,  one  as  late  as 
640  A.D.  The  houses  are  mostly  of  mud,  but 
the  mosques,  etc.,  of  stone.  [c.r.c] 

Gaz'apa(iMac.9.52,13.53,14.7,34,15.28,16. 
I  ;    2Mac. 10. 32-36).     [Gezer.] 

Ga'zathites,  The  (Jos. 13. 3),  inhabitants 
of  Gaza;  rendered  Gazites  in  Judg.16.2. 

Ga'zep  (2Sam.5.25  ;  iChr.l4.i6)  =  Gezer. 

Gaze'pa. — 1.  (iMac.4.15,7.45)  =  Gezer. 
— 2.    (iEsd.5.3i)=:  Gazzam. 

Gazez',  a  name  occurring  twice  in  iChr.2. 
46  ;  (i)  as  son,  (2)  as  grandson,  of  Caleb  by 
Ephah  his  concubine.  The  name  has  perhaps 
been  repeated  by  a  clerical  error. 

Ga'zites,  The.     [Gazathites.] 

Gazzam'.  The  Bene-Gazzam  were  Ne- 
thinim  who  returned  from  the  Captivity  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.48  ;  Ne.7.51). 

Ge'ba  (hill;  in  Jos. 18. 24  ;  Ezr.2.26  ;  and 
Ne.7.30  ;  A.V.  Gaba). — 1.  A  city  of  Benja- 
min, otherwise  Gibeah,  now  the  village  Jeb'a, 
S.  W.  of  MiCHMASH.  It  was  given  to  the  priests 
(Jos. 21. 17)  and  occupied  by  Philistines  in  the 
time  of  Saul  (iSam.13.3).  It  was  rebuilt  by 
Asa  (iK.15.22),  and  was  then,  and  in  Josiah's 
reign,  the  N.  limit  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
(2K.23.8).  See  iChr.6.60,8.6  ;  2Chr.l6.6  ;  Ne. 
11.31,12.29;  Is. 10.29;  Zech. 14.10. — 2.  Aplace 
mentioned  (Jth.3.io)  to  define  thepointreached 
by  the  Babylonian  army  ("between  Geba  and 
Scythopolis  ")  in  attacking  Bethulia  ;  or  from 
Beisdn  [Beth-shean  =  Scythopolis]  io  Jeb'a, 
a  village  on  the  S.  edge  of  the  plain  of  Dothan, 
and  6  miles  S.W.  of  Bethulia.  It  is  noticed 
by  Eusebius  (Onomasticon)  as  Gabe,  E.  of 
Caesarea.  [c.r.c] 

Gebal',  a  Phoenician  seaport,  now  Jibeil, 
a  town  with  mediaeval  walls  and  a  Roman 
street  of  columns,  4  miles  N.  of  the  Adonis 
River,  and  about  20  miles  N.  of  Beirut.  Its 
ruins  were  explored  by  Renan.  The  "  land  of 
the  Giblites  "  (R.V.  Gebalites)  was  in  Leba- 
non, but  within  the  N.  boundary  of  Israel. 
It  was  not  conquered  by  Joshua  (Jos. 13. 5). 
Stone-cutters  thence  (see  R.V.)  aided  in  build- 
ing Solomon's  temple  (iK.5.i8)  ;  and  about 
600  B.C.  Gebal  was  famous  for  ship-building 
(Ezk.27.9).  It  may  be  intended  in  Ps.83.7, 
where  a  general  confederacy  with  Assyria,  in- 
cluding Tyre  and  Philistia,  with  the  Ammonites, 
Moabites,  and  Edomites  (perhaps  in  732  b.c), 
is  described.  The  Amarna  letters  include  50 
from  Ribadda,  king  of  Gebal  in  15th  cent,  b.c 
He  was  attacked  by  confederated  Amorites 
and  Hittites,  and  his  city  taken.  He  speaks 
of  silver  and  gold  in  its  temple,  and  of  the 
papyrus  trampled  by  the  Hittites.  This  was 
famous  in  the  Greek  age,  when  Gebal  was 
called  Bublos,  or  Byblus,  from  this  plant. 
(Hence  our  word  "  Bible.")  About  1330 
B.C.  anEgyptian  traveller  (the  Mohar)  notices 
the  temple  of  a  goddess  at  Gebal.     Tiglath- 


298 


QEBER 


pileser  III.  in  738  b.c.  received  tribute  from 
its  kina  Sibitti-bel  ;  Sennacherib  from  another 
king  of  Gebal,  Urumelek,  in  703  b.c.  ;  and 
Esar-haddon  from  another,  Milki-asapa,  about 
680  B.C.  The  famous  stela  of  Yehu-melek 
of  Gebal  (i  Corpus  Sem.  Inscrip.  i.  10),  about 
500  B.C.  or  later,  describes  his  piety  as  a  "  just 
king,"  and  the  bronze  altar  he  erected  (with 
a  gold  image)  to  "  Baalath  of  Gebal."  It 
represents  him  pouring  a  libation,  standing 
before  the  seated  Isis-like  goddess,  under  the 
wings  of  the  sun-god.  A  coin  of  Gebal,  with 
Gk.  te.xt,  'If'/ias  I?(''/i\oi',  shows  the  temple, 
with  its  court,  and  cone  emblem.  In  the 
vicinity  are  found  rock-cut  tombs  of  various 
ages  and  Roman  sarcophagi.  A  fine  Greco- 
Phoenician  entablature  from  Gebal  (in  the 
Louvre)  represents  the  winged  sun  with  two 
uraei  snakes.  The  death  of  Tammuz  was 
mourned  annually  (till  4th  cent,  a.d.)  at  the 
Adonis  River  hard  by,  and  the  stream  sprang 
from  the  fountain  of  Aphek,  3,  at  the  shrine 
of  the   "  mourning  Venus."  [c.r.c] 

Ge'bep. — 1.  The  son  of  Geber  resided  in  the 
fortress  of  Ramoth-gilead,  and  had  charge  of 
the  E.  part  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  (1K.4.13). 
— 2.  Geber  the  son  of  Uri  had  a  district  S.  of 
the  former — in  the  "  land  of  Gilead,"  but 
mainlv  in  Reuben  (1K.4.19).      [Palestine.] 

Oebim'  (pits;  Is.lO.31).  The  LXX.  reads 
Gibbeir.  It  was  near  Jerusalem,  but,  like 
Gallim  (Beit  Jala),  in  the  same  passage,  may 
have  been  S.  of  the  city.  There  is  a  ruin  Jubb 
er  Riim  (pit  of  the  Greeks)  about  2  miles  S.E. 
of  the  city.  [c.R.c] 

Gedaliah'. — 1.  Son  of  Ahikam  (Jeremiah's 
protector,  Jc.26.24),  and  grandson  of  Shaphan 
the  secretary  of  king  Josiah.  After  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Temple,  588  b.c,  Nebuchadnezzar 
departed  from  Judaea,  leaving  Gedaliah  with 
a  Chaldean  guard  (40-5)  at  Mizpah,  to  govern 
the  vine-dressers  and  husbandmen  (52. 16) 
exempted  from  captivity.  Jeremiah  joined 
Gedaliah  ;  and  Mizpah  became  the  resort  of 
Jews  from  various  quarters  (40. 6, 11 ;  cf.  39.14). 
He  was  murdered  by  Ishmael  two  months  after 
his  appointment  (Je.4i.1-9;  cf.  Josephus,  10 
Ant.  ix.  4). — 2.  A  Levite  nmsician,  son  of 
Jeduthun  (iChr.25.3,9). — 3.  A  priest  who  put 
away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.10.i8). — 4.  Son  of 
Pasliur  (Je.38.i),  one  of  those  who  caused 
Jeremiah  to  be  imprisoned.-^S.  Grandfather 
of  Zeiihaniah  (Zeph.l.i). 

Oed'dup  (iEsd.5.30)  =  Gahar. 

Ged'eon. — 1.  An  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth.8. 
i)._2.  The  Gk.  form  of  Gideon  (Heb.ll.32). 

Ge'dep  (hed^e,  or  xvall),  a  royal  city  of  the 
Canaauites  (Jos.i2.13),  apparently  in  far  S. 
[(iEDOR,  2.1  [c.R.c] 

Gedepah'  (Jos.i5.36),  a  town  in  the 
Sliephelah  region  of  J  udah.  The  site  is  doubt- 
ful. The  Gedrus  of  Jerome  (Onomasttcon), 
now  the  ruin  Jcdireh,  9  miles  S.  of  Lydda,  is 
in  Dan.  The  Gedcritc  (iChr.27.28),  who  ruled 
in  the  Shephelaii  for  Solomon,  may  have  be- 
longed to  this  town.  [c.R.c] 

ciedepathite.  The.     [Gedor,  3.] 

Gedepite,  The.     [Gederah.] 

Gedepoth'. — 1.  ( Jos. 15.4 1-)  A  city  of 
Judaii,  ai)i>ariiitly  on  N.W.  border  near  Beth- 
DAGON.  I'robabiy  the  modern  village  Qatrah 
(Warren),  5  miles  E.  of  Yebnah,  and  called 


GEHENNA 

Cedron  later  (iMac.15.39.41,16.9). — 2.  A 
town  noticed  with  others  in  the  Shephelah 
(2Chr.28.18),  apparently  Gederah.    [cr.c] 

Gedepotha'im  (Jos.i5.36).  Apparently  a 
note  has  crept  in,  as  there  are  14  cities  of 
the  Shephelah  without  this  one.  The  name 
in  LXX.  becomes  "  folds  "  or  "  walls  " 
(etravXeis)  belonging  to  Gederah,  which  it 
follows  in  the  list.  [c.r.c.] 

Gedop'  (iChr.8.31,9.37),  an  ancestor  of 
Saul.  It  is  also  the  name  of  three  towns. — 1.  A 
town  of  J  udah  in  the  Hebron  mountains  (Jos. 
15.58;  iChr.4.4),  now  Jediir,  a  ruin  4  miles  N. 
of  Halhul,  with  which  it  is  noticed. — 2.  A  place 
in  the  plainsof  Simeon,  towards  Edom  (iChr.4. 
39),  with  a  valley  (gay).  It  is  probably  Geder, 
but  the  site  is  unknown. — 3.  A  town  of  Ben- 
jamin (iChr. 12. 7),  where  the  Gederathite  (ver. 
4)  probably  dwelt.  Now  the  village  Jedireh,  6 
miles  N.  of  Jerusalem.  [c.R.c] 

Gehazi',  the  servant  (lit.  hoy)  of  Elisha, 
sent  as  the  prophet's  messenger  on  two 
occasions  to  the  good  Shunammite  (2K.4)  ; 
obtained  fraudulently  money  and  garments 
from  Naaman;  was  miraculously  smitten  with 
incurable  leprosy ;  and  dismissed  from  the 
prophet's  service  (2K.5).  Later,  he  is  men- 
tioned as  relating  to  king  Joram  all  the  great 
things  which  Elisha  had  done  (2K.8). 

Gehenna,  a  later  name  derived  from  the 
earlier  valley  of  Hinnom  (Heb.  gd  hinnom), 
or  valley  of  the  son,  or  of  the  sons  of  Hinnom. 
This  place,  so  called  perhaps  originally  after 
some  ancient  hero,  is  generally  identified  with 
the  valley  to  the  W.  and  S.  of  Jerusalem, 
beginning  from  near  the  Jaffa  Gate  on  the  W., 
running  first  southwards,  then  bending  east- 
wards, and  finally  on  the  S.E.  of  the  city  join- 
ing with  the  Tyropoeon  and  Kidron  Valleys 
leading  off  to  the  Dead  Sea.  (Sayce  and  W. 
Robertson  Smith  identify  it  with  the  central 
vallev  or  Tyropoeon,  which  runs  through  the 
middle  of  the  city  itself;  but  see  J  udah.)  The 
boundary  between  the  tribes  of  J  udah  and 
Benjamin  ran  down  this  valley  (Jos. 15. 8, 
18. 16).  Afterwards  the  name  became  of  ill 
omen,  from  the  use  to  which  the  valley  was 
put.  Solomon  introduced  into  Jerusalem  the 
worship  of  Molech,  and  built  a  high  place 
for  that  purpose  in  the  "  mount  that  is  before 
Jerusalem"  (1K.II.7;  see  Olives,  Mt.). 
Sacrifices  in  which  human  beings  were  "passed 
through  the  fire  " — i.e.  possibly  purged  by  fire, 
more  probably  burned  alive — formed  a  part  of 
this  worship.  One  particular  spot  in  the  valley, 
called  Toi'heth  (Warren  says  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  valley,  and  near  its  junction  with 
the  other  valleys),  was  especially  used  for  these 
sacrifices  in  the  reigns  of  .Ahaz  and  Manasseh 
(2K. 16.3,21. 6  ;  2Chr.28.3.33.6  ;  Je.7.31. 32.35). 
and  Josiah,  in  order  to  prevent  its  being  used 
in  this  way  again,  "defiled"  it  (2K.23.io). 
Jeremiah,  shortly  afterwards,  cursed  the  spot, 
and  predicted  that  it  should  be  called  the 
"  valley  of  slaughter,"  and  become  a  burial- 
place,  defiled  with  dead  men's  bones  (Je.7.31. 
19.2-13,  probablv  uttered  in  the  early  years  of 
Jehoiakim,  in  whose  reign  the  human  sacri- 
fices were  revived;  cf.  Ezk.2O.31).  Mediaeval 
Jewish  scholars  assert  that  the  valley  was  used 
after  this  time  for  depositing  the  refuse  of  the 
city,  including  the  bodies  of  the  friendless  or 


GELILOTH 

criminal  dead,  and  that  to  get  rid  of  them  fires 
were  constantl)' burning.  If  this  is  the  fact  (it 
has  some  probability,  though  little  evidence), 
it  would  add  to  the  idea  of  a  curse  attaching 
to  the  spot  ;  and  whether  from  this,  or  from  the 
old  association  with  human  sacrifices  by  fire, 
Gehenna  next  appears  (not  in  O.T.  or  Apoc, 
though  Is. 50. II  and  66.24  and  Jth.l6.17  are 
probably  allusions  ;  cf.  2.Esd.7.36)  as  the  name 
of  the  final  place  of  punishment  for  the  wicked 
in  the  next  world — the  punishment  being  by 
fire  and  the  fire  being  eternal  {Book  of  Enoch, 
xxvii.  2,  3).  It  was  distinguished  (generally, 
though  not  always)  from  Sheol,  the  place  of 
the  departed  both  good  and  bad.  This  is  the 
sense  in  which  it  is  invariably  used  in  N.T.  by 
our  Lord  and  the  apostles  (see  also  Hell,  by 
which  word  Gehenna  is  translated  in  A.V. ). 
See,  for  literature,  under  Hell.         [s.c.g.] 

Geliloth',  "  over  against  "  the  ascent  of 
Adummim  (Jos. 18. 17),  answers  to  Gilgal 
(15. 7).  It  probably  means  "  rolling  "  downs, 
and  applies  to  the  hummocks  of  the  Jordan 
plain  (Jos. 22. 10, II,  A.V.  borders  ;  and  in 
Heb.  in  Ezk.47.8,  A.V.  country).  It  also 
applies  to  the  downs  of  the  Philistine  plain 
(Jos.13.2,  A.V.  borders  ;  Jl.3.4,  A.V.  coasts). 
[Galilee.]  [c.r.c] 

Gemalli',  father  of  Ammiel,  i  (Num.13. 12). 

Gemapiah'. — 1.  Son  of  Shaphan  the 
scribe,  and  father  of  Michaiah,  6.  He  was  a 
noble  of  Judah,  from  whose  chamber  in  the 
house  of  the  Lord  Baruch  read  Jeremiah's 
alarming  prophecy  to  the  people,  606  b.c. 
He,  in  vain,  begged  Jehoiakim  not  to  burn  the 
roll  (Je.36). — 2.  Son  of  Hilkiah  ;  one  of  the 
bearers  of  Jeremiah's  letter  to  the  captive 
Jews  (Je.29.3). 

Gems.     [Precious  Stones.] 

Genealogries.  The  key  to  the  interest  of 
the  O.T.  genealogies  is  their  witness  to  earnest- 
ness in  the  preservation  of  "  the  holy  seed  " 
(Is. 6. 13;  Ezr.9.2).  Patriotism  and  religion 
combined  to  make  the  covenant  people  careful 
to  trace  out  their  descent  from  Abraham,  and 
Abraham's  from  Adam.  This  differentiates  the 
genealogies  of  the  O.T.  from  those  of  profane 
history,  although  in  both  we  see  the  same 
principle  of  expressing  history  through  tables  of 
descent.  No  other  nation  had  the  Messianic 
hope(Gen.3.i5);  no  other  nation  had  its  system 
of  land  tenure  and  its  dignities  of  priesthood 
and  kingship  so  solemnly  bound  up  with 
family  succession  (1K.2I.3;  Num. 36. 7;  Ex.29. 
9;  Ps.89.3,4).  Accordingly,  the  care  for  genealo- 
gies is  shown  right  down  to  the  appearance  of 
Messiah  (Lu.2.4, 1.5,2.36),  from  the  very  first 
book  of  the  Bible — which  indeed  bears  the  name 
of  Genesis,  and  is  built  up  on  a  framework  or 
scheme  marked  by  the  recurring  formula, 
"  These  are  the  generations  of  ...  "  (Gen. 2. 
4,5.1,6.9,10.1,11.10,11.27.25.12,19,36.1)  —  and 
some  of  the  more  active  rulers  and  kings 
marked  their  reigns  by  attention  to  genealo- 
gies ;  e.g.  David  (iChr.24),  Hezekiah  (iChr.9. 
X  ;  2Chr.31. 16-19),  Zerubbabel  (iChr.9.i  ;  Ne. 
12.22,23).  Hence  for  a  right  interpretation  of 
Holy  Scripture  it  is  important  to  have  just  no- 
tions of  the  nature  of  these  genealogical  records, 
and  it  is  specially  important  to  remember  : 
(i)  that*^they  refer  to  political  and  territorial 
divisions  as  much  as  to  strictly  genealogical 


GENEALOGY  OF  JESTJS  CHRIST   299 

descent,  so  that  all  who  are  called  "  sons  "  of  a 
patriarch  were  not  necessarily  his  children 
(cf.  Gen.lO.15,  "  Canaan  begat  Zidon  his  first- 
born, and  Heth,  and  the  Jebusite,  and  the 
Amorite,"  etc.  ;  iChr.2.51,  "  Salma  the  father 
of  Bethlehem");  (2)  that  the  sequence  of 
generations  may  represent  the  succession  to 
inheritance  or  headship  in  a  tribe  or  family 
rather  than  the  relationship  of  father  and  son. 
Further,  the  genealogies  were  often  abbrevi- 
ated, merely  specif^'ing  such  links  as  would 
indicate  from  what  chief  houses  the  person 
descended,  and  great  caution  is  therefore 
necessary  in  using  them  as  measures  of  time. 
They  are  also  peculiarly  liable  to  corruptions 
of  the  text  :  Jerome  found  those  in  the  LXX. 
version  so  confused  that  the  names  seemed  bar- 
barous rather  than  Hebraic,  and  in  Josephus 
the  lists  of  high-priests  are  so  corrupt  as  to  be 
hardly  recognizable.  It  is,  however,  a  particular 
indication  of  trustworthiness  that  in  the  same 
family  the  same  names  should  so  often  recur, 
though  sometimes  disguised,  because  in  Heb. 
the  same  name  may  have  various  forms — 
e.g.  Abiud.  The  genealogies  are  sometimes 
ascending,  as  in  iChr.6. 33-43,  Ezr.7.1-5,  some- 
times descending,  as  in  Ru.4.18-22,  iChr.3.  Fe- 
males are  named  in  them  when  there  is  some- 
thing remarkable  about  them,  or  when  any 
right  or  property  is  transmitted  through  them 
(Gen.ll.29,22.23,35.23-26;Ex.6.23;Num.26.33; 
iChr.2.4,16).  The  genealogical  system  naturally 
came  to  an  end  with  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem, when  the  land  was  taken  away  from  the 
Jewish  race,  and  when  the  promise  to  David 
was  fulfilled  and  the  priesthood  of  Aaron  was 
superseded  by  the  exaltation  of  Jesus  the 
Messiah  to  the  right  hand  of  God.     [c.r.d.b.] 

Genealogry  of  Jesus  Christ.  In  the 
O.T.,  which  looked  forward  to  the  coming  of  the 
Seed  of  the  Woman  (Gen.3.15),  it  is  natural 
to  find  many  genealogies  ;  but  in  the  N.T.  we 
only  find  one,  that  of  the  Messiah,  Jesus  Christ, 
Who  summed  up  in  His  own  Person  the  history 
of  the  O.T.,  and  from  Whom  all  N.T.  history 
was  to  proceed.  In  view  of  the  prophecy  of 
the  Protevangelium  and  the  mystery  of  the  Vir- 
gin Birth,  we  should  have  expected  the  descent 
of  J  esus  to  be  traced  through  His  mother  Mary ; 
but  in  contemporary  circles,  J  ewish  and  Gentile, 
birthrights  could  not  be  claimed  through  the 
mother  :  and  as  the  purpose  of  the  genealogy 
is  to  vindicate  the  claim  of  Jesus  to  be  the 
"  Son  of  David  "  and  heir  of  the  promises  to 
Abraham,  the  genealogy  is  that  of  His  foster- 
father  Joseph.  Difficulties,  however,  arise  from 
the  genealogy  being  given  in  two  forms.  St. 
Luke  alone  traces  the  descent  from  Adam  to 
Abraham,  and  then  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke 
agree  in  the  generations  from  Abraham  to 
David.  Thenceforward  they  differ  except  in 
the  names  of  Salathiel  and  Zorobabel,  until  we 
come  to  Matthan  the  grandfather  of  Joseph, 
(i)  The  explanation  given  by  Africanus  in  the. 
2nd  cent,  professed  to  be  derived  from  the  des- 
cendants of  our  Lord's  kindred,  and  was  based 
on  theLevirate  law  of  the  Jews.  It  was  that  St. 
Matthew  gives  the  natural,  St.  Luke  the  legal, 
pedigree.  Matthan  of  the  house  of  Solomon 
and  Melchi  of  the  house  of  Nathan  married  the 
same  woman.  Heli  the  son  of  Melchi  having 
died    childless^    his    uterine    brother    Jacob, 


300   GENEALOGY  OF  JESUS  CHRIST 

Matthau's  son,  took  his  wife  and  raised  up  seed 
to  him,  so  that  the  offspring,  J  oseph,  was  legally 
Heli's  son  as  stated  by  St.  Luke,  but  naturally 
Jacob's  son  as  stated  by  St.  Matthew.  {2)  But 
this  theory,  which  quickly  gained  general  ac- 
ceptance in  the  Church,  and  for  12  centuries 
retained  undisputed  supremacy,  breaks  down 
when  we  compare  the  two  lists  more  closely. 
The  genealogy  in  St.  Matthew  exhibits  the 
successive  heirs  of  the  kingdom,  ending  with 
Christ  as  David's  reputed  son.  It  is,  there- 
fore, the  legal  pedigree,  exhibiting  Joseph  as 
legal  successor  to  the  throne.  The  genealogy 
in  St.  Luke  is  the  actual  line  of  descent,  ex- 
hibiting Joseph's  real  birth  as  David's  son 
through  Nathan,  and  thus  showing  why,  on 
the  failure  of  the  direct  line.  He  became  heir 
to  Solomon's  crown.  Had  the  steps  of  ances- 
try coincided  with  those  of  the  succession,  one 
pedigree  only  could  in  the  nature  of  things  be 
proper  ;  and  the  2nd  pedigree,  tracing  Joseph's 
ancestry  through  private  persons,  by  the  side  of 
one  tracing  it  through  kings,  is  in  itself  a  proof 
that  the  latter  is  not  the  true  stem  of  birth. 
(3)  Indeed,  the  entry  of  the  name  Jeconias 
itself  shows  that  St.  Matthew's  cannot  be  the 
actual  genealogy,  for  he  died  childless  (J  e. 22. 30), 
and  an  heir  was  found  for  him  in  Salathiel  or 
Shealtiel,  thesonof  Neri,  who  was  of  the  house 
of  Nathan.  Salathiel  with  his  heirs  became 
reckoned  among  "  the  sons  of  Jeconiah  "  (i 
Chr.3.17),  and  accordingly  Salathicl's  nephew 
Zorobabel,  the  son  of  Pedaiah  (iChr.3.18,19), 
appears  next  to  him  in  the  line  of  throne  suc- 
cession. (4)  On  comparing  the  lists  from  this 
pointit  seems  probable  that  Khesa  (Lu.3.27)  is 
not  the  son,  but  the  title,  of  Zorobabel,  which 
has  slipped  in  from  the  margin,  an  indication 
that  the  pedigree  was  worked  backwards  from 
a  simple  list  of  names — Neri,  Shealtiel,  Zoroba- 
bel, Rhesa,  Joanan,  etc.  This  correction  brings 
St.  Luke  into  harmony  both  with  St.  Matthew 
and  iChr.  For  the  name  Joanan  is  the  Gk.  equi- 
valent of  Heb.  Hananiah  (iChr.S.io).  and  St. 
Luke's  J  uda  (3.26)  is  the  same  as  St.  Matthew's 
.\biud  (I.13  ^  ah-yfhud),  or  Hodaviah  ( iChr.3. 
24,  R.V.).  (5)  As  noted  above,  the  two  gene- 
alogies coincide  in  the  name  of  Matthan  or 
Matthat,  to  whom  are  assigned  two  different 
sons,  Jacob  and  Heli,  but  the  same  grandson 
or  heir,  Joseph.  The  explanation  is  that  as 
Jacob  had  no  son,  Joseph,  his  brother  Heli's 
child,  became  his  heir,  and  the  claimant  to  the 
throne  of  David,  a  position  into  which  Mat- 
than himself  had  stepped  on  the  failure  of  the 
line  of  Abiud's  eldest  son  in  Eleazar  (Mt.l.15), 
Matthan  being  descended  from  Joseph,  a 
younger  son  of  Abiud  (Mt.l.13)  or  J  uda  (Lu.3. 
26).  (6)  It  will  be  noted,  however,  that  St. 
Matthew  has  omitted  Joanan,  and  probably 
other  links  in  the  descent,  perhaps  in  order  that 
between  Jeconiah  and  Joseph  there  should  only 
be  the  14  generations  to  which,  as  a  help  to 
memory,  he  restrictecUiimsclf.  St.  Luke  for  the 
same  period  gives  23  generations.  Between 
David  and  Jeconiah  St.  Matthew  omits  3  gene- 
rations— Ahaziah,  Joash,  Amaziah — for  the 
same  reason.  But  both  genealogies  agree  in 
only  giving  3  names  between  Salmon  and 
David — viz.  Boaz,  Obed,  and  Jesse — whereas 
the  period  between  the  entry  into  Canaan 
and  tbe  birth  of  David  was,  according  to  the 


GENERATION,  GENERATIONS 

received  chronology,  between  4  and  5  centuries. 
For  the  period  of  ahnost  equal  length  between 
Solomon  and  Jehoiachin,  St.  Luke's  genealogy 
contains  about  20  names.  The  difficulty  is  best 
met  by  accepting  the  genealogy  as  correct, 
and  shortening  the  chronology  by  reckoning 
the  heroes  of  the  book  of  Judges  to  have  been 
much  more  contemporary  than  used  to  be 
thought.  fCHRONOLOGY.]  This  expedient 
brings  Israelitish  history  into  harmony  with 
the  Egyptian,  with  the  traditional  Jewish 
date  of  the  Exodus,  with  the  fragment  of 
Edomitish  history  preserved  in  Gcn.36.31-39, 
and  with  the  internal  evidence  of  the  Israelitish 
history  itself.  The  genealogy  in  St.  Luke  is 
not  without  traces  of  mystical  arrangement, 
for  from  Adani  to  Christ  there  are,  including 
Cainan  and  Khesa,  76  generations,  to  which 
St.  Augustine  added,  "  which  was  the  son  of 
God"  (ver.  38),  thus  making  from  God  to  Christ 
77,  the  number  typical  of  forgiveness  of  all 
sins  in  baptism  ;  and  it  is  placed  appropria- 
ately  after  the  baptism  in  which  Jesus  was 
manifested  as  Messiah,  the  heir  to  David's 
throne  and  to  Abraham's  call.  The  trust- 
worthiness of  St.  Luke's  pedigree  as  that  of 
the  actual  lineage  of  Joseph  seems  proved  by 
the  naturalness  of  the  frequent  recurrence  of 
the  same  names  (c/.  Lu.l.6i)  ;  for  if  we  begin 
with  Nathan,  his  son  Mattatha  and  4  others, 
of  whom  the  last  was  grandfather  to  Joseph, 
had  names  which  are  merely  modifications 
of  Nathan  (Matthat  twice,  Mattathias  twice); 
or  if  we  begin  with  Joseph,  there  are  no  less 
than  3  of  his  name  between  him  and  Nathan. 
For  the  generations  between  .^dam  and  .■\bra- 
hamthe  LXX.text  is  followed,  which  gives  the 
2nd  Cainan  (3.36),  not  found  in  the  Heb.  In 
St.  Matthew's  genealogy  the  most  remarkable 
feature  is  the  reference  to  the  4  women — ^Tamar, 
Rahab,  Ruth,  and  Bathsheba — who, either  as  of 
heathen  origin  or  by  personal  guilt,  would  be 
excluded  from  fellowship  with  the  Pharisees, 
as  if  the  evangelist  meant  to  teach  that  as 
these  were  allowed  to  be  in  the  line  of  Messiah's 
ancestry,  so  others  like  them  would  be  ad- 
mitted to  His  kingdom.  [c.r.d.b.] 

i      Generation,    Generations.      Two   en- 

I  tireiy  different  words  in  Heb.  are  represented 
by  these  terms  in  the  Hng.  O.T.  (i)  dor.  This 
infers  a  body  of  contemporaries  (Gk.  a-vvrjXi- 
^-ta;ro^,(ial.l.I4),  who  grow  up  together,  see  the 
same  events,  and  look  at  things  upon  the  whole 
from  the  same  point  of  view.     This  tends  to 

I  produce  a  moral  resemblance.  "  Whereunto 
shall  I  liken  the  men  of  this  generation  ?  "  gives 
the  N.T.  equivalent  nidor  in  O.T.  (2)  iol'dhoth 
(only   plur  in   O.T.)  is  specially  noticeable  as 

1  a  title  of    II  out  of    12    original   sections    of 

I  Genesis.  The  first  section  records  the  creation 
of  the  "  heavens  and  earth,"  in  the  sense  in 
which  those  terms  are  used  in  ch.  1  and  2. 
1-3,  incl.  The  following  sections  give  the 
sttiry  of  tlie  iirogeny  or  "generations  "  of  "the 

I  heavens  and  earth,"  of  Adam,  Noah,  Noah's 
sons,  Shem,  Terah,  Ishmael,  Isaac,  Esau  (2), 
and  Jacob.     The  contents   of  these  sections 

'  justify  their  titles  in  every  case.  The  same  word 
for  "generations"  is  used  of  Levi  (I';x.6.i6, ig), 
Aaron  (Num. 3.1),  Pharez  (Ru.4.i8).  and  of  the 
tribes  of  Israel  in  Num.1  and  in  iCIironicles.    In 

I  all  cases  it  has  the  sense  of  olTspring.    [c.h.w.] 


GENESIS 

Genesis,  the  first  of  the  five  books  of  the 
law,  or  Pentateuch.  The  Jews  designate  it 
b'yeshith,  "  In  the  beginning,"  from  its  opening 
words.  The  Gk.  translators  gave  it  the  ap- 
propriate name  "  Genesis "  (origin),  be- 
cause it  recounts  the  origin  of  the  world  and 
man,  and  the  beginnings  of  things  generally. 
In  character.  Genesis  not  only  furnishes  the 
necessary  introduction  to  the  history  of  the 
Exodus  and  law-giving,  and  of  the  events  of 
the  wilderness,  contained  in  the  books  that 
follow,  but  forms  the  introduction  to  the 
whole  history  of  revelation.  In  sublimity  and 
interest,  in  the  depth  of  its  ideas,  and  preg- 
nancy of  its  purpose  and  principles,  no  book  of 
antiquity  can  compare  with  it. — I.  The  book 
opens  with  the  sublime  epos  of  creation  (1-2. 3). 
This  is  followed  by  the  special  narrative  of  the 
creation  of  the  first  human  pair,  of  Eden,  of 
the  temptation  and  fall,  and  of  the  earliest 
promise  (2.4-3).  The  story  of  Cain  and  Abel 
introduces  the  account  of  the  beginnings  of 
civilization  among  the  Cainites,  and  of  the 
descent  of  mankind  along  the  lines  of  impiety 
and  piety  respectively,  till  the  growing  corrup- 
tion of  the  world  brings  on  the  catastrophe  of 
the  flood  (4-6.8).  The  narrative  of  this  catas- 
trophe leads  up  to  the  covenant  with  Noah  and 
the  new  distribution  of  the  race  (6.9-IO). 
Mankind  having  again  become  impious  and 
God-defying  (11. 1-26),  the  extinction  of  true 
religion  is  averted  by  the  call  of  Abraham,  and 
the  making  of  a  covenant  with  him  and  his 
posterity  (11.27,12,15,17).  The  line  of  blessing 
traced  through  Seth  and  Noah,  then  narrowed 
to  the  posterity  of  Shem  (9.26,27),  is  now 
definitely  fixed  in  the  line  of  Abraham,  and  is 
further  limited  in  the  succeeding  history  to  the 
descendants  of  Isaac  and  of  Jacob.  There- 
after the  book,  with  brief  notices  of  collateral 
branches,  confines  itself  to  the  lives  of  Abra- 
ham, Isaac,  and  Jacob.  It  narrates  God's 
revelations  and  providences  in  connexion  with 
these  patriarchs,  and  the  singular  train  of 
events  which  led,  under  Joseph,  to  Jacob  and 
his  household  being  taken  down  to  Egypt, 
there  to  increase,  and  await  the  further  de- 
velopment of  the  divine  purposes.  No  book 
in  the  Bible  presents  a  greater  aspect  of  well- 
planned  unity  than  this  opening  book  of  origins. 
Its  materials,  diversified  in  themselves,  are 
presented  in  the  framework  of  a  scheme  of  ten 
"  generations."  The  order  is  as  follows  : 
The  story  of  creation  (1-2. 3)  stands  first,  as 
the  proem  of  the  whole.  Then  succeed — 
I.  "  The  generations  of  the  heavens  and  the 
earth  "  (2-4-4).  This  heading  might  well  have 
stood  at  the  beginning  of  ch.  1  (in  the  opinion  of 
some  it  originally  did  so),  but  is  actually 
used  to  combine  closely  the  stately  creation 
narrative  with  the  narrative  of  man's  forma- 
tion and  trial  that  follows.  2.  "  The  book 
of  the  generations  of  Adam"  (5-6.8).  3. 
"The  generations  of  Noah"  (6.9-9).  4.  "The 
generations  of  the  sons  of  Noah  "  (10-11. 9). 

5.  "The    generations    of   Shem"    (11. 10-26). 

6.  "The  generations  of  Terah"  (11.27-25.ii); 
this  long  section  includes  the  life  of  Abraham. 

7.  "The  generations  of  Ishmael  "  (25. 12-18). 

8.  "The  generations  of  Isaac"  (25.19-35); 
another  long  section.  9.  "  The  generations  of 
Esau "    (36.1-8),    and    "  The    generations    of 


GENESIS 


30l 


Esau  in  mount  Seir"  (36. 9-37. i);  two  parts. 
10.  "The  generations  of  Jacob"  (37.2-50); 
this  includes  the  history  of  Joseph.  These 
different  sections  usually  begin  with  a  short 
recapitulatory  statement  (cf.  5.1,2,6.9,10,  etc.). 
— II.  In  the  modern  critical  theory  of  the  origin 
of  the  book,  Genesis  is  conceived  of  as  corn- 
piled  by  successive  redactors  from  three  main 
documents :  (a)  A  picturesquely-written  narra- 
tive, marked  by  the  predominant  use  of  the 
name  "Jehovah"  (hence  called  J),  embody- 
ing the  traditions  of  patriarchal  times  current 
in  Israel  in  the  later  days  of  the  monarchy. 
This  is  thought  to  have  originated  about 
850  B.C.  The  characteristics  of  the  J  narra- 
tive may  be  studied  in  such  passages  as  2-4-4 
(in  2.4,3  the  divine  names  are  designedly  com- 
bined), 11.1-9,12,18,24,  etc.  (b)  A  narrative 
largely  parallel  to  the  above,  and  closely  re- 
sembling it  in  style,  but  marked  by  the  use  of 
the  divine  name  "  Elohim,"  or  "  God"  (hence 
called  E).  It  may  have  originated  about  750 
B.C.  (Certain  critics  reverse  these  dates  and 
relations.)  It  is  preserved  only  in  fragments, 
and  in  parts  (as  in  the  life  of  Joseph)  is  closely 
interwoven  with  the  other.  Examples  of  it 
may  be  seen  in  ch.  20  (where  by  most  it  is  sup- 
posed to  enter),  21.6-31,31,40,41,50  (mainly). 
These  two  narratives  are  supposed  to  have 
been  combined  into  one  (JE)  a  century  or  two 
after  their  appearance,  (c)  A  priestly  narra- 
tive (P),  originally  composed,  it  is  assumed, 
diu-ing  or  after  the  Exile  in  Babylon,  as  intro- 
ductory to  the  Levitical  legislation,  and  now 
furnishing  the  framework  in  which  the  JE 
narratives  in  Genesis  are  set.  It  also  is  marked 
by  the  use  of  the  name  "  Elohim,"  as  far  as 
Ex.6.  Its  style,  in  contrast  with  that  of  JE, 
is  described  as  dry,  legal,  enumerative, 
statistical,  etc.  Style  and  vocabulary  can  be 
studied  in  such  sections  as  1,2.4,5,17,23,46, 
and  in  the  flood-story,  in  6.9-22,7.11-21,24,8. 
15-19,9  (alternating  with  Jehovistic  sections). 
On  the  documentary  theory  generally,  see 
Pentateuch.  On  the  anal^'sis  in  Genesis, 

it  may  be  sufficient  here  to  repeat  that,  while 
a  distinction  in  character  and  style  between 
the  so-called  P  sections  and  the  remaining 
narratives  is  freely  recognized,  no  good 
reasons  can  be  shown  for  (i)  regarding  J  and  E 
as  separate  documents  at  all  ;  (2)  treating 
either  J  or  E  or  P  as  documents  that  ever 
had  a  separate  existence  or  independent 
circulation;  and  specially  (3)  holding  P  to  be 
a  production  of  the  age  of  the  Exile.  Against 
these  critical  opinions,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  strongest  reasons  speak.  The  similarity, 
parallel  character  throughout,  and  close  inter- 
relations of  J  and  E  are  such  that,  apart  from 
the  difference  in  the  use  of  the  divine  names 
(which,  in  the  few  sections  in  which  it  occurs, 
may  be  otherwise  explained),  no  one  would 
ever  have  thought  of  distinguishing  them,  or 
can  even  yet  distinguish  them,  without  com- 
plete disintegration  of  the  narratives.  The 
stories  of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  (22)  and  of 
Jacob  at  Bethel  (28-10-22),  e.g.,  are  so  split  up 
by  the  critics  between  J  and  E  as  completely 
to  destroy  their  unity.  Regarding  J,  the 
older  advocates  of  the  "  Supplementary " 
theory  {e.g.  Bleek)  were  assuredly  right  in 
arguing   that   the  Jehovistic  portions   (often 


302 


d^ENESlS 


single  verses  or  mere  clauses)  could  never  have 
formed  an  independent  history  ;  while  the 
broken  and  unequal  character  of  the  so-called 
priestly  narrative  is  a  protest  against  the  idea 
of  its  ever  having  separately  existed  (Graf,  the 
originator  of  the  new  theory,  held  it  did  not). 
E.g.,  37.2  (P)  reads,  "These  are  the  genera- 
tions of  Jacob,"  but  there  is  not  a  word  more 
from  P  till  we  reach  41. 46 :  "Joseph  was  thirty 
years  old  when  he  stood  before  Pharaoh." 
The  two  elements,  J  and  P,  are  throughout 
inseparably  conjoined.  P  alone,  e.g.,  records 
the  ages  and  deaths  of  the  patriarchs.  Since 
the  discovery  of  the  Babylonian  narrative 
of  the  Deluge,  the  matter  can  be  brought  to  a 
yet  nearer  test.  The  stronghold  of  the  disin- 
tegrationists  has  been  the  composite  character 
of  the  narrative  of  the  Flood  (6-8).  But  it  is 
now  ascertained  beyond  dispute  that  it  needs 
the  narratives  oiboth  J  and  P  to  yield  the  com- 
plete parallel  to  the  cuneiform  version.  E.g. 
P  gives  the  measurements  ot  the  ark,  but  lacks 
the  sending  out  of  the  birds  ;  J  has  the 
birds,  and  also  the  sacrifice  of  Noah,  which  P 
wants.  The  baselessness  of  the  theory  of  the 
post-Exilian  origin  of  P  is  elsewhere  shown 
[Pentateuch];  but  there  are  special  indica- 
tions of  early  character  in  (ienesis.  E.g.  the 
fourth  commandment  (Ex.20.ii,31.i7)is  based 
on  the  sabbath  rest  of  God  in  Gen. 2. 1-3  ; 
Deut.4.32  uiuiiistakably  refers  back  to  (ien. 
1.27.  Such  phrases  as  "  to  their  seed  after 
them"  (Ueut. 1.8,4.37,10.15),  "that  he  may 
be  to  them  an  Elohim "  (Deut.29.i3),  arc 
characteristically  Elohistic. — III.  The  above 
considerations  have  a  direct  bearing  on  the 
immemorial  traditional  belief  in  the  Mosaic 
authorship  of  Genesis.  The  book  taken  by 
itself,  still  more  in  its  coimexion  with  the 
Pentateuch  as  a  whole,  can  only  have  origin- 
ated in  a  creative  age  such  as  that  of  the 
Exodus ;  and  no  man  can  be  thought  of  so 
suitable  as  Moses — versed  in  the  culture  of 
Egypt,  deeply  interested  in  the  traditions  of 
his  people,  and  leader  and  lawgiver  of  his 
nation — to  have  planned  and  skilfully  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  work.  The  facts  that 
earlier  materials  may  have  been  employed, 
that  different  hands  co-operated  in  the  literary 
execution,  and  that  the  book  was  only  gradu- 
ally brought  into  its  present  shape,  do  not 
detract  from  its  essentially  Mosaic  character. 
The  few  passages  which  are  thought  to  in- 
dicate a  later  date  are  very  indecisive,  and  at 
most  point  to  a  revision  not  later  than  the 
days  of  the  judges  or  early  kings.  Such  are  : 
(a)  "  The  Canaanite  was  then  in  the  land  " 
(Gen. 12. 6,13.7).  No  Israelite  in  the  days  of 
the  later  kingdom  needed  to  be  informed  that 
the  Canaanites  had  not  been  expelled  when 
Abraham  entered  the  country.  The  passage 
naturally  means  that  the  Canaanites  (recent 
immigrants)  were  already  in  the  land,  {b) 
"  Before  there  reigned  any  king  over  tlie 
children  of  Israel"  (36.31).  This  may  be  a 
gloss,  but  kings  were  in  view  for  Israel  even  in 
the  Mosaic  age  (Gen.l7.(>,  16,35. 1 1  ;  I)eut.l7.i4- 
20).  The  list  of  kings  in  Iid(jin,  moreover  (Gen. 
36),  stopping  with  Hadar  (ver.  39),  apparently 
a  person  still  living,  points  to  a  date  much 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Saul,  (c)  Mention  of 
"Hebron"   and  "Dan"   (13.i8,14.i4).     This 


Genesis 

is  thought  to  imply  an  anachronism  (c/.  Jos. 14. 
15,15.13;  Judg.l8.29).  But  "  Hebron  "  (the 
Canaanitish  "  Kirjath-arba  ")  was  probably 
a  genuine  patriarchal  name,  and  "  Dan  "  may 
have  been  "  Dan-jaan  "  (2Sam.24.6) ;  pro- 
bably, however,  in  the  latter  case,  there  is  a 
substitution  for  the  earlier  name  "  Laish." 
(rf)  "Landof  the  Hebrews"  (Gen.4O.15).  The 
phrase  is  not  necessarily  posterior  to  the  con- 
quest. Abraham  is  already  in  14. 13  "  Abram 
the  Hebrew,"  and  his  descendants  had  in 
Joseph's  time  been  a  couple  of  centuries  in  the 
land.  Alleged  repetitions,  contradictions,  and 
duplications  of  incidents  are  equally  un- 
satisfactory as  proofs  of  non-historicity  and 
later  authorship.  The  story  of  the  Flood  is 
remarked  on  above.  Hagar's  "  two  flights  " 
(16,21) — the  latter  really  an  expulsion — are 
on  the  face  of  them  quite  distinct  incidents : 
one  before  Ishmael  was  born,  the  other  when 
he  was  a  grown  boy.  Abraham's  two  denials 
of  his  wife  (12,20)  were  the  result  of  a  settled 
policy — "  at  every  place  whither  we  shall 
come  "  (20.13),  and  Isaac  weakly  followed  his 
father's  example  (26).  There  is  a  direct  re- 
ference in  26.1  to  12.10,  showing  the  narrator's 
knowledge  of  both  incidents.  Jacob's  second 
visit  to  Bethel  (36.9-15)  is  abundantly  led  up 
to  by  divine  command  (31. 13, 35. 1,3),  with 
presupposition  of  the  first  visit  (35-9).  So  of 
other  instances.  The  conspicuous  element  in 
the  narrative  is  its  unity.  Many  internal 
marks  attest  the  historical  character  of  the 
narratives  in  Genesis — so  different  from  the 
folklore  of  other  peoples — their  simplicity, 
fidelity  to  patriarchal  conditions,  depth  and 
purposefulness,  and  place  in  the  organism  of 
revelation.  But  recent  years  have  brought, 
in  the  results  of  archaeological  investigation, 
startling  new  proofs  of  the  antiquity  and 
trustworthiness  of  the  contents  of  the  book. 
It  is  now  known — e.g.  from  Babylonian  dis- 
covery— that  the  early  parts  of  Genesis  (io  con- 
tain, as  has  always  been  believed,  the  oldest 
traditions  of  our  race  (Creation,  Flood,  etc), 
though  in  a  far  purer  form  than  heathen 
nations  possessed  them  ;  that  the  centre  of 
distribution  of  ancient  civilization  was  Baby- 
lonia (11);  that  Babylon  was  older  than 
Nineveh,  and  that  the  founders  of  Babylonian 
civilization  were  non-Semitic  (10. 8, 10, 11); 
that  the  historical  relations  in  the  time  of 
Chedorlaomer  (Elamitic  dynasty,  alliances 
with  Arioch,  Amraphel  =  Hammurabi,  etc.) 
are  accurately  portrayed  (14)";  that  such  an  in- 
cident as  Sarah  giving  her  maid  to  Abrahain, 
and  afterwards  disnussing  her  (16,21),  is  in 
precise  correspondence  with  the  customs  and 
laws  of  the  time  (Code  of  Hammurabi)  ;  that 
the  pictures  of  Egyptian  life  in  Joseph's  history 
are  minutely  correct,  even  in  the  points  in  which 
they  were  most  assailed,  etc.  Such  corrobora- 
tions increase  in  number  every  year  with  the 
further  advance  of  knowledge.  Science,  too, 
brings  its  confirmations  to  the  Biblical  story,  as 
in  the  ace  umulating  evidences  of  a  great  deluge 
submerging  tlie  world  of  earliest  man.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  relations  of  Genesis  to  the 
sciences  (astronomy,  geology,  etc.)  are  better 
understood,  and  people  are  more  chary  of 
seeking  in  these  i)rimitive  pages  anticipations 
of  twentieth-century  scientific  discoveries,  or 


in  the  time 
OF    THE   PATRIAliCHS 
lUustrathi^  the  Pentateuch. 
EnglzsK  Jfltea  

20  20  30  -40 


Jciliii.  BartliaLomew  lie  Co-,£<3iii? 


GENNESAiR,  WATES,  O:^ 

the  materials  for  an  exact  chronology  of  the 
human  race.  Traditional  chronology  has  to 
enlarge  its  bounds  to  admit  of  the  rise  of  such 
mighty  civilizations  as  Bible  and  monuments 
alike  reveal  to  us.  Driver,  Book  of  Gen. ;  De- 
litzsch,  Comm.  on  Gen. ;  Green,  Unity  of  Gen. ; 
Redpath,  Mod.  Crit.  and  Gen.  (S.P.C.K.)  ; 
Watson,  Book  of  Gen.,  a  true  History;  Dods, 
Gen.  (Expositor's  Bible);  Whitelaw,  Gen.{Pulpit 
Comm.);  Wright,  Scientific  Confirmations  of 
O.T.  Hist.     See  also  Pentateuch.         [j-o.] 

Gennesap,  "Water  of  (1Mac.ll.67). 
[Gennesaret.] 

Gennesapet  (rendered  "  Garden  of  kings," 
or  "  of  luxuriance  "  ;  see  Chinnereth),  a 
region  on  N.W.  shore  of  the  sea,  or  lake, 
which  is  called  that  of  Galilee,  and  of  Ti- 
berias (Jn.21.i),  as  well  as  of  Gennesaret,  or 
of  Gennesar  (Josephus,  13  Ant.  v.  7,  3  Wars 
X.  7).  The  "  land  of  Gennesaret  "  (Mt.l4. 
34;  Mk.6.53)  was  a  small  plain,  now  called 
el  Ghuweir  (the  little  hollow),  on  the  shores 
of  which  Capernaum  stood.  Josephus 
speaks  of  its  fertility  (3  Wars  x.  8)  and  of  its 
fountain  Capharnaum,  probably  the  'Ain  d 
Madowerah,  or  "  round  spring,"  which  still 
has  in  it  the  Coracinus  fish  which  he  mentions. 
He  makes  it  about  3^  miles  by  2^  miles,  the 
actual  measurements  being  3  miles  along  the 
coast,  from  near  Magdala,  and  2  miles  ex- 
treme breadth  N.W.  Its  fruits  are  noticed  in 
the  Talmud  (Tal.  Bab.  Pesakhim  8  b).  The 
sea  of  Gennesaret  is  a  fresh-water  lake,  full 
of  fish,   measuring   13  miles  from  where  the 


GERGESENES 


303 


Jordan  enters  on  N.  to~where  it  flows  out  at 
Taricheae  (Kerak)  on  S.  The  widest  part  is 
8  miles  E.  and  W.,  near  Magdala.  On  E.  the 
steep  slopes  rise  from  the  shores  (which  are 
682  feet  below  the  Mediterranean)  to  1,700 


feet  above  the  water.  On  the  S.W.  the  cliffs 
and  slopes — equally  steep — rise  1,400  feet. 
On  N.W.  the  spurs  of  Upper  Galilee  fall  to- 
wards the  lake,  and  are  about  700  feet  above 
the  water.  They  consist  of  very  rugged  lime- 
stone and  basalt.  The  scenery,  with  cliffs 
mirrored  in  the  waters  and  a  flat  plateau 
above  the  E.  slopes,  is  bare  and  treeless — in 
contrast  with  the  luxuriance  of  the  little  plain 
of  Gennesaret.  The  lake  is  subject  to  sudden 
squalls  from  the  W.  gorges,  especially  in 
spring  (Mt.14.24  ;  Mk.6.48  ;  Jn.6.18).  See  Mt. 
4.18;  Mk.7.31 ;  Lu.5.1.  The  lake  is  now  called 
Bahr  Tubariyah,  "  sea  of   Tiberias."     [c.r.c] 

Genne'us,  father  of  ApoUonius  (2Mac.l2.2). 

Gentiles,  the  term  applied  in  O.T.  to 
all  nations  outside  the  chosen  people.  The 
same  Heb.  word  goyim  is  also  variously  ren- 
dered "nations"  and  "heathen"  in  E.V. 
For  the  various  phases  in  the  attitude  of  Israel 
towards  the  Gentiles,  see  Heathen.  InN.T. 
the  usual  antithesis  is  between  Jews  and 
Gentiles  (^dv-q),  where  the  latter  term  still 
covers  all  who  are  not  of  the  Hebrew  race. 
Sometimes,  however,  the  contrast  is  between 
Jews  and  Greeks  ("EWrji/es).  where  the  term 
chosen  (notPo^^aloi)  is  significant  of  the  extent 
to  which  Gk.  influence  had  permeated  the  E. 
[e.g.  Ro.2.9);  the  "  Greeks  "  being  taken  as 
typical  of  non-Jewish  culture.  Further,  as 
was  natural,  the  Christian  point  of  view  in- 
troduced a  new  use  of  the  term  ;  the  name 
"  Gentile  "  {'idv-q)  being  sometimes  found  in 
contrast  not  merely  with  Jews  but  with  Chris- 
tians [e.g.  iCor.5.1).  In  such  passages  it  is 
the  equivalent  of  "  heathen  "  in  the  sense  in 
which  a  Christian,  not  a  Jew,  would  use  the 
word.  [j.c.v.D.] 

Genubath',  son  of  Hadad,  an  Edomite  of 
royal  race,  by  an  Egyptian  princess,  sister  of 
Tahpenes,  the  queen  of  the  Pharaoh  who 
governed  Egypt  in  the  latter  part  of  David's 
reign  (iK. 11. 19, 20  ;  cf.  16). 

Geon  (Ecclus.24.27).     [GiHON  ;  River.] 

Gepa',  one  of  the  "sons,"  i.e.  descendants, 
of  Benjamin  (Gen.46.2i).  According  to  iChr. 
8^3-7  he  was  son  of  Bela;  but  the  text  here  is 
very  confusing,  and  the  three  Geras  may  be  re- 
duced to  two.  Gera,  who  is  named  (Judg.3.15) 
as  the  ancestor  of  Ehud,  was  the  father  or  an- 
cestor of  Shimei  (2Sam.l6.5).  [r.b.g.] 

Gepah.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Gerap'  (Gen.lO.19,20.1,2,26.6,17,18,20,26 ; 
2Chr.l4.i3,i4),  a  royal  Philistine  city  near 
Gaza,  with  a  valley  in  which  wells  were  dug 
by  Abraham  and  Isaac.  Now  the  ruin  Umm 
Jerrdr,  7  miles  S.  of  Gaza,  on  E.  bank  of  the 
great  boundary  valley  running  from  Beer- 
sheba.  Water  is  still  obtained  by  digging 
shallow  pits  in  the  valley  bed.  Some  rubble 
cisterns  exist  in  ruins  on  the  mound  [Surv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  389).  [c.r.c] 

Ge'pasa,  a  city  in  N.  Gilead,  first  noticed 
c.  85  B.C.  (i  Wars  iv.  8) ;  now  Jerdsh,  a  ruined 
Roman  city  of  2nd  cent.  a. d.,  with  remains  of 
temples,  theatres,  and  a  later  church  of  4th  or 
5th  cent.  A.D.     [Gergesenes.]  [c.r.c] 

Gepg-esenes  (A.V.,  Mt.8.28),  inhabi- 
tants of  a  place  E.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  ap- 
parently in  Decapolis  (Mk.5.2o).  Origen 
states    that    most    MSS.    in     his    time    read 


304 


aEROESITES,  THE 


Gerasenes,  and  some  Gadarenes.  The  various 
readings  may  be  best  seea  tabulated. 

Mt.8.28.  Mk.5.i.  l,u.8.26,37. 

A.V.  Gergesenes  Gadarenes  Gadarenes 

R.V.  Gac^enes  Gerasenes  Gerasenes 

Alex.  MS.  —  Gadarenes  Gadarenes 

Vat.  MS.        Gadarenes  Gerasenes  Gerasenes 

Sin.  MS.         Gazarenes  Gergesenes  Gergesenes 

The  Onomasticon  speaks  of  a  village  on  a  hill, 
by  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  which  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  alike  call  Gergesa.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  the  real  name  was  Gerasa,  re- 
presented by  the  ruin  Qersa  (pronounced  by 
Arabs  Gersa)  opposite  Tiberias,  near  the  shore 
of  the  lake.  This  has  no  connexion  with  the 
city  Gerasa  ;  but  it  might  be  described  as  in 
the  region  of  Gadara,  the  capital  of  Peraea, 
and  one  of  the  cities  of  Decapolis.  A  steep 
slope  falls  from  the  plateau  to  the  lake  at 
Qersa.  [c.r.c] 

Gep'gesites,  The  (Jth.5.i6)  =  Girgash- 

ITES. 

Gepizim'  (probably  Arab,  jaraz,  "  bare," 


OERSHON 

Passover.  Gilgal  they  place  at  Jileijil,  a  ruiii 
2  miles  E.  of  the  mountain.  The  'AmUd 
shrine,  at  the  N.  foot,  is  the  site  of  Joshua's 
stone  (Jos. 24. 26),  and  he  is  buried  to  the  S.  of 
the  mountain.  [Timnath-heres.]  The  sons 
of  Aaron  are  buried  on  the  S.E.  [Gibeah  of 
Phinehas],  and  Joseph  on  the  N.  The  temple 
built  before  330  b.c.  (Josephus,  11  Ant.  viii. 
2,  6,  7;  13  Ant.  ix.  i)  and  destroyed  by  John 
Hyrcanus  c.  129  e.g.  (i  Wars  ii.  6),  was  not 
standing  in  the  time  of  our  Lord  (Jn.4.2o). 
The  mountain  is  extremely  rocky  and  barren, 
rising  2,850  ft.  above  the  sea,  and  command- 
ing extensive  views  E.,  W.,  and  S.  The  ruins 
include  those  of  an  octagonal  church  built  by 
the  emperor  Zeno  c.  474  a.d.,  and  of  the  sur- 
rounding fortress  erected  by  Justinian  c.  530 
A.D.,  with  a  large  reservoir.  Its  foundation 
stones  are  supposed  to  have  been  taken  from 
Gilgal,  according  to  the  Samaritans,  who 
believe  that  Abraham  offered  Isaac  on  the 
mountain  top.  [Moriah.]  For  details  see  Sur- 
vey  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  148-149,  188-190.  [c.r.c] 


\  n-.w  uF  f.i':Ri7iM 


meaning  "  barren  places  "  ;  Garizim  in  2  Mac. 
5.23,6.2),  the  sacred  mountain  of  the  Sama- 
ritans, immediately  S.  of  Shechem,  with  Ebal 
to  its  N.  These  two  mountains  were  "  over 
Jordan  westwards,  the  way  of  sunset,  in  the 
land  of  the  Canaauitcs  who  inhabit  the  'Ara- 
bah  opposite  Gilgal,  beside  the  oaks  [A.V. 
plains]  of  Moreh  "  (Dcut.ll.29).  Jerome 
{Onomasticon,  "Golgol"  and  "Gebal")  denies 
that  they  were  at  Shechem,  placing  them  near 
Gilgal  ;  but  Josephus  adnuts  tlie  site  at 
Shechem  (4  Ant.  viii.  44),  which  is  clearly  in- 
tended in  Judges  (9.7).  The  blessings  were 
said  on  Gcrizina,  and  the  curses  on  Ebal 
(Deut.27.12)  ;  and  the  Samaritans  claim  that 
Joshua's  altar  (JOs.8.30-35)  was  on  tierizim, 
which  they  read  for  Ebal  in  Dent. 27. 4.  On 
the  sununit  of  Gerizim  they  show  a  flat  rock, 
with  a  cup-lioiiow  in  it  and  a  cistern  beside 
it,  as  the  site  where  Joshua  erected  the  taber- 
nacle. On  the  N.W.  slope,at  Ldzeh  [Luz], which 
they  suppose  to  be  Bethel,  they  celebrate  the 


1111;    IIOI.V   ROCK. 


i      Gepphe'nians,   The    (2Mac.i3.24    only). 

I  From  the  nature  of  the  case  the  Gcrrheniaus 
must  have  been  S.  of  Ptolemais.  Cirotius 
seems    to  have  been    the  iirst  to  suggest   the 

'  town  Gerrhon  {Ihc  tcall).  [Suur.]  Ewald 
conjectures  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  ancient 
city  of  Gerar  are  meant. 

Gepshom'. — 1.  The  first-born  son  of 
Moses  and  Zijiporah.  The  name  is  explained 
(Ex. 2.22. 18. 3)  as="a  stranger  there,"  Moses 
being  a  foreigner  in  Midian — "  For  he  said,  I 
have  been  a  stranger  [g^r]  in  a  foreign  land." 
As  a  Ileb.  word,  its  meaning  is  "  expulsion." 
The  circumcision  of  Gershom  is  probably  re- 
lated in  Ex. 4. 25. — 2.  The  form  under  which 
Gersiion,  tlie  eldest  son  of  Levi,  appears  in 
iChr.6.i6ff.,15.7. — 3-  Tiie  representative  of 
th<;  jiricstly  family  oi  Piiinelias,  among  those 
who  accompanied  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr.8.2). 
Gepshon',  the  eldest  of  the  three  sons  of 
Levi,  born  before  the  descent  of  Jacob's  family 
into  Egypt  (Gcn.46.ii  ;    Ex.6.i6).     But  the 


G-ERSHONITES,  THE 


Gt-EZER 


305 


families  of  Gershon  were  outstripped  in  fame  |  which  our  Lord  was  wont  to  visit  (Lu.22.39 ; 


by  their  younger  brethren  of  Kohath,  from 
whom  sprang  Moses  and  the  priestly  line  of 
Aaron.  At  the  census  in  the  wilderness  of 
Sinai  the  number  of  the  males  of  the  Bene- 
Gershon  was  7,500  (Num. 3. 22),  midway  be- 
tween the  Kohathites  and  the  Merarites.  The 
sons  of  Gershon  had  charge  of  the  fabrics  of 
the  tabernacle  —  the  coverings,  curtains, 
hangings,  and  cords  (Num. 3. 25, 26, 4. 25, 26). 
For  the  transport  of  these  they  had  two  covered 
wagons  and  four  oxen  (7.3,7).  In  the  encamp- 
ment their  station  was  behind  the  tabernacle, 
on  the  W.  side  (Num. 3. 2 3).  Thirteen  of  the 
Levitical  cities  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  Gershonites  : 
two  in  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan,  four  in 
Issachar,fourin  Asher,  andthreeinNaphtali.  In 
the  time  of  David  (according  to  the  Chronicler) 
the  temple  music  was  entrusted  to  the  Ger- 
shonite  family  of  Asaph,  the  Kohathite  family 
of  Heman,  and  the  Merarite  family  of  Ethan 
or  Jeduthun  (iChr.6. 31-47,25. 1-7).  At  the 
cleansing  of  the  temple,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah, 
Gershonites  are  named  with  other  Levites 
(2Chr.29.i2,i3),  and  at  Josiah's  national 
Passover  Asaphite  singers  were  present  (2Chr. 
35.15).  Asaphites  to  the  number  of  128  (Ezr. 
2.41 ;  or  148,  Ne.7.44)  returned  from  exile  with 
Zerubbabel ;  and  at  the  laying  of  the  founda- 
tion of  the  temple  Asaphites  led  the  service 
of  praise  (Ezr. 3. 10, 11). 

Gepshonites,  The,  the  descendants  of 
Gershon,  son  of  Levi  (Num. 3. 21,  etc.;  Jos. 
21.33;  iChr.23.7  ;  2Chr.29.12).  In  the  sing, 
it  occurs  in  iChr.26.2i  (of  Laadan),  29.8  (of 
Jehiel). 

Gep'son  (iEsd.8.29)  =  Gershom,  3. 
Gep'zites,  The,  a  tribe  noticed  with  the 
Geshurites  and  the  Amalekites  (iSam.27.8  ; 
see  A.V.  marg.  and  R.V.).  The  reading  Gez- 
rites  (A.V.)  appears  improbable,  as  Gezer  was 
N.  of  Gath.  [c.R.c] 

Gesem,  Land  of  (Jth.l.g)  =  Goshen. 
Gesham'  (properly  Geshan,  as  R.V.),  a  son 
of    Jahdai  in    the    genealogy  of    Judah  and 
family  of  Caleb  (iChr.2.47). 

Ge'shem  or  Gashmu  (Ne. 2.19, 6. 1,2, 6). 
The  name  of  an  Arab  enemy  of  the  Jews. 

Geshup'  (probably  Arab,  jesher,  "  hard  and 
rough").  Two  regions  are  so  named. — 1.  Near 
Argob,  Maacah,  and  Bashan  (Deut.3.14  ; 
J  OS. 12. 5, 13. 13),  a  kingdom  of  Aram  in  David's 
time  (2Sam.3.3,13.37,38,14.23,32,15.8  ;  iChr.2. 
23).  This  is  probably  the  Jedur  region. 
[Ituraea.] — 2.  The  land  of  the  Geshurites 
(iSam.27.8)  or  Geshuri  (Jos. 13. 2),  near 
Philistia  and  the  region  of  the  Amalekites, 
who  dwelt  S.  of  Beer-sheba,  in  the  direction 
of  Shur.  It  was  not  far  from  the  "south 
(neghebh)  of  Judah  "  (iSam.27.io),  and  near 
the  Gezrites  (Gerzites,  or  inhabitants  of  a 
"  barren  "  region).  [c.r.c] 

Geshupi'  and  Gesh'upites. — 1.  The  in- 
habitants of  Geshur  (Deut.3.14;  Jos. 12.5, 13. 
11). — 2.  An  ancient  tribe  which  dwelt  in  the 
desert  S.  of  Philistia  (Jos.13.2  ;    iSam.27.8). 

Gethep,  the  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of 
Aram  (Gen. 10. 23).  No  satisfactory  trace  of 
his  descendants  has  been  found. 

Gethsemane  {oil-press),  a  place  men- 
tioned by  name  in  Mt.26.36,  Mk.i4.32  only. 
It  was  apparently  on  the  mount  of  Olives, 


Jn.8.1),  and  was  a  garden  beyond  the  brook 
KiDRON  (or  Cedron,  Jn.lS.i).  It  may  have 
been  near  Bethany.  It  was  shown  in  a  church 
at  the  foot  of  Olivet  in  4th  cent.  a.d.  {Onomas- 
ticon),  probably  at  the  old  Gk.  site  by  the 
"  Grotto  of  the  Agony,"  immediately  N.  of  the 
road  from  Bethany,  and  adjoining  the  church 
of  the  Virgin's  tomb — built  c.  iioo  a.d.  on  the 
ruins  of  the  former  chapel,  and  containing  the 
tomb  of  queen  MeUsinda,  who  died  in  1161  a.d. 
The  grotto  on  its  E.  appears  to  have  been  a 
cistern  ;  its  rock  roof  was  painted  in  fresco 
in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  Franciscans  in  1847 
enclosed  as  the  site  a  group  of  olives  S.  of  the 
road.  This  is  now  a  garden,  with  modern 
walls  {Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Jerusalem  vol.,  pp.  402- 
403).     [Jesus  Christ.]  [c.r.c] 

Geuel',  the  Gadite  spy,  son  of  Machi  (Num. 
13.15). 

Ge'zep  {cut    off),   an  isolated   hill  (Gazer, 
2Sam.5.25  ;    iChr.l4.i6,   R.V.   Gezer),  a  royal 
city  of    Canaanites,  whose  king  Horam  came 
to  aid  J aphia  of  Lachish  against  J  oshua  ( J os.lO. 
33,12.12).     It  marked  the  original  boundary 
of  Joseph  (16.3,10  ;  iChr.7.28),  and  was  given 
to  the  Levites  (Jos.21.2i  ;  iChr.6.67),  but  the 
Canaanites    still    dwelt    in    it    as    tributaries 
(Judg.1.29).     In  iChr.20.4  it  stands  for  Gob 
(2Sam.2i.18).     It  marked  the  Philistine  border 
in  Samuel's  time  (2Sam.5.25  ;  iChr.7.28),  and 
was  not  taken  by  David,  but  burnt  by  the 
Pharaoh  who  gave  it,  as  his  daughter's  dower, 
to  Solomon,  who  rebuilt  it  (iK. 9. 15-17)-     As 
Gazara,  it  is   said  to  have  been  fortified  by 
Jonathan  the  Hasmonaean  c.  160  b.c.  (iMac. 
9.52)  ;    and  Simon  his  brother  made  his  son 
John  Hyrcanus  its  ruler  in  143  e.g.,  whereby 
he  escaped  the   massacre    of  his  father  and 
brothers  in  135  b.c.  (iMac.l3. 53, 14.7.34. 15.28, 
35,16.1,19,21  ;  2Mac.lO.32).     It  was  known  to 
Eusebius   as  4  miles  N.   (actually  N.W.)   of 
Emmaus  ('Amwds),  and  is  now  a  strong  site, 
on   a  hill  250  ft.   above  the  plain,  20  miles 
W.N.W.  of   Jerusalem,  still  called  Tell  Jezer 
(Clermont-Ganneau).      It     was    attacked   by 
Saladin  in   1177  a.d.,   and  given  up  to  the 
Egyptians  in  1252  a.d.     It  appears  to  be  the 
Kazir  of  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  104)  in 
i6th  cent,  b.c     The  Amarna  tablets  include 
four  letters  from  Milkilu,  king  of  Gezer  in  15th 
cent.  B.C.  (Berlin  108,  109,  Brit.  Mus.  62,  63)  ; 
whence  it  appears  that  he  was  suspected  by  the 
Pharaoh,  after  defeat  by  the  rebels  of  Ajalon 
and  Zorah  (Berlin  137),  and  replaced  by  a  cer- 
tain Yapa'a  [J  aphia],  who  was  more  loyal,  and 
who  wrote  three  letters  from  Gezer  (Brit.  Mus. 
49-51).     The  city  gave  tribute  to  the  'Abiri 
(Berlin     103).     Probably     Gezer    was     made 
subject  to  Lachish,  where  J  aphia  ruled  (Jos. 10. 
33),  and  which  the  'Abiri  attacked  (Berlin  104). 
The  site  of  this  strong  fortress  (see  Surv.  W. 
Pal.  ii.  pp.  417,  428-439)  is  partly  occupied  by 
the  little  village  of  A  bu  Shusheh.    Wine-presses 
and   Christian  rock-cut   tombs  occur    on  the 
rocky  hill,  where  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  found 
two  inscriptions,  cut  on  flat  rocks,  in  Gk.  and 
in  square  Heb.  of  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.  or  later. 
The  Heb.  in  each  case  is  Tahum  Gezer,  "  limit 
of  Gezer,"  and  the  Gk.  is  Alkios — the  name  of 
a  person  buried  near  Lydda.     The  recent  ex- 
cavations at  Gezer,  by  Mr.  R.  A.  S.  Macalister, 

20 


306 


GEZRITES 


have  disclosed  remains  of  Canaanite  origin, 
perhaps  as  old,  in  the  lower  strata,  as  2000  b.c. 
(including  seal  cylinders,  small  idols,  and 
pottery),  with  Egyptian  scarabs — some  be- 
lieved to  be  as  old  as  the  12th  dynasty.  On 
the  N.E.  a  row  of  huge  monumental  stones  was 
unearthed,  as  at  Tell  es  Safi  [Gath],  resembling 
those  still  standing  on  the  surface  in  Moab 
{Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  187).  Such  a  group  (of  three 
stones)  is  represented  on  a  Phoenician  stela 
from  Lilybaeum,  on  W.  coast  of  Sicily  (Corpus 
Inscr.  Semit.  i.  No.  135),  with  a  worshipper 
before  it.  These  sacred  stones  at  Gezer  stand 
on  a  pavement,  under  which  was  found  buried 
a  brick  of  pure  gold  worth  £100.  The  Gezer 
ruins  are  of  all  ages,  down  to  the  Byzantine 
period  and  perhaps  later.  The  town  was 
rebuilt  several  times,  and  walled  in  the  Gk. 
and  in  earlier  ages.  Mr.  Macahster  has  found 
two  cuneiform  tablets,  each  dated  in  a  year 
corresponding  to  649  B.C.,  with  Heb.  names, 
proving  trade  relations  with  the  Assyrians  in 
the  reign  of  Assur-bani-pal.  He  found  also 
skeletons  of  babies,  enclosed  in  pottery  turns, 
which  seem  to  have  been  baked  afterwards, 
as  the  bones  are  charred.  Such  remains  occur 
also  at  Taanach,  and  it  is  suggested  that  the 
infants  were  so  offered  to  Molech.  Similar 
vases,  with  burnt  human  remains,  were,  how- 
ever, found  in  1871  by  Col.  Ross  at  Susa 
(Shushan).  E.  of  the  Tigris,  and  the  charring 
was  perhaps  merely  due  to  the  baking  of  the 
vase  after  the  remains  had  been  enclosed.  Mr. 
Macalister's  latest  discoveries  (1908)  include 
interesting  tombs  of  women,  with  zodiacal 
signs  and  Egyptian  scarabs.  [c.r.c] 

Gezpites.     [Gkrzites.] 
Ghost,  Holy.     [Spirit,  Holy.] 
Giah',  a  place  named  only  in  2Sam.2.24, 
to  designate  the  position  of  the  hill  Ammah. 
The  word  means  "  bursting  forth  "  [Gihon], 
probably  a  spring.     [Ammah.]  [c.r.c] 

Giants.  Allusions  to  giant  races  of  men 
occur  very  frequently  (chiefly  under  three  dif- 
ferent names)  in  Holy  Scripture,  (i)  n'philim. 
The  first  reference  is  under  this  name  in  Gen. 6. 
4,  "  The  Ncphilim  were  in  the  earth  in  those 
days ;  and  also,  after  that,  when  the  sons  of  God 
came  in  unto  the  daughters  of  men,  and  they 
bare  children  to  them,  the  same  were  mighty 
men  [Heb.  gibborim]  which  were  of  old,  the  men 
of  renown."  From  this  passage  it  has  been 
inferred  that  the  Nephilim  represent  beings 
similar  to  the  Gk.  and  Rom.  demigods,  but  see 
Sons  of  God.  In  spite  of  the  many  difficulties 
of  this  passage,  it  seems  best  to  identify  the 
Nephilim  not  (as  some  have  supposed)  with 
the  "sons  of  God,"  but  with  their  offspring. 
The  Ncphilim  are  again  alluded  to  in  Num.13. 
33,  "  And  there  we  saw  the  Nephilim,  the 
sons  of  Anak,  which  come  of  the  Nephilim  :  and 
we  were  in  our  own  sight  as  grasshoppers,  and 
so  we  were  in  their  sight."  Here  the  spies  are 
induced  by  their  terror  to  exaggerate  the  sta- 
ture of  the  Anakim  wliom  tliey  encountered, 
until  thev  compared  them  actually  with  the 
Nephilim'of  earlier  Biblical  history.  The  "sons 
of  God"  have  been  variously  explained  as  "men 
of  power,"  "men  with  great  gifts,"  "Cainites," 
"  Sethites,"  "  worshippers  of  false  gods," 
"devils,"  "angels."  (2)  'I'mdqim.  The  "sons 
of  Anak  "  were  a  gigantic  race  of  men  dwelling 


ftlBEAfl 

in  and  around  Hebron.  Reference  to  them  iS 
found  in  Num. 13. 22,  cf.  33  ;  Deut.l.28,2.10  ff., 
9.2  ;  Jos. 11. 2if. ;  15.13  f. ;  Judg.l.20.  A  com- 
parison of  these  passages  suggests  that  Anak 
is  not  so  much  the  name  of  a  person  as  the  title 
of  the  race  ;  while  Arba  is  apparently  the  name 
of  the  individual  from  whom  their  origin  was 
commonly  derived  (Jos. 14. 15, 15. 13).  The  An- 
akim were  akin  to  the  .A.morites  and  Periz- 
zites.  They  seem  to  have  been  a  formidable 
race  of  fighters,  although  somewhat  dull  in  in- 
tellect. It  was  this  warlike  appearance  of  the 
tribe  that  so  terrified  the  Israelite  spies  (Num. 
13.33).  I'^  the  wars  that  followed  the  death  of 
Moses,  they  were  driven  out  by  Joshua,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  who  found  refuge  in  the 
Philistine  cities  of  Ashdod,  Gath,  and  Gaza 
(Jos. 11. 21, 22).  Possibly  the  stature  of  Goliath 
may  be  due  to  the  surviving  stock  of  the  sons 
of  Anak  among  the  Philistines.  (3)  rphd'im. 
The  earliest  mention  of  this  class  of  giants  is  in 
Gen. 14.5,  where  it  is  stated  that  Chedorlao- 
nier  and  his  confederates  "  smote  Rephaim." 
Originally,  as  it  would  seem,  the  name  of  a  dis- 
trict (the  vale  of  Rephaim,  near  J  erusalem),  the 
word  became  applied  to  the  gigantic  inhabit- 
ants of  the  region.  They  are  mentioned  again 
in  Gen. 15. 20,  Deut.2.io,20  ;  and  the  survivors 
of  the  stock  are  represented  in  Og,  the  gigantic 
king  of  Bashan  (Deut.S.ii  ;  Jos. 12. 4, 13.12, 
17.15).  Like  the  Anakim,  to  whom  they  were 
probably  akin,  they  found  refuge  with  the 
Philistines,  and  united  against  the  Israelites 
(2Sam.2i.18,  R.V.  marg.  ;  iChr.20.4).  Among 
other  races  of  giants,  the  Gibborim  (Heb. 
mighty  men)  have  been  in  this  article  identi- 
fied with  the  Nephilim  (Gen. 14. 5  ;  see  above). 
The  Emiin  (Heb.  haughty  men),  occupying  the 
country  held  later  by  the  Moabites,  and  the 
Zuzim  (14. 5),  who  occupied  the  town  of  Ham, 
between  Arnon  and  the  Jabbok,  were  probably 
simply  divisions  of  the  Rephaim.  [Emims  ; 
Zuzims.]  [t.a.m.] 

Gibbar'.  Bene-Gibbar,  to  the  number  of 
95,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon 
(Ezr.2.20). 

Gibbethon',  a  town  of  Dan  (Jos. 19. 44), 
given  with  its  "  suburbs  "  to  the  Kohathite 
Levites(21.23).  It  was  near  Philistia  (iK.15. 
27,16.15,17),  probably  at  the  present  village 
Qibbieh,  6  miles  E.  of  Lydda.  [c.r.c] 

Gibea'.  Sheva,  "the  father  of  Machbenah," 
and  "  father  of  Gibea,"  is  mentioned  with  other 
names  unmistakably  those  of  places  and  not 
persons  among  thedescendants  of  J  udah  (iChr. 
2.49).  Probably  the  word  is  a  later  spelling 
for  CiiBEAu,  I.  of  J  udah. 

Gibeah'  (/;///). — 1.  A  town  in  the  moun- 
tains of  J  udah,  now  Jeb'a,  a  village  11  miles 
S.W.  of  Jerusalem,  and  2  miles  S.E.  of  Tim- 
NAH  (Tibna),  with  which  it  is  noticed  (Jos. 
15.57);  probably  Geba  (2Sam.5.25). — 2.  Gi- 
beah of  Benjamin,  near  Ram  ah  (Judg.l9.i2, 
13,16),  where  the  Benjamites  were  exter- 
minated (20.4-43).  It  had  a  cave  (ver.  33,  Heb. 
Geba),  and  two  roads  led  (ver.  31),  one  to 
Bethel  (see  R.V.)  and  one  to  Gibeah  "  by  the 
plain "  (A.V.  field).  These  notices  clearly 
refer  to  Jeb'a  [Geba],  and  to  the  Sahel  Jeb'a, 
or  "  plain  of  (ieba  " — a  small  plateau  to  S.E. 
of  the  knoll  on  which  the  village  stands.  Geba 
was  a  priests'  citv  (Jos.21.i7).  which  was  why 


diBliAH  01*  PHINEHAS 

the  Levite  on  this  occasion  sought  lodging  at 
it  {cf.  Ezel)  ;  and  Gibeah  of  the  Elohim, 
Saul's  home,  was  inhabited  by  a  band  of  pro- 
phets (iSam.lO.5,10).  It  came  to  be  known 
as  Gibeah  of  Saul  (10.26,11-4, 23. 19,26.1),  as 
well  as  Geba,  or  Gibeah,  of  Benjamin  (13.2,3, 
15),  and  was  close  to  Ramah  (22.6).  The 
word,  however,  sometimes  applies  to  the  dis- 
trict round  the  town.  Thus  Saul  abode  "  in 
the  end  of  Gibeah,  under  a  pomegranate  in 
MiGRON  "  ("  the  precipice,"  14.2),  his  watch- 
men being  in  the  city  (ver.  16) ;  and  again,  "  at 
Gibeah,  under  a  tamarisk  in  Ramah  "  (22.6) ; 
as  also  in  Is. 10. 29,  where  Gibeah  and  Geba 
occur  together  with  Ramah  and  Michmash. 
The  Philistine  "  post  "  was  here  smitten  by 
Jonathan  (iSam. 13. 3),  and  is  noticed  in  Gibeah 
earher  (10. 5).  See  also  1Sam.i5.34  ;  2Sam.21. 
6,23.29  ;  1Chr.ll.31  ;  2Chr.l3.2  ;  Ho.5.8 
(coupled  with  Ramah),  9.9,10.9.  Josephus 
also  places  Gibeah  of  Saul  close  to  Michmash 
(^  Wars  ii.i).     [Bozez.]  [c.r.c] 

Gibeah'  of  Phinehas'  (Jos. 24. 33;  A.V. 
hill ;  cf.  R.V.  marg.),  a  place  in  mount  Ephraim 
where  Eleazar  son  of  Aaron  was  buried.  The 
Samaritan  Chronicle  (Neubauer,  Journal 
Asiatique,  Dec.  1869,  p.  450)  places  this  tomb 
at  Kefr  'Avarthah,  a  place  often  mentioned  in 
Samaritan  literature.  (See  Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii. 
pp.  219,  288,  303-305, '"Special  Papers,"  p.  227.) 
These  tombs  of  Eleazar,  Phinehas,  Abishuah, 
and  Ithamar  are  still  shown  at  'Awertah,  a 
village  E.  of  Gerizim,  and  4  miles  S.  of  She- 
chem,  within  the  border  of  Ephraim.   [c.r.c] 

Gibeath'  (Jos. 18. 28),  a  town  of  Benjamin 
(noticed  with  Kirjath)  ;  probably  the  ruin 
Jeb'a,  2  m.  S.W.  of  Qiiriet  el  'Anab.     [c.r.c] 

Gib'eathite,  The,  i.e.  the  native  of 
Gibeath;   applied  to   Shemaah   (iChr.12.3). 

Gibeon',  a  royal  Hivite  city  alhed  to 
Chephirah,  Beeroth,  and  Kirjath-jearim 
(Jos. 9. 3-17, 10. 1, 2, 12, 11. 19),  noticed  with 
Ramah  and  Beeroth  (18. 25)  as  given  to 
Benjamin.  Joshua,  in  the  plain  between 
Makkedah  and  Ajalon  (10. 12),  commands  the 
sun  to  be  dumb  (or  "  dark  ")  as  it  rises  behind 
Gibeon.  Gibeon  was  a  city  of  priests  (21. 17), 
to  whom  the  deceitful  Hivites  were  made 
slaves  (9.23).  It  had  a  pool — perhaps  the  fine 
spring  in  a  cave  at  el  Jib,  the  recognized  site, 
6  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem  (2Sam.2.i3,i6).  The 
occasion  on  which  "  Saul  slew  the  Gibeon- 
ites"  (2Sam.2i.1-9)  is  not  recorded, unless  the 
reference  is  to  Nob,  a  priestly  city  where  the 
tabernacle  was  in  Saul's  time  (1Sam.2i.1-9), 
and  where  the  priests  were  slain  by  him  (22.19). 
From  Nob  the  tabernacle  was  removed  to 
Gibeon — perhaps  not  far  off — where  was  a 
great  bdmd,  and  where  also  the  altar  was  kept 
in  Solomon's  time  (iK.3.4,5,9.2  ;  1Chr.l6.39, 
21.29  ;  2Chr.l.3,i3).  Isaiah  refers  to  Joshua 
in  the  valley  "  by  Gibeon  "  (Heb.  'emeq  h'^- 
gibh'on,  28.21),  and  Jeremiah  to  a  prophet  from 
Gibeon  (28. i, 41. 12, 16).  It  was  inhabited 
after  the  Captivity  (Ne.3.7,7.25).  It  is 
mentioned  by  Shishak,  the  Pharaoh  who 
attacked  Judaea  after  Solomon's  death,  in  his 
list  of  conquests,  as  Kebe'ana  (No.  23).  The 
old  town  stood  S.  of  the  village,  on  a  hill  300 
ft.  high.  Eight  springs  flow  from  this  hill. 
The  cave  spring  to  E.  has  at  the  back  a  rock 
passage,  which  led  up  into  the  city.     There  is 


GSfiEdN 


30? 


a  small  plain  to  S.,  and  rock  tombs  {Suru.  W. 
Pal.  iii.  pp.  10,  94-100).  [c.r.c] 

Glb'lites,  The.  The  "land  of  the  Gib- 
lites  "  is  mentioned  in  connexion  with  Lebanon 
among  the  portions  of  the  Promised  Land  not 
conquered  by  Joshua  (Jos. 13. 5).  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  allusion  is  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  city  Gebal  (cf.  R.V.). 

Giddaiti',  a  temple-musician,  one  of  the  14 
sons  of  Heman,  the  king's  seer  (iChr.25.4). 

Giddel'.  Children  of  Giddel  were  among 
(i)  the  Nethinim  (Ezr.2.47;  Ne.7.49),  (2)  the 
"  servants  of  Solomon  "  (Ezr.2.56  ;  Ne.7.58), 
who  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel. 

Gideon  [the  hewer),  also  Jerubbaal 
(Baal  defends,  Judg.6.22,  merely  popular 
etymology),  also  Jerubbesheth  (2Sam.ll. 21  ; 
cf.  Ishbaal  and  Ishbosheth),  son  of  Joash,  the 
Abiezrite  (Jos.17.2)  of  Manasseh,  who  dwelt 
at  Ophrah.  From  the  narrative  (esp.  Judg.6. 
14,27,35, 8. i8ff.)  we  gather  that  6.15  is  an 
Orientalism,  not  to  be  taken  literally.  Sayce 
regards  Joash  as  in  some  sense  a  king  (Early 
Hist,  of  Heb.). — The  Midianite  Oppression. 
Stanley  (Sin.  and  Pal.  p.  136)  writes  :  "  Pales- 
tine is  an  island  in  a  desert  of  waste  ;  and  from 
this  very  fact  it  is  also  an  island  in  the  midst  of 
pirates.  The  Bedouin  tribes  are  the  corsairs 
of  the  wilderness  ;  the  plains  which  run  into 
the  mountains  are  the  creeks  into  which  they 
naturally  penetrate."  Midian  ( =  Ishmael,8.24), 
Amalek,'  and  the  children  of  the  E.  (b'ni 
qedhem,  from  the  Syrian  desert)  had  swept  up 
the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  down  the  maritime 
plain  to  Gaza.  Like  locusts  for  multitude,  like 
locusts  they  ate  up  the  crops.  After  seven 
incursions,  resistance  seemed  useless.  Gideon's 
brothers  had  been  murdered  at  Tabor  ;  the  peo- 
ple fled  to  mountain  fastnesses.  Even  Gideon, 
the  mighty  hero  (6.12),  beats  out  wheat  in  the 
winepress.  (Threshing-floors  were  on  the  tops 
of  hills.)  A  prophet  had  merely  reminded  the 
people  of  past  deliverances,  and  Gideon  in 
despair  asks,  "  Where  be  all  His  wondrous 
works  ?  " — The  Preparation  of  Gideon,  (a) 
A  theophany  beneath  the  terebinth,  attested 
by  the  fire  that  consumes  the  offering,  is 
Gideon's  commission,  (b)  A  dream.  "  In  the 
first  revelation  God  acknowledged  Gideon,  in 
the  second  He  called  on  Gideon  to  acknowledge 
Him  "  (Keil).  (c)  Gideon  destroys  the  altar  of 
Baal,  with  its  idolatrous  Asherah.  (Note  6.25, 
R.V.  marg.  Apparently  there  were  two  bul- 
locks, and  the  one  sacrificed  probably  belonged 
to  Gideon  [Bertheau].  Moore  says  "  text 
corrupt,"  and  translates  second — "  fat.") 
(d)  Gideon's  life  saved  by  the  wit  of  Joash. 
"  In  popular  outbreaks,  procrastination  means 
security  "  (Farrar).  W.  R.  Smith  (Relig.  of 
Sem.  163)  translates  6.31,  "  The  man  who 
strives  with  Baal  dies  before  the  morning." 
See  his  comment,  (e)  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
[cf.  3.10)  comes  on  Gideon.  He  raises  Man- 
asseh, Asher,  Zebulun,  and  NaphtaU,  but  not 
Issachar,  which  was  probably  too  down- 
trodden. (/)  Note  that  it  is  when  full  of  en- 
thusiasm, inspired  by  God,  that  he  tries  the 
Spirit  by  asking  two  signs.  The  first  was  not 
conclusive,  for  wool  attracts  dew.  For  the 
spiritual  significance,  see  St.  Ambrose,  De 
Spir.  Sanct.  i.  Introd. — The  Preparation  of  the 
Army  at  the  well  Harod.     (See  G.  A.  Smith, 


308 


QIDEONI 


Hist.  Geog.  p.  398.)  Gideon  commands  those 
afraid  to  depart ;  22,000  do  so.  (The  words 
"  depart  from  mount  Gilead  "  were  probably 
proverbial  in  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  but  "  de- 
part "  in  Heb.  is  a  hapax  legomenon  of  uncer- 
tain meaning.)  He  takes  10,000  to  the  stream, 
and  all  but  300  are  rejected  for  not  lapping 
water.  The  text  is  here  difficult  ;  but  if  the 
stream  was  the  front  of  their  position,  and  the 
margins  were  covered  with  reeds  and  bushes, 
circumspection  was  necessary  against  surprise. 
7.8  (R.V.  marg.)  explains  the  number  of  horns. 
— Gideon's  Reconnaissance,  7.9-14.  He  over- 
hears the  Midianite's  dream,  and  regards  it  as  an 
omen  (bath-qol)  ;  cf.  iSam. 14.9,10.  The  tent  is 
everything  to  a  nomad,  the  barley-cake  repre- 
sents the  husbandman.  "  We  are  probably 
to  imagine  a  round,  flat,  hardl)aked  ash-cake 
trundling  through  the  camp  till  it  strikes  the 
tent,  and  turns  it  upside  down  "  (Moore). — 
The  Attack.  While  the  watch  is  being  changed, 
the  three  companies  take  up  their  position  un- 
observed. They  shatter  their  pitchers,  display 
their  torches,  and  blow  on  their  horns.  Critics 
object  that  the  torches  hid  in  pitchers  required 
two  hands.  The  horns,  however,  may  well  have 
been  slung  at  their  backs  until  wanted.  The  host 
fled  down  Jezreelto  Beth-shittah,  to  Zererath 
(Judg.7.22;  cf.  2Chr.4.i7),  unto  the  lip  of  Abel- 
meholah.  Naphtali,  Asher,  and  .Manasseh 
joined  the  pursuit.  7.23  is  not  inconsistent  with 
6.35.  Thedismissed  forces  were  not  far  distant. 
Those  afraid  to  attack  were  ready  to  pursue 
and  spoil.  The  Midianites  divided  at  Jordan. 
Zebah  and  Zalmunna  apparently  crossed  near 
Beth-shan.  Okeb  and  Zeeb  lied  down  the 
Ghor,  to  be  intercepted  by  Ephraim  at  Beth- 
barah.  Ephraim's  expostulation  probably 
took  place  the  other  side  of  Jordan,  but  before 
the  second  victory.  It  is  absurd  to  argue  that 
the  narrative  is  contradicted  from  Gideon's 
diplomatic  words,  minimizing  his  action.  It  is 
also  quite  inadmissible  to  argue  that  8.4-21 
refers  to  another  event.  The  compiler  is  obvi- 
ously here  using  another  authority.  Siccoth 
and  Penuel  refused  succour,  and  were  put  to 
the  ban.  Zebah  and  Zalmunna  fled  S.E.,  and 
reached  Karkor.  Gideon  outflanked  them, 
and  surprised  them  once  again  by  attacking 
them  from  the  E.  when  in  fancied  security.  On 
his  return  he  "  taught  "  Succoth  and  Penuel 
by  barbarous  punishments,  and  slew  the  kings 
Zebah  and  Zalmunna. — Subsequent  Life.  King- 
ship was  offered  to  him  and  his  family,  and 
refused.  Gideon  was  anxious  that  Jehovah 
alone  should  rule  ;  but  out  of  the  spoil  he 
created  an  ephod,  apparently  expectitig  divine 
guidance  by  means  of  it.  This  act  was  schis- 
raatical  ;  but  Shiloh  was  in  Ephraim,  and 
perhaps  a  decayed  sanctuary.  Gideon  could 
argue  that  God  had  entered  into  direct  com- 
munication with  himself,  and  that  Ophrah 
had  been  C(jnsecratcd  by  a  theophany.  (See 
Ephod;  Robertson,  Early  liel.  of  Isr.  231; 
Oehlcr,  Theol.  of  O.T.  ii.  134.)  That  (iideon 
had  many  wives  and  70  sons  is  evidence  of  his 
wealth  and  power.  He  died  at  a  good  old  age. 
and  was  buried  ill  the  tomb  of  Joash,  his  father. 
[Mn.iANiTKs.  I  [11. M.S.] 

Oldeonl,  father  of  Am  DAN  (Num.1. 1 1,  etc.). 

Cldom'  {cutting  down,  or  cutting  off  ;  ]  udg. 
20.45).      It    may    refer    to    some    precipice, 


or  merely  mean  "  till  cut  off  " — of  the  defeated 
Bcnjamites.  [c.R.c] 

Giep-eagrle,  an  unclean  bird  mentioned 
in  Lev. 11. 18  and  Deut.i4.17.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Heb.  rdhdm, 
translated  gier-eagle  in  the  A.V.,  is  identical 
with   rakham,  fem.  rakhmah,  the  .Arab,  name 


llll     11.\1'11A.N   lC.VVH.N(.i:R-\lI.TrKi:. 

for  the  black  and  white  Egyptian  scavenger- 
vulture  (Neophron  percnopterus).  These  use- 
ful, although  disgusting,  birds  are  very 
common  in  .\frica,  Syria,  and  India,  and  are 
never  molested  by  the  natives,  who  are  well 
aware  of  their  value.     [V^ulture.]         [r.l.] 

Gift.  The  giving  and  receiving  of  presents 
is  a  formal  and  significant  proceeding  among 
Orientals  ;  and  a  proof  of  the  important  part 
which  presents  play  in  their  social  life  may  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  there  are  15  expressions 
in  Heb.  for  the  one  idea.  Many  of  these  have 
specific  meanings.  E.g.  minhd  applies  to  a 
present  from  an  inferior  to  a  superior,  as  from 
subjects  to  a  king  (J  udg. 3. 15  ;  1K.IO.25) ;  hence 
it  is  used  technically  for  the  "  meal-offering  " 
(Ezk.46.20,  etc.).  mas'eth  expresses  conversely 
a  present  from  a  superior  to  an  inferior — e.g. 
listh.2.i.S.  shohadh  is  a  gift  or  bribe  for  the 
purpose  of  escaping  punishment,  presented 
cither  to  a  judge  (Ex. 23. 8,  etc.)  t>r  a  conqueror 
(2K.I6.8).  .Again,  the  term  "gift"  is  fre- 
(juently  used  for  "tribute"  or  "fee";  and 
hence  the  expression  "to  bring  presents  "  = 
to  own  submission  (Ps.68.2i),76.i  i  ;  Is.18.7). 
Friends  brought  presents  to  friends  on  any 
joyful  occasion  (Esth.9.19.22);  those  who  asked 
information  or  advice  to  those  who  gave  it 
(2K.8.8);  the  needy  to  the  wealthy  frt>m  whom 
assistance  was  expected  (Gen. 43. 11  ;  2  K. 15. 19. 
etc.).  On  the  occasion  of  a  .Makkiac.i:,  the 
bridegroom  not  only  paid  the  parents  for  his 
bride  (A.V.  dowry),  but  also  gave  the  bride 
certain  jiresents  (Gen. 34.12;  cf.  24.22).  The 
nature  of  the  i>resents  was  as  various  as  the 
occasions.  Ere(|uently  gifts  were  (and  still 
are)  demanded  as  a  right  ;  and  in  sending  pre- 
sents to  others,  a  quid  pro  quo  was  generally 
expected  in  return.  In  N.T.  bCipov  and  S6na  = 
"  material,"  and  5w/jed  "  spiritual  gifts."  On 
XcplafiaTo.  see  Church  ;  and  see  Coruan  for  Mt. 


GIHON 

15.5  ;  Mk.7.11.  Trumbull,  Studies  in  Oriental 
Social  Life. 

Gihon'  (gushing). — 1.  The  name  of  a 
river  (Gen. 2. 13)  watering  Cush,  and  rising  near 
the  springs  of  the  Euphrates.  The  Babylo- 
nians called  Cappadocia  Kusu  {i.e.  "  sunset  "  or 
the  West)  and  the  river  intended  may  be  the 
Halys  or  otherwise  the  Jihdn,  flowing  N.W. 
and  S.W.  respectively  from  E.  Cappadocia. 
The  latter  is  the  later  Pyramus. — 2.  A  spring 
at  Jerusalem,  to  which  Solomon  was  brought 
"down"  to  be  anointed  (iK. 1.33,38, 45). 
Hezekiah  stopped  "the  upper  source  [mofa ; 
A.V.  water  course]  of  Gihon,  and  brought 
it  down  straight  towards  the  city  of  David  on 
the  W."  (2Chr.32.30).  In  the  Siloam  text, 
the  mofa  is  the  source  whence  the  aqueduct 
was  excavated  to  the  pool  ib''rekhd)  at  Siloam. 
Manasseh  built  a  wall  "  outside  the  city  of 
David,  westward  of  Gihon  in  the  nahal  " 
(2Chr.33.14).  It  is  clear  that  Gihon  was  the 
cave-spring  which  still  "  gushes  "  from  a 
subterranean  cavern  at  'A  in  Umm  ed  Deraj 
(the  spring  of  steps)  in  the  nahal,  a  term 
always  meaning  the  Kidron  [see  Valleys]. 
The  mouth  is  now  stopped,  and — since  728 
B.C. — the  water  has  always  flowed  down  the 
Shiloah  aqueduct  from  the  back  of  the  cave. 
Solomon  at  Gihon  was  thus  in  full  view  of 
Adonijah  at  the  stone  (or  rock)  of  Zoheleth 
(iK.1.9),  which  was  by  En-rogel.      [c.r.c] 

Gilalai',  one  of  the  priests'  sons  at  the  con- 
secration of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.36). 

Gilboa,  the  mountain  range  E.  of  the 
plain  of  Esdraelon,  rising  at  the  highest  to 
1,650  ft.  above  the  sea,  or  1,400  above  the 
plain  to  W.,  and  2,000  above  the  Jordan  Valley 
to  its  E.  It  was  named  from  the  "  bubbling 
source  "  at  the  village  of  Gilboa  (now  Jelbon), 
near  S.  end  of  the  range,  where  there  is  a 
perennial  spring-well.  The  mountain  itself  is 
very  bare,  but  once  had  vines  at  Jezreel  on 
its  N.W.  slopes.  It  is  noticed  exclusively  as 
the  scene  of  Saul's  defeat  and  death,  his  camp 
beingat  Jezreel(iSam.29.i).  See  iSam.28.4,31. 
1,8  :  2Sam. 1.6,21, 21. 12  ;  iChr.l0.i,8.      [c.r.c] 

Gilead,  with  the  article  in  Heb.,  "  the 
stony  "  region  ;  not  connected  with  Galeed 
(Gen. 31. 47),  the  "  heap  of  witness."  The 
mountain  plateau  E.  of  Jordan,  about  3,000  ft. 
above  sea-level,  the  highest  point  being  Jebel 
Osk'a  (3,597  ft.).  Gilead  extends  60  miles  N. 
and  S.  from  the  Yarmuq  River  to  the  plain 
N.  of  Heshbon,  and  about  20  from  Jordan  to 
the  E.  desert.  The  W.  slopes  are  very  steep, 
formed  of  sandstone  below  and  limestone 
above.  It  is  well  watered  by  springs  and 
streams  on  the  slopes,  and  divided  into  two 
provinces  by  the  Jabbok,  which  runs  first  N.E. 
from  Rabbath-ammon,  then  W.  to  Jordan. 
The  N.  region  is  now  Jebel  'Ajlun  ;  the  S.  is 
the  Belqd  (empty).  All  Gilead  is  rocky,  but 
the  'Ajlun  as  far  S.  as  Snf  and  Reimun  is 
covered  by  oak  forests,  with  flowery  glades, 
and  brooks  haunted  by  the  roe.  The  Belqd 
is  bare,  with  some  copses  and  to  the  S.  a 
wood  of  firs  (Pinus  carica).  The  region  was 
famed  for  its  balm  (Gen.37.25  ;  Je. 8. 22,46. 11) 
and  for  pasture.  It  still  supports  flocks  and 
herds.  The  capital  of  N.  Gilead  was  Ramoth 
(Reimun ;  see  1K.4.13),  and  of  S.  Gilead 
MAHA^fAIM  (Muhhmah),  S.  of  the  river  Jabbok 


GILGAL 


309 


(Gen. 32. 2, 22),  Succoth  (Tell  Dar'ala)  being 
N.  of  this  stream  (Gen.33.i7).  W.  Gilead 
and  the  Jordan  Valley  to  the  river  belonged 
to  Gad  ;  E.  Gilead  to  Manasseh  and  to  the 
Ammonites  (Jos.12.2,5,13.30,31).  The  towns 
of  Gilead  included  Tob  (Taiyibeh),  Mizpeh 
(Stlf),  Zaphon  (el  Hammeh)  in  the  N.,  and 
JoGBEHAH  (Jubeihah)  in  the  S..  Jazer  (iChr. 
26.31)  being  on  the  S.  border  [Jaazer]  ;  in 
the  valley  Beth-haran  (Rdmeh)  [Beth-aram] 
andBETH-NiMRAH  (Nimrin)  inS.,  and  Succoth 
just  N.  of  the  Jabbok  River.  The  N.  course  of 
the  latter  separated  Gad  from  the  Ammonites 
on  the  E. — History.  The  original  Zamzummims 
(Deut.2.20)  preceded  the  Ammonites,  and 
the  Amorites  who  conquered  Gilead  shortly 
before  the  Hebrew  conquest.  In  the  9th  cent. 
B.C.  Hazaelof  Syria  smote  this  region  (2K.IO. 
33)  ;  and  in  734  B.C.  Tiglath-pileser  III.  took 
captive  thence  the  tribes  of  Israel  (2 K. 15. 29). 
Idolatrous  worship  then  prevailed  (Ho. 12. 11). 
About  650  B.C.  an  Arab  invasion  from  S. 
extended  to  Bashan  ;  but  the  Assyrian  king 
Assur-bani-pal  recovered  Gilead  a  few  years 
later,  though  the  population  remained  Arab 
in  subsequent  times  (iMac.5  25).  Gilead  is 
also  a  patronymic  (Num. 26. 29, 30  ;  Judg.ll. 
1,2),  "the  father  of  Gilead"  (iChr.7.14) 
meaning  the  ancestor  of  Gileadites.     [c.r.c] 

Gilead,  Mount  (Judg.7.3),  seems  to  stand 
for  Gilboa,  but  R.V.  understands  "  go  round 
about  "  (marg.)  instead  of  "  depart  from.." 
[Gideon.]  [c.r.c] 

Gileadites,  The.  a  branch  of  the  tribe 
of  Manasseh,  inhabiting  Gilead  (Num.26. 
29  ;  2 K. 15. 25).  There  appears  to  have  been 
an  old-standing  feud  between  them  and  the 
Ephraimites,  who  taunted  them  with  being 
deserters  (Judg.12.4).  J  air  (Judg.lO.3)  is  de- 
scribed as  "  the  Gileadite  "  ;  as  also  Jephthah 
(11. 1 )  and  Barzillai  of  Rogelim  (2Sam.i7.27). 

Gilg-al'  (circle). — 1.  A  place  E.  of  Jericho, 
where  the  twelve  stones  from  Jordan  were 
erected,  probably  in  a  circle  (Deut.ll.30  ; 
Jos.4.19,5.9,10,9.6,10.7).  In  Jos. 10.15  the 
LXX.  omits  the  return  of  Israel  to  Gilgal, 
which  seems  to  be  a  repetition  of  10. 43,  and 
which  interrupts  the  narrative  (see  14.6).  It 
lay  N.  of  the  valley  of  Achor  (15.7),  which 
was  the  border  between  Judah  and  Benjamin. 
It  is  now  represented  by  a  few  traces  of  ruins, 
and  of  a  tank,  beside  a  fine  tamarisk,  at 
Jiljulieh,  3  miles  E.  of  the  old  Jericho  (Tell 
es  Sultan),  and  on  the  N.  side  of  Wddy  Qelt. 
[AcHOR.]  Gilgal  remained  a  sacred  centre 
till  the  building  of  the  Jerusalem  temple.  The 
"  quarries  [p''sUim'\  which  were  by  [i.e.  be- 
longed to]  Gilgal"  (Judg.3.19,26)  are  other- 
wise "images"  in  marg.  and  so  in  21  other 
passages.  Samuel  visited  Gilgal  as  a  sacred 
centre  (iSam.7.i6),  and  here  the  kingdom  was 
"renewed"  (11.14,15)  after  Saul's  first  victory. 
Here  also  the  rejection  of  Saul  occurred  (13.4- 
15,15.12-33).  Henceforth  it  is  noticed  only 
when  David  passed  over  Jordan  (2Sam.i9.15, 
40),  and  by  the  early  prophets  as  a  centre  of 
worship  and  sacrifice  which  had  become  idola- 
trous (Ho.4.i5,9.i5,12.ii  ;  Am. 4.4, 5. 5).  Micah, 
referring  to  Balaam,  says  "  that  ye  may  know 
from  Shittim  to  Gilgal  "  (6.5).— 2.  A  place  in 
the  mountains,  whence  Elijah  "  went  down  " 
to  reach  Bethel  (iK.2.i)  ;   now  the  village 


310 


aiLOH 


Jiljilia,  7  miles  N.  of  Beitin,  with  a  valley  be- 
tween. It  stands  on  a  high  hill.  It  appears 
to  be  the  place  intended  in  Ne.i2.29  ("  house 
of  Gilgal"),  noticed  with  Gf.ba,  and  is  pro- 
bably Galgala,  on  the  way  from  N.  to  Jeru- 
salem (iMac.9.2). — 3.  "Gilgal of  the  nations" 
(goyim)  was  a  royal  city,  noticed  with  Dor 
(Jos.12.23).  It  is  now  the  village  Jiljulieh,  in 
the  Sharon  plain,  4  miles  N.  of  Antipatris. 
For  the  Samaritan  Gilgal,  which  does  not  agree 
with  O.T.  notices,  see  Gerizim.  [c.r.cI 

Giloh',  a  city  in  the  Hebron  mountains, 
given  to  Judah  (jos.i5.51);  now  probably  the 
ruin  Jala,  3  miles  N.  of  Halhul.  It  was  the 
home  of  Ahithophel  (2Sam.i5.12, 23.34).  [c.R.c] 

Oi'lonite,  The,  native  of  Giloh  ;  applied  to 
Ahithophel  only  (2Sam.l5.i2,23.34). 

Gimzo',  a  town  which,  with  its  villages,  was 
taken  bv  the  Philistines  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz 
(2Chr.28.18).  The  name  (Jimzu)  is  still  at- 
tached to  a  large  village  3  miles  S.E.  of  Lydda, 
S.  of  the  road  from  Lydda  to  Jerusalem. 

Gin,  a  trap  for  birds  or  beasts :  it  consisted 
of  a  net  (Is.8.i4),  and  a  stick  to  act  as  a  springe 
(Am.3.5).     [Hunting.] 

Ginath',  father  of  Tibni  (iK. 16.21,22). 

Ginnetho'  (Ne.12.4)  or  GIn'nethon 
(10.6,12.16),  a  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah. 

CtivAle  (Mghor,  'ezor),  worn  both  by  men  and 
women.  The  common  girdle  was  of  leather 
(2K.I.8  ;  Mt.3.4),  like  that  worn  by  the  Bed- 
ouin of  the  present  day.  A  finer  girdle  was 
made  of  linen  (Je.l3.i  ;  Ezk.l6.io),  embroid- 
ered with  silk,  and  sometimes  with  gold 
and  silver  thread  (Dan. 10. 3  :  Rev.l.13,15.6). 
The  manufacture  of  these  formed  part  of  the 
employment  of  women  (Pr.3i.24).  They  pro- 
bably resembled  the  Arab,  hizdm,  or  waist- 
shawl,  and  were  worn  by  men  about  the  loins 
(Is. 5. 27,11. 5).  The  girdle  of  women  was 
generally  jooser,  and  was  worn  above  the 
hips,  except  when  they  were  actively  en- 
gaged (Pr.3i.17).  The  military  girdle  was 
worn  about  the  waist  ;  the  sword  or  dagger 
was  suspended  from  it  (Judg.3.i6  ;  2Sam.20. 
8  :  Ps.45.3).  Hence  girding  up  the  loins  de- 
notes preparation  for  battle  or  for  active  exer- 
tion. In  times  of  mourning,  girdles  of  sack- 
cloth were  worn  as  marks  of  humiliation  and 
sorrow  (Is.3. 24, 22.12).  Girdles  were  used  as 
pockets,  as  among  the  Arabs  still,  and  as  purses, 
one  end  of  the  girdle  being  folded  back  for  the 
purpose  (Mt.lO.Q;  Mk.6.8).  The  'abhnet.,  or 
girdle  worn  bv  the  priests  about  the  close- 
fitting  gown  (Kx. 28. 39, 39. 29).  is  described  by 
Josephus  as  made  of  linen  so  fine  of  texture  as 
to  look  like  the  slough  of  a  snake,  and  em- 
broidered with  flowers  of  scarlet,  jturple,  blue, 
and  fine  linen.  It  was  about  four  fingers 
broad,  and  was  wrapped  several  times  round 
the  priest's  bodv,  the  ends  hanging  down  to  the 
feet.  The  "  curious  girdle  "  (Ex. 28. 8)  was  of 
the  same  materials  and  cf)Iours  as  the  ephod — 
that  is,  of  "gold,  blue,  and  purple,  and  scarlet, 
and  fine  twined  linen."  Josephus  describes  it 
as  sewn  to  the  breastplate.  After  passing 
once  rr)und  it  was  tied  in  front  upon  the  seam, 
the  cuds  h,iH^;iii(,'  down. 

OIPRashltes,  The  (Gen. 15. 21 ;  Deut.T.i; 
J, >s. 3. in. 24.11  ;  iChr.1.14  ;  Ne.9.8),  Glpgra- 
site,  The  ((ien.l0.i6),  one  of  the  nations  in 


GLORY 

possession  of  Canaan  before  the  entrance  of 
the  children  of  Israel. 

Gispa',  an  overseer  of  the  Nethinim,  in 
"  the  Ophel,"  after  the  return  from  captivity 
(Ne.ll.21). 

Glttah-he'phep.     [Gath-hepher.] 

Gltta'im,  a  place  apparently  in  the  lot  of 
Benjamin  (Ne.ll.33),  to  which  the  Benjamites 
fled  from  Beeroth  (2Sam.4.3).  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Git'tites,  the  600  men  who  followed  David 
from  Gath,  under  Ittaithe  Gittite  (2Sam.i5.18, 
19),  and  who  probably  acted  as  a  body-guard. 
Obed-edom  "  the  Gittite  "  may  have  been  so 
named  from  the  town  of  Gittaim  in  Benjamin 
(2Sam.4'.3  ;  Ne.ll.33),  or  from  Gath-rimmon. 

Gittith.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Gi'zonite,  The.  "  The  sons  of  Hashem 
the  Gizonite  "  are  named  amongst  the  warriors 
of  David's  guard  (1Chr.ll.34).     [Jashen.] 

Glass.  The  Heb.  word  (z^'khukhith)  occurs 
only  in  Job  28.17,  where  A.V.  renders  it  "  crys- 
tal." This  seems  to  be  the  only  allusion  to 
glass  in  O.T. ,  but  the  Hebrews  must  haveknown 
of  the  invention,  which,  from  paintings  repre- 
senting the  process  of  glass-blowing  discovered 
at  Beni-Hasan,  and  in  tombs  at  other  places, 
we  know  to  be  at  least  as  old  as  the  time  of 
Osirtasen  I.,  c.  2200  b.c.  Fragments,  too, 
of  wine  vases  as  old  as  the  Exodus  have  been 
discovered  in  Egypt.  The  art  was  known  to 
the  ancient  Babylonians.  Glass  was  even  far 
more  extensively  used  in  ancient  than  in  mo- 
dern times.  The  Egyptians  knew  the  arts  of 
cutting,  grinding,  and  engraving  it,  and  could 
inlay  it  with  gold  or  enamel,  and  "  permeate 
opaque  glass  with  designs  of  various  colours." 
They  could  also  colour  it  so  brilliantly  as  to 
imitate  precious  stones,  so  as  often  to  defy 
detection.  In  N.T.  glass  is  alluded  to  as  an 
emblem  of  brightness  (Rev.4.6,15.2,21.i8). 
[Handicrafts,  (5).] 

Gleaning:.  (See  Corner.)  The  gleaning  of 
fruit  trees,  as  well  as  of  cornfields,  was  reserved 
for  the  poor  (Lev.l9.9,io  ;  Judg.8.2). 

Glede  (or,  dead),  one  of  the  English 
names  of  the  kite  {Milvus  ictinus),  employed  in 
Deut.i4.13,  among  the  unclean  birds  of  prey, 
as  the  equivalent  of  the  Heb.  rd'd.  The  trans- 
lators of  A.V.  apparently  distinguish  between 
kite  and  glede  ;  and  Tristram  has  suggested 
that  by  the  latter  they  mean  the  buzzard, 
which  he  states  to  be  called  glede  in  the  N. 
of  England  and  Ireland.  The  present  writer 
cannot,  although  both  species  used  to  be  known 
locally  as /'j.'//oc/{,  find  any  confirmation  of  the 
latter  statement  ;  and  even  if  true,  it  would 
by  no  means  prove  that  buzzard  is  the  correct 
translation  of  rcVd.  [r.l.] 

Glopy,  or  Shechinah.  The  word  Shechi- 
nah  (derived  from  the  verb  shdkhcn,  "to rest," 
or  "dwell";  from  which  also  comes  the  word 
for  "tabernacle")  is  not  found  in  the  Bible. 
It  was  used  by  the  later  Jews  to  express  the 
visible  splendour  of  the  Divine  Presence,  es- 
pecially when  "  resting  "  or  "  dwelling  "  be- 
tween the  cherubim  on  the  mercy-seat,  in  the 
tabernacle  or  in  Solomon's  temple.  It  was 
supposed  to  be  wanting  in  the  second  temple, 
being  one  of  the  five  jKirticuIars  in  which  the 
Jews  counted  this  to  be  deficient,  though  they 
confidently  expected  its  return  in  the  days  of  the 


GNAT 

Messiah.  The  term  is  first  found  in  the  Tar- 
gums,  where  it  is  used  in  a  special  manner  as  a 
periphrasis  for  God,  considered  as  "dwelling"  in 
the  midst  of  Israel.  It  is  thus  used,  especially 
by  Onkelos,  to  avoid  any  suspicion  of  material- 
ism, or  ascription  of  corporeity  to  God.  Thus 
(to  take  one  out  of  many  examples)  in  Ex. 25. 8 
Onkelos  paraphrases,  "  I  will  make  my 
Shechinah  to  dwell  among  them."  On  the 
other  hand,  the  words  "cloud"  or  "glory," 
which  seemed  to  the  rabbis  sufficiently  in- 
corporeal, are  never  rendered  by  Shechinah. 
The  term  in  Christian  use  is  usually  applied 
simply  to  the  luminous  cloud,  or  the  brilliant 
light  enveloped  in  cloud,  which  appears  both  in 
O.T.  and  N.T.  as  a  sign  of  the  Divine  Presence. 
This  may  be  regarded  as  a  type  of  the  Incar- 
nation, as  the  Divinity  of  our  Lord  was  partly 
concealed  under  the  veil  of  His  flesh,  though 
visibly  shining  through  it  in  the  Transfigura- 
tion, and  in  His  appearances  to  Saul  of  Tarsus 
and  to  St.  John  in  Patmos  after  His  ascension. 
Further  illustration  of  this  may  be  found  in 
Jn.1.14  and  in  Rev. 21. 3.  Allusions  to  the 
O.T.  Shechinah  are  also  seen  in  Mt.17.5,  Lu. 
2.Q,  and  Ro.9.4.  Marshall,  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
(ed-  1902),  "Shekinah";  Hastings,  Diet,  of 
Christ  and  the  Gospels,  "  Glory."       [a.r.w.] 

Gnat,  mentioned  only  in  the  proverbial 
saying  used  by  our  Lord  in  Mt.23.24,  where 
"  strain  out "  (R.V.)  is  a  better  translation 
than  "  strain  at." 

Gnosticism,  a  group  of  systems  of 
thought,  Oriental  in  character,  taking  in  the 
idea  of  Redemption  through  Christ,  and  in- 
fluenced by  Judaism  and  Hellenism,  which 
flourished  chiefly  in  the  2nd  cent.  The 
Gnostics  had  no  quarrel  with  common  Christi- 
anity for  common  people  ;  but  claimed  to  be 
the  intellectual  aristocracy  who  knew  what 
was  behind  the  scenes,  and  went  deeper  than 
mere  appearances,  passing  from  56Ja — that 
which  seems  to  be — to7ctD(ns — real  knowledge. 
They  held  that  God  was  beyond  attribute  and 
entirely  infinite.  The  passage  from  infinite  to 
finite  can  only  be  explained  by  constant  limita- 
tion. Hence  arose  a  series  of  emanations,  or 
aeons,  each  giving  rise  to  others  farther  from 
the  source,  and  so  weaker,  till  at  last  matter  and 
a  material  world  is  produced.  But  how  is  the 
origin  of  evil  to  be  explained  ?  Here  the 
Gnostics  split  into  two  sections.  The  Moderate 
Gnostics  regarded  the  creator,  or  demiurge,  as 
an  imperfect  instrument  of  the  Supreme  God. 
The  world  is  evil  because  the  creator  made 
mistakes.  The  Extreme  Gnostics  declared  the 
demiiu^ge  to  be  positively  wicked.  These  two 
parties  also  differed  in  their  views  of  Christ. 
The  Moderate  Gnostics  regarded  His  manhood 
as  real,  but  called  Him  a  mere  instrument  of 
God.  His  divinity  only  came  down  on  Him 
with  the  dove  at  baptism,  and  left  Him  before 
crucifixion.  The  Extreme  Gnostics  regarded 
the  whole  Incarnation  as  visionary.  This  is 
Docetism.  Gnosticism  produced  many  different 
schools  of  thought ;  but  those  founded  by 
Valentinus  and  Marcion  are  the  most  im- 
portant. The  apparent  references  in  N.T.  to 
Gnosticism  or  to  ideas  from  which  Gnosticism 
had  its  genesis  are  as  follows:  (i)  Ac.8.9-24 
contains  the  story  of  Simon  Magus,  regarded 
by  ecclesiastical  writers  as  the  father  of  all 


GOAT 


311 


Gnosticism.  He  practised  magical  arts,  and 
was  called  the  "  Great  Power  of  God."  (2)  The 
word  -yvQiffLs,  which  in  N.T.  generally  implies  a 
"  deep  knowledge  of  spiritual  things,"  is  used 
in  iCor.8.1  in  a  bad  sense  by  St. Paul,  who  con- 
trasts it  with  aya-mq;  "  Knowledge  puffeth  up, 
but  love  edifieth."  (3)  In  Col.  passim  a 
heresy  is  attacked  which  combined  asceticism, 
scrupulousness  regarding  seasons,  etc,  with 
angel-worship  and  a  wTong  conception  of  the 
person  of  Christ.  (4)  In  the  Pastoral  Epistles 
we  come  still  nearer  to  the  Gnostic  idea.  Here 
we  see  a  "different  doctrine"  (eTepodiSacrKaXe'iv), 
consisting  of  fables,  endless  genealogies  (iTim. 
1.4),  foolish  questionings,  strifes  and  "fightings 
about  the  law  "  (Tit. 3. 9).  It  forbade  to  marry, 
and  commanded  to  abstain  from  meats  (iTim. 
4.3),  and  is  described  as  "profane  babblings" 
and  "  oppositions  of  knowledge  [A.V.  science] 
falsely  so-called"  (iTim.6.20).  (5)  iJn.4.1-3 
combats  a  form  of  Docetism  which  denied  that 
Jesus  Christ  had  come  in  the  flesh.  (6)  Ju. 
4,7,10,19  and  2Pe.2.io,2i  contain  a  polemic 
against  certain  Antinomians,  which  might 
refer  to  those  Gnostics  who  showed  their  con 
tempt  for  matter  by  wallowing  in  sin  with  the 
body,  and  claiming  to  keep  the  mind  pure. 
(7)  The  Apocalypse  contains  references  to  cer- 
tain NicoLAiTANES  who  knew  "  the  deep  things 
of  Satan  " — a  phrase  which  has  a  Gnostic  ring 
(Rev. 2. 6, 15, 20, 24).  A  theory  which  flourished 
for  some  time  made  all  these  passages  refer  to 
heresies  of  the  2nd  cent.,  and  found  in  them 
signs  of  the  late  date  of  the  N.T.  writings. 
This  theory  is  now  generally  abandoned,  for 
the  developed  Gnostic  heresies  of  the  2nd  cent, 
presuppose  the  N.T.  All  that  may  safely  be 
said  is,  that  while  Gnosticism  cannot*  be  de- 
finitely found  in  N.T.,  there  are  signs  of  the 
tendencies  out  of  which  it  grew.  Mansel, 
Gnostic  Heresies  ;  Hort,  Judaistic  Christianity  ; 
Lightfoot  on  the  Colossian  Heresy  ;  also  art. 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.   1904).      [r.s.m.1 

Goad,  (i)  A.V.  so  renders  Heb.  malmedh 
habbdqdr,  meaning  something  to  "  teach  an 
ox  "  (Judg.3.31  only).  The  LXX.  understands 
a  ploughshare  to  have  been  the  weapon.  It  is 
perhaps  connected  with  the  Akkadian  lam-da, 
"plough-yoke,"  a  heavy  bar.  [Yoke.]  (2)  Heb. 
ddrhdn,  an  instrument,  "sharpened,"  and 
probably  of  iron.  [Shamgar.]  The  LXX. 
understands  "sickle"  in  iSam.l3.2i,  and 
"goad"  in  Ec.l2.ii.  It  possibly  means  a 
"  sharp  "  instrument  (Arab,  dharah).  The 
ordinary  ox-goad  in  Palestine  is  a  long  stick 
with  a  pointed  iron  shoe.  [c.r.c] 

Goat.  Of  the  Heb.  words  translated  goat 
and  she-goat  in  A.V.  the  most  common  is  'ez, 
which  denotes  either  sex.  All  the  other  words, 
with  two  exceptions,  denote  the  he-goat.  These 
are  yd'el,  pi.  y'elim,  "wild goats"  (iSam.24.2  ; 
Job  39. 1;  Ps.l04.i8),  and  'aqqo,  rendered 
"wild  goat"  in  Deut.14.5.  There  are  several 
breeds  of  domesticated  goat  (Capra  hircus)  at 
the  present  day  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  but 
whether  they  are  identical  with  those  reared 
by  the  ancient  Hebrews  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
Among  these  are  the  long-eared  Syrian  goat 
and  the  Angora  goat,  with  fine  long  hair,  yd'cl 
denotes,  in  all  probability,  the  beden  (Capra 
nubiana  sinaitica),  a  local  race  of  a  species  of 
ibex  common  to  the  mountains  of  the  Sinaitic 


312 


GOATH 


peninsula,  Arabia,  and  N.  Africa.  It  differs 
markedly  from  the  European  ibex  by  the 
narrow  front  surface  of  the  horns  of  the  bucks. 


LONG-EARED  SYRIAN  GOAT. 

thereby  approaching  the  pasang,  or  wild  goat 
(Capra  hircus  aegagrus)  of  mount  Ararat,  the 
Taurus  range,  Persia,  etc.  'aqqo,  which  occurs 
only  in  Deut.14.5,  is  likewise  translated  "wild 
goat  "  ;  not  improbably  it  is  a  synonym  of 
yd'el,  as  the  ancient  Jews  are  scarcely  likely 
to  have  been  acquainted  'with  the  pasang. 
For  the  use  of  the  word  sa'ir,  pi.  s^'irhn,  which 
often  means  he-goats,  see  Satyr.  [r.l.] 

Goath',  a  place  near  J  erusalem,  named  with 
the  hill  Gareb  (Je.3i.39  only).  The  Peshitta 
Syriac  reads  Gibeah  (see  R.V.).  [c.r.c] 

Oob  {pit;  2Sam.21.i8,i9),  an  unknown 
Philistine  town.  In  iChr.20.4,  Gezer  stands 
instead.  The  LXX.  (Vat.  MS.)  reads  Gath 
in  the  first-quoted  verse,  and  Rom  in  the 
second,  but  Gezer  in  the  third,  which  is  perhaps 
the  true  reading.  [c.r.c] 

Goblet  (Heb.  'aggdn),  a  circular  vessel  for 
liquor  (Can. 7. 2).  Translated  "basons"  (Ex. 
24.6)  and  "cups"  (Is.22.24). 

God.  I.  The  Teaching  of  O.T.  The  Jewish 
and  Christian  conceptions  of  God  rise  out  of 
the  common  basis  of  Semitic  religion  by  a 
process  of  gradual  elevation  and  purification. 
In  the  oldest  Pentateuchal  documents,  dating 
from  the  earlier  or  middle  period  of  the  mon- 
archy, we  still  have  strongly  marked  the 
tendency  to  associate  the  presence  of  God  with 
certain  prominent  natural  objects,  such  as 
trees  (Gen.l3.i8,R.V.,18.i,R.V..35.4  ;  Jos.24. 
26,  etc.),  springs  ((Jen. 16.14,21. 30-33  ;  Ex. 
17.iff.  ;  Num.20.8ff.),  stones  (esp.  Gen. 28. 
11,18,22;  cf.  Is.ST.O)  ,  hill-tops  or  "high 
places  "  (iSam. 9.13, 10.5  ;  iK.3.2.3  ;  cf. 
Deut.12.2).  Probably  many  of  the  sites  thus 
regarded  as  sacred  were  ancient  Canaanite 
sanctuaries  which  Israel  took  over.  The 
natural  phenomenon  which  they  themselves 
most  habitually  associated  with  Godhead  was 


GOD 

the  storm,  with  its  accompaniments  of  thunder, 
lightning,  and    earthquake    (Ps.l8.7-15,  etc.). 
It  is  not  easy  to  define  the  exact  nature  of  this 
association,  because  the  Hebrew  had  not  yet 
begun  to  reflect  upon  it  ;    the  storm  brought 
God  to  his  mind  as  though  He  were  locally 
present.     That  his  ideas  should  be  strongly 
anthropomorphic   was    also    quite   inevitable 
(Gen. 3. 8,8.21, 11. 5,  etc.);     he   had  no   higher 
analogy  than  himself  to  apply  to  the  Power 
outside  himself.    The  characteristic  Heb.  name 
for    God    is    Jehovah    {yahwe),    the    original 
signification  of  which  is  still  much  debated 
(see  Driver,  Gen.  pp.  407  ff.).    As  to  its  history, 
the  early  documents    (for    nomenclature,  see 
Pentateuch)   differ  :     J    throws   it    back    to 
the  beginning  of  the  human  race  (Gen. 4. 26)  ; 
E  regards  it  as  the  subject  of  a  special  reve- 
lation  to  Moses    (Ex.3. 13, 14  ;     cf.    6.2,3  P); 
the  name  also  appears  among  the  Midianites 
or  Kenites  (Ex. 18. 8-12,  cf.  with  Judg.l.i6,4. 
11).     In  any  case  it  was  under  this  Name  that 
Moses  carried  out  his  great  work,  binding  the 
people  to  Jehovah  as  their  God,  and  bringing 
home  to  them  that  they  were  in  a  special  sense 
His  people.     This  reciprocal  relation  became 
the  fundamental  fact  of  Israel's  subsequent 
history.     It  is  connected  with  a  great  act  of 
deliverance,  and  is  conceived  of  under  the  form 
of  a  "  covenant  "  (Ex. 34.4-8),  in  which,  how- 
ever, the  divine  choice  of  Israel  preponderates  : 
it  was  Jehovah  who    chose   Israel,    and  not 
Israel  Jehovah  ;   the  covenant  is  a  5iadr)Kr], 
not  a  avvdriKT].     This  divine  act  is  the  starting- 
point  of  the  history  of  Israel  as  a  nation  ; 
what  remained  was  to  work  out  the  implica- 
tions contained  in  it.     The  first  requisite  was 
to  bring  about  a  complete  loyalty  of  Israel  to 
its  God.     This  end  was  only  attained  after  a 
long  and  obstinate  struggle,   extending  over 
the   whole   period    of    Israel's   independence. 
When  Israel  entered  Canaan,  it  found  the  in- 
habitants in  possession  of  a  higher  and  more 
seductive  civilization  than  its  own.     The  peo- 
ple very  largely  gave  way  to  the  idolatrous  and 
immoral  Baal-worship  of  the  Canaanite  tribes 
and   their    Phoenician   neighbours.     Against 
this  the  prophets  of  Jehovah  contended  stren- 
uously, and  at  last  with  success.     The  exiles 
who  returned  imder  the  edict  of  C>tus  (538 
B.C.)  returned  in  a  temper  more  amenable  to 
the  exhortations  of  its  religious  leaders,  and 
idolatry  was  at  last  effectively  suppressed.     In 
the  course  of  this  history,   as  tlie  horizon  of 
Israel  widened,  the  conception  of  God  widened 
with  it.     It  became  at  once  loftier  and  more 
comprehensive     (Ps. 89. 11, 93. 1,2, 95. 3 -5, 97. 1,2, 
9,135.5,6;    Is.37. 16,40.12-26,    etc.),    and  also 
more  exclusive  (Ex. 34.14  ;    Deut.4.24,6.14,15, 
32.16-22  ;    Is.42.8,    etc.).     The  great  prophet 
of  the  Exile  whose  writings  are  bound  up  with 
Isaiah's  pours   scorn   upon   the  idols   of   the 
heathen    (Is.44. 9-20,57. 3-13  ;     cf.    Ps.115.4-8, 
135.15-18,  etc.),  which  by  degrees  come  to  be 
treated    as   having   no   real   existence.     Thus 
monolatry,   or  the  worship  of  a  single  God, 
becomes   monotheism,    or    the  more    exjilicit 
repudiation  of  all  gods  but  this  one  (Deut.6.4  ; 
1  Zech.14.9).     As   the   conception   of   this   one 
I  God  becomes  loftier  it  also  becomes  purer. 
\  The  old  materialisms  and  anthropomorphisms 
I  are  stripped  away.     A  distinction  is  drawn 


GOD 

between  the  essential  being  of  God  and  His 
manifestations  by  the  help  of  such  conceptions 
as  "  the  angel  of  Jehovah  "  (Gen.l6.7-11, 22. 
11,15,31.11  ;  Ho. 12. 4),  the  "presence  or  face 
of  Jehovah  "  (Ex. 33. 14  ;  Deut.4.37  ;  Is.GS.g), 
the  "glory  of  Jehovah"  (Ex.40. 34, 35  ;  iK. 
8. II,  etc.),  and — still  more  spiritual — "the 
name  of  Jehovah,"  a  very  pregnant  expres- 
sion in  O.T.  (Ps.20.i,44.8,  etc.).  The  idea  of 
holiness,  which  at  first  is  physical,  becomes 
more  and  more  moral.  This  is  the  great  work 
of  the  writing  prophets  and  Deut.,  and  con- 
stitutes the  most  marked  superiority  of  the 
religion  of  Israel  over  all  other  ancient  re- 
ligions. Here  again  there  is  a  natural  growth  ; 
with  the  improved  conceptions  of  morals 
generally,  the  essentially  moral  character  of 
God  is  grasped  and  emphasized  (Ex.34. 6, 7  ; 
Job  15.15,35.10  ;  Is.57.i5  ;  Hab.l.13).  The 
defect  that  lingers  longest — that  indeed 
passes  over  from  O.T.  times  into  N.T.,  and  even 
yet  is  not  wholly  eradicated  from  Judaism — is 
the  belief  in  the  special  privilege  of  Israel,  con- 
sidered primarily  and  mainly  as  privilege,  and 
not  as  precedence  in  the  call  to  service.  At 
an  early  date  the  prophets  corrected  this 
delusion  :  "  You  only  have  I  known  of  all  the 
families  of  the  earth  :  therefore  I  will  visit 
upon  you  all  your  iniquities  "  (Am. 3. 2).  The 
prophets  preached  a  coming  judgment,  a  great 
"  day  of  the  Lord  "  ;  and  it  is  true  that  this 
judgment  was  meant  in  the  first  instance  for 
the  enemies  and  oppressors  of  Israel,  to  redress 
the  balance  of  fortune  that  had  weighed  down 
so  hardly  against  them.  But  it  had  also 
another  side  :  it  was  to  be  at  the  same  time  a 
purifying  judgment  for  Israel  itself,  to  purge 
away  its  dross  and  take  awaj'  all  its  tin  (Is.l.25 ). 
Then,  beyond  the  judgment,  when  the  double 
process  of  recompense  and  discipline  was  com- 
plete, Israel  would  be  restored  to  God's  favour 
and  the  age  of  paradise  would  retiurn(Is. 11. 1-9). 
This  was  the  hope  which  buoyed  up  the  nation 
in  its  troubles  and  gave  a  tinge  of  idealism  to 
its  outlook.  At  its  head  was  to  be  the  old  Da- 
vidic  monarchv,  continued  or  revived  (Mi. 5. 
2ff. ;  Is.ll.iff. ;  'Je.23.5ff. ;  Ezk.37.15-28).  Thus 
was  formed  the  conception  of  the  Messianic 
King,  Who,  though  in  one  sense  a  Son  of  David, 
was  in  another  sense  Son  of  God  (Ps.2.7  ;  cf. 
89.27ff.  ;  Mk. 12. 35-37  and  parallels),  and  with 
attributes  higher  than  those  of  David  (Is.9.i- 
7).  The  expectation  of  this  coming  King  was 
a  living  expectation  in  the  ist  cent.  B.C.  (cf. 
esp.  Ps.  S0I.I7.23-51,  written  about  60-40  B.C.). 
Round  this  faith  as  a  nucleus  there  gathered 
a  number  of  other  beliefs,  which  all  tended  to 
the  same  effect.  It  was  characteristic  of  the 
teachers  of  Israel  to  pass  with  great  ease  from 
the  collective  idea  to  the  personal,  and  from 
the  personal  back  again  to  the  collective.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  the  philosophic 
notion  of  personality  did  not  yet  exist,  and 
there  was  no  word  for  it  ;  also  that  the  primi- 
tive unit  was  the  family  tribe  or  nation  rather 
than  the  individual.  Accordingly  we  find  the 
idea  of  divine  sonship  at  onetime  applied  to  the 
nation  (Ex. 4. 22  ;  Ho.ll.i),  and  at  another  to 
the  Davidic  king  (aSam. 7.14),  who,  as  we  should 
say,  represents  the  nation  ;  and  there  is  a  great 
tendency  for  the  two  ideas  to  coalesce  (esp. 
Ps.89.27ff.).     In  like  manner,  the  remarkable 


GOD 


313 


conception  of  the  Servant  of  Jehovah  in 
Is.42ff.  stands  indeed  for  Israel  as  a  people, 
but  for  the  people  personified  as  it  were  in  an 
individual.  As  the  prophets  laboured  and 
suffered  for  Israel,  so  Israel  laboured  and 
suffered  on  behalf  of  the  other  nations,  towards 
whom  it  discharged  the  functions  of  a  prophet  ; 
and  the  prophets  were  in  a  special  sense  "  men 
of  God  "  or  "  servants  of  Jehovah." — II.  The 
Teaching  of  the  Gospels.  There  had  thus  grown 
up  a  group  of  ideal  conceptions,  which,  though 
distinct  in  their  origin,  were  allied  in  their 
general  purpose.  These  conceptions  were,  as  it 
were,  waiting  to  be  brought  and  fused  together 
in  a  single  Figure,  which  was  to  be  itself  also 
the  embodiment  of  an  ideal.  So,  when  our  Lord 
became  incarnate  upon  earth  and  began  to 
fulfil  His  ministry,  He  went  back  upon  them 
and  took  them  to  Himself.  They  expressed 
so  many  different  functions  or  aspects  of  His 
mission.  He  was  at  once  David's  Son  and 
David's  Lord.  He  was  the  ideal  King  (though 
not  as  the  world  counts  kingship),  and  also 
the  suffering  Servant.  He  summed  up  the 
history  of  Israel  in  His  single  person,  so  that 
language  originally  applied  to  Israel  as  a  people 
could  be  applied  also  to  Him  ;  and  the  N.T. 
writers  regard  Him  as  repeating  features  in 
that  history  (Mt.2.i5,12.i7-2i,  etc.).  The 
combination  of  all  these  ideal  elements  in  a 
living  Person  was  not  natural  but  supernatural ; 
it  meant  that  He  was  the  culmination  of  the 
ages,  and  that  the  previous  history  of  Israel  as 
the  people  of  God's  choice  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  His  purposes  was  at  once  crowned  and 
fulfilled  in  Him.  How  did  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  conceive  of  God  and  of  Himself  ? 
Broadly  speaking,  we  may  say  that  His  teaching 
presupposes  that  of  O.T.,  esp.  Deut.,  Ps.,  and 
Prophets,  with  the  vindictiveness  left  out.  On 
one  point,  the  spirituality  of  God,  the  verse  Jn. 
4.24  is  more  explicit  than  anything  in  the  O.T.  ; 
and  a  similar  concise  and  summary  expression, 
"  God  is  love  "  (ijn.4.8,i6),  probably  reflects 
the  teaching  of  our  Lord  Himself  (c/.Jn.3.i6, 
14.23).  But  there  is  one  aspect  which  belongs 
distinctively  to  the  gospels.  The  O.T.  had 
spoken  of  God  as  Father  in  the  sense  of  Creator. 
Occasionally  the  term  is  used  to  express  the 
closeness  of  the  relation  between  God  and 
Israel  (Ex. 4.22  ;  Deut. 32. 6  ;  Je. 3. 19, 31. 9,20)  or 
between  God  and  the  pious  Israelite  (Ps.l03. 
13;  Is. 63. 16).  In  the  Gospels  this  conception 
of  the  Fatherhood  of  God  becomes  central  and 
fundamental.  All  the  teaching  as  to  man  and 
the  Son  of  Man  is  deducible  from  it.  In  par- 
ticular, it  supplies  the  key  to  the  nature  and 
mission  of  Christ  Himself.  The  key  is  the 
complete  reciprocity  of  relation  between  the 
Son  and  the  Father  (Mt.ll.27  and  parallels). 
Those  critics  who  would  minimize  the  teaching 
of  the  gospels  draw  the  line  at  moral  coinci- 
dence of  will  and  purpose.  Undoubtedly  there 
is  this  coincidence  in  the  fullest  degree  ;  but 
there  is  no  limitation  to  this  in  the  gospels. 
The  Fourth  Gospel  lays  a  special  stress  on  the 
"  oneness  "  of  the  Son  with  the  Father  (10. 30, 
17.11,20),  and  the  writer  shows  in  the  Prologue 
that  he  traces  up  this  "  oneness  "  to  essential 
identity  of  nature.  This  is  not  only  the  consist- 
ent teaching  of  the  Epistles,  but  it  is  suggested 
by  the  peculiar  designation  which  Christ  chose 


314 


OOD 


for  Himself,  the  "  Son  of  Man."  The  more 
direct  original  of  this  phrase  is  to  be  sought  in 
Dan.7.13,14,  where  it  appears  to  stand  for  re- 
generate Israel  (see,  however,  Gressman,  op. 
cit.  infra).  In  any  case;  in  the  Similitudes 
of  Enoch  the  name  had  already  come  to  be 
applied  to  the  Messiah,  and  particularly  to 
the  Messiah  as  Judge.  Our  Lord  not  only  took 
it  to  Himself  in  this  sense,  but  it  is  also  suffi- 
ciently clear  that  He  associated  it  with  other 
significant  examples  of  the  phrase  in  O.T., 
notably  Ps.8.4.  Our  Lord's  use  runs  up  into 
mystery,  but  He  clearly  distinguishes  between 
Himself  and  all  other  sons  of  men,  and  connects 
the  title  with  the  transcendent  element  in  His 
own  self-consciousness.  [Jf.sus  Christ;  In- 
carnation ;  John,  Gospel  of.] — III.  The 
Teaching  of  the  Epistles.  If  our  Lord  thus 
associates  Himself  in  a  unique  manner  with 
the  Father,  we  find  the  same  association  in 
the  Epistles,  from  the  first  extant  Christian 
writing  onwards  (iTh.l.i).  It  is  character- 
istic that  it  is  found  especially  in  the  opening 
salutations,  not  only  of  the  Pauline  epp.  but 
of  others  (iPe.l.1-3  ;  2jn.3  ;  Ju.i  ;  cf.  Rev. 
1.4-6),  which  shows  that  as  far  back  as  we 
can  go  it  was  already  a  fixed  point  under- 
stood and  assumed  amongst  Christians.  Be- 
sides the  salutations,  there  are  explicit  pas- 
sages (culminating  in  Col.  1. 15- 19)  which 
show  that  St.  Paul  already  had  a  doctrine 
substantially  equivalent  to  that  of  the  Johan- 
nine  Logos.  This  teaching  arises  out  of  re- 
flection upon  the  Person  of  Christ  in  the  varied 
forms  of  its  manifestation.  No  lower  concep- 
tion seemed  to  do  justice  to  what  He  was  and 
evidently  felt  Himself  to  be.  The  appearance 
of  Christ  upon  earth  could  thus  only  be  de- 
scribed as  an  incarnation  of  the  Divine  (Jn.l. 
14).  But  if  so,  if  there  was  at  one  and  the  same 
moment  God  manifest  and  God  invisible,  that 
meant  that  there  was  at  least  a  double  principle 
(6(''o  apxo-i)  in  the  Godhead.  In  the  recognition 
of  this  lay  the  germ  of  the  Doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  in  the  rapid  growth  of  that  doctrine 
the  first  step  was  the  recognition  of  Christ  as 
divine  ;  the  second  step  was  the  recognition  of 
the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  There  had  been 
a  steady  consistency  in  the  Biblical  language 
as  to  the  direct  influence  of  God  upon  the  hu- 
man soul ;  it  was  referred  to  the  Spirit  of  God 
or  the  Holy  Spirit.  [Spirit,  Holy.]  In  the 
apostolic  age,  from  the  Ascension  and  Day  of 
Pentecost  onwards,  this  influence  was  exhibited 
in  heightened  forms  ;  the  faculties  with  which 
man  is  endowed  seemed  to  work  with  unusual 
activity  and  unusual  effect.  It  was  natural 
to  set  this  down,  and  the  apostles  and  first 
Christians  generally  did  set  it  down,  to  a  special 
movement  of  the  Spirit  of  God.  In  this  was 
seen  another  manifestation  of  the  Divine  upon 
earth  ;  and  so  there  arose  the  conception  of  a 
third  element  in  the  Godhead.  Thus  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity  became  comjilete  ;  not, 
of  course,  at  first  in  its  formulated  expression, 
but  as  a  comprehensive  religious  experience. 
Time  and  reflection  alone  were  needed  to  give 
this  experience  a  name  and  express  it  in  terms 
of  the  intellect  ;  and  already  in  N.T.  we  may 
see  the  process  quickly  coming  to  a  head.  In 
some  of  the  opening  salutations  to  which  re- 
ference has  been  made  above  (iPe.l.1-3  ;  Rev. 


GOD,  SON  OF 

1.4-6)  all  three  terms,  Father,  Son,  and  Spirit, 
are  introduced,  virtually  or  expressly.  But  Dr. 
Moberly  has  shown  (Atonement  and  Person- 
ality, p.  192)  that  the  double  invocation  which 
is  characteristic  of  the  Pauline  epistles  is  not 
really  "  a  maimed  Trinitarian  formula,"  but 
that  the  full  Trinity  is  implied — in  the  prayer 
that  grace  and  peace  may  come  down  from  God 
to  man,  such  inflowing  from  above  being  the 
special  work  of  the  Spirit.  The  incompleteness 
of  the  formula  as  such  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  apostle  is  not  yet  attempting  to  formulate 
doctrine,  but  is  still  at  the  stage  of  experience, 
which  is  the  raw  material  of  doctrine.  Was 
the  belief  in  the  Trinity,  then,  a  creation  of  the 
apostles  or  of  the  Church  of  the  apostolic  age  ? 
Or  does  it  go  back  farther  still  to  our  Lord 
Himself  ?  The  latter  conclusion  seems  more 
probable.  Even  such  passages  as  Mt.28.19,  2 
Cor.  13. 1 4,  are  not  exactly  formulated  doctrine, 
but  they  are  doctrine  far  on  the  road  to  formu- 
lation. The  second  of  the  two  references  may 
be  within,  and  is  certainly  not  much  beyond, 
twenty-five  years  from  the  Crucifixion  ;  and 
the  belief  appears  in  it  in  a  very  fixed  form, 
equally  familiar  to  the  writer  and  to  his 
readers.  Is  it  too  much  to  infer  that  it  has  its 
roots  in  language  used  by  Christ  ?  And  so, 
when  St.  John  in  the  last  discourses  (Jn. 14-18) 
gives  explicit  teaching  on  the  subject  of  the 
Paraclete,  and  on  the  Paraclete  in  relation  to 
the  Father  and  the  Son,  it  seems  fair  to  say 
that  this  teaching  is  confirmed  as  being,  sub- 
stantially at  least,  what  it  seems  likely  that 
Christ  must  have  spoken.  Beyond  this  point  we 
need  not  go.  We  have  seen  the  conception  of 
God  throughout  the  O.T.  period  rising  gra- 
dually to  a  height  of  sublimity  and  purity.  We 
have  seen  it  perfected  by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
by  being  made  to  centre  in  the  idea  of  Father- 
hood. We  have  seen  it  expanded  so  as  to 
include  the  Godhead  of  the  Son,  and  along  with 
that  also  the  Godhead  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  It 
was  left  for  the  Church  to  define  what  was 
implicit  in  this  history — not  to  go  beyond  the 
history  and  introduce  superfluous  imaginings 
of  its  own,  but  to  express,  or  at  least  to 
adumbrate,  conceptually  the  inner  meaning  of 
that  which  it  had  already  experienced  in  those 
momentous  years  in  which  its  career  began. 
Theology  is  conscious  reflection  ;  but  the  facts 
on  v/hich  it  reflects  are  facts  of  life. — Literature. 
The  great  art.  by  Kautzsch,  "  The  Religion 
of  Israel,"  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (extra  vol.,  in  5  vol. 
ed.  1904),  is  the  most  complete  survey  of 
the  subject  in  English.  Cf.  A.  B.  Davidson, 
art.  "  God  (in  O.T.)  "  (a  mature  and  finished 
production),  in  the  same  work,  and  Theol.  of 
O.T.  (posthumous,  and  not  quite  so  satis- 
factory) ;  Montefiore,  Hibbert  Lectures  for 
i8q2  ;  and  on  a  smaller  scale,  Ottley,  Religion 
of  Israel  (1905).  A  new  phase  is  marked  by 
such  books  as  Gressman,  Ursprung  d.  isr-jud. 
Eschatologie  (1905)  and  Baentsch,  Mono- 
theismus  (1906).  For  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  there  is  very  valuable  material  in 
Moberly,  Atonement  and  Personality  (1901), 
esi>.  iv,  V,  viii  ;  see  also  Illingworth,  Doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  (1907).  [Spirit,  Holy;  Phil- 
osophy ;  etc.]  [w.s.] 

Ood.    Son    of.      [Jesus    Christ  ;    God  ; 
Incarnation.] 


GOD,  SONS  OF 

God,  Sons  of.     [Sons  of  God.] 

Goel',  the  name  of  God  as  Redeemer  (Job 
19.25  ;  Ps.i9.14  ;  Is.59.20,  etc.).  Elsewhere  a 
technical  term  for  one  whose  duty  it  is  to  cham- 
pion the  family  rights.  On  this  point  Ruth  is 
specially  instructive  (2. 20, 3. gff., 4. iff., 14).  The 
duty  of  redeeming  the  estate  of  his  deceased 
relative,  which  had  been  sold,  only  devolves 
upon  Boaz  in  the  event  of  the  nearer  of  kin 
refusing.  The  events  recorded,  at  any  rate, 
follow  the  law  of  succession  (Num.27.5ff. ;  cf- 
Je.32.7ff.),  and  the  similar  right  granted  to 
the  f^o'el  to  redeem  from  bondage  (r,ev.25.48ff.). 
It  was  also  the  duty  of  the  go' el  to  marry  the 
childless  widow,  to  perpetuate  the  name  of  the 
dead,  the  first  son  being  regarded  as  his  (Ru.4. 
10  ff.,14  ff.).  This  custom  is  clearly  presupposed 
in  Gen. 38,  and  was  a  standing  duty  of  brothers 
living  with  the  deceased,  the  neglect  of  which 
brought  disgrace  (Deut.25.5-io).  Pulling  off 
the  shoe  (Ru.4.7ff.)  was  the  legal  process  by 
which  the  duty  was  formally  refused.  Levirate 
marriage  (also  a  usage  among  the  ancient  Per- 
sians and  Indians,  and  still  to-day  in  vogue 
amongst  the  Circassians,  the  Tartars,  the  Gal- 
las,  and  the  Afghans,  and  connected  by  Stade 
with  animism)  is  a  kind  of  substitute  for  the 
hope  of  resurrection  ;  while,  with  the  perpetua- 
tion of  the  family  inheritance,  it  preserved 
tribal  identity  (see  Lev.25.23ff.  and  Tribe),  and 
according  to  Mt.22.24ff.  existed  in  N.T.  times. 
With  regard  to  the  go'cl  as  avenger  of  blood, 
see  Homicide.  [Jubilee  Year  ;  Marriage  ; 
Family,  A.  ;  Levirate  Law.]  [w.m.] 

Gogr. — 1-  A  Reubenite  (iChr.5.4),  son  of 
Shemaiah. — 2.  [Magog.] 

Golan'  (naked  land),  the  name  of  a  city  of 
refuge  in  Bashan  (Deut.4.43  ;  Jos. 20. 8, 21. 27  ; 
iChr.6.71).  It  lay  no  doubt  in  Gaulanitis 
(Josephus,  8  Ant.  ii.  3,  i  Wars  iv.  4,  8),  the 
modern  Jauldn,  a  bare  plateau  E.  of  the  sea  of 
Galilee.  Schnmachev  {Across  the  Jordan,  p.  91) 
supposes  the  site  to  be  Sahem  el  Jauldn,  a 
small  village  with  Christian  remains,  5  miles 
S.W.  of  Ashteroth.  [c.r.c] 

Gold,  the  most  valuable  of  metals,  is  used 
as  an  emblem  of  purity  (Job  23. 10)  and 
nobility  (Lam.4.i).  It  was  known  from  very 
early  times  (Gen. 2. 11^,  for  it  has  been  found 
in  neolithic  tombs  and  in  those  of  pre-dynastic 
kings  of  Egypt.  It  was  at  first  chiefly  used  for 
ornaments,  etc.  (24.22).  Coined  money  was 
not  known  to  the  ancients  till  a  comparatively 
late  period  ;  and  on  the  Egyptian  tombs  gold 
is  represented  as  being  weighed  in  rings  for 
commercial  purposes.  (C/.  43.21.)  [Money; 
Weights,  Coins.]  Gold  was  very  abundant 
in  ancient  times  (iChr.22.i4  ;  aChr. 1.15,9.9  ; 
Na.2.9  ;  Dan. 3.1)  ;  but  this  did  not  depreciate 
its  value,  because  of  the  great  quantities 
used  by  the  wealthy  for  furniture,  etc.  (1K.6. 
22,10  passim  ;  Esth.1.6  ;  Can. 3. 9, 10  ;  Je.lO. 
9).  The  chieif  countries  mentioned  as  pro- 
ducing gold  are  Arabia,  Sheba,  and  Ophir  (iK. 
9.28,10.2  ;  Job  28. 16),  and  others  were  Uphaz 
(Je.10.9  ;  Dan.10.5)  and  Parvaim  (2Chr.3.6). 
MetaUurgic  processes  are  mentioned  in  Ps. 
66.10,  Pr.17.3, 27.21  ;  and  in  Is.46.6  the  trade 
of  goldsmith  (cf.  Judg.17.4)  is  alluded  to 
in  connexion  with  the  overlaying  of  idols  with 
gold-leaf.     [Handicrafts.] 

Goldsmith.     [Handicrafts,  (2).] 


GORGIAS 


315 


Golgrotha.     [Calvary.] 

Goliath,  a  famous  giant  of  Gath,  who 
"  morning  and  evening  for  forty  days  "  defied 
the  armies  of  Israel  (iSam.l7).  He  was  possi- 
bly descended  from  the  old  Rephaim,  of  whom 
a  scattered  remnant  took  refuge  with  the 
Philistines  after  their  dispersion,  by  the  Am- 
monites (Deut.2.20,2i  ;  2Sam.21,22).  His 
height  was  "  six  cubits  and  a  span,"  i.e.  7  ft. 
I  in.  or  8  ft.  5  in.,  according  to  whether  we 
reckon  the  cubit  at  13^  or  16  inches  (E.V. 
"span"  here  representing  zereth,  not  sit,  and 
so  being  properly  "hand-breadth  "  =  5*33  in. ; 
see  Weights  and  Measures).  But  the  LXX. 
and  Josephus  read  "four  cubits  and  a  span," 
which  must  therefore  be  a  conscious  correction 
to  the  scale  of  the  Egyptian  cubit  (=  2oi  in.), 
and  seems  to  indicate  the  13-^^  in.  cubit  as  the 
one  intended  in  the  Heb.  measurement.  The 
scene  of  his  combat  with  David  was  in  Ephes- 
dammim,  between  Shochoh  and  Azekah  [Elah, 
Valley  of],  although  a  confused  tradition 
{Bordeaux  Pilgrim,  333  a.d.)  has  given  the 
name  of  'Ain  Jdlud  {spring  of  Goliath)  to  the 
spring  of  Harod  (Judg.7.i).  In  2Sam.2i.19 
we  read  that  Goliath  of  Gath  was  slain  by 
Elhanan,  but  the  rendering  "  brother  of 
Goliath  "  (iChr.20.5)  is  better. 

Gomep'. — 1.  An  Aryan  nation  descended 
from  the  eldest  son  of  Japheth  (Gen. 10. 2, 3), 
whose  offshoots  were  Ashkenaz,  Riphath, 
and  Togarmah.  It  appears  as  an  ally  of  Gog 
(Ezk.38.6).  The  Assyrians,  under  Esar-haddou, 
c.  675  B.C.,  defeated  the  Gimirai  N.  of  Assyria 
(usually  supposed  to  be  the  Cimmerians  from 
the  Caucasus),  who  then  attacked  Gyges  king 
of  Lydia  (sometimes  supposed  to  be  Gog).  He 
defeated  them  c.  665  B.C.,  but  was  finally  killed 
by  them  ;  and  they  then  ravaged  all  W.  Asia. 
They  are  also  compared  with  the  Cumri  (or 
"dalesmen")  of  Europe.  [Tongues,  Confu- 
sion of.] — 2.  The  daughter  of  Diblaim,  "wife" 
of  Hosea  and  mother  of  Jezreel,  Lo-ruhamah, 
and  Lo-ammi  (Ho.l.i).     [Hosea.]      [c.r.c] 

Gomoppah'  (Heb.  'dmord  ;  cultivation). 
It  is  mentioned  in  14  chapters  of  O.T.,  and 
the  story  of  its  destruction  (Gen.  19)  was 
known  to  the  early  prophets  (Is.l.o,io,13.i9  ; 
Je. 23. 14, 49.18, 50.40;  Am.4.ii ;  Zeph.2.9).  In 
2Esd.2.8  and  in  N.T.  it  is  spelt  Gomoppha 
(Mt. 10.15;  Mk.6.11;  Ro.9.29;  2Pe.2.6;  Ju.7). 
[Cities  OF  THE  Plain.]  [c.r.c] 

Gophep-wood  (Gen. 6. 14  only).  The  Heb. 
word  does  not  occur  in  the  cognate  dialects. 
The  A.V.  has  made  no  attempt  at  translation. 
Two  principal  conjectures  have  been  proposed, 
(i)  That  which  interprets  the  Heb.  word  as 
"  gdphar,  to  pitch,  or  daub  with  pitch,  goph- 
rith,  which  signifies  bitumen,  is  not  much  un- 
like it "  (Harris) ;  hence  any  trees  of  the  resin- 
ous kind,  such  as  pine,  fir,  etc.  (2)  Mr.  Fuller 
has  shown  its  identity  with  the  Gk.  Kinrdpiaaos, 
or  cypress,  kopher  and  gopher  differing  very 
little  in   sound.  [h.c.h.] 

Gop'g-ias,  a  general  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  appointed  by  his  regent  Lysias  to  com- 
mand, together  with  Ptolemee  and  Nicanor 
(iMac.3.38),  in  the  expedition  against  Judaea, 
but  defeated  by  Judas,  166  B.C.  (4.1-22).  In 
iMac.4,  Gorgias,  but  in  2Mac.8.i2,23,  Nicanor, 
is  the  more  prominent  on  the  Syrian  side. 
Gorgias  apparently  remained  in  Judaea.     lu 


316 


GORTYNA 


164  B.C.,  while  lioldiiig  Jamnia  (for  which 
Idtimca,  2Mac. 12.32,  is  perhaps  an  error),  he 
defeated  Josepih  and  Azarias,  who  had  attacked 
him  contrary  to  the  orders  of  Judas  (iMac.5. 
56ff.).  '  [CD.] 

Gopty'na,  a  town  of  Crete,  and  anciently 
its  most  important  city,  next  to  Cnossus 
(iMac.15.23)  ;  nearly  half-way  between  the  E. 
and  W.  extremities  of  the  island.  It  seems 
to  have  been  the  capital  under  the  Romans. 

Oo'shen. — 1.  Called  Viai/x  by  LXX.  ; 
Kaiucav,  Kecrcrdv  by  (ik.  writers  ;  Gessen  by 
Viilg.  ;  and  Gesse  by  Latin  documents),  a  part  of 
Egypt  allotted  to  the  Israelites  for  their  sojourn 
when  they  settled  in  the  country  (Gen. 46. 34). 
The  name  has  been  found  in  hieroglyphical  in- 
scriptions, where  it  appears  as  kcs  or  kesein, 
which,  preceded  by  the  Egyptian  article,  has 
produced  the  Gk.  name  of  (^aKovcra,  Phacusa. 
We  know  from  several  ancient  geographers 
that  Phacusa  was  the  metropolis  of  the  Egyp- 
tian nome  or  province  of  Arabia,  situate  be- 
tween "  Egypt  and  the  Red  Sea  " — i.e.  in  what 
is  now  called  the  Wady  Tumilat.  This  is 
confirmed  by  the  LXX.,  where  Goshen  once 
appears  as  Vfa^/x  'Apa/iJta ;  and  by  the  Coptic 
version,  which  renders  it  "  the  land  of  Gesem  of 
Arabia,"  meaning  the  province  called  Arabia. 
A  Latin docimient  of  4th  cent.  (A.D.)shows  that 
the  tradition  was  then  current  ;  for  it  speaks  of 
"  terra  Arabia,  terra  Gesse,  que  terra  Aegypti 
pars  est."  The  exact  site  of  Phacusa  is  known 
by  the  indications  of  Ptolemy,  and  from  exca- 
vations made  on  the  spot.  It  is  the  present 
village  of  Saft  el  Henneh,  in  the  Wady  Tumilat, 
about  six  miles  from  Zagazig,  on  the  Fresh- 
water Canal  running  from  the  Kile  to  the  Red 
Sea.  The  land  of  (ioshen  would  thus  be  the 
country  around  Saft  el  Henneh,  from  Belbeis 
to  Abu  Kebir,  S.  and  E.  of  the  present  Zagazig, 
the  old  Bubastis.  But  it  must  not  be  con- 
sidered as  a  limited  district  f)r  province.  It  is 
the  name  of  a  region,  which,  originally  starting 
from  Belbeis  in  the  S.,  extended  in  the  Wady 
Tumilat  on  the  E.,  towards  what  is  now  the 
Suez  Canal,  including  the  city  of  Pithom,  and 
ending  at  the  head  of  the  Arabian  Gulf. 
Goshen,  when  it  was  given  to  the  Israelites, 
docs  not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  adminis- 
trative division  of  the  country.  It  was  watered 
by  a  canal  coming  from  Heliojiolis.  Mention 
of  its  occupation  by  strangers  is  found  in  an 
Egyptian  text.  An  inscription  nearly  con- 
temporary with  the  Exodus,  speaking  of  the 
region  around  Belbeis,  says  that  it  was  not 
cultivated,  but  "  left  as  pasture  for  cattle, 
because  of  the  strangers.  It  was  abandoned 
since  the  time  of  the  ancestors."  In  the  Bible, 
"  land  of  Goshen  "  is  synf)nymous  with  "  land 
of  Rameses  "  (Gen. 47. 11).  This  name  must 
be  of  later  date,  introduced  after  Ramses  II. 
made  great  constructions  in  the  Wady  Tumilat, 
such  as  the  store-cities  of  Rameses  atid  Pithom. 
Probably  the  name,  Goshen,  ap])lied  to  the 
whole  region  occupied  by  the  Israelites.  When 
they  multii)lied  and  sjiread  f)ver  a  greater  area 
of  land,  the  name  extended  with  them  to  the 
country  towards  Heliopolis  (On),  a  city  which 
the  L.\X.  connects  witii  the  Israelite's.  Na- 
ville,  Go.tkcn  and  the  Shrine  of  Saft  el  Henneh, 
p.  143  ff.  ;   Pctrie,  Hyksos  and  Israelite  Cities, 


GOSPELS 

p.  34. — 2.  (ioshen,  the  land  of  (Poffo/ii,  Gosen), 
a  region  conquered  by  Joshua,  apparently 
near  GinKON  (Jos. 10. 41, 11. 16).  Itoccursonly 
there,  and  has  not  been  identified. — 3.  A  town 
in  the  mountains  of  Judah  (Jos.i5.51  only)  ; 
unknown.  [e.n.] 

Gospels.  The  first  point  which  attracts 
our  notice  in  reading  the  Gospels  is  that  the 
first  three  Gospels  are  distinct  from  the  fourth. 
The  first  three  confine  themselves  almost 
exclusively  to  the  events  which  took  place  in 
Galilee,  until  Christ's  last  journey  to  Jerusalem. 
If  we  had  these  Gosp)els  alone  we  could  not 
definitely  say  that  our  Lord  went  to  Jerusalem 
during  His  ministry  until  He  went  there  to  die. 
In  the  Fourth  Gospel  the  occasions  on  which 
our  Lord  visited  Jerusalem  are  marked  with 
precision.  The  discourses  and  miracles  are 
connected  with  these  visits.  The  difference  in 
character  is  no  less  than  the  difference  in  scene. 
The  first  three  Gospels  usually  give  a  narrative 
without  comment,  though  all,  and  especially 
Matt.,  apply  O.T.  prophecies  to  our  Lord. 
The  fourth  evangelist  speaks  with  clear 
authority,  and  adds  comments  of  his  own. 
Further,  they  do  not  claim  to  be  eye-witnesses 
of  oui  Lord's  ministry,  and  Lu.  implicitly  dis- 
claims any  such  authority.  But  Jn.  makes 
this  claim  in  direct  terms  :  the  writer  "  saw  " 
and  "  bore  witness."  The  character  of  our 
Lord's  discourses  also  varies  greatly.  His  say- 
ings and  parables  in  the  first  three  Gospels 
nearly  always  refer  to  His  dealings  with  us 
men,  and  the  nature  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  ; 
His  sayings  in  Jn.  refer  largely  to  His  relation 
with  the  Father,  His  own  Person,  and  the  action 
of  the  Holy  Sjiirit  after  His  departure.  Be- 
cause they  give  a  common  outline  or  synopsis 
of  our  Lord's  work  the  first  three  Gospels  are 
usually  called  the  Synoptic  Gospels.  Their 
relation  to  each  other  will  be  considered  in  the 
sections  immediately  following ;  most  of  their 
distinctive  characteristics  are  treated  under 
the  several  heads.  The  relation  of  Jn.  to 
the  other  Gospels  will  be  more  fully  discussed 
at  the  end  of  this  article,  (i)  How  did  the 
Gospel  story  arise  ?  Christianity,  more  than  any 
other  religion,  is  centred  in  a  Person.  Jesus 
Christ  is  more  important  to  Christianity  than 
Moses  to  Judaism,  Buddha  to  Buddhism,  or 
Mohammed  to  Islam.  Not  only  what  He 
taught,  but  what  He  was  and  did  and  suffered, 
was  believed  by  the  first  Christians  to  be 
vitally  important.  If  we  turn  to  .Acts  or  to  St. 
Paul's  epistles  we  find  that  the  preaching  of 
Christianity  did  not  begin  with  reciting  the 
moral  teaching  of  Jesus,  such  as  is  contained 
in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  It  began  with 
proclaiming  the  need  of  belief  in  a  risen,  cruci- 
fied Lord  (Ac. 2.36,16.31  ;  iCor.15.3,4).  This 
brought  with  it  the  necessity  of  saying  Who 
He  was,  and  why  He  was  put  to  death.  Ac. 
shows  that  the  first  teaching,  which  was  given 
to  Jews,  was  intended  to  prove  that  Jesus  ful- 
filled all  the  best  hopes  of  the  Jews  concerning 
the  Mkssiaii.  His  Death  and  Resurrection 
were  allej^ed  to  throw  light  on  O.T.  jiassages 
ini]ierfectly  understood.  His  Resurrection  was 
alleged  to  prove  the  truth  of  His  claim  to  be 
the  Son  of  God  and  Messiah.  His  coining  to  exe- 
cute judgment  was  alleged  as  a  means  of  stim- 
ulating  repentance.      Baptism  and  reception 


GOSPELS 

of  the  Holy  Spirit  were  declared  necessary 
means  for  appropriating  His  blessings.  The 
whole  was  "  commended  to  every  man's 
conscience"  (cf.  2Cor.4'.2)  by  instances  of  His 
sublime  moral  teaching.  It  was  also  shown 
that  "  He  went  about  doing  good,  and  healing 
all  that  were  oppressed  of  the  devil  "  (Ac. 10. 
38).  In  Mk.l.i  and  Rev. 14.6  the  word 
"  Gospel  "  seems  to  signify  a  written  account 
of  the  "  good  news  "  brought  by  Jesus  Christ. 
Exactly  when  such  accounts  began  to  be 
written  we  cannot  tell.  A  need  for  something 
written  would  begin  almost  as  soon  as  mis- 
sionary work  began.  The  absolute  necessity 
for  it  would  be  acutely  felt  at  the  time  when 
the  first  generation  of  eye-witnesses  was  passing 
away.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  seems  to  have 
been  just  at  this  time  that  all  three  Synoptic 
Gospels  were  written.  The  same  universally 
felt  need  was  answered  by  the  same  kind  of 
literary  enterprise.  It  is  not  clear  that  St.  Paul, 
whose  conversion  probably  took  place  in  35 
A.D.,  used  a  written  Gospel.  His  knowledge 
was  based  on  "  revelation  "  (Gal. 1. 11)  and 
"  received  from  the  Lord  "  (1C0r.ll.23).  It  is 
almost  certain  that  this  means  that  it  was  de- 
rived from  a  source  which  the  apostle  knew  to 
be  inspired,  probably  an  evangelist  or  prophet. 
It  was  from  "the  Spirit  of  Jesus"  (Ac. 16. 7, 
R.V.),  not  necessarily  independent  of  human 
means.  The  means  was  probably  oral.  St.  Paul 
himself  uses  the  word  "  Gospel  "  as  meaning 
the  substance  of  the  message  which  he  preached 
(Gal. 1.11,2. 2  ;  Ro.2  16).  This  must  soon 
have  been  written  down.  His  friend  St. 
Luke  shows  how  the  transition  began  (Lu.l.i, 
2).  Those  who  had  been  "  eye-witnesses  and 
ministers  of  the  word  "  "  delivered  "  unto 
others  the  things  most  surely  believed.  Many 
of  these  drew  up  narratives  of  such  things,  and 
St.  Luke  followed  their  example.  The  written 
Gospels  therefore  arose  from  an  effort  to  put 
down  what  the  apostles  and  their  companions 
taught,  and  many  such  attempts  had  been 
made  before  St.  Luke  wrote,  i.e.  probably 
before  70  a.d.  (2)  Why  do  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  differ  ?  It  is  obvious  that  not  only  do 
all  three  Synoptic  Gospels  differ  from  Jn., 
but  that  they  differ  widely  from  each  other. 
If  we  reckon  the  whole  ninnber  of  incidents  in 
these  Gospels  as  88,  the  distribution  of  in- 
cidents shared  by  at  least  two  Gospels  is  as 
follows  :  in  all  three  Gospels,  42  ;  in  Mk.  and 
Mt.  12  ;  in  Mk.and  Lu.  5  ;  in  Mt.  and  Lu.  12. 
There  are  also  similar  groups  of  incidents. 
Thus  in  all  three  we  find  together  the  cure  of 
the  paralytic,  the  call  of  Levi,  and  the  question 
of  fasting  (Mt.9.i-i7  ;  Mk. 2.1-22  ;  Lu.5.i7- 
39)  ;  so  also  the  plucking  of  the  ears  of  corn 
and  the  cure  of  the  withered  hand — events 
separated  by  at  least  a  week  (Mt.l2.i-2i ;  Mk. 
2.23-3.6  ;  Lu.6.1-11).  So  too  the  death  of  John 
the  Baptist  is  introduced  both  in  Mt.l'i.3lf. 
and  Mk.6.i7ff.  to  explain  the  fear  felt  by 
Herod  Antipas  that  he  had  risen  from  the  dead. 
In  fact,  when  a  parallel  passage  is  found  in  all 
three  Gospels,  it  is  never  immediately  followed 
in  both  Mt.  and  Lu.  by  a  whole  separate  in- 
cident which  is  not  in  Mk.  But  the  differences 
between  the  Synoptic  Gospels  are  almost  as 
marked  as  the  resemblances.  Thus  the  ac- 
count of  the  birth  and  infancy  of  Christ  in 


GOSPELS 


31? 


Mt.  differs  widely  from  that  in  Lu.  The 
incidents  of  the  temptation  of  our  Lord  are 
recorded  in  a  different  order  in  Mt.  and  Lu., 
and  the  temptation  is  recorded  without  these 
incidents  in  Mk.  All  three  Gospels  give  a 
slightly  different  account  of  the  inscription  on 
the  cross,  and  the  words  spoken  by  the  cen- 
turion at  the  death  of  Jesus  vary  in  Lu.  from 
the  words  in  Mt.  and  Mk.  Also  the  language 
differs,  and  differs  in  a  very  singular  manner. 
All  three  Gospels  are  written  in  Gk.,  which  is 
far  from  being  classical,  and  plainly  shows  the 
influence  of  the  Aramaic  language  of  Palestine. 
Yet  they  differ  in  style,  and  not  only  from  each 
other,  for  Mt.  varies  in  different  sections,  and 
so  does  Lu.  Mk.  is  in  the  roughest  Gk.  and 
represents  the  language  of  an  ordinary  Jew  of 
ist  cent.  A.D.  who  had  intercourse  with  the 
outside  world.  Lu.  could  write  the  best 
Gk.  of  the  three,  but  in  places  he  uses 
strongly  Aramaic  idioms,  some  of  which  ap- 
pear to  indicate  that  he  drew  upon  written 
documents  for  information.  The  case  of 
Mt.  is  similar.  It  was  long  ago  noticed  that 
the  quotations  from  O.T.  which  Mt.  has  in 
common  with  Mk.  or  Lu.  are  from  the  Gk. 
version,  while  those  which  are  peculiar  to 
himself  are  nearer  to  the  Heb.  There  is 
another  important  fact.  When  Mt.  and  Lu. 
narrate  the  same  things  as  Mk.,  they  both  use 
their  own  favoinrite  expressions  less  often  than 
in  those  passages  which  are  peculiar  to  them- 
selves. If  we  put  aside  the  discourses  of 
Christ  which  occur  in  all  three,  also  all  passages 
which  simply  narrate  our  Lord's  doings  and 
the  account  of  the  Passion,  there  remain  168 
verses  which  Mt.  and  Lu.  have  in  common. 
In  these  verses  there  is,  on  an  average,  less  than 
one  characteristic  phrase  of  Mt.  in  each  verse, 
whereas  in  190  verses  peculiar  to  Mt.  there  are 
5  characteristic  phrases  to  every  4  verses.  In 
Lu.  the  168  verses  contain  about  3  charac- 
teristic phrases  in  every  4  verses,  whereas  in 
the  164  verses  peculiar  to  Lu.  there  are 
about  4  characteristic  phrases  to  every  3 
verses.  The  same  phenomenon  occurs  when 
we  examine  the  discourses  and  narrative  which 
are  not  peculiar  to  Mt.  and  Lu.,  but  belong  also 
to  Mk.  Here  again  they  show  a  more  sparing 
use  of  their  favourite  expressions  than  in  por- 
tions that  are  peculiar  to  themselves.  These 
facts  make  it  practically  certain  that  Mt.  and 
Lu.  did  not  simply  take  up  the  usual  oral 
teaching  given  to  converts.  The  oral  teaching, 
exactly  as  Lu.  tells  us,  had  been  already  to  a 
great  extent  written  down.  And  Mt.  and  Lu. 
differ  from  Mk.,  both  because  they  wished  to 
supplement  Mk.  and  because  they  copied 
certain  documents  which  Mk.  did  not  possess. 
(3)  How  were  the  Synoptic  Gospels  composed? 
We  have  shown  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
divergences  of  Mt.  and  Lu.  from  Mk.  are  partly 
caused  by  their  use  of  certain  written  records. 
We  must  soon  discuss  what  these  records  were. 
In  the  meantime  we  have  to  account  for  the 
resemblances  of  Mt.  and  Lu.  to  Mk.  On  the 
whole,  these  can  be  best  accounted  for  by  the 
theory  that  they  both  used  Mk.,  and  used  it  as 
written  in  Gk.  and  not  in  Aramaic.  Except 
about  30  verses,  all  the  narrative  in  Mk.  is 
found,  and  in  the  same  order,  in  Mt.  or  in  Lu. 
or  in  both.    SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  apparently 


318 


GOSPELS 


correct  the  style  and  grammar  of  St.  Mark — 
e.g.  both,  and  especially  St.  Luke,  replace  St. 
Mark's  diminutives  by  more  correct  words  and 
smooth  his  harsh  phraseology,  as  in  Mk.i3.14, 
19.  St.  Luke  in  his  middle  section  (9.51-I8. 14) 
employs  another  source  than  Mk.  After 
following  Mk.  rather  closely  till  the  beginning 
of  this  section,  he  leaves  Mk.,  and  when  the 
section  ends,  returns  to  a  verse  close  to  the 
place  in  Mk  where  he  left  it.  The  similarity 
of  Mt.  and  Lu.  to  Mk.  even  extends  to  rare 
Gk.  phrases  ;  and  quotations  from  the  O.T. 
are  sometimes  found  in  two  or  three  Gospels 
with  the  same  variations  from  the  original 
(e.g.  Mt.3.3  ;  Mk.1.3  ;  Lu.3.4).  Again,  in  Mt. 
26.47,  Mk.14.43,  Lu.22.47,  all  three  explain, 
apparently  without  any  necessity,  that  Judas 
was  one  of  the  Twelve.  It  is  only  by  a  minute 
examination  of  the  text  that  the  question  can 
be  determined,  but  no  theory  at  present  ac- 
counts for  the  origin  of  Mt.  and  Lu.  so  satis- 
factorily as  the  theory  that  both  used  Mk. 
Mk.  is  not  based  upon  any  written  document, 
so  far  as  we  can  discover.  The  primitive 
tradition  preserved  by  Papias  (quoted  in 
I'iuseb.  Hist.  Ecd.  iii.  39)  is  that  Mk.,  "  having 
become  the  interpreter  of  I'eter,  wrote  down 
accurately  everything  that  he  remembered." 
Our  second  Gospel  supports  this  tradition 
satisfactorily.  The  other  written  sources  used 
by  Mt.  and  Lu.  comprised  a  writing  to  which 
Papias  also  alludes.  He  says,  "  Matthew  then 
composed  the  Logia  (or  Oracles)  in  the  Hebrew 
tongue,  and  every  one  interpreted  them  as  he 
was  able."  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  book 
was  actually  called  "  Logia."  It  seems  to  have 
been  a  collection  of  numerous  precepts  of  the 
Lord  embodied  in  a  narrative  suitable  for  the 
catechetical  instruction  of  converts.  If  we 
subtract  from  Mt.  and  Lu.  the  material  which 
theyhave  in  common  with  Mk.,  we  find  that  the 
remainder  does  largely  consist  of  discourses 
and  precepts  of  the  Lord.  Much  of  this 
material  is  reproduced  in  both  Mt.  and  Lu. 
But  it  is  reproduced  differently.  In  Mt.  it 
appears  in  five  large  blocks  of  discourses  (5-7  ; 
10  ;  13  ;  18  ;  25),  each  followed  by  a  similar 
formula.  See  also  11-12  and  23.  If  we  re- 
move the  Marcan  portions  and  some  special 
narratives  of  Mt.,  we  have  in  Mt.  simply  a  com- 
pendium of  Christ's  teaching.  St.  Luke  shows 
us  an  interesting  contrast.  He  presents  the 
discourse-material  from  an  historical  point  of 
view.  It  is  framed  in  a  narrative  bearing  a 
stamp  of  genuineness  which  is  sometimes  ob- 
vious. Thus  the  story  of  the  woman  who 
anointed  our  Lord's  feet  is  the  setting  of  the 
parable  of  the  Two  Debtors  (Lu.7.39f.)  ;  and 
Lu.  shows  better  than  Mt.  the  occasion  on 
which  our  Lord  taught  the  Lord's  Prayer  (Lu. 
11. 1  ;  Mt.6.9).  St.  Matthew  originally  wrote  a 
collection  of  discourses  in  Aramaic,  and  this 
was  soon  translated  into  Gk.,  possibly  by  St. 
Matthew  himself.  A  similar  but  not  identical 
collection  was  used  by  St.  Luke.  The  language 
of  the  discourses  is  more  original  in  Mt.  ;  the 
setting  is  more  historical  in  Lu.  It  is  almost 
certain  that  St.  Luke  had  not  read  Mt.  The 
middle  section  of  Lu.  (9.51-I8.14)  is  full  of  the 
most  precious  material  relating  to  our  Lord's 
teaching.  We  believe  that  St.  Luke  considered 
it  of  the  highest  possible  authority,  preferring 


&6SPELS 

it  even  to  Mk.  It  was  probably  collected  by 
some  one  who  had  been  with  our  Lord  during 
His  ministry  in  Peraea,  though  we  are  not  able 
to  say  that  the  discourses  were  all  spoken  at 
that  time.  Several  sayings  are  either  re* 
petitions  or  different  reports  of  sayings  which 
St.  Luke  has  elsewhere  copied  from  Mk.  ;  they 
are  therefore  commonly  known  as  "  doublets." 
Similar  doublets  occur  in  Mt.,  passages  of 
Logian  material  repeating  verses  taken  from 
Mk.  The  Synoptic  Gospels  are  therefore  com- 
posed of  (i)  Mk.  ;  (ii)  St.  Matthew's  Aramaic 
collection  of  Logia  translated  into  Gk. ;  (iii)  a 
similar  collection  used  by  St.  Luke;  (iv)  another 
collection  inserted  by  St.  Luke  in  the  middle  of 
his  Gospel  in  one  block;  (v)  special  sources  used 
by  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  which  will  be  briefly 
mentioned  in  the  articles  on  their  Gospels. 
The  above  theory  is  fearlessly  critical  in  method 
and  strongly  conservative  in  conclusion.  It 
shows  that  the  principal  sources  of  our  Gospels 
were  all  written  well  within  the  lifetime  of  the 
apostles,  and  that  these  primitive  soiurces  all 
give  us  substantially  the  same  impression  of 
the  Person  and  authority  of  Jesus  Christ. — 
Si.  John  and  the  Synoptists.  It  is  not  at  all  clear 
that  St.  J  ohn  was  acquainted  with  the  Synoptic 
Gospels.  We  should,  however,  note  that 
certain  passages  suggest  that  he  was  :  Jn.5. 
8f.  (Mk.2.iif.);  6.7,io,i9f.  (Mk.6.37,40,49f.) ; 
12.3,5, 7f-  (Mk.14.3-6)  ;  13.21  (Mk.l4.i8); 
18.18,17  (Mk.14.54.69) ;  18.22  (Mk.14.65). 
The  words  of  our  Lord  in  Jn.l5.i8-16.2  have 
been  compared  with  those  in  Mt. 10. 17-22. 
There  are  several  points  of  contact  between 
Jn.  and  Lu.  which  deserve  attention  :  e.g.  in 
their  narratives  of  the  Resurrection  both  con- 
nect the  first  appearances  of  our  Lord  with 
Jerusalem,  and  say  that  there  were  two  angels 
at  the  sepulchre.  The  high-priest  Annas  is 
only  mentioned  by  SS.  Luke  and  John  (Lu.3.2  ; 
Ac.4.6;  Jn. 18. 13, 24).  Lu.  and  Jn.  alone  show 
that  Pilate  intended  the  scourging  of  Jesus  to 
be  a  concession  to  the  Jews  which  might  cause 
them  to  relent,  and  that  it  was  not  a  mere  pre- 
liminary to  the  t  rucifixion  (Lu.23.22  ;  Jn.l9. 
1).  On  the  other  hand,  Jn.  agrees  with  Mt. 
and  Mk.  and  not  Lu.  in  recording  the  binding 
of  J  esus,  the  crown  of  thorns,  the  purple  robe, 
and  the  custom  of  releasing  a  malefactor  at 
the  feast.  Both  SS.  Luke  and  John  display  an 
interest  in  the  Samaritans  and  tell  us  about 
Mary  and  Martha.  They  first  mention  by 
name  the  "  Romans,"  "  Israelites,"  and 
"  Solomon's  porch."  The  doctrine  of  Christ's 
Person  in  Lu.  is  similar  to  that  in  Jn.  In 
both  He  is  the  "Saviour"  (Lu.2.ii  ;  Ac.5. 
31;  Jn.4.42  ;  ijn.4.14).  He  brings  "  salva- 
tion "  (Lu.l.60,71  ;  Ac.4.i2  ;  Jn.4.22).  He 
comes  into  conflict  with  Satan  as  with  one  Who 
has  been  permitted  to  have  power  over  the 
world  (Lu.4.fi  ;  Jn.i4.30).  He  is  able  to  pass 
through  the  midst  of  His  foes  unhurt  (Lu.4. 
29f.  ;  Jn. 10.39).  Hespeaks  of  "  My  friends" 
(l.u.12.4;  Jn. 15.14).  Both  SS.  Luke  and 
John  speak  of  the  "love"  of  God  (Lu.ll. 
42  ;  Jn.  passim).  In  both  the  Holy  Spirit  is 
far  more  prominent  than  in  Mt.  or  Mk.  On 
the  other  hand,  scarcely  a  single  word  charac- 
teristic of  Lu.  can  be  found  in  Jn.  It  remains 
therefore  an  open  question  whether  Jn.  had 
read  Lu.     Jn.  does  not  seem  to  have  written 


&OTfiOLtA§ 

to  supply  deficiences  in  the  Gospels  previously 
written.  His  use  of  them  is  not  yet  sufficiently 
proved  for  us  to  say  that  he  wrote  to  correct 
or  supplement.  His  own  testimony  (20. 31) 
shows  us  why  he  wrote.  His  Gospel  is  for 
people  who  believe,  but  whom  he  wishes  to 
show  how  they  ought  to  believe.  J  udging  from 
the  semi-Christian  forms  of  misbelief  current  in 
the  2nd  cent.,  he  desired  to  correct  two  ten- 
dencies. One  was  falsely  spiritualistic,  depre- 
ciating the  truth  that  the  Word  was  made 
flesh,  and  despising  the  Church  and  sacraments, 
like  the  false  teachers  rebuked  by  St.  Ignatius. 
The  other,  more  J  udaistic,  believed  crudely  in 
the  Church  and  sacraments,  in  Christ's  miracles 
and  His  second  advent,  and  the  resurrection  of 
the  body,  but  overlooked  the  inner  meaning 
of  the  sacraments  and  miracles,  the  truth  of 
Christ's  presence  with  us  through  His  Spirit, 
and  the  need  of  living  a  risen  life  here  and  now. 
[John,  Gospel  of.]  [l.p-] 

Gotholi'as  (iEsd.8.33)  =  Athaliah,  3. 

Gotho'niel,  father  of  Chabris  (Jth.6.15). 

Gourd,  (i)  qiqdyon,  only  in  J  on. 4. 6-10. 
Though  opinions  differ,  the  probability  is  that 
the  qiqdyon,  which  afforded  shade  to  the  pro- 
phet Jonab  before  Nineveh,  is  the  Ricinus  com- 
munis, or  castor-oil  plant,  which,  formerly  a 
native  of  Asia,  is  now  naturalized  in  America, 
Africa,  and  the  S.  of  Europe.  Its  leaves  are 
large  and  palmate,  with  serrated  lobes,  and 
would  form  an  excellent  shelter.  The  seeds 
contain  the  oil  known  as  "  castor-oil,"  which 
has  for  ages  been  in  high  repute  as  a  medicine. 


ftOVEftNOR 


319 


CASIUR-OIL  PLANT. 

(2)  paqqu'oth  and  p''qd'im.  In  2K.4.39,  a 
fruit  used  as  food,  disagreeable  to  the  taste,  and 
supposed  to  be  poisonous.  In  iK. 6. 18,7.24, 
as  an  architectural  ornament  (A.V.  knops). 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  "wild gourds  " 
{paqqii'dth)  of  2K.4.3g,  which  one  of  "  the  sons 
of  the  prophets"  gathered ignorantly,  suppos- 


ing therti  to  be  good  for  food,  were  a  species  of 
the  gourd  tribe  (Cucttrbitaceae),  which  contains 
some  plants  of  a  very  bitter  and  dangerous 
character.  The  leaves  and  tendrils  of  this 
family  bear  some  resemblance  to  those  of  the 
vine.  Hence  the  expression  "  wild  vine  "  ; 
and  as  several  kinds  of  Cticurbitaceae,  such  as 


COLOCVNTH. 

melons,  pumpkins,  etc.,  are  favourite  foods 
amongst  Orientals,  the  mistake  was  natiural. 
The  etymology  of  the  word  from  pdqa',  "  to 
split,  or  burst  open,"  favours  the  identification 
with  the  Ecbalium  elaterium,  or  "  squirting 
cucumber,"  so  called  from  the  elasticity  with 
which  the  fruit  opens  and  scatters  its  seeds 
when  touched.  Celsius,  Rosenmiiller,  Winer, 
and  Gesenius  favour  this  explanation.  The 
old  versions,  however,  understand  the  colo- 
cj'nth,  the  fruit  of  which  is  about  the  size  of  an 
orange.  A  drastic  medicine  in  general  use  is  a 
preparation  from  this  plant.  Since  the  dry 
gourds  of  the  colocynth,  when  crushed,  burst 
with  a  crackling  noise,  there  is  good  reason  for 
accepting  this  explanation.  [Few  Bible  ques- 
tions have  been  more  hotly  disputed,  since  the 
days  of  Jerome  and  Augustine,  than  that  of 
Jonah's  gourd.  Pious  fathers  came  to  blows 
and  accusations  of  heresy  over  the  question, 
gourd  versus  ivy.  The  author  of  Scripture 
Illustrated  says  it  should  be  no  trivial  lesson 
to  theological  disputants.  h.c.h.] 

Govepnop  is  the  A.V.  rendering  of  many 
words:  'alluph,  "head  of  a  thousand"  (or 
clan),  R.V.  chieftain  (Zech. 9.7,12.5, 6)  ; 
hoqeq  m''hoqeq,  "  prescriber  of  laws " 
(Judg.5.9,14)  ;  moshel,  "holding  dominion" 
(Gen. 45. 26,  etc.);  ndghidh,  "leader,"  "fore- 
most "  (often  of  kings  of  Israel,  "  prince  ") 
(iChr.29.22  ;  2Chr.28.7);  nasi,  "of  high  rank  " 
(often  "prince")  (2Chr.l.2)  ;  pdqidh,  "com- 
missioner," "inspector"  (Je.20.i)  ;  sdghdn, 
"  prefect  "  (Dan.3.2)  ;  sdr,  "  chief,"  "  head  " 
(iK.22.26;     2K.23.8);     shallit,     "man      of 


320  GOZAN 

authority  "  (Gen.42.6)  ;  Tjyov/nevos,  "  leader  " 
(Mt.2.6  :  Ac.7.10)  ;  also  of  the  following,  which 
require  special  mention  :  (i)  pehd,  an  Assyrian 
word,  used  esp.  of  Persian  governors  after  the 
Exile  (also  iK.lO.  15,  etc.).  "Tattenai,  the  gov- 
ernor beyond  the  river"  (I'2zr.5.6,  K.V.),  was 
possibly  satrap  of  all  Syria  ;  but  the  word  is 
more  commonly  used  of  subordinate  governors 
of  smaller  districts,  such  as  J  udaea.  This  office 
was  held  by  Zerubbabel  (Hag.l.i,  etc.)  and 
Nehemiali  (Ne.5.14),  Tirshatha  being  their 
Persian  title  (Ezr.2.63  ;  Ne.8.9).  The  gover- 
nor administered  justice,  and  was  responsible 
to  the  satrap  for  the  tribute  assessed  on  his 
province,  which  was  moreover  bound  to  main- 
tain him  and  his  staff,  finding  "  the  bread  of 
the  governor,"  apparently  at  the  rate  of  40 
shekels  per  diem  (Ne. 5. 14-18).  (2)  'Edvdpxrjs 
means  the  ruler  of  a  nation  (or  tribe),  ranking 
below  the  title  of  "  king."  It  was  held  by 
Simon  ( I  Mac. 14. 47),  and,  when  his  family  lost 
their  independence,  by  Hyrcanus  {]os. 14  Ant. 
viii.  5).  Archelaus  was  appointed  ethnarch 
by  Augustus,  with  the  promise  of  the  rank  of 
king  if  he  showed  himself  worthy  (2  B.  J-  vi. 
3).  The  title  was  also  given  to  the  head  of  the 
Jews  at  Alexandria  and  (in  the  3rd  cent,  a.d.) 
in  Palestine.  Thus  in  2C0r.ll.32  the  head  of 
the  Jewish  community  at  Damascus  may  be 
meant,  but  more  probably  the  Arabian  ruler 
of  the  district.  Ethnarch  was  a  common  title 
among  the  Arabians,  who  were  organized  on  a 
tribal  basis.  (3)  'llyfjawv  is  used  specially  of 
the  Roman  procurators  of  Judaea:  Pilate 
(.VIt.27.2,  etc.),  Felix  (Ac.23.26),  Festus  (26. 
30).  The  procurator  had  supreme  control  over 
his  province,  including  the  power  of  life  and 
death;  but  the  "  legatus "  of  Syria  had  a 
certain  superintendence  over  him.  Quirinus 
(Lu.2.2)  was  legatus  of  Syria  6-9  a.d.  ;  at  the 
time  of  Christ's  birth  he  probably  held  some 
military  office  there.  (Ramsay,  Was  Christ 
born  at  Bethlehem?  ch.  xi.).  (4)  'ApxiTpiKXivos 
(Jn.2.8,9),  "  governor  [ruler]  of  the  feast," 
means  either  a  guest  chosen  to  preside,  cf. 
Ecclus.32.r,  or  else  a  sort  of  head  waiter. 
[Meals.]  (5)  OtK0i'6/A05(Gal.4.2)isa  "steward" 
managing  a  minor's  property.  (6)  '0  evdvvwv 
(Jas.3.4)  is  "the  steersman."  [11. s.] 

Oozan',  the  tract  to  which  the  Israelites 
were  carried  away  by  Pul  (Tiglath-pilcscr  III.) 
and  Shalmaneser  IV.,  or  possibly  Sargon  (iChr. 
5.26  ;  2K.17.6  and  18. 11).  This  is  the  (iaiizan- 
itis  of  Ptolemy,  situated  between  the  Chaboras 
(Habor,  now  khabtir,  the  great  Mesoputamian 
affluent  of  the  liuphrates)  and  the  Saocoras. 
In  an  Assyrian  geographical  list  it  is  mentioned 
with  Nasibina  (Nisibis).  It  became  an  Assy- 
rian pr(jvince,  ruled  by  governors  from  Nine- 
veh, and  revolted  against  that  power  in  759 
II. c,  but  was  subdued.  [t.c.f.] 

Qpa'ba  (iEsd.5.29)  =  Hagaba. 

Grape.     [Vine.] 

Grass,  (i)  This  is  the  ordinary  rendering 
of  Uie  Hcl).  lukir  (1K.I8.5;  J(.b40.i5;  Ps.l04. 
14  ;  Is. 15. 6).  As  the  herbage  rapidly  fades 
under  the  parching  heat  of  the  sun  of  Palestine, 
it  has  afforded  to  the  sacred  writers  an  iinaf,'(; 
of  the  fleeting  nature  of  human  fortunes  (Job 8. 
12  ;  Ps.37.2).  and  of  the  brevity  of  human  life 
(Is.40.6,7;  Ps.90.5).     (2)   In  A.V.  of  Je.50.ii, 


GROVE,  GROVES 

"  as  the  heifer  at  grass  "  should  be  "  as  th6 
heifer  treading  out  corn"  (cf.  Ho.lO.ii).  (3) 
In  Num. 22. 4,  where  mention  is  made  of  the  ox 
licking  up  the  grass  of  the  field,  the  Heb  is 
yereq,  which  is  elsewhere  rendered  green.  (4) 
'esebh  signifies  herbs  for  human  food  (Gen. 1. 30; 
Ps.lO4.14),  but  also  fodder  for  cattle  (Deut.ll. 
15;  Je.14.6).  It  is  the  grass  of  the  field  (Gen. 
2.5  ;  Ex. 9. 22)  and  of  the  mountain  (Is. 42. 15  ; 
Pr.27.23).  In  N.T.  the  word  grass  is  always 
the  representative  of  the  (ik.  x^P'''°^-    [Hay.] 

Grasshopper.     [Locust.] 

Grave.     [Burial;  Tomb.] 

Great  Sea  (Num. 34.6,7  ;  Jos.i5.47),  the 
Mediterranean.     [Sea;   Hor.] 

Greaves  (iniclhi).     [.\ums.  Defensive,  (3).] 

Greece,  Greeks,  Grecians.  In  Zech. 
9.13,  A.V.  renders  the  Heb.  Javan  by 
"  Greece."  Javan,  or  Ionia,  is  named  as  an 
Aryan  race  in  Gen. 10. 2  (see  iChr. 1.5,7  ;  Is. 86. 
ig  ;  Ezk. 27.13)  ;  but  about  the  time  when 
Zechariah  wrote  the  Greeks  were  coming  into 
conflict  with  Persia  for  the  first  time.  They 
afterwards  dominated  Palestine  from  333  to 
63  B.C.,  and  many  traces  of  their  presence 
are  found  in  excavations,  including  pottery, 
coins,  and  Gk.  inscriptions.  The  "Grecians" 
(J  1.3.6),  or  lonians,  were  traders  much  earlier, 
who  took  Hebrew  children  as  slaves,  and 
c.  600  B.C.  sold  slaves  and  bronze  vessels  at 
Tyre.  They  were  known  to  Sargon  of  Assyria 
c.  710  B.C.,  and  Arcadian  Greeks  from  the 
Peloponnesus  had  then  settled  in  Cyprus. 
See  also  Dan. 8. 21, 10. 20, 11. 2.  (rreek  converts 
to  Judaism  are  noticed,  in  J n. 12. 20,  as  coming 
up  to  Jerusalem  (see  Ac.  17. 4)  ;  and  educated 
Jews  then  spoke  Gk.  (21. 37).  [Hellenist  ; 
(iENTiLES.]  The  Jews  of  .\ntioch  and  the  West 
are  sometimes  noticed  as  "  Grecians  "  (Ac.ll. 
20,2 1 ).  Greece  itself  is  first  mentioned  in  Ac. 20. 
2  (cf.  however  1Mac.i2.5-23,  which  appears 
somewhat  apocryphal).  Cireeks,  such  as  the 
Danai  and  other  tribes  of  Asia  Minor,  invaded 
Palestine  in  the  13th  cent,  b.c,  even  to  the 
borders  of  Egypt.  The  presence  of  pagan  Greeks 
in  Palestine,  in  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.,  is  attested 
by  inscribed  tombs,  and  texts  in  honour  of 
.\pollo,  excavated  in  Philistia.  The  stone  of 
the  temple  railing,  found  at  Jerusalem  by  M. 
Clermont-Ganneau,  verifies  the  statement  of 
Josephus  (5  Wars  v.  2),  and  shows  that  aGk.- 
si:)eaking  population  visited  Jerusalem  in  the 
time  of  our  Lord.  Their  presence  is  also  proved 
in  Decapohs  by  texts  of  the  time  of  Herod  the 
Great  in  Bashan,  wiiile  the  earliest  Palmyra 
bilinguals,  in  Syr.  and  Gk.,  go  back  to  the 
same  age,  when  (ik.  was  the  general  literary 
lanuuaKc  of  the  Roman  empire.  [c.r.c] 

Greek.     [Hellenistic  C]reek.] 

Greyhound  (Pr.3O.31  ;  Heb.  zarzir 
malhnayim — /.«'.  "one  girt  [R.V.  marg.,  or, 
well  knit]  about  tlie  loins").  The  greyhound 
is  still  the  best  sug),'estion,  of  the  many  that 
have  been  m.ule,  as  to  what  animal  "  comely 
in  going  "  is  here;  intendeil.  The  .\rabs  some- 
times gird  tlieir  ,i,'revhoun(is  to  prevent  their 
e.itiuf^  too  nine  h  .ind  becoming  inactive. 

Grove,  Groves,  (i)  Thus  .\.V.  renders 
throughout  the  original  words  retained  by 
R.V.  .AsHEKAH,  .Aslierini.  (:.)  In  .\.V.  of  Gen. 21. 
33  for  'i-shel  ;  R.V.  rightly  tamarisk-tree.  So 
in  .\.V.  marg.  of  I  Sam. 22.0.  [Tamarisk.]  [J.R.] 


GUARS 


HABAKKUK 


321 


SACRED  SYMBOLIC  TREE  OF  THE  ASSYRIANS.     From  Lord  Aberdeen's  BIdCk  Stone,    (hergusson, 
Nineveh  and  Persepoiis,  p.  298.)     See  art.  "  Grove,  Groves." 


Guard,  (i)  In  Heb.  tabbah  signified  a 
"  cook  "  (iSam. 9.23, 245";  but  see  Executioner. 
It  is  applied  to  the  body-guard  of  the  Icings 
of  Egypt  (Gen.37.36)  and  Babylon  (2K.25.8  ; 
J e. 39.9, 40. 1  ;  Dan.2.14).  (2)  riifim  properly 
means  "  runners,"  and  is  the  ordinary  term 
employed  for  those  attendants  of  kings  whose 
office  was  to  run  before  the  chariot  (2Sam.l5.i; 
iK.1.5),  and  to  form  a  military  guard  (iSam. 
22.17;  2K.10.25,11.6  ;  2Chr.i2.10).  [FooT- 
MAX.]  (3)  The  terms mishmereth  3ind  mishmdr 
express  properly  the  act  of  watching,  but  are 
occasionally  transferred  to  the  persons  who 
kept  watch  (Ne.4.22,  etc.  ;  Job 7. 12). 
Gudg'odah'.  [Hor-hagidgad.] 
Guni'. — 1.  A  son  of  Naphtali  (Gen.46.24  ; 
iChr.7.13),  and  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Gunites  (Num.26.48). — 2.  A  Gadite  whose 
descendants  dwelt  in  Gilead  (iChr.5.15). 

Gup,  The  going-  up  to  (2K.9.27).  If 
Ahaziah  fled  N.  from  Jezreel  ("the  garden 
house  "  being  Beit  Jenn,  and  Ibleam  being 
Yebla)  the  site  may  be  at  the  ruin  Qdrd,  where 
the  main  road  towards  Beit  Jenn  ascends  the 
hill  4  miles  W.  of  Yebla.  The  LXX.  reads 
"  ascent  of  Gai  "  {i.e.  "of  the  ravine"),  [c.r.c] 
Gup-ba'al,  a  place  or  district  in  which 
dwelt  Arabians  (2Chr.26.7).  It  appears  from 
the  context  to  have  been  in  the  country  lying 
between  Palestine  and  the  Arabian  peninsula  ; 
but  this,  although  probable,  cannot  be  proved. 
The  Arab  geographers  mention  a  place  called 
Baal,  on  the  Syrian  road,  N.  of  Medina. 


H 

Haahashtapi',  a  man,  or  a  family,  imme- 
diately descended  from  Ashur,  "  father  of 
Tekoa"  by  his  second  wifeNaarah  (iChr.4.6). 

Habaiah'.  Bene-Habaiah  were  sons  of  the 
priests,  of  doubtful  descent,  who  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.6i ;  Ne.7.  63). 

Habakkuk.  {hdbhaqquq,  doubtless  from  hd- 
bhaq,  "to  embrace,"  and  so  probably  a  term  of 
affection.  ' kix^aKovjx,  etc.).  We  know  nothing 
concerning  this  prophet,  but  a  variety  of  legends 
exist  of  little  or  no  value,  as  that  he  was  the  son 
of  the  Shvmammite  woman  (2K.4).  The  title 
of  the  story  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  in  the  LXX. 
(Cod.  Chis.,  but  not  Theodotion) runs  "from  the 


prophecy  of  Habakkuk,  the  son  of  Joshua,  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi."  In  the  story  it  is  told  how 
Habakkuk  was  miraculously  brought  from 
J  udaea  to  Babylon,  to  convey  food  to  Daniel  in 
the  lions'  den.  The  animating  thought  of 
Habakkuk's  message  is  the  doom  to  be  brought 
on  Judah  by  the  Chaldeans,  in  God's  wrath  for 
their  sins,  and  next  the  reckless  arrogance  of 
the  invader,  who  sees  not  that  he  is  merely  the 
rod  of  vengeance  in  God's  hands.  To  the  pro- 
phet it  is  given  to  see,  beyond  the  awful^havoc, 
the  time  when  the  destroyer,  his  task  accom- 
plished, falls  beneath  a  mightier  ioe.—Date. 
The  only  point  of  external  evidence  is  the 
position  the  book  occupies  among  the  Minor 
Prophets,  intermediate  between  Nahum  and 
Zephaniah.  The  former  prophesied  probably 
soon  after  660  b.c.  (Schrader),  and  the  latter 
in  the  earlier  part  of  the  reign  of  J  osiah,  before 
the  Great  Reformation — say,  c.  630  b.c.  With 
this  agrees  the  internal  evidence,  which  is  de- 
finite enough,  resting  on  two  statements  in  I.5 
— the  doofn  is  to  come  in  the  lifetime  of 
many  of  those  who  hear  the  threat,  and  it 
will  be  heard  with  incredulity.  But  this 
would  be  absolutely  impossible  after  the  battle 
of  Carchemish  (c.  605  B.C.),  when  the  Egyptian 
army  was  shattered  by  the  Chaldeans  under 
Nebuchadnezzar ;  for  it  could  not  be  doubted 
that  the  victorious  young  Titan  would  in  due 
course  march  southward,  and  that  Babylon 
would  again  become  "the  lady  of  kingdoms." 
But  more,  when  Nabo-polassar,  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's father,  assumed  a  quasi-regal  author- 
ity at  Babylon  in  625  b.c,  it  must  have  been 
clear  to  shrewd  observers  that  Babylon  was 
becoming  the  dominant  power  in  Western  Asia, 
and  the  incredulity  would  thus  be  increasingly 
unlikely  after  625  b.c  For  the  other  limit, 
it  was  less  than  40  years  from  Manasseh's 
death  to  the  first  Chaldean  invasion ;  so  that 
many  of  those  living  in  the  last  years  of 
Manasseh's  reign  may  well  have  heard  the  pro- 
phecy. The  condition  of  things,  too,  described 
in  1.2-4  suits  that  period.  Though  the  bloody 
persecution  had  ceased,  a  time  of  deadness  and 
corruption  remained.  To  go  further  back 
would  make  the  conditions  unsuitable  and  the 
time  too  long.  For  the  former  reason  we  may 
cast  out  the  short  evil  reign  of  Amon.  The 
early  years  of  Josiah's  reign  would  be  a  pos- 
sible time,  when  the  boy  was  powerless  in  the 

21 


322 


HABAZINIAH 


HADATTAH 


hands  of  his  advisers,  but  inapossible  ia  the 
time  following  the  Great  Reformation.  Thus, 
our  choice  lies  between  the  last  years  of  Manas- 
seh's  reign  and  the  opening  years  of  Josiah's. 
Not  a  few  critics  have  suggested  the  reign  of 
Jehoiakim,  since  then  Judah  knew  much 
about  the  Chaldeans;  but  this  would  make  I.5 
meaningless.  Incredulity  would  be  out  of 
the  question  then,  and  such  an  antedating  of 
the  prophecy  would  be  (in  view  of  2. 20)  so  much 
profane  audacity. — Contents.  In  I.2-4  the 
prophet  bewails  the  state  of  social  corruption, 
and  appeals  to  (iod  for  help.  In  answer  {vv.5-17) 
the  invasion  of  the  Chaldeans  is  foretold  to  an 
incredulous  nation.  The  Chaldeans  fail  to 
realize  that  they  are  but  the  rod  of  God's  anger  ; 
but  the  prophet  knows  that  it  is  for  correction 
that  God  has  appointed  them.  As  the  prophet 
waits  to  hear  God's  answer  (2.1-4),  he  is  told 
that  the  vision  will  surely  come,  and  that  he 
must  wait  by  faith.  In  due  time  the  Chal- 
deans shall  be  judged  (5-12)  for  their  greed, 
their  cruelty  (12-14),  their  drunkenness  (15-17), 
and  (18,  19)  their  idolatry.  Then  comes  the  so- 
lemn seal  of  ver.  20.  The  "  Prayer  "  follows 
(3),  in  which  the  two  thoughts  of  the  invasion 
and  the  subsequent  deliverance  are  united,  till 
at  the  end  the  prophet  breaks  forth  in  a  jubi- 
lant strain  at  the  thought  of  God's  love  for  His 
people. — Integrity.  What  has  been  said  above 
l)resupposes  the  integrity  of  the  book  as  it  now 
stands,  but  a  recent  theory  makes  I.2-4  refer 
to  an  earlier  oppressor,  to  overthrow  whom  the 
Chaldeans  are  raised  up  ;  and  removes  I.5-11 
so  as  to  follow  2.4.  If  by  the  earlier  oppressor 
is  meant  the  Assyrian  (though  it  is  hard  to  see 
why  he  should  not  have  been  named),  it  may 
suffice  to  say  that  at  no  possible  date  to  which 
we  can  assign  Habakkuk,  was  Assyria  potent 
for  evil  ;  nor  would  the  description  (1. 14-17) 
suit  the  Egyptians.  Again,  I.2-4  are  wholly 
imsuitable  as  a  description  of  cruel  foreign 
oppression ;  and,  in  view  of  the  unbroken 
tradition,  the  theory  may  unhesitatingly  be 
rejected.  Three  passages  of  Habakkuk  are 
quoted  in  N.T.,  in  every  case  from  the  LXX., 
with  minor  variations  :  I.5  in  Ac. 13. 41  ;  2.3 
in  Hob. 10.37  ;  and  2.4  in  R0.I.17,  Gal. 3. 11, 
Heb. 10.38.  DeUtzsch,  Der  Proph.  Hab.ausge- 
Icgt  (not  translated)  ;  Ewald,  Prophets  of  the 
O.T.  ;  Pusey,  Orelli,  and  G.  A.  Smith,  in 
their  commentaries  on  the  Minor  Prophets  ; 
Kirkpatrick,  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets;  A.  B. 
Davidson,  in  The  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools  and 
Colleges  ;  Baumgartner,  Le  Prophcte  Habakuk  ; 
Sinker,  The  Psalm  of  Habakkuk.  [r.s.] 

Habaziniah',  apparently  the  head  of  a 
family  of  the  Kkchabites  (Je.35.3). 

Habbacuc'  (Bel  33-39)  =  the  prophet 
Hahakki'k. 

Habepg-eon.    [Arms,  Defensive,  (2).] 

Habop,  the  "river  of  Gozan  "  (2K.I7.6, 
18.11  ;  iChr.5.26),  is  identified  beyond  all 
reasonable  doubt  with  the  famous  affluent  of 
the  luiphrates,  which  is  called  Aborrhas  by 
Strabo,  and  Chaboras  by  Pliny  and  Ptolemy. 
The  stream  in  question  still  bears  the  name 
of  the  Khabur.  It  Hows  from  several  sources 
in  the  inovmtain-chain,  which  in  about  the 
37th  parallel  flanks  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  on 
W. — the  Mons  Masius  of  Strabo  aud  Ptolemy, 
now  thf"  Karcj  Ddgh. 


Hachaliah',  father  of  Nehemiah  (Ne.1.1, 
lO.i). 

Hachilah',  Hill  of  (Heb.  gibh'ath  ha- 
hakhild, "  dusky  hill " ),  in  "the  S.  part  of  the  J  e- 
SHIMON,"  near  Ziph  (iSam. 23. 19,26. 1,3),  where 
Saul  camped,  seeking  David.  Probably  the 
ridge  el  Kola,  6  miles  E.  of  Tell  Zif.      [c.r.c] 

Hachmoni',  Son  of,  and  The  Hach'- 
monite  (iChr. 27. 32, 11. 11),  both  renderings — 
the  former  the  correct  one — of  the  same 
Heb.  word.  Hachmon  was  no  doubt  the 
founder  of  a  family  to  which  these  men  be- 
longed ;  the  actual  father  of  Jashobeam  was 
Zabdiel  (iChr.27.2),  and  he  is  also  said  to 
have  belonged  to  the  Korhites  (iChr.12.6), 
possibly  the  Levites  descended  from  Korah. 

Hadad'( Heb.  hddhddh,  Bab.  a^Ww,  "father  " 
or  "  chief  "  ;  from  Akkadian  ad,  Turkish  ad). 
the  name  of  the  sun  in  Syria,  mentioned  as 
early  as  15th  cent  b.c.  in  the  Amarna  letters 
of  Rib-adda  {child  of  Hadad),  king  of  Gebal. 
It  was  also  a  personal  name  for  a  "  chief." — 1. 
For  Hadar  (in  iChr. 1.30,46)  ;  the  son  of 
Ishmael(Gen.25.i5).— 2.ThekingofEdom(36. 
35)  and — 3.  A  king  of  Edom  rather  later  (iChr. 
1.50),  also  Hadar  in  Gen. 36. 39. — 4.  An 
Itdomite  prince  (iK. 11. 14-22)  who  fled  to 
Egypt,  but  returned  home  with  a  royal  bride. 
The  LXX.  (ver.  25)  understands  that  this 
Hadad  (Gk."A5ep)  ruled  "  over  Edom,"  but  the 
Heb.  refers  to  Rezon  in  Damascus,     [c.r.c] 

Hadade'zep  (2Sam.8.3-i2  ;  iK.11.23)  = 
Hadarezer  ;  both  forms  are  found  in  R.V.  as 
well  as  in  A.V.,  but  an  inscripti<in  on  an  .\ram. 
seal  and  the  Assyr.  equivalent  Dad'idri  prove 
Hadadezer  to  be  the  correct  reading.  Bathgen, 
Beitr.  z.  Semit.  Relig.  p.  67 ;  and  Driver, 
Notes  on  Heb.  of  Sam.,  in  loco. 

Hadad'pimmon'  (Zech.l2.ii).  Jerome 
supposed  this  to  be  a  town,  W.  of  the  "  plain 
of  Legio,"  now  Rnmmdtieh,  4  miles  S.E.  of 
Lejjun.  More  probably  the  "  mourning  of 
Hadadrimmon  in  the  valley  of  Megiddon  " 
was  that  for  the  god  who  bore  both  these 
names.     [Hadad.]  [c.r.c] 

Hadap'. — 1.  An  Ishmaelite  settlement 
mentioned  ((ien.25.i5)  with  Dumah.  In 
iChr.1.30,  Hadad. — 2.  A  king  of  Edom  (Gen. 
36.39).     In  iChr.1.50,  Hadad.  [c.r.c] 

Hadape'zep,  son  of  Rehob,  the  king  of 
Aram-zobah,  who,  while  on  his  way  to  "  estab- 
lish his  dominion  "  at  the  Euphrates,  was  de- 
feated by  David  with  great  loss  (2Sam.8.3-i2  ; 
1Chr.l8.3-8).  After  the  first  repulse  of  the 
Amnionites  and  their  Syrian  allies  by  Joab, 
Hadarezer  sent  his  army  to  assist  the  people  of 
Maachah,  Rehob,  and  Ishtob  (iChr.l9.i6  ; 
2Sam. 10.13, 16,  cf.  8).  Led  by  Shojihach,  or 
Shobach.  the  captain  of  the  host,  those  from 
"beyond  the  river"  (;'.f. probably  from  Padan- 
aram,  which  was  E.  of  the  Euphrates,  Aram- 
zobel  being  W.  of  it)  crossed  the  Ivuphrates, 
joined  the  Syrians,  and  encamped  at  Hei.am. 
David  himself  came  from  Jerusalem  to  take 
the  command.  The  rout  of  the  .Arameans 
was  complete  (2Sam.l0.i(J-i8  ;  iChr.l9. 16-18). 

[H  ADADliZKR.] 

Hadashah  ,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in 
the  low  country  (Jos.i5.37  only).     It  was  near 
Mir.DAi.-r.AD  ;    the  site  is  doubtful,     [c.r.c] 
Hadassah'  (Esth.2.7).     [ILsther.] 
Hadattah',    according    to    A.V.,    one    of 


HADES 

the  towns  of  Judah  in  the  extreme  S.  (Jos. 15. 
25) ;  but  the  Heb.  accents  connect  the  word 
with  that  preceding  it,  as  if  it  were  Hazor- 
hadattah,  i.e.  New  Hazor,  in  distinction  from 
the  place  of  the  same  name  in  ver.  23. 

Hades.     [Hell.] 

Hadid',  a  place  named,  with  Lod  (Lydda) 
and  Ono,  only  in  the  later  books  of  the  history 
(Ezr.2.33;  Ne. 7. 37, 11. 34).  Eusebius  (OMOfMfls- 
ticon)  notices  a  town  called  Aditha,  or  Adatha, 
E.  of  Diospolis  (Lydda).  In  the  lists  of  Thoth- 
mes  III. (No.  76)  it  appears  asHadidaasearly  as 
i6th  cent.  b.c.  Nov/Haditheh,  avillage  3  miles 
E.  of  Lydda.    [Adida  ;  Adithaim.]    [c.r.c] 

Hadlai'  (2Chr.28.12),  father  of  Amasa,  2. 

Hadopam'. — 1.  Fifth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen. 
10.27 ;  iChr.l.2i).  His  settlements,  unlike  those 
of  many  of  Joktan's  sons,  have  not  been  iden- 
tified.— 2.  =  Joram  (2Sam.8.io),  son  of  Tou, 
or  Toi,  king  of  Hamath  ;  his  father's  ambassa- 
dor to  congratulate  David  on  his  victory  over 
Hadarezer  king  of  Zobah  (iChr.lS.io). — 3. 
(2Chr.lO.18.)     [Adoniram.] 

Hadrach',  a  country  mentioned  (Zech. 
9.1,2)  with  Damascus  and  Hamath.  For  a  sug- 
gested identification,  see  Assyria,      [c.r.c] 

Hagrab'.  Bene-H.  were  Nethinim  who  came 
back  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.46). 

Hag-aba'  (Ne.7.48),  Hag-abah'  (Ezr.2. 
45).  Bene-H.  were  Nethinim  who  returned 
from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ne.7.48). 

Hagap  (Gen. 16),  an  Egyptian  woman, 
handmaid  (or  slave)  of  Sarah,  whom  the  latter, 
being  childless,  gave  as  a  concubine  to  Abra- 
ham after  he  had  dwelt  ten  years  in  Canaan. 
We  read  that  "  when  she  saw  that  she  had 
conceived,  her  mistress  was  despised  in  her 
eyes,"  and  Sarah  reproached  Abraham  for  the 
results  of  her  own  act.  Hagar  fled  towards 
her  native  land,  through  the  great  wilderness 
traversed  by  the  Egyptian  road.  By  the  foun- 
tain in  the  way  to  Shur,  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
found  her,  charged  her  to  return  and  submit 
herself  to  her  mistress,  and  foretold  the  char- 
acter of  her  unborn  child  and  his  descendants. 
[Theophanies.]  On  her  return,  she  gave  birth 
to  Ishmael,  Abraham  being  then  86  years  old. 
Later,  at  the  feast  at  the  weaning  of  Isaac, 
"  Sarah  saw  the  son  of  Hagar  the  Egyptian, 
which  she  had  borne  unto  Abraham,  mocking  " 
(21.9)  ;  and  in  exact  sequence  with  the  first 
flight  of  Hagar,  we  now  read  of  her  expulsion. 
The  verisimilitude.  Oriental  exactness,  and 
simple  beauty  of  this  story  are  internal  evi- 
dences of  its  truth.  Hagar  is  mentioned  else- 
where only  when  she  takes  a  wife  for  Ishmael 
(21.21);  and  in  the  genealogy  (25.12).  St. 
Paul  refers  to  her  as  the  type  of  the  old  cove- 
nant, likening  her  to  mount  Sinai,  the  mount 
of  the  law  (Gal.4.22ff.).  In  Mohammedan  tra- 
dition Hagar  is  represented  as  the  lawful  wife 
of  Abraham,  and  Ishmael  as  having  the  rights 
of  the  firstborn. 

Hag-apenes,  Hagapites,  Hageplte 
(1Chr.27.31  only,  R.V.  Hagrite),  a  people 
dwelling  in  E.  Palestine,  whose  land  was  in  the 
days  of  Saul  occupied  by  the  Reubenites  (iChr. 
5.10),  or  by  the  allied  tribes  of  Reuben, 
Gad,  and half-Manasseh  (iChr.5.i8).  They  are 
mentioned,  as  adversaries  of  Israel,  together 
with  Edom,  the  Ishmaelites,  Moab,  etc.  (Ps. 
83.6).    They  were  evidently  a  nomad  people,  as 


HAOGAI 


323 


their  wealth  (iChr.5)  consisted  in  tents  and 
camels.  In  a'jlist  of  Arab  tribes  made  by  Tig- 
lath-pileser  III.  the  Hagarites  are  mentioned  ; 
and  the  'A^paioi  are  mentioned  by  Strabo, 
Dionysius,  and  Ptolemy  as  Arabs,  [f.j.f.-j.] 
Haggai'.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  author 
of  the  tenth  book  in  the  series  of  the  Minor 
Prophets,  apart  from  a  tradition  which  says  he 
was  born  in  Babylon,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  and 
at  the  end  of  his  life  was  buried  near  the  priests. 
According  to  Jewish  story  also  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Great  Synagogue.  In  the  LXX. 
Haggai  is  mentioned  in  the  headings  of  Pss.137, 
145-148,  and  in  the  Pesh.  of  Pss.  125, 126, 145- 
148;  cf.  Epiphanius:  "  ('A77a/os)  i^aWiL 
TrpuiTos  €Kei  dWrjXovl'a."  His  prophecy  is  cited 
in  Heb. 12.26  {cf.  Hag.2.6),  and  referred  to  in 
Ecclus.49. 11,12.  His  prophecies  are  dated  from 
Sept.  to  Dec.  in  the  second  year  of  Darius — i.e. 
520  B.C.  ;  and  were  delivered  to  the  Jews  who 
had  returned  home  from  Babylon  in  535,  with 
the  object  of  exhorting  them  to  rebuild  the 
temple  of  J  ehovah.  This  work,  after  being  com- 
menced (?)  under  Cyrus  (535  b.c),  had  been 
neglected  for  16  years,  during  the  reigns  of 
Cambyses  and  Pseudo-Smerdis.  It  is  possible 
indeed  that  Haggai  was  himself  one  of  those 
who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua. 
— Occasion  of  the  Prophecy.  The  oracles  of  Hag- 
gai were  called  forth  by  the  deplorable  condi- 
tion of  the  returned  exiles  and  the  neglected 
state  of  the  house  of  Jehovah.  The  glorious 
promises  of  Is. 40-55  seemed  far  from  being  ful- 
filled, while  the  hostility  of  the  Samaritans, 
failure  of  crops,  and  the  passage  of  the  Persian 
armies  through  their  land  to  Egypt,  combined 
to  render  the  lot  of  the  returned  exiles  as  de- 
pressing as  possible  when  Haggai  commenced 
to  prophesy. — Analysis.  The  book  falls  into 
four  divisions:  (a)  (l.i-ii).  Spoken  on  the 
ist  day  of  the  6th  month  (Aug.  to  Sept.). 
A  rebuke  to  the  nation  and  to  Zerubbabel  and 
Joshua,  its  political  and  religious  leaders,  be- 
cause they  seek  only  their  own  comfort  and 
luxury,  while  the  house  of  Jehovah  lies  deso- 
late. This  utterance  had  the  effect  of  stirring 
the  dormant  energies  of  the  people,  [b) 
(2.1-9).  On  the  2ist  day  of  the  7th  month 
(Sept.  to  Oct.).  A  message  of  encouragement 
to  stimulate  the  flagging  enthusiasm  of  the 
workers,  who  are  discouraged  by  the  slow  pro- 
gress of  the  temple,  especially  those  who  re- 
membered the  house  "  in  its  former  glory." 
(c)  (2.10-19).  On  the  24th  day  of  the 
9th  month  (Nov.  to  Dec).  A  parable,  a 
warning,  and  a  promise.  By  the  use  of  a  cere- 
monial metaphor,  the  prophet  teaches  that  the 
laxity  of  the  people  in  building  the  temple 
makes  them  unclean ;  and  this  uncleanness  is 
communicated  to  the  land,  which  thus  becomes 
unfruitful.  On  the  other  hand,  the  faint  sus- 
picion of  holiness  shown  by  their  sacrifices 
upon  the  altar  is  not  sufficient  to  endue  the 
land  with  fertility.  (d)  (2.20-23).  On 
the  same  day  as  (c).  A  personal  promise  to 
Zerubbabel,  assuring  him  that,  in  the  midst  of 
the  approaching  international  cataclysm,  he 
and  his  house  shall  be  preserved  "  as  a  signet ; 
for  I  have  chosen  thee,  saith  Jehovah  of  hosts." 
In  this  passage  "  the  Messianic  aspirations 
which  attached  formerly  to  the  Davidic  king 
are  transferred  by  Haggai  to  Zerubbabel,  who 


324 


HAGGERl 


becomes,  in  virtue  of  the  position  thus  assigned 
to  him,  a  type  of  Christ  "  (Driver). — Style. 
Haggai  belongs  to  the  decadent  period  of 
Heb.  prophecy,  and  his  style  is  so  abrupt  and 
simple  as  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  only 
outline  notes  of  his  oracles  have  come  down  to 
us.  He  lacks  the  imagination  and  poetic  fer- 
vour of  the  pre-Exilic  prophets,  but  neverthe- 
less rises  to  fine  writing  occasionally.  He  is 
very  prone  to  repetition,  and  the  continual 
reiteration  of  his  credential,  "  saith  Jehovah," 
indicates  his  realization  of  the  fact  that  his 
words  do  not  in  themselves  carry  that  convic- 
tion which  followed  upon  the  utterances  of  his 
greater  predecessors.  G.  A.  Smith,  Bk.  of 
the  Twelve  Prophets ;  Driver,  Intro.  Lit.  of  O.  T. 
{Century  Bible).  [d.c.s.] 

Hag-gepi'.  "  Mibhar  son  of  Haggeri " 
(K.V.  Hagri)  is  one  of  the  mighty  men  of 
David's  guard,  in  1Chr.ll.38.  The  parallel 
passage  (2Sam.23.36)  has  "  Bani  the  Gadite," 
the  Heb.  spelling  of  which  is  almost  identical 
with  "  Son  of  Ha-garite."  Many  of  the  varia- 
tions in  Scripture  arise  from  the  similarity  of 
the  letters  d  and  r.  [r.b.g.] 

Haggi',  second  son  of  Gad  and  founder  of 
the  Haggite  family  (Gen. 46. 16  ;  Num. 26. 15). 

Hag'g'iah',  a  Merarite  Levite  (iChr.6.30). 

Hag-ffites,  The.     [Haggi.] 

Hag-gith',  one  of  David's  wives  and  mother 
of  Adonijah  (2Sam.3.4;  i  K.l. 5,11, 2.13  ;  iChr. 

3.2). 

Ha'g-ia   (iEsd.5.34)  =  Hattil. 

Hag-iographa,  otherwise  called  k''thilbim 
("writings  ").  The  third  of  the  great  divisions 
into  which  the  Hebrew  canonical  books  were 
divided  ;  the  other  two  being  the  Law  and 
the  Prophets.  The  Hagiographa  included  Ps., 
Pr.,  Job,  Can.,  Ruth,  lam.,  Ecc,  Esth., 
Dan,  Ezr.,  Ne.,  and  i  and  2  Chr. ;  while 
Jos.,  Judg.,  I  and  aSam.,  and  i  and  2Kings 
were  included  amongst  "the  Prophets." 
[Scripture,  Holy  ;  Canon  ok  O.T.] 

Hal.  The  form  in  which  Ai  first  appears 
in  A.V.  (Gen.12.8,13.3). 

Hail  (Heb.  bdradh,  Ex.9. 18),  mentioned 
with  thunder  (ver.  23).  This  must  have  been 
very  unusual  and  alarming  in  ligypt  ;  but  in 
Palestine  hail  accompanies  the  thunderstorms 
of  autumn,  and  falls  at  times  in  winter  (Jos. 10. 
II  ;  Job38.22  ;  Ps.l8.12, 13,78.47,48.105.32, 
148.8;  Is.28.2, 17,30.30  ;  'Hag.2.i7).  The 
"  fire  "  mentioned  with  hail  was  probably 
lightning,  and  such  storms  were  sufficiently 
rare  to  be  remarkable.  See  also  Kev.8.7,11.19, 
16.21.  [c.R.c] 

Haip.  The  Hebrews  were  fully  alive  to  the 
importance  of  the  hair  as  an  element  of  per- 
sonal beauty,  whether  as  the  "  curled  locks, 
black  as  a  raven,"  of  youth  (Can. 5. 11),  or  the 
"  crown  of  glory  "  that  encircled  the  head  of 
old  age  (Pr.l6.31).  Among  them,  as  among 
all  ancient  peoples,  the  hair  partook  in  a  special 
way  of  the  personality  of  the  owner.  The 
customs  of  ancient  nations  as  to  wearing  the 
hair  varied  considerably.  The  li^gyptians  al- 
lowed the  women  to  wear  it  long,  but  kept  tiie 
heads  of  men  closely  shaved  from  early  child- 
hood. The  Greeks  admired  long  hair,  whether 
in  men  or  women.  The  Assyrians  also  wore  it 
long.  The  Jews  of  later  days,  on  the  other 
hand,   while  they  encouraged  the  growth  of 


HAIR 

hair,  observed  the  distinction  between  the 
sexes  by  allowing  the  women  to  wear  it  long 
(Lu.7.38  ;  Jn.11.2;  iCor.ll.6ff.),  while  the 
men  restrained  theirs  by  frequent  clipping  to  a 
moderate  length.  Clipping  the  hair  in  a  cer- 
tain manner  and  offering  the  locks  was  in  early 
times  connected  with  religious  worship  ;  and 
hence  the  Hebrews  were  forbidden  to  "  round 
the  corners  of  their  heads  "  (Lev.i9.27),  mean- 
ing the  locks  which  covered  the  ears.  The 
prohibition  against  cutting  off  the  hair  on  the 
death  of  a  relative  (Deut.l4.i)  was  grounded 
on  a  similar  reason.  In  addition  to  these  re- 
gulations, the  Hebrews  dreaded  baldness  ;  it 
was  regarded  as  a  personal  defect,  and  hence 
formed  one  of  the  disqualifications  for  the 
priesthood  (Lev.21.2o,  LXX.).  In  times  of 
affliction  the  hair  was  altogether  cut  off  (Is. 3. 
17,24,15.2  ;  Je.7.29).  Tearing  the  hair  (Ezr. 
9.3)  and  letting  it  go  dishevelled  were  similar 
tokens  of  grief.     Wigs  were  commonly  used  by 


EGVI'TIAN  WIGS.    (Wilkinson.) 


the  Egyptians,  but  not  by  the  Hebrews.  The 
usual  and  favourite  colour  of  the  hair  was 
black  (Can.5.11),  as  is  indicated  in  the  com- 
parisons to  a  "  flock  of  goats  "  and  the  "  tents 
of  Kedar  "  (Can. 4. 1,1.5).  A  fictitious  hue  was 
occasionally  obtained  by  sprinkling  gold-dust 
on  the  hair.  It  does  not  appear  that  dyes  were 
ordinarily  used.  With  regard  to  the  mode  of 
dressing  the  hair,  we  have  no  very  precise  in- 
formation ;  the  terms  used  are  of  a  general 
character,  as  of  Jezebel  (2K.9.30)  and  Judith 
(IO.3).  The  terms  used  in  N.T.  (iTim.2.9  : 
iPe.3.3)  are  also  of  a  general  character  ; 
Schleusner  understands  them  of  curling  rather 
than  plaiting.  The  arrangement  of  Samson's 
hair  into  seven  locks,  or  more  properly  braids 
(Judg. 16. 13. 19),  involves  the  practice  of  plait- 
ing, wiiich  was  also  familiar  to  the  Egyptians 
and  Greeks.  The  locks  were  probably  kept  in 
their  place  by  a  fillet,  as  in  Egypt.  Tiie  He- 
brews, like  other  nations  of  antiquity,  anointed 
the  liair  profusely  with  ointments,  which  were 
generally  compounded  of  various  aromatic 
ingredients  (Ru.3.3  ;  2Sam.l4.2  ;  Ps.23.3,45. 
7,92.10;  l'"c.9.8  ;  is.3.24)  ;  more  especially  on 
occasion  of  festivities  or  hospitality  (Mt.6.17, 
26.7  ;  Lu.7.46).  It  appears  to  have  been  the 
custom  of  the  Jews  in  our  Saviour's  time,  as  it 
had  been  from  time  immemorial,  to  swear  by 
thehair(Mt.5.36),  much  as  the  Egypt-an  women 


HAKKATAN 

still  swear  by  the  side-lock,  and  the  men  by 
their  beards  (Lane,  Mod.  Egypt,  i.  pp.  35,  55). 
^  Hakkatan',  father  of  Johanan(Ezr.8.i2). 
'-  Hakkoz',  a  priest  appointed  by  David 
chief  of  the  seventh  course  in  the  service  of  the 
sanctuary  (iChr.24.io) ;  =  Koz  with  the  def. 
article. 

Hakupha'.  Bene-Hakupha  were  among 
the  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.51  ;  Ne.7.53). 

Halah'  (2K.17.6,18.ii  ;  iChr.5.26),  one  of 
the  places  to  which  the  kings  of  Assyria  de- 
ported Samaritan  captives,  is  probably  the 
Halahhu  of  the  geographical  lists,  named  be- 
Tween  Arrapachitis  and  Reseph.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  it  lay  near  Haran.  fx.G.p.] 

Halak',  Mount,  a  mountain  twice  named 
as  the  southern  limit  of  Joshua's  conquests 
(Jos. 11. 17, 12.7).  The  word  means  "  bare  " 
(R.V.  marg.)  ;  it  was  apparently  a  spur  of 
mount  Seir.  [c.r.c] 

Halhul',  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  mountain 
district  (Jos. 15. 58),  mentioned  with  Beth- 
zuR.  Now  Halhul,  a  village  N.  of  Hebron 
immediately  E.  of  Beit  Sw.  [c.r.c] 

Hali',  a  boundary  town  of  Asher  between 
Helkath  andBeten  (Jos. 19. 25).  Possibly  'Alia, 
a  ruin  13  miles  N.E.  of  Accho.  [c.r.c] 

Halicarnas'sus  in  Caria,  a  city  re- 
nowned as  the  birthplace  of  Herodotus  and 
of  the  later  historian  Dionysius,  and  as  em- 
bellished by  the  mausoleum  erected  by  Arte- 
misia, but  of  no  Biblical  interest  except  as  the 
residence  of  a  Jewish  population  in  the  period 
between  the  O. and  N.T.  histories (iMac. 15. 23). 
The  modern  name  of  the  place  is  Bodrum. 

Hall.  The  hall  or  coiurt  of  a  house  or  palace 
is  in  the  East  an  uncovered  space,  around  which 
the  house  is  built,  on  a  lower  level  than  the 
apartments  of  the  lowest  floor.  All  the  uses  of 
the  word  in  A.V.  are  connected  with  the  trial  of 
Christ.  In  Lu.22.55  (R-V.,  better,  court)  of  the 
"hall"  of  the  priest's  house;  in  Mt.27.27  = 
Mk.l5.i6  =  Jn.l8.28  (R.V.  palace)  of  the 
praetorium.     [Judgment  Hall  ;  House.] 

Hallelujah.     [Alleluia.] 

Hallohesh',  one  of  the  "  chief  of  the 
people  "  who  sealed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.24). 
Identical  with  Halohesh  (8.12),  "father"  of 
Shallum,  13,  and  probably  a  family  name  (= 
"  the  Lochesh  "). 

Ham. — 1.  One  of  the  three  sons  of  Noah, 
always  placed  second  when  they  are  men- 
tioned together  [cf.  Japheth).  The  name 
means  dark,  and  is  the  Egyptian  name  for 
Egypt,  being  derived  from  the  blackness  of 
the  soil  of  the  Delta.  Another  derivation  is 
from  Khem,  the  god  of  generation,  who  is 
represented  on  the  most  primitive  sculptures 
hitherto  found  in  Egypt,  and  whose  shameless- 
ness  is  in  accord  with  the  story  in  Gen. 9. 20  ff., 
where,  however.  Ham's  conduct  is  rather  that 
of  a  child.  The  generations  of  the  sons  of 
Noah  in  Gen.  10  really  represent  the  geogra- 
phical knowledge  of  the  Israelites,  as  the  names 
are  rarely  those  of  individuals,  but  sometimes  of 
communities  and  sometimes  of  towns.  [Races.] 
To  Ham  are  assigned  chiefly  the  nations  S.  of 
Palestine.  First,  Cush,  the  tribes  occupying 
a  zone  from  Babylonia  to  Abyssinia.  Next, 
Mizraim,  a  name  from  its  dual  form  indicating 
Upper  ^d  Lower  E^gypt,    Put  was  an  ally  of 


HAMAN 


325 


Egypt  in  the  time  of  the  Assyrian  and  Baby- 
lonian wars,  but  cannot  be  identified  with 
certainty.  [Phut.]  Canaan  is  the  race  which 
Israel  had  to  exterminate.  The  names  of  the 
descendant  tribes  are  very  difficult  to  identify, 
but  it  is  clear  they  are  the  dwellers  along  the 
coasts  of  N.  Africa  and  Phoenicia.  The  race 
characters  of  the  Hamites  are  probably  best 
defined  by  the  Egyptian  representations  of 
themselves  and  of  the  Phoenicians,  brown,  but 
fairer  in  the  N.,  with  beards;  but  see  Races. 
Their  languages  present  many  problems, 
but  the  race  produced  the  founders  of 
the  earliest  states,  great  builders,  hunters, 
merchants,  and  warriors  (Gen.lO.9-19).  In 
strange  contrast  to  the  pride  of  the  earliest 
Hamites,  their  descendants  were  reckoned  in 
the  18th  Christian  cent,  as  fit  only  for 
slavery,  and  indeed  destined  to  it  because  of 
the  curse  on  Canaan  (Gen. 9. 27).  The  hope  of 
threefold  blessing  from  Egypt,  Israel,  and 
Assyria  (Is. 19. 24, 25)  has  not  yet  been  fulfilled. 
— 2.  A  place  (Gen.14.5  ;  Heb.  ham)  where 
Chedorlaomer  defeated  the  Zuzims,  and  men- 
tioned with  AsHTEROTH,  a  region  in  or  near 
Bashan.  Probably,  according  to  Col.  Conder, 
the  "land  of  Am,"  noticed  with  Hobah  in  the 
Amarna  letters  (Brit.  Mus.  37,  46;  Berlin  91, 
143). — 3.  "  Land  of  "(Ps. 105. 23, 27,106. 22;  cf. 
"tents  of  Ham,"  Ps. 78.51),  a  poetical  de- 
scription of  Egypt.  Ryle,  JEarly  Chapters  of 
Gen. ;  Sayce,  Races  of  the  O.T.         [c.r.d.b.] 

Haman.  For  the  earlier  part  of  the  story  of 
Ahasuerus's  favourite  minister,  as  given  in  the 
book  of  Esther,  see  Mordecai.  After  carrying 
out  in  bitterness  the  programme  which  he  had 
himself  dictated  for  "  the  man  whom  the  king 
delighteth  to  honour"  inhis  overweening  confi- 
dence that  he  was  to  be  the  central  figure,  his 
wife  Zeresh  warns  him  of  coming  disaster,  in  spite 
of  the  apparently  signal  favour  of  an  invitation 
by  the  queen  to  a  banquet.  There  Esther  tells 
her  tale,  and  points  to  him  as  the  "  adversary 
and  enemy  "  of  her  people,  whereupon  the 
king,  angered  further  by  the  vehemence  of 
Haman's  despairing  application  to  the  queen 
for  mercy,  orders  him  to  immediate  execution 
on  the  gibbet,  which,  as  a  courtier  opportunely 
suggests,  stands  ready  for  the  purpose,  as  pre- 
pared for  Mordecai.  He  is  accordingly  executed, 
and  Mordecai  succeeds  him.  His  name  is  pro- 
bably another  form  of  Hummam  or  Humban,  an 
Elamite  deity.  The  epithet  "  Agagite  "  (Esth. 
3.1)  meanseither  (a)  descended  from  Agag,  king 
of  Amalek,  thus  representing  Mordecai  and  Ha- 
man as  hereditary  foes,  the  one  as  tracing  his 
descent  from  Kish,  and  so  connected  with  king 
Saul,  the  other  as  one  of  the  posterity  of  Saul's 
vanquished  foe  ;  or  (b)  a  spiritual  rather  than 
a  natural  descent,  an  allegorical  nickname,  im- 
plying a  hostile  attitude  to  the  chosen  nation 
like  that  of  the  Amalekite  king  of  earlier  days  ; 
or  (c)  belonging  to  a  place  or  family  otherwise 
unknown.  The  LXX.  have  "  the  Bugean"  (6 
Bovyaios)  or  "  the  Macedonian"  (6  MaKedibv),  the 
former  meaning  bully,  braggart,  a  Homeric  word 
revived  in  Alexandrine  Greek,  or  eunuch, 
the  latter  either  (i)  pointing  to  the  time  when 
the  Gk.  power,  rendered  dominant  in  the  E. 
by  Alexander  of  Macedon  (died  323  b.c),  had 
become,  through  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (died  164 
B.C.)  who  wl^erited  Alex^der's  conquests  in 


326 


HAMATH 


Svria,  the  type  of  hostility  to  the  nation  of  the 
Jews,  or  (ii)  indicating  Haman  as  a  traitor 
to  the  Persian  power.  [a.w.s.] 

Hamath'  appears  to  have  been  the  prin- 
cipal city  of  Upper  Syria  from  the  time  of  the 
Exodus  to  that  of  the  prophet  Amos.  It  lies  on 
the  Orontes,  about  30  m.  N.  of  lake  Homs,  and 
commands  the  whole  of  the  Orontes  Valley, 
from  the  low  hills  which  form  the  watershed 
between  the  Orontes  and  the  Litany — cf.  "the 
entrance  of  Hamath  "  (Num.S^.S  ;  Jos.13.5, 
etc.) — to  the  defile  of  Daphne  below  Antioch. 
The  Hamathites  were  a  Hamitic  race,  and 
appear  last  among  the  descendants  of  Canaan 
in  Gen. 10.18,  iChr.l.i6.  Indeed,  they  were 
probably  closely  akin  to  the  Hittites,  with 
whom  they  were  generally  in  alliance.  In  the 
time  of  David  Hamath  was  governed  by  king 
Toi  (aSam.S.io),  and  a  little  later  accepted  the 
overlordship  of  Solomon  (cf.  iK. 4. 21-24),  who 
built  "  store-cities  "  there  (2Chr.8.4).  In  the 
inscriptions  of  Shalmanescr  II.  (859  B.C.), 
Hamath  appears  in  alliance  with  Damascus, 
the  Hittites,  Israelites  [Ahab],  etc.  About 
700  B.C.  Jeroboam  "recovered  Hamath" 
from  Judah  (2 K. 14.28).  Later  on  ^ni-tlu 
(Eniel)  became  tributary  toTiglath-pileser  III. 
(730  B.C.),  and  Sargon  (720  b.c.)  seems  to  have 
ravaged  the  place,  and  to  have  tortured  Hit- 
bi'idi  ( Yau-bi'idi),  its  king.  From  this  time 
it  was  seemingly  an  Ass>t.  province,  and  lost 
much  of  its  importance.  Antiochus  Epipha- 
nes  changed  its  name  to  Epiphaneia  ;  but  the 
natives  still  called  it  Hamath,  even  in  Jerome's 
time  ;  and  it  is  from  this  that  its  present  name, 
Hantah,  has  come.  Several  inscriptions  in  re- 
lief, in  the  hierogl^'phic  character  known  as 
Hittite,  have  been  found  on  the  site,   [t.g.p.] 

Hamath'-zobah'  (2Chr.8.3)  has  been  con- 
jectured to  be  the  same  as  Hamath  ;  but  the 
addition  of  Zobah  would  seem  rather  to  point 
to  another  Hamath,  which  was  thus  distin- 
guished from  "  Great  Hamath."  One  of  the 
Gk.  forms  of  the  name  is  Baisoba,  suggesting 
Beth-zobah,  and  consequently  a  diflcrent 
locality.  Assyriologists  have  identified  with 
the  second  element,  Zobah,  the  city  .S'm6j7  of 
an  Assyrian  geographical  list  (where  it  is 
immediately  followed  by  Hatndtu  or  Hamath). 
This  is  probably  the  ciiy^ Sub iti  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  which  ASSur-bani-apli  defeated 
the  Arabians.  [t.g.p.] 

Hammath',  one  of  the  cities  of  Naphtali 
(Jos. 19. 35).  The  name  means  "hot  spring." 
The  Jerusalem  Talmud  (Erubin  v.  5)  places  it 
near  Tiberias  [  Rakkatii  ] — that  is,  at  the  Ham- 
mam,  or  "  hot  bath,"  to  the  S.  This  is  the 
Enunausof  Josephus(i8  Ant.  ii.  3  ;  4  Warsi.  3). 
The  springs  (144°  to  132°  Fahr. )  are  3  in  number, 
at  a  spot  rather  more  than  a  mile  S.  of  Tiberias. 
In  the  list  of  Levitical  cities  of  Naphtali  (Jos. 21. 
32)  the  name  of  this  place  seems  to  be  given 
as  Hammoth-dof*.  and  in  iChr.6.7f)  it  is  further 
altered  to  Hammon.  It  is  prohablv  the  Hanuit 
of  the  list  of  Thothnies  III.  (No.  16).    [c.R.c] 

Hammedatha',  the  Agagite,  father  of 
Haman  ( i;stli.3.i,i(),8.5,9.24). 

Hamme  lech,  rendered  in  A.V.  as  a 
proper  name  (10.36.26,38.6);  more  properly 
=  "  the  kiiiK,"  as  K.V.     |Mai.(  miah.  8.] 

Hammep.  Four  Heb.  words  for  this 
^JXJSt  :    htilmuth  (only  J  ud^. 5.26)  ;  miuf(fcbheth 


HAN  AN 

(only  Judg.4.2i),  maqqdbhd  (iK.6.7),  from  the 
same  root ;  so  called  because  by  means  of  it  a 
hole  was  made  by  driving  in  a  nail;  patjish. 


Mus.) 


a  forge-hammer,  and  therefore  made  of  iron 
(Is. 41. 7)  ;  in  Je.5O.23  used  figuratively  of 
Babylon.  [w.o.e.c] 

Hammoleketh  {=  the  queen),  daughter 
of  Machir  and  sister  of  Gilead  (iChr.7.i8). 

Hammon'. — 1.  A  city  in  .'\sher  (Jos.l9. 
28) ;  probably  'Ain  Hamiil,  a  place  with  ruins 
between  Accho  and  Tyre. — 2.  A  city  allotted 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  to  the  Levites 
(iChr.6.76).     [Hammath.]  [c.k.c] 

Hammoth'-dop',  a  city  of  Naphtali,  al- 
lotted with  its  suburbs  to  the  Gershonite 
Levites  (Jos.2i.32).     [Hammath.]      [c.r.c] 

Hammupabi  [Amraphel;  Chronology; 
Syria],  Code  of.     [Law  in  O.T.] 

Hamonah'  (//;t;mH//j/i(d<?),  a  city  mentioned 
inEzk.39.i6.     [Hamon-gog.] 

Hamon'-gog'',  Valley  of,  the  name  to  be 
bestowed  on  a  ravine,  previously  known  as  "the 
ravine  of  the  .\bari.m  on  the  E.  of  the  sea," 
after  the  burial  there  of  "  Gog  and  all  his  multi- 
tude" (Ezk.39. 11,15).  The  name  means  "multi- 
tude of  Gog"  (see  LXX.  Vat.  MS.),   [c.r.c] 

Hamop',  a  Hivite  (or,  according  to  the 
Ale.\.  LXX.,  a  Horite),  prince  of  the  land  and 
city  of  Shechem,  from  whose  sons  Jacob 
bought  a  field  where  Joseph  w^as  afterwards 
buried  (Gen. 33. 19  ;  Jos.24.32).  [Emmor.]  He 
was  fatlicr  of  the  Shechem  who  ravished  Dinah 
((ien.34;  Judg.9.28). 

Hamuel',  a  Simeonite  ;  son  of  Mishma, 
of  the  family  of  Shaul  (iChr.4.26). 

Hamur,  younger  son  of  Pharez,  Judah's 
son  by  Tani'ar  (Gen. 46.12;  iChr.2.3),  and 
ancestor  of  the  Hamulltes  (Num.26.2i). 

Hamutal,  daughter  of  Jeremiah  of  Lib- 
nah  ;  nrntlier  of  Jehoahaz  and  Zedekiah  (2K. 
23. 3 1. 24. 1 S  :  Je.52.i). 

Hanameel,  a  Levite,  son  of  Shallum, 
wlidse  field  his  cousin  Jeremiah  bought  (Je. 
32.7ff.),  while  himself  imprisoned,  asa  sign  (ver. 
15)  of  tiie  deliverance  of  the  land. 

Hanameel,  Towep  of.     [Jeri'Salem.] 

Hanan  . — 1.  One  of  the  chief  people  of  the 
trii)e  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.23). — 2.  The  last  of 
the  six  sous  of  A/e\,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr. 
8.38,9.44). — 3.  "Son  of  Maarhah."  i.e.  possibly 
a  Svrian  of  .\ram-maarah,  one  of  the  heroes  of 
David'sguard(iChr.ll.43). — 4.  Sonsof  Hanan 
were  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zerubbahel  (i:zr.2.4f'  ;  Ne.7.49). — 5. 
One  of  the  Levites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  his 
public  exposition  of  the  law  (Ne.8.7) :  probably 
the  same  Hqnan  as  in  10. 10. — 8.  7-  Two  of  the 
chief  laymen,  who  ^e^led  the  covenant  (tO.??, 


HANANI 


HANDICRAFTS 


327 


26). — 8.  Son  of  Zaccur,  son  of  Mattaniah, 
whom  Nehemiah  made  one  of  the  storekeepers 
of  the  provisions  collected  as  tithes  (Ne.i3.13). 
—9.  Son  of  Igdaliah  (Je.35.4). 

Hanani'. — 1.  A  son  of  Heman  (iChr.25. 
4,25). — 2-  A  seer  who  was  imprisoned  for 
rebuking  Asa,  kingof  Judah{2Chr.l6.7,io).  He 
(or  another  Hanani)  was  the  father  of  Jehu  the 
seer,  who  testified  against  Baasha  (iK.16.i,7) 
and  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.l9.2,20.34). — 3.  One 
of  the  priests  who  had  taken  strange  wives 
(Ezr.10.20). — 4.  A  brother,  or  kinsman,  of 
Nehemiah,  under  whom  he  was  afterwards 
made  one  of  the  governors  of  Jerusalem  (Ne. 
1.2,7.2). — 5.  A  musician  at  the  dedication  of 
the  rebuilt  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.36). 

Hananiah'  (Jehovah  has  been  gracious). 
—1.  Son  of  Heman,  and  chief  of  the  i6th 
course  of  singers  (iChr.25.4,5,23). — 2.  A 
general  of  king  Uzziah  (2Chr.26.11). — 3. 
Father  of  Zedekiah,  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim 
(Je.36.i2). — 4.  Son  of  Azur,  a  Benjamite  of 
Gibeon,  and  a  false  prophet  in  the  reign  of 
Zedekiah,  kingof  J  udah,  in  whose  fourth  year  be 
withstood  Jeremiah  the  prophet,  and  publicly 
prophesied  in  the  temple  that  within  two  years 
Jeconiah  and  all  his  fellow-captives,  with  the 
vessels  of  the  Lord's  house  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar had  taken  away  to  Babylon,  should 
be  brought  back  to  Jerusalem  (Je.28)  :  an  in- 
dication that  treacherous  negotiations  were 
already  secretly  opened  with  Pharaoh  Hophra. 
Hananiah,  as  a  symbolic  act,  took  from  off  the 
neck  of  Jeremiah  the  yoke  which  he  wore  by 
divine  command  ( 27. i, 28. 10),  in  token  of  the 
subjection  of  Judaea  and  the  neighbouring 
countries  to  the  Babylonian  empire,  and  broke 
it.  But  Jeremiah  was  bidden  to  go  and  tell 
Hananiah  that  for  the  wooden  yokes  which  he 
had  broken  he  should  makes  yokes  of  iron,  so 
firm  was  the  dominion  of  Babylon  destined  to 
be  for  70  years.  The  prophet  Jeremiah  added 
to  this  rebuke  the  prediction  of  the  false  pro- 
phet's death,  which  happened  the  same  year. 
The  history  of  Hananiah  throws  much  light 
upon  the  division  of  the  Jews  at  that  time  into 
partisans  of  Babylon  and  of  Egypt. — 5. 
Grandfather  of  Irijah  (37.13). — 6.  Head  of 
a  Benjamite  house  (iChr.8.24). — 7-  The  Heb. 
name  of  Shadrach.  He  was  of  the  house  of 
David,  according  to  Jewish  tradition  (Dan.l. 
3ff.,2.i7).— 3.  Son  of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.19), 
from  whom  Christ  derived  His  descent,  called 
by  St.  Luke  Joanna.  The  names  Hananiah 
and  Joanna  are  equivalent  in  Heb. — 9.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  who  returned  with  Ezra 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.lO.28). — 10.  A  priest,  one 
of  the  makers  of  the  sacred  ointments  and 
incense,  who  rebuilt  a  portion  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Ne.3.8).  Perhaps  the  same  as  in 
ver.  30.  If  so,  he  was  son  of  Shelemiah  ;  per- 
haps the  same  as  in  12. 41. — 11.  Head  of  the 
priestly  course  of  Jeremiah  in  the  days  of 
Joiakim  (I2.12). — 12.  Ruler  of  the  palace  at 
Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah.  The  arrange- 
ments for  guarding  the  gates  of  Jerusalem 
were  entrusted  to  him,  with  Hanani,  the  Tir- 
shatha's  brother  (7.2,3). — 13.  An  Israelite  who 
sealed  the  covenant  (10. 23). 

Hand,  Rig-ht.     [Right  Hand.] 

Hand-bpeadth.  [Weights  and  Mea- 
sures.] 


Handclasp. — A.  (i)  Used  to  strengthen 
promises  (?  oaths)  and  engagements  generally 
(Is.2.6  R.V. ;  cf.  Ezr.lO.19;  iMac.6.58-62,11. 
50,62,66,13.45,50;  2Mac.4'.34;  and  2K. 10. 15). 
(2)  SiTRETYSHip  was  ordinarily  entered  into  by 
a  handclasp,  the  words  uttered  with  this  form- 
ality being  binding(Pr.6. 1-5, 11. 15, 17. 18, 22.26  ; 
Jobl7.3).  (3)  "  Let  thine  handrelease  "  is  used 
in  Deut.15.3  in  connexion  with  debt,  see  Driver 
ad  loc:  and  in  15.2  HK'P  is  a  probable  conjec- 
ture for  n^.'O  (=  "every  creditor  shall  let  his 
hand  drop  ").  This  may  possibly  also  be  a  refer- 
ence to  the  custom,  cf.  Ges.  Thesaurus,  920-921. 
(4)  A  hand  might  be  given  (?  clasped)  in  sign 
of  allegiance.  Seemingly  it  was  coupled  with 
an  oath,  and  constituted  or  formed  part  of  a 
covenant  (Ezk.l7.i8  ;  iChr.29.24).  Perhaps 
this  is  distinct  from  the  handclasp  of  ( I ),  (2),  and 
(3).  [Oaths.] — B.  The  custom  of  the  handclasp 
is  world-wide.  For  parallels  and  suggested 
explanations  in  other  fields  see  Pollock  &  Mait- 
land,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Law'^,  ii.  p.  188-189  (l-v.,  also 
for  (4)).  Post,  Grund.  d.  ethnolog.  Jiirisprud., 
ii.  620-621  ;  Puntschart,  Schuldvertrag  und 
Treugelobnis,  pp.  306,  308  n.  2,  407f.,  491-506  ; 
Leist,  Altarisches  Jus  Civile,  i.  56-57,  447-450  ; 
Amira,  N.  G.  Obligationenrecht,  ii.  305ff.,  312  ff. ; 
Zeitsch.  f.  vergl.  Rechtswissenschaft,  xv.  p.  49, 
§  30,  xviii.  p.  140.  [h.m.w.] 

Handicrafts.  In  early  Israel  the  devel- 
opment of  handicraft  trades  was  conditioned, 
during  the  different  stages  of  the  nation's  his- 
tory, by  the  requirements  of  nomads,  agricul- 
turists, and  town-dwellers.  With  regard  to 
the  first  two  classes,  only  two  trades  come 
into  consideration  :  those  of  the  smith  and 
the  potter.  Nomads  required  the  smith  for 
fashioning  spear-heads,  the  potter  for  making 
vessels  to  prepare  food  in  ;  though  for  the 
latter  purpose  wood  was  mostly  used,  but  this 
did  not  at  first  necessitate  a  special  trade,  as 
any  one  would  be  capable  of  scooping  out  a 
wooden  vessel  with  a  flint.  Agriculturists  re- 
quired the  potter  for  the  same  purpose  as  the 
nomad,  and  the  smith  for  making  agricultural 
implements.  For  every  other  want  both 
nomad  and  agriculturist  depended  upon  him- 
self. The  making  of  raiment,  whether  of  flax, 
wool,  or  skins,  was  to  a  large  extent  the  wo- 
men's care  ;  while  tents  or  huts  ("  booths  ") 
each  man  made  for  himself.  Handicrafts  (in 
the  stricter  sense  of  the  term)  only  came  into 
being  with  the  rise  of  town-life,  and,  as  the 
books  of  Jos.,  Judg.,  and  iSam.  show,  it  was 
a  long  time  before  the  Israelites  finally  con- 
quered the  Canaanite  towns.  Handicrafts 
among  the  Israelites,  therefore,  arose  at  a 
(comparatively  speaking)  late  date,  when  the 
wants  of  town-dwellers  necessitated,  and 
therefore  brought  into  being,  trades  which 
could  not  have  existed  under  the  conditions 
of  life  of  nomad  and  agriculturist.  The  Heb. 
root  hdrash  [to  cut  into)  contains  the  idea 
which  underUes  the  characteristic  action  of  the 
smith,  the  carpenter,  and  the  mason  ;  each  in 
his  way  "  cuts  into  "  metal,  wood,  or  stone. 
The  fact  that  this  root  means  also  "  to 
plough,"  i.e.  to  cut  into  the  soil,  illustrates  the 
point.  And  therefore  the  Heb.  words  for 
these  three  handicrafts  are  acombination  of  this 
root  and  the  special  material  worked  upon — vtz . 


328 


HANDICRAFTS 


the  smith  is  called  hdrash  barzel,  "  the  cutter 
of  iron  "  (Is. 44.12),  the  carpenter  hdrash  'e(, 
"  the  cutter  of  wood"  (2Sam.5.ii),  the  mason 
hdrash  'ebhen,  "the  cutter  of  stone"  (aSam. 
5. II  ;  Is. 44. 13).  The  smith,  as  being  the 
earliest  of  the  three,  is  also  called  simply  hdrash 
(iSam.13.iq  ;  Je.lO.9) ;  another,  later,  word 
for  smith  is  viasger.  and  for  mason  godher. 
The  A.V.  and  R.V.  sometimes  translate  hdrdsh 
by  "  carpenter,"  but  without  justification  ;  in 
three  cases  out  of  the  seven  the  R.V.  has  cor- 
rected the  earlier  rendering,  (i)  Smiths.  The 
custom  in  vogue  at  the  present  day  among  the 
Bedouin  Arabs  illustrates  what  was  undoubt- 
edly practised  in  very  early  times  :  the  smiths 
form  a  kind  of  caste,  and  go  from  place  to  place 
and  settlement  to  settlement,  and  make  instru- 
ments and  carrv  out'repairs.  According  to  the 
Israelite  tradition,  bronze-  and  iron-work  was 
done  in  primeval  times  (see  Gen.4.22 ),  though  it 


HANDICRAFTS 

of  iron  in  Am.1.3  ;  see  also  iSam.13.19-23, 
which,  though  describing  abnormal  conditions, 
well  illustrates  what  the  smith  was  required 
to  do,  during  the  period  at  which  more 
settled  town-life  was  commencing  among  the 
Israelites.  (2)  Of  silversmiths  and  goldsmiths 
there  is  frequent  mention  in  O.T. ;  they  are 
called  for'phim,  "  testers  "  or  "  refiners."  It 
is  not  probable  that  they  were  much  in  request 
before  the  reign  of  Solomon,  as  both  silver  and 
gold  must  have  been,  comparatively  speaking, 
rare.  There  were,  from  that  time  onwards, 
required,  above  all  for  the  temple,  vessels  of 
gold  and  silver,  overlaying  of  doors  and  walls 
with  gold,  instruments  and  ornaments  of 
various  kinds,  and  the  covering  of  idols  as  well 
as  for^making'molten  images  (c/.  Judg.17.4  ; 
Is.2.2O,40.i9,46.6,  etc.).  Solomon's  external 
relations,  especially  with  the  Phoenicians,  were 
the  immediate  cause  of   the  introduction   of 


M:iM!ii!fe±aJ3 


fe-f^^S^-^fes^ 


^^M^ 


FRESCO  FROM  BENI   yASAN.  RliPRESENTINC  VARIOUS  HANDICRAFTS. 


was  necessary  for  Solomon  to  hire  artificers 
from  Tyre  in  order  to  construct  the  bronze 
vessels  for  the  temple — a  fact  that  shows  that 
the  Israelites  were  not  so  proficient  in  work  of 
this  kind  as  the  Phoenicians.  Moreover,  the 
Canaanites  seem  to  have  had  a  very  consider- 
able knowledge  of  working  in  iron  long  before 
the  final  settlement  of  the  Israelites,  for  we 
read  in  Judg.l.19,4.13  of  the  iron  chariots  they 
possessed,  and  owing  to  the  possession  of  which 
they  were  enabled  to  assert  their  superiority 
in  warfare  over  the  Israelite  tribes  in  tiie 
plains  in  the  earlier  periods  of  the  invasion 
(I.19).  Of  the  objects  made  the  following, 
among  others,  are  mentioned  :  pan,  kettle, 
cauldron,  fleshhook  (iSam.2.14),  pot  (Judg.6. 
19  ;  2K.4.38),  mug  (iSam.26.i2,i6,  K.V.  cruse), 
bucket  (Is. 40. 15),  helmet,  coat  of  mail,  sword 
(iSam.17. 38,39),  bow  (2Sam.22.35),  spear  (21. 
16),  besides  the  various  vessels  used  for  the 
temple  services  (iK.7.i3ff.)— these  latter  were 
cast  (7.46);  also  a.xes  (2K.6.5),  sickles,  knives 
(Deut.18.9:  Je.50.i6),  bolts(Is.45.2,  E.V.bars), 
fetters  (Ps.  105.18) ;  an  iron  pen  is  mentioned  in 
Job  19.24,  Jc.l7.i,  and  threshing   instruments 


larger  quantities  of  the  more  precious  metals 
into  the  country.  It  was,  no  doubt,  owing  to 
instruction  from  Tyrian  workmen  that  the 
Israelites  gained  the  considerable  knowledge 
of  the  silver-  and  goldsmith's  art  to  which  O.T. 
bears  witness.  Three  words  are  used  for  refin- 
ing these  metals:  (draph  (Judg.17.4;  Is. 40. 
19),  "to  test  "  ;  tdhar  (Mai. 3. 3),  "  to  purify  "  ; 
bdhan  (Job  23. 10),  "to  examine."  The  purify- 
ing was  done  by  melting  the  metal  and  remov- 
ing the  drt)ss  (sighlm.  used  mostly  in  the  plur.) 
which  came  to  the  top  (Is. 1.22,25).  When  the 
metal  was  in  a  fluid  state  it  was  poured  into 
moulds,  or  was  used  for  covering  images  of 
wood.  The  hammering-out  (rdqa')  of  metal 
and  soldering  (dcbhcq)  were  also  understood  (see 
esp.  Is. 41. 7);  and  according  to  Ps.45.i4[i3] 
threads  made  of  gold  were  worked  into  cloth. 
This  more  intricate  work  is  furtlier  illustrated 
by  the  making  of  settings  wherein  precious 
stones  were  fixed  (Bx.28.9-11).  In  the  same 
passage  (ver.  11)  we  read  of  the  engraver  ;  as  a 
"  cutter  of  stone,"  his  work  has  to  be  differ- 
entiated from  that  of  the  mason  by  means 
of  the  explanatory  words,  "  like  the  engravings 


HANDICRAFTS 

of  the  signet."  Some  excellent  examples  of  the 
engraver's  work  with  archaic  4Heb.  charac- 
ters cut  into  more  or  less  valuable  stones  have 
been  discovered,  and  the  art  of  engraving  gems 
is  now  known  to  be  as  old  as  the  time  of  Moses 
(they  were  cut  with  a  drill) ;  e.g.  a  gem  has  been 
found  engraved  with  the  name  of  Kurigalzu  I. 
(c.  1480  B.C.)-  The  more  specific  names  for 
engraver  are  Wphatteah  (Zech.3.9)  and  hocebh 
(Job  19.24).  According  to  Ne.38.32  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  guild  of  goldsmiths  ;  and 
although  only  mentioned  late,  it  is  highly  pro- 
bable that  such  a  guild  existed  much  earlier. 
The  goldsmiths  must  very  early  have  become 
differentiated  from  the  smiths,  though  it  seems 
certain  that  the  first  workers  in  gold  and  silver 


HANDICRAFTS 


329 


and  the  bellows  {mappHah) ;  see,  for  these,  Ex. 
32.4  ;  Ezk.22.i8  ;  Pr.lT.'s  ;  Is.41.7  ;  Je.6.29. 
In  N.T.  the  only  smith  mentioned  is  the  silver- 
smith (Ac.19.23  ;  cf-  Rev.9.20).  (3)  Carpen- 
ters and  Masons.  It  is  questionable,  judging 
from  the  custom  of  the  East  to-day,  whether 
these  were  separate  callings,  for  it  is  frequently 
found  that  the  mason — -which  includes  build- 
ing— is  also  a'^carpenter.  As  referring  to  wood- 
work, we  have  the  mention^of  carvings  (miq- 
la'oth)  of  fir,  cedar,  and  olive-wood  (1K.6.18, 
32,34,7.31)  ;  another  word,  pittuhhn,  is  used 
of  the  carved  figures  of  the  cherubim  (iK.6.29). 
But  the  carved  work  for  the  temple,  carried 
out  as  it  must  have  been  by  specially  skilful 
artificers,  was  not  the  normal  work  of  the  car- 


must  have  been  familiar  with  the  rougher  work. 
In  Ne.ll.ss  (c/.  iChr.4.14)  mention  is  made  of 
"  the  valley  of  the  smiths  " ;  the  incidental 
way  in  which  this  is  referred  to  as  though  well 
known  seems  to  imply  that  it  was  an  ancient 
centre  of  such  work.  The  raw  material  was  pro- 
bably obtained  by  the  Israelites,  in  part,  from 
the  Egyptians,  who  possessed  copper-mines  in 
the  Sinaitic  peninsula  (c/.  Job  28.2);  but  the 
Phoenicians  must,  from  all  accounts,  have 
done  most  to  supply  this.  See,  among  other 
passages,  Ezk.27.iiff.,  and  the  various  refer- 
ences to  Solomon's  dealings  with  them.  Cy- 
prus, the  Lebanon  mountains,  and  Spain  were 
the  localities  from  which  the  Phoenician  traders 
got  their  material.  The  implements  used  in 
metal  working  mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  : 
the  graving-tool  (heref),  the  iron  furnace  for 
smelting  (Mr),  the  refining-pot  for  silver  {mac- 
reph),  the  anvil  (pa'am),  the  hammer  (pa(iish), 


penter,  who  would  mainly  be  employed  in 
making  things  in  ordinary  daily  use — e.g. 
wooden  cooking  utensils,  tent  furniture, 
ploughs,  etc.  Some  interesting  details  of  the 
carpenter's  work  are  to  be  found  in  Is. 44.13, 14, 
where  are  mentioned  the  measuring-line  (qdv), 
a  "pencil"  for  marking  (seredh),  a  scraping-tool, 
probably  equivalent  to  the  modern  "  plane  " 
(maqru'd),  compasses  (m'hughd) ;  other  carpen- 
ter's implements  are  the  saw  (massor  ;  m'-gherd 
in  iK.T.q),  the  axe  (garzen;  Is.  10. 15),  nail 
(masnier;  H.7),  haxnuiex  [halmiXth  ;  Judg.5.26, 
etc. ).  Stone-work  included,  in  earlier  times,  rock- 
hewn  cisterns  for  storing  water,  wine-vats,  rough 
altars,  and  pillars ;  in  later  times,  alabaster  vases 
and  ornamental  stone  vases  and  the  like.  Under 
the  heading  of  mason  is  included  the  builder. 
There  was  a  special  term  for  wall-builders 
igodh^rim;  2K.12.i2[i3]).  The  various  ways  in 
which  house-Wcills  were  constructed — whether 


330 


HANDICRAFTS 


of  mud,  clay,  pieces  of  unhewn  rock,  worked 
stone,  right  up  to  finely  chiselled  slabs — have 
been  graphically  shown  by  recent  excavations 
on  the  site  df  ancient  Gezer  by  the  Palestine 


TLLLIiV.     (Brit.  Mu 


Exploration  Fund.  In  the  houses  of  the 
wealthy  the  inside  of  the  walls  were  plastered  ; 
the  plasterers  {(ihim)  are  mentioned  in  Ezk.l3. 
II.  (4)  Pottery  was  one  of  the  most  important 
handicrafts  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  In  the 
earlier  literature  the  potter  is  not  often  re- 
ferred to,  probably  because  the  ancient  custom 
of  using  skin  and  wooden  vessels  continued 


^jj~"^"^^Bin^^^2H^ 


THIi   POITKR  (Ko.S.al).  W.I). A. 

even  1)1  yond  nomadic  days  (c/.  Gen. 21. 14  ; 
Ex.7. 19  ;  Lev. 15.12  ;  Judg.4.19;  iSani.16. 
20).  One  of  the  earliest  references  to  the 
potter's  vessel  {k-lt  ydfir)  is  in  2Sam.i7.28. 
though    obviously    pottery   was   in  use    long 


HANDICTRAFTS 

before  the  time  of  David.  Fruiii  Is. 41. 25  we 
learn  that  the  potter  first  of  all  trod  down 
the  clay  ;  this  softened  it  and  prepared  it  for 
the  potter's  wheels  ('obhnayim;  Je.18.3).  which 
were  originally  of  stone,  as  the  name  implies, 
later  of  wood.  They  consisted  of  a  lower  and 
an  upper  disc  (the  former  being  the  larger), 
which  revolved  in  opposite  directions  on  the 
same  vertical  axle  ;  the  lower  was  driven  by 
the  foot  of  the  potter,  while  the  clay  was  placed 
upon  the  upper  wheel  and  formed  by  the  hand 
(Eccius. 38. 29-31).  The  vessels  were  then 
baked  in  an  oven.  In  later  times  the  clay  was 
glazed  by  means  of  oxide  of  lead  (Pr.26.23, 
"  silver  dross  ").  In  the  time  of  Jeremiah  the 
valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  "  which  is  by  the 
entry  of  tiie  gate  of  the  potsherds,"  was  evi- 
dently a  special  place  forpottery  works  (Je.l8. 
1-4,19.1,2).  An  immense  nun^ber  of  speci- 
mens of  the  potter's  art  have  been  recently 
found  on  the  sites  of  Gezer,  Lachish,  and 
Taanach ;  one  of  the  most  interesting  is  a 
bowl  8  in.  high  and  10  in.  across,  belonging  to 
the  pre-Semitic  period,  which  was  constructed 
without  the  potter's  wheel.     Of  the  different 


HGYl'TiAN  CL'l'S   A.NL)  VASl'.S.     (Bnt.  Mus.) 

potter's  vessels  mentioned  in  the  Bible  earthen 
vessels  generally  are  called  k'lS  heres ;  vessels 
of  large  size,  kadh  (Gen.24.14),  a  pitcher  for 
storing  water;  /'rtnir(Judg.6.io),  apot  for  cook- 
ing purposes;  or  A-i<r  (i  K.8..S1 ),  a  larger  pot; 
ffbhia'  (Jc.35..')),  a  large  bowl.  Smaller  vessels 
are.  baqhuq  (Jc.l9.io),  a  llask  ;  rappahath  (i 
Sam.26.ii).  a  jar  or  cruse  ;  pakh  (iSam.lO.i).  a 
bottle;  and  A:d,>;  (Ps.23.5),  a  drinking-cup.  (5) 
Of  f^lass-tc'ork  only  the  scantiest  notices  are  to 
1)C  found  in  O. T.  Babylonians,  Phoenicians, 
and  I'^gyptians  were  all  acquamted  with  the 
art  before  2000  n.c,  so  that  tiie  Israelites  must 
iiave  known  of  it.  though  tliey  evidently  did 
not  understand  its  manufacture  until  late  in 
their  history.  Glass  (z'klnikhlth.  R.V.  crystal), 
mentioned  with  gold,  hence  clearly  regarded  as 
very  precious,  occurs  in  Job  28. 17  ;  this  is  the 
only  reference  to  it,  for  the  "  hand-mirror  " 
spoken  of  by  the  prophet  (Is. 3. 23)  was  of 
polished  metal.    The  words  in  Pr.33.31,  "  Look 


PLATE    XV 


ASSYRIAN    POTTERY.      (Brit.  Mus.) 


EGYPTIAN    POTTERY.     (Brit.  Mus. 


p.  330]  PHOENICIAN    POTTERY,    DISCOVERED    BY    CESXOLA    IN    CYPRUS. 


HANDICRAFTS 


HANDICRAFTS 


331 


not  thou  upon  the  wine  when  it  is  red,  when  it 
giveth  its  colour  in  the  cup, "have  beensupposed 
to  imply  that  the  cup  was  of  glass  ;  there  is  no 
sufficient  ground  for  the  supposition,  but  even 
were  it  so,  it  would  not  necessarily  mean  that 
the  cup  had  been  manufactured  in  Palestine. 
(6)  One  of  the  most  important  handicrafts 
among  the  Israelites  was  that  of  the  weaver. 
This,  which  concerned  itself  almost  exclusively 
with  the  manufacture  of  clothing  apparel,  was 
originally  practised  by  the  women  alone, 
though  later  by  men  too.  As  at  the  present 
day  in  Palestine,  so,  no  doubt,  in  very  early 
times,  a  handloom  of  the  horizontal  type  was 
used.  The  frame  in  which  the  warp  (i.e.  a  num- 
ber of  parallel  threads)  was  fixed  was  of  wood, 
and  the  woof  (i.e.  a  number  of  threads  running 
at  right  angles  to  the  warp)  was  worked  with 
the  hand  ;  but  it  is  clear,  from  the  large  num- 
ber of  references  to  weaving,  etc.,  in  O.T.,  and 
the  many  kinds  of  words  used,  that  much  more 


elaborate  methods  must  have  come  into  vogue 
in  comparatively  early  times.  It  must  suffice 
here  merely  to  mention  the  chief  of  these. 
Women  spun  (tdwd)  wool,  flax,  goats'  and 
camels'  hair,  and  sheep's  wool ;  the  spindle 
(pelekh)  is  mentioned,  e.g.  aSam.S.ag  (Heb.), 
Pr.3i.19  ;  that  which  was  spun  (?'.£.  the  yarn) 
is  called  matwS  (Ex. 35. 25)  ;  the  word  for 
"  to  weave  "  is  'dragh  (Judg.S.is)';  the  loom 
is  called  'eregh  (16. 14)  ;  massekhd  and  masse- 
kheth  (Is. 25. 7  [Heb.]  ;  Judg.l6.13)  are  both 
used  for  the  web  ;  sh'thi  (Lev. 13. 48)  is  the 
warp  ;  dalld  (Is. 38. 12)  the  loom;  the  weaver's 
beam  (nftior  '6r''ghim)  is  mentioned  in  iSam. 
17.7,  2Sam.2i.19  ;  and  the  rather  difficult 
expressions  bottim  I'bhaddifn  (lit.  "  houses  for 
the  rods")  and  bottim  labb'-rihlm  (lit.  "  houses 
for  the  beams  "),  both  of  which  are  explained 
by  being  called  "  rings  "  (tabba'oth),  are  also 
evidently  connected  with  weaving  (Ex. 25. 27, 
26.29),    judging   by   the   context.     The    woof 


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AN  AKAB  TENT, 


332    HANDKERCHIEF,  NAPKIN 

i'erebh)  is  several  times  referred  to  in  Lev.l3. 
47-59,  together  with  some  others  of  the  techni- 
cal terms  already  enumerated  ;  see  also  Judg. 
16.13,14.  Although  it  is  thus  clear  that  the 
Israelites  were  very  familiar  with  the  art  of 
weaving,  they  did  not  supply  all  their  own 
requirements  in  this  respect,  but,  especially  for 
articles  of  more  luxurious  fabric,  relied  also 
upon  imports  from  Babylon,  Damascus,  and 
Egypt  (c/.  Pr.7.i6).  (7)  Tanning  must  also 
have  been  a  familiar  handicraft  among  the 
early  Israelites,  the  art  being  required  in  the 
preparation  of  sandals  (Gen.i4.23),  water-  and 
wine-skins  (Gen. 21. 14),  coverings  (Ex.26. 14), 
girdles  (Deut.l.41  ;  2K.I.8),  and  leather  being 
mentioned  (2K.I.8  ;  Mt.3.4  ;  and  prob.  Lev. 
11.32,13.48,  Num.31. 20,  where  A.V.  has 
skin).  In  N.T.  three  references  are  made  to 
Simon  the  tanner,  who  dwelt  in  Joppa,  and 
with  whom  St.  Peter  stayed  for  "  many  days." 
His  house  was  by  the  seaside,  nearness  to  water 
being  a  necessity  to  him  for  carrying  on  his 
tanning  operations  (Ac.9.43, 10.6,32).  The 
Gk.  word  for  "tanner,"  (ivpaivs,  means 
literally  one  who  dresses  skins  which  have  been 
stripped  off  (c/.  fivpaa).  (8)  Although  ^ye^wg, 
like  tanning,  is  never  mentioned  as  a  handi- 
craft in  O.T.,  it  must  nevertheless  have  been 
well  known  and  practised,  and  there  are  refer- 
ences to  it.  The  word  used  is  'ddhdm,  which  has 
the  root  signification  of  "  red  "  (Ex. 25. 5,  etc., 
of  rams'  skins  dyed  red).  In  Ezk.23.i5  a  dif- 
ferent word  occurs  {(dbhal),  which  means  liter- 
ally "  to  dip."  The  various  colours  in  con- 
nection with  cloth,  etc.,  mentioned  in  O.T.  also 
prove  the  common  knowledge  of  the  art  (Ex. 
39.ifT.  ;  2Chr.2.7  ;  Esth.1.6,  etc.,  etc.).  For 
N.T.  see  Ac.l6.14.  (9)  The  art  of  Embroidery 
(riqmd),  both  by  hand  and  loom  (see  Weaving, 
above),  was  extensively  practised  by  all  na- 
tions of  antiquity,  including,  evidently,  the 
Israelites  (Ex. 35. 35, 38.23),  though  it  was  not 
of  a  very  elaborate  character,  consisting  of 
interwoven  pieces  of  variegated  cloth  (see  J  udg. 
5.30;  Ezk.18. 18, 26.16,  etc.).  (10)  The  trade 
of  fuller  consisted  in  cleansing  and  whitening 
garments.  The  Heb.  word  means  lit.  "  to 
wash  "  {kdhhas).  Garments  were  washed  by 
being  trodden  down  in  water  together  with 
alkali  or  other  whitening  substance  (Ex.19. 
10,14;  Je.2.22;  Mai. 3. 2).  (II)  Itwasonlyin 
later  days  that /c«/-wa/:/»g  became  a  handicraft, 
as  each  man  could  make  the  simple  nomad's 
tent  for  himself.  In  N.T.  reference  is  made  to 
St.  Paul  and  Aquila — and  probably  to  Priscilla 
also — as  being  tent-makers  by  trade  (Ac.l8. 

I-3)-  [W.O.K.O.] 

Handkerchief,  Napkin,  Appon.    The 

two  former  of  these  terms,  as  used  in  .A-V.  = 
aovSdpiov,  the  latter  =  aiiuKlvOiov.  Both  are 
of  Lat.  origin  :  <xdvMpiov  =  sttdarium,  from 
sudo,  "  to  sweat  "  ;  aituKhOiou  =--  scmicinc- 
tium,  i.e.  "  a  half  girdle."  TIk;  stidariiim  is 
noticed  in  N.T.  as  a  wrapper  to  fold  up  mf)ney 
(Lu. 19.20).;  as  a  cloth  bound  about  the  head 
of  a  corpse  (Jn. 11. 44,20.7),  being  probably 
brought  from  the  crown  of  the  head  imdcr  the 
chin;  and  lastly  as  an  article  of  dross  that 
could  be  easily  removed  (Ac.l9. 12),  probably  a 
handkerchief  worn  on  the  head  like  thi:  keffiyeh 
of   the  Bedouia.     Accorcjing  to  the  scholiast 


HANNATHON 

quoted  by  Schleusner,  the  distinction  is  that 
the  sttdarium  was  worn  on  the  head,  and  the 
semicinctium  used  as  a  handkerchief. 

Hanes'.  Named  only  in  Is.30.4,  "  His 
princes  were  at  Zoan,  and  his  ambassadors 
came  to  Hanes."  The  context  is  difficult ;  but 
probably  the  princes  and  ambassadors  were 
from  the  kingdom  of  Judah  to  the  Pharaoh. 
Hanes  has  been  identifted  with  Khinensu  (or 
Heracleopolis  Magna)  in  Middle  Egypt,  and 
also,  with  less  probability  (following  the  Aram. 
Paraph.),  with  Tehaphnehes,  on  the  eastern 
Egyptian  frontier.  The  Jews  are  in  the  prophecy 
rebuked  for  confiding  in  Egypt.  Zoan  is  grouped 
with  Hanes  as  a  loading  city.  [a. 11. p.] 

Hang'ing-,  Hangring^s,  the  rendering 
respectively  of  two  Heb.  words:  (i)  mdsdq, 
R.V.,  uniformly,  "  screen,"  when  referring  to 
the  portiires  of  the  Tabernacle.  It  is  used 
of  the  screen  for  the  gate  of  the  court  (Ex.27. 
16,35.17.33.18,  etc.),  and  of  that  for  the  door 
of  the  tent  (26.36,39.38,  etc.).  It  occurs  in  con- 
nexion with  the  term  pdrokheth  as  the  name 
of  the  screen  between  the  Holy  Place  and  the 
Holv  of  Holies,  R.V.  "the  veil  of  the  screen  " 
(Ex. 35.12, 39.34, 40.21  ;  Num.4.5).  (2)  qda'tm, 
the  "  hangings  "  which  enclosed  the  court  of 
the  tabernacle  (Ex.27.q,  etc.).  A  third  word, 
boltim.  is  thus  rendered  in  2  K. 23.7,  the  "  hang- 
ings for  the  Asherah,"  R.V.  marg.  "tents," 
Heb.  "  houses."  These  were  curtain-shrines  for 
idolatrous  worship;  cf.  Ezek.l6.i6.       [h.h.] 

Haniel',  sonof  UUa,  an.\sherite(iChr.7.39). 

Hannali,  one  of  the  wives  of  Elkanah,  and 
mother  of  Samuel  (iSam.1,2).  The  criticism 
that  refuses  to  accept  her  hymn  of  praise  as 
genuine,  just  as  it  denies  the  genuineness  of 
the  "  Magnificat,"  is  purely  subjective.  Poetry 
is  the  natural  expression  of  the  emotion  of  a 
gifted  man  or  woman,  strongly  stirred  by  some 
profoundly  realized  blessing.  If  Deborah 
could  sing,  why  not  Hannah  ?  The  argument 
that  the  poetry  is  unsuited  to  the  occasion  cuts 
both  ways.  It  is  inconceivable  that  some  late 
writer  should  have  put  a  song  of  national  de- 
liverance quite  unsuitably  into  Hannah's 
mouth.  What  was  appropriate  to  such  an 
occasion  is  probably  just  the  lesson  we  have  to 
learn.  The  ideas  of  the  hymn  are  highly  ori- 
ginal. With  reminiscence  of  the  poetry  of 
Moses,  Hannah  regards  the  unhoped-for  birth 
of  a  consecrated  son  as  a  demonstration  of  that 
divine  power  which  is  destined  to  uplift  the 
humble,  reconstruct  society,  and  destroy  the 
proud  and  ungodly.  The  same  idea  is  to  be 
found  in  the  "  Magnificat"  (l.u.l. 46-56)  with 
a  larger  horizon,  a  profoundor  tone,  and  an 
allusion  to  the  ])romise  to  .Abraham  and  to 
Israel  realized  in  the  Messiah  now  born  into  the 
world.  Tho  roforoiice  in  iSam.2.io  to  "  Jeho- 
vah's king"  and  "  Jehovah's  anointed  "  may 
possibly  be  better  regarded  "  as  a  later  addition, 
after  the  model  of  Ps.29.ii"  (Klostermann), 
or  as  a  "  liturgical  addition,"  such  as  a  numbor 
of  ])salms  pmbably  exhibit  at  their  close.  The 
abrupt  ending  without  it  is  possibly  more  force- 
ful and  natural.  Yet  Keil's  explanation  of  it 
as  an  instance  of  prophetic  insight  is  by  no 
means  impossibh^  (see  ver.  35).  [k.e.s.] 

Hannathon'  (Jos.i9.14),  on  N.  border 
of  /('bulun:  now  Ke/r  '.imin,  16  miles  N.E. 
of  Nazareth.     [Ga|,ilee.]  (c.r.c.j 


HANNIEL 

Hanniel',  son  of  Ephod,  and  prince  of  Man- 
asseh  at  the  division  of  Canaan  (Num.34.23). 

Hanoch'. — 1.  Third  son  of  Midian  (Gen. 
25.4). — 2.  Eldest  son  of  Reuben  (Gen.46.9  ; 
Ex.6. 14  ;  iChr.5.3),  and  founder  of  the  family 
of  the  Hanochites  (Num.26. 5). 

Hanun'. — 1.  Son  of  Nahash  (2Sam.l0.i, 
2  ;  iChr.l9.i,2),  king  of  Ammon,  who  dis- 
honoured the  ambassadors  of  David  (2Sam. 
10.4),  and  involved  the  Ammonites  in  a  disas- 
trous war  (2Sam.i2.31 ;  iChr.19.6),  the  termina- 
tion of  which  may  have  been  celebrated  by  a 
marriage  of  his  daughter  Naamah  (see  LXX. 
I K. 12. 24)  with  Solomon.  If  this  assumption 
is  correct,  it  would  approximately  fix  the  date 
of  this  war. — 2.  A  man  who,  with  the  people 
of  Zanoah,  repaired  the  ravine-gate  in  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.13). — 3.  The  sixth  son  of 
Zalaph,  who  also  assisted  in  the  repair  of  the 
wall,  apparently  on  the  east  side  (Ne.3.30). 

Haphpaim'  (two  wells;  Jos. 19. 19),  a  town 
of  Issachar.  The  Onomasticon  places  it  at 
Affarea,  6  miles  N.  of  Legio ;  now  el  Farrlyeh, 
a  ruin  6  miles  N.W.  of  Lejjiln.  [c.r.c] 

Hapa'  (iChr.5.26  only).  Possibly  for 
Haran,  noticed  with  Habor  as  a  place  to 
which  Israel  was  taken  captive.  [c.r.c] 

Hapadah',  a  desert  station  of  the  Israelites 
(Num.33. 24, 25)  ;   its  position  is  uncertain. 

Hapan'. — 1.  Third  son  of  Terah,  and 
youngest  brother  of  Abram  (Gen. 11. 26). 
Three  children  are  ascribed  to  him — Lot  (27, 
31),  and  two  daughters,  viz.  Milcah,  who 
married  her  uncle  Nahor,  and  Iscah  (29).  He 
was  born  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  and  died  there 
while  his  father  was  still  living  (28).  The  an- 
cient Jewish  tradition  is  that  he  was  burnt  in 
the  furnace  of  Nimrod  for  his  wavering  conduct 
dxiring  the  fiery  trial  of  Abraham. — 2.  A  son 
of  Caleb,  by  his  concubine  Ephah  (iChr.2.46). 
—3.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  of  the  family  of 
Shimei,  in  the  time  of  David  (23.9). 

Hapan',  the  place  whither  Abraham  mi- 
grated from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (kasdim),  and 
where  the  descendants  of  his  brother  Nahor  es- 
tablished themselves  (c/.Gen.24.io  with  27.43). 
It  is  said  to  be  in  Mesopotamia  (Gen. 24. 10),  or 
more  definitely,  in  Padan-aram  (25. 20),  the  cul- 
tivated district  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  a  name 
well  applying  to  the  country  which  lies  below 
moimt  Masius  between  the  Khabiir  and  the 
Euphrates.  About  midway  in  this  district  is  a 
village  still  called  Harrdn,  upon  the  Belik  (an- 
cient Bilichus),a  small  affluent  of  the  Euphrates. 
The  name  is  probably  the  Babylonian  haranu 
(road),  being  on  a  trade  route  to  W.  Tlie  land 
of  the  kasdim  (A.V.  Chaldeans)  was  near  the 
Khabiir  River  (see  Ezk.l.3).  [c.r.c] 

Ha'paplte,  The,  a  description  occurring 
thrice  inthelist  (2Sam.23.ii,33  ;  cf.  1Chr.ll.27, 
34,35)  of  David's  guard ;  of  Agee,  Shammah,  4, 
and  Sharar. 

Hapbona'  (Esth.l.io)  or  Hapbonah'  (7. 
9),  the  chamberlain  of  Ahasuerus,  who  sugges- 
ted the  hanging  of  Haman  on  his  own  gallows. 
Hape  (Heb.  'arnebheth)  occurs  only  in  Lev. 
11.6  and  Deut.14.7,  amongst  the  animals  dis- 
allowed as  food  by  the  Mosaic  law  ;  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  'arnebheth,  the  equivalent  of  the 
Arab,  'arnabeh,  is  rightly  translated.  Several 
species  of  hares  are  found  in  Syria  and  the 
adjacent  countries,  such  as  Lepus  syriacus  of 


HAROD,  WELL  OP 


333 


Syria  and  Palestine,  L.  judeae  of  Palestine,  L. 
sinaiticus  of  mount  Sinai  and  N.  Arabia,  L. 
arabicus  of  Arabia  Felix,  and  L.  aegypticus  of 
Egypt  and  Arabia.  The  idea  that  hares  chew 
the  cud  is  erroneous.     [Coney.]  [r.l.] 

Hapel.     [Ariel.] 

Hapeph',  a  son  of  Caleb,  and  "  father  of 
Beth-gader"  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (iChr. 
2.51  only). 

Ha'peth,  a  "  wood"  (ya'ar)  near  Adullam 

(iSam.22.5),   where   David  hid.     The   LXX. 

reads    "city"     ('ir).      Probably   the    village 

Khards,  among  the  wooded  spurs  E.  of  the 

vallev  of  Elah,  7  m.  N.W.  of  Hebron,   [c.r.c] 

Haphaiah',  father  of  Uzziel,  6  (Ne.3.8). 

Kaphas',    an   ancestor    of    Shallum,    the 

husband  of  the  prophetess  Huldah  (2K. 22.14). 

Haphup'.     The    sons     of     Harhiur    were 

Nethinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 

Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.51;    Ne.7.53)- 

Hapim'. — 1.  A  priest  in  charge  of  the  third 
division  in  the  house  of  God  (iChr.24.8). — 2. 
Bene-Harim,  probably  descendants  of  the 
above,  numbering  1,017,  came  up  from  Baby- 
lon with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.39;  Ne.7.42).  Pro- 
bably Ezr.lO.21  and  Ne.10.5  refer  to  the  same 
family. — 3.  The  name  occurs  again  in  a  list 
of  the  families  of  priests  "  who  went  up  with 
Zerubbabel,"  and  of  their  descendants  in  the 
next  generation  (Ne.l2.i5)-  In  the  former  list 
(I2.3)  the  name  is  changed  to  Rehum. — 4. 
Another  family  of  Bene-Harim,  320  in  number, 
came  from  captivity  at  the  same  time  (Ezr.2. 
32;  Ne.7.35).  They,  like  2,  had  married  for- 
eign wives  (Ezr.lO.31),  and  had  sealed  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.27). 

Hapiph'  (Ne.7. 24,10.19),  a  place  in  Judaea, 
;  perhaps    the    ruin    Kharuf,    3    miles    S.    of 
Adullam.  [c.r.c] 

Haplot.  (i)  Israelites  were  forbidden  to 
make  their  daughters  prostitutes  (Lev.l9.2g) 
[Family,  D.I(5)],  the  daughter  of  a  priest  being 
burnt  (21.9) ;  nor  might  the  wages  of  a  prosti- 
tute be  brought  into  God's  house  for  any  vow 
(Deut.23.i8[i9]).  The  son  of  a  prostitute  was 
not  entitled  to  inherit  (Judg.ll.if.).  Prosti- 
tutes wore  a  distinctive  dress  (Gen.38.i4  ; 
Pr.7.io).  For  a  general  picture,  see  Pr.7. 
(2)  Religious  prostitution  was  common  in 
some  heathen  cults  (Ba.6.ii,  etc.).  It  was 
strictly  forbidden  among  the  Israelites  (Deut. 
23.i7[i8]),  but  appears  to  have  been  practised 
(H0.4.14;  c/.  Am. 2. 7,  etc.).  [h.m.w.] 

The  sin  implied  in  the  term  wdpviq  is  de- 
nounced by  St.  Paul  (iCor.6.i3ff.)  as  the  viola- 
tion of  natural  and  spiritual  law.  This  sin  was 
notoriously  prevalent  in  Corinth.  Lu.i5.30  is 
the  only  passage  in  N.T.  which  may  imply  pros- 
titution for  gain.  Harlots  who  repented  on 
hearing  the  warnings  of  the  Baptist  are  by  our 
Lord  contrasted  with  the  unrepentant  Phari- 
sees (Mt.21.32).  Rahab,  the  harlot,  by  her 
faith  in  the  God  of  Israel  (Jos.2.ii  ;  Heb. 11. 
31  ),which  showed  itself  in  action  (J  as. 2. 25), was 
saved  when  Jericho  was  destroyed  (Jos.6.i7)- 
TlopvT)  is  used  symbolically  for  a  city  (Rev'.17. 
1,5,15,16,19.2),  with  ref.  to  a  similar  usage  in 
O.T.—e.g.  Is.23.i5ff-  ;  Na.3.4.  [h.h.] 

Hapne'phep,  one  of  the  sons  of  Zophah, 
of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (iChr.7.36). 

Hapod',  "Well  of  (R.V.  "spring  of";  the 
spring  of  trembling).    By  this  well  Gideon  and 


334 


HARODITE,  THE 


his  army  encamped  against  the  Midianites 
(Judg.7.i),  and  here  the  trial  of  the  people 
by  their  mode  of  drinking  apparently  took 
place.  It  was  in  the  valley  of  Jezreel  (see  6.33), 
and  thus  E.  of  that  city  and  S.  of  the  Midianite 
camp  (7.1).  The  present  ' Ain  J dlud  (GoliatK' s 
spring),  which  forms  a  large  pool  under  the  S. 
cliffs,  appears  a  suitable  site.  [c.r.c] 

Ha'podite,  The,  the  designation  of  two  of 
the  37  warriors  of  David's  guard,  Shammah 
and  Elika  (2Sam.23.25),  doubtless  derived 
from  a  place  named  Harod. 

Haroeh',  son  of  "  Shobal,  father  of  Kirjath- 
jearina"  in  the  genealogiesof  Judah  (iChr.2.52). 

Hapop'ite,  The,  the  title  given  to  Sham- 
moth,  one  of  l)avid's  guard  (1Chr.ll.27). 

Hapo'sheth  of  the  Gentiles  (gdylm), 
where  Sisera,  "lord"  (sdr)  of  king  Jabin's 
chariots,  dwelt  (Judg.4.2,13,16),  and  whence 
he  advanced  (E.)  to  Tabor  (ver.  6).  Proba- 
bly el  Harathiyeh,  a  village  N.  of  the  Kishon', 
8  miles  S.E.  of  Hai;fa,  commanding  the  gorge, 
and  on  the  edge  of  the  oak  woods  to  its  E. 
The  word  probably  means  "  wooded "  in 
Heb.  ;  and,  as  a  chariot  station,  it  was  no 
doubt  in  the  plain.  [c.r.c.] 

Happ  (Heb.  kinnor,  of  uncertain  origin). 
The  kinnor  was  the  national  instrument  of 
the  Hebrews,  and  well  known  through  Asia. 
Its  invention  is  assigned  to  the  antediluvian 
period  ((ien.4'.2i ).  The  author  of  Shilie  Haggib- 
borim  described  it  as  resembling  the  modern 
harp,  and  St.  Jerome  declared  it  t<j  have 
resembled  in  shape  the  Gk.  letter  delta. 
Josephus  says  that  the  kinnor  had  ten  strings, 
and  was  played  on  with  the  plectrum  ;  others 
assign  to  it  24,  or  47  (Shilte  Haggibborim)  ; 
while  in  iSam.l6.23,18.io  David  is  said  to 
have  played  on  the  kinnor  with  his  hand. 
Probably  there  was  a  smaller  and  a  larger 
kinnor,  and  these  may  have  been  played  in 
different  ways  (10. 5).  The  word  for  "  harp  " 
(qithdros  or  qathros,  LX.X.  KiOapis,  a  cithara  or 
lute)  in  Dan. 3  is  a  different  one,  and  is  said 
to  be  (ik.  in  origin  ;  but  its  etymology  is 
doubtful.  [Dulcimer.]  The  lyre  is  repre- 
sented on  an  ancient  Hittite  bas-relief  at 
Mer'ash  in  Syria,  and  at  Bent  Hasan  in 
Egypt  one  of  the  Edomites  (c.  2200  B.C.)  has 
a  ten-stringed  lyre.  It  occurs  with  5  strings 
on  Jewish  coins.  At  Thebes  the  harp  proper 
is  represented  with  13  strings,  and  it  also 
appears  on  an  Assyrian  bas-relief  of  7th  cent. 
B.C.,  which  represents  a  procession  of  lilamites. 
In  this  case  it  has  the  form  assigned  by  St. 
Jerome  (see  above)  to  the  kinnor. 

Happow^.  The  Heb.  word  (2Sam.i2.31  ; 
iC  hr.20.3)  means  some  "  spiked  "  iron  instru- 
ment, and  in  Is. 41. 15  the  moragh  hdrHf  is  the 
"spiked  threshing  sledge."  [Agriculture.] 
The  verb  "  harrow"  (A.V.  Is.28.24  ;  Job  39. 10  ; 
Ho. 10.11),  or  "break  clods,"  means  to  smooth 
or  flatten.  It  may  refer  to  the  dragging  of  a 
thorn-bush  after  the  plough,  or  to  rolling  with 
a  stone  roller,  in  each  case  drawn  by  cattle,  as 
is  still  done  in  Palestine.  The  word  "  cart- 
wheel" (Is. 28. 27,  'df>hdn  'dghdld),  or  "wheel" 
(Pr.20.26),  refers  rather  to  a  "roller."  Iron 
li.irrows  .ire  not  used  in  the  East.       [c.r.c] 

Hapsha'.  Sons  of  Harsha  were  Nethinim 
will)  came  back  from  Babvlon  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.2.52  ;    Nc.7.54). 


HASHMANNIM 

Hapt.  The  hart  is  reckoned  among  the 
clean  animals  (Deut.l2.i5,14..5,15.22),  and 
seems,  from  the  passages  quoted  as  well  as 
from  I K. 4.2  3,  to  have  been  commonly  killed  for 
food.  The  Heb.  masc.  noun  'ayydl  certainly 
refers  to  some  kind  of  deer,  and  perhaps  todeer 
generally.  Thefallowdeer  (Cervtis  datna)occuTS 
in  Asia  Minor  and  N.  Palestine,  and  the.Mesopo- 
tamian  fallow  deer  (C.  mesopotamicus)  in  Lur- 
istan,  NT.  Persia  ;  while  the  maral  or  eastern 
red  deer  (C.  elaphus  maral)  is  found  in  N .  Persia, 
Transcaucasia,  and  probably  Asia  Minor. 
[Fallow  Deer  ;  Hind  ;  Roe.]  [r.l.] 

Hapum',  father  of  .A.harhel,  in  an  obscure 
genealogy  of  Judah  (iChr.4.8). 

Hapumaph,  fatherof  Jedaiah,2(Ne.3.io). 

Hapu  phite,  The,  the  designation  of 
Shephatiaii,   6  (iChr.12.5).     [Hariph.] 

Hapuz',  a  man  of  J  otbah  ;  father  of  MeshuU 
lemeth,  the  queen  of  Manasseh  (2K.2I.19). 

Hapvest.     [Agriculture  ;  Year.] 

Hasadiah',  a  man  in  the  royal  line  of 
Judah  (iChr.3.2o),  apparently  a  son  of 
Zerubbabel. 

Hasenuah'  (i.e.  the  Senuah),  a  Benja- 
mite,  ancestor  of  Sallu,  i  (iChr.9.7). 

Hashabiah'. — 1.  A  Merarite  Levite,  and 
ancestor  of  lithan  the  singer  (iChr.6.45[3o]).-^ 
2.  Another  Merarite  Levite  (8.14). — 3.  A  son 
of  Jeduthun  (25-3),  who  had  charge  of  the 
twelfth  ward  of  the  Levite  musicians  (19).^ 
4.  A  Hebronite  officer,  in  the  time  of  David,  on 
the  Ws  (R.V.  beyond)  of  Jordan  (26.30). — 5. 
Son  of  Kemuel,  and  prince  of  Levi  in  the  time 
of  David  (27.17). — 6.  .A.  Levite  leader,  who 
made  offerings  at  king  Josiah's  great  passover- 
feast  (2Chr.35.9). — 7-  A  Merarite  Levite,  who 
accompanied  Ezra  from  Babylon,  to  serve 
as  one  of  the  "ministers"  (iEsd.8. 46-48, 
"priests")  in  the  house  of  God  (Ezr.8.19). 
Perhaps  the  same  as — 8-  One  of  the  chief  of  the 
priests  in  the  same  caravan  who  had  charge  of 
the  sacred  vessels  (8.24). — 9.  Ruler  of  the  half 
part  of  Keilah.  He  repaired  a  portion  of  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  (Ne.3.17). 
— 10.  One  of  the  Levites  who  sealed  the  coven- 
ant of  reformation  after  the  return  from  the 
Captivity  (10. 11).  Probably  this  is  the  chief 
of  the  Levites  named  in  Nehemiah's  time 
(I2.24  ;  cf.  26). — 11.  A  Levite,  ancestor  of 
Shemaiah  (11. 15). — 12.  A  Levite,  ancestor  of 
Uzza,  the  overseer  of  the  restored  Levites  (11. 
22). — 13.  .A.  priest  of  the  family  of  Hilkiah,  in 
the  days  of  Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua  (12.2i). 

Hashabnah  ,  one  of  the  leading  laymen 
who  sealed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.25). 

Hashabniah  . — 1.  Father  of  Hattush 
(Ne.3.10). — 2.  One  of  the  Levites  who  officiated 
at  the  great  fast  under  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
when  the  covenant  was  sealed  (9.5). 

Hashbadana',  one  of  the  men  (probably 
Levites)  who  stood  on  Ezra's  left  hand,  while 
he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). 

Hashem'.  Sons  of  Hashem  the  Gizonite 
were  members  of  David's  guard  (1Chr.ll.34). 
For  a  suggested  emendation  of  this  passage, 
see  J  ASHEN. 

Hashmannlni'  (Ps.68.31,  Heb.),  "fat 
ones  "  ;  in  V'nig.  legali.  A.V.  is  probably  cor- 
rect in  rendering  "  Princes  shall  come  out  of 
Egypt."  Is.35.6  has  sh'^mannlm,  "  fat  things." 
The  idea  that  Hashmannim  wasa  proper  name, 


HASHMONAH 

derived  from  Hermopolis  Magna,  can  hardly 
be  maintained.  [a.h.p.] 

Hashmonah',  a  station  of  the  IsraeUtes, 
next  before  Moseroth  (Num. 33. 29). 

Hashub'  (R.V.  correctly  Hasshub). — 1. 
A  son  of  Pahath-moab,  who  assisted  in  the 
repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.ii). — 2. 
Another  assistant  in  the  repair  (3.23). — 3.  One 
of  the  heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the 
covenant  with  Nehemiah  (10. 23).  Possibly  the 
same  as  i  or  2. — 4.  A  Merarite  Levite,  father 
of  Shemaiah,  5  (11. 15). 

Hashubah',  the  first  of  a  group  of  five 
men,  apparently  the  latter  half  of  the  family 
of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.20). 

Hashum'. — 1.  Bene-Hashum  (Ezr.2.19; 
Ne.7.22)  came  back  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
babel. [Arom.]  Seven  of  them  had  married 
foreign  wives,  from  whom  they  had  to  separate 
(Ezr.10.33  ;  called  Asom  in  iEsd.9.33).  Their 
chief  was  among  those  who  sealed  the  covenant 
(Ne.10.i8). — 2.  One  of  the  priests  or  Levites 
who  stood  on  Ezra's  left  hand,  while  he  read 
the  law  to  the  congregation  (8.4). 

Hashupha'.     [Hasupha.] 

Hasmonaeans.     [Maccabees,  The.] 

Haspah'  (2Chr.34.22)  =  Harhas. 

Hassenaah'.  The  Bene-has-senaah  re- 
built the  Fish  Gate  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Ne.3.3).     [Senaah.] 

Hasshub'  (iChr.9.14)  =  Hashub,  4. 

Hasupha'.  Bene-Hasupha(Ne.7.46,  Hash- 
upha) were  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Baby- 
lon with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.43). 

Hat.     [Head-dress.] 

Hatach',  a  eunuch  of  Ahasuerus,  and  per- 
sonal attendant  of  Esther  (Esth.4.5ff.). 

Hathath',  son  of  Othniel  (iChr.4.13). 

Hatipha'.  Bene-Hatipha  were  Nethinim 
who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2.54;   Ne.7.56). 

Hatita'.  Bene-Hatita  were  "  porters " 
(i.e.  the  gate-keepers),  who  returned  from  the 
Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.42  ;  Ne.7.45). 

Hattil'.  Bene-Hattil  were  among  the 
"  children  of  Solomon's  slaves  "  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.57  ;    Ne.7.59). 

Hattush'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  the  kings  of 
Judah,  in  a  confused  genealogy  (iChr.3.22).  A 
person  of  the  same  name  accompanied  Ezra 
(Ezr.8.2),  or  Zerubbabel  (Ne.12.2),  from  Baby- 
lon to  Jerusalem.  Probably  it  is  the  name  of 
a  family. — 2.  Son  of  Hashabniah  ;  he  assisted 
in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (3. 10). 

Haupan',  a  province  of  Palestine  twice 
mentioned  by  Ezekiel  (47. 16, 18),  identical 
with  the  Gk.  province  of  Auranitis,  and  the 
xaodiQTnHaurdn.  Josephus  frequently  mentions 
Auranitis  in  connexion  with  Trachonitis, 
Batanea,  and  Gaulanitis,  which  with  it  consti- 
tuted the  ancient  kingdom  of  Bashan. 

Havilah'. — 1.  A  son  of  Cush  (Gen.lO.7)  ; 
and — 2.  Ason  of  Joktan  (IO.29).  [Arabia.]  It 
is  thought  that  the  district  of  Khauldn,  in  the 
Yemen,  preserves  a  trace  of  this  ancient  people. 
It  lies  between  the  city  of  San'aa  and  the 
Hijaz.  It  took  its  name,  according  to  the  Arabs, 
from  Khaulan,  a  descendant  of  Qahtan  [Jok- 
tan], or,  as  some  say,  of  Qahlan,  brother  of 
Himyar.  It  is  a  fertile  territory,  embracing  a 
large  part  of  myrrhiferous  Arabia  ;  mountain- 
ous, with  plenty  of  water,  and  supporting  a  con- 


HAZAEL 


335 


siderable  population  (see  Gen. 25. 18  ;  iSam.15. 
7). — 3.  Another  Havilah  appears  to  have  been 
on  the  Persian  Gulf  (perhaps  that  of  Cush),  in 
the  present  district  HawUah,  the  XauXoraiot  of 
Strabo  (xvi.).  The  word  may  mean  "  sandy." 
— 4.  Havilah  in  Gen.2.ii  was  apparently  W. 
of  the  Caspian  Sea  (Pison  being  the  Araxes 
River)  near  the  gold-bearing  region  of  Colchis 
in  the  Caucasus.     [Eden.]  [c.r.c] 

Havoth'-jaip',  certain  villages  in  Gilead 
and  Bashan,  taken  by  J  air,  i,  and  named  after 
him  (Num. 32.41  ;  Deut.3.14).  In  Jos.i3.30  and 
iChr.2.23  the  Havoth-jair  are  reckoned  among 
60  "  cities."  In  iChr.2.22  they  are  specified  as 
23,but  in  Judg.10.4,  as  30  in  number.  Those  in 
Argob  (Deut.3.14)  are  called  "  Bashan-havoth- 
jair"  (see  1K.4.13).  Apparently  some  were  in 
Gilead  and  some  in  Bashan.  [c.r.c] 

Ha\vk  (Heb.  nee).  Both  the  translation 
and  the  Heb.  term '(Lev. 11. 16  ;  Deut.i4.15  ; 
Job  39.26)  are  to  be  regarded  as  used  in  a 
wide  sense,  as  appears  from  the  expression  in 
Deuteronomy  and  Leviticus,"  after  his  kind." 
They  may  denote,  in  fact,  any  or  all  of  the 
smaller  diurnal  birds  of  prey,  such  as  the  kestrel 
(Tinnunculus  alandarins),i\\e  gregarious  lesser 
kestrel  (T.  cenchris),  and  the  hobby  (Falco 
subbuteo),  which  are  common  about  ruins  in  the 
plains  of  Palestine,  and  were  doubtless  known 
to  the  ancient  Hebrews.  The  passage  in  Job 
(I.e.)  appears  to  allude  to  the  migratory  habits 
of  hawks,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  of  the  10 
or  12  lesser  birds  of  prey  found  in  Palestine, 
nearly  all,  except  the  kestrel,  are  summer 
migrants.  In  addition  to  the  smaller  kinds,  the 
lanner  falcon  (Falco  feldeggi),  the  laggar  falcon 
(F.  jugger), andthe  Babylonian  falcon  (F.  baby- 
lonicus)  visit  Syria  and  Palestine  in  summer. 
[Kite  ;   Glede.]  [r.l.] 

Hay  (Heb.  hd(-ir  ;  Pr.27.25  ;  Is.15.6).  The 
Heb.  term  occurs  frequently  in  O.T.,  and  de- 
notes "grass"  of  any  kind.  It  was  cut,  as  it 
still  is,  to  feed  beasts  (see  Ps.37.2),  and  dried 
up  by  the  sun  (Is. 5. 24, 33. 11).  [Chaff.]  The 
word  hdcir  (Arab,  khudr)  means  "  green,"  and 
hay  is  never  made  in  Palestine,  nor  represented 
on  the  monuments.  [c.r.c] 

Hazael',  king  of  Damascus  (c.  886-840 
B.C.),  seems  to  have  been  previously  a  person  of 
position  at  the  court  of  Benhadad  who  sent 
him  to  Elisha  to  inquire  whether  he  (Ben- 
hadad) would  recover  from  the  sickness  from 
which  he  was  suffering.  Elisha's  answer  led  to 
the  murder  of  Benhadad  by  Hazael,  who  forth- 
with mounted  the  throne  (2K.8.5-15).  He  was 
soon  at  war  with  Ahaziah  king  of  Judah  and 
Jehoram  king  of  Israel  for  the  possession  of 
Ramoth-gilead  (ver.  28),  and  thereafter  made 
many  attacks  upon  Israel.  He  was  not  so  suc- 
cessful against  AssvTia,  however ;  for  Shalman- 
eser  II.,  renewing  the  conflict  begun  in  the  time 
of  Benhadad,  defeated  Hazael  in  Lebanon, 
when  the  Syrian  king  lost  1,600  men.  Another 
attack  on  the  part  of  the  Assyrians  took  place 
later.  Towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Jehu 
(c.  860  B.C.),  Hazael  led  his  forces  against  the 
Israelites,  whom  he  smote  in  all  their  coasts 
(IO.32),  thus  fulfilling  Elisha's  prophecy  (8.12). 
At  the  close  of  his  life,  having  taken  Gath  (12. 
17  ;  of.  Am. 6. 2),  he  proceeded  to  attack  Jeru- 
salem, when  Joash  bribed  him  to  retire  (2K.12. 
18).     He  seems  to  have  died  c.  840  B.C.,  and  was 


336 


HAZAIAS 


succeeded  by  his  son  Benhadad  III.  (I3.24), 
having  reigned  46  years.  [t.g.p.] 

Hazaiah'  (Ne.ll.5),  an  ancestor  of 
Maasciah,  of  the  family  of  the  Shilonites. 

Hazar-addah,  etc.     [Hazer,  1-7.] 

Hazanmaveth,  the  third,  in  order,  of 
the  sons  of  Joktan  (Gen.lO.26).  [Arabia.] 
The  Arab.  Hadramaut  (dead  region)  exactly 
represents  the  Heb.  word.  It  is  the  province 
E.  of  the  Yemen.  [c.r.c] 

Hazazon-tamap—  Hazezon-tamar. 
[Engedi.] 

Hazel.     [Almond-tree.] 

Hazelelponi',  the  sister  of  the  sons  of 
Etam  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (iChr.4.3). 

Hazep'  (Heb.  Mfcr,  Arab,  hasr,  "  en- 
closure "),  in  the  plur.  Hazerim  (Deut.2.23). 
The  Arabs  still  call  the  great  stone  circles  of 
Moab  by  this  name. — 1.  Hazar-addar,  on  S. 
border  of  the  land  of  Israel  (Num.34.4), 
answers  to  Hezron  and  Adar  (Jos. 15. 3).  The 
name  probably  survives  at  Jebel  Haiireh,  in 
the  Tih  plateau  N.W.  of  Petra. — 2.  Hazar- 
ENAN  (Num.34.9,10  ;  Ezk. 47.17,48.1),  the 
N.E.  boundary  of  the  land  of  Israel,  on  the 
high  road  W.  from  Zedad  (Sudud).  It  was 
the  N.W.  border  of  Damascus,  and  on  S. 
border  of  Hamath,  on  the  Shepham  (or  "  lip  ") 
of  the  Anti-Lebanon,  about  6  miles  E.  of 
Riblah.  The  name,  however,  has  not  sur- 
vived.— 3.  Hazar-gaddah  (Jos. 15. 27),  a  city 
in  S.  of  Judah,  the  site  of  which  is  unknown. 
— 4.  Hazar-hatticon  (the  middle  village), 
in  the  Hauran  (Ezk.47.i6),  is  also  unknown. 
— 5.  Hazak-shual  (Jos.15.28,19.3),  near  to 
Beer-sheba,  is  perhaps  S'awi,  a  ruin  on  a  hill 
8  miles  E.  of  Bir  es  Seb'a.  It  was  inhabited 
after  the  Captivity  (iChr.4.28  ;  Ne.ll.27). — 
6.  Hazar-susah  (Jos.19.5),  or  Hazar-susim 
(iChr.4.31 ;  the  village  of  horses),  may  have 
been  at  Siisin,  10  miles  S.  of  Gaza. — ?■ 
Hazarma'veth  (Hairamaut).  [Arabia.] — 8- 
Hazor,  a  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites  (Jos. 
11.1,10,13,12.19),  probably  Hazor  of  Naphtali 
(19. 36),  near  Ramah.  The  most  suitable  site 
is  the  ruin  Hazziir,  3  miles  S.E.  of  Rdmeh,  and 
2  miles  S.W.  of  Hannathon.  Its  king  had 
a  force  of  chariots,  so  that  it  was  probably 
near  the  plains  (Judg.4.2,17).  It  is  perhaps 
noticed  later  (iK. 9.15  ;  2K.15.29).  Josephus 
thought  it  was  in  Upper  Galilee,  which  is  im- 
probable. [Merom.]  It  is  noticed  in  14th 
cent.  B.C.  by  the  Egyptian  traveller  (the 
Mohar),  in  connexion  with  towns  of  Lower 
Galilee  ;  and  a  century  earlier  two  of  the 
Amarna  letters  may  come  from  this  Hazor 
(Brit.  Mus.  47,  48). — 9.  Hazor  (Jos.i5.23), 
near  Kedesh,  in  S.  of  Judah,  is  unknown. — 10- 
(Jos.15.25)  =  Kerioth-hezron.  [Kekiotii,  2.] — 
11.  In  Je.49.28,30,33,  a  kingdom  near  Keuar. 
— 12.  Hazor  of  Benjamin  (Ne.ll.33),  now 
the  ruin  Hazziir,  4  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem. 
— 13-  Hazor-iiadattah  (Jos.i5.25),  in  S.  of 
Judah,  is  tmknown.     [En-hazor.]       [c.r.c] 

Hazepoth'  (Num.ll.35,12.i6.33.i7 :  Deut. 
l.i),  the  third  camp  of  Israel  after  leaving 
Sinai.  Now  '/I  m //Mr/(*ra/j  (which  correctly  re- 
presents the  Hob.),  about  30  miles  from  Sinai, 
and  60  miles  from  Tell  el  Asfar  [Siiapher], 
these  distances  giving  an  average  daily  journey 
of  10  miles.  [c.r.c] 


IHEATHEN 

Mazeion'-tamap',     Hazazon'-tamaP 

(Gen.14.7  ;    2Chr.20.2).     [En-gedi.] 

Hazier,  a  Levite  of  the  younger  branch  of 
the  Gershonites,  in  David's  reign  (iChr.23.9). 

Hazo',  son  of  Nahor  by  Milcah  (Gen.22.22). 

Hazop.     [Hazer,  8-13.] 

Head-dpess.  (dniph  is  noticed  as  being 
worn  by  nobles  (Job  29.14),  ladies  (Is.3.23),  and 
kings  (Is.62.3),  while  the  p''er  was  an  article 
of  holiday  dress  (Is.61.3,  A.V.  beauty  ;  Ezk. 
24.17,23),  and  was  worn  at  weddings  (Is. 61. 10). 
The  former  describes  a  kind  of  turban  or 
shawl,  and  its  form  probably  resembled  that 
of  the  high-priest's  mifnepheth,  as  described 
by  Josephus  (3  Ant.  vii.  3).  p'''er  primarily 
means  an  ornament,  and  is  so  rendered  in  A.V. 
(Is. 61. 10  ;  see  also  ver.  3,  "  beauty  "),  and  is 
specifically  applied  to  the  head-dress  from  its 
ornamental  character.  It  is  uncertain  what 
the  term  properly  describes,  but  it  may  have 
applied  to  the  jewels  and  other  ornaments  with 
which  the  turban  is  frequently  decorated.  The 
ordinary  Bedouin  head-dress  is  the  keffiyeh,  a 
square  handkerchief,  generally  of  red  and  yellow 
cotton,  or  cotton  and  silk,  folded  so  that  three 
of  the  corners  hang  down  over  the  back  and 
shoulders,  leaving  the  face  exposed,  and  bound 
round  the  head  by  a  cord.  It  is  worn  over  a 
felt  cap,  which  is  also  worn  alone,  and  repre- 
sented on  Syrian  monuments.  The  keffiyeh 
appears  as  a  Syrian  head-dress  in  Egyptian 
pictures  of  Canaanites  in  13th  cent.  b.c.  The 
introduction  of  the  Gk.  hat  by  Jason,  as 
adapted  to  the  gymnasium,  was  regarded  as 
a  national  dishonour  (2Mac.4.i2).  The  As- 
syrian head-dress  is  described  in  Ezk. 23. 15  as 
"  exceeding  in  dyed  attire."  The  word 
rendered  "  hats  "  (R.V.  mantles)  in  Dan. 3. 21 
properly  applies  to  a  cloak. 

Heapth.  The  Heb.  'ah  corresponds  to  our 
"  stove."  It  was  of  stone  or  clay;  placed  in 
the  centre  of  a  room,  slightly  sunk  into  the 
floor  (Je.36.22,23).  [w.o.e.c] 

Heath,  Heb.  'dro'er  (Je.48.6)  and  'ar'dr. 
Celsius  identifies  the  'ar'dr  (Je.17.6)  with  the 
'ar'ar  of  .\rab.  writers,  which  is  some  species  of 
juniper;  but  there  is  no  true  juniper  in  these 
"  parched  places  in  the  wilderness."  If  a  special 
tree  or  grove  of  trees  be  intended,  the  Tamar- 
isk is  the  proper  interpretation.  Tamarisk  is 
fond  of  "  salt  lands,"  and  the  name  'ar'dr 
[naked)  might  well  be  applied  to  it.  "  Heath," 
in  our  acceptation,  is  particularly  open  to 
objections.  [h.c.h.] 

Heathen.  The  Heb.  goy,  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to  collect,"  has  properly  the  signi- 
ficance of  "a  mass  of  people,"  and  so  "a 
nation."  But  as  used  by  the  Israelites,  who 
regarded  themselves  as  separated  from  all 
others  by  their  distinctive  religion,  the  word 
easily  acquired  a  religious  meaning,  and  A.V. 
rightly  translates  it  "  heathen."  The  "  na- 
tions," as  worshippers  of  their  several  tribal 
gods,  stand  in  sharp  contrast  to  the  Israelites, 
as  servants  of  Jciiovah.  Yet  the  fundamental 
teaching  of  O. T.  shows  a  considerable  breadth 
of  view,  in  that  the  heathen  are  regarded  as 
tiic  objects  of  God's  care  and  the  recipients 
ultimately  of  His  promises  (Gen. 12. 3).  The 
settlement  in  Palestine  was  accompanied  by 
wars  of  extermination  of  the  heathen  ;  and 
these    wars    are    represented    as    being    the 


HEAVEN 

execution  of  the  will  of  Jehovah  (Deut.20.i6)  ; 
for,  however  far  removed  from  the  spirit  of 
Christianity,  they  are  regarded  by  O.T.  as  a 
stern  vindication  of  the  law  of  holiness  and  as 
the  punishment  of  wickedness.  The  prophets 
aimed  at  separating  the  people  from  the 
heathen  around  them,  that  the  spiritual  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah  might  not  be  degraded.  But 
after  the  return  from  exile  the  spirit  thus 
fostered  deepened  into  a  false  pride  and  a 
narrow  exclusiveness.  So  grew  up  Pharisaic 
Judaism,  which  was  quite  opposed  to  the 
spirit  of  the  prophetic  teaching.  The  struggles 
of  nationalism  under  the  Hasmonaeans,  with 
temporary  success  followed  swiftly  by  failure, 
intensified  the  spirit  of  proud  exclusiveness, 
and  made  it  very  difficult  for  the  Jews  to 
accept  the  catholic  teaching  of  Christianity, 
which  overleaps  all  national  distinctions.  In 
it  the  spirit  of  exclusiveness  absolutely  dis- 
appears, and  even  the  policy  of  isolation, 
adopted  by  the  prophets  to  preserve  the 
purity  of  the  religion  of  Israel,  was  to  be 
exchanged  for  one  of  missionary  intercourse, 
in  order  that  the  knowledge  of  the  universal 
religion  might  spread  through  the  world 
(Mt. 28.19).  [j.c.v.D.] 

Heaven.  There  are  three  Heb.  words 
thus  rendered  in  O.T.  (i)  rdqia'  (firmament), 
a  solid  expanse.  Through  its  lattices  (Gen. 
7.II  ;  2K.7.2,i9)  or  doors  (Ps.78.23)  the  dew 
and  snow  and  hail  are  poured  upon  the  earth 
(Job  38.22,37).  This  firm  vault,  which  Job 
describes  as  being  "  strong  as  a  molten  mirror  " 
(37.18,  R.V.),  is  transparent,  like  pellucid 
sapphire,  and  splendid  as  crystal  (Dan.12.3  ; 
Ex.24. 10  ;  Ezk.1.22  ;  Rev. 4. 6),  over  which 
rests  the  throne  of  God  (Is.66.i  ;  Ezk.l.26), 
and  which  is  opened  for  the  descent  of  angels, 
or  for  prophetic  visions  (Gen. 28. 17  ;  Ezk.l.i  ; 
Ac. 7. 56, 10. 11).  In  it,  like  gems,  the  stars  are 
fixed  to  give  light  to  the  earth  and  regulate 
the  seasons  (Gen. 1. 14-19) ;  and  the  whole 
structiure  is  supported  by  the  mountains  as  its 
pillars  (2Sam.22.8  ;  Job  26.11 ).  (2)  shamayim, 
used  in  the  expression  "  the  heaven  and  the 
earth,"  or  "the  upper  and  lower  regions" 
(Gen.l.i).  (3)  sh'^hdqim,  lit.  dust;  so,  thin 
cloud  that  looks  like  powder  (Deut.33.26;  Job 
35.5).  A  fourth  word,  mdrommd,  (properly  = 
exalted),  when  used  of  heaven  is  translated 
"on  high"  (Ps.18.i6;  Je.25.30;  Is.24.i8). 
The  Jews  seem  also  to  have  thought  of  a  series 
of  heavens  (iK.8.27  ;  Eph.4.io),  consisting  of 
three  (cf.  2Cor.l2.2)  or  of  seven.  But  of  far 
greater  importance  than  the  physical,  is  the 
theological  conception  of  heaven,  as  revealed 
especially  in  the  Lord's  Prayer.  "  Our  Father 
which  art  in  heaven  "  :  heaven  is  God's  home. 
In  heaven  the  Omnipresent  God  is  especially 
present  in  two  ways  :  (a)  as  there  especially 
manifested  to  His  angels  who  behold  His  face 
(Mt.18.io)  ;  (h)  as  there  perfectly  obeyed  by 
the  angels  who  do  His  will.  This  perfect 
angelic  knowledge  and  obedience,  which  is  our 
example  and  ideal  ("  Hallowed  be  Thy  name. 
Thy  kingdom  come.  Thy  will  be  done,  in 
earth  as  it  is  in  heaven  "),  makes  heaven  the 
home  of  pure  bliss,  to  which  no  ill  can  come, 
because  there  the  all-wise  and  loving  will  of 
God  is  realized  as  also  almighty.  The  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  the  kingdom  of  God  in  power. 


HEBREW 


337 


Heaven  is  far  removed  from  the  earthliness  of 
earth,  where  God's  will  is  disobeyed  and  there 
is  sin  and  misery.  Yet  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  has  been  founded  on  earth  also,  and 
as  it  grows  heaven  is  brought  nearer  to  earth. 
So  St.  John,  as  the  crown  of  his  vision,  sees 
earth  redeemed,  and  heaven  descending  to 
earth  in  the  New  Jerusalem  (Rev. 21).  The 
same  thought  is  expressed  otherwise  in  the 
form  that  the  saints,  made  perfect,  will  be 
taken  up  into  heaven.  The  description  of  the 
"  holy  city,  new  Jerusalem"  in  Rev.21  and  22 
suggests  the  following  thoughts  about  heaven  : 
(i)  a  "  city,"  i.e.  civic  and  social  life,  enriched 
by  the  "  glory  and  honour  of  the  nations,"  i.e. 
the  best  contributions  of  all  races  of  the 
human  family  ;  (2)  the  "  bride  of  the  Lamb," 
i.e.  hearts  wedded  in  faith  and  love  to  Jesus 
Christ ;  (3)  the  walls,  gates,  etc.,  i.e.  the 
activities  of  art ;  (4)  God  is  the  Light  to  all 
and  the  centre  of  all.  Art.  "  Heaven,"  by 
S.  D.  F.  Salmond,  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 
1904).  See  also  books  dealing  with  the  future 
life — e.g.  Salmond,  Christian  Doctrine  of  Im- 
mortality ;  and  for  the  Jewish  conceptions  of 
heaven,  see  books  on  O.T.  theology,  e.g.  those  of 
A.  B.  Davidson,  Dehler,  andSchuitz.  [s.c.G.] 

Heave-offeping-,  [Sacrifice,  3,  v.  c.  ; 
Firstlings.] 

He'ber. — 1.  Grandson  of  Asher  and  an- 
cestor of  the  Hebepites  (Gen.46.i7  ;  Num. 
26.45;  iChr.7.31). — 2.  A  descendant  of  J udah 
(iChr.4.i8).— 3.  A  Gadite  (5.13).— 4.  A  Ben- 
jamite,  of  the  sons  of  Elpaal  (8.17). — &.  A 
Benjamite,  of  the  sons  of  Shashak  (8.22). — 9. 
The  Kenite,  husband  of  J  ael,  who  had  separated 
himself  from  his  clan  and  settled  in  the  ex- 
treme S.  of  Canaan  (Judg.4.ii, 17,5.24). — '/. 
(Lu.3.35)  =  The  patriarch  Eber. 

Hebpew.  To  the  Semitic  group  of  races 
(which  contains  the  Babylonians,  AssyTians, 
Moabites,  Ammonites,  Arabs,  and  Phoenicians) 
the  Hebrews  belonged,  and  their  relation  to 
them  is  marked  by  an  affinity  of  language. 
[Semitic  Languages.]  Thus  the  Moabite 
Stone  shows  that  the  Hebrew  language  was 
closely  akin  to  that  of  Moab.  Also  a  com- 
munity of  traditions  is  found,  which  marks 
a  common  stock.  The  Creation  Tablets  of 
Assur-bani-pal  show  a  conception  clearly 
derived  from  the  same  source  that  underlies 
the  early  narratives  of  Genesis.  But  this 
community  of  origin  emphasizes  the  dis- 
tinctive characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  race. 
The  Hebrews  stand  apart  from  all  other 
Semitic  races  as  the  servants  of  Jehovah,  Who 
is  holy  and  requires  holiness  from  His  people. 
With  this  supreme  note  of  the  Hebrew  re- 
ligion we  may  contrast  the  cruelty  of  Chemosh, 
as  represented  on  the  Moabite  Stone,  and  also 
the  entire  absence  of  all  moral  tone  or  teaching 
from  the  crude  narratives  of  the  Amarna 
tablets.  The  Hebrew  race,  alone  of  the  primi- 
tive Semitic  peoples,  stands  for  a  lofty 
morality,  however  far  performance  may  have 
lagged  behind  principle.  The  origin  of  the 
name  "  Hebrew"  is  probably  to  be  found  in 
the  root  Hliy,  which  as  a  verb  {'dbhar)  means  to 
' '  pass  over  "  or  "  emigrate. ' '  Their  migrations 
had areligious significance  (Gen.l2.i ;  Ex. 3.8); 
and  so  kindred  nations  thought  of  them  pre- 
eminently as  "  the  emigrants."     It  is  notice- 

22 


338 


HEBREWESS 


able  accordingly  that  the  term  "  Hebrews  " 
is  generally  used  by  way  of  contrast  with 
other  nations  ;  but  when  there  is  no  thought 
of  other  races,  these  people,  who  prided 
themselves  on  their  ancestral  covenant,  prefer 
to  describe  themselves  as  "  sons  of  Israel." 
In  N.T.  "  Hebrews "  are  contrasted  with 
"  Hellenists,"  the  former  term  being  used  of 
those  who  preserved  the  traditions  of  Pales- 
tinian Judaism,  as  against  the  admission  of 
('.reck  influence.  For  the  'Abiri,see  Palestine. 
[Hellenist.]  [j.c.v.d.] 

Hebpewess.  The  feminine  form  is  thus 
rendered  once  in  A.V.  (Je.34.9).  Elsewhere 
it  is  given  as  "  Hebrew  woman."     [j.c.v.d.] 

Hebrews,  Epistle  to.  (i)  Date.  From 
internal  evidence,  while  the  Jewish  ceremonial 
was  still  observed.  For  this  is  necessary  {a)  to 
his  argument  (7. 14;  cf.  9.9);  (b)  to  the  situa- 
tion of  his  readers  :  since  their  trial  consisted  in 
reconciling  their  Christianity  with  their  views 
of  the  permanence  of  the  t)lder  covenant.  It 
was  also  written  after  the  first  generation  of 
believers  had  died — i.e.  60-70  a.d.  (2)  Author. 
Variously  ascribed  to  Barnabas  (Tertull.  Dc 
Pud.  20),  Clement  of  Rome,  and  St.  Luke 
(both  mentioned  by  Origen  in  Euseb.  vi.  25),  St. 
Paul,  Apollos,  etc.  This  variety  emphasizes 
Origen's  remark,  "  Who  the  author  is,  God 
only  knows"  (Euseb.  vi.  25).  Its  anonymous 
character  certifies  its  genuineness;  for  it  does 
not  impersonate  an  apostle,  as  a  forger  might 
have  done,  and  it  shows  that  the  apostolic 
church  possessed  another  singularly  able  mind 
beside  St.  Paul.  (3)  Purpose.  An  apologetic 
one,  to  show  the  finality  of  the  Christian  reve- 
lation, by  demonstrating  the  perfect  priestly 
character  of  Christ  and  His  sacrificial  work — in 
order  to  satisfy  Jewish-Christian  misgivings. 
(4)  Contents.  Three  main  divisions  :  A.  Con- 
trast between  the  agents  of  the  two  covenants 
(1-7).  A  magnificent  opening  sentence  declares 
that  revelations  made  formerly  through 
created  ministers,  and  characterized  by  frag- 
mentoriness  of  substance  and  diversity  of  form, 
are  now  completed  by  a  new  revelation,  the 
Mediator  of  which  transcends  prophets,  angels, 
and  Levitical  system  in  dignity, inasmuch  as  He 
stands  to  Cod  in  a  innque  filial  relation,  (a)  His 
Divinity,  (l.i)  He  is  the  eternally  predestined 
Mediator  f>f  mankind,  iiistrtnnental  in  crea- 
tion. (1.2 )  He  manifests  the  dixine  attributes, 
and  personally  embodies  the  divine  essence. 
(I.3)  Contrasted  with  the  angels,  His  transcen- 
dent position  is  shown  from  His  name  as  Son  ; 
(I.5)  from  the  adoration  which  the  angels  were 
ordered  to  pay  to  Him  ;  (I.7)  and  from  the  eter- 
nity of  His  throne  (1.8).  Moral  :  the  solemn 
necessity  of  accepting  this  revelation,  and  the 
perils  of  rejection  ;  illustrated  in  those  who 
rejected  an  inferior  revelation  (2.1-4).  {b) 
His  humanity  (2.5  to  end).  Now  Christ  in  the 
Incarnation  rcNcals  man's  destiny.  The  pro- 
phecy of  mankind's  ultimate  complete  domin- 
ion (6-8)  is  in  Christ  already  fulfilled  (9).  His 
humiliation  in  humanity,  so  far  from  being 
incc)mi)atil)Ie  with  His  majesty,  is  essential 
to  His  redemptive  work  (10).  Sanctifier  and 
sanctified  (11)  must  closely  reseiiil)le  one  ano- 
ther in  all  i)ossil)lc  respects.  Thus  tiie  Son,  not- 
withstanding tiie  immensity  of  the  difference 
between  their  sonship  and   His,   condescends 


HEBREWS,  EPISTLE  TO 

to  incarnation  (14),  death  (14,15),  and  temp- 
tation(i7,i8) ;  with  theresult  that  Hebecarae 
qualified  through  sympathy  acquired  by  ex- 
perience for  His  high-priestly  work.  More- 
over, his  conscious  experience  of  death  was 
(in  virtue  of  His  sinless  perfection)  absolutely 
unique  in  its  character  and  effects  (9).  Thus  the 
difficulties  to  faith,  presented  by  the  humilia- 
tion of  Christ,  are  (on  profounder  reflection) 
converted  into  proofs  of  His  claims.  Already 
then  (in  2.17)  the  writer  has  introduced  his 
central  theme — the  high-priesthood  of  Christ. 
This  he  leaves  for  a  time  to  show  Christ's 
superiority  to  Moses  (3.1-6),  and  to  urge  again 
the  seriousness  of  neglect  (8.7-4.13).  Then  the 
idea  of  jiriesthood  is  resumed  (4. 14-6. 10)  and 
defined  (5. 1 ).  The  two  essential  qualifications 
are  (a)  human  sympathy  (5.2,3),  ^^^  i^)  divine 
vocation  (ver.  4).  Both  these  our  Lord  fulfilled 
{vv.  5-8).  Thus,  Son  though  He  was.  He 
learned  obedience,  and  became  (not  in  His 
filial,  but  in  His  mediatorial  capacity)  perfected 
in  His  humanity  (vv.  9,10).  With  these  high- 
priestly  qualifications.  He  was  divinely  pro- 
claimed high-priest  after  the  order  of  Melchise- 
dek  (5.10  ;  Ps.llO).  But  here  again  comes  a 
digression,  caused  by  the  reader's  unreceptive- 
ness  (5.1 1-6.8),  after  which  begins  the  exposi- 
tion of  the  priesthood  of  Melchisedek,  which  is 
affirmed  to  characterize  the  priesthood  of 
Christ  (7).  Ps.llO  was  recognized  as  Mes- 
sianic; cf.  Mt. 22.44  ;  Lu.20.42.  Thus  the 
writer  begins  with  an  idea  originating  in  the 
psalm.  What  did  the  Psalmist  mean  by  this 
reference  to  the  narrative  in  Genesis  ?  The 
writer  gives  a  mystic  exposition  based  on  the 
psalm.  Both  the  affirmations  and  omissions 
in  Genesis  are  held  suggestive  of  great  ideas. 
Positively,  Melchisedek  suggests  a  priest 
whose  personal  characteristic  is  righteousness, 
and  whose  work  is  peace.  Negatively,  the 
omission  of  any  reference  to  antecedents  and 
transmitted  authority,  to  birth  or  death,  sug- 
gests the  idea — not,  of  course,  historically  true 
of  Melchisedek,  but  true  of  the  scriptural  ac- 
count of  him — of  simple  permanence :  "  abideth 
a  priest  continually."  The  superiority  of  this 
priesthood  over  tiie  Levitical  is  suggested  by 
Abraham  paying  him  tithes  (7.4-10),  and 
confirmed  by  the  Psalmist's  ascription  to  the 
Messiah  of  a  Melchisedekian  rather  than  an 
Aaronic  character  (7.i  i ).  And  whereasthe  Levi- 
tical succession  replaced  its  temporary  ofticials 
as  death  removed  them,  the  Melchisedekian 
conception  of  permanence  is  realized  in  the 
jiriesthood  of  Christ.  B.  Contrasts  between  the 
two  covenants  (8-10. 18).  The  difficulty  sug- 
gested by  the  removal  of  the  ancient  covenant 
is  here  discussed  (8).  A  new  covenant  was 
anticipated  under  the  old  (Je.31) — a  fact  im- 
possible had  the  old  possessed  comjileteness. 
The  superiority  of  the  new  covenant  to  the 
old  is  tiius  demonstrated  in  two  aspects  :  (a) 
In  the  sanctuary  (Heb.9).  The  old  covenant 
had  a  sanctuary  of  this  world — i.e.  locally  and 
essentially  earthly  and  transitory  (9.  i) — mani- 
festly inadequate  for  inward  i)erfection  (9.()). 
Whereas  the  new  has  for  its  sjihere  the 
heavenly  sanctuary,  which  is  the  si)iritual 
(■ount<rpart  to  the  earthly,  and  wherein 
Christ's  heavenly  priesthood  works,  {b)  In 
the  sacrifice  (IO.1-18).    Already  the  author  has 


glided  into  this  supreme  thought.  He  now 
concludes  that  the  sacrifices  of  the  old  coven- 
ant are  related  to  the  sacrifice  of  Christ,  as 
shadow  to  reality.  The  reiteration  of  the 
former  demonstrates  imperfection.  His  is 
once  for  all,  and  possesses  perpetual  validity 
(vv.  11,12).  Thus  the  prophetic  anticipations  of 
Je.31  are  realized  in  the  priesthood  and  sacri- 
fice of  Christ.  C.  With  an  exposition  of  the 
conditions  required  for  appropriating  Christ's 
high-priestly  work,  the  epistle  concludes  (Heb. 
10.19  toend).  (a)  Faith:  emphasized  in  10. 22ff., 
and  analyzed  in  the  magnificent  ch.  11  ;  (b) 
Hope  (12);  (c)  Charity  (13).  See  Homilies  of  St. 
John  Chrysostom  on  the  Hebrews;  Comm.  of 
Delitzsch  ;  esp.  Riehm,  Lehrbegriff  des  Hebrder- 
briefes  (1867),  very  valuable  ;  Comm.  by  A.  B. 
Bruce  (1899)  and  by  Bp.  Westcott  ;  Prof. 
Nairne  in  Beeching,  Led.  on  Atonement  ;  Ott- 
ley,  Incarnation,  pp.  121-129  ;  B.  Weiss,  Bibl. 
Theol.  N.T.  ;  Hort,  Judaistic  Christianity,  pp. 
156-159  ;  Kendall,  Theol.  of  Heb.  Christians 
(1886).  [Sacrifice,  B  ;  High-priest  ; 
Atonement,  Day  of.]  [w.j.s.s.] 

Hebpon'. — 1.  The  third  son  of  Kohath,  who 
was  the  second  son  of  Levi ;  the  younger  brother 
of  Amram,  father  of  Moses  and  Aaron  (Ex. 6. 18; 
Num.3. 19  ;  iChr.6.2,i8,23.i2).  The  immediate 
children  of  Hebron  are  not  mentioned  by  name 
(c/.  Ex. 6. 21, 22),  but  he  was  the  founder  of  a 
family  of  Hebponites  (Num.3. 2 7, 26. 58 ;  i  Chr. 
26.23,30,31),  or  Bene-Hebron(iChr.l5.9,23.i9). 
— 2.  In  the  genealogical  lists  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah  (iChr.2.42,43),  Mareshah  is  said  to  have 
been  the  "  father  of  Hebron."  These  names 
may  be  those  of  the  places  or  of  persons  who 
founded  them. 

Hebron'  (alliance). — 1.  A  city  close  to 
which  was  the  oak  of  Mamre,  apparently  to 
its  W.  (Gen.l3.i8,23.2,35.27),  and  where  was 
the  cave  of  Machpelah  (28.19).  It  was 
originally  called  Kirjath-arba.  It  is  noticed 
in  28  chapters  of  the  O.T.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  7  years  older  than  Zoan  (Num. 13. 22),  or 
as  old  as  about  2200  b.c.  It  had  a  "  vale  " 
{'cmeq)  and  vineyards  near  it  at  Eshcol.  It 
was  taken  by  Joshua  and  destroyed  (Jos. 10. 
36),    being    a   royal   Canaanite    city  (12. 10); 


HEBSION 


339 


afterwards  a  city  of  refuge  and  of  priests 
(20.7,21.11,13  ;  iChr.6.55,57).  It  was  again 
attacked  by  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Judg.l. 10,20). 
David  reigned  for  7^  years  in  Hebron  (2 
Sam.2.ii  ;  1K.2.11  ;  iChr.3.4,29.27).  It  had 
a  "  pool "  (2Sam.4.i2),  where  Ishbosheth's 
murderers  were  hanged.  It  was  fortified  by 
Rehoboam  (2Chr.ll. 10),  and  smitten  by 
Judas  Maccabaeus  (i Mac. 5. 65).  It  is  now 
the  town  called  el  khalil  er  Rahman,  "  Friend 
of  the  Merciful  One  "  (Abraham),  lying  in  an 
open  mountain  valley,  18  miles  S.  of  Jerusa- 
lem. It  is  a  stone  town,  with  a  high  hill  to 
E.,  and  open  ground  with  lower  hills  to  W. 
Its  population  is  about  18,000,  who  are 
Moslems,  except  1,000  Jews.  It  has  25 
springs  and  10  large  wells,  besides  tanks,  of 
which  the  largest — built  by  the  Sultan  Kala- 
wiin  in  13th  cent.  a.d. — may  be  on  the  site  of 
the  ancient  "  pool."  There  are  fine  vineyards 
to  N.,  and  an  olive  grove  to  W.  The  gardens 
also  grow  pomegranates,  figs,  quinces,  and 
apricots.  The  oak  of  Mamre  (a  Sindidn,  or 
Quercus  pseudo  -  coccifera,  which  may  be 
several  centuries  old)  is  shown  2  miles  N.W. 
of  Hebron.  The  most  famous  site,  however, 
is  that  of  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  now  shown 
in  the  Haram  enclosure.  The  town  runs  S.E. 
for  I  mile  along  the  valley,  and  the  Haram  is 
on  the  E.  side.  The  enclosure  measures  197 
ft.  by  III  ft.,  and  its  walls,  to  a  height  of  25 
ft.  above  the  inner  court,  are  of  masonry 
identical  with  that  of  Herod's  temple  ram- 
parts at  Jerusalem,  some  stones  being  25  ft. 
long.  The  southern  part  is  occupied  by  a 
i2th-cent.  church,  now  a  mosque,  with  two 
minarets  at  the  corners  of  the  Haram.  A 
shaft  from  the  church  floor  leads  to  a  chamber 
about  12  ft.  square,  15  ft.  below  the  platform  ; 
and  in  its  side — facing  N.W. — a  low  tomb 
door  is  visible.  A  staircase,  now  closed,  is 
said  to  lead  into  the  inner  cave,  which,  though 
apparently  visited  by  Jews  in  12th  cent. 
(Rabbi  Benjamin  of  Tudela)  and  in  13th 
(Rabbi  Samuel),  has  not  been  described  in 
recent  times.  Gk.  texts  of  6th  cent.,  with 
invocations  of  Abraham,  are  built  into  the 
church  walls.     This  is  the  reputed  site  of  the 


HEBRON,  FROM  THE  N.W.    (From  an  original  sketchiby  Col.  Conder.) 


340 


H£D<^£ 


sepulchres  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob,  Sarah, 
Rebckah,  and  Leali.  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii. 
pp.  305-309,  316,  332-346.) — 2.  Atownof  Asher 
(J OS. 19. 28).  Perhaps  a  clerical  error  for  Ad- 
don (Jos. 21. 30  ;  iChr.6.74).  [c.R.c] 

Hedg-e.  Three  of  the  Heb.  words  thus 
rendered  in  A.V.  denote  simply  that  which 
surrounds  or  encloses,  whether  it  be  a  stone 
■<Na.\\(gedher,  Pr.24.31  ;  Ezk.42.io),or  a  fence  of 
other  materials  :  gddher  and  g'^dherd  are  used  of 
the  hedge  of  a  vineyard  (Num. 22. 24;  Ps.89. 
40  ;  iChr.4!.23),  and  the  latter  is  employed  to 
describe  the  rude  walls  of  stone,  or  fences  of 
thorn,  which  served  as  a  shelter  for  sheep  (Num. 
32.16).  The  stone  walls  around  the  sheepfolds 
of  modern  Palestine  are  frequently  crowned 
with  sharp  thorns.  In  order  to  protect  the 
vineyards  from  the  ravages  of  wild  beasts  (Ps. 
80.i2),itwas  customaryto  surround  them  with 
a  wall  of  dry  stones  or  mud  (Mt.2i.33  ;  Mk. 
12.1),  which  was  a  favourite  haunt  of  serpents 
(Ec.10.8),  and  a  retreat  for  locusts  from  the 
cold  (Na.3.17).  A  wall  or  fence  of  this  kind 
is  clearly  distinguished  in  Is. 5. 5  from  the  thorn 
hedge,  nvsukhd  (Pr.i5.19),  which  was  planted 
as  an  additional  safeguard  to  the  vineyard  (cf. 
Ecclus.28.24).  Thorn  hedges  are  noticed  in  the 
Mishna  (BabaKama  iii. 2),  and  continue  to  be 
usedas  well  as  stone  walls  in  Palestine,     [c.r.c] 

Heg-a'i  (Esth.2.8,15),  Hegre'  (ver.  3),  a 
eunuch  of  .A.hasuerus.     [Shaashgaz.] 

Heifer.     [Cattle.] 

Heifer,  Red  (Num.l9.i-io).  [Purifi- 
cation.] 

Heip.  In  O.T.  see  Family.  In  N.T.  the 
term  KXvpovdpLoi  is  apiilied  to  (i)  Christ.  Son- 
ship  naturally  implies  heirship  (Gal. 4.7),  and 
Christ,  as  the  Son  of  Man,  is  heir  of  all  things 
(Heb. 1.2) — of  the  kingdom  of  God,  the  ministry 
of  which  would  be  taken  from  the  Jews  and 
committed  to  another  people  (Mt.2i.38  ;  Mk. 
12.7  ;  Lu. 20.14).  (2)  Believers,  who,  as  breth- 
ren of  Christ  (Ko.8.29:  Heb.2.ii),  are  His 
co-heirs  (K0.8.17)  and  God's  heirs.  In 
Christ,  in  Whom  the  promise  to  Abraham  found 
its  highest  fulfilment  (R0.4.13;  cf.  Gen. 12. 2, 3, 
22.17,18),  they  are  the  true  seed,  and  inherit 
the  promises  ((ial.3.29  ;  cf.  Mt.5.5).  They  are 
heirs  of  the  kingdom  (J  as. 2. 5  ;  Mt.25.34),  of  the 
promise  (Eph.3.6  ;  Heb. 6.17),  of  eternal  life 
(Tit.3.7  ;  Mt. 19.29,25.46),  of  salvation  (Heb.l. 
14),  and  of  the  grace  of  life  {i.e.  eternal  life, 
iPe.3.7.  See  also  Rev. 21. 7).  (3)  The  pa- 
triarchs, who  by  faith  became  heirs  of  the 
promise  :  Noah  (Heb. 11. 7),  Abraham,  Isaac, 
Jacob    (11. 9).     [Testament.]  [h.h.] 

Helah',  one  of  the  two  wives  of  Ashur, 
"  father"  of  Tekoa  (iChr.4.5). 

Helam'  (2Sam.l0.i6,i7),  an  unknown 
place,  =  Medeba  (iChr.19.7).  [cr.c.]. 

Helbah',  a  town  of  Asher  (Judg.l.31). 
The  sit(!  is  unknown.  fc.R.c] 

Helbon',  a  i)lacc  famous  for  wine,  near 
Damascus  (Iizk.27.i8).  Now  Helbun  (identi- 
fied by  Porter),  a  village  with  fine  vineyards, 
13  miles  N.  of  Damascus.  [c.k.c] 

Helchiah   (iEsd.8.i),   Helchlas   (2Esd. 

l.l),  =  HiLKIAII,   2. 

Heldai . — 1.  The  Netophathite  ;  the 
captain  for  the  twelfth  month  for  the  temple 
service  (iChr.27.i5). — 2.  An  Israelite  re- 
turned from  the  Captivity,  for  whom,  with 


HELL 

others,  Zechariah  was  commanded  to  make 
symbolic  crowns  (Zcch.6.10). 

He'leb  (2Sam.23.29),  He'led  (1Chr.ll.30), 
son  of  Baanah  the  Netophathite,  and  one  of 
David's  guard. 

He'lek  (Num.26.30),  a  descendant  of 
Manasseh,  through  Gilead,  from  whom  sprang 
the  Heleliites. 

He'lem. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Asher ;  if 
"brother  "  (iChr.7.35)  refers  to  Shamer  (ver. 
34.  cf.  35),  he  may  be  the  same  as  Hotham. — 
2.  (Zech.6.r4.)  Apparently  the  same  as 
Heldai,  2. 

He'leph,  a  border  town  of  Naphtali 
(Jos. 19. 33).  Perhaps  Beit  Lif  (Vandevelde), 
12  miles  S.E.  of  Tyre,  on  the  W.  border  of  the 
tribe,  towards  the  N.  [c.r.c] 

He'lez. — 1.  One  of  the  Thirty  of  David's 
guard  ("the  Paltite,"  2Sam.23.26;  "the 
Pelonite,"  iChr.11.27),  an  Ephraiinite,  cap- 
tian  of  the  seventh  monthly  course. — 2.  A 
man  of  Judah,  son  of  Azariah  (iChr.2.39). 

He'li. — 1.  The  father  of  Joseph  the  husband 
of  the  Virgin  Mary  (Lu.3.23).  [Genealoc.y  of 
Jesus  Christ.] — 2.  The  third  of  three  names 
inserted  between  Aciiitob  and  AMARiAsin  the 
genealogy  of  Ezra,  in  2Esd.l.2  {cf.  Ezr.7.2,3). 

Heli'as  (2Esd.7.39)  =  Elijah. 

Heliodo'pus,  the  treasurer  of  Seleucus 
Philopator,  was  sent  by  him  to  carry  away  the 
private  treasures  deposited  in  the  temple.  He 
was  stopped  by  a  "  great  apparition,"  and  fell 
down  speechless  ;  but  was  restored  by  the  inter- 
cession of  the  high-priest  Onias  (2Mac.3.7-35). 

Heliopolis.     [Beth-shemesh,  4.] 

Helkai',  a  priest  of  the  family  of  Meraioth, 
in  the  days  of  Joiakim  (Ne.i2.15). 

Helliath'  (Jos. 19. 25, 21. 31),  a  Leviticalcity 
of  Asher.     The  site  is  doubtful.  [c.r.c] 

Helkath'-liazzupim'  (field  of  swords), 
apparently  close  to  the  pool  of  Gibeon,  where 
the  combat  took  place  between  the  two  parties 
of  Joab's  and  Abner's  men  (2Sam.2.i6). 
C.  F.  T.  Drake  in  1872  suggested  a  connexion 
with  the  name  Wddy  el  'Askar  (soldiers'  valley) 
just   N.   of  Gibeon.  [c.r.c] 

Helki'as  (iEsd.1.8)  =  HiLKiAH,  2. 

Hell.  This  word  has  been  used  in  two 
widely  different  senses,  (i)  The  abode  of  the 
departed  generally  ;  employed  in  this  sense 
repeatedly  in  A.V.  for  the  Heb.  sh-'ol  (e.g. 
PS.139.H)  and  the  Gk.  Hades  (e.g.  Ac.2.27). 
In  R.V.  hell  is  retained  in  this  sense  in  one 
passage  only  (Is.i4.9-15)  ;  elsewluTe  Hades  in 
N.T.  and5/r'o/  in  O.T.  are  simply  transliterated, 
s/r'd/  is  sometimes  translated  in  A.V.  by  "  the 
pit "  or  "  the  grave."  It  is,  of  course,  with  the 
meaning  (i)  that  the  Apostles'  Creed  says  our 
Lord  "  descended  into  hell."  ( For  .';/k'o/  and  the 
condition  of  the  dead  there,  see  Future  Life.) 
(2 )  The  placeof  final  punishment  for  thedamned. 
In  modern  English  the  word  has  come  to  be 
used  entirelv  in  this  sense,  and  for  this  reason 
is  employed  in  the  R.V.  of  N.T.  only  where 
the  word  Gehenna  is  found  in  the  original  Gk. 
This  word  is  (with  the  one  exception  of  Jas.8.6) 
confined  to  the  Synoptic  (iospels,  where  it  is 
used  II  times.  In  all  cases  it  is  put  into  our 
Lord's  mouth  by  the  evangelists.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  our  Lord  used  the  word  Ge- 
henna as  a  name  familiar  to  the  Jews  who 
heard  Him,  and  as  conveying  familiar  ideas 


HELLENIST 

[Gehenna],  which  He  incorporated  in  His 
own  teaching  and  stamped  with  His  authority. 
It  is,  therefore,  important  to  see  what  ideas 
the  Jews  of  Palestine  then  attached  to  the 
word.  They  regarded  it  as  a  place  in  the 
underworld  where  the  wicked  were  punished 
by  tormenting  fire.  The  expression  "  the 
Gehenna  of  fire  "  is  found  twice  in  St.  Matthew 
(5.22,18.9),  and  the  mention  of  fire  in  con- 
nexion with  Gehenna  is  seen  in  Mk.9.43,48  ; 
J  as. 3. 6.  We  may  add  to  these  the  passages 
in  which  the  punishment  of  fire  is  spoken  of 
by  our  Lord  and  the  apostles,  without  the 
mention  of  Gehenna  (e.g.  Mt. 13. 42, 50, 18. 8, 
25.41  ;  Lu.3.9,17  ;  Rev.l9.2o).  We  do  not 
know  whether  the  fire  is  to  be  understood 
literally  or  figuratively.  The  symbolic  way 
in  which  fire  is  often  spoken  of,  and  the  ex- 
pression "  where  their  worm  dieth  not,  and 
the  fire  is  not  quenched  "  (in  which  the  worm 
and  the  fire  can  hardly  both  be  literal),  allows 
us  to  have  an  open  mind  on  this  solemn 
question.  But  in  any  case  some  fierce  and 
most  terrible  agony  is  meant.  Another  ques- 
tion which  cannot  be  answered  with  absolute 
certainty,  is  whether  "  to  be  cast  into  Ge- 
henna "  meant  to  the  Jews  a  final  and  irre- 
vocable eternal  punishment.  It  is  almost 
certain  that  in  the  minds  of  the  Palestinian 
Jews  of  our  Lord's  day  it  did.  The  Palestinian 
Jews  of  a  later  date,  and  the  Alexandrian  Jews 
at  an  earlier  time,  regarded  Gehenna  as  a 
temporary  place  of  punishment  for  some  and 
perpetual  for  others.  But  there  is  no  trace 
of  such  an  opinion  in  the  Palestine  of  the  first 
half-century  a.d.,  while  the  other  belief  is  often 
found.  It  is  quite  certain  that  no  argument 
in  favour  of  Universalism  can  be  derived  from 
the  word  as  used  by  our  Lord.  Whenever 
our  Lord  speaks  of  the  time  at  which  the 
wicked  will  be  cast  into  Gehenna,  it  is  with 
reference  to  His  second  coming  and  the  end  of 
the  world.  Art.  "  Hell,"  by  S.  D.  F.  Salmond, 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904).  On  the  use 
of  "Gehenna"  in  Jewish  literature  outside  the 
canonical  books,  Charles,  Eschatology,  pp.  218, 
225,  302  ;  Schiirer,  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People 
in  N.T.  Times,  div.  ii.  vol.  ii.  §  26,  p.  13,  and 

§29,  p.  183.  [S.C.G.] 

Hellenist.  Hellenic  culture  in  the  East 
dates  from  the  conquests  of  Alexander.  In 
Palestine  itself  the  progress  of  Hellenism  was 
obstructed  by  religious  barriers,  but  the  fact 
that  Palestine  was  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
nations  which  had  freely  admitted  Gk.  in- 
fluence made  it  impossible  for  such  influences 
to  be  altogether  excluded.  Indeed,  even  the 
Maccabaean  rising  was  not  directed  against 
Hellenism  in  general.  It  offered  a  bitter  re- 
sistance to  the  introduction  of  Hellenic  re- 
ligious ideas;  but  as  a  civilizing  power  the 
influence  of  Hellenism  was  freely  admitted. 
The  later  representatives  of  the  Hasmonaean 
dynasty  were  deeply  imbued  with  its  spirit, 
as  is  shown,  for  instance,  by  their  Gk.  names. 
The  active  commercial  spirit  of  the  Jews 
brought  them  into  necessary  and  frequent 
contact  with  the  Hellenized  nations  around 
them,  and  so  the  civil  life  of  Palestine  became 
permeated  by  Gk.  influence.  Gk.  terms 
were  freely  borrowed,  both  in  civil  and 
military  aomenclature ;     a   plentiful   use   of 


HELLENISTIC  GREEK 


341 


Gk.  words,  transliterated  into  Heb.  charac- 
ters, is  found  in  the  Mishna  ;  the  Gk.  and 
Roman  systems  of  coinage  were  largely 
adopted ;  and  architecture  received  a  new 
impress,  Herod's  temple  being  constructed 
largely  on  Gk.  models.  There  are  various 
indications  of  a  wide  knowledge  of  the  Gk. 
language  in  Palestine.  The  tablets  erected  in 
the  temple  on  the  barrier,  beyond  which  no 
Gentile  might  pass,  were  written  in  Gk. ; 
Herod  surrounded  himself  with  a  band  of 
Gk.  scholars  ;  and  many  Jews  who  had  had 
a  Gk.  education  lived  permanently  at  Jerusa- 
lem, had  their  own  synagogue  (Ac.6.9),  and 
were  an  important  section  of  the  Jerusalem 
church  (Ac. 6.1).  The  migratory  habit  of  the 
Jews  contributed  still  farther  to  the  fusion 
of  Gk.  and  Heb.  thought.  Colonies  of  Jews 
were  established  in  all  the  important  centres 
of  the  Roman  empire,  and  vast  numbers  of 
these  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  were  accustomed 
to  assemble  at  Jerusalem  for  the  feasts  (Ac. 
2.5).  These  periodic  incursions  necessarily 
left  their  mark  even  on  the  conservative  atmo- 
sphere of  Jerusalem  itself.  The  Hellenizing 
of  Palestine  had  thus  made  great  strides  by 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  [Greece.] 
We  may  now  ask  more  definitely  who  are  meant 
by  the  Hellenists  (EW-nviaTaL)  of  N.T.  (A.V. 
Grecians;  R.Y.Grecian  Jews).  They  are  people 
of  Jewish  extraction;  and  consequently  the 
term  does  not  include  the  proselytes,  or  men  of 
alien  race  who  had  embraced  Judaism.  Their 
distinctive  characteristic  is  that  they  have  ac- 
cepted Hellenic  culture,  though  not  the  Hellenic 
religion.  Their  most  conspicuous  mark  would 
be  the  use  of  the  Gk.  (Hellenistic)  language 
instead  of  Aramaic,  the  vernacular  of  Palestine. 
No  doubt  the  Gk.  language  was  also  understood 
by  many  who  refused  to  allow  Hellenism  to  in- 
fluence their  customs.  But  such,  though  able 
to  speak  Gk.,  would  commonly  use  Aramaic. 
Hence,  broadly,  the  Hellenists  are  the  Gk.- 
speaking  Jews.  They  appear  as  the  earliest 
opponents  of  St.  Paul  at  Jerusalem  (Ac.9.29). 
They  did  not  easily  fuse  with  the  Aramaic- 
speaking  Jews  (E.V.  Hebrews),  as  is  illustrated 
by  the  jealousies  that  arose  in  the  church  at 
Jerusalem  over  the  treatment  of  their  widows 
(Ac. 6.1).  An  important  outcome  of  Hellenism 
is  the  Greco- Jewish  literature.  It  is  difficult 
to  over-estimate  the  influence  exerted  by  the 
LXX.,  which  gave  to  the  Heb.  Scriptures  a 
medium  that  allowed  Hellenic  thought  to  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  O.T.  revelation. 
Thus,  the  way  was  prepared  for  the  appear- 
ance of  the  N.T.  in  a  language  whose  genius 
was  most  admirably  suited  to  convey  the 
spiritual  teaching  of  Christianity.  Another 
remarkable  product  of  the  Gk.  genius  upon 
the  Jewish  mind  is  found  in  the  writings  of 
Philo,  which,  however,  have  no  real  bearing 
upon  the  development  of  Christian  doctrine, 
in  spite  of  attempts  made  to  derive  the  idea 
of  the  Logos  from  his  speculations.  Schiirer, 
Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People.  [j.c.v.d.] 

Hellenistic  Gpeek.  The  term  "Hellen- 
istic "  is  properly  applied  to  all  such,  and 
only  such,  Greek  as  was  at  any  time  spoken  or 
written  by  persons  who  were  not  Hellenes  by 
birth,  but  "  Hellenists  "  :  to  Hellenize  being 
to  affect  or  imitate  Hellenic  speech  or  manners. 


342 


HELLENISTIC  GREEK 


and  a  Hklllnist  any  fureigner  (in  N.T.  a  Jew) 
who  did  this.  Practically  the  term  is  limited 
to  Gk.  spoken  or  written  by  Orientals.  But 
in  literary  usage  there  has  been  a  further  limi- 
tation, frequent,  though  not  consistently  main- 
tained, to  Jewish  Gk.  Hence  the  term  "  Hel- 
lenistic Greek  "  may  (with  almost  equal  reason) 
be  used  (a)  as  equivalent  to  Judaeo-Hellenic, 
or  (6)  in  a  wider  sense  which  will  include  the  Gk. 
spoken  by  natives  of  Egypt,  Syria  generally, 
and  Asia  Minor;  and  both  uses  have  the  au- 
thority of  eminent  scholars.  While  admitting 
the  wider  sense,  we  may  say  (with  Dr.  Swete, 
Inirod.  to  the  O.T.  in  Greek,  p.  294)  that  "  the 
Jewish  Gk.  spoken  in  Palestine  was  '  Hellenis- 
tic '  in  the  strictest  sense,"  and  that  the 
term  "is  applied  with  special  appropriateness 
to  the  Alexandrian  Bible  and  the  writings  of  the 
N.T."  The  Gk.  of  the  LXX.  is  "  Hellenistic  " 
(a)  because  in  it  Gk.  is  made  the  vehicle  of 
Heb;  thought,  feeling,  and  phrase — in  other 
words,  because  the  greater  part  of  the  Gk.  O.T. 
is,  in  intention,  a  literal,  though  not  always  an 
accurate,  translation  of  Heb.  originals  ;  and  (fi) 
because  the  "  colloquial  Gk.  of  Alexandria  " 
(Swete,  op.  cit.  p.  295),  on  which  it  was  based, 
was  the  Gk.  spoken  by  the  large  and  self- 
contained  Jewish  community  resident  in  the 
city  from  its  foundation.  But  the  books  which 
had  no  Heb.  original  were  written  by  men  of 
rhetorical  culture  in  a  Gk.  not  colloquial  but 
literary  ;  and  though  some  of  them  (e.g.  Wis- 
dom) exhibit  in  style  and  vocabulary  many 
characteristics  of  the  Hebraic  diction  of  the 
canonical  books,  others  [e.g.  2-4  Maccabees) 
are,  like  the  writings  of  Philo,  "  Hellenistic  " 
only  in  the  formal  sense  of  having  been  written 
by  Jews.  In  N.T.,  determination  of  the  con- 
stituent elements  of  the  diction  employed  is  a 
matter  of  greater  complexity.  The  writers  of 
N.T.  were  all,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  biling- 
ual ;  as  was  probably  the  major  part  of  the 
population  of  Palestine  and  of  all  Syria.  Syrian 
Gk.,  and  consequently  the  basis  of  the  Gk.  of 
N.T.,  was  but  a  slightly  provincialized  variety 
of  that  ordinary  Gk.  which  was  known  as  "  the 
common  dialect  "  (7)  Koivrj  5ia\€KT6s),  a  Gk. 
which,  inheriting  the  vocabulary  of  Xenophon 
and  of  Aristotle,  but  abandoning  the  character- 
istic forms  and  subtleties  of  "pure  Attic,"  was, 
in  2nd  cent.  B.C.,  used  by  the  historian  Polybius, 
and  thenceforward  by  all  writers  excepting 
such  as  affected  archaism  or  "  Attic  "  style. 
This  universal  dialect  naturally  included  Mace- 
donian elements,  and  (after  the  Roman  con- 
quest of  the  Gk. -speaking  world)  a  few  Latin- 
isms.  As  spoken  in  Palestine,  side  by  side 
with  Aramaic,  it  naturally  reflected — and  some- 
times refracted — certain  features  of  the  altern- 
ative speech.  As  written  by  Jews  conversant 
with  the  O.T.  (through  Aram.  Targuin,  or  Gk. 
LXX.),  it  necessarily  reproduced  (or  was  modi- 
fied by)  Hebraic  modes  both  of  thought  and  of 
expression.  But  here  a  very  strong  distinction 
should  be  drawn.  While  most  of  the  thought 
is  Hebraic,  the  expression  of  it  is  predomin- 
antly Hellenic.  In  other  words,  the  language 
of  N.T.  is  no  artificial  dialect,  but  living  (ik. ; 
"  Hellenistic."  because  written  by  Jews,  and 
charged  with  conceptions  which  are  either 
plainly  Jewish  or  derivative  from  conceptions 
created  by  Heb.  prophets ;  also  because  many 


HEMLOCK 

of  the  words  and  phrases  of  which  it  consists 
are  taken  direct  from  the  LXX. :  yet  it  is  always 
living  Gk.  Some  of  the  apostolic  authors  are 
far  more  Hebraic  in  style  than  others.  The 
proportion  of  Hebraisms  is  greatest  in  St. 
Matthew  and  the  Apocalypse,  least  in  the  Lucan 
books  and  (very  remarkably)  in  the  Ep.  to  the 
Hebrews,  the  language  of  which  "  is  both  in 
vocabulary  and  style  purer  and  more  vigorous 
than  that  of  any  other  book  of  the  N.T." 
(Westcott,  Hebrews,  p.  xliv).  Finally,  the  dis- 
tinguishing feature  of  Biblical  "  Hellenistic  " 
Gk.  is  that  in  it  many  classical  Gk.  words 
{e.g.  afj.apTia.  86^a,  dpr)vrj,  Kapdia,  XeirovpyeTv, 
wapa^eiv,  irlaris,  7rveu/j.a,  adp^)  obtained,  from 
their  use  in  the  LXX.  version  and  in  the  N.T., 
new  connotations.  [j.M.s.] 

Helmet.     [Arms,  Defensive,  (4).] 

Helon',  father  of  Eliab,  i  (Num.1. 9,  etc.). 

Hem  of  ganment,  i.e.  the  fringes  or  tas- 
sels on  the  four  corners  of  the  large  oblong  outer 
garment.  They  were  of  white  threads,  with  a 
single  blue  one  (not  ribband,  as  in  A.V.  ;  Num. 
15.38-40  ;  Deut. 22.12).  They  are  now  attached 
to  two  garments  :  the  tdlich,  worn  during  morn- 
ing prayer,  and  the  'arba'  kawpholh,  a  small 
undergarment  worn  during  the  whole  day. 
When  the  sjiecial  blue  dye  became  scarce,  white 
threads  only  were  used.  Great  importance 
always  attached  to  the  fringes,  and  the  Pharisees 
enlarged  them  as  a  sign  of  sanctity  (Mt.23.5). 
Our  Lord  conformed  to  this  as  to  other  precepts 
of  the  Mosaic  law  (Mt. 9.20,14.36  ;  Mk.6.56). 
Eisenstein,  Code  of  Life,  pt.  i,  ch.  iii. ;  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  art.  "  Fringes."        [h.h.] 

Hemam',  son  of  Lotan,  the  eldest  son  of 
Seir  (Gen.36.22). 

Heman'. — 1.  Son  of  Zerah  (iChr.2.6  ;  i 
K.4.31). — 2.  Son  of  Joel,  and  grandson  of 
Samuel  the  prophet,  a  Kohathite.  He  is  called 
"  the  singer,"  rather,  the  musician  (iChr.6.33), 
and  was  the  first  of  the  three  Levites  to  whom 
was  committed  the  vocal  and  instrumental 
music  of  the  temple-service  in  the  reign  of  David 
(iChr.l5.i6-22),  Asaph  and  Ethan  (or,  accord- 
ing to  25.1,3,  Jeduthun)  being  his  colleagues. 
In  iChr.25.5  he  is  called  "  the  king's  seer  in 
the  matters  of  God."  He  had  fourteen  sons  and 
three  daughters.  Whether  this  Heman  is  the 
person  to  whom  Ps.88  is  ascribed  is  not  abso- 
lutely certain.  He  is  there  called  "  the  Ez- 
rahite  "  ;  and  Ps.89  is  ascribed  to  "  Ethan  the 
Ezrahite."  Since  Heman  and  Ethan  are 
described  in  iChr.2.6  as  "sons  of  Zerah,"  Ez- 
rahite may  mean  "of  the  family  of  Zerah," 
and,  if  so,  the  Heman  of  Ps.88  would  appear 
to  be  dillerent  from  Heman  the  singer,  the 
Kohathite.  But  if  Heman  the  Kohathite,  or 
his  father,  had  married  an  heiress  of  the  house 
of  Zerah,  and  was  so  reckoned  in  the  genealogy 
of  Zerah,  then  all  the  notices  of  Heman  might 
point  to  the  same  person. 

Hemath'.  Occurs  twice  in  .\.\'. — 1.  i 
Chr.2.,s.S  (R.V.  Hammath),  "  the  father  of  the 
house  of  Kechab,"  although  Jonadab  is  else- 
where named  as  the  ancestor  of  the  Recha- 
BiTES  (J e. 35.6).  The  discrepancy  has  not 
been  s.itisfactorily  explained. — 2-  .Am. 6. 14 
(K.W  correctly,   Hamath).  [j.k.] 

Hemdan ,  the  eldest  son  of  Dishon,  son 
of  Anah  tlie  Horite  (Gen.38.26).    [.Amram,  2.] 

Hemlock.     [Gall.] 


HEN 

Hen.  According  to  A.V.  of  Zech.6.14,  Hen 
is  a  son  of  Zephaniah.  But,  following  the 
LXX.,  many  take  the  words  to  mean  "  for  the 
kindness  of  the  son  of  Zephaniah  "  (cf.  ver.  10). 

Hen,  noticed  in  the  Bible  in  Mt.23.37  and 
Lu.13.34  only.     [Cock.] 

Hena,',  a  city  of  a  seemingly  monarchical 
state,  subjected  by  the  Assyrians  during  or 
before  the  time  of  Sennacherib  (2  K. 19. 13  ;  Is. 
37.13).  Anat,  which  is  mentioned  by  Assur- 
nasir-apli  (880  b.c.)  as  situated  on  an  island  in 
the  Euphrates,  has  been  suggested  as  the  place 
intended — it  is  identified  with  'Anah,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  stream.  [t.g.p.] 

Henadad',  head  of  a  Levite  family  which 
took  a  leading  part  in  rebuilding  the  temple 
(Ezr.3.9). 

Henna.     [Camphire.] 

Henoch'. — 1.  (iChr.1.3)  =  Enoch,  2. — 2- 
(iChr.1.33)  =  Hanoch,  r. 

He'phep.— 1.  A  son  of  Gilead,  head  of  the 
family  of  the  Hephepites,  and  father  of 
Zelophehad  (Num. 26. 32, 33,27.1  ;  Jos. 17.2, 3). 
— 2.  Son  of  Ashur,  the  "  father  "  of  Tekoa 
{iChr.4.6). — 3-  The  Mecherathite,  one  of  the 
heroes  of  David's  guard  (1Chr.ll.36  only). 

He'phep. — 1.  (Jos.  12. 17.)  A  royal  Canaan- 
ite  city.  Perhaps  Gath-hepher. — 2.  In 
1K.4.10  noticed  with  Sochoh  [Shocho]  and 
Aruboth,  apparently  in  the  Hebron  moun- 
tains. The  word  means  a  "  well " — Arab. 
Hafireh — but  the  site  is  unknown.      [c.r.c] 

Hephzi-bah'. — 1.  (Aly  delight  in  her.)  A 
name  which  is  to  be  borne  by  the  restored 
Jerusalem  (Is. 62. 4).  [Beulah.]  Perhaps  also 
a  compliment  to — 2-  The  queen  of  king  Heze- 
kiah,  and  mother  of  Manasseh  (2K.2I.1). 

Hepald,  Dan. 3. 4  only  (Aram,  kdroz, 
"crier");  but  Krjpv^,  KrjpiKTffeiv  ("preacher," 
"preach,"  iTim.2.7,  etc.)  are  lit.  "herald," 
"proclaim  as  a  herald."  [h.s.] 

Hep'cules  was  the  name  generally  given  by 
the  Greeks,  from  his  supposed  similarity  of 
attributes  to  their  own  god,  to  the  Tyrian 
tutelary  deity,  whose  national  title  was  Mel- 
karth  {i.e.  king  of  the  city).  The  prevalence 
among  the  Hebrews  of  the  worship  of  Hercules, 
under  the  generic  title  of  Baal,  was  largely 
due  to  Ahab's  Phoenician  wife,  Jezebel  (1K.I6. 
31  if.).  In  174  B.C.  Jason,  brother  of  Onias  III., 
sent  an  offering  intended  for  the  sacrifice  of 
Hercules  (2Mac.4.i9-28).  [c.d.] 

Hepd,  Herdsman.  Cattle  were  used  by 
the  Hebrews  for  milk,  and  the  ox  for  ploughing, 
etc.  [AgricultureJ,  but,  except  as  sacrifices, 
the  flesh  was  not  generally  eaten.  Hence  Moses 
exclaims,  "  Shall  the  flocks  and  herds  be  slain 
for  them  ?  "  (Num. 11. 22)  ;  and  in  Palestine 
herds  are  still  the  wealth  of  a  village,  only 
occasionally  providing  a  victim  for  a  feast  or  a 
vow.  [Butter  ;  Cart  ;  Cheese.]  Bashan  and 
Gilead  were  great  cattle-breeding  regions  (Ezk. 
39.18  ;  Num.32.4).  The  pure  Egyptians  hated 
the  foreign"  shepherds"  who  ruled  them  (Gen. 
46.34,  see  43.32),  but  the  foreign  Pharaoh  him- 
self had  cattle  (47.6),  as  well  as  his  subjects  (ver. 
16)  and  the  Hebrews  (Ex.i2.38).  Cattle  only 
find  grass  in  spring  in  Palestine,  and  are  fed 
with  fodder  at  other  times  (Job  6.5 ) ;  see  Chaff. 
They  were  stabled  when  not  in  the  field 
(Ex. 9. 19).  The  younger  men  whose  fathers 
were  rich  in  cattle  were  the  herds  (iSam,ll.5). 


HEROD 


343 


Solomon  had  special  officers  over  cattle  (iChr. 
27.29).  The  wages  of  herdsmen  and  their 
duties  {cf.  Gen. 31. 38-41)  are  laid  down  in  the 
laws  of  Hammurabi,  king  of  Babylon,  as  early  as 
2100  B.C.  The  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  records 
contain  many  allusions  to  the  great  wealth  of 
Palestine  in  herds  and  flocks,  from  1600  to  700 
B.C.  Amos  was  a  herdsman  in  a  pastoral 
region  at  Tekoa  (Am. 1.1,7.14).  [c.r.c] 

He'pes,  Mount  (J  udg.1.35),  near  Aijalon: 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Hep'esh,  a  Levite  attached  to  the  taber- 
nacle (iChr.9.15). 

Hep'mas,  the  name  of  a  Christian  in  Rome 
greeted  by  St.  Paul  at  the  close  of  his  epistle 
to  the  Romans  (16. 14).  Nothing  further  is 
known  of  him.  Origen  and  others  have  identi 
fied  him  with  the  author  of  The  Shepherd.  But 
this  is  a  mere  guess.  The  name  Hermas  was 
exceedingly  common,  and  the  character  of  The 
Shepherd  makes  its  composition  in  the  ist 
cent,  very  improbable.  [a. c.d.] 

Hep'mes,  a  man  saluted  by  St.  Paul  in  Ro. 
16. 14.  According  to  tradition  he  was  one  of 
the  seventy  disciples,  and  afterwards  bishop 
of  Salona  in  Dalmatia. 

Hepmo'g'enes,  mentioned  by  St.  Paul 
with  Phygellus,  in  2Tim.l.i5,  as  among  the 
"  all  in  Asia  "  who  had  turned  away  from  him. 
The  meaning  of  the  phrase  was,  doubtless,  clear 
to  Timothy,  but  is  less  evident  to  us.  It  may 
mean  the  general  trend  of  opinion  in  Asia  Minor, 
or  the  Asiatics  then  in  Rome  to  whom  St.  Paul 
had  looked  vainly  for  assistance.        [a. c.d.] 

Hepmon  (=  separate),  the  great  out- 
lier of  the  Anti-Lebanon,  bounding  Pales- 
tine on  N.  It  rises  9,200  ft.  above  the  sea, 
and  the  summit  is  snow-covered,  except  in 
autumn.  The  modern  name  is  Jebel  esh 
Sheikh,  "Mountain  of  the  (Druze)  chief." 
Called  also  Sirion  and  Shenir  (Deut.3.8,9), 
or  Sion  (4.48).  See  Jos.ll.3,i7,12.i,5,13.5,ii- 
In  iChr.5.23  Baal  Hermon  is  distinguished 
from  Senir — a  name  which  (in  14th  cent,  a.d.) 
applied  to  the  range  to  its  N.  "  The  Her- 
mons  "  are  contrasted  (Ps.42.6)  with  Mizar. 
It  is  coupled  with  Tabor  as  a  sacred  mountain 
(89.12),  and  the  dew  of  Hermon  is  said  to  fall 
on  Zion  (133.3).  It  is  again  distinguished 
from  Shenir  (Can. 4. 8),  which  is  noticed  as 
early  as  842  b.c  on  an  Assyrian  text.  The 
cypresses  of  Hermon  are  coupled  with  the 
cedars  of  Lebanon  (Ecclus.24.i3).  It  is 
probably  the  "  high  mountain  "  of  the  Trans- 
figuration [Caesarea  Philippi].  The  summit 
is  formed  by  three  low  peaks,  and  the  highest 
appears  to  have  been  a  place  of  sacrifice,  en- 
circled by  a  low  wall  of  Roman  masonry.  A 
cave  is  hewn  hard  by.  In  the  Onomasticon  a 
temple  on  the  summit  is  noticed  as  still  fre- 
quented in  4th  cent.  a.d.  There  are  several 
other  small  Greco-Roman  temples  on  the 
lower  slopes.  The  summit  is  bare,  but  fine 
vineyards  occur  lower  down;  and,  on  W.,  where 
the  sandstone  crops  up  under  the  limestone, 
there  are  fir-trees  and  pines.  [c.r.c] 

Hepmonites  (Ps.42.6[7])  =  the  Hermons. 
[Hermon.] 

Hepod.  Various  accounts  are  given  of  the 
ancestry  of  the  Herods.  It  seems  certain  that 
they  were  of  Idumean  descent.  Aliens  by 
race,  they  were  Jews  in  faith.     The  general 


344 


HEROD 


HEROD 


TABOR  AND  HERMON.    (From  an  original  sketcli  by  Col.  Conder.)    See  .irt.  "  H 


policy  of  the  whole  Herodian  family  centred  in 
the  endeavour  to  gain  the  favour  of  the  Ro- 
mans. They  were  agreeable  and  competent, 
and  understood  the  art  of  bribery. — 1.  Herod 
THE  Great  was  second  son  of  Antipater  (who 
was  appointed  procurator  of  Judaea  by 
Julius  Caesar,  47  b.c),  and  of  Cypros,  an  Ara- 
bian of  noble  descent.  At  the  time  of  his 
father's  elevation,  though  only  15  years  old, 
he  received  the  government  of  Galilee,  and 
shortly  afterwards  that  of  Coelosyria.  When 
Antony  came  to  S>Tia  (41  b.c),  he  appointed 
Herod  and  his  elder  brother  Phasael  tetrarchs 
of  Judaea.  Herod  was  forced  to  abandon 
Judaea  the  next  year  by  an  invasion  of  the 
Parthians,  who  supported  the  claims  of 
Antigonus,  the  representative  of  the  Hasmo- 
naean  dynasty,  and  fled  to  Rome  (40  e.g.).  At 
Rome  he  was  well  received  by  Antony  and 
Octavian,  and  appointed,  by  the  senate,  king 
of  Judaea,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Hasmonaean 
line.  With  the  help  of  the  Romans,  he  took 
Jerusalem  in  37  b.c,  and  completely  estab- 
lished his  authority  throughout  his  dominions. 
After  the  battle  of  Actium  he  visited  Octavian 
at  Rhodes,  and  his  noble  bearing  won  for  him 
the  favour  of  the  conqueror,  who  confirmed 
him  in  the  possession  of  the  kingdom,  31  B.C., 
and  in  the  next  year  increased  it  by  the  addi- 
tion of  several  important  cities,  and  afterwards 
gave  him  the  province  of  Trachonitis  and  the 
district  of  Pancas.  The  remainder  of  the  reign 
of  Herod  was  undisturbed  by  external  troubles, 
but  his  domestic  life  was  embittered  by  an 
almost  uninterrupted  series  of  injuries  and 
cruel  acts  of  vengeance.  Terrible  acts  of 
bloodshed  were  perpetrated  by  Herod  both  in 
his  own  family  and  among  his  subjects.  He 
is  said  to  have  ordered  the  nobles  whom  he  had 
summoned  in  his  last  moments  to  be  executed 
immediately  after  his  decease,  so  that  that 
event  might  be  attended  by  universal  mourn- 
ing. It  must  have  been  at  the  time  of 
his  fatal  illness  that  he  ordered  the  slaughter  of 
the  infants  at  Bethlehem  (Mt.2.i6-i8)  ;  and 
from  the  comparative  insignificance  of  the 
murder  of  a  few  young  children,  in  an  unimpor- 
tant village,  it  is  not  surprising  tliat  Josephus 
does  not  mention  it.  In  dealing  with  the  re- 
ligious feelings  of  the  Jews,  Herod  showed  no 
regard  for  public  opinion.     But  while  he  thus 


alienated  the  affections  of  the  Jews,  he  adorned 
Jerusalem  with  many  splendid  monuments  ; 
above  all,  the  temple,  which  he  rebuilt  with 
scrupulous  care.  This  restoration  was  begun 
20  B.C.,  and  completed  in  a  year  and  a  half. 
But  fresh  additions  were  constantly  made  in 
succeeding  years,  so  that  the  temple  was 
"forty  and  six  years  in  building"  (Jn.2.2o), 
from  the  commencement  of  Herod's  work  to 
the  completion  of  the  latest  addition  then 
made. — 2.  Herod  A.\tip.\s  was  son  of  Herod 
the  Great  by  Malthace,  a  Samaritan.  His 
father  had  originally  destined  him  as  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  kingdom,  but  by  the  last  change 
of  his  will  appointed  him  "  tetrarch  of  Galilee 
and  Peraea  "  (Mt.l4.i  ;  Lu. 8.19,9.7  ;  Ac.lS.i  ; 
cf.  Lu.3.i).  He  first  married  a  daughter  of 
Aretas,  "  king  of  Arabia  Petraea  "  ;  but  after 
some  time  made  overtures  of  marriage  to  Hero- 
dias,  wife  of  his  half-brother  Herod  Philip, 
which  she  received  favourably.  Aretas,  in- 
dignant at  the  insult  offered  to  his  daughter, 
found  a  pretext  for  invading  the  territory  of 
Herod,  and  defeated  him  with  great  loss.  This 
defeat,  according  to  the  famous  passage  in 
Josephus  (18  Ant.  v.  2),  was  attributed  by 
many  to  the  murder  of  St.  John  Baptist,  which 
had  been  committed  by  Antipas  shortly  before, 
under  the  influence  of  Herodias  (Mt.i4.4ff.  ; 
Mk.6.i7ff.  ;  Lu.3.19).  Eventually  the  ambi- 
tion of  Herodias  proved  her  husband's  ruin. 
She  urged  him  to  go  to  Rome  to  gain  the  title 
of  king  (cf.  Mk.6.14) ;  but  he  was  opposed  at  the 
court  of  Caligula  by  the  emissaries  of  .Agrippa, 
and  condemned  to  perpetual  banishment  at 
Lugdunum,  39  a.d.  Herodias  voluntarily 
shared  his  punishment,  and  he  died  in  exile. 
Pilate  took  occasion  (from  our  Lord's  residence 
in  Galilee)  to  send  Him  for  examination  (Lu.23. 
6ff.)  to  Herod  Antipas,  who  came  up  to  Jeru- 
salem to  celebrate  the  Passover.  The  city  of 
Tiberias,  which  .-Vntipas  founded,  and  named 
in  honour  of  the  emperor,  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous monument  of  his  long  reign. — 3- 
Herod  Philip  I.  {Philip,  Mk.6.17)  was  son  of 
Herod  the  Great  and  Mariamne,  and  must  be 
carefully  tlistinguishcd  from  the  tetrarch  Philip, 
He  married  Herodias,  sister  of  .•\grippa  I.,  by 
whom  he  had  a  daughter  Salome.  Herodias, 
however,  left  him.  and  made  an  infamous  mar- 
riage with  his  half-brother  Herod  Antipas  (Mt. 


HERODIANS 

14.3  ;  Mk.6.17  ;  Lu.3.19).  He  was  excluded 
from  all  share  in  his  father's  possessions  in  con- 
sequence of  his  mother's  treachery.^-4.  Herod 
Philip  II.  was  son  of  Herod  the  Great  and 
Cleopatra.  He  received  as  his  own  government 
Batanea,  Trachonitis,  Auranitis,  Gaulanitis, 
and  some  parts  about  Jamnia,  with  the  title  of 
tetrarch  (Lu.S.i).  He  built  a  new  city  on  the 
site  of  Paneas,  near  the  sources  of  the  Jordan, 
which  he  called  Caesarea  (Mt.l6.13  ;  Mk.8.27), 
and  raised  Bethsaida  to  the  rank  of  a  city,  under 
the  title  of  Julias,  and  died  there  34  a.d.  He 
married  Salome,  daughter  of  Herod  Philip  I. 
— 5-  Herod  Agrippa  I.  was  son  of  Aristobu- 
lus  and  Berenice,  and  grandson  of  Herod  the 
Great.  Brought  up  at  Rome  with  Claudius 
and  Drusus,  after  a  life  of  various  vicissitudes, 
he  was  thrown  into  prison  by  Tiberius,  where  he 
remained  till  the  accession  of  Caius  (Caligula, 
37  A.D.),  who  gave  him  the  governments  for- 
merly held  by  the  tetrarchs  Philip  and  Lysa- 
nias,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of  King 
(Ac.  12.1),  and,  on  the  banishment  of  Antipas, 
received  his  dominions  also.  Afterwards 
Agrippa,  for  important  services  to  Claudius, 
received  (41  a.d.)  the  government  of  Judaea 
and  Samaria.  Unlike  his  predecessors,  Agrippa 
was  a  strict  observer  of  the  law,  and  success- 
fully sought  the  favour  of  the  Jews.  It  was 
probably  with  this  in  view  that  he  put  to  death 
St.  James,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  imprisoned 
St.  Peter  (12. iff.).  But  his  sudden  death  inter- 
rupted his  ambitious  projects.  In  the  foiurth 
year  of  his  reign  over  the  whole  of  Judaea  (44 
A.D.)  he  attended  some  games  in  honour  of  the 
emperor  at  Caesarea.  There  (12. 21)  his  flat- 
terers saluted  him  as  a  god  ;  and  he  was  sud- 
denly seized  with  terrible  pains,  and  (being 
carried  from  the  theatre  to  the  palace)  died  after 
five  davs'  agony. — 6.  Herod  Agrippa  II.  was 
son  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  and  of  Cypros,  a  grand- 
niece  of  Herod  the  Great.  When  his  father  died 
(44  A.D.),  he  was  at  Rome.  Not  long  afterwards, 
however,  the  emperor  gave  him  (c.  50  a.d.)  the 
tetrarchy  of  Chalcis,  which  had  belonged  to  his 
uncle  ;  and  then  transferred  him  (52  a.d.)  to 
the  tetrarchies  formerly  held  by  Philip  and 
Lysanias,  with  the  title  of  King.  His  re- 
lations with  his  sister  Bernice  (25.13)  caused 
suspicion  of  grave  evil.  In  the  last  Roman 
war  Agrippa  took  part  with  the  Romans,  and 
after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  retired  with  Ber- 
nice to  Rome,  where  he  died  in  the  third  year  of 
Trajan  (100  a.d.).  The  appearance  of  St.  Paul 
before  Agrippa  (60  a.d.)  offers  several  charac- 
teristic traits — e.g.  the  "  pomp  "  with  which  the 
king  came  into  the  audience  chamber  (25.23)  ; 
and  the  cold  irony  with  which  he  met  the  im- 
passioned words  of  the  apostle  (26.27,28). 

Hepo'dians.  The  Herodians  were  scarcely 
a  distinct  party.  They  were  rather  men  of 
various  parties,  who  from  various  motives — 
longing  for  national  independence,  hatred  of  a 
heathen  rule  in  Jerusalem,  sympathy  with 
Herod's  compromise  between  Judaism  and 
Hellenism — hoped  for  a  restoration  of  Herod 
the  Great's  kingdom  under  one  of  his  sons,  per- 
haps Antipas.  The  bond  uniting  the  Herod- 
ians was  a  political  aspiration.  That  aspira- 
tion Christ  opposed,  not  merely  by  His  warning 
against  the  leaven  of  Herod  (Mk.8.15),  or  His 
condemnation  of  Antipas  as  "that  fox"  (Lu.l3. 


HESHBON  345 

32),  but  by  the  whole  tenour  of  His  teaching. 
And  so  the  Herodians  joined  the  Pharisees,  in 
Galilee  plotting  His  destruction  (Mt.22.i6ff.  ; 
Mk.3.6),  and  in  Jerusalem,  by  the  question  of 
the  tribute  money  (Mk.i2.13ff.),  trying  to  force 
Him  either  to  discredit  Himself  with  the 
people,  or  else  embroil  Himself  with  the  Roman 
authorities,  and  so  secure  His  own  condemna- 
tion. [CD.] 

Hepodias,  daughter  of  Aristobulus,  one  of 
the  sons  of  Mariamne  and  Herod  the  Great, 
and  so  sister  of  Agrippa  I.  She  first  married 
her  uncle,  Herod  Philip  I.  ;  then  she  left  him 
and  married  his  half-brother  and  her  step- 
uncle,  Herod  Antipas,  whose  wife  then  living 
with  him  was  the  daughter  of  Aeneas,  or 
Aretas,  king  of  Arabia.  For  the  injury  done 
to  his  daughter,  Aretas  made  war  upon  Herod 
and  routed  him  with  the  loss  of  his  whole 
army.  The  head  of  St.  John  Baptist  was 
granted  to  Herodias'  request  (Mt.l4.8-ii  ; 
Mk. 6. 24-28).  According  to  Josephus,  the 
murder  was  committed  in  the  fortress 
Machaerus,  which  looks  down  from  the  E. 
upon  the  Dead  Sea.  Herodias  went  with 
Antipas  into  exile  at  Lugdunum. 

Hepo'dion,  a  "kinsman"  of  St.  Paul 
dwelling  at  Rome ;  perhaps  of  Aristobulus' 
household  (Lightfoot).  Late  tradition  makes 
him  bishop  of  either  Tarsus  or  Patra  (Ro. 
16.11). 

Hepon.  The  Heb.  'dndphd  (=  nose  or 
beak)  appears  in  an  Assyr.  list  of  birds  as  anpu, 
and  as  an  unclean  bird,  or  rather  perhaps  a 
group  of  birds,  in  Lev.ll.19  and  Deut.li.i8, 
but  whether  it  really  denotes  the  members  of 
the  heron  tribe  (Ardeidae)  is  uncertain.  Many 
members  of  the  group,  such  as  the  grye 
heron  (Ardea  cinerea),  purple  heron  (.4. 
purpurea),  egret  {A.  garzetta),  buff-backed 
heron  {A.  biibiilcus),  and  the  squacco  heron 
(A.  ralloides)  inhabit   Palestine.  [r.l.] 

He'sed.  The  son  of  Hesed  was  ruler  for 
Solomon  in  the  district  of  "  the  Arubboth, 
Socoh,  and  all  the  land  of  Hepher  "  (iK.4.io), 
i.e.  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.     [Palestine.] 

Heshbon',  the  capital  of  Sihon,  king  of 
the  Amorites,  who  expelled  the  Moabites 
(Num.21. 25-28;  Je.48.45).  It  was  rebuilt  by 
the  Reubenites  (Num. 32.37),  and  is  noticed  in 
7  passages  of  the  Pentateuch  in  connexion 
with  king  Sihon.  It  was  given  to  the  Levites 
(Jos.21.39  ;  iChr.6.8i),  and  was  held  for  300 
years  by  Israel  (Judg.ll.26).  It  was  in  the 
mishor,  or  "  plateau  "  of  Moab,  and  near  the 
S.  border  of  Gad  (Jos. 13. 17,26).  It  had  corn- 
fields near  it  (Is. 16. 8, 9),  and  "  pools  "  beside 
the  gate  of  Bath-rabbim  (Can.7.4).  It  is  now 
the  ruined  city  Hesbdn,  on  the  plateau  of  Moab 
due  E.  of  Jericho.  The  remains  are  those  of 
the  later  Roman  town  ;  the  site  is  strong, 
standing  on  high  ground  with  plains  roimd  it. 
The  road  from  W.  ascends  a  steep  slope,  and 
passes  through  a  rock  cutting  called  el  Bu- 
weib  (the  little  gate),  which  may  be  that  of 
Bath-rabbim.  On  the  W.  slope  a  fine  brook, 
3  yds.  wide,  with  pools  full  of  small  fish,  flows 
S.  and  W.  from  'A  in  Hesbdn.  To  these  brown 
fishpools  the  Song  of  Songs  perhaps  refers.  A 
few  oleanders  and  grassy  plots  flank  the 
stream ;  the  plain  above  is  fit  for  com  lands. 
There  is  a  remarkable  group  of  rude  stone 


346 


HESHMON 


monuments  on  a  spur  W.  uf  the  town  {Surv.  E. 
Pal.  pp.  104-109,  i5q).  [c.r.c.] 

Heshmon',  a  place  named,  with  others, 
as  lying  in  the  extreme  S.  of  Judah  (Jos.15.27). 
Nothing  further  is  known  of  it. 

Heth,  the  forefather  of  the  Hittites.  In 
the  ethnological  tables  of  Gen. 10  and  iChr.l, 
Heth  is  a  son  of  Canaan. 

Hethlon',  on  the  N.  border  of  Palestine 
(Ezk. 47.15,48.1).  "The  way  of  Hethlon  as  one 
goethto  Hamath"  is  apparently  the  "entrance 
to  Hamath "  (Num. 34.8)  or  gorge  of  the 
Eleutherus  River.  [c.r.c] 

Hewep.     [Handicrafts.] 

Hexateuch,  The  {six-fold-hook),  the 
name  given  in  the  critical  schools  to  the  first 
five  books  of  O.T.  [Pentateuch]  and  the 
book  of  Joshua,  which  together  are  supposed 
to  have  formed  originally  one  large  work.  The 
documents  alleged  to  run  through  the  first  five 
books  (J,  E,  P),  are  believed  to  run  through 
the  book  of  Joshua  also.  This  theory  is  not  so 
entirely  in  favour  as  it  was.  Great  difficulties 
attend  it  on  closer  analysis.  It  is  pointed  out, 
as  by  Cornill,  that  the  sources  are  quite  differ- 
ently worked  up  in  the  book  of  Joshua  from 
what  they  are  elsewhere.  Others  question  the 
existence  of  the  documents.  Wellhausen  and 
Steuernagel,  e.g.,  contend  that  J  is  not  present 
in  the  book  at  all.  Wellhausen  thinks  that 
the  P  of  Joshua  is  not  the  P  of  the  older 
books.  The  older  P,  he  supposes,  "  ceases  al- 
together at  the  death  of  Moses."  In  Joshua 
"  the  priestly  code,"  he  says,  "  is  simply  the 
filling  up  of  the  Jehovistic-Deuteronomic  nar- 
rative." The  Deuteronomic  hand  also  is  not 
that  of  the  author  of  Deuteronomy.  It  would 
seem,  then,  that  the  book  of  Joshua  must, 
after  all,  be  treated  as  a  distinct  work.  In 
favour  of  this  is  the  fact  that  the  Samaritans, 
who  accepted  the  Pentateuch,  have  always  re- 
garded Joshua  as  distinct,  and  possess  an  in- 
dependent book  of  Joshua.  [Samaria.]  [j.c] 

Hezeki',  a  Benjamitc  (iChr.S.i?)- 

Hezekiah. — 1.  The  famous  king  who  came 
to  the  throne  of  Judah  at  a  most  critical  period 
of  IsraeUte  history.  His  father  Ahaz,  in  order 
to  ward  off  a  hostile  combination  of  the  kings  of 
Syria  and  Israel  (see  Is.7),  had  invoked  the  aid 
of  the  Assyrian,  and  made  his  kingdom  tribu- 
tary to  that  great  power,  which  was  destined 
soon  to  sweep  away  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten 
Tribes  and  to  reduce  J  udah  to  the  very  verge  of 
ruin.  Moreover,  as  always,  national  weakness 
went  hand  in  hand  with  religious  decline.  .Ahaz 
introduced  many  foreign  innovations  into  the 
temple  service  (2K. 16. 10-18),  and  he  is  the 
first  king  of  whom  it  is  recorded  that  "  he  made 
his  son  to  pass  through  the  fire  according  to  the 
abomination  of  the  heathen  "  (I6.3).  To  this 
evil  heritage  Hezekiah  succeeded  at  the  age  of 
25,  according  to  the  chronology  of  the  book 
of  Kings  (I8.2) — he  may  have  been  even 
younger  (cf.  I6.2) ;  but,  unlike  his  father,  he 
allowed  himself  to  be  guided  by  the  wise 
counsel  of  the  pro))het  Isaiah.  "He  trusted  in 
the  Lord  the  God  of  Israel  "  and  "  the  Lord 
was  with  him  "  (18.3,7).  The  accounts  of  his 
reformation  of  the  religion  and  worship  arc 
given  in  18. 3-6  and  more  fully  in  2Chr.29-81. 
The  reforms  mentioned  in  A'lwgs  were  the  re- 
moval of  the  high  places,  the  destruction  of  the 


HEZEKIAH 

pillars  and  the  Asherim,  and  the  breaking  in 
pieces  of  the  brazen  serpent  to  which  the 
people  had  burned  incense.  In  the  narrative 
of  Chronicles  great  prominence  is  given  to  the 
co-operation  of  the  Levites  in  those  reforms 
(29.34),  and  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the 
high-priest  Uriah  had  been  too  compliant  a  tool 
in  the  heathen  innovations  of  Ahaz.  Special 
mention  is  also  made  of  a  great  Passover,  to 
which  the  king  invited  not  only  the  people  of 
Judah,  but  all  Israel  from  Beer-sheba  to  Dan 
(30.5).  Though  the  invitation  was  scoffed  at 
by  some,  yet  it  was  accepted  to  a  degree  which 
shows  that  the  sense  of  national  unity  was  not 
entirely  lost,  and  that  Jerusalem  was  taking 
its  place  as  a  rallying-point  for  the  national 
religion  when  national  independence  was 
passing  away.  The  great  Passover  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  outburst  of  iconoclastic  zeal  on  the 
part  of  the  crowd  gathered  at  the  feast,  venting 
itself  in  a  wholesale  removal  of  idolatrous 
objects  throughout  the  whole  country  (31. i). 
Some  have  questioned  the  statement  that  the 
"  high  places  "  were  removed  by  Hezekiah, 
seeing  that  they  are  found  existing  at  the 
beginning  of  Josiah's  reign.  But  there  seems 
no  good  reason  for  rejecting  one  part  of  the 
narrative  and  accepting  another ;  and  we  must 
remember  the  awful  relapse  into  idolatry 
that  followed  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah's  son 
Manasseh.  In  the  cases  of  other  pious  kings 
whom  he  commends,  the  historian  is  careful  to 
mention  that,  in  their  reigns,  the  high  places 
were  not  taken  away  (iK. 15. 11-14,22. 43  ;  2K. 
15.3,4)  ;  and  he  must  have  had  good  reason 
for  giving  such  distinction  to  Hezekiah,  who 
shares  with  David  and  Josiah  the  place  of 
highest  regard  in  the  national  tradition  (2K.I8. 
5,23.25  ;  Kcclus.49.4).  The  Biblical  record  of 
the  political  events  of  Hezekiah's  reign  is  strik- 
ingly confirmed  and  illustrated  by  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions,  although  there  remains  some  un- 
certainty as  to  the  precise  order  of  some  of  the 
incidents.  The  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes, 
humbled  by  the  Assyrians  and  worm-eaten  by 
corruption,  hastened  towards  decay ;  and  in  the 
sixth  year  of  Hezekiah's  reign  Samaria,  after  a 
siege  of  three  years,  was  taken  by  Sargon  and 
the  kingdom  swept  away.  It  is  probably  in 
this  time  of  weakness  or  collapse  of  authority 
in  the  northern  kingdom  that  we  should  place 
the  invitation  to  the  Ten  Tribes  to  join  in  cele- 
brating the  Passover.  And,  since  the  Assy- 
rians do  not  appear  in  Palestine  for  several 
years  (from  720  to  711  b.c),  this  may  also  have 
been  the  time  of  prosperity  referred  to  in  2Chr. 
32.27ff.,  when  the  king  gathered  all  kinds  of 
store  and  treasure ;  the  time  also  of  his  war- 
like undertakings  in  the  Philistine  country 
(2K.I8.8).  Here,  too,  in  the  opinion  of  many, 
comes  the  embassy  of  Mcrodach-baladan  (20. 
12) ;  for  it  was  about  a  year  after  the  fall  of 
Samaria  that  that  king  seized  the  throne  of 
Babylon,  and  it  was  his  interest  to  secure,  if 
possible,  any  alliances  that  would  assist  him  in 
liis  struggle  with  .Assyria.  By  this  time  there 
was  a  growing  uneasiness  among  the  Western 
nations  at  the  encroachment  of  .Assyria,  and 
their  eyes  were  turned  to  EgN-pt  as  the  great 
power  most  fitted  to  head  a  confederacy  for  re- 
sistance. Hezekiah  must  have  been  to  some 
extent  involved  in   the  movement,  for,  in  an 


HEZEKIAH 

inscription  of  Sargon,  the  king  of  Judah  is 
mentioned  among  the  persons  plotting  sedition 
and  bringing  gifts  to  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt. 
He  continued,  however,  to  pay  tribute  during 
the  reign  of  Sargon  ;  but,  on  the  accession  of 
Sennacherib,  he  threw  off  the  yoke  (18. 7),  and 
formed  an  alliance  with  Egypt  and  Ethiopia. 
Sennacherib,  having  first  conquered  Babylon 
and  pacified  his  eastern  dominions,  was  not 
long  in  turning  his  attention  to  the  disaffected 
states  in  the  W.  He  came  with  a  large  army  ; 
and  it  may  have  been  then,  if  not  before,  that 
Hezekiah  set  about  those  preparations  for 
defence  and  precautions  against  a  siege  which 
are  related  in  2O.20  and  2Chr.32.3-8,3o.  Sidon 
and  the  Phoenician  cities  were  sacked  by  the 
victorious  Assyrians ;  Ashdod,  Ammon,  Moab, 
and  Edom  sent  tribute ;  and  Ashkelon  and 
Ekron,  refusing,  were  captured.  An  Egyptian 
force,  which  had  marched  out  from  the  Delta, 
was  met  and  defeated  at  Elteku,  and  Judah, 
thus  isolated  and  bereft  of  allies,  was  swept  by 
the  invaders,  till  the  daughter  of  Zion  was 
left  as  a  booth  in  a  vineyard,  as  a  lodge  in 
a  garden  of  cucumbers  "  (Is.1.8).  In  alarm 
Hezekiah  sent  to  the  king  of  Assyria,  who  was 
besieging  Lachish,  offering  to  pay  any  tribute 
that  might  be  imposed  upon  him  (2K.I8.14). 
But,  though  he  emptied  his  treasury  and 
despoiled  the  temple  to  furnish  the  tribute 
imposed,  Sennacherib  sent  an  immense  army 
which  surrounded  the  city  and  demanded  its 
surrender  (18.i7ff.).  Hezekiah,  in  his  distress, 
was  encouraged  by  the  prophet  Isaiah  to  resist, 
and  assured  that  the  city  would  be  saved  (19. 
1-8).  Sennacherib  was  besieging  Libnah  when 
his  officers  returned  from  Jerusalem  ;  and, 
hearing  that  Tirhakah  was  in  motion  with  a 
large  force  to  meet  him,  he  determined  to  make 
another  effort  to  reduce  Jerusalem,  so  as  not 
to  leave  a  powerful  enemy  in  his  rear.  The 
threatening  letter  which  he  sent  was  spread 
before  the  Lord  by  Hezekiah  in  prayer,  and 
again  the  prophet  Isaiah  assured  him  in  God's 
name  that  the  city  would  remain  inviolate. 
And  then,  by  some  mysterious  and  awful 
visitation,  there  was  such  a  mortality  in  the 
camp  of  the  Assyrians  that  the  survivors 
hastily  left  the  country,  and  Jerusalem  was 
saved.  The  sacred  historian  says  the  angel  of 
the  Lord  smote  them.  Some  suppose  it  was 
an  outbreak  of  plague  ;  and  Herodotus  and 
Josephus  have  a  tradition  that  the  army  had 
advanced  as  far  as  the  pestiferous  region  of 
Pelusium  to  meet  the  Egyptian  force  when  the 
disaster  occurred.  That  it  was  a  great  disaster 
is  plain  from  the  silence  of  the  Assyrian  annals 
on  the  sequel  of  the  campaign,  for,  after  all  his 
boasting,  Sennacherib  never  claims  to  have 
taken  the  city.  With  this  signal  deliverance, 
which  was  treasured  in  memory  as  ranking 
with  the  wonders  of  the  Exodus,  Hezekiah  dis- 
appears from  the  sacred  page.  Up  to  the  time 
of  his  illness  it  would  appear  he  was  childless  ; 
and,  as  fifteen  years  were  added  to  his  life,  and 
Manasseh  was  twelve  years  at  his  accession 
(21.i),  we  might  place  the  sickness  in  the 
fourteenth  year  of  Hezekiah's  reign,  for  the 
time  is  vaguely  indicated  in  the  expression  "  in 
those  days"  (20. i).  A  casual  mention  of 
Hezekiah's  name  in  Pr.25.i  is  particularly 
interesting.     If  learned  men  in  his  time  oc- 


HIERONYMUS  347 

cupied  themselves  in  copying  out  proverbs, 
we  may  infer  that  other  existing  national 
writings  were  not  overlooked.  [Isaiah.] — 2.  An 
ancestor  of  the  prophet  Zephaniah  (Zeph.l.i ; 
A.V.  Hizkiah). — 3.  A  descendant  of  the  royal 
family  of  Judah  (iChr.3.23). — 4.  For  "  Ater 
of  Hezekiah,"  see  Ater.  [J-R-] 

Hezion,  jVm,  mentioned  in  iK.15.i8  as 
father  of  Tabrimon,  and  grandfather  of  Ben- 
hadad,  king  of  Syria.  The  fact  that  the  name 
only  occurs  here  has  led  to  the  generally  ac- 
cepted supposition  that  it  is  a  corruption  of 
Rezon,  or  even  of  Hazael.  The  former  is  pre- 
ferable. It  would  make  the  generations  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  and  S)T:ia  roughly  contempo- 
raneous, and  has  the  additional  merit  of  being 
readily  deducible  from  the  Heb.  consonants. 
Some  suppose  that  "  Rezon  "  itself  should  be 
read  with  a  prosthetic  PI  and  metathesis  JHTn 
[cf.  'EapuifM,  iK.11.23,  LXX.).  [B.F.S.] 

Hezip'. — 1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David, 
leader  of  the  17th  monthly  course  in  the  service 
(iChr.2'1.15).  —  2.  A  leading  layman  who 
sealed  the  solemn  covenant  (Ne.lO.20). 

Hezpai'  (2Sam.23.35)  =  Hezpo  (iChr.ll. 
37).  the  Carmelite  ;  one  of  the  heroes  of 
David's  guard. 

Hezpon',  Hezponites. — 1.  A  son  of 
Reuben  (Gen.46.9  ;  Ex. 6.14  ;  Num. 26.6). — 2. 
Son  of  Pharez  and  ancestor  of  David  (Gen. 46. 
12  ;  Num.26.2i  :  Ru.4.18,19  ;  iChr.2.5ff.).— - 
3.  (Jos.15.3.)     [Hazer,  I.] 

Hiddai'  "of  the  brooks  of  Gaash  "  (2Sam. 
23.30),  one  of  the  heroes  of  David's  guard. 
Kennicott  {Dissert,  p.  194)  prefers  the  form 
Hurai  (1Chr.ll.32). 

Hidde'kel,  the  third  of  the  four  rivers  of 
Eden,  "  which  goeth  in  front  of  Assyria  "  (Gen. 
2.14,  R.V.),  called  by  Daniel  "  the  great  river  " 
(Dan. 10.4),  and  is  rightly  rendered  in  the  LXX. 
by  Tigris.  The  Heb.  form  is  derived  from  the 
non-Semitic  (Sumerian)  Idigna,  from  which 
also  comes  the  Assyro-Babylonian  Idiglat  (or 
Diglat)  and  the  Arab.  Dijlah,  by  the  common 
change  from  n  to  /,  and  the  addition  of  the  fem. 
ending.  The  classical  form  Tigris  shows  t  for 
d,  and  r  for  /.  It  rises  S.  of  lake  Goljik,  and 
joins  the  eastern  branch,  the  Bohtan-su,  a 
little  S.  of  Sert.  After  passing  the  ruins  of 
Nineveh,  Calah,  Seleucia,  and  Ctesiphon,  it 
unites  with  the  Euphrates  at  Kurna.  The 
stream  thus  formed  (the  Shatt  al-'Arab)  did  not 
anciently  exist,  and  the  Tigris  flowed  directly 
into  the  Persian  Gulf.  [t.g.p.] 

Hiel',  a  native  of  Bethel,  who  rebuilt 
Jericho  in  the  reign  of  Ahab  (1K.I6.34) ;  and 
in  whom  was  fulfilled  the  curse  pronounced  by 
Joshua  (Jos. 6. 26). 

Hiepa'polis.  Mentioned  only  once  in  Scrip- 
ture (Col. 4.13),  with  CoLOSSE  and  Laodicea. 
Such  association  is  natural ;  for  the  three  towns 
were  all  in  the  basin  of  the  Maeander,  and 
within  a  few  miles  of  one  another.  Its  modern 
name  is  Pambiik  Kalessi. 

Hiep'eel  (iEsd.9.2i)  =  Jehiel,  ii. 

Hiep'emoth.  —  1.  (iEsd.9.27)  =  Jere- 
MOTH,  4. — 2.  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Ramoth. 

Hiepielus  (iEsd.9.27)  =  Jehiel,  10. 

Hiep'mas  (iEsd.9.26)  =  Ramiah. 

Hiepon'ymus,  a  Syrian  general  in  the  time 
of  Antiochus  V.  Eupator  (2Mac.l2.2). 


348 


HIGOAION 


Higr^raion.  [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Hig-h  place,  the  rendering  in  A.V.  of  five 
different  words  in  the  orginal.  Of  three  of 
these  R.V.  gives  a  modified  rendering,  translat- 
ing rdmd  (in  4  passages)  "  lofty  place,"  sh^phi 
(in  9  passages)  "  bare  height,"  and  (drrah 
(once)  "  hold."  The  remaining  two  words, 
translated  in  both  versions  "  high  place,"  arc 
mdrom  (in  6  passages)  and  bdmd  (in  above  100 
passages).  This  last  word,  though  used  in  a 
few  passages,  chiefly  poetical,  in  the  general 
sense  of  elevated  place,  as,  e.g.,  "  high  places  of 
the  earth,"  has  acquired  a  special  meaning  in 
connexion  with  the  worship  of  Israel.  It  was 
an  ancient  and  widespread  custom  to  worship 
on  sacred  mountains  or  elevated  spots  ;  and 
the  character  of  the  "  high  place  "  would  de- 
pend upon  the  deity  worshipped  and  the  na- 
ture of  the  worship.  It  is  mentioned  without 
reprobation  that  Abraham  built  an  altar  on  a 
mountain  to  the  E.  of  Bethel  (Gen. 12.8)  ;  by 
divine  command  Gideon  built  an  altar  and 
offered  sacrifice  on  the  top  of  a  stronghold  or 
rock  (Judg.6.26),  and  so  did  Manoah  (13. 19). 
The  towns  of  Palestine  were  very  often  built  on 
eminences  or  hill-slopes,  and  the  bdmd  or  high 
place  above  the  town  was  the  place  for  worship 
or  social  concourse  (see  iSam.9. 11-14).  At 
Gibeon,  in  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign, 
was  the  great  "  high  place  "  at  which  the  king 
offered  sacrifice  (iK.3.4)  ;  and  the  sacred 
writers  give  it  to  be  understood  that,  till  the 
erection  of  the  temple,  the  worship  of  Jehovah 
on  the  high  places  was  not  improper  (8.2).  At 
their  entrance  into  Canaan  the  Israelites  no 
doubt  appropriated  for  this  purpose  the  places 
hallowed  in  the  patriarchal  tradition.  More- 
over, they  found  on  every  side  high  places,  at 
which  the  Canaanites  rendered  worship  to  the 
local  deities  or  baalim  ;  and  as  this  worship  was 
chiefly  associated  with  the  agricultural  life  upon 
which  they  had  entered,  it  insidiously  gained 
influence  over  them  even  when  they  persuaded 
themselves  they  were  doing  honour  to  their 
own  God.  [Baal.]  At  each  of  these  high  places 
there  seems  to  have  been  an  altar  for  sacrifice, 
with  the  usual  accompaniments  of  Asherim 
(E.V.  groves)  and  Pillars;  and  the  worship, 
as  described  by  tlic  prophet  Hosea,  was  riotous 
and  corru|5t  in  the  extreme.  Hence  the  pro- 
phets never  cease  to  protest  against  it,  and  in 
the  books  of  Kings,  up  to  the  time  of  Hezekiah, 
it  is  carefully  noted,  even  in  the  reigns  of  the 
best  kings,  that  the  worship  of  the  high  places 
was  not  put  down.  The  book  of  Deuteronomy, 
which  contemplates  the  occupation  of  Canaan 
and  worship  at  a  central  sanctuary  (Deut.12.5), 
warns  the  people  against  the  danger  and  evil 
consequences  of  conformity  to  the  worship  of 
the  Canaanites  f4.25,12.2,3).  It  docs  not,  in 
referring  to  this  worship,  employ  the  word 
bdmd,  but  another  word,  mdqdm,  which  simply 
means  "  place  "  ;  and  it  is  significant  that,  at 
the  present  day,  there  are  innumerable  sacred 
places  throughout  Palestine  and  Syria,  usually 
on  elevated  spots,  to  which  are  given  the 
same  name  in  its  Arab,  form  mdqdm.  These 
bear  the  name  of  some  wely  or  saint  who 
may  be  buried  in  the  place,  and  who  is 
supposed  to  liave  the  power  of  conferring 
special  benefits.  Though  the  local  deities 
have  thus  given  place   to   these   saints,    the 


HIGH-PRIEST 

"  places  "  are  held  in  great  veneration,  and 
MusHms  and  Christians  alike,  just  as  Canaan- 
ites and  Israelites  of  old,  make  visits  and  pay 
vows  at  them.  From  its  association  with  wor- 
ship, the  bdmd  came  to  be  so  named,  though 
it  was  not  on  a  high  place,  and  might  even  be 
in  a  valley,  as  those  in  the  valley  of  Hinnom 
(Je.7.31).  Ezekiel  speaks  of  "  high  places 
decked  with  divers  colours"  (Ezk.l6.i6,  R.V.), 
made  of  "  garments,"  which  may  have  been 
hangings  or  carpets,  such  as  are  used  for  the 
adornment  of  Muslim  tombs  or  sacred  places  at 
the  present  day.  Hezekiah  in  his  reform  is 
said  to  have  removed  the  high  places  (2K.I8.4), 
but  they  reappear  under  his  successors  Manas- 
seh  and  Amon  (21.3,21).  J osiah's  reformation 
was  more  thorough  ;  and  there  is  no  express 
mention  of  high  places  under  the  kings  who 
followed  him.  Yet  the  prevalence  of  such 
places  and  the  veneration  paid  to  them  b)'  the 
modern  fellahin  of  Palestine  show  how  deeply 
rooted  they  are  in  the  soil  ;  and,  though  we 
hear  nothing  of  this  form  of  worship  among  the 
Jews  after  the  Exile,  it  may  well  be  believed 
that  the  superstition  lingered  on  even  after 
that  time  among  the  "  people  of  the  land." 
Hoonacker,  Le  lieu  du  culte  dans  la  legislation 
rituelle  des  Hebreux  (1894)  ;  Baudissin,  Studien 
II.  ;  Vincent,  Canaan  d'apres  V exploration 
ricente ;  Mem.  We^t  Pal.  Surv.,  vol.  Special 
Papers,  1881,  pp.  259-273.    [Bamah.]    [j.r.] 

Hlg-h-ppiest  (hakkohcn  haggadhol ;  Lev. 
21.10;  Num. 35.2.';, 28),  the  head  of  the  priestly 
body.  After  the  Exodus,  until  the  appoint- 
ment of  Aaron  and  his  sons  to  the  priesthood, 
the  priestly  authority  culminated  in  Moses 
himself,  who  acted  as  mediator  between  God 
and  the  people  (Dcut.5.5,27  ;  cf.  Ex.2O.19  ;  Gal. 
3.19,20),  and  officiated  as  priest  at  the  great 
covenant  sacrifice,  sprinkling  the  sacrificial 
blood  upon  the  altar  and  upon  the  people  (Ex. 
24.6,8).  This  priestly  authority,  he,  at  thedirect 
command  of  God,  delegated  to  Aaron  and  his 
sons  (28. i),  to  whom  it  was  God's  gift  ("  I  have 
given  your  priest's  office  unto  you  as  a  service 
of  gift,"  Num.18.7;  cf.  Ecclus.45.6,7  ;  iSam.2. 
28),  in  such  an  exclusive  way  that  no  one  not 
of  the  seed  of  Aaron  might  "  come  nigh,"  i.e.  to 
act  as  priest  (Num. 16. 40,18.7  ;  Heb.5.4).  Both 
brothers  were  recognized  to  have  been  priests 
(Ps.99.6),  and  as  Moses  had  inaugurated  the 
covenant,  so,  when  he  had  consecrated  and 
invested  Aaron,  it  became  Aaron's  duty,  and 
that  of  his  successors  in  their  hereditary  tenure 
of  the  office,  to  maintain  the  covenant,  by  per- 
forming year  by  year  the  ceremonial  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement  (q.v.).  The  office  of  high-priest 
chieflyexisted  for  that  cleansing  and  atoning  for 
the  sanctuary  year  by  year  on  which  depended 
the  religious  services  of  the  whole  year  (Lev.  16. 
16,32-34).  "  The  Jews  had  no  right  or  tenure 
in  God's  house  but  what  was  renewable  from 
year  to  year  ;  and  therefore,  at  the  return  of 
every  day  of  expiation,  their  term  exi^red,  and 
if  they  expected  to  enjoy  tliis  jirivilege  for  the 
year  now  coining  they  must  renew  their  ser- 
vices and  devotions  by  which  tliey  held  this 
privilege  of  appearing  before  God.  The  virtue 
of  the  sacrifices  oflered  on  the  last  day  of  ex- 
piation was  spent  ;  and  priest,  people,  taber- 
nacle, and  altar  must  be  reconciled  before  they 
could  have  any  claim  or  pretence  to  the  honour 


of  appearing,  or  being  used,  before  the  Divine 
Majesty  in  the  ensuing  year  ;  and  therefore 
the  apostle  truly  observes  that '  these  sacrifices 
could  not  consecrate  him  that  did  the  service,' 
i.e.  the  high-priest  himself,  '  as  pertaining  to 
conscience  '  (Heb.9.9)  ;  that  is,  they  could  not 
consecrate  him  '  for  ever,'  or  for  a  perpetuity, 
as  the  apostle  explains  himself.  The  high- 
priest  knew  in  his  own  conscience  that  his  re- 
consecration  was  but  for  the  term  of  one  year, 
and  that  the  whole  system  of  their  worship 
and  polity  must  at  the  end  of  that  term  be 
reconciled  again"  (John  Johnson,  Works,  i.  p. 
189;  Anglo-Catholic  Library).  The  contrast 
between  the  Old  and  New  Covenant  drawn  out 
in  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews  turns  just  upon  this 
point :  that  whereas  the  Jewish  sanctuary  had 
to  be  thus  reconsecrated  year  by  year,  on  the 
Day  of  Atonement,  with  the  blood  of  the  sin- 
offerings  of  atonement,  the  Christian  Church 
has  been  consecrated  once  and  for  ever  by  the 
Blood  of  Christ.  As  therefore  the  high-priest 
was  typical  in  his  chief  work,  so  was  he  typical 
in  the  anointing,  which  he  alone  of  the  priests 
received  (Ex. 29.7  ;  Lev. 8. 12;  Ps. 133.2),  and 
by  which  he  became  "  the  priest  Messiah  " 
(Lev.4.3, 5, 16,16.32, 21. 10,12  ;  Num.35. 25).  The 
oil  employed  was  "  the  holy  anointing  "  oil 
(Ex. 30. 22-33),  manufactured  by  certain  priests 
called  "  apothecaries  "  or  "  perfumers  "  (Ne. 
3.8),  which  indicated  the  bestowal  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  for  the  purpose  of  qualifying  the 
person  anointed  for  the  office  upon  which 
he  was  about  to  enter  (iSam. 10. 1,16.13), 
and  it  was  poured,  to  show  that  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  his  office  he  needed, 
and  would  receive,  the  Spirit  of  God  in 
richest  fulness,  upon  his  head  as  the  noblest 
part  of  the  body  and  true  centre  of  the  spiritual 
life.  (C/.  Kurtz,  Sacrificial  Worship,  p.  330 : 
T.  &  T.  Clark.)  This  anointing  took  place 
after  the  bathing  (Lev. 8. 6, 10  ;  cf.  Is. 52. 11)  and 
investiture,  in  whicli  Aaron  was  clothed  with 
a  pecuUar  dress  (Lev. 8. 7-9),  which  passed  to 
his  successor  after  his  death  {Num.20.28).  Of 
this  dress  four  articles — the  breeches,  the  coat 
or  tunic,  the  girdle,  and  the  turban  (=  the 
mitre)  were  the  same  as  those  of  the  ordinary 
priests  ;  but  special  to  the  high-priest,  and, 
according  to  Josephus,  only  worn  on  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  were :  (a)  The  robe  of  the  ephod 
(Ex. 28. 31-35, 39. 22-26),  woven  of  one  piece 
without  seam  or  join,  and  all  of  blue  ;  it  was 
not  so  long  as  the  coat,  which  was  visible  below 
it,  and  round  its  hem  were  pomegranates  of 
blue,  purple,  or  scarlet  alternated  with  bells  to 
give  a  sound  when  he  went  in  and  came  out 
of  the  Holy  Place  "  that  he  might  not  die  " 
(Ex. 28. 35),  or  to  keep  the  people  who  could 
not  see  him  mindful  of  what  he  was  doing 
on  their  behalf  (Ecclus.45.9).  (b)  The  Ephod 
consisted  of  two  parts,  of  which  one  covered 
the  chest,  the  other  the  back,  confined  by 
"  the  curious  girdle  "  of  similar  materials,  and 
clasped  together  on  the  shoulder  with  two 
large  onyx  stones,  each  having  engraved  on 
it  six  of  the  names  of  the  tribes  of  Israel 
(Ex. 28.6-14).  "As  a  shoulder  dress,  the  ephod 
was,  par  excellence,  the  official  dress  of  the 
bigh-priest.  The  burden  of  office  rested  upon 
the  shoulder,  and  the  insignia  of  the  office 
were  also  worn  upon  it  (Is.22.22).     The  duty 


HlaS-PRIESl? 


349 


of  the  high-priest  was  to  enter  into  the  pre- 
sence of  God  and  make  atonement  for  the 
people  as  their  mediator.  To  show  ^  that, 
as  mediator,  he  brought  the  nation  to  God, 
the  names  of  the  twelve  tribes  were  engraved 


A  HIGH-PRIEST.  W.D.A. 

upon  precious  stones  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
ephod.  The  precious  stones,  with  their  rich- 
ness and  brilliancy,  formed  the  most  suitable 
earthly  substratum  to  represent  the  glory  into 
which  Israel  was  to  be  transformed  as  the  pos- 
session of  Jehovah  (Is. 62. 3  ;  Rev.21.ii-2i)  ; 
whilst  the  colours  and  materials  of  the  ephod, 
answering  to  the  colours  and  texture  of  the 
hangings  of  the  sanctuary,  indicated  the  ser- 
vice performed  in  the  sanctuary  by  the  person 
clothed  with  the  ephod,  and  the  gold  with 
which  the  coloured  fabric  was  worked,  the  glory 
of  that  service  "  (Keil  on  Ex.28. 12).  (c)  To  the 
shoulder-pieces  of  the  ephod  was  fastened  by 
gold  chains  a  pouch  made  of  similar  materials, 
which  contained  the  Urim  and  Thummim,  and 
was  called  "  the  breastplate  of  judgment  " 
(Ex.28. 15-30).  It  was  really  a  square  of  a 
span's  length  each  way,  doubled  together  so 
that  two  corners  were  suspended  from  each 
shoulder,  and  had  arranged  on  it,  in  four  rows 
of  three,  twelve  gems  engraved  with  the  names 
of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,  so  that  they  were 
near  to  the  high-priest's  heart,  indicating  the 
relation  of  love  and  personal  interest  which 
should  exist  between  the  priest  and  the  people. 
{d)  To  the  turban  or  mitre  worn  by  all  priests 
the  high-priest  had  attached  a  plate  of  gold, 
called  "  the  holy  crown  "  (Ex. 28. 36, 39. 30), 
engraved  with  the  words  "  Holiness  to  the 
Lord.  .  .  .  That  Aaron  may  bear  the  iniquity 
of  the  holy  things,  which  the  children  of  Israel 


350 


HIOH-PRIEST 


HiaH-PRIEST 


shall  hallow  in  all  their  holy  gifts  ;  and  it  shall 
be  always  upon  his  forehead,  that  they  may  be 
accepted  before  the  Lord"  (Ex. 28.38).  Per- 
haps because  of  this  mystical  and  official  con- 
cern with  the  atonement  for  the  people,  the 
high-priest  had  a  peculiar  place  in  the  law  of 
the  manslayer  and  his  taking  sanctuary  in  one 
of  the  cities  of  refuge  :  the  refugee  might  not 
leave  his  sanctuary  during  the  lifetime  of  the 
existing  high-priest  (Num. 35. 25).  It  was  for- 
bidden to  the  high-priest  to  follow  a  funeral  or 
rend  his  clothes  for  the  dead  (Lev.  10.6). — The 
other  respects  in  which  the  high-priest  exercised 
superior  functions  to  the  other  priests  were 
simply  the  consequence  of  his  position  and 
opportunities,  and  varied  with  personal  ability 
and  character.  The  usual  age  for  entering  on 
the  functions  of  priesthood  was  twenty  years 
(2Chr.3i.17),  though  before  reaching  that  age 
the  office  might  be  exercised  by  one  who  had 
attained  to  puberty,  as  in  the  case  of  Aristo- 
bulus,  who  at  the  age  of  17  won  such  admira- 
tion in  his  ministry  as  to  provoke  the  treacher- 
ous jealousy  of  Herod  (J  osephus,  15  Ant.  in.  3). 
The  history  of  the  high-priests  embraces  a 
period  of  about  1,370  years  and  a  succession  of 
about  80  high-priests,  beginning  with  Aaron, 
and  ending  with  Phannias  (20  Ant.  x.  i :  cf.  also 
8  Ant.  i.  3  and  10  Ant.  viii.  5).  They  are 
divided  into  four  groups  by  the  organization 
introduced  by  David,  the  captivity  in  Babylon, 
and  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  table  : — 


CIVIL   RULER. 


Moses 
Joshua 


Othniel  . 
Abishua . 


HIGH-PRIEST. 

Aaron  (Ex.28. 3). 

Eleazar  (Lev. 10. 12  ;  Num. 

20.28). 
Phinchas(Jos.22. 30,24. 33). 
Abishua  (iChr.6.4,50  ;  Ezr. 
7.5)- 

Eli  Eli  (iSam.l.g). 

Samuel Ahitub       (iSam. 14.3,22. 9, 

20). 
ggyj  fAhimelech    (iSam.21.i,  or 

"  \      Ahijah,  iSam.14.3). 


Solomon 

Abijah    . . 

Asa 

Jehoshaphat 

Jchoram 

Ahaziah 

Jehoash  . . 

Amazi;ih 
Uzziah    .  . 
Jotham  .  . 
Ahaz 
Ilezekiah 
Manasseh  )_ 
Amon        ( 
Josiah     . . 
Jehoiakim 
Zcdekiah 
Evll-merodach  , 


Zadok     and    Abiathar    (2 

Sam.i5.3i). 
Azariah    (ik.4.2  ;    iChr.6. 

10). 
Johanan    (iChr.6.9,io). 
Azariah    (do.). 
Amariah   (iChr.6.11). 
Jehoiada  (2K.II.4). 

(do.). 
Do.  and  Zechariali  (2Chr. 

24.20). 
? 

Azariah  (2Chr.26.17). 
? 

Urijah    (2K.I6.15). 

Azariah  (2Chr.3i.10). 
(  vShalUim  (iChr.6.12,13,   or 
■^      Mesluillam,  9.11). 

Ililkiah  (2K.23.4). 

Azariah?    ( iChr.6.13,14). 

Scraiah  (2K.25.i8). 

Jchozadak  (iChr.6.13). 


Zcrubbabel   (Cyrus  and 

Darius) 
Mordfcai  ?  (Xerxes)     . . 
Ezra  and  Nehcraiah  (Ar- 

taxcrxcs) 
Darius  Nothus  . . 
Artaxcrxcs  Mneniou 


Jeshua  (Ne.l2.io). 
Joiakim  (do.). 

Eliashib  (do.). 
Joiada  (do.). 
Jonathan  (Ne.l2. 


CIVIL    RULER. 

Alexander  the  Great  . . 
Onias  I.  (Ptolemy  Soter, 

Antigonus)  . . 
Ptolemy  Soter  . . 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus . . 


HIGH-PRIEST. 

Jaddua  (do.). 

Onias  I. 

Simon  the  Just. 

Eleazar. 


End  of  direct  Aaronic  line. 


0. 


Ptolemy  Philadelphus . . 
Ptolemy  Euergetes 
Ptolemy  Philopator     . . 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes  and 
Antiochus 

Antiochus  Epiphanes  . . 
Demetrius 

•  • 

Alexander  Balas 


Manasseh. 
Onias  II. 
Simon  II. 

Onias  II. 

{(Joshua,  or)  Jason. 
Onias,  or  Menelaus. 
Jacimus,  or  Alcimus. 


Simon  (Hasmonaean)  .  . 
John  Hyramus  (do.)... 
King  Aristobulus  (do.) .  . 
King  Alex.  Jannaeus  (do.) 
Queen  Alexandra  (do.) . . 
King  Aristobulus  II.  (do.) 
Pompey  the  Great 
Pacoru's  the  Parthian 


Jonathan,  brother  of  Judas 

Mace.   (Hasmonaean). 
Simon  (do.). 
John  Hyrciinus  (do.). 
Aristobulus  (do.). 
Alex.  Jannaeus  (do.). 
Hyrcanus  II.  (do.). 
Aristobulus  II.  (do.). 
Hyrcanus  II.  (do.). 
Antigonus  (do.). 
.\nanelus. 

Aristobulus   (last   of  Has- 
monaeans),  murdered  by 
Herod. 
Ananelus  restored, 
rjesus,  son  of  Faneus. 
I  Simon,    son    of    Boethus, 
I      father-in-law  to  Herod. 
Matthias,  son  of  Theophi- 
lus. 

ozarus,  son  of  Simon. 
/■Eleazar. 

li 

I,  J  ozarus  (second  time). 
Cyrenius,     governor    of 

Syria,  second  time. . .     Ananus. 
Valerius Gratus,procura-  fl^i^ael,  son  of  Phabi. 
t„.  „/  T..J "V"'"  .  i^ieazar,  son  of  .\nanus. 


Herod,  K.  of  Judaea 


Herod  the  Great 


tor  of  Judaea 


Vitellius, 
Syria  . 


Herod  .\grippa 


Herod,  king  of  Chalcis  ■ 


.Appointed  by  the  people 
Do.  (Whiston  on  4  Wars 

iii-  7) 

Chosen  by  lot    . . 


■  \. Simon,  son  of  Kamith. 

(Caiaphas,   called  also   Jo- 
seph. 
Jonathan,  son  of  Ananus. 
Theophilus,  brother  of  Jo- 
( Simon  Cantheras.  [nathan. 
Matthias,  brother  of  Jona- 
than, son  of  .\nanus. 
Elioneus,  son  of  Cantheras. 
'Joseph,  son  of  Camei. 
Ananias,  son  of  Nebedeus. 
Jonathan. 

Isniael,  son  of  I'abi. 
Joseph,  son  of  Simon. 
Ananus,  son  of  .\nanus,  or 

.\nanias. 
Jesus,  son  of  Gamaliel. 
Matthias,  son  of  Theophi- 
lus. 
Phannias,  son  of  Samuel. 


Of  the  first  group  the  Biblical  records  are  fairly 
full  and  only  two  points  need  to  be  noted  :  (i) 
the  transfer,  at  some  unexplained  date,  of  the 
succession  from  the  line  of  Eleazar  to  that  of 
Ithamar,  perhaps  through  Eleazar's  represen- 
tative being  too  young  to  succeed  to  the  vacant 
office,  to  which  therefore  Ithamar's  represen- 
tative, Eli,  was  appointed  by  the  elders  ;  (ii) 
J  osephus  implies  that  Abiezcr  (.\bishua),  the 
father  of  Bnkki,  was  the  last  high-priest  of 
Phinehas'  line  before  Zadok (8  AnI.  i.  3,  but  cf. 
5  Ant.  xi.  5).  This  gives  eight  high-priests  for 
the  period,  as  against  the  seven  of  the  Bible.  Of 
the  second  group  there  is  more  to  be  said,  (i) 
There  is  no  explanation  of  the  apparently  joint 


priesthood  of  Zadok  and  Abiathar  in  the  reign 
of  David.  Saul  may  have  made  Zadok  priest 
after  Abiathar's  secession  to  David,  and  then 
David  let  both  hold  office  together  for  their 
own  lifetime,  Abiathar  retaining  the  ephod 
with  Urim  and  Thummim,  of  which  nothing  is 
heard  after  Solomon  deposed  him  (iK.2.27), 
when  the  succession  passed  to  the  sons  of  Za- 
dok. It  was  Azariah,  the  descendant  of  Zadok, 
who  officiated  at  the  dedication  of  Solomon's 
temple  (iK.4.2  ;  iChr.6.io).  (ii)  There  are 
great  difficulties  in  harmonizing  the  genealo- 
gical list  in  iChr.6.8,15  with  the  notices  of  the 
high-priests  in  the  sacred  history,  and  with  the 
list  given  by  Josephus.  The  pedigree,  in  its  first 
six  generations  from  Zadok  inclusive,  exactly 
suits  the  history,  but  there  is  a  great  gap  in 
the  middle,  only  two  names  occurring  between 
the  reigns  of  Jehoshaphat  and  Josiah,  while  the 
historical  books  giv^e  us  during  this  interval 
Jehoiada  (2K.II.4  ;  2Chr.22.11),  Zechariah 
(2Chr.24.20),  Azariah  (26.17),  Urijah  (2K.I6. 
15),  Azariah  (2Chr.3i.10j.  (iii)  The  civil  power 
preponderates  all  through  the  period.  The 
monarch  arranges  for  the  central  sanctuary 
(1Chr.29.1-4;  2Chr.3,4,5),  dedicates  it  (6.12, 
13,7.7),  organizes  the  temple  service  under 
the  high-priest  (8. 12-15),  spoils  the  temple  to 
pay  tribute  (iK.15.i8),  presumes  to  offer  in- 
cense (2Chr.26.16),  defiles  the  temple  with 
idolatries  (33.4,5),  cleanses  it  and  reforms  wor- 
ship (34.33).  To  this  period  also  belong  the 
revolt  of  the  Ten  Tribes  and  their  abandonment 
of  the  temple  worship  (iK. 12. 26-28),  and  the 
successful  revolt  of  the  ecclesiastical  head  of 
the  nation  against  the  usurping  foreigner  and 
idolater,  Athaliah  (2K. 11. 4-16).  The  priests 
of  this  series  ended  with  Seraiah,  who  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Nebuzar-adan,  and  slain  at  Riblah 
by  Nebuchadnezzar,  together  with  Zephaniah 
the  second  priest  (or  ?  Sagan ;  2K.25.i8). 
Seraiah's  son  Jehozadak  was  at  the  same  time 
carried  away  captive  (iChr.6.15),  and  died  in 
Babylon.  With  his  son  Jeshua  we  are  intro- 
duced to  the  third  group.  In  the  third  group 
we  have,  after  Jeshua's  zealous  co-operation 
with  Zerubbabel  in  rebuilding  the  temple,  only 
five  names  in  the  O.T.  period,  the  last,  Jaddua, 
being  distinguished  for  repelling  Alexander  the 
Great  from  the  temple.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Onias  I.,  and  he  again  by  Simon  the  J  ust, 
the  last  of  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue, 
whose  ministry  is  described  with  such  enthu- 
siasmin  Ecclus.5O.5-11.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  brother  Eleazar,  in  whose  time  the  LXX. 
version  of  O.T.  was  made.  Then  came  a  period 
of  apostasy,  out  of  which  the  people  were 
roused  by  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  and  a  new  and  glorious  succession 
of  high-priests  arose  in  the  Hasmonaean  family, 
who  united  the  dignity  of  civil  rulers  and  (for 
a  time)  of  independent  sovereigns  to  that  of 
the  high-priesthood.  They  belonged  to  the 
course  of  Joiarib  (iChr.24.7,9.io  ;  Ne.ll.io), 
and  their  line  lasted  from  153  b.c.  to  the  mur- 
der of  Aristobulus  by  Herod  in  35  b.c.  From 
Herod's  reign  to  the  destruction  of  the  temple, 
a  period  of  107  years,  there  were  no  less  than 
28  high-priests,  of  some  of  whom  we  read  in 
N.T. — e.g.  Annas,  Caiaphas  (Jn.l8.13, 19, 24), 
Ananias  (Ac. 23. 2).  The  high-priest  from  whom 
Saul  received  letters  to  go  to  Damascus  (Ac.  9.  i, 


HIRAH 


351 


14)  was  Theophilus,  son  of  Ananus,  and  the 
last  high-priest  was  Phannias,  appointed  by  lot 
by  the  Zealots  from  the  course  of  priests  called 
by  Josephus  Euiachim  (?  =Jachim).  [c.r.d.b.] 

Hilen'.     [Holon.] 

Hilkiah'. — 1.  The  father  of  Eliakim,  who 
was  "  over  the  household  "  in  Hezekiah's  time 
(2K.I8.37  ;  Is.22.20,36.22).— 2.  The  high-priest 
in  the  reign  of  Josiah,  who  found  the  law-book 
in  the  temple  at  the  time  of  the  great  reforma- 
tion in  that  king's  reign  (2K.22.3ff.,  2Chr.34. 
8ff.).  The  "  book  "  in  question  is  now  gener- 
ally supposed  to  have  been  Deuteronomy  ; 
but  there  is  nothing  in  the  narrative  to  indicate 
that  it  was  that  book  alone  {cf.  Lev. 26  with 
Deut.28).  The  reformation  that  followed  its 
discovery  certainly  carried  out  the  principle  of 
centralization  of  the  worship  which  is  parti- 
cularly emphasized  in  that  code.  The  narra- 
tive makes  it  clear  that  Hilkiah,  and  the  others 
concerned,  sincerely  beheved  it  was  the  ancient 
law-book  of  the  nation,  and  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  he  had  any  hand  in  its  com- 
position. Even  among  those  who  believe  that 
Deuteronomy  was  composed  about  this  time, 
it  is  admitted  that  it  does  not  express  what 
would  have  been  the  aims  and  views  of  the 
priests  of  Jerusalem. — 3,  4.  Levites  of  the 
family  of  Merari  (iChr. 6.45,26.11). —5.  One  of 
those  who  stood  on  Ezra's  right  hand  when 
he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). — 6. 
Father  of  the  prophet  Jeremiah  (Je.l.i). — 7. 
The  father  of  Gemariah,  who  was  one  of  Zede- 
kiah's  envoys  to  Babylon  (Je.29.3).        [j-R-] 

Hill  (Heb.  gib'd,  a  "rounded"  hill-top). 
The  "  hill  of  God  "  (iSam.lO.5,10),  or  "  hill," 
was  GiBEAH  (Jeb'a),  Saul's  home.  The  A.V., 
however,  sometimes  renders  the  word  hdr 
{mountain,  or  mountain  region)  by  "hill"  (Ex. 
24.4  ;  Deut.1.7  ;  Jos. 9. 1, 10. 40, 11. 16)  ;  and  the 
"  hill  "  where  Elijah  was  found  (1K.I.9;  2K. 
4.25)  was  perhaps  mount  Carmel.  In  iSam. 
9. II  the  Heb.  ma'dle  (ascent)  is  also  rendered 
"  hill."  In  N.T.  "  hill  "  is  the  Gk.  ^ovpos ;  but 
in  Lu.9.37  theGk.  6pos  (mountain),  sorendered, 
refers  to  a  high  "momitain  "(ver.  28)  apparent- 
ly Hermox.     [Caesarea  Philippi.]     [c.r.c] 

Hillel',  a  native  of  Pirathon  in  Mt.  Ephraim, 
father  of  Abdon  the  judge  (Judg.12.13,15). 

Hin.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Hind  (Heb.  'ayydld),  properly  the  female  of 
the  red  deer  (Cervus  elaphus),  but  also  used  for 
female  deer  generally.  Hinds  are  frequently 
noticed  in  the  poetical  parts  of  Scripture  as 
emblematic  of  activity  (Gen. 49. 21  ;  2Sam.22. 
34  ;Ps.l8.33;Hab.3.i9),  gentleness  (Prov. 5. 19), 
modesty  (Can. 2. 7,3. 5), earnest  longing (Ps. 42.1) 
andmaternalaffection(Je.l4.5).  Their  shyness 
and  remoteness  from  the  haunts  of  men  are 
alluded  to  (Job39.i),  and  also  their  timidity, 
causing  them  to  cast  their  young  at  the  sound 
of  thunder  (Ps.29.9).  For  the  various  kinds 
of  deer  inhabiting  Palestine  and  the  neigh- 
bouring country,   see  Hart  ;  Roe.       [r.l.] 

Hingre.  The  doors  of  Heb.  buildings  (Pr. 
26.14)  moved  on  hinges,  fitting  into  sockets  in 
flat  lintel  and  threshold  stones.  [Gate.]  The 
temple  doors  (1K.7.50)  had  hinges  of  gold — or, 
more  probably,  covered  with  gold,     [c.r.c] 

Hinnom,  Valley  of.     [Gehenna.] 

Hipah',  an  Adullamite,  the  friend  (LXX. 
and  Vulg.  shepherd)  of  Judah  (Gen. 38. 1,12). 


352 


HlBAM 


Hipam',  or  Hupam'. — 1.  The  king  of 
Tyre  who  sent  workmen  and  materials  to 
Jerusalem  (aSam.S.ii  ;  iChr.l4.i)  to  build  a 
palace  for  David,  whom  he  ever  loved  (iK.S.i), 
and  again  (5.10,7.13;  2Chr.2.3ff.)  to  build  the 
temple  for  Solomon,  with  whom  he  had  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  (iK.5.11,12). 
The  contempt  with  which  he  received  Solo- 
mon's present  of  Cabul  (9.i2)  does  not  appear 
to  have  caused  any  breach  between  them.  He 
admitted  Solomon's  ships,  issuing  from  Joppa, 
to  share  the  profitable  trade  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean (10.22)  ;  and  Jewish  sailors,  guided  by 
Tyrians,  brought  the  gold  of  Ophir  (9.26-28) 
to  Solomon's  two  harbours  on  the  Red  Sea. 
Dius,  the  Phoenician  historian,  and  Menander 
of  Ephesus  state  that  Hiram  reigned  prosper- 
ously 34  years;  and  that  his  father  was  Abibal, 
his  son  and  successor  Baleazar.  Josephus 
conjectures  that  Hiram  supplied  timber  for 
the  temple,  and  gave  his  daughter  in  marriage 
to  Solomon. — 2.  The  name  of  a  man  of  mixed  1 
race  (rK.7. 13,40),  the  principal  architect  and  1 
engineer  sent  by  king  Hiram  to  Solomon.         j 

Hipca'nus,  "  a  son  of  Tobias,"  who  had  , 
money  deposited  in  the  temple  treasury  at  the  t 
time  of  the  visit  of  Heliodorus  (c.  187  B.C.  ;  2 
Mac.3.ii).     The  name  appears  to  be  simply  a 
local  appellative. 

Hiped  sepvant.     [Servant.] 

Hittites,  or  sons  of  Heth,  a  leading 
people  in  Canaan  according  to  Gen. 10. 15.  So 
important  an  element  in  the  population  of 
the  country  were  they  at  the  time  when  the 
Assyrians  first  became  acquainted  with  it,  that 
whereas  the  Babylonians  called  it  "  the  land  of 
the  Amorites,"  it  was  known  to  the  Assyrians 
as  that  of  the  Hatta  or  Hittites.  The  Hit- 
tites were,  however,  immigrants  there,  their 
original  seat  being  in  Cappadocia  and  the 
mountain-region  of  the  Taurus.  But  as  early 
as  the  age  of  Abraham  they  had  descended  up- 
on S>Tia,  and  c.  1900  b.c.  Babylonia  itself  was 
invaded  by  them  in  the  reign  of  the  last  king 
of  the  dynasty  to  which  Hammurabi  [Am- 
raphel]  belonged.  In  the"  Mosaic  period  we 
learn  from  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  that 
Hittites  served  as  mercenaries  at  the  courts 
of  the  petty  princes  and  Egyptian  governors 
of  Palestine,  as  well  as  in  the  Egyptian  army 
itself,  and  that  from  time  to  time  the  leaders 
of  these  "  free  lances  "  seized  a  principality 
for  themselves,  and  established  a  line  of 
kings.  One  of  the  Hittite  principalities  in 
Canaan  was  probably  that  of  Jerusalem. 
The  dominant  military  caste  throughout  the 
country  was  Hittite,  thus  justifying  the  posi- 
tion to  which  Heth  is  assigned  in  Genesis 
among  the  sons  of  Canaan.  In  the  rear  of  the 
mercenaries  followed  the  regular  Hittite 
army,  and  after  the  fall  of  the  i8th  Egyptian 
dynasty  the  Hittite  kings  of  Cappadocia 
seized  the  Egyptian  province  of  Syria  and 
made  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  near  the  lake  of 
Horns,  their  southern  capital.  The  revival  of 
Egyptian  power,  however,  under  the  19th 
dynasty  checked  their  further  advance,  and 
Ramses  II.,  after  a  twenty-one  years'  war, 
made  a  treaty  with  the  Hittite  king  Khata- 
sil  II.,  which  fixed  the  boundary  between  the 
Egyptian  and  Hittite  empires  pretty  nearly 
where  the  nothera  limit    of    the    Israelitish 


filTTlTES 

tribes  afterwards  ran.     Here  was  "  the  land  of 
the  Hittites  "  in  which  the  refugee  from  Beth- 
el built  the  city  of  Luz  (Judg.l.26).     Hittite 
monuments  have  been  found  throughout  the 
region  over  which  the  Hittites  were  spread — in 
Asia  Minor  as  far  W.  as  the  neighbourhood  of 
Smyrna  and   E.   to   Armenia,  in  the   moun- 
tainous district  of  the  Taurus,  and  in  northern 
Syria,   more    especially    at   Carchemish   (now 
Jerablus)  on  the  Euphrates,  which  remained  a 
Hittite  stronghold  until  its  capture  by  Sargon 
of  Assyria  717  B.C.     The  monuments  are  cha- 
racterized by  a  peculiar  style  of  art,  borrowed 
originally    from    Babylonia,    but    modified   in. 
Asia  Minor,  and  they  are  frequently  accom- 
panied  by  inscriptions   in   a   peculiar   hiero- 
glyphic script.     The  hieroglyphics  were  em- 
ployed  only   for   monumental   purposes ;     in 
place  of  a  running  hand  cuneiform  characters 
were    used.     Hundreds    of    clay    tablets    in- 
scribed   with    cuneiform    signs    and    written 
partly  in  the  Hittite,  partly  in  the  Assyrian, 
language  have  been    discovered    at    Boghaz 
Keui,    the    Hittite    capital  N.    of   the  Halys. 
Here  was  the  centre  of  the  empire  which  in  the 
age  of  the   19th  Egyptian  dynasty  extended 
from  the  Aegean  to  Palestine.     On  both  the 
Egyptian    and    their    own    monuments    the 
Hittites  are  represented  as  a  thick-set  people, 
with    protrusive   upper   jaws,   large   rounded 
noses,  oblique  eyes,  beardless  faces,  and  yellow 
skins.     They  wore  a  sort  of  pig-tail,  and  were 
shod  with   the  snow-shoe,   or  buskin  of  the 
mountaineer,  with  turned-up  end.     They  were 
armed  with   bow,    dirk,   and   spear,   but   not 
sword.     The  priests  and  upper  classes  wore 
over  their  tunics  a  long  robe,  reaching  to  the 
ankles,  but  opening  at  the  side.     Their  religion 
was  a  nature-worship,  the  supreme  object  of 
which  was   the  earth-goddess,  who  was  ad- 
dressed as  "  the  Great  .Mother."     Before  their 
contact  with  Babylonian  culture,  theobjectsof 
their  worship  had  been  fetishes — bull-heads, 
the  sacred  dirk,  trees  or  stones,  and  the  like  ; 
but  they  afterwards  adopted  the  Babylonian 
conception  of  a  god  or  goddess  in  human  form, 
the    fetishes    and    sacred    animals    becoming 
merely  symbols.     A  sort  of  trinity,  consisting 
of  the  earth-goddess  and  her  son  who  was  also 
her  husband,  was  created,  and  the  chief  cities 
became  deities  by  the  side  of  whom  stood  the 
sun-god.     By  eating  and  drinking  at  a  table 
before  the  image  of  the  deity  the  worshipper 
was  believed  to  participate  in  the  divine  na- 
ture.    The  "  asylum,"  to  which  the  homicide 
fled  for  protection,  was  a  Hittite  institution. 
The  Hittite  empire  brok'"  into  fragments,  each 
of  which  became  a  separate  tribe.     Hence  in 
tK.10.20  and  2K.7.6  reference  is  made  to  "  the 
kings  of  the  Hittites."  Ezekiel  (16. 3)  describes 
Jerusalem  as  born  of  a  Hittite  mother  ;  and  at 
Hebron  .Abraham  bought   the   field  of  Mach- 
pelah  from  "  the  sons  of  Heth  "  (Gen. 23).     In 
tlie  age  of  the  Tel  el-.\marna  tablets  a  baud  of 
Hittites  from  Cilicia  made  themselves  masters 
of  this  district,  and  at  a  much  earlier  period  an 
Egyptian  inscription   states  that  the  founder 
of    the   I2th    dynasty  had    overthrown  "the 
houses  of  the  Hittites"  in  southern  Palestine. 
The    painted     pottery    found    in     the    pre- 
Israelitish  strata  at  l.achish  and  Gezcr  was  of 
Hittite  importation,  and  has  been  traced  to  the 


HIVITES 


neighbourhood  of  Boghaz  Keui.  The  Hittite 
wives  of  Esau  (Gen.26.34,36.2)  would  be  takeu 
from  this  southern  brauch  of  the  advance 
guard  of  the  Hittites  ;  and  to  the  latter  also 
"  Uriah  the  Hittite  "  (2Sam.23.39),  the  hus- 
band of  Bathsheba,  would  have  belonged, 
as  well  as  Ahimelech  (iSam.26.6),  another 
member   of  David's  body-guard,      [a.h.s.] 

Hivites.  In  Heb.  always  in  the  sing,  "  the 
Hivite."  He  was  a  son  of  Canaan  (Gen. 10. 17 ; 
iChr.1.15).  The  LXX.  identifies  the  people 
with  the  AviTES,  rendering  both  names  Evaioc 
The  name  has  been  connected  with  the  Arab. 
hawa  =  a  tent  or  dwelling,  and  has  been  said  to 
imply  that  those  who  bore  it  were  villagers  (cf. 
Havoth-jair).  But  it  is  probable  that  in 
several  places  "  Hivite  "  is  an  erroneous  read- 
ing. Thus  in  Gen. 36. 2  it  should  be  "  Horite," 
and  in  Jos.ll.3,  "Hittite."  The  Hittites 
and  Hivites  are  mentioned  together  in  the 
lists  of  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine.  The 
Gibeonites  who  obtained  a  treaty  from  Joshua 
by  craft  are  called  Hivites  (Jos. 9. 7,11. 19)  ;  and 
so  is  Hamor,  the  father  of  Shechem,  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  violated  treaty  between  the  She- 
chemites  and  the  sons  of  Jacob  (Gen.34'.2).  In 
2Sam.24.7  Joab,  in  numbering  the  people  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Tyre,  visits  the  cities  of  the 
Hivites  ;  and  a  northern  settlement  of  Hivites 
is  also  mentioned  in  Jos.ll.3  (Heb.,  not  LXX.). 
Otherwise  the  Hivites  were  probably  the  neigh- 
boursof  the  J  ebusites  of  Jerusalem,  [f.j.f.-j.] 
Hizkiah',  an  ancestor  of  Zephaniah  (l.i). 
Hizkijah'  (Hezekiah,  R.V.,  Ne.lO.17). 
[Ater,  2.] 

Hobab',  the  son  of  Raglel  (Num.lO.29) 
who  was  the  father-in-law  (hdthdn)  of  Moses. 
Hobab  himself  is  so  called  in  E.V.  (Judg.4.ii), 
but  the  word  apparently  only  means  "a  con- 
nexion by  marriage"  (cf.  /ia</iaM="  son-in-law" 
and  "bridegroom").  The  notice  in  Num.10. 
29-32,  though  brief,  is  full  of  interest.  Jethro 
appears  as  the  wise  and  practised  administra- 
tor, Hobab  as  the  experienced  Bedawi  sheikh, 
to  whom  Moses  looked  as  the  human  guide 
through  the  wilderness,  while  the  "pillar  of 
cloud"  was  the  divine. 

Hobah',  the  place  to  which  Abraham 
pursued  the  kings  who  had  pillaged  Sodom 
(Gen. 14. 15).  It  was  situated  "  to  the  north 
of  Damascus."  The  Jews  of  Damascus  affirm 
that  the  village  of  Jobar,  not  far  from  Burzeh, 
is  the  Hobah  of  Scripture. 

Hod,  son  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (iChr.7.37). 
Hodaiah',  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the  royal  line 
of  Judah  (iChr.3.24). 

Hodaviah'. — 1.  One  of  the  heads  of  the 
half -tribe  of  Manasseh  on  the  E.  of  Jordan 
(iChr.5.24). — 2.  A  man  of  Benjamin,  son  of 
Hasenuah  (iChr.9.7). — 3.  A  Levite,  who 
seems  to  have  given  his  name  to  an  important 
family  in  the  tribe  (Ezr.2.40)  ;  called  Hodevah 
(Ne.7.43),  and  see  Banuas.  Possibly  the  same 
as  Judah,  2  (Ezr.3.9). 

Ho'desh,  a  wife  of  Shaharaim  in  the 
genealogies  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.9).  Possibly 
another  name  of  one  of  the  wives  of  ver.  8. 
Hodevah'.  [Hodaviah,  3.] 
Hodiah',  a  wife  of  Ezra,  a  man  of  Judah 
(iChr.4.19).  Jehudijah  (  =  "  the  Jewess  "),  in 
ver.  18,  seems  to  have  been  another  wife ;  but 
see  R.V.  [r.b.g.] 


HOMICIDE  353 

Hodijah'. — 1.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Ne- 
hemiah  (Ne.8.7,  and  probably  also  9.5,10.io). 
— 2.  Another  Levite  (IO.13). — 3.  A  layman  ; 
one  of  the  "  heads  "  of  the  people  (IO.18).  All 
three  sealed  the  covenant. 

Hoglah',  the  third  of  the  five  daughters  of 
Zelophehad  (Num.26.33,27.i,36.ii  ;  Jos.17.3). 
Hoham'  (J0S.IO.3),  king  of  Hebron  ;  one 
of  the  five  kings  who  made  war  against 
Gibeon,  were  defeated  by  Joshua,  and  cap- 
tured in  the  cave  of  Makkedah  and  hanged. 

Holm-tpee  occurs  only  in  Sus.58.  The 
passage  contains  a  characteristic  play  on  the  Gk. 
names  of  the  two  trees  mentioned  by  the  elders 
in  their  evidence.  The  wpivos  of  Theophrastus 
and  Dioscorides  undoubtedly  denotes  the 
Quercus  coccifera.  The  Lat.  ilex  was  applied 
both  to  the  holm-oak  {Q.  ilex)  and  to  the 
Kermes-oak  (Q.  coccifera).      [Cypress.] 

Holofer'nes  (better  Olof ernes),  accordmg 
to  the  book  of  J  udith,  a  general  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar slain  by  Judith  during  the  siege  of 
Bethulia  (Jth.2.4)- 

Holon.— l.(IniChr.6.58,Hilen.)  A  town 
in  the  mountains  of  Judah  allotted  with  its 
suburbs  to  the  priests,  near  Giloh  (Jos.i5.51. 
21.15).  Possibly  Beit  'Aldm,  a  ruin  10  miles 
N.W.  of  Hebron  and  about  7  railes  S.W.  of 
Jala. — 2.  A  city  of  Moab  (Je.48.2i  only).  Its 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Holy.  The  term  is  applied  to  persons, 
places,  things,  and  times.  The  root  idea  is 
"  separation,  withdrawal,"  involving  dedica- 
tion to  God.  Thus  God  separated  Israel  from 
the  nations  (Lev.20.24-26  ;  cf.  Je.2.3).  Phy- 
sical purity  is  holiness  of  the  body,  separation 
from  defilement ;  hence  the  law  of  Purifica- 
tion, and  the  distinction  between  clean  and 
Unclean  Meats  (Lev.ll.44,20.25).  [Saints  ; 
Sanctification.]  [h.h.] 

Holy  of  Holies ;  Holy  Place.  [Temple.] 
Holy  Spirit.  [Spirit,  Holy.] 
Homam  (iChr.l.39),  anEdomite=HEMAM. 
Homep.  [Weights  and  Measures.] 
Homicide.  Four  historical  stages  must 
be  distmguished.  (i)  Originally  a  homicide 
was  cast  out  from  the  peace  of  his  God  and 
tribe  and  became  an  outlaw  whom  any  man 
might  slay  with  impunity  (Gen.4.i2ff.).  (2) 
After  the  Deluge  it  was  laid  down  that  every 
homicide  should  meet  with  death  at  the  hands 
of  man  (Gen.9.5f.),  because  the  blood  was  the 
life.  (Parallels  in  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  2nd 
ed.,  i.  353-)  The  blood-feud  arose,  and  it  be- 
came pre-eminently  the  duty  of  the  deceased's 
go'el  hadddm  (lit.  "  redeemer  [E.V.  revenger, 
avenger]  of  the  blood"  ;  probably  the  nearest 
kinsman)  to  kill  his  slayer.  (3)  The  Mosaic 
legislation  first  distinguished  between  murder 
and  other  forms  of  homicide,  and  regulated  the 
blood-feud,  whether  the  homicide  were  Is- 
raelite, stranger,  or  sojourner.  It  provided  for 
six  Cities  of  Refuge.  If  the  slayer  of  a  free- 
man could  reach  one  of  these  before  the  go'el 
could  overtake  him,  he  was  to  be  admitted, 
after  stating  his  case  to  the  elders  at  the  gate 
(J OS. 20).  He  was  then  protected  from  the 
go'el  and  brought  to  the  place  whence  he  came 
for  trial  before  the  congregation  (elders).  The 
cases  in  the  law  fall  into  two  classes,  which  may 
conveniently  be  termed  murder  and  man- 
slaughter.    Murder  consisted  of  violent  kiUing 

23 


354 


HONEY 


plus  a  mental  element  (either  intent  or  heed- ! 
lessness),  evidenced  by  (a)  premeditation  or 
former  hatred  or  enmity,  or  (b)  the  use  of  a 
stone  or  a  weapon  of  iron  or  wood.  The 
penalty  was  death  at  the  hands  of  the  go'el  ; 
and  the  homicide  was  to  be  taken  even  from 
God's  altar  (Ex. 21. 14).  Two  witnesses  were 
necessary  for  a  conviction.  Manslaughter 
consisted  of  violent  killing  without  this  mental 
element,  either  in  a  sudden  heat  or  accident- 
ally— e.g.  by  the  head  slipping  from  an  axe,  or 
by  throwing  a  stone  without  seeing  the  person 
injured.  The  penalty  was  sojourn  in  the  city 
of  refuge  till  the  death  of  the  high-priest,  as 
.Moses  had  sojourned  in  Midian  till  after 
Pharaoh's  death  (c/.  2Sam.t4.14).  During  this 
time  the  go'el  meeting  the  manslayer  outside  its 
limits  might  kill  him.  Ransom  (wergeld)  was  for- 
bidden either  for  murder  or  in  lieu  of  sojourning 
in  the  city  of  refuge  in  cases  of  manslaughter, 
because  blood  pollutes  the  land  for  God's  resi- 
dence. If  a  dead  man  were  found  in  the  fields 
and  the  slayer  were  unknown,  the  elders  of  the 
nearest  city  were  to  sacrifice  a  heifer,  with  a 
prayer  for  atonement  from  blood-guiltiness 
(l)cut.21.i-9).  The  slaying  of  a  pregnant 
women  in  a  combat  between  men  was  punished 
by  death,  subject,  probably,  to  ransom  (Ex.21. 
23).  A  thief  breaking  in  at  night  might  be 
slain  without  blood-guiltiness,  but  not  after 
daybreak  (Ex.22.2f.Lif.]).  An  unrighteous 
Witness  attempting  to  compass  the  death  of 
the  accused  by  false  evidence  was  to  be  killed 
(Deut.l9.i6-2i).  Death  by  goring  was  punish- 
able by  the  stoning  of  the  ox,  and,  if  the  owner 
knew  the  ox  had  gored  before  and  had  not 
enclosed  it,  by  the  death  of  the  owner  ;  but  here 
ransom  was  allowed.  If  the  deceased  was  a 
slave,  theransom  was  30  shekels  (Ex. 21. 28-32). 
luunediate  death  of  a  slave  under  the  master's 
rod  entailed  (unspecified)  punishment.  If  he 
lingered  a  day,  the  master  went  free  (Ex.21. 
20  f. ).  If  one  fell  from  a  roof  without  a  battle- 
ment, there  was  blood-guiltiness  (result  un- 
specified, perhaps  blood-feud  ;  Deut.22.8).  (4) 
Num.35. 33f.,  Deut.l9.i2f.,21.8f.,  present  us 
with  the  beginnings  of  the  sense  of  the  cor- 
porate responsibility  of  the  community  for 
murder.  With  the  rise  of  the  monarchy  this 
developed  into  the  feeling  that  the  king  must 
l)unish  murder  or  else  incur  blood-guiltiness 
(2Sam. 3. 28ff., 4.11,14.9;  iK. 2.31-33).  [Crimes, 
etc.;  Family;  Law  ixO.T.;  Judce;  CioEL.] 
Hcllwig,  Die  jiul.  Freistcidte  in  ethn.  Beleiichtung 
in  Globus,  \'o\.  Ixxxvii.  No.  12  (Mar.  30,  1905), 
pp.  213-216;  Dareste,  Etudes  d'hist.  du  droit, 
22-24  ;  Eeist,  Grdco-ittilische  Kechtsgesch.,  744- 
751  ;  Post,  Grundriss  der  ethn.  J urisprudenz,  i. 
237f.,  257,  ii.  229-231,  261-262,  333  ff. ;  Wiener, 
Studies  in  Bibl.  Law,  104-105,  117-119  ;  and  in 
liibliolheca  Sacra,  Jan.  1908,  pp.  1 18-12 1 ;  I''nc. 
Bibl..  art.  "(ioel."  [ii.m.w.] 

Honey.  The  Hob.  d'bhash  applies  first  to 
tlie  product  of  the  Bee,  to  wliich  we  exclusively 
give  the  name  of  honey.  .All  travellers  agree 
in  describing  Palestine  as  a  land  "  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey  "  (Ex. 3. 8)  ;  bees  being 
abundant  even  in  the  remote  parts  of  the 
wilderness,  where  they  deposit  tlieir  honey  in 
the  crevices  of  rocks  or  in  lioiiow  trees.  In 
some  parts  f)f  N.  Arabia  the  liills  arc  so  well 
stocked  with  bees,  that  no  sooner  are  hives 


HOB 

placed  than  they  are  occupied.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  term  d'bhash  also  indicates  a  pre- 
serve made  of  the  juice  of  the  grape,  which  is 
still  called  dibs,  and  forms  an  article  of  com- 
merce in  the  E.  It  was  this,  and  not  ordinary 
honey, which  Jacob  sent  tojoseph  (Gen. 43. 11), 
and  which  the  Tyrians  purchased  from  Pales- 
tine (Ezk.27.17).  A  third  kind  has  been  des- 
cribed as  "  vegetable"  honey,  viz.  the  exuda- 
tions of  certain  trees  and  shrubs,  e.g.  the 
Tamarix  mannifera,  found  in  the  peninsula  of 
Sinai,  or  the  stunted  oaks  of  Luristan  and 
Mesopotamia.  The  honey  which  Jonathan 
ate  in  the  wood  (1Sam.i4.25),  and  the  "  wild 
honey"  wliich  supported  St.  John  the  Baptist 
(Mt.3.4),  have  been  regarded  as  of  this  kind, 
although  it  was  probably  the  honey  of  wild 
bees.  A  fourth  kind  is  described  by  Josephus 
as  being  manufactured  from  the  juice  of 
dates. 

Hook,  Hooks.  Various  kinds  of  hooks 
are  noticed  in  the  Bible,  the  most  important 
being:  (i)  Fishing-hooks  (Am.4.2  ;  Job  41.2; 
Is.19.8;  Hab.1.15).  [Reed.]  (2)  Properly  a 
ring  (A.V.  thorn),  placed  through  the  mouth 
of  a  large  fish,  and  attached  by  a  cord 
to  a  stake  for  keeping  it  alive  in  the  water 
(Job  41.2).  The  word  meaning  the  cord  is 
rendered  "  hook  "  in  A.V.  (3)  A  ring,  such 
as  in  our  country  is  placed  through  the  nose 
of  a  bull,  and  similarly  used  in  the  East  for 
leading  about  lions  (R.V.  Ezk.19.4  ;  A.V.  with 
chains),  camels,  and  other  animals.  A  similar 
method  was  adopted  for  leading  prisoners,  e.g. 
Manasseh  who  was  led  with  rings  (2Chr.33.ii, 
R.V.  marg.  ;  A.V.  among  the  thorns).  An 
illustration  of  this  practice  is  found  in  a 
bas-relief  discovered  at  Khorsabad  (Layard, 
ii.  376).  (4)  The  hooks  of  the  pillars  of  the 
tabernacle  (Ex.26.32,37,27.10  ff.,38.13  ff.).  (5) 
A  vinedresser's  pruning-hook  (Is. 2. 4, 18. 5;  Mi. 4. 
3;  JI.3.10).  (6)  A  flesh-hook  for  getting  the 
joints  of  meat  out  of  the  boiling-pot  (Ex. 27. 3  ; 
iSam.2.13,14).  (7)  Probably  "hooks"  used 
for  the  purpose  of  hanging  up  animals  to  flay 
them  (Ezk.40.43).  This  was  certainly  the 
case  in  later  days  in  Herod's  temple. 

Hophni'  and  Piiinehas,  two  sons  of  Eli, 
"  priests  unto  the  Lord"  at  Shiloh  (iSam.l.3). 
They  are  described  as  "  sons  of  Belial  [i.e. 
wicked,  unprincipled  men]  ;  they  knew  not  the 
LoKD."  Their  rapacity  in  claiming  more  than 
their  rigiitful  share  of  the  sacrifices,  when, 
and  as,  they  i^leased,  filled  the  i)cople  with 
indignation,  and  "men  abhorred  the  offering 
of  the  Lord"  (2.12-17).  The  record  of  their 
licentiousness  in  vor.  22  is  not  found  in  the 
LX.X.,  and  is  considered  as  a  later  addition  by 
some,  and  omitted  by  Driver,  Klosterniann.  and 
others.  Their  evil  lives,  however,  filled  the 
people  witii  disgust  and  indignation,  and 
provoked  the  curse  denounced  against  their 
father's  liouse,  first  by  an  unknown  prophet 
(27-36),  and  then  by  Samuel  (3.11-14).  They 
were  both  cut  off  in  one  day  in  tlie  flower  of 
their  age  in  tlie  battle  against  the  Philistines 
in  which  the  ark  was  lost  (4.io.ii).      [n.c.B.J 

Hop,  a  moimtain  to  which  the  Hebrews 
retreated  when  re|)ulsed  at  Kadesii-haknea 
(Num. 20.14, 22),  and  where  Aaron  died.  It  was 
on  the  "border"  of  Edom  (vv.  23-29).  or  other- 
wise at  the  "  cud  "  of    Edom    (33.37).     See 


HORAM 

also  Num.21. 4  ;  Deut. 32.50.  It  is  sometimes 
supposed  that  "  Hor  the  mountain  "  (Num.34. 
7,8)  is  a  different  place,  in  the  Lebanon.  The 
borders  of  Israel  are  described  as  extending 
to  the  Great  Sea  on  the  W.,  and  the  passage 
continues  :  "And  this  shall  be  for  you  a  border 
north,  from  the  Great  Sea  :  mark  for  yourselves 
Hor  the  mountain  ;  from  Hor  the  mountain 
mark  to  the  entering  in  of  Hamath,  and  the 
extent  of  the  border  shall  be  to  Zedad."  It  is 
doubtful  if  this  means  more  than  that  Hor 
was  at  the  S.E.  corner  of  the  land  of  Israel, 
which  was  close  to  Kadesh-barnea  {34-4  ; 
Jos. 15. 3).  The  site  of  Hor  is  placed  by 
Josephus  at  Petra,  where  it  is  still  shown 
(4  Ant.  iv.  7,  vii.  i),  and  Petra  was  Kadesh- 
Isarnea  {the  holy  place  in  the  desert  of  wander- 
ing), according  to  his  belief  and  that  of  the 
Rabbis.  The  mountain  is  now  called  Jehel 
en  Neby  Hdrun  (or  mountain  of  the  prophet 
Aaron),  and  his  tomb  is  shown  on  the  higher 
or  N.E.  peak.  Hor  is  a  bare  mountain  of  red 
sandstone,  with  two  peaks,  very  conspicuous 
from  the  Arabah  to  its  W.,  and  rising  on  the 
"  edge  "  of  Edom,  4,580  ft.  above  the  Mediter- 
ranean level,  4,000  above  the  Arabah,  and 
3,000  above  the  plateau  to  its  E.  It  is  im- 
mediately W.  of  Wddy  Musa,  the  traditional 
Meribah-kadesh,  where  -are  the  ruins  of 
Petra,  and  of  Gaia  (el  Jt).  [Edom.]  The 
situation  fits  well  with  the  O.T.  notices,  and 
with  the  distance  of  11  days'  journey  from  its 
vicinity  to  Horeb  (Deut. 1. 2).  [c.r.c] 

Hopam',  king  of  Gezer,  an  ally  of  Lachish 
defeated  by  Joshua  (10. 33). 

Hopeb'  (Ex.3.1, 17.6,33.6  ;  Deut.l.2,6,19, 
4.10,15,5.2,9.8,18.16,29.1  ;  iK.8.9,19.8  ;  2Chr. 
5.10;  Ps.lO6.19;  Mal.4.4;  Ecclus.48.7)  =Sinai; 
see  Exodus,  The. 

Hopem',  one  of  the  fortified  placesof  Naph- 
tali  (Jos. 19. 38),  named  between  Migdal-el 
(Mujeidil)  and  Beth-an.a.th  {'Ainttha)  ;  proba- 
bly//ara/i,  a  ruin  3  milesN.oi 'A initha.  [c.r.c] 

Hop-hagridgad',  the  name  of  a  desert 
station  where  the  Israelites  encamped  (Num. 
13.32),  probably  the  same  as  Gudgodah  (Deut. 
30.7).  On  the  W.side  of  the  Arabah  Robinson 
found  a  Wddy  Ghuddghid,  but  this  does  not 
properly'  represent  the  Hebrew.         [c.r.c] 

Hop!'. — 1.  A  Horite,  son  of  Lotan,  the 
son  of  Seir  (Gen. 36. 22  ;  iChr.l.39). — 2.  In 
Gen. 36. 30  the  name  should  be  rendered  "  the 
Horite,"  as  in  vv.  21,  29. — 3.  A  man  of 
Simeon  ;    father  of  Shaphat  (Num. 13. 5). 

Ho'pites  and  Hopims',  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants  of  mount  Seir  (Gen. 14. 6),  "  cave- 
dwellers."     [Edom.] 

Hopmah'  (destruction),  a  place  between 
Kadesh-barnea  and  the  S.  border  of  Pales- 
tine, where  Canaanites  and  Amalekites  from 
the  "  hill  "  country  defeated  Israel  (Num.14. 
45),  as  did  the  king  of  Arad,  38  years  later 
(21.3).  It  was  at  some  distance  from  mount 
Seir  (Deut. 1. 44),  and  a  royal  city,  noticed 
with  Arad  (Jos. 12. 14).  Given  to  Judah  (I5.30), 
and  afterwards  to  Simeon  (19. 4).  Its  original 
name  was  Zephath  (Judg.l.17),  and  it  was 
rebuilt  before  the  time  of  David  (1Sam.3O.30), 
when  the  Simeonites  migrated  thence  (iChr.4. 
30,31).  The  site  of  Zephath,  at  the  great  pass 
of  Sufa,  leading  from  Petra  to  Arad,  thus 
appears  to  have  been  the  scene  of  the  vain 


HORSE 


355 


attempts  of  the  Hebrews  to  enter  Palestine 
by  the  direct  route  to  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Hopn.  Literal  use. — Of  rams  (Gen. 22.13  ; 
Dan. 8. 3),  goats  (Dan. 8. 5),  a  wind-instrument 
(Jos. 6. 5),  an  oil-flask  (iSam.l6.i),  the  foiu: 
corners  of  the  altar  (Ex. 27. 2),  an  isolated  peak 
(Is.5.1,  A.V.marg.),  an  ink-bottle  (Ezk. 9. 2),  and 
teeth  (27.15).  Figurative  use. — Of  majesty 
(Deut. 33.17),  strength  (Ezk.34.2i),  pride  (Ps. 
75.5),  and  of  a  ruler  (132. 17).  Symbolic  use. — 
Horns  of  iron  were  made  by  Zedekiah  as  a 
symbol  of  the  strength  whereby  Israel  would 
"  push  "  the  Syrians  (iK.22.ii).  Special  use. 
— As  light-rays  (Ex. 34. 29,  R.V.  marg.)  from 
the  face  of  Moses  ;  from  the  side  of  God  (Hab. 
3.4).  In  N.T.,  except  in  "  horns  of  salvation  " 
(Lu.1.69),  the  Gk.  equivalent  only  occurs  in 
apocalyptic  vision  (Rev. 5. 6,  etc.).    [w.o.e.o.] 

Hopnet.  That  the  Heb.  word  cir'd  de- 
notes the  hornet  may  be  regarded  as  certain  ; 
the  name  Zoreah  (Jos. 15. 33)  indicating  that 
these  insects  infested  some  parts  of  Palestine. 
Hornets  are  referred  to  as  the  means  which 
Jehovah  employed  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
Canaanites  (Ex. 23.28  ;  Deut. 7. 20  ;  Jos. 24.12; 
Wis. 12. 8).  Although  some  commentators  re- 
gard the  word  as  used  in  its  literal  sense,  it  pro- 
bably expresses  in  an  allegorical  manner  the 
consternation  induced  in  the  enemies  of  the 
Israelites,  as  described  in  Deut. 2. 25,  Jos. 2. 11. 

Hopona'im  (two  caves,  or  hollows ;  Is. 
15.5  ;  Je. 48. 3, 5, 34),  a  place  in  Moab,  on  a 
road  "  going  down,"  apparently  not  far  from 
Heshbon.  On  the  Moabite  Stone,  king  Mesha 
records:  "  Chemosh  said  to  me.  Go  down, 
fight  at  Horonain,  and  I  went  down."  The 
valley  called  El  Ghuweir  (the  hollow),  running 
W.  to  the  Dead  Sea,  S.  of  Nebo,  may  be  in- 
tended, for  an  ancient  road  leads  up  it  to  the 
plateau.  [c.r.c] 

Hop'onite,  The,  the  designation  of 
Sanballat  (Ne. 2. 10, 19, 13. 28).  The  Samaritan 
"  Book  of  Joshua  "  (xlv.)  calls  him  a  Levite, 
and  a  Haruni  or  Aaronite.  [c.r.c] 

Hopse.  Throughout  the  Bible  the  horse 
is  referred  to  only  in  connection  with  warlike 
operations  ;  the  sole  instance  of  the  employ- 
ment of  this  animal  for  other  piu-poses  occur- 
ring in  Is. 28. 28,  where  we  learn  that  horses 
(A.V.  horsemen)  were  used  in  threshing,  not, 
however,  being  put  in  harness,  but  simply 
driven  about  over  the  strewed  grain.  The  de- 
scription of  the  horse  in  Job  39.19-25  applies 
solely  to  war-horses.  The  Heb.  names  by  which 
the  horse  is  described  are  usually  siis  and 
pdrdsh  ;  the  former  denoting  horses  used  for 
driving  in  war-chariots,  the  latter  probably 
indicating  mares  (Arab,  faras).  In  E.V.  pdrdsh 
is  incorrectly  rendered  horsemen.  The  correct 
sense  is  essential  in  the  following  passages — • 
iK.4.26,  "forty  thousand  c/?a;'»o^horses  and 
twelve  thousand  mares"  ;  Ezk. 27. 14,  "driving- 
horses  and  mares"  ;  Jl.2.4,  "  as  mares,  so  shall 
they  run  "  ;  and  Is. 21. 7,  "  a  train  of  mares  in 
couples."  In  addition  to  these  terms  there  is 
rekhesh,  denoting  a  swift  beast  [Dromedary], 
such  as  those  used  for  the  royal  post  (Esth.8. 
10,14)  and  similar  purposes  (iK.4.28;  A.V. 
dromedary,  as  also  in  Esth.),  or  for  a  rapid 
journey  (Mi.l.13)  ;  rammdkh,  employed  once 
for  a  mare  (Esth.8. 10) ;  and  silsdthi  in  Can.l.9, 
where  it  is  regarded  in  the  A.V.  as  a  collective 


356 


HORSE 


term,  "  company  of  horses,"  although  it  rather 
means,  according  to  the  received  punctuation, 
"  my  mare,"  or  still  better,  by  a  slight  altera- 
tion in  punctuation,  "  my  mares."  As  a 
mountain  race  the  Hebrews  did  not  need  the 
services  of  horses,  and  for  a  long  period  after 
their  settlement  in  Canaan  dispensed  with 
these  animals,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
hilly  nature  of  the  country,  which  admitted 
of  the  use  of  chariots  only  in  certain  localities 
(Judg.1.19),  and  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
prohibition  in  Deut.l7.i6.  David  first  estab- 
lished a  force  of  horses  and  chariots  after 
the  defeat  of  Hadadezer  (2Sam.8.4)  ;  but 
the  great  supply  of  horses  was  subsequently 
obtained  by  Solomon  through  his  connexion 
with  Egypt  (iK.4.26).  Solomon  also  estab- 
lished an  active  trade  in  horses,  which  were 
brought  by  dealers  from  Egypt  and  sold  to 
the  Hittites,  who  lived  between  Palestine  and 
the  Euphrates  (iK. 10. 28, 29).  The  horse  was 
introduced  into  Egypt  probably  by  the  Hyk- 
sos,  as  it  is  not  represented  on  the  monuments 
before  the  i8th  dynasty.  The  Hebrew  kings 
sought  the  assistance  of  the  Egyptians  against 
the  Assyrians  in  the  matter  of  horses  (Is. 31. i, 
36.8  ;  Ezk.17.15),  the  Assyrian  cavalry  being 
regarded  as  most  formidable.  As  the  Assyrian 
sculptures  testify,  the  horses  themselves  were 
highly  bred,  and  fully  merited  the  praise  be- 
stowed by  Habakkuk  (1.8).  As  regards  equip- 
ment, we  learn  that  tlie  bridle  was  placed  over 
the  horse's  nose  (Is. 30. 28),  and  a  bit  or  curb  is 
also  mentioned  (2K.I9.28  ;  Ps.32.9  ;  Pr.26.3  ; 
Is. 37. 29  ;  in  the  A.V.  it  is  incorrectly  given 
"  bridle,"  with  the  exception  of  Ps.32.).  The 
trappings  of   Assyrian  horses  were  profusely 


TRAI'PINGS  OF  ASSYRIAN   IIORSH.      (Layard.) 

decorated,  the  bits  being  gilt  (iEsd.8.6),  and 
the  bridles  adorned  with  tassels;  while  on  the 
neck  was  a  collar  terminating  in  a  bell  (Zech. 14. 
20).  Saddles  were  not  used  until  a  late  period. 
The  horses  were  unshod,  and  hoofs  as  hard 
"  as  flint"  (Is.5.28)  were  therefore  regarded  as 
a  merit.  Chariot-horses  were  covered  with  em- 
broidered trappings  (Ezk.27.2o)  ;  and  both 
horses  and  chariots  were  used  in  idolatrous 
processions,  as  in  that  of  the  sun  (2K.23.ii). 
The  first  representation  of  a  cavalry  soldier  is 


HOSEA 

an  Assyrian  bas-relief  of  734  b.c.  Horses 
were  also  ridden  in  the  chase  about  650  b.c. 
The  earliest  notices  of  riders  in  O.T.  are  in 
Gen. 49. 17  and  Ex. 15. 1,21— the  former  not 
referring  to  war,  while  in  the  latter  case  the 
reading  depends  on  the  points,  and  a  "chariot " 
may  be  intended.  After  the  8th  cent.  b.c.  (2K. 
9.18,19)  references  to  cavalry  are  numerous, 
especially  among  Assyrians  (Ezk.23.6,i2)  and 
Scythian's  (38.15). 

Hopseleach  (Heb.  'dliiqd)  occurs  once,  in 
Pr.3O.15,  and,  as  the  equivalent  of  the  Arab. 
'alaq,  the  name  of  the  Egyptian  horseleech,  is 
doubtless  correctly  rendered.  The  expression 
"  two  daughters  "  is  of  course  figurative,  and 
refers  to  the  bloodsucking  liabits  of  these 
creatures.  Both  the  Heb.  and  Arab,  names 
signify  "  to  adhere."  Horseleeches  belong  to 
the  genus  Haemopis  ;  while  the  typical  genus 
Hiruiio  includes  the  medicinal  leech,    [r.l.] 

Hosah',  a  Merarite  Levite  ;  one  of  those 
chosen  by  David  as  "  porters  "  to  the  ark  after 
its  arrival  in  Jerusalem  (iChr.16.38,26.10). 

Hosah'  {refuge  ;  Jos. 19. 29),  a  city  of  Asher, 
apparently  near  Tyre.  Possibly  the  village 
'Ezziyah,  on  the  E.  edge  of  the  plain,  7  m.  S. 
of  TvTc,  is  the  site.  It  is  well  watered,  with 
traces  of  old  ruins.  Hosah  may,  however, 
possibly  be  the  town  Huzu,  noticed  in  one  of 
the  letters  from  Tyre  in  the  Amarna  collection 
(Berlin  99);  but  this  lay  apparently  between 
Tyre  and  Sidon,  which  contended  for  the 
waters  of  Huzu,  at  el  Ghaziyeh,  a  well-watered 
site.  Hosah  was  taken  by  Sennacherib  in  702 
B.C.,  and  is  noticed  again  c.  645  b.c    [c.r.c] 

Hosanna.  This  word  is  used  only  in  the 
accounts  of  our  Lord's  triumphal  entry  into 
Jerusalem  (Mt.21.9,15  ;  Mk. 11. 9,10  ;  Jn.i2.13). 
In  each  passage  the  multitudes  are  represented 
as  quoting  the  words  of  Ps.ll8.26,  "  Blessed  is 
he  that  cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  It 
has  therefore  been  assumed  that  the  word 
Hosanna  is  a  corruption  of  the  Heb.  hoshia' 
nd  {save  pray ;  Gk.  ffCcaov  5^),  which  occurs  in 
the  previous  verse  of  the  same  psalm.  As  this 
psalm  was  sung  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (for 
wliich  it  is  said  to  have  been  specially  written) 
and  also  at  the  Passover,  its  words  would  natur- 
ally be  very  familiar  to  the  people.     fx.A.M.] 

Hose'a {hoshea',  salvationi'ilarif) prophesied 
(l.i)  in  the  reigns  of  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and 
Hezekiah,  kings  of  Judah,  and  of  Jeroboam 
II.,  king  of  Israel.  This  statement  makes 
Hosea's  prophetic  career  begin  in  the  reign  of 
Jeroboam  II.,  and  there  is  nothing  in  1-3 
wliich  may  not  have  been  delivered  then. 
The  period  was  characterized  by  great  national 
prosperity  (2 K. 14. 25);  but  with  this  came,  as 
we  see  in  the  denunciations  of  Amos  (who  pro- 
phesied a  little  earlier),  the  evils  which  often 
accompany  it — wantt)n  luxury  and  forgctfni- 
ness  of  (iod.  In  4-14  a  totally  different 
scene  is  brought  before  us.  The  death  of 
Jeroboam  was  the  beginning  of  a  period  of 
anarchy- — his  son  Zcchariah  reigned  only  six 
months,  and  Shallum,  who  succeeded,  but  one 
month.  These  later  cliaptcrs  show  us  a  court 
wliere  debauchery  is  rampant,  where  the  priests 
sanction  (and  even  encourage)  idolatry,  and 
immorality  is  flagrant  everywhere.  But  with 
all  this,  there  is  no  trace  of  strong-handed, 
Steady  rule,  which  might  have  restrained  some 


HOSEA 

of  the  evils  from  coming  to  a  head.  Anarchy 
and  vice  go  hand  in  hand,  Now,  since  the 
constant  topic  of  4-14  is  the  approaching  fall 
of  the  northern  kingdom,  while  there  is  no 
reference  to  this  as  an  accomplished  fact,  we 
may  assume  that  all  the  prophecy  was  uttered 
before  the  6th  year  of  Hezekiah,  when  Samaria 
was  taken  by  the  Assyrians. — Hosea's  marriage 
with  Gomer.  Except  that  he  was  the  son  of 
Beeri.  we  know  nothing  of  Hosea  personally 
save  his  marriage  with  Gomer.  Whether  this 
story  is  literal  or  allegorical  has  been  much 
disputed,  though  the  former  was  held  by  most 
early  writers.  Yet  a  needless  amount  of  diffi- 
culty has  been  created  by  the  view  that  "  wife 
of  whoredom  "  (I.2)  meant  a  woman  unchaste 
at  the  time  of  marriage.  The  Heb.  by  no 
means  requires  this,  and  its  acceptance  des- 
troys the  paralleUsm  which  the  prophet's  teach- 
ing seems  to  embody  with  the  relation  of  God 
to  Israel.  We  may  suppose  that  Hosea,  when 
a  young  man,  and  possibly  unaware  of  his 
prophetic  gift,  had  taken  Gomer  to  wife.  Al- 
though she  is  then  chaste,  there  are  elements 
in  her  character  which,  brought  out  by  evil 
influences,  land  her  in  the  gravest  sin.  Yet, 
despite  the  keen  pain  her  fall  causes  him,  his 
love  is  unchanged.  Perhaps  he  begins  to  feel 
that  his  love  for  his  erring  wife  faintly  repro- 
duces that  of  God  for  idolatrous  Israel.  But 
this  was  a  love  wherein  was  no  weakness — stern 
discipline  must  purge  out  the  evils  of  the  past. 
This  is  strikingly  brought  out  when  we  consider 
the  meaning'  of  the  names  of  Gomer's  three 
children:  Jezreel,  Lo-ruhamah,  and  Lo-arami. 
How  Gomer  became  a  slave  does  not  appear, 
but  Hosea  is  bidden  to  buy  her  back  at  the 
price  of  a  slave  ;  not,  indeed,  to  the  position 
of  an  honoured  wife,  but  with  a  stern  rule  re- 
straining her  from  her  old  sins,  till  her  character 
is  formed  anew.  Thus  the  sad  story  of  the 
marriage  becomes  an  object-lesson  showing 
forth  the  love  of  God  Himself.  The  unwaver- 
ing love  of  God  underlies  the  whole  book — in 
1-3  under  the  thought  of  husband  and  wife, 
in  4-14  under  the  thought  of  parent  and 
child.  In  4-8  Israel's  guilt  is  dwelt  on  ;  in 
9-11. II  the  punishment,  and  in  11.12-14  the 
restoration.  Save  for  incidental  references 
to  Judah,  Hosea's  prophecies  are  addressed 
to  the  northern  kingdom.  He  was  probably 
a  native  of  that  kingdom,  as  may  be  inferred 
from  the  vividness  of  the  picture  he  draws  of 
its  social  and  political  state,  its  anarchy  and 
corruption,  the  plottings  for  foreign  alliances, 
and  the  prevalence  of  the  Baal  worship,  com- 
bined with  the  pretence  of  the  worship  of  God. 
Hosea's  style  is  a  very  marked  one.  The 
words  are  broken  up  into  short,  abrupt  sen- 
tences, which  Bp.  Lowth  compared  to  the 
scattered  leaves  of  the  Sibyl.  The  animating 
spirit  is  one  of  extreme  tenderness  for  his  erring 
countrymen,  with  whom  he  pleads.  As  Ewald 
puts  it,  "  his  discourse  often  breaks  off,  as  it 
were,  into  sobs."  Very  different  is  this  from 
the  fierce  invectives  of  Amos.  Much  has  been 
written  on  the  question  of  Hosea's  knowledge 
of  the  Pentateuch,  to  the  language  of  which 
there  seem  plain  allusions  ;  though  whether  it 
is  to  the  Pentateuch  as  we  now  have  it,  or  to 
some  theoretical  earlier  form,  is  a  matter  on 
vyhich  varying  views  prevail.     Yet  it  is  hard  to 


HOSHEA 


357 


suppose  that  the  following  references  do  not 
suggest  a  form  of  text  very  much  the  same  as 
that  which  we  have  now:  The  Fall  (6.7,  R.V., 
not  A. v.),  the  destruction  of  the  cities  of  the 
plain  (11.8),  the  story  of  Jacob  (11.3,4,12),  the 
Exodus  (2.15,  and  often),  the  wandering  in 
the  wilderness  (9.io,13.5),  Baal-peor  (9. 10  ;  cf. 
Num. 20.5).  For  later  references,  see  the  story 
of  Achan(Ho.2.i5),  thesinatGibeah  (9.9,10.9; 
cf.  Judg.l9),  the  demand  for  a  king  (Ho. 13. 10, 
II  ;c/.  iSam.8). — N.T.  Quotations. 110.2.22,1-1^0 
in  Ro.9.25,26  ;  iPe.2.io  :  6.6  in  Mt.9.i3,12.7  : 
10.8  inLu.23.30:  11. 1  in  Mt. 2.15:  13.14  in  I 
Cor.15.55  (there  is  much  diversity  of  reading 
in  the  Gk.  here)  :  14.2[3l  in  Heb.l3.i5  :  cf. 
also  6.2  and  iCor.15.4.  Ewald,  Prophets  of 
O.T.  ;  Pusey,  Minor  Prophets  ;  G.  A.  Smith, 
Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets  ;  J.  Sharpe, 
Notes  and  Dissert,  on  Hosea  ;  Cheyne,  in  the 
Camb.  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges,     [r.s.] 

Hosen  (pattish).     [Dress.] 

Hoshalah'. — 1.  A  man  who  assisted  in  the 
dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  after  its 
rebuilding  (Ne.i2.32).— 2.  The  father  of  a 
certain  J EZANiAH,  or  Azariah  (Je. 42.1,43.2). 

Hoshama',  one  of  the  "  sons  "  of  king 
Jeconiah,  or  Jehoiachin  (iChr.3.i8). 

Hoshea'  (deliverance),  son  of  Elah,  and 
last  king  of  Israel.  Here,  as  in  some  other 
cases,  we  are  unable  to  clear  up  an  apparent 
chronological  inconsistency  between  the  Bib- 
lical narrative  and  Assyrian  records.  Hoshea's 
accession,  placed  by  2K.17.1  in  the  12th  year  of 
Ahaz,  but  in  15. 30  in  the  20th  year  of  his  pre- 
decessor Jotham,  would  appear  from  Assyrian 
inscriptions  (whose  dates  are  verified  by  the 
mention  of  a  total  eclipse,  known  to  have  oc- 
curred in  753  B.C.)  to  belong  to  the  year  734 
B.C.  He  was  placed  on  the  throne  as  successor 
to  Pekah  by  the  Assyrian  conqueror,  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.,  who  says',  "  Pekah  I  slew.  .  .  .  Ho- 
shea I  appointed  over  them."  This  is  in  no  way 
inconsistent  with  the  statement  (2K.15.30) 
that  it  was  through  Hoshea's  agency  that 
Pekah  was  slain.  We  gather  from  the  contem- 
porary prophet  Hosea  (5.i3,7.ii)  that  Eph- 
raim  included  at  the  time  an  Assyrian  and  an 
anti-Assyrian  party,  the  latter  looking  to 
Egypt  for  help.  Hoshea,  like  his  predecessors 
Jehu  and  Menahem,  seems  to  have  paid  tribute 
to  Assyria  till  Tiglath-pileser's  death  (727  B.C.), 
but  thereupon,  hoping  perhaps  that  the  succes- 
sor, Shalmaneser  IV.,  would  prove  less  formid- 
able, he  ceased,  and  sought  support  from 
Egypt,  which,  however,  failed  to  do  more  than 
promise  aid.  In  724  B.C.  Shalmaneser  advanced 
against  Samaria,  while  Hoshea  sought  vainly  to 
avert  disaster  by  belated  presents.  It  is  not 
clear  whether  he  was  taken  prisoner  before  (as 
the  Biblical  account  seems  to  say)  or  after  the 
capture  of  Samaria  (722  b.c.)  by  Sargon,  the 
general  who  followed  Shalmaneser  on  the  throne 
of  Assyria.  The  doom  of  the  northern  king- 
dom is  set  forth  by  the  prophet  Hosea  (11-14, 
f/.  Is.28).  Many  Israelites  were  deported  east- 
wards, and  foreigners  settled  in  their  stead. 
We  know  nothing  of  Hoshea's  fate  subsequent 
to  his  capture.     [Chronology.]       [a.w.s.] 

Hoshe'a. — 1.  The  son  of  Nun,  «.e.  Joshua 
(Deut.32.44  ;  Num.13. 8,  R.V.).— 2.  Son  of 
Azaziah  (iChr.27.2o) ;  like  his  great  namesake, 
a  man.  of  EphrEun;,  ruler  of  his  tritie  in  \h^ 


358 


HOSPITALITY 


time  of  David. — 3-   One  of  the  heads  of  the 
people,  who  sealed  the  covenant  {Ne.lO.23). 

Hospitality.  Hospitality  was  regarded 
by  most  nations  of  the  ancient  world  as  one  of 
the  chief  virtues.  Among  the  Arabs  we  find 
the  best  illustrations  of  the  old  Bible  narra- 
tives, and  they  exhibit  traits  that  might  be- 
seem their  ancestor  Abraham.  The  laws  re- 
specting the  SxRANGiiR  (Lev. 19. 33, 34)  and  the 
Poor  (25.i4f.  ;  I)eut.l5.7),  and  concerning 
redemption  (Lev.25.23ff.),  etc.,  reflect  this 
spirit  of  hospitality.  In  N.T.  hospitality  is 
likewise  enjoined.  The  good  Samaritan  stands 
for  all  ages  as  an  example  of  Christian  hospi- 
tality, embodying  the  command  to  love  one's 
neighbour  as  himself.  The  neglect  of  Christ 
is  symbolized  by  inhospitality  to  our  neigh- 
bours (Mt.25.43).  The  apostles  urged  the 
church  to  "  follow  after  hospitality  "  (Ro.l2. 
13  ;  c/.  iTim.5.10)  ;  to  remember  Abraham's 
example  (Heb.13.2)  ;  to  "  use  hospitality  one 
to  another  without  grudging  "  (iPe.4.9);  while 
a  bishop  must  be  a  "  lover  of  hospitality  "  (Tit. 
1.8  ;  cf.  iTim.3.2).  The  practice  of  the  early 
Christians  was  in  accord  with  these  precepts. 
They  had  all  things  in  common,  and  their 
hospitality  was  a  characteristic  of  their  belief. 
"  Hospitality,"  says  Mr.  Lane,  "  is  a  virtue  for 
which  the  natives  of  the  East  in  general  are 
highly  and  deservedly  admired.  .  .  .  There 
are  very  few  persons  [in  Egypt]  who  would 
think  of  sitting  down  to  a  meal,  if  there  was  a 
stranger  in  the  house,  without  inviting  him  to 
partake  of  it,  unless  the  latter  were  a  menial,  in 
which  case  he  would  be  invited  to  eat  with  the 
servants.  .  .  .  The  account  of  Abraham's  en- 
tertaining the  three  angels,  related  in  the  Bible, 
presents  a  perfect  picture  of  the  manner  in 
which  a  modern  Bedawee  sheikh  receives 
travellers  arriving  at  his  encampment.  He 
immediately  orders  his  wife  or  women  to  make 
bread,  slaughters  a  sheep  or  some  other  animal, 
and  dresses  it  in  haste,  and  bringing  milk  and 
any  other  provisions  that  he  may  have  ready 
at  hand,  with  tlie  bread  and  the  meat  which  he 
has  dressed,  sets  them  before  his  guests.  If 
these  be  persons  of  high  rank,  he  stands  by 
them  while  they  eat,  as  Abraham  did.  .  .  . 
Most  Bedawees  will  suffer  almost  any  injury  to 
themselves  or  their  families  rather  than  allow 
their  guests  to  be  ill-treated  while  under  their 
protection."  (Cf.  Job31.i7,3i,32.)  The  Ori- 
ental respect  for  the  covenant  of  bread  and 
salt,  or  salt  alone,  certainly  sprang  from  the 
high  regard  in  which  hospitality  was  held. 

Hosts,  Lord  of.  The  title,  the  original  and 
full  fnrin  of  wlii(h  is  Jehovah,  (lod  of  Hosts 
iCbluVoth),  pre-eminently  employed  by  the 
])rophets  to  express  the  matchless  majesty  of 
(iod.  It  occurs  first  in  iSam.1.3,  but  its  origin 
is  uncertain.  A  common  view  is  that  it  was 
first  applied  to  God  as  the  Leader  to  victory 
of  the  armies  or  "  hosts  "  of  Israel  (cf.  Ex. 12. 41, 
15.3,4  '•  Num. 1.3  ;  Jos. 5. 14,  etc.)  ;  but  in  actual 
use  it  has  a  mucli  wider  refcrenre,  suggesting 
that  (iod  has  at  His  service  an  unseen  host  of 
angels,  and  indeed  the  command  of  all  agencies 
in  the  fulfilment  of  His  purp<jse.  It  was  thus 
a  most  appropriate  expression  in  the  mouth  of 
the  i)rophcts,  denoting  the  assured  conviction 
of  the  final  triumph  of  (iod  over  all  evil.  It 
is  usually  rendered  appropriately  by  LXX. 


HOUSE 

Ki'ptos  navTOKpaTwp,  "  the  Lord  Omnipotent." 
The  word  fbhd'oth  has  been  carried  over  into 
two  N.T.  passages  (Ro.9.29;  Jas.5.4),  and  has 
become  familiar  through  its  occurrence  in  the 
Sanctus  of  the  Te  Deum.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  expression  does  not  occur  in  any  part  of  the 
Pentateuch,  from  which  A.  C.  Robinson  argues 
{Churchman,  Sept.  1900,  Expos.  Times,  Jan, 
1908)  that  these  books  were  written  before  the 
title  came  into  use.  But  it  is  also  remarkable 
that  Ezekiel,  unlike  most  of  the  prophets,  never 
employs  it.  Driver,  "  Amos  "  (in  Camb.  Bible), 
addl.  note  on  ch.  8.13.  [j-R-] 

Hotiiam',  a  man  of  Asher  ;  son  of  Heber, 
of  the  family  of  Beriah  (iChr.'7.32) ;  perhaps, 
though  not  certainly,  =  Helem  in  ver.  35. 

Hotlian'  (R.V.  correctly,  Hotham),  a  man 
of  Arocr,  father  of  two  of  David's  might v  men 
(i  Chr.11.44). 

Hotiiip',  a  son  of  Heman  (iChr.25.4,28), 
and  therefore  a  Kohathite  Levite. 

Houp.  The  ancient  Hebrews  were  pro- 
bably unacquainted  with  the  division  of  the 
natural  day  into  24  parts.  The  general  dis- 
tinctions of  "  morning,  evening,  and  noon- 
day "  (Ps.55.17)  were  sufficient  for  them  at 
first,  as  for  the  early  Greeks  ;  afterwards  the 
Hebrews  parcelled  out  the  period  between 
sunrise  and  sunset  into  a  series  of  divisions 
distinguished  by  the  sun's  course.  The  early 
Hebrews  appear  to  have  divided  the  day  into 
four  parts  (fs'e.9.3),  and  the  night  into  three 
watches  {Judg.7.19).  It  is  known  that  the 
Greeks  adopted  the  division  of  the  day  into  12 
hours  from  the  Babylonians,  and  it  is  generally 
supposed  that  the  Hebrews  learnt  it  from  the 
Babylonians  during  the  Captivity.  Certainly 
it  was  known  to  the  Egyptians  at  a  very  early 
period.  The  Hebrews  divided  the  interval 
between  sunrise  and  simset  into  12  equal 
portions,  so  that  the  hour  varied  in  length 
perpetually  with  the  time  of  year.  These 
intervals  are  usually  called  temporal  hours, 
to  distinguish  them  from  the  equinoctial  hour, 
which  is  the  24th  part  of  a  solar  day.  or  of 
the  interval  from  noon  till  noon.  The  former 
are  the  hours  meant  in  the  N.T.,  Josephus,  and 
the  Rabbis  (Mt.20.6;  Jn.ll.9,  etc.).  What 
horologic  contrivances  the  Jews  possessed  in 
the  time  of  our  Lord  is  uncertain  ;  but  we  may 
safely  suppose  that  they  had  gnomons,  dials, 
and  clepsydrae,  all  of  which  had  long  been 
known  to  the  Persians  and  other  nations  with 
whom  they  had  come  in  contact.  For  the  pur- 
poses of  prayer  the  old  division  of  the  day 
into  four  portions  was  continued  in  the  temple 
service,  as  we  see  from  Ac. 2. 13, 3. 1,10.9. 

House.  The  Canaanite  and  Heb.  houses 
[BiiTM]  fnund  by  recent  excavation  in  Pales- 
tine nmch  resemble  those  still  built,  being  of 
stone  in  hill  districts  and  of  sun-dried  bricks  in 
the  plains.  The  masonry  is  of  no  great  size 
and  only  \ery  rudely  squared,  being  set  in 
MoKTiK.  The  roofs  are  now  formcil  of  brush- 
wood laid  on  rude  rafters,  and  covered  with 
clay  or  cement,  which  is  frequently  rolled  with 
a  stone  roller.  Such  rot)fs  are  easily  removed 
(Mk.2.4  ;  L)i.5.io)-  The  house  has  usually  a 
single  storey,  anil  the  roof  is  either  flat  or 
(when  of  stone)  has  a  central  dome,  such  as  is 
rejiresentcd  on  .Assyrian  bas-reliefs.  Booths 
made  of  poles,  covered  with  leaves  on  their 


PLATE    XVI 


MODEL  OF  AN  EGYPTIAN    HOUSE. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


HOUSE-TOPS  (Lu.12.3).      w.D.A. 


p.  358I     WOODEN   MODEL    OF   AN   EGYPTL\N    HOUSE    (INTERIOR).     (Brit.  Mus.) 


HUKKOK 

branches,  are  often  placed  on  the  roof  as  sleep- 
ing-places in  snmnaer,  as  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles in  O.T.  times.  A  small  yard,  and  a 
stable  for  cattle,  are  sometimes  added  to  such 
houses  (iSam.28.24).  The  flat  roofs  were  sur- 
rounded, as  they  still  are,  by  a  battlement 
(Dent. 22. 8).  The  windows  were  small  and 
high  up,  often  closed  by  a  wooden  lattice. 
[Window;  Lattice.]  The  better  class  of 
houses  (Je. 22.13, 14)  [P.\l.\ce]  appear  to  have 
been  built  round  a  central  court,  as  is  still  the 
custom  for  the  houses  of  the  rich  in  Syrian 
cities,  and  included  a  hartm,  or  "private" 
apartment,  occupied  by  the  women  (2K.9.30). 
A  verandah,  with  a  gallery  above  in  some  cases, 
often  opens  from  the  rooms  into  the  court. 
The  "  guest-chamber  "  (Lu.22.ii)  is  the  liwdn 
or  principal  room,  with  a  diwdn  or  raised  part 
at  one  end,  but  appears  also  to  have  been  some- 
times [Parlour,  3]  an  "  upper  chamber  "  (Lu. 
22.12;  Ac.l. 13,9.37,20.8)  ;  and  even  a  third 
storey  is  mentioned  {Ac.20.9).  Ahaziah  {2K. 
1.2)  fell  through  the  wooden  lattice  of  an  upper 
chamber,  and  windows  so  closed  (to  secure 
privacy)  often  project  beyond  the  wall  of  the 
house.  A  small  upper  chamber  {'dliyyd)  was 
easily  added  in  a  village  house  (2K.4.10).  In 
the  court  there  was  sometimes  a  well,  or  an 
underground  granary  (aSam.lT.iS.ig).  Chim- 
neys are  unknown  [Window],  and  charcoal  in 
braziers  is  used  instead  ;  but  wood  fires  in  an 
outer  hall  seem  also  to  have  been  used  (Lu.22. 
55)  in  palaces  (Jn. 18.15,18).  Store  cupboards 
made  of  clay,  for  holding  grain,  are  often  found 
on  the  inner  walls.  The  furniture  consists  at 
most  of  a  low  table,  and  the  family  sits  on  mats, 
and  spreads  beds  on  the  ground  at  night  in  any 
convenient  room,  if  the  house  has  more  than 
one.  The  roof  was  used  for  taking  the  air,  and 
for  private  communication  (iSam.9.25,26  ; 
2Sam.ll.2,  see  16. 22  ;  Pr.21.9).  Summer  and 
winter  rooms  were  found  in  large  houses  (Je. 
36.22;  Am. 3. 15).  Altars  were  erected  on  the 
roof  of  upper  chambers  (2K.23.12  ;  Je.i9.13, 
32.29  ;  Zeph.1.5),  and  prayer  was  so  offered 
under  the  open  sky  (Ac.lO.g).  The  Heb.  word 
is  used  of  a  tent,  a  tabernacle,  and  a  temple, 
as  well  as  of  a  dwelling-house.  Thus  the  Philis- 
tines assembled  probably  in  a  temple  of  Dagon 
(Judg.16.25-30),  and  crowded  on  its  roof,  which 
was  supported  by  two  pillars,  watching  the 
approach  of  Samson.  [c.r.c] 

Hukkok',  a  place  on  the  boundary  of 
Naphtali  (Jos.i9.34)  named  next  to  Aznoth- 
tabor.  Now  Ydquq,  a  village  on  a  low  hill 
nearly  5  miles  N.W.  of  Magdala.      [c.r.c] 

Hukok'  (iChr.6.75)  =  HELKATH. 

Hul,  second  son  of  Aram,  and  grandson  of 
Shem  (Gen. 10. 23). 

Huldah',    a    prophetess,  whose    husband 


HUNTING 


359 


Shallum  was  keeper  of  the  wardrobe.  King 
Josiah  sought  her  opinion  with  regard  to  the 
copy  of  the  law  found  by  Hilkiah  (2  K. 22. 14. 
2Chr.34.22). 

Humility.  This  was  an  ideal  both  in  Jew- 
ish ethics  and  in  Christian  life.  To  Greeks  "  self- 
sufficiency  "  and  "  magnanimity  "  seemed  the 
highest  personal  ideal.  To  early  Romans,  and 
to  Stoics  and  Epicureans  later,  personal  dig- 
nity and  happiness  were  the  supreme  good,  but 
to  the  Hebrew  the  great  One  living  God  was  a 
God  of  power,  majesty,  and  righteousness 
(Ps.8.4).  They  lived  in  the  presence  of  One  to 
Whom  they  owed  all :  humility  of  soul  was  thus 
the  outcome  of  religion.  With  psalmist  and 
prophet,  humility,  a  "  low  opinion  of  their  own 
importance  and  merit,"  was  constantly  em- 
phasized, and  men  like  Saul  and  Pharaoh  con- 
demned. In  N.T.  Christ's  teaching  and  life 
proclaimed  the  same  truth.  His  words  (Mk.  9. 35, 
10.15  ;  lMt.ll.29)  were  illustrated  by,  e.g.,  His 
setting  the  child  in  the  midst  of  the  disputing 
disciples  (Mk.9.33)  and  by  His  washing  their 
feet  (Jn.l3).  At  Caesarea  Philippi  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  His  Messiahship  was  followed  by 
the  lesson  of  His  suffering  and  humiliation  and 
death.  The  Incarnation  itself  was  the  conse- 
cration of  self-abasement  and  humility.  Thus 
Ta.iriiv6s,  raTreii'oippwi',  in  pre-Christian  litera- 
ture almost  invariably  words  of  reproach, 
became  in  Christian  ethics  expressive  of  the 
highest  ethical  virtue  ;  so  St.  Paul  sums  up  : 
"  This  mind  .  .  .  which  was  also  in  Christ  Jesus, 
Who  .  .  .  humbled  Himself  [eTaneivdjaev  eavrdv] 
and  became  obedient  unto  death,  even  the 
death  of  the  cross."  Henceforward  humility 
was  the  highest  exaltation.  [c.c.x.] 

Humtah',  a  city  of  Judah  in  the  mountain- 
district,  next  to  Hebron  (Jos. 15. 54). 

Hunting-.  The  Hebrews  were  not  given 
to  hunting,  except  for  food  (Deut.i2.15)  and 
for  the  extermination  of  dangerous  beasts  ;  the 
density  of  the  population,  the  earnestness  of 
their  character,  and  the  tendency  of  their  ritual 
regulations,  all  combined  to  discourage  the 
practice  of  mere  sport.  There  was  no  lack 
of  game  in  Palestine ;  on  the  entrance  of  the 
Hebrews  into  the  land,  wild  beasts  were  so 
numerous  as  to  be  dangerous  (Ex. 23. 29).  Some 
of  the  fiercer  animals,  such  as  lions,  survived 
to  a  late  period.  The  manner  of  catching 
these  animals  was  either  by  digging  pitfalls, 
which  was  the  usual  practice  with  the  larger 
species,  as  the  lion  (2Sam.23.20:  Ezk.19.4,8); 
or  by  traps,  which  were  set  (Job  18. 10)  in 
the  runs  of  the  animals  (Pr.22.5)  and  caught 
them  by  the  leg  (Job  18. 9)  ;  or  by  nets,  in 
which  various  kinds  of  ruminants  were  taken 
(Is. 51. 20  ;  A.V.  wild  bull).  Birds  formed  an 
article  of  food  among  the  Hebrews  (Lev. 17. 13), 


J-OWLI.NG  SCENE.    (From  Beni  Hasan. 


360 


HTJPHAM 


and  much  skill  was  exercised  in  catching  them. 
The  following  were  the  most  approved  methods : 
( i)  The  trap,  which  consisted  of  two  parts,  a  net, 
strained  over  a  frame,  and  a  stick  to  support 
it,  but  so  placed  that  it  would  give  way  at  the 
slightest  touch  (Am. 3. 5,  gm  ;  Ps. 69.22,  trap). 
(2)  The  snare  (Job  18. 9;  A.V.  robber),  con- 
sisting of  a  cord  (Job  18. 10;  cf.  Ps.18.5, 
116.3,140.5),  so  set  as  to  catch  the  bird  by 
the  leg.  (3)  Thenet.  (4)  The  decoy,  to  which 
reference  is  made  in  Je.5.26,27. 

Hupham',  a  son  of  Benjamin,  founder  of 
the  family  of  the  Huphamites(Num.26.39). 

Huppah',  the  head  of  the  13th  course  of 
priests  in  the  time  of  David  (iCiir.24.i3). 

Huppim',  head  of  a  Benjamite  family. 
According  to  the  LXX.  (Gen. 46. 21),  a  son  of 
Bela,  or  of  Ir  =  Iri  (iChr.7.i2). 

Hup. — 1.  A  man  mentioned  with  Aaron,  as 
staying  up  the  hands  of  Moses  during  the  battle 
with  Amalek  at  Rephidim  (Ex.l7.io,i2).  He 
was,  with  Aaron,  left  in  charge  of  the  people  by 
Moses  during  his  ascent  of  Sinai  (24.14).  Jose- 
phus  (3  Attt.  ii.  4,  vi.  i)  says  that  he  was  the 
husband  of  Miriam,  and  identical  with — 2.  The 
grandfather  of  Bezaleel  the  chief  artificer  of  the 
tabernacle — "  son  of  I  Tri,  sonof  Hur,  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  "  (Ex. 31. 2,35. 30, 38. 22).  In  the  lists 
of  the  descendants  of  Judah  in  iChr.  the  pedi- 
gree is  more  fully  preserved.  Hur  there  appears 
as  of  the  family  of  Pharez,  being  son  of  Caleb 
ben-Hezron,  by  a  second  wife,  Ephrath  (iChr. 
2.10,20  ;  cf.  5,  also  4.1),  the  firstborn  of  that 
marriage  (2.50.  see  R.  V. ;  4.4)  and  father  of  three 
sons  (besides  Uri ;  2. 20)  who  founded  the  towns 
of  Kirjath-jearim,  Bethlehem,  and  Beth-gader 
(2.51).  Hur's  connexion  with  Bethlehem  would 
seem  to  have  been  closer  than  with  the  others. 
— 3.  The  fourth  of  the  five  kings  of  Midian, 
who  were  slain  with  Balaam  after  the  "  matter 
of  Peor"  (Num. 31. 8).  Later,  in  Jos. 13. 21, 
they  are  called  princes  (R.V.  chiefs)  of  Midian 
and  dukes  (R.V.  princes)  of  Sihon. — 4.  Father 
of  Rephaiah,  4  (Nc.3.9). — 5-  The  "  son  of 
Hur  " — Ben-Hur — was  an  officer  for  Solomon 
in  mount  Ephraim  (iK.4.8). 

Hupai'.     [HiDDAi.] 

Hupam'. — 1.  A  Benjamite  ;  son  of  Bela, 
the  first-born  of  the  patriarch  (iChr.8.5). — 2. 
The  form  of  the  name  of  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre, 
in  iChr.l4.i,  2Chr. 2. 3, 11, 12, 8. 2,18,9.10,21. — 
3.  The  same  change  occurs  in  2Chr.2.i3,4. 
II. 16,  in  that  of  Hiram  the  artificer. 

Hupi',  father  of  .-Vbiiiail,  3  (iChr.5.r4). 

Husband.     [Marriage;  Family.] 

Hushah',  a  name  in  the  genealogies  of 
Judah  (iChr.4.4)— "Ezer,  father  of  Hushah." 
It  may  be  the  name  of  a  place. 

Hushai',  an  .Archite.  [■•^Rcui.l  He  is  called 
the  "  friend  "  of  David  (2Sam.i5.37)  ;  in  iChr. 
27.33,  the  word  is  rendered  "  companion." 
David  sent  him  to  confuse  the  counsels  of  Ab- 
salom (2Sam.l5.32ff.,16.i6ff.,17.5fT.).  He  was 
probably  the  father  of  Baana  (rk.4.i6). 

Husham',  one  of  the  earlv  kings  of  Edom 
((;fn.36.34.3S  :  iChr.l. 45,46). '    [Tkman.] 

Hu'shathlte,  The,  the  designation  of  a 
hero  of  David's  guard,  varioiislv  named  Sin- 
nixiiAi  (2Sa1n.2i.18  :  iClir.20.4),  Sibhccai  (i 
Chr.ll.20,27.ii),  and  by  an  easy  corruption 
(Driver  in  loco),  Mebunnai  (2Sam.23.27). 
Josephus  calls  him  a  Hittitc. 


HYMENAETJS 

Hushim' — 1.  In  Gen. 46.23  "  the  chil- 
dren of  Dan  "  are  said  to  have  been  Hushim. 
The  name  is  plural,  as  if  of  a  tribe  rather 
than  an  individual.  [Aher.]  In  Num. 26. 42  the 
name  is  changed  to  Shuham. — 2.  Benjamites 
(iChr.7.12)  stated  to  be  "the sons  of  Aher." — 
3.  One  of  the  two  wives  of  Shaharaim  (8.8). 

Husks.  The  word  {Kepdnov)  rendered  in 
A.V.  "husks"  (Lu.l5.i6,  see  R.V.  marg.)  de- 
scribes the  fruit  of  the  carob-tree  or  Ceratonia 
siliqua  of  botanists.  This  tree,  very  common  in 
Syria  and  Egypt,  produces  pods  varying  in 
length  from  6  to  10  in.,  and  about  a  finger's 
breadth,  or  rather  more,  in  width.  The  tree 
(kharrubah  or  kharnub)  is  solitary.  The  beans 
are  sold  in  the  bazaars  chiefly  to  feed  animals 
(Tristram,  Nat.  Hist.  Bible,  p.  361).  In  the 
Mishna  [Shebiith  vii.  7)  they  are  said  to  have 
been  steeped  in  wine,  as  they  now  are  in 
water,  for  a  cooling  drink.  [c.r.c] 

Huz  (R.V.  correctly,  Uz),  the  eldest  son  of 
Nahor  and  Milcah  (Gen.22.2i). 

Huzzab,  according  to  the  general  opinion 
of  the  Jews,  was  the  queen  of  Nineveh  when 
Nahum  delivered  his  prophecv  (Na.2.7).  The 
LXX.  has  "  the  foundation  "  (A.V.  marg.  "that 
which  was  established,"  and  R.V.  marg.  "  it  is 
decreed  ").  Kautsch  regards  the  text  as  pro- 
bably corrupt — it  may  be  a  noun  with  the 
article,  referring  to  the  Assyrian  queen.  Fur- 
ther light  is  needed.  [t.g.p.] 

Hyaena.  Authorities  are  at  variance  as  to 
whether  the  tcnw  (dbJula'  in  Jc.12.9  means  a 
"hyaena"  as  the  LX.X.  has  it.  or  a  "speckled 
bird,"  as  in  A.V.  The  etymological  meaning 
of  the  word  is  equally  adapted  to  either,  the 
hyaena  being  streaked.  The  only  other  instance 
in  which  it  occurs  is  as  a  proper  name,  Zeboim 
(iSam.l3.i8,  "  the  valley  of  hyaenas,"  Aquila; 
Ne.11.34).  Tristram,  who  rightly  identifies 
the  Arab,  diiba'  {hyaena)  with  cdbhila',  strongly 
favours  the  translation  "  hyaena,"  more  es- 
pecially as  the  striped  hyaena  (Hyaena  striata) 
is  common  in  Syria  and  Palestine,  and  must 
have  been  well  known  to  the  Jews.  [r.l.] 

Hydaspes,  a  river  mentioned  in  Jth. 
1.6,  with  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  What 
stream  is  intended  is  uncertain,  but  it  may 
perhaps  be  the  Choaspes  of  Susiana.  in  which 
case  the  form  is  probably  due  to  confusion  with 
the  Hydaspes  in  N.W.  India.  The  Syriac 
has  Ulai.  [t.g.p.] 

Hymenae'us, mentioned  twicein St.  Paul's 
Epp.  to  Timothy  :  first  with  .\lexander  (iTim. 
1.20)  ;  and  secondly  with  Philetus  (2Tim.2. 
17,18).  He  is  charged  bv  St.  Paul  with  saying 
that  "  the  resurrection  is  past  already,"  and 
has  been  considered  as  one  of  theearliest  of  the 
Gnostics.  The  sentence  passed  upon  him  of 
being  "  delivered  to  Satan  "  scarcely  can  be 
mere  ecclesiastical  excommunication.  As  the 
apostles  healed  all  maimer  of  bodily  infirmities, 
so  they  seem  to  have  possessed  and  exercised 
a  like  power  of  inflicting  them  (.^0.5.5,10.9.17, 
40,13.11).  Even  apart  from  actual  interven- 
tion by  the  Apostles,  bodily  visitations  are 
spoken  of  in  the  case  of  those  who  ap- 
proached the  Lord's  Sujiper  unwortliily  (iCor. 
11.30),  and  Satan  was  held  to  be  the  instru- 
ment or  executioner  of  all  these  visitations. 
Hence  tiie  "delivering  to  Satan"  is,  in  some 
respects,     differentiated     from    ecclesiastical 


HYMNS 

excommunication.     [Gnosticism  ;  Excommu- 
nication.] 

Hymns.  "  Psalms  and  hymns  and  spirit- 
ual songs  "  are  twice  joined  together  by  St. 
Paul  (Eph.5.19  :  Col. 3. 16),  as  if  he  were  enu- 
merating three  distinct  classes  of  composition. 
And  no  doubt  there  is  in  a  general  way  a  broad 
distinction  between  them.  The  essential 
feature  of  a  psalm  is  that  it  is  sung  to  instru- 
mental music  at  times  of  private  or  public 
worship  ;  that  of  a  hymn  that  it  ascribes  praise 
to  God  ;  while  a  song  (or  ode)  is  of  a  more 
general  nature,  and  implies  anything  uttered  by 
the  singing  voice,  and  it  is  therefore  qualified 
by  the  epithet  "  spiritual,"  in  order  to  restrict 
its  application.  [Poetry,  Hebrew.]  The 
word  "  hymn,"  however,  is  used  with  freedom 
in  both  O.T.  and  N.T.  with  reference  to  all 
kinds  of  metrical  or  rhythmical  songs.  Thus 
in  the  LXX.  titles  of  the  psalms  both  "hvmn" 
and  "  ode  "  frequently  occur,  either  with  or 
without  combination  with  "  psalm "  (cf.  Ps. 
65.1,72.20  ;  Josephus,  7  Ant.  xii.  3).  So,  too, 
there  is  the  famous  "  Hymn  of  the  Fathers  " 
(Ecclus.44.iff.),  and  Judith's  "  New  Hymn," 
in  which  she  celebrates  the  death  of  Holo- 
fernes  (Jth.l6.13lf.).  The  hymn  which  our 
Lord  and  His  Apostles  sang  on  the  night  of  the 
betraval  (Mt.26.30  ;  Mk.i4.26)  was  probablv 
the  latter  part  of  the  Hallel  (Ps.l  15-118),  the 
Paschal  song.  In  Ac. 16. 25  the  hymns  of  the 
imprisoned  apostles  were  probably  Christian 
effusions  more  like  what  we  usually  denote  by 
the  term  {cf.  Ac.4.24ff.)  ;  and  we  gather  from 
iCor. 14. 16,26,  Jas.5.13,  that  the  practice  of 
hymnody  was  encouraged  and  often  resorted 
to  in  the  early  Church.  St.  Luke  in  his 
gospel  has  preserved  for  us  four  of  the  earliest 
Christian  hymns,  which  the  Church  has  always 
held  to  have  been  first  uttered  on  the  import- 
ant occasions  to  which  they  are  ascribed  by 
him — viz.  (i)  the  Blessed  Virgin's  song,  Magni- 
ficat (1.46ff.),  which  has  much  in  common 
with  the  song  of  Hannah  (iSam.2.iff.)  ;  (?.) 
Zacharias'  song,  Benedictus  {Ln.\.6d>fl.);  (3)  the 
angels'  song  at  the  Nativity,  Gloria  in  excelsis 
(2.14) ;  and  (4)  Simeon's  song.  Nunc  dimittis  (2. 
29ff.).  Besides  these  there  are  often  thought 
to  be  traces  or  fragments  of  early  liturgical 
hymns  in  N.T.  writings,  e.g.  Eph.5.14,  iTim.3. 
16,  and  perhaps  iCor.2.9.  And  in  the  apoca- 
lyptic visions  of  St.  John  the  life  and  worship  of 
heaven  is  conceived  of  as  being  brightened  with 
the  voice  of  song  and  melody,  e.g.  5.9.14.3,15. 
3,  cf.  4.8,5.12,  etc.  See  Lock's  art.  "  Hymns  " 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  and  Box's  in 
Christ  and  the  Gospels  ;  Lightfoot's  note  on 
Col. 3. 16  ;  and  Trench,  Synonyms  of  N.T.,  pt. 
ii.  §  xxviii.  The  rise  and  development  of 
Christian  hymns  in  post-Biblical  times  lie 
outside  our  scope.  [c.i-.f.] 

Hyssop  (Heb.  ezohh ;  Arab,  udhdb),  a  word 
borrowed  by  the  Greeks  (with  many  others)  as 
(/<r(ru)7ros  (Jn.i9.29  ;  Heb. 9. 19).  The  adhdb,  or 
7niriamin  {" Msivy's  plant"),  is  the  marjoram 
{Origanum  syriacum),  a  labiate  with  furry 
leaves,  whence  the  name  meaning  "  hairy."  It 
grows  between  the  stones  of  ruined  walls,  and 
is  sold  in  bunches  for  sprinkling  purposes.  It 
thus  'answers  to  O.T.  requirements,  hyssop 
being  found  on  walls  (iK.4.33),"'and  used  for 
spriixkliug  blood  (E)x.l2.32)  aad  for  purifica- 


IDBASH 


361 


tions(Lev.l4.4,5i;  Num.19.6;  Ps.51.7).  The 
caper  (proposed  by  Royle),  called  'asaf,  is  rare 
in  Palestine,  and  not  so  used.  In  the  Mishna 
the  Gk.,  coloured,  Rom.,  and  desert  hyssops 
are  distinguished  {Neg'aim  xiv.  6):  but  only 
one  was  sacred  (Parah  xi.  7),  and  called 
"simply  hyssop":  this  was  the  marjoram 
{Shebiith  iii.  9),  not  "mint,"  sometimes  sup- 
posed to  be  the  hyssop  of  the  Gk.  Dioscorides 
{Satureia  graeca).  Hyssop  is  distinguished 
from  origany,  and  from  a  third  similar  species 
{'Auqecin  ii.  2).  Greek  hyssop  was  taken  as 
medicine  {Sabbath  xiv.  3),  and  the  marjoram 
was  also  apparently  eaten,  or  the  "  pennyroyal. ' ' 
Mint  is  common  in  Palestine.  [c.r.c] 


Ibhap',  one  of  the  sons  of  David  born  in 
Jerusalem  (2Sam.5.i5  ;  iChr.3.6,14.5). 

Ibleam',  a  city  of  Manasseh,  with  villages 
or  towns  dependent  on  it  (Judg.l.27),  situated 
in  the  territory  of  Issachar  (Jos.l'T.ii).  The 
ascent  of  Gur  was  "  at  Ibleam  "  (2K.9.27). 
Now  Yebla,  6  miles  N.  of  Beisan.  Ibleam  is 
probably  not  the  same  place  as  Bileam 
(iChr.6.70).  [c.r.c] 

Ibneiah',  son  of  Jehoram,  a  Benjamite  chief 
(iChr.9.8). 

Ibnijah',  a  Benjamite  (iChr.9.8). 

Ibpi',  a  Merarite  Levite  of  the  family  of 
Jaaziah  (iChr.24.27)  in  the  time  of  David. 

Ibzan'  {splendid)  of  Bethlehem  in  Zebulun 
judged  Israel  for  7  years  (Judg.l2.8-io).  He 
found  wives  for  his  30  sons  and  husbands  for 
his  30  daughters  from  other  tribes.  He  was 
buried  at  Bethlehem.  [h.m.s.] 

Ichabod'  {no  glory),  the  son  of  Phinehas ; 
so  named  by  his  dying  mother,  because  the 
news  of  the  capture  of  the  ark  by  the  Philistines 
arrived  as  she  gave  him  birth  (iSam.4.19-22). 

Ico'nium,  the  modern  Konia,  is  situated 
in  the  W.  part  of  an  extensive  plain,  on  the 
central  table-land  of  Asia  Minor,  and  not  far 
to  the  N.  of  the  chain  of  Taurus.  This  plain 
was  anciently  called  Lycaonia.  Xenophon 
reckons  Iconium  as  the  most  easterly  town  of 
Phrygia  ;  but  all  other  writers  speak  of  it  as 
being  in  Lycaonia,  of  which  it  was  practically 
the  capital.  It  was  on  the  great  line  of  com- 
munication between  Ephesus  and  the  W.  coast 
of  the  peninsula  on  one  side,  and  Tarsus, 
Antioch,  and  the  Euphrates  on  the  other.  It 
was  thus  very  suitable  for  missionary  work  (Ac. 
14.1,21,16.2).  St.  Paul's  first  visit  was  on  his 
first  circuit,  in  company  with  Barnabas;  and  on 
this  occasion  he  approached  it  from  Antioch  in 
Pisidia,  which  lay  to  the  W.  From  its  position  it 
could  not  fail  to  be  an  important  centre  of  Chris- 
tian influence  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Church. 
In  the  declining  period  of  the  Roman  empire, 
Iconium  was  made  a  colonia.  Konia  is  still  a 
town  of  considerable  size. 

Idalah',  one  of  the  cities  of  Zebulun,  named 
between  Shimron  and  Bethlehem  (Jos. 19. 15). 
In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  {Megillah  i.  i)  it  is 
placed  at  Hirii,  probably  the  ruin  Huwdrah, 
near  Beit  Lahm  (of  Galilee)  on  S.         [c.r.c] 

Idbash',  one  of  the  three  "  sons  "  of  Abi- 
Etana,  in  the  genealogy  ofjudah  (iChr.4.3), 


362 


IDDO 


Iddo  represents  in  the  En^;.  versions  several 
Heb.  andGk.  names.— 1.  (Niy,  liaSSw,  Addo.) 
Father  of  Ahinadab  (1K.4.14).— 2.  ('nr,  'A55t, 
Addo.)  Descendant  n{  Gershoni.{iChr.6.2i )  ; 
called  Adaiah  (ver.  41). — 3.  ('\'^\,'\aSa:t,Jciddo.) 
Son  of  Zechariah,  ruler  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh 
E.  of  Jordan  in  David's  reign  (27.2 1).— 4-  ('!"^r\ 
'IwTjX  'A55ui,  Addo.)  A  seer  whose  writings  are 
cited  as  an  authority  for  the  reigns  of  Solomon, 
Kehoboani,  and  Abijah.  They  are  called  "  the 
visions  of  Iddo  the  seer  concerning  Jeroboan; 
the  son  of  Nebat  "  (2Chr.9.29),  "  the  history  of 
Iddo  the  seer  after  the  manner  of  [or,  in  reckon- 
ing the]  genealogies"  (12. 15),  "  thecommentary 
of  the  prophet  Iddo"  (13.22).  They  are  nt)t 
quoted  in  I  Kings.  The  books  are  lost.  Jewish 
tradition  identified  him  with  the  disobedient 
prophet. — 5-  (HU,  'A55a>,  Addo.)  Grandfather 
of  the  prophet  Zechariah  (Zech.l.1,7),  returned 
from  Babvlon  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  (Ne. 
12.4).— 6.'  ('nX,  Eddo\  called  Loddeus,  iEsd.8. 
45,46,  R.V.)  The  chief  of  those  who  assembled 
at  Casiphia  at  the  time  when  Ezra  sent  a  depu- 
tation of  chief  men  from  .\hava  to  him  to  bring 
him  ministers  for  the  house  of  God  (Ezr.8.17). 
—7.  (n*,  'ladaijeddu,  R.V.  Iddo  =Jadau  in 
A.V.)     "  [G.M.V.] 

Idol,  Image.  There  are  about  twenty 
different  words  rendered  in  our  version  "  idol  " 
or  "  image,"  but  these  are  not  specific  names 
of  so  many  different  idols.  I.  One  set  of  ex- 
pressions, all  of  similar  sense,  simply  express 
the  fact  that  the  idol  is  an  "  image  "  or  "  like- 
ness." Thus  :  (i)  relem,  the  word  occurring  in 
Gen. 1.26,  and  rendered  "  image  "  in  all  its 
occurrences,  except  in  Ps.39.6,  "  vain  shew  " 
(R.V.  marg.  "  as  a  shadow  ").  (2)  semel,  ren- 
dered "  image  "  (Ezk.8.3),  "  figure  "  (Deut.4. 
16),  and  "  idol  "  (2Chr.33.7).  (3)  t'mimd, 
usually  rendered  "  likeness  "  (Ex. 20. 4,  etc.)  or 
"  similitude  "  (Num. 12. 8,  etc.),  and  in  R.V. 
"  form,"  except  in  Ps.i7.15,  "  likeness"  (marg. 
"  form  ").  (4}  rlr  (plur.  (Irim),  probablymeaning 
form,  once  only  in  this  sense  (Is. 45. 16),  when  it 
is  rendered  "idols."  II.  Another  set  of  ex- 
pressions denotes  the  material,  particular  form, 
or  mode  of  fabrication  :  (i)  pesel,  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to  hew,"  rendered  a  "  graven  image" 
by  R.V.  in  all  occurrences,  and  also  by  A.V., 
except  twice,  "carved  image"  (Judg.18.i8; 
2Chr.33.7).  (2)  />'>'«/,  a  variant  form  of  the 
preceding,  only  in  the  plur.,  and  also  rendered 
by  R.V.  "  graven  images,"  except  in  Judg.3. 
19,26,  "quarries"  (marg.  "  graven  images"). 
[GiLGAL.]  The  A.V.agreesexcept  in2Chr.33.22, 
34.3,4,  "  carved  images."  (3)  nesekh,  from  a 
root  "to  pour  out,"  is  the  standing  w(jrd  for  a 
drink-offering,  and  so  rendered  in  the  great 
majority  of  instances.  But  it  is  also  used  of 
a  molten  image,  and  so  rendered  bv  both 
A.V.  and  R.V.  in  Is.41. 29,48.5,  Je.l0.i4,51.i7- 
Frf)m  the  same  root  we  have  (4)  massckhd, 
the  usual  word  for  a  molten  image,  e.g,.  the 
molten  calf  (lix. 32. 4, 8).  (5)  'fl(a66i»i  (only  in 
jilur.),  probably  derived  from  a  verb  meaning 
"  t(j  shape,"  as  in  Job  10.8,  "Thine  hands 
have  framed  me  "  (K.V.);  almost  always  trans- 
lated "  idols  "  in  E.V.,  and  in  2Sam.5.2i, 
"  images."  In  Je.50.2  A.V.  has  "  idols,"  while 
R.V.  has  "  images."     A  shorter  form,  'ofebh, 


IDOL 

is  in  one  passage  (Is. 48. 5)  rendered  "  idol"- 
and  another  form,  'ccebh  (Je.22.28),  is  "idol" 
in  A. v.,  but  "  vessel  "  in  R.V.  (6)  gillulim, 
apparently  froma  root  "  toroU,"  is  generally  re- 
garded as  meaning  "  blocks,"  and  is  translated 
by  both  R.V.  and  .\.V.  "  idols,"  everywhere, 
except  in  Je.50.2,  when  A.V.  has  "  images." 
(7)  7naftcbhd,  from  a  root  "  to  set  up,"  always 
in  R.V.  "  pillar,"  with  "  obelisk  "  in  marg.  The 
A.V.  also  has  "  pillar  "  in  many  places,  but  in 
others  "  image,"  with  "  standing  image  "  or 
"statue"  in  many.  [Pillars.]  (8)  maskith 
is  variously  rendered.  When  joined  with 
"  stone  "  it  is  in  R.V.  "  figured  stone,"  and  in 
A.V.  "  image  of  stone."  In  Pr.25.ii,  A.V. 
has  "  pictures "  and  R.V.  marg.  "  filigree 
work  "  ;  in  Ezk.8.12,  both  A.V.  and  R.V.  have 
"  imagery."  Some  suppose  it  rejiresented  the 
winged  sun-disk.  [Pictuke.]  (9)  liammnnim, 
always  in  R.V.  "  sun  images  "  ;  in  A.V. 
"images"  andmarg."sunimages."  Inoneplace 
(2Chr.34.7)  A.V.has"idols."  [Teraphim.]  III. 
A  number  of  other  wt)rds  express  the  feelings  of 
detestation  with  which  the  idol  was  regarded  : 
(i)  'dven,  meaning  "  trouble,"  "  sorrow,"  is 
applied  to  idolatry  in  general  {e.g.  Is. 41. 29), 
and  in  one  passage  (66.3)  is  rendered  "  idol." 
(2)  'i'lil,  probably  having  the  primary  sense 
of  weakness,  has  usually  the  meaning  of  vvorth- 
lessness,  as  e.g.  in  "  physicians  of  no  value  " 
(Job  13.4)  ;  then  apiplied  to  heathen  divinities 
or  idols  as  things  of  nought,  and  usually  ren- 
dered "idol"  in  E.V.  (3)  'hnd,  "terror," 
"  dread."  once  (Je.5O.38)  rendered  "  idols."  (4) 
miphlefelh,  a  horrid  thing,  from  a  root  "  to 
shudder,"  used  only  of  the  idol  made  by  Asa's 
mother  Maacah  (1k.i5.13  ;  2Chr.l5.i6),  "  an 
idol  in  a  grove  "  A.V.,  "  an  abominable  image 
for  an  Asherah  "  R.V.  (5)  shigquf,  an  abomin- 
able thing,  only  once,  in  the  plur.  (2Chr.l5.8), 
"abominable  idols"  A.V.,  "abominations" 
R.V.  A  shorter  form,  sheqec,  is  used  of  animals 
ceremonially  unclean. — It  is  possible  that  some 
of  these  names  may  have  been  imitations  or 
modifications  of  more  distinctive  names  of  the 
respective  idols.  We  know,  e.g.,  how  bosheth, 
"  shame,"  was  substituted  for  ba'al  (cf.  2Sam. 
2.8  with  iChr.8.33)  ;  Hosea  also  uses  Beth-aven 
for  Beth-el  (Hos.4.i5,5.8,10.5)  ;  and  Israel  was 
admonished  to  "  make  no  mention  of  the  name 
of  other  gods"  (Ex.23. 13)  and  to  "destroy 
their  name  "  (Deut.12.3).  Some  of  the  words 
seem  purposely  framed  or  chosen  to  suggest 
contempt.  Thus  'drabbim  and  its  cognates 
would  call  up  the  verb  "  to  hurt,  pain,  grieve  "  ; 
gillulim  is  akin  to  a  word  meaning  "  dung  "  ; 
(ir  hasalso  the  meaning  of  "pangs";  and  'ciilitn 
may  have  been  felt  to  suggest  the  negation 
(hing  in  the  first  two  letters)  of  'clim,  "  gods," 
a  word  which  indeeii  in  one  place  (Is. 57. 5)  is 
rendered  "  idols"  in  A.V.,  but  in  R.V.  "  oaks." 
There  seems  to  be  an  intended  plav  upon  words 
in  I's.96.5  :  "AH  the  gods  ['iloliim]  of  the 
peoples  are  idols  ['i-lilitn]."  The  sacred  writers 
do  not  furnish  suflicient  details  of  the  form  of 
the  various  idols.  Since  the  Decalogue  forbids 
the  making  for  worship  of  any  likeness  of  any- 
thing in  the  heaven  above  or  on  the  earth  be- 
neath or  in  the  water  under  the  earth,  we  may 
infer  that  images  or  symbols  of  these  v^arious 
classes  were  known.  The  forms,  human  or 
otherwise,  which  were  given  to  the  idols  would 


IDOLATRY 

no  doubt,  by  the  accentuation  of  some  feature, 
suggest  the  attribute  which  was  supposed  to 
distinguish  the  idol ;  the  bull,  e.g.,  suggests 
strength,  and  images,  supposed  to  be  of  As- 
tarte,  which  have  been  found  in  recent  exca- 
vations, seem  to  emphasize  the  idea  of  fertility. 
Dagon  of  the  Philistines  had  a  face  and  head 
and  hands  (iSam.5.4),  and  some  suppose  it  had 
the  tail  of  a  fish.  From  Ps. 115. 5-8  we  may  con- 
clude that  idols  were  more  or  less  of  human 
form  ;  and  the  same  inference  may  be  drawn 
from  Isaiah's  sarcastic  description  of  the  mak- 
ing of  an  image  (Is. 44. 12-19).  We  also  gather 
from  40.19,20,41.7  that  the  core  of  the  idol 
might  be  of  wood,  while  it  was  coated  with 
metal  and  adorned  with  ornaments.  But 
when  idolatry  was  universally  practised,  as 
among  the  Canaanites,  many  of  the  idols  would 
be  rude  enough,  and  recent  excavations  at 
Taanach  and  Gezer,  e.g.,  have  brought  to  light 
forms  which,  whether  intentionally  or  from 
want  of  artistic  skill,  fully  justify  the  contemp- 
tuous expressions  used  of  idols  by  the  Biblical 
writers.  Qtly.  Statement  of  Pal.  Expl.  Fund 
from  1902  onwards  ;  Vincent,  Canaan  d'apres 
I'expl.  recente  (Paris,  1907).  [j-R-] 

Idolatry,  a  word  signifying  in  its  literal 
sense  "worship  of  images,"  is  used  six  times  in 
the  Bible  (only  once  in  O.T.,  1Sam.i5.23,  A.V.) 
as  a  general  term  for  all  kinds  of  worship  other 
than  that  of  the  true  God.  It  is  the  offence 
against  which  the  first  two  of  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments were  directed  (Ex. 20. 2-6).  The 
Gk.  term  is  not,  however,  found  before  the 
time  of  St.  Paul,  and  mav  have  been  coined 
byhim(Gal.5.2o;  iCor.lO.'i4;  Col.3.5).  With- 
out using  the  term  in  either  case,  the  great 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles  states  two  different, 
complementary  rather  than  contradictory, 
views  of  idolatry,  in  his  addresses  to  the  two 
capitals  of  western  heathenism — Athens  and 
Rome.  At  Athens  (Ac.  17. 2  2  -3 1  )he  gives  a  careful 
philosophical  sketch  of  natural  religion,  and  of 
mankind  groping  upward  through  superstition 
to  the  true,  though  unknown,  God.  To  Rome 
(Ro. 1.20-32)  he  writes  the  analysis  of  man's 
declension  from  primitive  revelation  to  the 
penal  state  in  which,  with  abominable  accom- 
paniments, they  worshipped  the  likeness  of 
their  fellows,  and  of  various  lower  creatures. 
There  is,  however,  in  St.  Paul  no  mention  of 
that  particular  idolatry  with  which  the  early 
Church  was  most  brought  into  conflict,  that 
worship  of  the  emperor  which  led  St.  John  to 
describe  Pergamum,  where  it  was  pre-eminently 
practised,  as  "  Satan's  throne  "  (Rev. 2. 13). 
Yet  that  idolatry,  through  the  deification  of 
the  state  in  the  person  of  its  chief  ruler,  throws 
light  on  the  political  power  of  idolatry  in  the 
period  covered  by  the  Bible  record.  It  shows 
us  the  state  preserving  its  political  integrity  by 
requiring  a  unity  of  worship  from  all  its  mem- 
bers. Hence  the  complaint  made  at  Thessa- 
lonica — "  these  all  act  contrary  to  the  decrees 
of  Caesar,  saying  that  there  is  another  king, 
one  Jesus  "  (Ac. 17. 7),  where  the  situation  is 
exactly  parallel  with  that  at  the  courts  of  Ne- 
buchadnezzar and  Darius  (Dan. 3. 12, 18, 6. 5, 13). 
Each  state  had  its  own  deity — e.g.  Chemosh  of 
Moab,  Moloch  of  Ammon — and  it  was  in  har- 
mony with  this  general  conception  that  Israel 
should  have  its  own  God  (Mi. 4.5),  although  He 


IDOLATRY 


363 


was  deemed  to  be  the  Most  High  God  (Deut.32. 
8),  and  has  for  a  title,  connected  with  the  entry 
into  the  Promised  Land,  "  the  Lord  of  all  the 
earth"  (Jos. 3. 11, 13).  So  intimate  was  the 
connexion  between  the  state  and  its  deity 
judged  to  be,  that  the  conquest  of  a  country 
was  considered  to  involve  the  conquest  of  its 
gods  (Is. 46.1),  whose  subjugation  was  symbol- 
ized by  the  use  of  their  implements  of  worship 
for  the  religious  banquets  of  the  conquerors 
(Dan. 1.2, 5. 3  ;  c/.  Ezr.l.7-11).  The  same  idea 
was  illustrated  by  the  conqueror  changing 
names  compounded  with  that  of  the  deity  of 
the  conquered  race  for  names  compounded 
with  that  of  his  own  deity.  Thus  Daniel  be- 
comes Belteshazzar  (Dan. 4.8),  Hananiah  Shad- 
rach,  Mishael  Meshach,  and  Azariah  Abednego 
(Dan. 1.7).  In  this  connexion  there  is  signi- 
ficance in  the  omission  from  the  name  of  the 
renegade  Ahaz,  in  the  Heb.  text,  of  that 
prefix  Jeho  invariably  found  on  the  monu- 
ments (Sayce,  Fresh  Light,  etc.,  p.  112).  The 
king  of  Assyria  boasts  that  the  gods  of  no 
country  or  city  have  been  able  to  deliver  their 
people  out  of  his  hand,  and  that  therefore  it 
is  imprudent  of  Judah  to  trust  to  its  covenant 
God  (2K. 18. 30,33-35, 19.9-19).  It  is  possible 
that  this  conception  of  national  tutelary 
gods  sprang  from  the  prowess  and  subsequent 
prestige  of  such  representative  heroes  as 
Nimrod  (Gen. 10. 8-10),  who  appears  to  have 
been  worshipped  in  later  days  as  a  deity,  under 
a  variant  from  his  own  name — Merodach  (Je. 
50.2).  Two  events  connected  by  tradition 
with  Nimrod,  in  spite  of  their  chronological  im- 
probability, bear  on  the  Biblical  history  and 
conception  of  idolatry  :  (i)  He  is  thought  to 
have  been  the  builder  of  the  tower  of  Babel, 
and  the  different  names  for  the  same  God,  con- 
sequent upon  the  confusion  of  tongues,  may 
have  led  to  polytheism;  while  (2)  Abraham, 
threatened  with  punishment  by  Nimrod  for  re- 
fusing to  worship  his  gods,  restates  the  primeval 
doctrine  of  the  unity  of  God.  To  Abraham 
we  owe  that  strange  name  of  plural  form  and 
singular  meaning — Elohim — which  suggests 
that  he  saw  that  "  whatever  were  the  names 
of  the  Elohim  worshipped  by  the  numerous 
clans  of  his  race,  all  the  Elohim  were  meant  for 
God.  Thus,  Elohim — comprehending  by  one 
name  everything  that  ever  was  or  ever  could 
be  called  divine — became  the  name  by  which 
the  monotheistic  age  was  rightly  inaugurated  " 
(Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  lect.  i.).  The  idola- 
try of  the  ancestors  of  the  Jewish  race  is  re- 
cognized in  their  own  sacred  writings  (Jos. 24. 
2)  ;  it  is  recognized,  too,  that  it  was  so  en- 
grained in  their  nature,  and  they  were  so  prone 
to  it,  that  for  ten  centuries  it  was  not  purged 
out  of  them,  and  then  only  a  remnant  remained 
pure.  Abraham,  called  out  from  his  tribes- 
men and  their  false  worship,  extracts  from  his 
servant  Eliezer  a  promise  that  he  will  not  take 
Isaac  back  to  that  seductive  atmosphere  (Gen. 
24.6).  Yet  Isaac's  son,  Jacob,  has  to  cleanse 
his  household  from  the  possession  of  strange 
gods  (Gen. 35. 2).  In  spite  of  the  covenant  made 
at  mount  Sinai,  the  Israelites  promptly  set 
up  a  golden  calf  (Ex. 32.2, 4, 35),  and  were 
otherwise,  during  their  wilderness  wanderings, 
openly  idolatrous.  Not  only  had  they,  as  Amos 
(5.26)  taunts  them,  "  Sakkuth  your  king  and 


364  IDOLATRY 

Kewan  your  godstar,  your  images,"  but  they 
made  no  resistance  to  the  allurements  of  Moab 
(Num. 25. 2).  This  was  the  worse,  as  not  only 
had  they  received  the  Ten  Comnaandments, 
but  they  had  been  shown  (through  the  direc- 
tions given  for  furnishing  the  tabernacle)  how 
the  likeness  of  cherubim  could  be  made  on  ark 
and  veil  without  their  becoming  objects  of 
worship  (E.\.25.i8,26.3i).  It  was  clear,  too, 
that  objects  and  usages  familiar  in  the 
Egyptian  religion  were  meant  to  be  adapted 
for  the  pure  Israelitish  worship  without  neces- 
s.arily  involving  any  risk.  During  the  wars  of 
settlement  under  Joshua,  the  temptation  to 
idolatry  was  kept  at  bay,  only  to  recur  with 
overwhelming  force  in  the  succeeding  genera- 
tions, when  the  grandson  of  Moses  himself  con- 
sented to  act  as  the  priest  of  an  idol  set  up  at 
Dan  by  Micah  (Judg.l8.30) ;  and  each  succes- 
sive lapse  was  punished  by  an  oppression  from 
which  deliverance  was  effected  by  the  various 
judges.  Yet  the  sons  of  Eli  brought  Israel 
into  the  deepest  degradation  of  all  by  treating 
the  ark  of  God  as  if  it  were  itself  a  mere  idol, 
and  causing  it  to  be  so  considered  by  the  Philis- 
tines (iSam.4.3,8),  who,  however,  found  the 
difference  to  their  cost  when  they  captured  it ; 
so  that  they  were  only  too  thankful  to  be  rid 
of  its  presence  (iSam.S.ii).  The  Philistines, 
however,  still  maintained  their  supremacy 
over  Israel,  and  (with  a  view  to  the  recovery  of 
their  independence)  the  Israelites,  at  Samuel's 
instigation,  renounced  their  idolatries  (iSam. 
7.3,4);  and  this  renunciation  was  maintained, 
at  least  publicly,  until  the  time  of  Solomon, 
who  allowed  each  of  his  own  wives  to  have  a 
sanctuary  for  her  national  deity  on  the  mount 
of  Olives  (rK.ll.7,8).  This  apostasy  was  pun- 
ished by  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  and  Jero- 
boam, the  ruler  of  the  northern  portion,  in  order 
to  maintain  its  religious  as  well  as  political  in- 
dependence, prohibited  his  subjects  from  going 
to  worship  at  Jerusalem,  providing  them  in- 
stead with  golden  calves  at  Bethel  and  Dan 
(iK. 12. 26-28).  Thenceforward  he  was  known 
as  the  sinner  "  who  made  Israel  to  sin  "  (iK. 
14.16,15.30,16.26),  for  the  ten  tribes  never  re- 
covered their  complete  allegiance  to  Jehovah, 
in  spite  of  the  extirpation  of  Baal  prophets  and 
Baal  worshippers  by  lUijah  and  Jehu  (1K.I8. 
40;  2  K. 10. 18-28) ;  and  their  concpiest  by  the 
Assyrians  only  led  to  a  deeper  pollution  of  the 
land  by  the  introduction  of  fresh  idolatries 
(2K. 17. 22, 23, 32, 33  ;  Ezr.4'.2,3).  In  the  small 
southern  kingdom  there  were  three  reforma- 
tions, carried  out  respectively  by  Asa  (iK.15. 
12),  Hezekiah  (2K.I8.4),  and  Josiah  (2K.23.4- 
14);  yet  its  punishment  was  inevitable  (2K.23. 
26,27  ;  c/.  Je.2.28  ;  Ezk.8.3,io,i4,i6),  and  in  the 
time  of  Nebuchadnezzar  the  whole  of  the  nation, 
with  some  inconsiderable  exceptions,  was  re- 
moved to  Bal)yliin  (jChr. 36. 14-23),  whence  a 
remnant  returned  (at  the  edict  of  Cyrus)  only  to 
fall  again  inti)  idolatry,  from  which  they  were 
cut  away  by  the  drastic  measures  of  Ezra  (Ezr. 
9.1,2,10.14).  The  spread  of  Gk.  influences — 
through  the  conquests  of  Alexander — led  first 
to  the  toleration  and  then  to  the  practice  of  Gk. 
idolatries  by  the  Jews  (iMac. 1. 43-50, 34) ;  but 
the  attempt  of  Antiochus  Ivpijihanes  to  en- 
force this  form  of  worship  h-d  to  the  vigorous 
fesisUace  of  the  liasmoaaeaasi  uud  by  that 


IDOLATRY 

time  the  Jewish  nation  was  utterly  purged  from 
all  taste  for  idolatry.  The  idea  current  in  some 
quarters,  that  Israel  itself  believed  that  Je- 
hovah could  be  worshipped  in  idolatrous  em- 
blems and  with  idolatrous  accompaniments, 
cannot  be  maintained,  because  theO.T.  writers 
all  represent  such  conduct  as  a  decline — e.g. 
(J udg. 8. 27)  Gideon's  ephod  "became  a  snare," 
and  it  is  with  a  note  of  horror  that  the  author 
of  Judges  records  (18. 31),  "  and  they  set  them 
up  Micah's  graven  image,  which  he  made, 
all  the  time  that  the  house  of  God  was  in 
Shiloh."  The  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Sam- 
uel, and  Kings  are  reckoned  by  the  Jews 
themselves  among  "  the  prophets,"  and  it  is 
therefore  only  natural  that  their  point  of  view 
should  be  similar  to  that  which  we  get  in  the 
prophetical  denunciations.  Phases  of  idolatry 
found  among  the  chosen  people  are  the  wor- 
ship on  "  high  places "  and  in  "  groves," 
where  the  altar  had  as  its  adjuncts  the  sacred 
pillar  maccebhd  and  wooden  post  'dshcrd. 
There  is  also  evidence  of  such  worship  of  the 
reproductive  forces  of  nature  as  led  to  the  con- 
secrated harlotry  of  both  sexes  (Deut.23.i8  ; 
H0.4.13  ;  iK.15.i2),  though  "  fornication  "  is 
often  used  in  a  metaphorical  sense  for  idolatry, 
as  being  unfaithfulness  to  the  covenant  God 
of  Israel  (Ezk.l6.i5-43  ;  Ho.2.7,8  ;  Ps.l06. 
39) ;  and  shortly  before  the  Captivity  we  find 
the  chariot  and  horses  of  the  Sun-god  stabled 
in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  (2K.23.ii).  So 
far  as  externals  were  concerned,  there  was  no 
difference  between  the  covenant  worship  and 
idolatry  as  to  Sacrifice,  which  was  re- 
garded as  the  provision  of  food  for  the  deity 
(Lev.3.ii  ;  Is.65.ir  ;  cf.  the  gross  imposition 
described  in  the  story  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon), 
and  took  the  forms  of  animal  sacrifice  (1K.I8. 
23),  drink  offerings  (Je.7.i8;  Is. 57. 6),  and  pre- 
sentation of  tithes  and  first-fruits  (Ho.2.8-io). 
One  ceremonial  rite,  kissing,  is  adapted  from 
the  general  P^astern  custom  of  proffering  hom- 
age and  service  (iSam.lO.i).  It  is  found  in 
the  worship  of  the  calves  (Ho.13.2),  and  of* 
Baal  (iK. 19.18),  and  in  sun-worship — "My 
hand  hath  kissed  mv  mouth"  (K.V.  marg.) — 
i.e.  thrown  a  kiss  (Job  31.27).  A  more  subtle 
form  of  idolatry  than  the  worship  of  images 
took  possession  of  the  Jewish  race,  after  the 
grosser  forms  of  it  had  lost  their  attraction — 
viz.  that  love  of  money  which  is  a  root  of  all 
kinds  of  evil,  the  covetousness  which  is  idolatry 
(iTim.6.10;  Eph.5.3  :  Col.3.5)-  This  covet- 
ousness is  connected  with  "  over-reaching," 
and  that,  again,  with  the  viler  temptations  of 
such  a  seaport  town  as  Thcssalonica  (iTh.4.6) ; 
so  that  idolatrv  is  ranked  as  a  work  of  the  flesh 
(Gal. 5. 20),  and  excludes  from  salvation  (iCor. 
6.0).  Because  of  the  lascivious  associations  of 
idolatrv.  Christians  were  warned  against  shar- 
ing in  idol  feasts  (iCor.8.10);  for  though  in 
itself  an  idol  is  nothing,  a  "  no-god  "  (iCor.lO. 
20),  vet  it  stands  for  all  practices  which  tend 
to  dethrone  God  in  favour  of  His  creatures. 
Hence  "  the  Canon  of  the  New  Testament 
closes  with  a  shudder:  Little  children  keep 
vourselves  from  the  idols"  (ijn.5.2i).  At- 
tention may  be  drawn  t(5  a  remarkable  sermon 
bv  Dean  IChurch.  which  deals  with  "  the 
idols  of  refined _and  civilized  men  "  (Cathedral 
Sermons,  pp.  154-157).  [c.r.d,b.^ 


IDTTEL 

Iduel'  (iEsd.8.43)  =  Ariel,  i. 

Idumaea  (Mk.3.8),  Idume'a,  for  Edom 
in  Is.34.5,6  ;  Ezk.35.15,36.5;  iMac.4.15, 29,61, 
5.3,6.31  ;  2Mac.i2.32.  Idumeans,  2Mac.lO. 
15,16.  R.V.  reads  Idumaea  in  N.T.  and  Apoc, 
but  Edom  elsewhere.  In  2Mac.i2.32  the  read- 
ing should  probably  be  Jamnia  ;  cf.  iMac.5.58, 
59  and  Josephus,  12  Ant.  viii.  6. 

Igrar. — 1.  One  of  the  spies,  son  of  Joseph, 
of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  (Num.13.7). — 2.  A  hero 
of  David's  guard,  son  of  Nathan  of  Zobah  (2 
Sam.23.36).  called  Joel  "brother"  of  Nathan 
(iChr.11.38). 

Igrdaliah',  "  the  man  of  God,"  the  father  of 
Hanan  (Je.35.4  only). 

Ig-eal'  (R.V.  I  gal),  son  of  Shemaiah  ;  in 
the  royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.22). 

Km'  {ruins:  Num. 33. 45),  or  Ije-abapim 
(ruins  of  the  places  beyond;  21. 11,33.44). — 1- 
A  place  "  in  the  desert  facing  Moab  towards 
sun-rise,"  and  "  in  the  border  of  Moab." 
The  probable  site  is  'Aimah,  a  place  2  miles 
N.  of  ToPHEL,  and  4  miles  S.  of  the  border 
stream  Zered,  which  was  the  ne.xt  stage 
in  the  Heb.  march  to  Moab. — 2.  A  town 
belonging  to  Judah  near  Beer-sheba  (Jos. 15. 
29),  of  which  the  site  is  unknown.       [c.r.c] 

Ijon'  (of  springs),  a  town  in  Upper  Galilee 
attacked  by  Benhadad  I.  of  Damascus  (iK.15. 
20;  2Chr.l6.4),  and  by  Tiglath-pileser  in 
734-732  B.C.  (2K.I5.29).  The  name  may 
survive  at  the  Merj  'Ayun  {meadow  of  springs), 
W.  of  Hermon,  as  the  place  is  noticed  with 
Dan   and  Abel.  [c.r.c] 

Ikkesh',  father  of  Ira,  3  (2Sam.23.26  ; 
iChr.ll. 28,27.9). 

Ilai',  an  Ahohite,  a  hero  of  David's  guard  (i 
Chr.11.29). 

lUyp'icum,  an  extensive  district  lying 
along  the  E.  coast  of  the  Adriatic  from  the 
boundary  of  Italy  on  the  N.  to  Epirus  on  the 
S.,  and  contiguous  to  Moesia  and  Macedonia 
on  the  E.  (R0.I5.19). 

Imag'e.     [Idol.] 

Imla',  Imlah',  father  or  progenitor  of 
Micaiah  the  prophet  (iK. 22.8,9;  2  Chr.18.7,8). 

Immanruel.  All  exposition  of  Is.7. 14  must 
ultimately  determine  two  points :  the  Mother, 
the  Child,  (i)  The  Child  is  to  receive  the  name 
Immanuel  =  God- with- us.  "  The  name  is 
evidently  part  of  the  sign,  and  has  to  be  ex- 
plained in  connexion  with  it.  Why  call  a  child 
God-with-us  who  is  not  going  to  act  greatly 
or  to  be  highly  honoured,  who  is  only  going  to 
suffer,  for  whom  to  come  to  years  of  intelligence 
shall  only  be  to  come  to  a  sense  of  his  country's 
disaster  and  his  people's  poverty  ?  "  (Prof.  G. 
A.  Smith,  i.  116).  Accordingly  Prof.  Smith's 
conclusion  is  that  "  it  seems  quite  impossible  to 
dissociate  so  solemn  an  announcement  by 
Jehovah  to  the  house  of  David  of  the  birth  of  a 
chUd,  so  highly  named,  from  that  expectation 
of  the  coming  of  a  glorious  Prince  which  was 
current  in  this  royal  family  since  the  days  of  its 
founder."  Immanuel,  then,  is  to  be  identified 
with  the  Messiah.  In  His  activities  the  people 
will  have  a  wonderful  experience  of  the 
presence  of  God  {cf.  Orelli,  Der  Prophet  Jesaia, 
p.  35,  and  Orr,  Virgin  Birth,  p.  135).  It  is 
thought  that  the  whole  prophecy  refers  to  some 
traditional  idea  of  the  Messiah  which  would 
be  intelligible  to  the  hearers.     {Cf.  Gressmann, 


INCARNATION 


365 


Der  Ursprung  der  Israelitish-jildischen  Eschato- 
logie,  pp.  276,  277  [1905] ;  cf.  Mi. 5.2.)  More- 
over, it  is  evident  that  "  a  recently  bom  human 
child  cannot  help  his  people  ;  only  a  divine 
child  could  do  this."  {Cf.  Gunkel,  Zum 
religiose  geschichtlicher  V erstdndnis  des  Neuen 
Testaments,  p.  24  [1903].)  It  certainly  seems 
that  the  prophet  anticipated  a  realization  of 
this  prediction  within  the  hfetime'of  his  contem- 
poraries. The  primary  prophetic  reference  to 
an  immediate  deliverance  does  not  obscure  or 
exclude  the  thought  of  a  remoter  deliverance, 
in  a  deeper  sense  and  on  a  vaster  scale.  (2)  The 
Mother  is  described  as  the  Virgin.  "  There  are 
signs  that  the  view  that  Isaiah  was  using  cur- 
rent mythological  terms,  and  intended  his 
no'l'yn  to  carry  with  it  the  sense  of  supernatural 
birth,  is  rightly  regaining  ground"  (Allen  on 
St.  Matt.  p.  10).  "  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
is  no  conclusive  evidence  to  show  that  the 
word  was  ever  used  in  the  O.T.  except  with 
reference  to  a  virgin  "  (Matthew's  Sweet  Birth 
and  Infancy,  p.  69,  where  cf.  his  criticisms  on 
Gesenius  ;  Orr,  Virgin  Birth,  p.  133).  "  If 
men  had  realized  the  old  Oriental  circle  of 
ideas  they  would  never  have  doubted  that  in 
the  mind  of  the  writer  of  Is. 7. 14  an  actual 
son  of  a  virgin  was  intended"  (Jeremias, 
Bahylonisches  in  Neuen  T.  p.  47)  ;  and, 
in  any  case,  the  Gk.  translators  rendered  the 
word  by  "  virgin"  in  this  passage,  instead  of 
"young  woman."  To  say,  as  Arno Neumann 
does,  that  they  did  so  wrongly,  merely  ex- 
presses the  critic's  personal  preference,  and 
cannot  alter  the  fact.  Moreover,  as  he  acknow- 
ledges, "  Matthew  (I.23)  accepted  this  render- 
ing, as  others  also  did  "  (Neumann,  Jesus,  p. 
50).  The  rendering  by  the  Gk.  translators  is 
significant  of  the  interpretation  current  in  their 
time.  A  valuable  note  on  17  vapdevos  will  be 
found  in  R.  R.  Ottley's  Book  of  Isaiah  ace.  to 
the  LXX.  vol.  ii.  [w.j.s.s.] 

Immep'. — 1.  The  founder  of  a  family  of 
priests  (iChr.9.i2  ;  Ezr.2.37,10.20  ;  Ne.7.20, 
11.13)  w'hose  was  the  sixteenth  course  of  the 
service  (iChr.24.i4).  [Amariah,  4.] — 2.  Ap- 
parently the  name  of  a  place  in  Babylonia 
(Ezr.2.59  ;  Ne.7.6i). 

Immoptality.     [Future  Life.] 

Imna',  son  of  Helem,  an  Asherite  (iChr.7. 
35  ;   cf.  40). 

Imnah'. — 1.  [J  imna.] — 2.  Father  of  Kore, 
2  (2Chr.3i.14). 

Impah',  a  descendant  of  Asher,  of  the 
family  of  Zophah  (iChr.7.36). 

Impi'. — 1.  A  man  of  J  udah,  of  the  family  of 
Pharez  (iChr.9.4). — 2.  Father  of  Zaccur,  4 
(Ne.3.2). 

Incapnation.  (1)  Apostolic  Doctrine.  The 
final  outcome  of  Christian  reflection  in  the 
Apostolic  age  may  be  instanced  in  four 
groups,  (i)  Pauline  (see  esp.  Ph.2.5ff.),  which 
affirms  the  personal  pre-existence  of  Christ ; 
His  original  existence  in  the  form  of  God  ;  and 
His  deliberate  assumption  of  the  form  of  man, 
with  all  that  such  an  assumption  included. 
Cf.  2Cor.8.9,  where  He  Who  once  had  the  riches 
of  the  heavenly  life  is  asserted  to  have  chosen 
instead,  out  of  love  to  man,  the  poverty  of 
an  earthly  condition.  Cf.  Col. 2.9,  where  the 
permanent  indwelling  in  Christ  of  the  full 
plenitude    of    the    substance   (not    the    mere 


366  INCARNATION 

resemblance)  of  the  Godhead  is  asserted.  (Cf. 
Holtzmann.)  (ii)  Johannine  (Jn.l.14).  In 
the  beginning  was  the  Word — so  called,  says 
St.  Basil,  as  proceeding  from  God's  mind :  His 
mental  Image.  The  Word  was  with  God.  This 
emphasizes  the  distinction  of  personality.  It 
will  not  allow  us  to  confuse  the  Persons.  The 
Word  was  God.  This  declares  His  divine 
equality  with  the  Father.  (Cf.  St.  Basil  Caes., 
Horn,  in  Principio  erat  Verbum;  Gaume,  ii. 
190  ff.).  And  the  Word  became  flesh  ;  that  is, 
says  St.  Cyril,  became  man.  The  evangelist 
does  not  say,  "  came  to  the  flesh,"  which  might 
suggest  a  relation  of  the  Word  to  Jesus  similar 
to  that  with  the  prophets  or  the  saints,  but 
actually  "  was  made  flesh  " — that  is,  human. 
(St.  Cyril  Alex.,  in  S.J.  i.  14,  Migne,  vi. 
157-160.)  [John,  Gospel  ago.  to.]  (iii)  St. 
Peter's  testimony,  as  we  might  anticipate 
from  his  character,  is  simple,  unreflective. 
He  implies  Christ's  pre-existence  in  iPe.l.ii  ; 
seems  to  call  Him  the  living  Word  in  I.23  ; 
describes  His  mediatorial  work  in  3. 18. 
(Cf.  sermons  in  Acts.)  (iv)  In  Hebrews.  It 
is  one  and  the  same  Person  Who  has  been 
constituted  or  declared  heir  of  all  things, 
Who  was  the  Agent  in  Creation,  Who  was 
the  Splendour  of  divine  Glory  and  express 
Image  of  the  divine  Substance,  and  Who 
also  appeared  in  human  history.  The  Person 
Who  pre-existed  in  heaven,  Who  was  sacrificed 
on  earth.  Who  was  exalted  to  high-priestly 
entrance  into  heaven,  is  one  and  the  same. 
These  are  successive  stages  in  one  personal  ex- 
perience. (2)  Its  Relation  to  the  Trinity.  All 
belief  in  the  Incarnation  requires  as  its  logical 
basis  the  distinctively  Christian  conception 
of  God — i.e.  the  affirmation  of  inner  distinctions 
within  the  divine  Personality.  Hence  the 
Incarnation  has  emphasized  the  Fatherhood 
of  God,  and  filled  that  term  with  new  and 
profounder  contents  than  it  ever  possessed 
before,  or  can  otherwise  possess.  For  father- 
hood now  appears  as  an  essential  characteristic 
of  Deity,  and  not  merely  a  temporal  attribute 
relative  to  the  Creation.  Even  if  the  Creation 
had  never  been,  the  Son  is  He  in  Whom  the 
divine  Fatherhood  is  eternally  realized.  (Cf. 
Kph.3.15,  K.V.  marg.,  and  Dean  Robinson's 
Commentary.)  The  distinction  between  a 
Trinity  of  manifestation  and  an  essential 
Trinity  is  not  apostolic  nor  compatible  with 
Christianity.  The  N.T.  conception  is  that 
God  reveals  what  He  is  ;  that  Fatherhood  and 
Sonship  denote  permanent  distinctions  within 
God  Himself.  (See  also  lUingworth,  Trinity, 
147- )  (3)  The  Idea  of  Incarnation.  It 
means  self-investiture  by  a  divine  Person  in 
the  constituent  elements  of  the  nature  of  man. 
The  Son  of  God,  eternally  pre-cxistent,  as- 
sumed human  nature  before  that  human  na- 
ture came  to  possess  any  personality  of  its 
own.  Tluis  He  united,  in  indissoluble  unity, 
with  His  di\ine  Self,  human  l)<)dy,  mind,  heart, 
and  will.  In  .Mary's  Ciiild — so  close  is  the 
similarity  between  Go  1  and  man  created  in 
God's  Image — a  divine  Person  actually  took 
the  place  occupied  in  every  other  hmnan  birth 
by  a  created  person.  In  f)ther  words,  the 
personality  of  Jesus  is  divine  and  not  human. 
Thus,  whereas  at  every  other  human  birth  an 
increase  is  made  to  the  sum-total  of  existing 


INCARNATION 

persons,  this  was  not  the  case  at  the  birth  of 
Jesus  Christ.  By  His  human  birth  the  number 
of  persons  existing  in  the  universe  was  not  in- 
creased—«o«  augelur  nitmerus  personariim.  (St. 
Augustine,  Ep.  140,  ii.  655.)  (4)  The  Purpose 
of  the  Incarnation  is  twofold  :  enlightenment 
and  strength  (illuminatio,  adjutorium  ;  St. 
Aug.,  Ep.  137  to  Volusian),  increase  of  know- 
ledge and  increase  of  power  :  corresponding  to 
man's  deepest  defects,  which  are  ignorance  and 
weakness,  (i)  Viewed  in  the  aspect  of  en- 
lightenment, it  is  the  self-revelation  of  God  in 
the  most  adequate  way,  i.e.  in  person.  (Cf. 
OtUey, Incarnation,  p.  25.)  God's  self-revelation 
is  (a)  through  Nature,  which,  being  imper- 
sonal, cannot  adequately  reveal  the  personal 
(Ro.1.20);  (6)  through  mankind,  which  reveals 
Him  imperfectly  because  of  its  moral  imper- 
fections; (c)  through  Incarnation,  which  alone 
is  adequate,  because  here  alone  moral  per- 
fection is  displayed.  C/.  Heb.l.i.  (ii)  Viewed 
as  strength.  "  Jesus  introduces  into  the 
heart  of  humanity  a  new  regenerative  force" 
(Ottley,  p.  21).  The  Incarnation  is  the  neces- 
sary basis  for  reconciliation.  The  ideally  per- 
fect Man  presents  the  perfect  homage  to  divine 
Righteousness.  But  the  ultimate  purpose  is 
to  invigorate  weak  mankind  by  the  infusion  of 
the  spiritual  principle  of  His  own  glorified  hu- 
manity. (5)  The  Preparation  in  History.  The 
necessity  for  preparation  ought  not  to  be  sur- 
prising. A  priori  objections  against  delay  are 
worthless,  men  being  incompetent  to  judge, 
although  able  to  discern  a  providential  process 
afterwards  in  history.  Cf.  .•\.C.14.I7.  (i)  In 
the  world  at  large.  The  comparative  study  of 
religions  shows  endeavours  to  effect  the  union 
of  God  and  man  in  two  directions  :  either  by 
bringing  down  God  to  man,  or  by  elevating 
imperfect  man  to  divinity.  Neither  achieved 
success.  The  former  degraded  God,  the  latter 
retained  man's  imperfections.  Vet  both  in- 
tended well.  Incarnation  alone  consummated 
this  union.  The  intellectual  preparation  is 
seen  at  its  height  in  the  Greek  thought  and 
expression  which  provided  a  competent  instru- 
ment for  the  magnitude  of  the  idea.  (Cf.  Lux 
Miindi ;  Godet,  Bibl.  Stud.,  O.T..  p.  18  ;  Harris, 
Self-revelation,  p.  68.)  (ii)  In  the  nation.  The 
selection  of  Israel  was  not  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  world,  but  for  its  sake.  (Cf.  Gwatkin, 
Knowledge  of  God,  i.  131  ;  Robinson,  Ephe- 
sians,  p.  23.)  In  no  nation  but  Israel  were  the 
conditions  such  as  would  provide  for  the  Son 
of  God  a  natural  religious  human  development, 
(iii)  In  the  home.  The  selection  of  the  nation 
is  consummated  in  the  selection  of  the  Virgin 
Mother.  (6)  The  Relation  to  .Modern  Thought. 
Incarnation  presents  a  ditficulty  to  those  who 
regard  the  theory  of  development  as  involving 
continuous  progress  and  excluding  the  notion 
of  breaks  or  crises  or  the  introduction  of  new 
elements  from  without.  The  doctrine  must 
remaiiui  ifficult,  if  isolated  from  God's  comiexion 
with  the  unixerse.  The  relation  of  (iod  to  Nature 
is  not  identical  with  His  relation  to  mankind, 
nor  His  relation  to  mankind  with  that  to  Christ, 
(i)  God's  relation  to  nature  is  Immanence. 
Deistic  alooii  ess  must  he  dismissed,  (iod  per- 
vades the  rrcation,  which  exists  in  Him.  This 
truth  c)f  Immanence  must  be  balanced  by  that 
of  His  personal  transcendence,     (ii)  God'srela- 


INCENSfi 

tion  to  mankind  is  moral  and  natural,  a  relation 
of  Will  to  will,  of  benevolence,  of  resemblance, 
of  adoption.  It  begins  with  creation  in  His 
Image,  a  constitutional  resemblance  capable 
of  conversion  into  a  moral  resemblance  increas- 
ingly closer  and  very  intimate.  Nevertheless, 
the  difference  between  Creator  and  creature  is 
absolute,  (iii)  God's  relation  to  the  Incarnate 
Christ  is  prepared  for  by  the  fact  of  man's 
creation  in  the  divine  Image,  the  supreme 
achievement  consisting  in  the  actual  replace- 
ment of  a  created  personality  by  an  uncreated. 
This  is  a  relation  of  equality.  Hence  Incarna- 
tion, although  unique,  is  not  an  unprepared 
event,  but  the  crown  of  a  process.  Moreover, 
self-communication  is  the  essential  character- 
istic of  Deity.  To  nature  He  imparts  exist- 
ence, to  mankind  adoption,  to  Christ  equality. 
The  last,  which  is  really  the  first,  is  the  eternal 
self-communication  of  God  within  His  own 
Personality.  The  modern  tendency  to  substi- 
tute Immanence  for  Incarnation  is  an  unfortu- 
nate confusion  of  two  terms  by  no  means 
equivalent.  [Temptation  (7)  (ii).]  [w.j.s.s.] 
Incense.     The  term  has  two  applications  : 

( 1 )  The  substance  which,  when  burned,  exhales 
an  aromatic  perfume  ;  and  (2)  the  odour  aris- 
ing from  such  compounds  when  burned  as  part 
of  the  ritual  of  worship.  The  use  of  aromatic 
perfumes  has  always  been  more  common  in  the 
East  than  in  the  West.  [Perfumes.]  Perhaps 
the  use  of  incense  in  sacrifices  can  be  thus  ex- 
plained. "  Men  believe  that  what  is  so  grate- 
ful to  themselves  is  pleasing  to  the  deity." 
Man  offers  of  his  best.  There  are  traces  of  a 
survival  in  popular  superstition  of  a  more 
primitive  and  unrefined  conception  of  the  use 
of  fumigation — viz.  to  expel  demons  (c/.  Tob. 
6.1-7,8.1-3). — An  Adjunct  of  Worship  in  O.T. 
Though  incense  occupies  a  prominent  place  in 
the  ritual  legislation  of  the  Pentateuch,  there  is 
no  other  certain  reference  to  its  use  in  Israelite 
worship  till  the  time  of  Jeremiah  (7th  cent. 
B.C.;  Je.6.20,  cf.  41.5).  In  E.V.  incense  is 
used  to  translate  two  Heb.  words,  (i)  I'hhond, 
most  frequently  rendered  frankincense,  a 
species  of  gum  which  appears  in  the  ritual 
legislation  as  a  concomitant  of  the  meal- 
offering  (Lev. 2. if. ,6. 15,  cf.  5. II  ;  Num. 5. 15). 
Pure  frankincense  was  also  placed  (in  two 
golden  vessels)  on  the  table  of  shewbread,  and 
when  the  loaves  were  removed  on  the  following 
sabbath,  this  was  burned  as  a  "  memorial  " 
Cazkdrd)    on    the    great    altar    (Lev. 24. 7-9). 

(2)  q'toreth.  This  word,  however,  strictly 
means  the  sweet  smoke  (of  sacrifice),  e.g.  Is.l.13. 
It  is  used  of  the  sweet  smoke  of  frankincense 
and  other  compounds  which  made  up  the 
q<^t6reth  hassamniim,  "  the  incense  of  aromatics  " 
prescribed  in  Ex.3O.34.  This  compound  in- 
cluded among  its  constituents  frankincense,  and 
was  offered  independently  in  the  form  of  the 
incense  offering  (q<'toreth  tamidh,  Ex.30. 8)  daily, 
morning  and  evening.  It  was  burned  on  the 
golden  altar  in  the  holv  place,  according  to 
Ex.3O.7ff.,  by  the  high-priest  himself.  The 
earlier  usage  presumably  was  to  burn  the  in- 
cense in  censers,  each  priest  possessing  one  (cf. 
Lev.lO.iff.).  But  in  the  ritual  the  golden  altar 
takes  the  place  of  the  censers,  which  are  merely 
used  for  transferring  the  coals  from  the  great 
altar.     The    complicated    formula    for    com- 


INN 


367 


pounding  the  incense  is  given  in  Ex.30. 34-38. 
— Later  Usage  and  Significance.  In  the 
Herodian  temple  the  ceremonial  of  the  incense- 
offering  is  more  elaborately  developed.  The 
incense  itself  is  a  more  elaborate  compound, 
consisting  (according  to  Josephus)  of  thirteen 
ingredients.  The  proper  preparation  and  com- 
pounding of  these  was  a  mysterious  art.  The 
secret  was  carefully  guarded  in  the  last  period  of 
the  temple  by  the  family  of  Abtinas,  who  were 
assigned  a  special  room  in  the  precincts  of  the 
sanctuary  for  this  purpose.  The  duty  of  burn- 
ing the  incense  no  longer  devolved  upon  the 
high-priest,  but  was  assigned  daily  bj'  lot  to  a 
priest  who  had  not  performed  the  function 
before  (cf.  Lu.l.8-io).  The  most  solemn  mo- 
ment was  when  the  officiating  priest  (alone 
within  the  holy  place,  his  assistants  having 
withdrawn)  emptied  the  incense  on  the  altar 
fire.  At  the  rising  of  the  smoke  the  people 
withdrew  from  the  inner  court,  and  prostrated 
themselves,  spreading  out  their  hands  in  silent 
prayer.  This  was  followed  apparently  by  the 
recitation  of  the  Shema  (Deut.6.4f.,  etc.),  and 
the  ten  commandments,  together  with  certain 
benedictions,  the  whole  being  concluded  with 
the  priestly  blessing,  pronounced  by  the  officiat- 
ing priest  and  his  four  assistants  with  uplifted 
hands  from  the  steps  in  front  of  the  temple. 
Incense  is  regarded  in  Scripture  as  a  symbol 
of  prayer  (a  natural  idea  suggested  by  the 
rising  of  the  sweet  smoke  heavenwards).  Cf. 
Ps. 141.2  ;  Rev. 8. 3f., 5. 8.  Maimonides,  Mishna 
Tord  (Temtdim  ii-Musaphim).  Older  mono- 
graphs in  Ugolini,  Thesaurus  xl.        [g.h.b.] 

Incest.     [Crimes;  Marriage.] 

India.  The  name  of  India  does  not  occur 
in  the  Bible  before  the  book  of  Esther,  where 
it  is  noticed  as  the  limit  of  the  territories  of 
Ahasuerus  in  the  E.,  as  Ethiopia  was  in  the  W. 
(1.1,8.9).  The  India  of  the  book  of  Esther  is 
not  the  peninsula  of  Hindostan,  but  the 
country  surrounding  the  Indus,  the  Punjab 
and  perhaps  Scinde.  In  iMac.8.8  India  is 
reckoned  among  the  countries  which  Eumenes, 
king  of  Pergamus,  received  out  of  the  posses- 
sions of  Antiochus  the  Great.  In  the  9th  cent. 
B.C.  the  Assyrians  probably  traded  with  India  ; 
for  the  "  Black  Obelisk  "  of  Shalmaneser  shows 
the  elephant,  rhinoceros,  and  Apes  brought 
as  tribute.  [Tarshish.]  The  early  notice  of 
Cinnamon  and  other  Indian  products  in  O.T. 
may  thus  be  explained.    [Races.]      [c.r.c] 

Inheritance.     [Family.] 

Ink,  Inkhopn.     [Writing.] 

Inn.  The  Heb.  word  (mdlon)  thus  ren- 
dered lit.  signifies  "  a  lodging-place  for  the 
night."  Inns,  in  our  sense  of  the  term,  were, 
and  still  are,  unknown  in  the  East,  where 
hospitality  is  religiously  practised.  Even  the 
khans,  or  caravanserais,  the  nearest  parallel  to 
European  inns,  were  established  but  gradually. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  there  is  any  allusion  to 
them  in  O.T.  The  halting-place  of  a  caravan 
was  selected  originally  on  account  of  its  proxi- 
mity to  water  or  pasture,  by  which  the  travel- 
lers pitched  their  tents  and  passed  the  night. 
Such  was  undoubtedly  the  "  inn  "  at  which 
occurred  the  incident  in  the  life  of  Moses,  nar- 
rated in  Ex. 4.24  (cf.  Gen. 42.27).  On  the  more 
frequented  routes,  remote  from  towns  (Je.9.2), 
caravanserais  were  in  course  of    time  erected, 


368 


INSOLVENCY 


often  at  the  expense  of  the  wealthy.  The  fol- 
lowing description  of  one  on  the  road  from 
Baghdad  to  Babylon  is  typical :  "  It  is  a  large 
and  substantial  square  building,  in  the  distance 
resembling  a  fortress,  being  surrounded  with  a 
lofty  wall,  and  flanked  by  round  towers  to  de- 
fend the  inmates  in  case  of  attack.  Passing 
through  a  strong  gateway,  the  guest  enters  a 
large  court,  the  sides  of  which  are  divided  into 
numerous  arched  compartments,  open  in 
front,  for  the  accommodation  of  separate 
parties  and  for  the  reception  of  goods.  In  the 
centre  is  a  spacious  raised  platform,  used  for 
sleeping  upon  at  night,  or  for  the  devotions  of 
the  faithful  during  the  day.  Between  the 
outer  wall  and  the  compartments  are  wide 
vaulted  arcades,  extending  round  the  entire 
building,  where  the  beasts  of  burden  are  placed. 
Upon  the  roof  of  the  arcades  is  an  e.xcellent 
terrace,  and  over  the  gateway  an  elevated 
tower  containing  two  rooms — one  of  which  is 
open  at  the  sides,  permitting  the  occupants  to 
enjoy  every  breath  of  air  that  passes  across  the 
heated  plain.  The  terrace  is  tolerably  clean  ; 
but  the  court  and  stabling  below  are  ankle- 
deep  in  chopped  straw  and  filth  "  (Loftus, 
Chaldea,  p.  13).  The  -rravdoxi^ov  (Lu.lO.34) 
probably  differed  from  the  KaraXv/j-a  (2.7)  in 
having  a  "  host  "  or  "  innkeeper  "  (10. 35),  who 
supplied  some  few  of  the  necessary  provisions, 
and  attended  to  the  wants  of  travellers. 

Insolvency.     [Loan.] 

Inspiration.  [Scripture,  Holy;  Spirit, 
Holy.] 

Interest.     [Loan.] 

Iphedeiali',  a  Benjamite  chief,  one  of  the 
Bcne-Shashak  (iChr.8.25;  cf.  28). 

Ip  (iChr.7.i2).     [Iri,   i.] 

Ira'. — 1.  "  The  Jairite,"  named  in  the  list 
of  David's  chief  officers  (2Sam.2O.26) ;  possibly 
the  same  as — 2.  A  hero  of  David's  guard  ;  an 
Ithrite  (2Sam.23.38  ;  1Chr.ll.40). — 3.  Ano- 
ther of  David's  guard,  a  Tekoite,  son  of  Ikkesh 
(2Sam.23.26  ;  iChr.ll. 28,27.9). 

Ipad',  son  of  Enoch  ;  grandson  of  Cain, 
and  father  of  Mchujacl  (Gen. 4. 18). 

Ipam',  a  leader  of  the  Edomites  (Gen. 36. 
43;    iChr.1.54). 

Ir-lia-lie'pes  (A.V.  the  City  of  Destruc- 
tion), a  city  in  Egypt  (Is. 19. 18).  There  are 
various  explanations,  (i)  "The  city  of  the 
sun,"  a  translation  of  On.  (2)  "The  city 
Heres,"  the  Egyptian  sacred  name  of  Heliopolis 
(Kha-Ra),  "the  abode  of  the  sun."  (3)  "A 
city  of  destruction,"  i.e.  that  one  of  the  five 
cities  mentioned  should  be  destroyed.  (4)  "A 
city  preserved,"  i.e.  that  one  should  be  pre- 
served.     [BliTH-SHEMESH,  4.] 

IpI'. — 1.  Or  Ir;  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Bela 
(iChr.7.7,12). — 2.   (iEsd.8. 62)  =  Uriah,  3. 

Ipijati',  son  of  Shelemiah,  a  captain  of  the 
ward,  who  arrested  Jeremiah  at  tlie  gate  of 
Benjamin,  on  the  charge  of  being  about  to 
desert  to  tlie  Chaldeans  (Je. 37. 13, 14). 

Ip-nahash'  (iChr.4.i2),  a  town  (men- 
tioned in  the  genealogy  as  if  a  personal  name) 
apparently  of  J  udah.  Perhaps  Deir  Nakhkhds, 
2  miles  N.E.  of  lieit-J ibrin,  the  modern  Dcir 
(convent)  having  taken  the  place  of  the  Hcb. 
'ir  (city).     It  is  a  small  village.  [c.r.c] 

Iron',  one  of  the  cities  of  Napbtali  (Jos.l9. 


ISAAC 

38) ;  now  Ydrun,  a  village  7  miles  S.W.  o^ 
Kedesh.  [c.r.c] 

Ipon  (Heb.  barzel ;  Aram,  also  parzeJ), 
mentioned  with  Brass  as  the  earhest  of  known 
metals  (Gen. 4.22).  As  it  is  rarely  found  in  its 
native  state,  but  generally  as  an  oxide  or  car- 
bonate, the  knowledge  of  the  art  of  forging 
iron,  which  is  attributed  to  Tubal-cain,  indicates 
that  the  difficulties  attending  the  smelting  of 
this  metal  had  been  overcome.  The  natives  of 
India  and  Africa  employ  an  extremely  simple 
and  very  ancient  method,  which  though  rude  is 
effective,  and  suggests  the  possibility  of  similar 
knowledge  in  an  early  stage  of  civilization.  The 
natural  wealth  of  the  scjil  of  Canaan  is  indicated 
by  describing  it  as  "  a  land  whose  stones  are 
iron "  (Deut.8.9),  which,  however,  is  not 
strictly  true  of  Palestine  proper.  The  book  of 
J  ob  contains  passages  which  indicate  that  iron 
was  well  known.  Of  the  manner  of  procuring 
it,  we  learn  that  "  iron  is  taken  from  dust" 
(Job  28.2).  The  "  furnace o{ iron"  (Deut.4.2o; 
1K.8.51)  is  a  figure  which  vividly  expresses 
hard  bondage,  as  represented  by  the  severe 
labour  of  smelting.  Sheet-iron  was  used  for 
cooking  utensils  (Ezk. 4.3  ;  r/.  Lev. 7. 9).  That 
it  was  plentiful  in  the  time  of  David  appears 
from  iChr.22.3.  The  market  of  Tyre  was 
supplied  with  bright  or  polished  iron  by  the 
merchants  of  Dan  and  Javan  (Ezk. 27. 19).  The 
Chalybes  of  the  Pontus  were  celebrated  as 
workers  in  iron  in  very  ancient  times.  The 
produceof  their  labour  issupposed  tobe  alluded 
to  in  Jc.15.i2,  as  being  of  superior  quality. 
Iron  was  known  to  the  Egyptians  at  a  very 
early  date,  the  first  instance  of  its  occurrence 
being  in  a  tomb  of  the  6th  dynasty  (c.  3400 
B.C.),  but  it  had  not  become  common,  either 
here  or  in  (Ireece,  in  Mykcnian  times  {c.  1500 
B.C.),  so  the  allusions  to  it  in  the  Pentateuch 
are  no  anachronisms.  During  the  next  five 
centuries  it  gradually  became  common.  There 
are  some  mines  in  Egypt,  others  in  the  S.  of  the 
Lebanon,  and  the  ores  are  of  frequent  occur- 
rence. That  ancient  iron  articles  are  so  rarely 
found  may  be  partly  accounted  for  by  the  fact 
that  iron  is  easily  destroyed  by  moisture  and 
exposure  to  the  air.  The  Egyptians  obtained 
their  iron  almost  exclusively  from  Assyria 
Proper  in  the  form  of  bricks  or  pigs.  Speci- 
mens of  AssjTian  iron-work  overlaid  with 
bronze  were  discovered  by  Mr.  Layard,  and  are 
now  in  the  British  Museum.  Iron  weapons  of 
various  kinds  were  found  at  Nimrud,  but  fell 
to  pieces  on  exposure  to  the  air.  Iron  knives 
found  at  Tell  Loh  in  Chaldea  may  be  as  old 
as  2800  B.C.  ;  and  iron  is  mentioned  in  the 
Amama  tablets  (15th  cent.  B.C.).  Malleable 
iron  was  in  common  use,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  ancients  were  acquainted  with 
cast-iron.  The  rendering  given  by  the  LXX. 
of  Job  40.18  seems  to  iin])ly  that  some  method 
nearly  like  casting  was  known,  and  is  sup- 
ported by  a  passage  in  Diodorus  (v.  13).  In 
Ecclus. 38.28  we  have  a  picture  of  the  interior 
of  an  ironsmith's  (Is. 44. 12)  workshop. 

Ippeel  .acityof  Benjamin  (J os.l8. 27).  Pro- 
bably the  village  Rd-fdt  near  Gibeon.  [c.r.c]. 

Ir-she  mesh.     [Beth-shemesh,  i.] 

Ipu',  eldest  son  of  Caleb,  son  of  Jephunneh 
(iChr.4.15). 

Isaac  was  the  son  of  the  old  age  of  .\bra- 


ISAIAH 

ham  and  Sarah,  given  in  accordance  with  the 
repeated  promises  of  God  some  years  after 
Abraham  had  become  the  father  of  Ishmael  by 
Hagar,  Sarah's  bond-maid.  It  was  he  whom 
Abraham  believed  himself  called  upon  to  offer 
up  to  Jehovah  on  mount  Moriah,  and  Isaac's 
acquiescence  in  the  sacrifice  is  but  typical  of 
the  meekness  which  he  appears  to  have  dis- 
played all  through  life.  His  wife  Rebekah 
was  brought  to  him  from  the  kinsmen  of  his 
father  by  Eliezer,  Abraham's  steward.  He 
became  the  father  of  twins,  J  acob  and  Esau,  by 
Rebekah,  when  at  last,  in  accordance  with  his 
prayer,  God  granted  her  children.  He  assisted 
his  half-brother  to  bury  Abraham,  and  settled 
in  the  S.,  by  the  well  Lahai-roi.  Driven  by 
famine  to  Gerar,  he  practised  on  Abimelech 
the  king  a  stratagem  similar  to  that  of  Abra- 
ham on  account  of  his  wife.  The  narrative  is 
now  concerned  with  the  wells  which  he  made, 
only  to  be  dispossessed  by  the  Philistines.  He 
appears  to  have  lived  in  peaceful  and  wealthy 
security,  marred  possibly  by  domestic  trouble 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  incident  of  the  stra- 
tegy practised  by  his  wife  and  younger  son. 
He  died  at  the  age  of  i8o,  and  was  buried  by 
his  two  sons.  The  name  of  Isaac  seems  cer- 
tainly connected  with  "  laughter,"  and  several 
possible  explanations  are  recorded  in  the  inci- 
dents connected  with  his  birth.  Little  is  told 
about  him,  not  sufficient  for  us  to  form  a  dis- 
tinct impression  of  his  personality,  and  we  are 
left  with  the  idea  of  a  quiet,  restful,  meditative, 
good-natured,  not  too  energetic  temperament, 
a  picture  enhanced  by  his  strong  desire  for 
savoury  meat  such  as  his  soul  loved.  There 
are  in  the  narrative  signs  of  independent  tra- 
ditions which  may  account  for  such  facts  as 
that  he  gave  his  dying  blessing  to  his  sons  some 
forty  years  before  he  actually  expired.  The 
only  incident  upon  which  the  memory  fixes  is 
the  one  theologically  important,  viz.  the  in- 
tended sacrifice  on  momit  Moriah.  Whether 
viewed  as  literal  history  or  as  edifying  story, 
this  incident  is  of  immense  importance.  On 
the  one  side  it  is  typical  of  the  sacrifice  on 
Calvary,  on  the  other  it  is  evidence  of  a  time 
when  human  sacrifice  was  giving  way  to  the 
slaughter  of  animals.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  human  sacrifice  was  by  no  means  an 
objectionable  idea  to  the  early  Hebrew  (c/.  the 
story  of  Jephthah).  The  story  of  the  sacrifice 
of  Isaac  points  to  the  time  when  the  religious 
consciousness  was  beginning  to  see  that 
Jehovah  could  be  satisfied  with  something  less 
than  the  human  firstborn  as  a  proof  of  devo- 
tion, that  a  beast  could  be  used  to  redeem  the 
son.  The  story  must  have  stopd  as  a  perpetual 
warning  to  the  Israelites  against  any  tendency 
to  lapse  into  this  awful  practice.  Viewed  from 
the  more  conservative  position,  the  trial  of 
Abraham's  faith  became  a  crucial  factor  of 
much  of  later  Judaistic  and  even  Christian 
theology,  and  the  faith  of  father  Abraham  is 
one  of  the  cardinal  points  in  the  Pauline 
system.  [b.f.s.] 

Isaiah.  In  all  "the  goodly  fellowship  of 
the  prophets  "  no  one  holds  a  more  conspicuous 
place,  for  nobleness  of  character,  clearness  and 
steadiness  of  prophetic  vision,  or  historical 
significance,  than  Isaiah.  He  lived  through  a 
most  critical  period  of  Israelite  history,  having 


ISAIAH 


369 


seen  the  two  kingdoms  at  the  height  of  their 
prosperity,  the  ruin  of  the  one,  and  the  mira- 
culous deliverance  from  ruin  of  the  other ;  and 
in  the  eventful  times  of  his  own  kingdom  he 
took,  in  his  own  person,  a  great  part.     Of  his 
father  Amoz  we  know  nothing  ;    the  name  is 
different  in  the  original  from  that  of  the  pro- 
phet Amos,  and  there  is  nothing  to  support  the 
Jewish  tradition  that  he  was  a  near  relative 
of  king  Amaziah.     Yet,  from  the  prominent 
position  which  he  occupied,  the  intimate  terms 
on  which  he  seems  to  have  stood  with  the  royal 
family,  and  the  emphasis  he  lays  on  the  influ- 
ence of  the  aristocratic  party,  it  is  not  un- 
natural to  conclude  that  he  was  of  noble  par- 
entage or  high  social  position.     As  "  Judah 
and  J  erusalem  "  are  uppermost  in  his  thoughts, 
it  is  beUeved  that  he  was  a  native  of,  and  resident 
in,  the  capital;  and,  from  the  fact  that  his  wife 
is  called  by  him  "  the  prophetess  " — the  only 
wifeofaprophet  so  designated  in  O.T. — we  may 
conclude  that  he  gave  himself  entirely  to  the 
prophetic  work.     He  had  at  least  two  sons,  to 
whom  he  gave  sjmibolic  names  ;  and  it  would 
appear  that  he  regarded  his  own  name  also 
(  =  salvation  of  Jehovah)  as  symbolical  (Is. 8.18). 
These  are  all  the  particulars  we  know  of  his 
personal  history.     He  disappears  entirely  from 
the  sacred  record  after  the  deliverance  of  J  eru- 
salem from  Sennacherib's  invasion  in  Heze- 
kiah's  reign  in  701  b.c.     By  that  time  he  had 
exercised  the  prophetic  office  for  forty  years  ; 
and  there  is  a  very  persistent  tradition  that  he 
suffered  martyrdom  by  being  sawn  asunder  in 
the  reign  of    Hezekiah's  son   and  successor 
Manasseh.      But  his  life  was  led  in  public 
during  a  period  regarding  which  we  are  fairly 
well  acquainted.    He  lived  in  the  reigns  of  four 
kings  of  Judah — Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and 
Hezekiah  ;  and  the  book  which  bears  his  name 
contains  prophecies  falling  presumably  within 
the  four  reigns,  bearing  on  the  religious,  po- 
litical, and  social  condition  of  his  own  country, 
as  well  as  others  relating  to  peoples  and  cotm- 
tries  with  which  Judah  came  into  contact. 
The  prophetic  word,  during  such  a  long  minis- 
try, must  have  been  spoken  at  sundry  times 
and  in  divers  manners  ;   and,  though  there  are 
references  to  certain  things  that  the  prophet 
himself   wrote    (see    8. 16, 30. 8),    we   have   no 
grounds  for  concluding  that  the  book,  in  its 
present  form,  came  from  his  hand.    In  all  pro- 
bability the  single  prophecies,  or  small  collec- 
tions of  his  prophecies,  would  be  written  from 
time  to  time  after  the  addresses  were  delivered, 
and  from  these  smaller  collections  the  book,  in 
its  final  form,  was  no  doubt  compiled  by  those 
who  collected  the  prophetical  writings.     The 
book  follows,  in  the  main,  the  course  of  the 
history.     Yet  we  cannot  take  the  order  of  the 
chapters  as  the  precise  order  of  the  events  to 
which  they  relate  :   the  prophet's  call,  e.g.,  is 
not  recorded  till  ch.  6.     And,   since  we  are 
fairly  well  informed  as  to  the  sequence  of  the 
events  of  the  period,  it  will  be  convenient,  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  an  intelligent  view  of 
the  book,  to  take  the  history  as  our  guide,  and 
to  mark  the  chief  prophetic  addresses  which 
either  plainly  declare  their  reference,  or  by 
fair  inference  can  be  referred  to  definite  events 
and  episodes.     The  year  of  the  prophet's  call, 
"  the  year  that  king  Uzziah  died,"  marked  an 

24 


370 


ISAIAH 


era  in  Israelite  history.  Uzziah  of  Judah  and 
Jeroboam  II.  of  Israel  were  almost  contempor- 
aneous, and  under  them  the  kingdoms  had  en- 
joyed about  half  a  century  of  prosperity.  The 
borders  of  the  northern  kingdom  were  greatly 
extended  (2K.I4.25);  and,  in  the  southern 
kingdom,  the  army  had  been  strengthened  and 
organized  {2Chr.26.ii-i5),  trade  and  com- 
merce extended  (26.2),  and  under  improved 
husbandry  the  land  brought  forth  plentifully 
(vcr.  10).  But  prosperity  had  bred  luxury,  and 
with  luxury  set  in  decay.  It  may  be  that 
Isaiah,  living  in  the  midst  of  this,  and  brooding 
over  the  danger,  was  thus  prepared  for  the 
vision  by  which  he  was  consecrated  to  his  life's 
work  (Is. 6).  The  temple  and  its  service  are  to 
his  inner  gaze  etherealized,  and  a  house  of 
another  building  rises  before  him.  The  mercy- 
seat  becomes  God's  throne,  the  cherubim  are 
transformed  into  majestic  seraphim,  veiling 
their  faces  with  their  wings,  and  adoring  Him 
Whose  train  fills  the  temple.  Two  things  were 
revealed  to  Isaiah,  the  boundless  holiness  and 
glory  of  God  and  the  imperfection  and  sinful- 
ness of  himself  and  his  people  ;  and  the  call  ad- 
dressed to  him  and  willingly  accepted  was  to 
speak  in  the  name  of  such  a  God  to  such  a 
people.  It  was  a  hard  task,  for  his  word  would 
not  be  listened  to ;  yet  his  work,  being  God's 
work,  would  not  be  in  vain  ;  though  the  many 
should  harden  their  hearts  and  perish,  yet  a 
remnant  should  return.  These  became  cardinal 
points  in  Isaiah's  teaching,  which  he  was  soon 
called  upon  publicly  to  enforce.  Jotham,  who 
had  acted  as  regent  during  the  closing  years  of 
Uzziah's  reign,  had  not  been  long  seated  on  the 
throne  when  an  ominous  sign  appeared  on  the 
horizon.  The  great  Assyrian  empire,  which  a 
century  before  had  made  its  power  felt  as  far 
W.  as  Palestine,  began  a  new  course  of  conquest 
with  the  accession  of  Pul,  or  Tiglath-pileser 
III.  (745  B.C.)  ;  and  the  small  states  in  the  W., 
too  weak  singly  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  in- 
vasion, saw  it  to  be  their  policy  to  combine  for 
resistance.  Already  in  the  reign  of  Jotham  we 
have  intimation  (2 K. 15. 37)  of  a  league  of  this 
kind  between  the  kings  of  Syria  and  Israel,  into 
which,  apparently,  they  endeavoured  to  draw 
the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and,  faihng  in  this,  they 
conspired  to  dethrone  the  king  of  Judah  and 
to  set  in  his  place  one  who  would  be  in  sym- 
pathy with  their  pnUcy  (Is. 7. 1,2).  The  pro- 
phet, reading  God's  purpose  aright,  saw  in  the 
Assyrian  advance  the  preparation  of  the  rod 
for  the  chastisement  of  his  people's  sin.  At 
tliis  time,  accordingly,  we  may  place  those  dis- 
courses (in  Is. 2- 4)  in  which  Isaiah  appears  in 
the  usual  prophetic  attitude  of  reprover  of  sin 
and  denouncer  of  judgment.  Very  soon  there- 
after he  has  also  to  act  the  part  of  national 
political  adviser.  For  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  the 
league  of  Syria  and  Israel  took  shape  in  the 
Syro-Ephraimite  war,  in  which  Judah  was  in- 
vaded, and  its  territory  curtailed  (2K.I6.6  ; 
2Chr.28.5).  The  small  northern  states  that 
lay  on  the  westward  marcli  of  the  Assyrians 
had  been  swept  away  or  made  tributary;  and 
to  a  merely  worldly  policy  the  teni])tation  was 
strong,  if  not  to  combine  with  Israel  and  Da- 
mascus for  resistance,  then  to  make  terms 
with  the  advancing  Assyrian  so  as  to  beat  off 
the  attack  of  the  confederates.     Ahaz  was  not 


ISAIAS 

the  man  to  look  to  a  Higher  Power,  and  his 

heart  "  was  moved  and  the  heart  of  his  people, 
as  the  trees  of  the  forest  are  moved  with  the 
wind  "  (Is. 7. 2).  At  this  juncture  Isaiah  comes 
forward  with  a  better  policy.  He  has  with 
him  his  son  Shear-jashub  (a  remnant  shall 
return)  ;  and  the  burden  of  his  message  is 
that,  though  there  will  be  affliction  for  a  time, 
God  will  be  the  defence  of  His  own.  "  Take 
heed  and  be  quiet.  ...  If  ye  will  not  believe, 
surely  ye  shall  not  be  established  "  (Is. 7. 4, 9). 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  delivered 
the  first  of  those  mysterious  and  lofty  pro- 
phecies of  Immanuel  {dod  with  ns,  7.14);  and 
apparently  not  long  after  that  he  gave  to 
another  son  the  name  Maher-shalal-hash-baz 
{Haste-booty,  sf^eed-prey).  in  which,  through 
the  gloom  of  deep  national  distress,  shines  the 
promise  of  final  deliverance  and  lasting  peace 
(9.6,7).  To  this  period  may  also  belong  17. i- 
II,  announcing  the  downfall  of  Damascus  and 
Ephraim,  and  ch.  1  describing  the  devastation 
produced  by  the  invaders,  unless,  perhaps,  this 
refers  to  the  later  invasion  of  the  Assyrians. 
The  prophet's  advice  and  warning  were  in  vain. 
Ahaz  made  terms  with  the  Assyrians(2K.16.7), 
and,  though  the  immediate  effect  was  the 
weakening  of  the  two  confederate  kingdoms 
(15.29,16.9),  his  own  kingdom  became  tribu- 
tary to  Assyria,  and  in  this  condition  it  passed 
into  the  hands  of  his  son  and  successor  Heze- 
kiah.  There  is  a  prophecy  dated  "  in  the  year 
that  king  Ahaz  died  "  (Is. 14. 28),  which  gives 
an  indication  of  the  situation  of  the  time  and 
the  prophet's  outlook  on  the  future.  Tiglath- 
pileser  was  succeeded  by  Shalmaneser  IV.,  and 
the  Philistine  princelets  would  seem,  as  was 
customary,  to  have  seized  the  occasion  of  the 
change  of  ruler  to  meditate  revolt,  and  to  have 
sent  niessengers  to  Jerusalem  to  seek  sym- 
pathy in  their  design.  But  the  prophet,  in- 
stead of  relief,  sees  only  heavier  oppression  and 
trouble  "  from  the  north,"  not  only  for  Philistia 
but  for  the  whole  of  Palestine  ;  and  ere  long 
the  heavy  blow,  predicted  in  28.1,  fell,  in  the 
invasion  of  Palestine,  the  siege  and  capture  of 
Saniaria,  the  ruin  of  the  northern  kingdom, 
and  the  affliction  of  the  country  of  the  Philis- 
tines. Political  statecraft  now  assumed  a  new 
phase.  The  smaller  states,  too  weak  even  in 
combination  to  cope  with  Assyria,  turned  their 
eyes  towards  the  other  great  world-power 
Egypt,  hoping  by  concerted  action  and  an 
Egyptian  alliance  to  resist  the  AssyTians. 
Isaiah,  who  had  before  opposed  the  Assyrian 
alliance,  but  had  acquiesced  in  it  when  it  was 
an  accomplished  fact,  was  now  as  strenuous  in 
his  opposition  to  the  Egyptian  alliance,  de- 
nounced such  refuges  of  lies  (28.17),  and  coun- 
selled his  people  to  trust  in  their  own  God  : 
"  In  returning  and  rest  shall  ye  be  saved  ;  in 
quietness  and  in  confidence  shall  be  your 
strength"  (28. 12,16,30.15).  -Again,  however, 
he  was  overborne  :  Hezekiah  refused  to  pay  his 
tribute  to  Assyria,  an  1  cast  in  his  lot  with  the 
disaffected  states,  thus  bringing  upon  himself 
the  invasion  of  Sennacherib.  [Hezkkiah.] 
To  this  period  may  belong  14. 24-27,  expressing 
the  certainty  of  the  overthrow  of  the  .Assyrian  ; 
10.5-34,  describing  the  march  of  the  invader  ; 
18,  referring  to  the  negotiations  with  the  Egyp- 
tians for   concerted   resistance ;    22.i5fi.,  the 


ISAIAH 

prophecy  against  Shebna,  the  leader  of  the 
Egyptianizing  policy  ;  28,  the  prophet's  insist- 
ence, in  the  face  of  opposition,  on  a  policy  of 
"rest";  and  30-33,  directed  against  the 
Egyptian  alliance  and  its  advocates.  22.1-14 
seems  to  describe  the  commotion  in  Jerusalem 
as  the  invading  host  surrounded  the  city  ;  and 
37.22-35  is  the  proud  defiance,  by  the  prophet, 
of  the  Assyrian  who  had  impiously  defied  the 
God  of  Israel.  It  will  be  observed  that, 
whereas  ch.  1-12  are  concerned  with  "  Judah 
and  Jerusalem,"  the  following  chapters  from 
13-23  relate  more  particularly  to  the  various 
nations  whose  fortunes  were  of  chief  concern 
to  Israel.  These  prophecies  are  no  doubt  the 
written  deposit  of  discourses  pronounced  from 
time  to  time,  as  these  nations  came  more 
directly  in  contact  with  Judah,  to  whose  for- 
tunes there  is  throughout  a  more  or  less  pro- 
nounced reference.  Some  of  these  prophecies, 
either  explicitly  or  by  obvious  reference,  date 
themselves  ;  others  are  more  vague  in  this 
respect,  and  in  some  of  the  chapters  the  pro- 
phet rises  to  a  world-wide  outlook.  36-39  are 
historical,  and  correspond  closely  with  2K.I8. 
13-2O).  They  relate  to  the  invasion  of  Sen- 
nacherib, and  gather  up  details  of  the  life  of 
Hezekiah,  who,  as  well  as  the  prophet,  dis- 
appears from  the  record  after  that  event,  and 
they  were  evidently  placed  there  to  round  off 
the  series  of  preceding  prophecies.  The  re- 
maining chapters  of  the  book,  40-66,  are  now 
almost  universally  believed  to  be  not  the  work 
of  Isaiah.  The  reasons  for  this  conclusion  are 
various  and  weighty.  The  prophecies  are  not, 
as  in  the  earlier  portion,  ascribed  to  him  ;  the 
situation  is  not  Jerusalem,  but  the  land  of 
exile,  from  which  deliverance  is  promised  in 
the  near  future  ;  the  victorious  progress  of 
Cyrus  is  described  as  going  on  (41.1-7),  and  he 
is  indicated  as  the  instrument  by  whom  Baby- 
lon will  be  overthrown  and  God's  people  de- 
livered (45.1-7).  Though  prophets  foresee  and 
foretell  events  of  the  future,  there  is  no  in- 
stance of  a  prophet  transferring  himself  en- 
tirely and  continuously  to  a  distant  future 
time,  and  taking  no  note  of  the  present.  To 
take  these  chapters  as  the  work  of  Isaiah,  we 
should  have  to  regard  them  as  written  and  laid 
away  against  a  time  distant  and  unknown. 
Read  as  an  outbiurst  of  prophecy  in  the  Exile, 
they  are  intelligible  as  a  message  of  comfort  to 
the  exiles,  to  give  them  courage  for  the  coming 
in  of  the  new  age.  At  the  same  time  we  are  to 
bear  in  mind  that,  to  Isaiah,  Assyria  was  simply 
the  rod  of  God's  anger  (10. 5),  which  would  be 
broken  and  cast  away  when  God's  time  came, 
and  that  he  had  good  cause  to  forebode  evil  to 
his  own  unfaithful  people  when  the  conquering 
power  of  Babylon  should  take  the  place  of  the 
old  oppressor  (see  39.6-8).  Words  spoken  by 
him  with  this  in  view  would  be  treasured  in 
the  minds  of  his  "  disciples  "  (8.16),  and  would 
come  home  with  force  to  their  successors  when 
the  disaster  of  the  Exile  took  place.  To  such 
words  we  may  see  reference  in  the  repeated 
mention  in  these  chapters  (41. 22, 42.9,43. 18, 48. 
3)  of  "  former  things  "  that  had  come  to  pass 
when  the  prophet  of  consolation  was  inspired 
to  declare  "  new  things  "  which  were  about  to 
appear  in  the  great  Deliverance.  Again,  just 
as  Isaiah    saw  the  majestic  and  mysterious 


il§CAH  Stl 

figure  of  Immanuel  looming  through  the 
dimness  of  the  Assyrian  trouble,  so  the  pro- 
phet of  the  Exile  discerned,  beyond  the 
downfall  of  Babylon,  the  august  figure  of  the 
"  Servant  of  Jehovah,"  who  by  suffering  and 
death  was  to  bring  in  everlasting  righteous- 
ness and  peace.  There  has  been  endless 
speculation  as  to  the  precise  meaning  and 
primary  reference  of  this  expression.  It  is 
evident  that  in  some  places  {e.g.  41.8,42.i9lf.) 
the  whole  of  Israel  is  called  the  "  servant," 
though  a  distinction  between  the  mass  and 
the  better  part  of  the  nation  may  be  dis- 
cernible. But  this  explanation  will  not 
suffice  for  other  passages,  notably  42.1-4, 
49.1-6,50.4-9,52.13-53.12.  Those  who  hold 
a  collective  sense  suppose  that  the  servant 
here  is  not  even  Israel  at  its  best,  but  Israel  in 
ideal,  as  it  should  be.  Those  who  look  for 
an  individual  reference  explain  the  servant 
as  some  pious  sufferer  of  former  times,  as, 
e.g.,  Job  or  Jeremiah,  or  some  obscure  and 
patient  sufferer  in  the  Exile.  All  are  agreed 
that  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  servant  finds  a  fulfilment  in  a 
manner  that  cannot  be  asserted  of  any  other 
individual  or  of  any  class  ;  and  there  is  nothing 
in  the  analogy  of  prophecy  or  in  the  words,  as 
fairly  interpreted,  to  forbid  the  conclusion  that 
the  prophet  had  a  glimpse  into  the  mystery  hid 
from  ages  and  manifested  in  Him.  The  suffer- 
ings of  the  Exile,  the  widening  view  of  the  mis- 
sion of  Israel  to  the  world,  and  the  proved 
failure  of  Israel  to  realize  that  mission,  would  be 
the  divine  education,  by  which  the  prophetic 
mind  was  forced  to  the  conviction  that  God's 
purpose  could  only  be  achieved  by  one  endued 
with  more  than  human  attributes,  and  by  the 
suffering  of  an  innocent  one  for  the  guilty.  The 
view  that  these  prophecies  are  of  Exilian  date 
implies,  what  on  independent  grounds  is  most 
probable,  that  the  book  of  Isaiah,  as  we  now 
have  it,  was  compiled  after  the  Exile.  And,  if 
this  were  so,it  is  quite  conceivable  how  a  post- 
Exilian  prophecy  might  be  inserted  even  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  book :  e.g.  the  prophecy  on 
Babylon  (13,14),  placed  at  the  head  of  the  pro- 
phecies on  the  nations,  is  expressed  in  language 
that  would  not  apply  to  the  Babylon  of  Isaiah's 
time,  but  describes  it  as  the  mistress  of  the 
nations,  the  oppressor  of  Israel,  doomed  to  im- 
mediate and  utter  destruction.  So,  again,  there 
are  chapters  in  the  second  part  of  the  book 
(56-59,63-66)  which  seem  to  imply  a  Palestin- 
ian background,  and  the  existence  of  the 
temple,  and  may  belong  to  the  period  after  the 
retiurn,  although  some  would  refer  them  to  pre- 
Exilian  times.  Such  a  view  of  the  mode  of  com- 
position of  the  book,  however,  does  not  affect 
the  value  of  the  prophecies,  nor  detract  from 
the  claim  of  Isaiah  to  be  called  the  Evangelical 
Prophet.  Driver,  "Isaiah  :  his  Life  and  Times" 
(in  Men  of  the  Bible  series) ;  Skinner,  "  Isaiah  " 
(in  Cambridge  Bible) ;  A.  B.  Davidson, 
"Isaiah"  (in  Temple  Bible);  Whitehouse, 
"Isaiah"  (in  Century  Bible).  For  a  recent 
defence  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  the  second 
part,  see  Thirtle,  Old  Testament  Problems 
(1907).  [J.R.] 

Iscah',  daughter  of  Haran,  the  brother  of 
Abram,  and  sister  of  Milcah  and  of  Lot  (Gen. 
11.29).     I^Di  Jewish  tradition  she  is  identified 


372 


ISdARIOt 


with  Sarai,  but  Dillmann  points  out  that  this  is 
contradicted  by  20.12,  and  also  that  Sarah  was 
only  10  years  younger  than  Abraham  (17. 17), 
and  could  not  therefore  have  been  the  child  of 
his  younger  brother.  Prof.  Sayce  {Higher  Crit. 
and  the  Monuments,  p.  160)  suggests  that  Iscah 
is  a  misreading  of  Milcah,  as  the  same  cuneiform 
character  may  be  read  indifferently  mil  and 
is.  "If  so,  we  have  in  her  name  direct  evidence 
of  the  use  of  cuneiform  books  on  the  part  of  a 
Biblical  writer." 

Iscapiot.     [Judas  Iscariot;    Sychar.] 

Is'dael  (iEsd.5.33)  =  GiDDEL,  2. 

Ishbah',  a  man  of  Judah,  described  as  the 
"  father  of  Eshtemoa  "  (iChr.4.17). 

Ishbak',  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah 
(Gen. 25. 2  ;  iChr.l.32).  The  name  suggests 
the  valley  called  Sabak,  in  the  Dahna,  a  fertile 
and  extensive  tract  in  the  Nejd,  or  highland 
of  Arabia. 

Ish'bi-beno'b,  one  of  the  race  of  Philis- 
tine giants  ;  he  attacked  David  in  battle,  but 
was  slain  by  .Abishai  (2Sam.21.i6,i7).     [Nob.] 

Ishbo'sheth,  the  youngest  of  Saul's 
sons.  His  real  name  was  Esh-baal,  altered  in 
accordance  with  the  custom  explained  under 
Baal.  He  alone  survived  his  father,  who  was 
slain  at  the  battle  of  (iilboa,  and  rightly  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  ;  but  it  was  only  over  jiart 
of  the  nation,  as  David  had  already  established 
himself  as  king  in  Hebron  and  \va=  gradually 
winning  over  the  other  tribes.  Ishbosheth 
reigned  in  Mahanaim  for  two  years,  his  chief 
adviser  being  Abnor  ;  but  he  managed  to  offend 
the  latter,  who  fortluvith  made  overtures  to 
David.  These  resulted  in  .Abner's  own  mur- 
der, and  Ishbosheth,  being  left  with  no  capable 
minister,  fell  a  victim  to  two  assassins,  Baanah 
and  Kechab.  Their  motive  for  the  murder  is 
not  stated,  nor  is  the  text  quite  sound  in  the 
description  of  the  slaughter.  [It  is  better 
to  follow  the  I.X.X..  which  states  that  they 
entered  the  house  while  the  porteress  was 
sleeping  over  her  task  of  cleansing  the  wheat.] 
They  cut  off  his  head  and  brought  it  to  David, 
hoping  for  a  reward,  and  possibly  their  act  was 
simply  done  with  a  view  to  ingratiating  them- 
selves with  the  more  powerful  monarch.  They 
were  evidently  imprepared  for  the  retribution 
meted  out  to  them  by  David,  who  ordered 
their  immediate  execution  and  had  the  head 
of  Ishbosheth  honourably  buried  in  the  grave 
of  Abncr  in   Hebron  (2Sam.4.i2).      [b.f.s.] 

Ishr. — 1.  Son  of  Appaim  (iChr.2.31),  of 
the  house  of  Hezron  ;  a  descendant  of  Judah, 
and  father  of  Sheshan. — 2.  Another  descen- 
dant of  Judah,  with  a  son  Zoheth  (iChr.4.2o). 
—3.  Ancestor  of  a  warrior-family  of  Simeon- 
ites  (4.42). — 4.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh  E.  of  Jordan  (6.24). 

Ishl'  {my  husband),  found  only  in  Ho. 2. 16  : 
"Thou  shalt  call  Me  Ishi ;  and  shalt  call  Me 
no  more  Baali."  The  two  words  mean  the 
sanu3  thing  [Baal]  ;  but  the  latter  term  liad 
become  so  much  associated  with  the  degrading 
worship  of  the  ba'alim  that  the  prophet,  by  the 
use  of  the  other  term,  suggested  a  higher  and 
purer  c<)n(ej>tion  of  the  relation  of  Israel  to 
their  national  God.  fj-R-] 

Ishiah'  (R.V.  Isshiah),  the  fifth  and 
youngest  son  of  Izraliiah  ;  one  of  the  heads  of 
issachar  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.7.3). 


tSHMAEL 

Ishljah',  a  lay  Israelite,  of  the  Bene-Harim 

who  put  away  his' foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.31). 

Ishma',  the  name  of  a  person  or  place  in  the 
genealogy  of  Judah  (iChr.4.3). 

Ishmael  (=  God  heareth). — 1.  (Gen. 16. 11.) 
.Abraham's  son,  born  of  Hagar,  whom  Sarah 
gave  to  Abraham  to  wife,  in  view  of  her  own 
barrenness.  He  became  the  cause  of  bad  feel- 
ing between  the  wife  and  her  bond-maid  and, 
by  mocking  at  Isaac  on  the  occasion  of  the 
weaning  of  the  latter,  procured  his  mother's  ex- 
pulsion from  the  house.  With  her  fifteen-year- 
old  son,  whom  she  is  represented  as  carrying, 
she  wandered  in  the  wilderness  of  Beer-sheba 
and  would  have  died  from  thirst,  had  it  not 
been  for  a  miraculous  interposition.  They  sub- 
sequently dwelt  in  the  wilderness  of  Padan 
where  he  took  a  wife  from  Egypt.  Hav'ing 
assisted  at  the  funeral  of  his  father,  he  himself 
died  at  the  age  of  137  (25.9.17).  God  had 
promised  that  he  should  become  a  great  nation 
and  Ishmael's  descendants  settled  in  the  wilder- 
ness and  became  wandering  .\rab  tribes.  Ish- 
maelites  are  several  times  mentioned  in  O.T., 
and  some  of  the  names  bestowed  on  his  twelve 
sons  are  to  be  found  as  tribe  designations  both 
in  Scripture  and  in  Ass\Tian  inscriptions. 
Kedar  is  the  most  obvious  example  and,  be- 
sides constant  reference  in  the  Bible,  is  found 
in  the  form  of  Qidru  or  Qadru  in  Assyrian, 
once  with  the  meaning  of  -Arabia  generally. 
Nebaioth  is  also  found  as  Assyrian  Nabaitu. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  these  tribes  had  a  lan- 
guage approaching  more  nearly  to  Heb.  or  to 
Arabic  ;  but  the  story  of  their  descent  from  Ish- 
mael shows  that  the  Israelites  believed  them- 
selves closely  related  to  the  nomadic  tribes. 
Mohammed  accepted  Ishmael  as  a  true  pro- 
phet and  reckoned  his  descent  from  him.  Islani 
lore  regards  him  as  the  firstborn  and  the  real 
object  of  Abraham's  intended  sacrifice.  Rab- 
binic writers,  on  the  other  hand,  have  preserved 
Conversations  between  Ishmael  and  Isaac  in 
which  the  former  claims  birthright  on  the 
strength  of  his  vohmtary  circumcision  at  the 
age  of  13,  to  which  Isaac  retorts  his  own  willing- 
ness for  comiiletc  sacrifice. — 2-  Son  of  .\zel, 
anddescendant  of  Saul,  through  Merib-baal ;  = 
Mephibosheth  (iChr.8.38,9.44). — 3.  -A  man  of 
Judah,  father  of  Zkbadiah,  9  (2Chr.l9.ii). — 
4.  Also  a  man  of  Judah,  son  of  Jehohanan,  one 
of  the  captains  of  hundretls  who  assisted  Jchoi- 
ada  in  placing  Joash  on  the  throne  (23. i). — 5. 
A  priest  of  the  sons  of  I'ashiir  who  jnit  away 
his  foreign  wife  (l->.r.l0.2  2). — 6.  Son  of  Ne- 
thaniah,  who  slew  Gedaliah,  the  governor 
appointed  by  Babylonia  (2  K. 25. 23, 23  ;  Je.4O.7- 
41.15).  He  was  of  the  seed  royal,  and  his 
action  seems  to  have  been  one  of  revenge  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  house  of  David.  He 
made  no  secret  of  his  intention,  but  Gedaliah 
refused  to  believe  the  rumour  and  invited  him 
to  a  uumI  at  Mizpah.  The  governor  and  all  his 
attendants  were  slain  by  Islunael  and  his  ten 
companions  so  secretly  that  nothing  was  known 
in  the  town  for  two  days.  At  the  end  of  that 
time  he  invited  eighty  devotees  who  were 
bringing  offerings  to  the  ruins  of  the  temple  to 
turn  into  the  house  of  the  governor,  aiul  he 
there  slew  all  but  ten  who  told  him  of  hidden 
treasure.  The  bodies  were  tlirown  into  a  well. 
He  then  descended  on  the  town,  carried  away 


ISHMAELITE 

the  daughters  of  king  Zedekiah  with  their 
guard,  and  "  all  the  people  of  the  town,"  and 
ran  to  the  Ammonites.  He  was  pursued  by 
Johanan  ;  two  of  his  companions  were  slain  and 
his  prey  was  taken  from  him,  but  he  and  the 
remaining  eight  escaped.  [b.f.s.] 

Ishmaelite.     [Ishmael,  i  ;   Ishmeelite.] 

Ishmaiah',  son  of  Obadiah  ;  ruler  of  Zebu- 
lun  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.27.i9). 

Ish'meelite  (iChr.2.17),  Ish'meelites 
(Gen. 37. 25, 27,28,39.1),  descendants  of  Ish- 
mael, I  (R.V.  gives  the  form  Ishmaelitels] 
throughout,  as  A.V.  doesin  Judg.8.24  ;  Ps.83.6). 

Ishmepai',  aBenjamitechief,  of  the  family 
of  Elpaal  (iChr.8.i8  ;  cf.  28). 

Ishod'  (i  Chr.7.18;  R.V.  Ishhod  =  man  of 
renown),  a  man  of  Manasseh,  and  son  of  Ham- 
moleketh  (  =  the  queen). 

Ishpan',  a  Benjamite  chief,  of  the  family 
of  Shashak  (iChr.8.22). 

Ishtob',  named  with  Zobah,  Rehob,  and 
Maacah  (2Sam.l0.6,8).  It  is  probable  that  the 
real  signification  is  "   the  men  of  Tob." 

Ishuah',  second  son  of  Asher  (Gen. 46. 17). 

Ishuai'.     [Jesui.] 

Ishui',  second  son  of  Saul,  by  his  wife  Ahi- 
noam  (1Sam.i4.49  !  cf.  50). 

Isle  (Heb.  'i),  a  very  widely  distributed 
word  in  many  languages  for  "  sea  shore."  In 
Job  22.30,  A.V.  "  islands  of  the  innocent  "  is, 
however,  a  mistake  (see  R.V.  and  marg.)  for 
"  the  not  innocent."  In  Is. 42. 15  it  refers  to 
dry  shores  or  banks  of  a  river  ;  other  passages 
refer  to  the  sea  shore,  not  to  islands  (Gen. 10. 5  ; 
Is. 20. 6) :  but  some,  perhaps,  to  an  island  proper 
(23.2).  In  some  cases  the  rendering  is  doubtful 
(Is. 11.11;  J  e. 25. 22),  and  regions  on  the  mainland 
of  Asia  Minor  may  be  intended.  See  Caphtor, 
which,  as  an  "  island,"  has  been  wrongly 
supposed  to  be  Crete.  [c.r.c] 

Ismachiah',  a  Levite  overseer  of  offerings 
during  Hezekiah's  reformation  (2Chr.3i.13). 

Ismaer. — 1.  Jth.2.23  =  Ishmaei.,  son  of 
Abraham. — 2.   iEsd.9.22.     [Ishmael,   5.] 

Ismaiah',  a  Gibeonite  ;  a  leader  of  the  war- 
riors who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.4). 

Ispah',  a  Benjamite  chief,  of  the  family  of 
Beriah  (iChr.8.i6). 

Israel.  I.  The  name  given  to  Jacob  when 
he  wrestled  with  the  angel  (Gen. 32.28, 29),  and 
connected  by  the  sacred  writer  with  the  verb 
used  in  the  narrative  "  as  a  prince  hast  thou 
power"  (R.V.  "  thou  hast  striven").  The  verb 
occurs  again  only  in  Ho. 12. 4. — II.  Applied 
collectively  "  children  of  ")  to  the  tribes  de- 
scended from  Jacob  (Gen. 46. 8  ;  Ex.l.i,  etc.). — 

III.  The  northern  tribes,  as  distinguished  from 
Judah,  even  before  the  schism  (iSam.11.8  ;  2 
Sam.20.i  ;  iK.12.i6),  and  thereafter  the  king- 
dom of  the  Ten  Tribes.  The  name  is  found  on 
the  Moabite  Stone  and  in  an  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tion ;  but  in  O.T.  the  name  Hebrew  is  mostly 
used  either  by  foreigners  or  by  Israelites  in 
addressing  foreigners  (Gen. 39. 14  ;  Ex.1. 16). — 

IV.  After  the  return  from  the  Exile  again  used 
of  the  whole  people  (Ezr.6.i6  ;  Ne.ll.3).  [j.R.] 

Israel,  King'dom  of.  (i)  The  prophet 
Ahijah  of  Shiloh,  who  was  commissioned  in  the 
latter  days  of  Solomon  to  announce  the  divi- 
sion of  the  kingdom,  left  one  tribe  (Judah)  to 
the  house  of  David,  and 'assigned  ten  to  Jero- 
boam   (iK.ll. 31,35).     These   were    probably 


ISRAiiL,  KINGDOM  OF         373 

Joseph  (=:Ephraim  and  Manasseh),  Issachar, 
Zebulun,  Asher,  Naphtali,  Benjamin,  Dan, 
Simeon,  Gad,  and  Reuben  ;  Levi  being  inten- 
tionally omitted.  Eventually  the  greater  part 
of  Benjamin,  and  probably  the  whole  of 
Simeon  and  Dan,  were  included  in  the  kingdom 
of  Judah.  Of  the  conquests  of  David,  Moab 
appears  to  have  been  attached  to  the  kingdom 
of  Israel  (2K.3.4) ;  so  much  uf  Syria  as  re- 
mained subject  to  Solomon  (see  1K.II.24) 
would  probably  be  claimed  by  his  successor 
in  the  N.  kingdom ;  and  Ammon,  though 
connected  with  Rehoboam  as  his  mother's 
native  land  (2Chr.i2.13),  and  afterwards  tribu- 
tary to  Judah  (27.5),  was  at  one  time  allied 
(20.i),  we  know  not  how  closely  or  how 
early,  with  Moab.  The  sea-coast  between 
Accho  and  Japho  remained  in  the  possession  of 
Israel.  (2)  The  population  of  the  kingdom  is 
not  expressly  stated  ;  and  any  inference  from 
the  numbers  of  fighting  men  rests,  it  must  not 
be  forgotten,  upon  the  numbers  in  the  Heb. 
text,  which  are  often  corrupt.  [Number.] 
Jeroboam  brought  into  the  field  an  army  of 
800,000  men  (2Chr.l3.3).  If  this  number  is 
correct,  the  whole  population  would  perhaps 
amount  to  at  least  three  millions  and  a  half. 
(3)  Shechem  was  rebuilt  as  the  first  capital  of 
the  new  kingdom  (1K.I2.25  ;  cf.  Judg.9.45). 
Subsequently  the  "  beautiful  "  (Can. 6.4)  Tir- 
zah  became  the  royal  residence,  if  not  the 
capital,  of  Jeroboam  (iK.14.i7)  and  of  his  suc- 
cessors (15.33,16.8,17,23).  Samaria  was  built 
in  a  commanding  position  by  Omri  (16. 24), 
and  remained  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  until 
captured  after  a  three  years'  siege  by  Shalman- 
eser,  king  of  Assyria  (2K.I8.9, 10).  Jezreel  was 
probably  only  a  royal  residence  of  some  of 
the  Israelitish  kings.  (4)  Chronology.  The 
chronological  tables  of  Archbishop  Ussher  (d. 
1656),  as  given  in  the  margin  of  A.V.,  are 
incorrect,  and  have  been  rightly  discarded 
by  R.V.  They  were  made  by  counting  back- 
wards from  the  date  of  the  fall  of  Samaria 
in  722  B.C.,  a  method  only  likely  to  be 
accurate  so  long  as  the  synchronisms  between 
Israel  and  Judah  were  correct,  and  the  two  rival 
dynasties  coincided.  This  was  not  the  case, 
and  the  duration  of  the  Israelitish  kingdom  was 
lengthenedby  the  unauthorizedinsertionof  two 
interregna  of  11  and  9  years  respectively-  The 
error  was  (in  fact)  one  of  excess,  owing  to  two 
regencies,  those  of  Jehoram  (6  years)  and 
Jotham  (14  years)  being  counted  as  separate 
reigns,  instead  of  being  included  in  the  reigns 
of  Jehoshaphat  and  Uzziah.  In  the  case  of 
Jotham,  this  mistake  was  committed  twice 
over  ;  and  thus  68  years  are  reduced  to  roughly 
35  years.  The  non -recognition  of  this  error 
has  had  the  effect  of  putting  the  history  of 
Israel  out  of  correspondence  with  the  dates 
revealed  by  the  monuments.  In  many  cases 
we  find  Israelitish  kings  recorded  by  the  monu- 
ments as  having  been  present  on  occasions 
some  20  or  30  years  after  the  date  fixed  by 
Ussher  for  their  deaths — e.g.  Jehu  paid  tribute 
to  Shalmaneser  II.  in  841  b.c,  while  Ussher 
puts  his  death  in  856  B.C.  A  subsidiary  cause 
of  inaccuracy  has  also  been  introduced  by  the 
Jewish  habit  of  counting  parts  of  years  as  entire 
years.  The  whole  history  has,  in  fact,  been 
pushed  back,  and  the  foundation  of  the  king- 


374         ISRAEL,  KINGDOM  OF 

doni  uf  Israel  must  be  brought  duwii  from  975 
B.C.  (A.y.  marg.)  to  930  u.c.  The  subjoined  list 
will  be  found  sufficiently  accurate,  and  agree- 
able to  the  synchronisms  recorded  in  the  text, 
except  where  they  have  been  altered,  though 
onlv  partially,  in  order  to  rectify  the  mistakes 
of  the  miscounted  regencies.  One  fact  must 
be  mentioned,  though  it  would  be  more  pro- 
perly considered  under  the  history  of  Judah 
— viz.  that  the  whole  of  the  acts  recorded 
of  Jotham  are  recorded  also  of  his  father 
Uzziah,  a  significant  proof  that  his  so-called 
reign  was  only  a  regency.      IChronology.] 


ISRAEL,  KINGDOM  OF 

umphs,  but  deeper  humiliation,  awaited  the 
kingdom  under  the  dynasty  of  Jehu.  Hazael, 
king  of  Damascus,  reduced  Jehoahaz  to  vas- 
salage, and  triumphed  for  a  time  over  both  the 
disunited  Heb.  kingdoms.  .Almost  the  first 
sign  of  their  restored  strength  was  a  war  be- 
tween them  ;  and  Jehoash,  grandson  of  Jehu, 
entered  Jerusalem  as  the  conqueror  of  Ama- 
ziah.  Jehoash  also  turned  the  tide  of  war 
against  the  Syrians  ;  and  Jeroboam  II.,  the 
most  powerful  of  all  the  kings  of  Israel,  cap- 
tured Damascus,  and  recovered  the  whole 
ancient  frontier  from  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea. 


A    REVISED   TABLE    OF  THE    KINGS   OF   ISRAEL  AND 
THEIR   CONTEMPORARIES 


Judah. 

B.C. 

Israel. 

Synchronisms. 

Rehoboam  (18) 

930 

Jeroboam  {21). 

Abijah  (2) 

912 

Asa  (41) 

910 

909 

Nadab  (i). 

908 

Baasha  (24). 

884 

Elah  (i). 

883 

Zimri  (6  days). 
Omri  and  Tibni  (5). 

878 

Omri  (6). 

872 

Ahab  (21). 

853.  Battle  of  Qarqar. 

Jehoshaphat  (24) 

869 

Jehoram  (reg.)  (6) 

852 

851 

Ahaziah  (i). 

850 

Jehoram  {7). 

Jehoram  (solus,  2) 

845 

Ahaziah  (i) 

843 

Athaliah  (5)     . . 

842 

Jehu  (26). 

841.  Tribute  of  Jehu 

Joash  (39) 

837 

to  Shalmaneser  II. 

816 

Jehoahaz  (16). 

c.  804.    Submission  of 

800 

Joash  (15). 

Damascus. 

Amaziah  (28)  . . 

798 

785 

Jeroboam  II.  (40). 

Uzziah  {35)      . . 

770 

745 

Zechariah  (i). 

745.  Accession  of  Tig- 

Jotham,  regent, 

Shallum  (i  mth.) 

la  th-pileser  =  Pul. 

749-734 

Menahem  (8). 

738.  Tribute  of  Mena- 

737 

Pekahiah  (i)  . 

hem. 

736 

Pekah  (8). 

Ahaz  (9) 

734 

732.  Fall  of  Damascus. 

729 

Hoshea  (8). 

722 

Fall  of  Samaria. 

[M.S.] 

(5)  The  detailed  history  of  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  will  be  found  under  the  names  of  its  19 
kings.  A  summary  view  may  be  taken  in  four 
periods,  (a)  930-883  B.C.  Jeroboam  had  not 
sufficient  force  of  character  in  himself  to  make 
a  lasting  impression  on  his  people,  and  failed  to 
found  a  dynasty.  The  army  soon  learned  its 
power  to  dictate  to  the  isolated  monarch  and 
disunited  people.  Baasha,  in  the  midst  of  the 
army  at  (libbethon,  slew  the  son  and  successor 
of  Jeroboam;  Zimri,  a  captain  of  chariots, 
slew  the  son  and  successor  of  Baasha  ;  Omri, 
the  captain  of  the  host,  was  chosen  to  punish 
Zimri  ;  and  after  a  civil  war  of  four  years  he 
prevailed  over  Tibni,  the  choice  of  half  the 
jieople.  (b)  883-8.^2  n.c.  For  some  40  years 
Israel  was  governed  by  the  house  of  Omri. 
The  princes  of  his  house  cultivated  an  alliance 
with  Judah,  which  was  cemented  by  the 
marriage  of  Jehoram  and  Athaliah.  But  the 
adoption  of  Baal-worshi])  led  to  a  reaction  in 
the  nation,  to  the  moral  triumiih  of  the  pro- 
phets ill  th(!  persons  of  I^lijah  and  lilisha,  and 
eventually  to  the  extinction  of  the  house  of 
Ahab.     (c)  842-745    B.C.      Unparalleled    tri- 


This  short-lived  greatness  ended  with  the  last 
king  of  Jehu's  line,    {d)  745-722  b.c.   Military 
violence,  it  would  seem,  broke  the  hereditary 
j  succession  after  the  obscure  and  probably  con- 
I  vulsed  reign  of  Zechariah.     An  unsuccessful 
usurper,    Shallum,    is   folU)wed  by   the   cruel 
I  Menahem,  who,  being  unable  to  resist  the  first 
I  attack  of  .•Vssyria  under  Pul,  became  the  agent 
!  of  that  monarch  ior  the  oppressive  taxation  of 
his  subjects.     The  reign  of  his  son  Pekahiah 
was,  after  one  year,  ('ut  short  by  a  bold  usur- 
I  per,    Pekah.     .•Vbandoning  the  N.  and  trans- 
I  Jt)rdanic  regions  to  the  encroaching  power  of 
.\ssyria  uncler  Tinlath-pileser,  Pekah  was  very 
near    subjugating    Judah,    with    the    help    of 
!  Damascus,  now  allied  to  Israel.   The  irresolute 
Hoshea,    the  next   and  last   usurper,   became 
tributary    to    his    invader,    Shalmaneser,    be- 
trayed the  .\ssyrian  to  the  rival  monarchy  of 
ligypt,   and  was  punished  by  the  loss  of  his 
liberty,  and  l)y  the  capture,  after  a  three  years' 
sicKe,   of  his  strong  capital,   Samai"ia.     Some 
remnants  of  the  ten  tribes  yet  remained  in  the 
I  land  after  so  many  years  of  religious  decline, 
;  moral     debasement,      national     degradation, 


ISRAELITE 

anarchy,  bloodshed,  and  deportation.  Even 
these  were  carried  to  Assyria,  never  again,  as  a 
distinct  people,  to  occupy  their  portion  of  that 
goodly  land  which  their  forefathers  under 
Joshua  won  from  the  heathen. 

Is'paelite.     [Israel  ;    Jew.] 

Issaehap'  {Iw  brings  reward). — 1.  Jacob's 
ninth  son  and  Leah's  fifth  child,  named  from  her 
exclamation  at  his  birth  (Gen.30.i8).  He  had 
four  sons  at  the  time  of  the  descent  into  Egypt 
(46.13).  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob  (49.14)  he 
is  compared  to  a  "  bony  "  (E.V.  strong)  ass 
between  two  burdens,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  enslaved,  with  reference  (no  doubt)  to 
oppression  under  Sisera  (Judg.5.15).  In 
the  desert  the  four  clans  of  Issachar,  under 
Nethaniel,  marched  with  Judah  in  the  van, 
and  the  number  of  the  tribe  [Palestine] 
increased  by  nearly  10,000  men  (Num.1. 8, 
29,2.5,7.18,10.15,26.25).  It  furnished  Igal 
as  a  spy  (13.7),  and  Paltiel  as  a  surveyor 
(34.26).  It  stood  on  Gerizim  to  respond 
to  the  blessings  (Deut.27.i2) ;  but  its  lot 
lay  in  the  plains,  where  Canaanite  chariot 
forces  could  act ;  and  it  seems  to  have  remained 


ITHRITE,  THE 


375 


THE  TRIBAL  LOT  OF  ISSACHAR. 

as  a  nomadic  population  in  tents,  as  noticed 
in  the  blessing  of  Moses  (33. 18).  It  joined 
Barak  in  the  revolt  against  Sisera,  the  battle 
occurring  within  the  border  of  Issachar.  It  fur- 
nished also  a  judge  [Tola;  Judg.lO.i]  and  a 
king  [Baasha  ;  1K.I5.27]  to  Israel  (c/.  Num. 
26.23-25  ;  iChr.7.i-5).  The  foresight  of  the 
leaders  of  Issachar  led  them  to  furnish  David 
with  supplies  at  Hebron  (iChr.12.32,40),  and 
Omri  of  this  tribe  was  one  of  his  captains  (27. 
18);  but  in  Hezekiah's  time  the  tribe  was 
blamed  for  eating  the  Passover  while  unclean 
(2Chr.3O.18).  It  is  last  mentioned  in  Ezk.48. 
25-33;  Rev. 7. 7.  The  Tribal  Lot  corresponded 
to  Solomon's  tenth  district  in  part,  and  partly 
to  the  fifth  (iK. 4.12,17).  It  lay  E.  of  the  hills  of 
Manasseh  (Jos.l7. 10,11),  but  some  of  its  cities 
were  occupied  by  the  latter  tribe.  It  included 
16  cities  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  in  the 
hills  and  Jordan  Valley  farther  E.  On  N.  its 
border  coincided  with  the  S.  border  of  Zebu- 
LUN  and  Naphtali,  from  Jokneam  to  Shihon 
near  Tabor,  and  E.  of  the  latter  to  the  Jordan, 
which  formed  the  E.  boundary,  while  on  the 
W.  Taanach  and  Remeth  [Ramoth]  were  on 


the  border,  which  ran,  from  the  latter,  E.  by 
Rabbith  to  the  Jordan. — 2.  A  temple-porter, 
apparently  a  Levite  (iChr.26.5).  [c.r.c] 

Isshiah'. — 1.  (iChr.24.2i)  =  Jeshaiah,  2. 
— 2.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Uzziel  (24.25). 

Issue,  Running-.  (See  Lev.22.4  ;  Num.5. 
2;  2Sara.3.29  ;  but  specially  Lev. 15.)  Pro- 
bably the  phrase  may  be  interpreted  as  a 
gonorrhoea  or  syphilis.  In  Lev. 15. 3  a  dis- 
tinction is  introduced  apparently  between  these 
two,  but  probably  merely  means  that  cessation 
of  the  flux  does  not  constitute  ceremonial 
cleanness,  but  that  the  patient  must  bide  the 
legal  7  days  (ver.  13)  and  perform  the  prescribed 
purification  and  sacrifice  (ver.  14).  It  must  be 
remembered  that  it  was  only  during  the  last 
century  that  these  two  diseases  were  clearly 
differentiated  ;  yet  in  the  text  cited  there  is  an 
apparent  allusion  to  their  distinctive  symp- 
toms, and  the  whole  passage  is  very  suggestive 
of  the  elaborate  precautions  against  infection 
enjoined  by  the  Mosaic  law.  Assuming  it 
were  impossible  to  distinguish  between  the  two 
diseases,  all  the  precautions  enjoined  are 
equally  necessary  to-day.  Ver.  8  is  very  in- 
teresting, as  there  is  no  doubt  that  syphilis  can 
be  communicated  by  the  saliva.  [f.j.] 

Istalcu'pus.  In  iEsd.8.40,  "  son  of  Istal- 
curus "  is  substituted  for  "  and  Zabbud " 
(marg.  Zaccur)  of  the  parallel  list  in  Ezr.8.14. 

Isuah',  second  son  of  Asher  (iChr.7.30). 

Isui'.     [Jesui.] 

Italian  Band  (Ac.lO.i).     [Army.] 

Italy.  This  word  is  used  in  N.T.  in  the 
usual  sense  of  the  period — i.e.  in  its  true 
geographical  sense,  as  denoting  the  whole 
natural  peninsula  between  the  Alps  and  the 
straits  of  Messina  (Ac.lO. 1,18-2  ;  Heb. 13-24). 

Ithai'  (1Chr.ll.31)  =  Ittai,  2. 

Ithamap',  youngest  son  of  Aaron  (Ex.6. 
23).  After  the  deaths  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  ( Lev. 
lO.i),  Eleazar  and  Ithamar  were  appointed 
to  succeed  them  in  the  priestly  office  (Ex.28. 
1,40,43  ;  Num. 3. 3, 4  ;  iChr.24.2).  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  services  belonging  to  the  taber- 
nacle, and  its  transport  on  the  march  of  the 
Israelites,  the  Gershonites  and  the  Merarites 
were  placed  under  Ithamar  (Ex. 38. 21  ;  Num. 
4.21-33).  The  high-priesthood  passed  into 
the  family  of  Ithamar  in  the  person  of  Eli,  but 
for  what  reason  we  are  not  informed. 

Ith'iel. — 1.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Sallu 
(Ne-ll.7). — 2.  One  of  two  persons  to  whom 
Agur  delivered  his  discourse  (Pr.SO.i).  [Ucal.] 

Ithmah',  a  Moabite,  one  of  the  heroes  of 
David's  guard  (1Chr.ll.46  only). 

Ithnan',  one  of  the  towns  in  the  extreme 
S.  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 23).  No  trace  of  its  exist- 
ence has  yet  been  discovered. 

Ithpa',  an  Israelite  (2Sam.i7.25)  or  Ish- 
maeUte  (iChr.2.i7),  the  father  of  Amasa  by 
.Abigail,  David's  sister.     [J  ether,  3.] 

Ithpan'.  —  1.  Son  of  Dishon,  a  Horite 
(Gen. 36.26;  iChr.l.41). — 2.  A  descendant  of 
Asher  (iChr.7.37).     [Jether,  6.] 

Ithpeam',  son  of  David  by  Eglah,  the  sixth 
bom  in  Hebron  (2Sam.3.5  ;   iChr.3.3). 

Ith'pite,  The,  the  designation  of  two  of 
the  members  of  David's  guard,  Ira  and  Gareb 
(2Sam.23.38;  1Chr.ll.40) ;  possibly  =  J  airite 
[Ira],  in  which  case  they  may  have  come 
from  Jattir,  in  the  mountains  of  Judah. 


376  ITTAH-KAZIN 

Ittah'-kazin',  one  of  the  boundary-marks 
of  Zebulun  (Jos.i9.13  ;  R.V.  Eth  Kazin);  be- 
tween Gath-hepher  and  Rimmon.     [c.r.c] 

Ittai'. — 1.  "  Ittai  the  Gittite,"  i.e.  native 
of  Gath,  a  warrior  in  the  army  of  king  David 
mentioned  during  the  revolution  of  Absalom. 
On  the  morning  of  David's  flight  he  was  among, 
and  apparently  commanding,  the  600  heroes, 
who  had  formed  David's  band  during  his 
wanderings  in  Judah,  and  had  been  with  him 
at  Gath  (aSam.lS.iS.ig  ;  cf.  iSam.23. 13,27.2, 
30.9,10).  The  king  besought  him  not  to 
attach  himself  to  a  doubtful  cause,  but  to 
return  "  with  his  brethren,"  and  abide  with 
"  the  king,"  i.e.  either,  sarcastically,  Absalom, 
or  his  own  king  Achish  (2Sam. 15.19,20).  But 
Ittai  is  firm  ;  he  is  the  king's  slave,  and  wher- 
ever his  master  goes  he  will  go.  When  the 
army  was  numbered  and  organized  by  David 
at  Mahanaim,  Ittai  again  appears,  now  in 
command  of  a  third  part  of  the  force  (2Sam. 
18.2,5,12). — 2.  Son  of  Ribai,  from  Gibeah  of 
Benjamin  ;  a  hero  of  David's  guard  (28.29). 

Itupae'a,  a  small  province  on  the  N.  border 
of  Palestine,  lying  along  the  S.  base  of  mount 
Hermon,  only  mentioned  in  Lu.3.i.  Ituraea, 
with  the  adjoining  provinces,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  chief  called  Zenodorus ;  but  about  20 
B.C.  they  were  taken  from  him  by  the  Roman 
emperor,  and  given  to  Herod  the  Great,  who 
bequeathed  them  to  his  son  Philip.  Pliny 
places  Ituraea  N.  of  Bashan  and  near  Damas- 
cus (v.  23) ;  apparently  the  Jedtlr  district 
[Geshur]  N.  of  Argob.  It  is  a  table-land 
with  an  undulating  stirface,  and  has  little 
conical  and  cup-shaped  hills  at  intervals.  The 
surface  of  the  ground  is  covered  with  jagged 
rocks.  The  rock  is  all  basalt,  and  the  forma- 
tion similar  to  that  of  the  Lejah.  [Argob.] 
The  Jedilr  contains  38  villages,  10  of  which  are 
now  entirely  desolate,  and  all  the  rest  contain 
only  a  few  families  of  poor  peasants,  living  in 
wretched  hovels  amid  heaps  of  ruins. 

I vah'  or  Ava'.  The  first  form  is  mentioned 
twice  (2K. 18. 34,19. 13  ;  cf.  Is.37.13)  with  Hena 
and  Sepharvaim,  and  the  second  once  (2K.17. 
24)  with  Babylon  and  Cuthah.  Its  identifica- 
tion with  the  modern  Hit  on  the  Euphrates, 
between  'Anah  and  Ramadieh,  seems  improb- 
able. It  is  also  thought  to  be  Emma,  the 
modern  'Initn,  between  Antioch  and  Aleppo  ; 
but  this  would  presuppose  the  unusual  change 
between  v  (  =  ww)  and  mm.  Perhaps  two  dif- 
ferent  places.  [t.g.p.] 

Ivopy  (Heb.  shen,  in  all  passages  except 
I K. 10.22  and  2Chr.9.2i,  where  shen-habbtm  is 
so  rendered).  The  word  shen  literally  signifies 
a  tooth  of  any  animal,  but  here  denotes  the 
tusks  of  elephants,  this  being  rendered  certain 
by  the  passage  from  iK.,  where  habbim  is  the 
equivalent  of  hab,  the  Tamil  name  of  the  ele- 
phant. The  Assyrians  appear  to  have  carried 
on  a  traffic  in  ivory  with  India,  and  called 
the  elephant  hahba.  According  to  one  render- 
ing of  the  passage,  their  artists  supplied  the 
Tvrians  with  carvings  in  ivorv  from  the  isles 
of  Chittim  (Ezk.27.6):  and '  on  tlic  Black 
Obelisk  in  the  British  Museum  an  elephant  is 
represented  (c.  840  n.c).  Among  the  mer- 
chandise of  Babylon,  enumerated  in  Rev. 18. 
12,  are  included  "  all  manner  vessels  of  ivory." 
The  ivory  throne  of  Solomon  was  overlaid  with 


JAARE-OREGIM 

gold  (1K.IO.18;  2Chr.9.i7).  This  ivory  was 
supplied  either  by  the  caravans  of  Dedan  (Is. 
21.13;  Ezk.27.15),  or  was  brought,  with  apes 
and  peacocks,  by  the  navy  of  Tharshish  (iK.lO. 
22).  [Apes.]  The  Egyptians  at  an  early  period 
made  use  in  decoration  of  ivory,  which  was 
principally  brought  from  Ethiopia  (Herod,  iii. 
114).  Egyptian  merchants  traded  for  ivory  and 
onyx  stones  to  Barygaza,  the  port  to  which 
was  carried  the  commerce  of  W.  India  from 
Ozene  {Peripl.  c.  49).  In  the  early  ages  of 
Greece  ivory  was  frequently  employed  for 
purposes  of  ornament.  The  "  ivory  house  " 
of  Ahab  (iK.22.39)  was  probably  a  shrine 
with  the  walls  panelled  with  ivory,  like  the 
palace  of  Menelaus  described  by  Homer  (Odys. 
iv.  73).  Beds  inlaid  or  veneered  with  ivory 
were  in  use  among  the  Hebrews  (Am. 6. 4),  as 
among  the  Egyptians.  It  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  "  tower  of  ivory  "  of  Can. 
7.4  is  a  figure  of  speech,  or  whether  it  is  based 
on  an  original,  such  as  the  ivory  throne  of 
Solomon  above  mentioned  (cf.  Rev. 20. 11). 
By  the  Phoenicians  ivory  was  employed  to 
ornament  the  boxwood  rowing  benches  (or 
"  hatches,"  according  to  some)  of  their  galleys 
(Ezk.27.6).  Ivory  is  found,  by  excavation  in 
ruins,  in  Assyria,  Phoenicia  [Phenice],  and 
Palestine,  and  is  represented  as  brought  to 
E:;ypt   by   Phoenicians.      [Elephant  ;    Tar- 

SHISH.] 

Ivy,  the  common  Hedera  helix.  2Mac.6.7 
refers  to  the  familiar  classical  custom,  "  to  go 
in  the  procession  of  Bacchus  with  garlands  of 
ivy  " — "  in  solemnities  and  high  feasts  of 
which  god,  the  people  of  Thracia  even  at  this 
day  are  furnished  from  this  tree,  and  doe  with 
Ivie  set  out  and  garnish  the  heads  of  their 
launces,  pikes,  and  javelins,  their  mourrons 
alsri  and  targuets  "  (Pliny).  [h.c.h.] 

Izehap',  Izeharites  (Num.3.19,27)  = 
IzHAR,  Izharites,  as  R.V. 

Izhap',  son  of  Kohath,  grandson  of  Levi, 
uncle  of  Aaron  and  Moses,  and  father  of  Korah 
(Ex. 6.18,21  ;  Num.16. 1  ;  iChr.6.2,18),  and 
head  of  the  family  of  the  Izhapites,  or 
Izeharites  (Num. 3. 27  ;    iChr.24. 22, 26.23,29). 

Izpahiah',  a  man  of  Issachar,  of  the  family 
of  Uzzi  (iChr.7.3)- 

Iz'pahite,  The,  the  designation  of  Sham- 
huth  (iChr.27.8),  probably  for  Zerahite — that 
is,  of  Zerah. 

Izpl',  a  Levite  leader  of  the  fourth  course  or 
ward  in  the  service  of  the  house  of  God  (iChr. 
25. 11).     In  ver.  3  he  is  called  Zeri. 


Jaakan'.     [.Aran.] 

Jaakobah',  a  Simeonite  chief  (iChr.4.36). 

Jaala'  (Ne.7.58),  Jaalah  (Ezr.2.56).  Bene- 
Jaala  were  among  the  descendants  of 
Solomon's  slaves  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zcrubbabel. 

Jaalam',  a  son  of  Esau  by  Aholihamah 
(Gen.36.5,14,18  ;  iChr.1.35),  and  an  Edomite 
phvlarch  (A.V.  duke). 

Jaanal',  a  Gadite  chief  dwelling  in  Bashaa 
(iChr.5.12). 

Jaape'-opeg-lm'.     [Elhanan.] 


JAASAU 

Jaasau',  one  of  the  Bene-Bani  who  put 
away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.37). 

Jaasiel',  the  Benjamite  chief  in  David's 
reign,  and  son  of  Abner  (iChr.27.2i). 

Jaazaniah'. — 1.  (2K.25.23)  =  Jezaniah. 
— 2.  Son  of  Shaphan  (Ezk.8.11).  Possibly 
identical  with — 3.  Son  of  Azur  ;  one  of  the 
princes  of  the  people  against  whom  Ezekiel 
was  directed  to  prophesy  (Ezk.ll.i).^-4.  A 
Rechabite,  son  of  Jeremiah,  whose  fidelity  to 
the  precepts  of  Jonadab,  the  son  of  Rechab, 
was  tested  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah  (Je.35.3). 

Jaazep'  (Num.21. 32, 32.35),  or  Jazep,  a 
place  on  the  border  of  Gilead  (Num. 32. 1,3  ; 
1Chr.26.31)  and  of  Gad  (Jos.i3.25),  given  to 
the  Levites  (21. 39  ;  iChr.6.8i).  Itwas  by  the 
"  river  of  Gad  "  (2Sam.24.5),  and  had  a  "sea" 
or  "lake"  (Is.16.8,9;  Je.48.32),  not  far  from 
Sibmah,  norfromthelandof  AMMON(iMac.5.8). 
In  the  Onomasticon  (4th  cent,  a.d.)  it  is  placed 


JABNEEL 


377 


WATERFALL  AT  NA'AUR   (? RIVER  OF  GAD).         W.D.A. 
(From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 

at  Sir,  12  miles  W.  of  Rabbath-ammon ;  but 
this  seems  too  far  N.,  as  it  was  apparently  near 
Heshbon.  The  most  likely  site  is  a  ruin  on  a 
high  hill  4  miles  N.  of  Hesbdn,  which  is  called 
Sd'aiir.  A  mile  to  its  N.,  at  'Ain  Na'aur  {the 
spring  of  irrigation),  there  is  a  fine  perennial 
stream,  forming  a  large  pool,  and  falling  over 
a  precipice  50  ft.  high,  as  it  descends  a  steep 
gorge  to  the  plain  of  Shittim,  falling  into  the 


Jordan  finally.  This  may  represent  the  "river 
of  Gad."  [c.R.c] 

Jaaziah',  a  descendant  of  Merari  the 
Levite  (iChr.24.26,27). 

Jaaziel',  a  Levite  musician  of  the  second 
order  appointed  by  David  for  the  service  before 
the  ark  (iChr.15.i8). 

Jabal',  son  of  Lamech  and  Adah  (Gen.4.2o) 
and  brother  of  Jubal.  He  is  described  as  the 
father  of  such  as  dwell  in  tents  and  have  cattle. 

Jabbok'  (perhaps  "  gurgling,"  but  con- 
nected with  "wrestling";  Gen. 32. 22, 24),  a 
torrent  (nahal.  ver.  23)  in  Gilead,  which  was 
the  border  of  the  Ammonites  (Num. 21. 24  ; 
Deut.2.37,3.16  ;  Jos.12.2  ;  Judg.ll.13,22).  It 
is  now  the  stream  of  Wddy  Zerqa,  rising  at  a 
spring  by  Rabbath-ammon,  and  flowing  N., 
thus  separating  the  land  of  Ammon  from  that 
of  Gad.  It  then  turns  W.  and  flows  into  the 
Jordan,  dividing  Gilead  into  two  regions  N. 
and  S.  Jacob  appears  to  have  retreated  N. 
across  it  on  the  approach  of  Esau.  [Succoth  ; 
Mahanai.m.]  The  torrent  dries  up  in  autumn, 
but  in  spring  is  full  of  water,  and  is  bordered 
by  oleanders.  [c.R.c] 

Jabesh'. — 1.  Father  of  Shallum,  the  15th 
king  of  Israel  (2K. 15. 10,13, 14). — 2.  The  short 
form  of  Jabesh-gilead  (iSam.ll.iff.,31.i2, 
13  ;    1Chr.lO.12). 

Jabesh'-g'ilead',  or  Jabesh  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Gilead  (Judg.i2.8-14).  Being  attacked 
by  Nahash  the  Ammonite,  Saul  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  displaying  his  prowess  in  its  defence 
(i  Sam.ll.1-15).  The  site  of  thecity  is  not  de- 
fined in  O.T.,  but  Eusebius  places  it  beyond 
Jordan,  6  miles  from  Pella  on  the  mountain- 
road  to  Gerasa :  where  its  name  is  probably  pre- 
served in  the  Wddy  Ydbis,  which,  flowing  from 
the  E.,  enters  the  Jordan  below  Beth-shan. 

Jabez'. — 1.  Apparently  a  place  at  which  the 
Kenite  families  of  the  scribes  resided  (iChr.2. 
55). — 2.  The  name  occurs  also  (4.9,10)  in  the 
genealogy  of  Judah,  again  connected  with 
Bethlehem  (ver.  4),  where  we  read  that  Jabez 
was  "  more  honourable  than  his  brethren," 
though  who  they  were  is  not  ascertainable. 

Jabin'  (intelligent). — 1.  (Jos.ll.)  King  of 
Hazor.  He  commanded  the  Northern  Con- 
federacy with  forces  like  the  samd  for  multi- 
tude. Joshua  fell  on  them  by  Merom,  houghed 
the  horses,  and  burnt  the  chariots.  The 
fugitives  fled  E.  and  W.  to  Mizpeh  and  Zidon, 
leaving  Hazor  to  be  burnt  with  fire. — 2.  The 
"  king  of  Canaan  that  reigned  in  Hazor " 
(Judg.4.2,23).  Some  critics  confuse  him  with  i, 
but  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  Joshua,  did  not 
command  troops,  was  not  defeated  at  Merom, 
and  his  capital  was  not  biurnt.  From  Jos.ll. 
13,17.12,13,18.3,  Judg.l. 27,30-33  it  is  evident 
that  the  northern  power  was  broken,  but  not 
destroyed.     [Deborah;  Sisera.]       [h.m.s.] 

Jabneer  (  =  God  built). — 1.  A  town  on 
the  N.  border  of  Judah,  near  the  sea  (Jos. 15. 
11),  noticed  with  Gath  and  Ashdod  (2Chr. 
26.6)  as  Jabneh,  the  walls  of  which  king 
Uzziah  of  Judah  broke  down.  It  was  famous 
later  as  the  seaport  called  Jamnia,  which 
the  Greeks  held  against  the  Hasmonaeans  as 
late  as  135  b.c.  (iMac.4.15,5.58,15.40;  2Mac. 
12.8,9,40).  It  was  the  seat  of  the  Sanhedrin 
from  70  to  135  A.D.,  and  celebrated  for  its 
Rabbis.     It  is  now  the  village  Yebna,  on  a  low 


378 


JABNEH 


hill  13  miles  S.  of  Joppa,  and  immediately  S. 
of  the  Xahr  Riibin  (the  lower  part  of  the  valley 
of  Sorek).  It  has  au  artificial  port  (Minet 
Rubin)  about  4  miles  to  N.W.  The  village 
includes  a  church  converted  into  a  mosque. — 
2.  A  town  of  Naphtali,  said  to  have  been 
called  later  Kaphar  Yama  (Tal.  Jer.  Megilla, 
i.  i),  near  Jordan  {Jos.i9.33).  It  is  now  the 
village  Yemma,  on  a  hill  slope  7  miles  S.  of 
Tiberias.  [c.r.c] 

Jabneh'  (2Chr.26.6).     [Jabneel,  i.] 

Jachan',  one  of  seven  Gadite  chief  men 
(iChr.5.13). 

Jachin'. — 1.  Fourth  son  of  Simeon  (Gen. 
46.10  ;  Ex. 6. 15)  ;  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Jachinites  (Num. 26. 12). — 2.  Head  of  the 
2ist  course  of  priests  in  the  time  of  David 
(iChr.9.10,24.17).  Possibly  it  is  the  course  of 
this  priest  which  is  referred  to  in  Ne.ll.io. 

Jachin'  (he  shall  establish),  one  of  two 
pillars  set  up  "in  the  porch"  (1K.7.21)  or 
"  before  "  the  temple  (2Chr.3.i7)  of  Solomon. 

Jacinth,  a  precious  stone,  forming  one  of 
the  foundations  of  the  walls  of  the  new  Jeru- 
salem (Rev. 21. 20),  applied  to  a  breastplate  in 
Rev.9.17,  and  substituted  in  R.V.  for  Ligure 
in  Ex. 28. 19  and  39.12.  The  name  jacinth  or 
hyacinth  is  now  applied  to  a  reddish  variety  of 
zircon  (a  silicate  of  zirconia),  good  examples 
of  which,  when  cut,  make  beautiful  gems,  and 
are  sometimes  of  other  colours.  But  the 
hyacinth  of  Phny  (xxxvii.  40)  is  apparently  a 
different  stone,  for  he  speaks  of  it  as  less  violet 
in  colour  than  the  amethyst.  King  {Precioits 
Stones,  p.  194)  maintains  that  Pliny  referred 
to  the  sapphire  (also  included  as  one  variety 
of  his  adamas)  ;  and  as  the  Historia  Naturalis 
was  published  c.  77  a.d.,  the  jacinth  of  the  Apo- 
calypse may  also  be  the  sapphire.       [t.g.b.] 

Jacob.  The  name  is  derived  in  Scripture 
from  ''dqcbh,  the  word  for  a  heel,  and  is  ex- 
plained by  the  narrative  of  his  birth,  which 
relates  that  he  caught  the  heel  of  Esau  as  if  in 
an  early  desire  to  rob  him  of  his  birthright. 
The  corresponding  verb  is  found  in  the  sense 
of  tripping  up,  deceiving,  but  the  etymology  of 
the  Heb.  text  is,  as  usual,  founded  upon  simi- 
larity of  sound,  rather  than  on  modern  prin- 
ciples. Attempts  are  now  made  to  refer  the 
name  to  an  original  Jacob-El,  and  some  sup- 
port may  be  given  to  this  by  the  discovery  of 
the  name  Y'aqub-ilu  in  an  Assyrian  inscription 
which  appears  to  belong  to  the  third  mil- 
lennium before  Christ.  J  acob  was  the  younger 
son  of  Isaac  and  Rcbekah.  He  bought  Esau's 
birthright  for  a  plate  of  pottage  and  com- 
pleted the  usurpation  by  obtaining  his  father's 
blessing  by  means  of  a  subterfuge  suggested  by 
his  mother.  To  avoid  his  brother's  anger,  he 
was  obliged  to  flee  to  her  kindred  in  Padan- 
aram,  though  another  motive  seems  to  have 
been  his  desire  to  obtain  a  wife  among  his 
relatives.  As  he  passed  through  Bethel  on  his 
journey,  the  first  theophany  occurred  and  he 
consecrated  the  place  as  a  sanctuary.  The  de- 
tails of  his  life  with  I.aban,  whom  he  served  for 
21  years,  are  very  familiar.  Vexed  with  the  ! 
constant  cunning  of  his  uncle,  he  at  length  I 
steals  away  with  his  tw<»  wives  and  their  maids 
together  with  his  children  and  possessions. 
Overtaken  by  I.aban,  he  comes  to  an  agree- 
ment  with   him   and    is    allowed  to   proceed 


JADDHA 

unmolested.  Being  warned  (jf  his  brother's 
approach,  he  divides  his  party  up  into  small 
sections,  and  himself  brings  up  the  rear.  On 
crossing  the  Jabbok,  he  spends  the  night 
wrestling  with  an  angel  (the  second  theo- 
phany) and  as  a  sign  of  his  persevering  struggle 
his  name  was  changed  to  Israel.  His  meeting 
with  Esau  was  quite  peaceable  and  he  settled 
down  in  Shechem  until  a  revengeful  attack 
upon  the  men  of  the  place,  made  by  his  sons 
on  account  of  the  violation  of  their  sister 
Dinah,  caused  him  to  renaove  to  Bethel. 
Subsequently  we  meet  with  him  at  Hebron 
assisting  with  Esau  in  the  last  rites  for  their 
father.  The  next  period  of  his  life  is  passed 
in  the  "  land  of  his  fathers  "  and  becomes 
practically  identified  with  the  narrative  of 
Joseph's  career.  He  passed  into  Egypt  for 
his  last  few  years,  where  he  blessed  all  his 
sons  before  his  death  at  the  age  of  146.  His 
body  was  embalmed  and  carried  with  great 
pomp  to  Canaan,  where  it  was  buried  in  the 
tomb  of  Machpelah.  There  are  constant 
references  to  Jacob  in  N.T.  His  life  is  of 
great  importance,  as  it  was  from  him,  and  not 
from  Abraham  or  Isaac,  that  the  children  of 
Israel  derived  their  name,  and  the  twelve  sons  of 
whom  he  became  the  father  by  his  twowives  and 
two  concubineswcre  thetraditional  origin  of  the 
tribes  of  the  Hebrews.  In  addition  to  this,  his 
nature  and  temperament  seem,  in  many  ways, 
to  reflect  the  characteristics  of  his  nation. 
Like  the  other  patriarchs,  his  life  was  a  pastoral 
one  and  he  shared  in  their  authority  and 
functions.  He  stands  betw^een  Abraham  on 
the  one  hand,  who  moves  through  the  narra- 
tive rather  as  a  demi-god,  and  Joseph  on  the 
other,  who  possesses  the  greatest  distinctness 
of  human  personality.  Theologically  he  is  of 
great  interest  as  a  type  of  the  improvement 
which  the  human  character  is  capable  of 
undergoing.  While  there  may  be  a  fair 
amount  of  tradition  as  to  tribal  origins  and 
relations  enshrined  in  the  story,  there  does 
not  seem  anv  real  reason  to  doubt  the  existence 
of  Jacob.  In  fact,  the  very  imperfections  of 
his  character  and  the  naturalness  and  pathos 
of  the  narrative  are  great  evidences  of  an 
underlying  historicity.  The  blessing  of  Jacob 
is  a  long  poem  which  clearly  describes  the 
position  and  prospects  of  the  tribes  when  they 
were  fully  established.  Any  diflSculties  as  to  its 
attribution  to  Jacob  will  largely  depend  upon 
individual  prepossessions  as  to  prophecy  and  as 
to  ("rod's  special  guidance  of  the  chosen  people 
for  the  instruction  of  mankind.  The  struggle 
of  Jacob  by  the  ford  Jabbok  is  of  special  inter- 
est, partly  as  having  given  rise  to  an  Israelite 
custom,  partly  as  being  the  traditional  origin 
of  the  religious  name  of  the  people  and  also 
because  of  the  mysterious  nature  of  the  whole 
incident.  [b.f.s.] 

Jacob's  Well.     [Shechem.] 

Jacu'bus.     [Akkud,  4.] 

Jada',  son  of  Onam  and  father  of  Jethcr 
and  Jonathan,  in  the  genealogy  of  the  sons  of 
Jerahmeel  by  his  wife  Atarah  (rChr.2.2S,32). 

Jadau',  one  of  the  Bene-Nebo  who  had 
taken   a   foreign   wife   (E,zr.l0.43). 

Jaddu  a. — 1.  One  of  those  who  sealed 
the  covenant  (Nc.lO.21).— 2.  St)n,  and  suc- 
cessor in  the  high-priesthood,  of  Jonathan  or 


JADON 

Johauan.  He  is  the  last  high-priest  men- 
tioned in  O.T.,  and  his  is,  probably,  altogether 
the  latest  name  in  the  canon  (Ne. 12. 11,22). 
From  ver.  22  we  gather  that  he  was  priest  in 
the  reign  of  the  last  Persian  king  Darius,  and 
that  he  was  still  high-priest  after  the  Persian 
dynasty  was  overthrown,  i.e.  in  the  reign 
of  Alexander  the  Great  (c/.  Josephus,  11  Ant. 
vii.  2,  viii.  4,  5,  7). 

Jadon',  the  Meronothite,  who  assisted  in 
repairing  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.7). 

Jael'  {wild  goat;  Judg.4,5)  was  the  wife  of 
Heber  the  Kenite,  who  had  deserted  his  people 
in  Arad,  was  allied  with  Jabin,  and  dwelt  at 
Zaanaim,  near  Barak's  home  Kedesh.  Jael 
was  loyal  to  her  race  and  to  Israel,  and  had 
apparently  aided  Shamgar  in  the  S.  (5.6). 
The  defeated  Sisera  sought  her  tent  (among 
Semites  the  tent  is  the  woman's,  not  her 
husband's,  according  to  W.  R.  Smith ;  see 
Kinship  and  Marriage,  p.  202).  She  asked 
him  in,  gave  him  milk,  killed  him,  and  showed 
his  corpse  to  Barak.  To  many  the  accounts 
of  the  murder  seem  contradictory.  W.  R.  Smith 
{O.T.  in  Jewish  Ch.  p.  132)  translates  nail  as 
handle,  and  treats  the  first  two  lines  of  5.26 
as  parallel.  This,  he  thinks,  the  prose  narrator 
misunderstood,  and  so  added  details  to  explain 
Jael's  hammering  a  nail  into  Sisera's  forehead. 
Hence,  he  argues,  Jael  did  not  murder  a  sleep- 
ing man,  but  by  a  daring  stratagem  delivered  a 
courageous  blow.  Against  this  theory  is  the 
fact  that  the  two  accounts  seem  independent 
(Moore).  The  poem  is  earlier,  the  prose  narra- 
tive more  precise.  The  accounts  are  not  incon- 
sistent if  we  regard  ver.  27  as  poetr}^  emphasiz- 
ing the  fall  of  a  great  man  before  a  woman.  In 
a  moral  estimate  we  must  remember  there 
could  have  been  no  peace  while  Sisera  lived. 
Jael  had  to  violate  hospitality  or  betray  the 
cause  of  Israel.  She  had  to  lie  to  Sisera  or  to 
his  pursuers.  She  was  disinterested,  and  took 
the  risk  herself.  We  cannot  praise  her  as  Debo- 
rah did,  but  then  we  have  not,  like  Deborah, 
lived  under  Sisera's  oppression.  [h.m.s.] 

Jagrup',  a  town  of  Judah,  one  of  those 
farthest  S.,  on  the  Edom  frontier  (Jos. 15. 21). 

Jah,  perhaps  an  abbreviation  of  Jhvh  in 
Hallelujah  {praise  Jhvh)  ;  but  in  "  Jah  Jhvh 
is  the  rock  of  ages  "  and  "  In  Jah  Jhvh  is  my 
strength  and  song"  (Is.12.2,26.4  ;  cf.  Ex.15. 
2)  the  name  appears  to  have  some  special 
force.  It  is  poetical,  except  in  Ex.17. 16  : 
"  There  is  a  hand  upon  the  throne  of  Jah,  war 
for  Jhvh  with  Amalek  from  generation  to 
generation."  The  LXX.,  taking  kes  yd,  "the 
throne  of  Jah,"  as  a  single  word  (from  root 
kdsd,  "cover"),  has  "with  secret  hand  the  Lord 
doth  war  with  Amalek."  Jah  occurs  23  times 
in  Hallelujah,  frequently  in  proper  names,  and 
49  times  as  a  separate  word  in  O.T.,  6  times  in 
Ps.118.     [Jehovah. 1  [c.h.w.] 

Ja'hath. — 1.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of 
Libni  and  ancestor  of  Asaph  (iChr.6.20,43). — 
2.  Head  of  a  later  Gershonite  family,  being 
the  eldest  son  of  Shimei,  son  of  Laadan  (iChr. 
23.10,11). — 3.  Son  of  Reaiah  ;  a  descendant 
of  Judah  (iChr.4.2). — 4.  A  Levite,  son  of 
Shelomoth  (iChr.24.22). — 5.  A  Merarite  Le- 
vite ;  one  of  the  overseers  of  the  temple-repairs 
in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2Chr.34.12). 

Ja'haz,    Num.21. 23,    Deut.2.32,    Judg.ll. 


JAIRXJS 


379 


20,  Is.15.4,  Je.48.34  ;  Ja'haza,  Jos.l3.i8  ; 
Ja'hazah,  Jos. 21. 36  (R.V.  Jahaz  in  all  the 
preceding),  Je.48.2i  (R.V.  Jahzah,  see  iChr. 
6.78),  a  town  of  Moab,  where  Sihon  the  Amorite 
king  was  defeated  by  Israel.  The  Onomasticon 
places  it  between  Medeba  and  Dibon.  It  was 
apparently  near  Baal-meon  (Jos.13.i8).  The 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Jahaziah',  son  of  Tikvah,  and  apparently 
a  priest,  who,  with  Jonathan,  7,  judged  those 
who  had  made  mixed  marriages  (Ezr.lO.15). 

Jahazier. — 1.  One  of  the  Benjamite 
archers  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.l2. 
4). — 2.  A  priestly  trumpeter  in  the  reign  of 
David  (iChr.16.6).— 3.  A  Kohathite  Levite, 
third  son  of  Hebron  (iChr.23. 19,24.23). — 4. 
Son  of  Zechariah,  a  Levite  of  the  Bene-Asaph, 
who  prophesied  the  deliverance  of  Jehosha- 
phat  by  the  internal  dissensions  of  the  army 
advancing  against  him  (2Chr.2O.14). — 5.  The 
"son  of  Jahaziel"  ;  probably  Shechaniah,  3,  a 
preceding  name  having  slipped  out  of  the  text 
{cf.  iEsd.8.32)  ;  he  led  his  family  back  from 
Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.5). 

Jahdai',  a  man  who  appears  to  be  thrust 
abruptly  into  the  genealogy  of  Caleb,  as  the 
father  of  six  sons  (iChr.2.47). 

Jahdiel',  a  chieftain  of  Manasseh  on  E.  of 
Jordan  (iChr.5.24). 

Jahdo',  a  Gadite  (iChr.5.14),  son  of  Buz 
and  father  of  Jeshishai. 

Jahleel',  the  third  of  the  three  sons  of 
Zebulun  (Gen. 46. 14  ;  Num. 26. 26),  founder  of 
the  family  of  the  Jahleelites. 

Jahmai',  a  man  of  Issachar,  one  of  the 
heads  of  the  house  of  Tola  (iChr.7.2). 

Jahzah'  (iChr.6.78).     [Jahaz.] 

Jahzeer,  the  first  of  the  four  sons  of  Naph- 
tali  (Gen. 46. 24),  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Jahzeelites  (Num.26.48). 

Jahzepah',  a  priest  of  the  house  of  Immer 
(iChr.9.i2). 

Jahziel'  (iChr.7.13)  =  Jahzeel. 

Jaip'  {Jah  enlightens). — 1.  A  descendant 
of  Judah  and  Manasseh  (iChr.2.23)  who  con- 
quered Argob  (Deut.3.14)  and  possessed  23 
villages  in  Gilead — Havoth-jair  (Num. 32.41). 
— 2.  The  Gileadite  judge  (Judg.lO.3-5)  who 
had  30  cities  and  30  sons  who  rode  on  asses. 
He  was  buried  at  Carnon.  Critics  regard  i  and 
2  as  identical  and  Moore  argues  that  Gilead  was 
conquered  at  a  late  date  by  western  tribes.  Yet 
Moore  himself  reckons  Num. 32. 41  to  belong  to 
the  oldest  strata  in  the  Pentateuch,  and  Jair 
there  fits  into  the  narrative.  [Machir.]  Judg. 
10.3-5  is  an  isolated  note  that  may  well  be  out 
of  place.  It  is  not  inconceivable,  however, 
that  a  man  and  his  grandson  should  have  the 
same  name  and  possess  the  same  property. 
Note,  T  was  a  warrior,  2  was  only  remarkable 
for  wealth  and  ostentation. — 3.  A  Benjamite, 
son  of  Kish  and  father  of  Mordecai  (Esth.2.5). 
—4.  Father  of  Elhanan,  i,  one  of  David's 
heroes  (iChr.20.5).  [h.m.s.] 

Ja'ipite,  The.  Ira  the  Jairite  was  a 
"  priest,"  R.V.  ("  chief  ruler,"  A.V.),  to  David 
(2Sam.2O.26).     [Ithrite.] 

Jai'pus. — 1.  A  rulter  of  a  synagogue,  pro- 
bably at  Capernaum,  or  some  town  near  the 
W.  shore  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  whose  daughter 
Jesus  raised  (Mt.9.i8  ;  Mk.5.22  ;  Lu.8.41). — 
2.  (Est.  Apocll.2.)     [Jair,  3.] 


380 


JAKAN 


Ja'kan.     [Akan.] 

Ja'keh.  The  A.V.  of  Pr.SO.i  represents 
this  as  the  proper  name  of  the  father  of  Agur, 
whose  sayings  are  collected  in  Pr.30,  and  such 
is  the  natural  interpretation.  But  beyond 
this  we  have  no  clue  to  the  existence  of  either 
Agur  or  Jakeh.  R.V.  marg.  reads  "  Jakeh,  of 
Massa."  For  a  full  discussion  sec  DeUtzsch, 
Comtn.     [Proverbs.] 

Jakim'. — 1.  Head  of  the  12th  course  of 
priests  in  the  reign  of  David  (iChr.24.i2). — 2. 
A  Benjamite,  of  the  Bene-Shiinhi  (iChr.8.19). 

Jalon',  a  son  of  Ezra,  2,  in  the  genealogy 
of  Judah  (iChr.4.17). 

Jambres.     [Jannes  and  Jambres.] 

Jam'bpi.  Soon  after  the  death  of  Judas 
(i6t  B.C.)  "  the  children  of  Jarabri  "  attacked 
a  Hasmonaean  detachment  (iMac.9. 36-42). 
The  name  Jambri  is  elsewhere  unknown,  and 
the  LXX.  reading  is  here  uncertain.  If  the 
true  form  is  Ambri,  the  Amorites  may  be 
meant.  [c.d.] 

James  ('16.ku^os,  Lat.  Jacobus  ;  the  Heb. 
Jacob,  with  the  Gk.  termination  os,  which  is 
not,  however,  added  to  the  patriarch's  name). 
The  name  has,  in  various  languages,  under- 
gone more  changes  than  almost  any  other. 
In  the  East  St.  James  is  still  St.  Jacob.  In 
English  the  separation  between  the  two 
names  has  now  become  complete,  but  the 
kalendars  to  1662  have  "  St.  Philip  and  St. 
Jacob." — 1.  St.  James,  son  of  Zebedce  and  Sa- 
lome, elder  brother  of  St.  John.  It  is  probable 
that  his  acquaintance  with  our  Lord  began 
with  the  incident  Jn.l. 35-42;  from  which  we 
infer  that  (after  being  a  disciple  of  the  Baptist) 
he  was  brought  to  our  Lord  by  his  younger 
brother,  who  (according  to  his  custom)  docs  not 
name  him.  At  liis  first  call  (Mk. 1.19,20)  the 
brothers  were  in  the  ship  mending  their  nets, 
when  they  left  their  father  and  "  went  after 
Him."  At  a  second  and  more  definite  call 
(Lu.5.i-ii)  "they  forsook  all  and  followed 
Him."  Thirdly,  with  the  eleven,  he  was  chosen 
to  be  an  apostle  (Mt.10.2  ;  Mk.3.17  ;  Lu.6.14  ; 
Ac.1.13).  In  all  four  lists  St.  James  comes 
second  or  third  ;  he  was  one  of  the  most 
honoured  three,  beinc;  present  at  the  raising  of 
the  daughter  of  J  aims,  the  Transfiguration, 
and  the  Agony.  Our  Lord  gave  the  brothers 
the  name  Boanerges  (sons  of  thunder).  The 
fiery  spirit  which  evoked  this  description  was 
shown  in  the  wish  to  call  fire  from  heaven  on 
the  Samaritans  (Lu.9.54).  Westcott  and  others 
suppose  (from  a  comparison  of  the  names  of 
the  holy  women  present  at  the  Crucifixion)  that 
Salome  was  the  Virgin's  sister.  This  might 
accoimt  for  her  ambitious  request  for  her  sons 
(Mt.20.20  ;  Mk.10.35).  The  fact  that  our  Lord 
neither  showed  anger  nor  uttered  any 
rebuke,  as  He  did  in  the  case  of  other 
ambitious  requests,  shows  that  He  was 
looking  forward  to  the  future  with  the  know- 
ledge that  the  two  would  fulfil  their  seemingly 
boastful  words.  About  14  years  after  this  (44 
A.D.)  St.  James  was  killed  with  the  sword  by 
Agrippa  I.,  the  most  dangerous  enemy  of  the 
Church  in  its  first  years  (.\c.l2.2).  AlthouRh 
this  is  the  only  death  of  an  apostle  recorded  in 
N.T.,  St.  Luke  barely  mentions  it,' because  it 
had  no  immediate  effect  on  the  history  of  the 
Church,  as  the  death  of  St.  Stephen  had.     It  is 


JAMES 

reported  that  the  accuser  of  St.  James  asked 
forgiveness  of  him,  and  was  executed  with  him. 
(For  the  supposed  journey  of  this  apostle  to 
Spain,  cl.  Diet,  of  Christian  Antiquities,  and 
Mrs.  Jameson's  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art,  vol. 
i.  pp.  231  ff.) — 2.  James  (the  son)  of  Alphaeus, 
is  so  called  in  all  four  lists  of  the  Twelve  and  in 
all  four  heads  the  third  group.  He  is  probably 
to  be  identified  with  James  the  little,  or  "  the 
less,"  and  was  the  son  of  Mary,  and  possibly 
brotherofSt.  Matthew,  who  is  also  called  (son) 
of  .Alphaeus  (Mk.2.14),  probably,  however,  a 
different  person.  The  question  whether  he  is 
to  be  identified  with  "  the  Lord's  brother  "  is 
admittedly  the  hardest  question  about  the 
Twelve,  vide  infra.  As  a  rule,  the  Western 
Church  has  so  identified  him,  but  not  the 
Eastern.  The  Byzantine  and  some  other 
Eastern  kalendars  distinguish  between  the 
two ;  but  the  gospel  for  SS.  Philip  and 
James'  Day  in  the  English  Prayer-Book 
shows  that  the  compilers  (mistakenly,  as  we 
think)  identified  them.  We  know  nothing 
further  of  this  St.  James.  Untrustworthy  tra- 
ditions relate  that  he  was  crucified  in  Persia. 
— 3.  "  James,  the  Lord's  brother."  It  is  ne- 
cessary first  to  consider  who  the  Lord's  bre- 
thren were.  There  are  three  possible  theories  ; 
and  we  use  the  names  given  to  them  by  Bp. 
Lightfoot  in  his  classic  note  on  "  The  Brethren 
of  the  Lord  "  {Ep.  to  Galatians,  pp.  247-282) : 
(a)  The  Epiphanian  view  that  they  were  the 
sons  of  Joseph  by  an  earlier  marriage.  (/3)  The 
Hclvidian,  that  they  were  sons  of  Joseph  and 
the  Virgin.  (7)  The  Hieronymian  theory,  in- 
vented by  Jerome  about  383  a.d.,  that  the 
brethren  were  not  brothers,  but  cousins,  being 
sons  of  the  Virgin's  sister,  Mary,  wife  of  Clopas. 
With  regard  to  (/i)  it  must  be  admitted  that 
those  wliose  sense  of  reverence  is  not  disturbed 
by  it  will  not  care  to  pursue  the  question 
further.  There  are,  however,  two  objections : 
(i)  It  is  against  tradition,  and  has  never  been 
held  by  any  one  of  importance  in  the  Church 
except  Tertullian,  a  writer  who  was  capable  of 
entertaining  many  strange  opinions,  (ii)  The 
words  from  the  cross,  "  Woman,  behold  thy 
son  "  (Jn.l9.26),areinconceivableif  at  the  time 
the  Virgin  had  four  sons  and  three  daughters, 
capable  of  caring  for  her,  from  whose  society 
she  was  taken  and  given  to  another  by  Him 
Who  laid  such  stress  on  natural  affection.  It 
is  no  argument  that  the  brethren  at  the  time 
did  not  believe  that  our  Lord  was  the  Messiah, 
for  in  a  few  days  they  all  did  believe  in  Him,  and 
to  St.  James  a  special  appearance  was  granted, 
and  he  was  chosen  to  be  the  first  bishop  of 
Jerusalem.  Surely  he  would  have  reverenced 
his  mother  more  than  any  one  had  he  known 
she  was  the  mother  of  his  Lord.  (7).  the //(Vrony- 
»« (an  view,  demands  fuller  consideration.  It  is 
clever — the  invention  of  a  young  man  who  in 
maturer  years  spoke  of  it  slightingly,  if  he  did 
nf)t  discard  it.  The  arguments  for  Jerome's 
theory  are  specious:  (i)  The  second  James 
in  the  Twelve,  the  son  of  Alphaeus,  is  iden- 
tified with  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  because 
St.  Paul  WTote  ((ial.t.19),  "  other  of  the  apos- 
tles saw  I  none  save  James,  the  Lord's  brother." 
But  St.  Paul's  words  do  not  prove  that  St. 
James  was  one  of  the  Twelve,  though  he  had  a 
right  to  the  title  apostle,  as  he  was  vouchsafed 


JAMES 

a  special  appearance  during  the  40  days  (iCor. 
15.7),  when  he  was  sent  forth.  The  word 
apostle  is  used  for  others  besides  the  Twelve — 
e.g.  Paul,  Barnabas,  Andronicus,  and  Junias. 
(ii)  James  and  Joseph  were  names  of  our 
Lord's  brothers  ;  they  were  also  sons  of  Mary 
who  was  present  at  the  Crucifixion  (Mt.27. 
56  ;  Mk.i5.40),  and  who  is  (iii)  (Jn.i9.25) 
stated  to  be  the  Virgin's  sister  and  the  wife 
of  Clopas — therefore,  the  title  brothers  must 
be  used  in  the  wider  sense  of  cousins.  But  the 
names  were  too  common  to  found  an  argument 
upon,  without  other  evidence ;  and  the  words 
of  St.  J  ohn  may  equally  well  refer  to  four  women 
(the  Peshitta  inserts  "and  "  after  "  sister  "), 
and  do  not  sufiiciently  warrant  the  improbable 
assumption  that  two  sisters  would  have  the 
same  name  "  Mary."  Moreover,  it  is  quite  un- 
precedented that  in  a  description  of  relationship 
various  writers  should  persistently  and  ex- 
clusively use  the  term  "  brother  "  of  those  who 
were  cousins.  Further,  it  is  clearly  stated 
"neither  did  His  brethren  believe  in  Him"  (Jn. 
7.5).  This  could  not  have  been  said  of  the  son  of 
Alphaeus,  for  he  and  his  brother  St.  Jude  were 
actually  amongst  the  Twelve,  from  whom  (in 
fact)  the  brethren  are  excluded  (Ac.l.14),  and 
from  whom  St.  Jude  seems  to  exclude  himself 
(17).  The  appearance  to  St.  James  changed  the 
attitude  of  the  brethren  towards  our  Lord.  We, 
therefore,  do  not  believe  that  the  brethren  were 
sons  of  Joseph  and  the  Virgin  because  of  the 
words  from  the  cross,  and  because  (if  they  had 
possessed  that  remarkable  relationship)  some- 
thing more  than  vague  hints  would  have  been 
given.  (The  passage  Mt.l.25  no  more  means 
that  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  had  other 
children,  than  1Sam.i5.35  means  that  Samuel 
came  to  Saul  on  the  day  of  his  death.  The  word 
firstborn  must  be  omitted  from  this  verse,  as 
in  R.V.  In  Lu.2.7  it  is  simply  the  legal  designa- 
tion of  the  Child. )  Nor  do  we  believe  that  they 
were  sons  of  the  Virgin's  sister  and  Clopas,  be- 
cause they  are  never  associated  with  them,  but 
with  the  names  of  Joseph  and  Mary  (Mt.i3.55). 
They  were  never  with  their  supposed  mother. 
No  other  theory  remains  but  that  they  were 
sons  of  Joseph  by  an  earlier  marriage.  No  one 
was  better  suited  than  St.  James  to  preside  over 
the  church  at  Jerusalem.  His  tone  of  thought 
and  his  education  (which  had  not  been  imbued 
with  the  Lord's  teaching)  made  him  acceptable 
to  the  Jews,  who  reverenced  his  zeal  for  their 
religion  (c/.  Ac.l5.2i).  The  whole  speech  has  a 
J  udaic  tone,  even  in  the  Gentile  editor's  report. 
At  an  unknown  date  he  was  made  bishop  of 
Jerusalem.  Probably  our  Lord  Himself  had 
designated  him  for  that  office — a  last  kindness 
to  His  own  people.  The  Twelve  were  evidently 
precluded  from  this  office  by  their  mission  into 
all  the  world.  He  upheld  his  official  position 
with  that  vigour  which  characterizes  his 
epistle.  After  he  has  spoken,  even  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul  are  silent.  The  decree  of  the  church 
at  Jerusalem  is  his  sentence  (e-yw  Kpivw,  Ac. 15. 
19,  an  expression  that  a  bishop  nowadays 
would  scarcely  use).  And  even  St.  Paul  put 
him  before  SS.  Peter  and  John  (Gal. 2. 9).  Later 
writers  give  him  the  same  pre-eminence.  He- 
gesippus  (160  A.D.)  gives  interesting  particulars 
about  him,  which  Eusebius  accepted.  He 
seems  to  infer  that  St.  James  became  bishop 


JAMES,  G-ENERAL  EtlSTLE  OF    38 1 

immediately  after  the  Ascension.  His  holiness 
was  acknowledged  by  all.  It  is  said  that  he  was 
allowed  to  enter  the  holy  of  holies,  and  that  his 
knees  became  hard  as  a  camel's  from  constant 
prayer.  His  influence  with  the  Jews  was  so 
great,  that  had  he  lived  he  might  have  averted 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem;  but  the  scribes 
and  Pharisees  killed  him,  and  our  Lord's  fore- 
knowledge of  this  may  be  an  explanation  of  His 
terrible  denunciation  of  them.  They  seem  to 
have  brought  him  forth  on  a  critical  occasion, 
and  to  have  set  him  in  a  prominent  place  on 
the  temple,  "the  pinnacle  of  the  temple."  But 
his  words  were  not  their  words,  and  they  threw 
him  down  headlong,  then  stoned  him  till  a 
charitable  fuller  ended  his  sufferings  with  his 
workman's  club,  as  he  was  praying  for  his 
murderers ;  and  they  immediately  buried  him 
close  to  the  temple,  with  an  inscription  de- 
claring his  sanctity.  Then  the  cup  was  full, 
and  the  fatal  siege  of  Jerusalem  began.  See 
also  next  article.  [b.r.] 

James,  General  Epistle  of.  I.  Its 
Authenticity.  The  epistle  was  accepted  as 
canonical  at  the  Council  of  Carthage  (397  a.d.), 
and  its  authenticity  was  not  again  questioned 
until  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  But  until 
the  end  of  the  4th  cent,  there  seems  to  have 
been  some  doubt  as  to  its  genuineness.  For 
though  there  are  probable  references  to  it  in 
Clement  of  Rome,  Hermas,  and  the  Didache, 
and  though  it  is  certainly  quoted  by  Irenaeus, 
it  is  omitted  in  the  Muratorian  Fragment  (180 
A.D.),  and  Eusebius,  though  he  quotes  it  and 
speaks  of  it  as  being  used  in  most  of  the 
churches,  adds  that  it  is  "  considered  spuri- 
ous," and,  in  his  catalogue  of  the  N.T., 
classes  it  with  the  "disputed"  books.  Its 
comparatively  late  acceptance  was  possibly 
due  to  its  Jewish  and  apparently  anti-Pauline 
character. — II.  Its  Author.  The  author  de- 
scribes himself  simply  as  "  James,  a  servant  of 
.  .  .  Jesus  Christ,"  but  the  authoritative  tone  of 
the  letter  implies  that  he  held  an  important 
position  in  the  Church.  He  must,  therefore, 
be  either  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  James  the 
son  of  Alphaeus,  or  the  James  who  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  Acts  as  the  leader  of  the 
church  at  Jerusalem,  and  is  identified  by  St. 
Paul  with  James  "  the  brother  of  the  Lord." 
The  first  two  are  plainly  excluded.  Had  the 
author  been  one  of  the  Twelve  he  would  almost 
certainly  have  claimed  the  title.  Moreover, 
the  son  of  Zebedee  was  probably  put  to  death 
before  the  epistle  was  written,  while  the  son  of 
Alphaeus  was  not  sufficiently  prominent.  The 
author,  therefore,  must  be  James  "  the  brother 
of  the  Lord."  This  conclusion  is  supported  by 
the  general  character  of  the  book,  which  shows 
it  to  be  the  work  of  a  Palestinian  Jewish  Chris- 
tian, and  agrees  with  all  that  we  read  of  James 
in  St.  Paul  and  Acts.  The  language  of  the 
epistle,  too,  is  strikingly  similar  to  that  of  the 
speech  and  letter  of  James  recorded  in  Ac. 15. 
— III.  Its  Date.  If  James  was  the  author,  he 
must  have  written  the  epistle  after  40  a.d.  and 
before  68  a.d. — i.e.  after  he  became  leader  of 
the  church  at  Jerusalem,  and  before  his  mar- 
tyrdom (62  a.d.  according  to  Josephus,  68  a.d. 
according  to  another  tradition).  The  internal 
evidence  confirms  this  view.  The  theology  of 
the  epistle,  the_belief_in  the  nearness  of  the 


3^2  JAMIN 

Parousia  (5.7,8),  the  lack  of  definite  church 
organization,  agree  with  the  account  of  the 
church  at  Jerusalem  given  in  Acts,  and  belong 
to  the  period  prior  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (70 
A.D.) — which  would  certainly  be  mentioned  if 
it  had  already  occurred — and  the  consequent 
separation  of  Christianity  from  Judaism.  On 
the  ground  that  tiiere  is  no  reference  to  the 
Council  of  Jerusalenr  (49  a.d.),  Mayor  places  it 
before  50  .■v.u.,  and  regards  it  as  the  earliest 
book  in  N.T. ;  while  Sanday,  arguing  that 
James  would  not  be  likely  to  write  an  epistle 
unless  influenced  by  the  example  of  St.  Paul, 
places  it  after  the  earlier  Pauline  epistles  (c.  60 
A.D.). — IV.  Character  AND  Contents.  (i)The 
epistle  deals  with  Christian  life  rather  than 
Christian  doctrine.  It  was  addressed  to  Chris- 
tians belonging  to  the  poorer  classes,  who  were 
subject  to  persecution  from  their  wealthy 
fellow-countrymen,  to  warn  them  against  the 
sins  into  which  they  were  most  likely  to  fall, 
to  console  them  in  their  sufferings,  and  to  put 
before  them  the  true  Christian  ideal  of  life. 
(2)  James  may  have  had  in  view  some  per- 
version or  misuse  of  the  Pauline  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  (2.14-26).  That  he 
wrote  to  controvert  directly  St.  Paul's  argu- 
ment in  Ro.1-4  cannot  be  maintained.  "  If 
we  suppose  direct  polemics  between  the  two 
apostles,  then  both  seem  strangely  to  miss  the 
mark.  Each  would  he  arguing  against  some- 
thing the  other  did  not  hold"  (Sanday) — 
James,  against  a  barren  orthodoxy;  Paul, 
against  a  self-righteous  Pharisaism.  (3)  Lu- 
ther said  there  was  nothing  "  evangelical  " 
about  the  epistle.  But  despite  its  Jewish  and 
untheological  character,  it  preserves  more  of 
the  teaching  of  our  Lord,  as  contained  in  the 
Synoptic  gospels,  than  all  the  other  epistles 
put  together.  It  breathes  the  spirit  of  the 
Master,  and  is  an  attempt  to  give  a  practical 
application  to  the  i)rinciples  of  the  Sermon  on 
the  Mount.  Mayor,  Epistle  of  James  :  an 
excellent  commentary,  with  introduction. 
See  also  Stevens,  N.T.  Theology  ;  R.  W.  Dale, 
Discourses  on  the  Epistle  of  James  ;  Boyd  Car- 
penter, Wisdom  of  James  the  Just.  [r.b.] 

Jamin'. — 1.  Second  son  of  Simeon  (Gen. 
46.10  ;  Ex.6. 15  ;  iChr.4.24),  founder  of  the 
family  of  the  Jaminltes  (Num. 26. 12). — 2.  A 
man  of  Judah,  second  son  of  Kani  (iChr.2.27). 
— 3.  A  I.evite  who  expounded  the  law  (Ne. 8.7). 

Jamlech',  one  of  the  chief  men  of  Simeon 
(iChr.4.34;  cf.  41,42)  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah. 

Jamnia,  Idols  of  (2  Mac.  12. 40,  Updifxara 
tQ>v  a-rb  lanviias  fi'SuiXwi').  The  Syriac,  which 
in  this  and  other  ]iassages  of  2Mac.  has  many 
divergencies  from  the  Gk.,  reads  "gold  of  the 
idols  of  Jamnia"  (de  yamnin).  No  adequate 
reason  is  offered  for  the  use  by  Judas's  men 
of  tokens  from  Jamnia.  It  is  possible  that 
d7r6  'la/j-vtias  has  its  origin  in  a  gloss  |*0d  = 

Bainovtf.     fj  AHNI'KI..)  [j.A.D.] 

Jam'nia,  Jamnites,  The   (iMac.4.i5,5. 

58,10.69,15.10;    2Mac.l2.H,<),4").    [Jabneel.] 
Jan'na.soii  of  josc|ili,  and  father  of  Melchi, 
in  till-  (,'cnfMloKV  of  Christ  (Lu.3.24). 

Jan'nesand  Jatn'bpes,  the  names  of  the 
two  Egyptian  magicians  who  opposed  Moses. 
St.  Paul  alone  of  the  canonical  writers  men- 
tions them  by  name,  and  says  no  more  than 
that  they  "  withstood  Moses,"  and  that  their 


JAUAH 

folly  in  doing  so  became  manifest  (2Tim.3.8,9). 
Theodoret  believes  St.  Paul  to  be  merely  re- 
peating an  oral  tradition  as  to  their  names;  but 
Origen  asserts  that  in  2Tim.3.8  St.  Paul  quotes 
from  an  apocryphal  "'  Book  of  Jannes  and 
Mambres  " — the  latter  being  a  variant  on  the 
second  name.  Though  such  a  book  has  not  yet 
been  rediscovered,  there  are  grounds  for  ac- 
cepting this  as  the  more  probable,     [a.c.d.] 

Jano'ah,  a  place  in  the  N.  of  Galilee,  taken 
by  Tiglath-pileser  in  734  B.C.  (2 K. 15. 29).  Now 
Ydmih,  a  village  5  miles  E.  of  Tyre,     [c.r.c] 

Janohah',  a  place  on  the  E.  boundary  of 
Ephraim  (Jos.16.6,7).  Eusebius  {Onomasticon) 
places  it  12  Roman  miles  E.  of  Neapolis.  Now 
Ydmln,  a  village  7  English  miles  E.  of  Shechem, 
and  S.  of  T'ana.  [Taanath-shiloh.]  [c.r.c] 

Janum',  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  mountain 
district,  apparently  not  far  from  Hebron 
(Jos. 15. 33).  Probably  the  village  Beni  Nairn, 
3  miles  li.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Ja'pheth. — 1.  (Gen.9.18,27,10.1-5.)  Son  of 
Noah,  and  ancestor  of  one  of  the  three  great  di- 
visions of  mankind.  [Races.]  The  name  (Heb. 
yepheth)  is  connected  with  a  root  meaning  to 
"open"  or  "enlarge"  (Gen. 9. 27).  Possibly,  on 
the  analogy  of  other  names,  J  apheth  was  ori- 
ginally yiphtah  'cl,  "  God  opens."  He  occurs  last 
in  each  list  of  the  sons  of  Noah  ;  but  in  Gen. 9. 24 
(R.V.)  Ham  is  said  to  be  the  youngest  son  and 
J  apheth  is  blessed  by  his  father  before  Shem. 
In  the  enumeration  of  the  peoples  descended 
from  these  three  patriarchs,  Japheth's  sons 
stand  first,  and  in  Gen. 10. 21,  Japheth  is  said 
to  be  Shem's  elder  brother.  His  family  is  said 
(Gen. 10.5)  to  have  "  divided  the  isles  [coasts] 
of  theGentiles."  His  most  important  sons  were 
Gomer  and  Javan  (Ionian,  or  Greek).  From 
Javan  sprang  Elishau  (?  Hellas),  Tarshish, 
Kittim  (Cyprus),  and  Dodanim  (LX.X.  'P65tot, 
iChr.1.6;  Heb.  rodhdnim,  ?  the  Rhodians).  In 
the  poem  wherein  Noah  foretells  the  future  of 
his  sons  (Gen. 9. 25-27),  Japheth  is  to  be  "  en- 
larged " — a  play  on  his  name — and  is  (unless 
the  Targum  and  Bab.  Talmud  are  right  in 
making  "  God  "  the  subject)  to  "  dwell  in  the 
tents  of  Shem."  The  name  Japheth  has  been 
identified  with  that  of  the  giant  lapetus  of 
Homer  (//.  \n\.  479),  according  to  Hesiod,  the 
father  of  Prometheus. — 2.  The  name  of  a  dis- 
tri(;t  mentioned  in  Jth.2.25.  Holofernes  came 
unto  the  borders  of  Japheth,  which  were  to- 
wards the  S.,  over  against  .Arabia,  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Japhla'. — 1.  King  of  I.achish  at  the  time 
of  the  conquest  of  Canaan  by  the  Israelites ;  one 
of  the  five  kings  defeated  at  Beth-horon  (Jos. 
10. i). — 2.  .\  son  of  David  born  in  Jerusalem 
(2Sain.5.i5  :    iChr.3.7,14.6). 

Japhi  a,  on  the  boundary  of  Zebulun 
(Jos.19.i2).  Ydfa,  li  miles  S.W.  of  Nazareth, 
is  apparently  meant,  between  Sarid  (Tell 
Shadiid)  and  Cmislotii  (Iksdl)  at  the  foot  of 
the  Nazannh  hills.  [c.r.c] 

Japhlet',  a  descendant  of  Asher  through 
Hcriah  ( iC  lir.7.32,33). 

Japhletl'.  The  boundary  of  the  "  Japh- 
letite  "  (sec  R.V.)  is  one  of  the  landmarks  on 
the  S.  hnund.iry-line  of  I'^phraim  (J0S.I6.3)  : 
Iv.  of  Hi-Tii-MOKON  the  nether.  [c.R.c] 

Japho'  (Jos.l9.4()  <^nly),  the  Heb.  form 
of  Joi'PA.     lis  modern  form  is  Ydfa. 

japah',  a  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.9.42). 


TARES 

Japeb'  (Ho.5.13,10.6).  "  King  Jareb"  has 
been  otherwise  rendered  "king  of  Jareb"; 
but  more  probably  "  the  hostile  king  "  (of 
Assyria)  with  whom  Ephraim  sought  alUance 
in  8th  cent.  b.c.  [c.r.c] 

Japed',  one  of  the  antediluvian  patriarchs, 
the  fifth  from  Adam  ;  son  of  Mahalaleel,  and 
father  of  Enoch  (Gen.5.i5ff. ;  Lu.3.37). 

Japesiah',  a  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Je- 
horam  (iChr.8.27). 

Japha',  the  Egyptian  servant  of  Sheshan, 
about  the  time  of  Eli,  to  whom  his  master  gave 
Ahlai,  his  daughter  and  heir,  in  marriage 
(iChr.2.31,34,35). 

Japib'. — 1.  Named  in  the  list  of  iChr.4.24 
only,  as  a  son  of  Simeon.  Perhaps  the  same  as 
Jachin,  I  (Gen. 46. 10;  Ex. 6. 15  ;  and  Num.26. 
12). — 2.  One  of  the  "  chief  men  "  who  accom- 
panied Ezra  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 
8.16). — 3.  A  priest  of  the  house  of  Jeshua, 
who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  the  command 
of  Ezra  (10. 1'S).— 4.  [Jehoiarib.] 

Japimoth'  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Jeremoth,  5. 

Japmuth'. — 1.  A  royal  Amorite  city  (Jos. 
10.3,5,6)  conquered  by  Joshua  (12. 11),  and 
lying  in  the  sh^pheld  region  of  Judah  (I5.35), 
near  AduUam  and  Socoh.  It  was  inhabited 
after  the  Captivity  (Ne.ll.29).  Now  the  ruin 
el  Yarmuq,  3  miles  N.  of  Socoh,  on  N.  side 
of  the  valley  of  Elah. — 2.  A  Levitical  town 
in  Issachar  (Jos. 21. 29),  apparently  Remeth, 
now  Rdmeh.     [Ramoth.]  [c.r.c] 

Japoah',  a  Gadite  chief  (iChr.5.14). 

Jasael'  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Sheal. 

Jashen'.  "Sons  of  J  ashen"  occur  in  the 
catalogue  of  David's  heroes  (2Sam.23.32).  In 
iChr.11.34  they  appear  as  sons  of  Hashem 
the  Gizonite.  In  his  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  283, 
Dr.  Driver  is  of  opinion  that  "  sons  of  "  (''33) 
has  crept  into  the  .text  from  the  ending  of  "  the 
Shaalbonite"  ("'i^'^y-')  which  precedes;  that 
"  the  Gizonite  "  should  be  "  the  Gunite  "  or 
member  of  the  family  of  the  Guni  (cf.  Num.26. 
48);  and  that  thus  "the  sons  of  Jashen" 
should  be  read  "  Jashen  the  Gunite."     [h.c.b.] 

Jashep'  (properly  Jashar,  as  R.V.),  Book 
of.  This  long-lost  book  is  mentioned  twice 
in  O.T.,  first,  as  containing  a  poem  on  the  battle 
of  Gibeon  (Jos.lO.1-14),  and  also  secondly  the 
lament  of  David  over  Saul  and  Jonathan,  cited 
in  2Sam. 1.17-27.  Possibly  there  may  also  be  a 
reference  to  it  in  the  somewhat  strange  inter- 
polation in  the  LXX.of  iK.8.53 — iv  ^L^Xiui  tt}s 
iiidrjs.  [Kings,  Books  of.]  The  collection  in 
the  book  was  probably  one  of  ancient  national 
poetry.  Several  forged  books  under  this  title 
have  appeared  at  various  times  and  places. 
They  are  of  no  value  whatever.  Dr.  Donald- 
son's work  bearing  this  title  is  also  an  attempt 
to  restore  the  book  out  of  portions  of  the 
Pentateuch  and  O.T..  an  attempt  based  on  no 
evidence.     [Kings,  Books  of.]      [c.h.h.w.] 

Jashobeam'.  Possibly  one  and  the  same 
follower  of  David,  bearing  this  name,  is  de- 
scribed as  a  Hachmonite  (iChr.ll.ii),  a 
Korhite  (iChr.12.6),  and  son  of  Zabdiel  (iChr. 
27.2).  [EzNiTE  ;  Tachmonite.]  He  came 
to  David  at  Ziklag.  He  slew  300  (or  800, 
2Sam.23.8,  see  marg.  and  R.V.)  men  at  one 
time.  He  is  named  first  among  the  mighty 
men  of  David  (iChr.ll.ii). 

Jashub'. — 1.  Third  son  of  Issachar  (called 


Jasper 


5§S 


Job ;  R.V.  iob ;  Gen.46.i3),  and  founder  of  the 
family  of  the  Jashubites  (Num.26.24  ;  iChr. 
7.1). — 2.  A  layman  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  who 
had  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.29). 

Jashubi-le'hem  (iChr.4.22).  The  wri- 
ter, copying  an  ancient  list,  seems  to  have 
found  this  term  difficult,  and  adds  the  sen- 
tence "  and  ancient  things  "  (or  "deeds,"  or 
"  words ").  The  LXX.  understands  the 
words  to  mean  "  and  turned  them  back." 
Possibly  we  may  read  that  the  men  of  Chozeba 
"  were  masters  in  Moab,  and  the  dwellings 
of  Ham."  [c.r.c] 

Jashub'ites,  The.     [Jashub,  i.] 

Jasiel',  the  Mesobaite,  the  last  named  in 
the  list  of  David's  heroes  in  1Chr.ll.47. 

Jason.  A  form  which  the  name  Joshua 
took  under  the  Hasmonaeans  and  onward. — 1. 
Son  of  Eleazer,  one  of  the  commissioners  sent 
by  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  make  a  treaty  with 
the  Romans,  161  b.c  (iMac.8.17),  probably 
the  same  as — 2.  Father  of  Antipater  (12.i6, 
14.22). — 3.  A  Jewish  historian,  of  Cyrene, 
therefore  probably  a  Hellenistic  Jew  who 
wrote  in  five  books  a  history  of  the  Jewish 
war  of  freedom  which  supplied  most  of  the 
materials  for  2Mac.  [Maccabees,  Books  of.] 
—4.  The  high-priest,  second  son  of  Simon 
II.  and  brother  of  Onias  III.,  who  obtained 
the  high-priesthood  from  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes,  to  the  exclusion  of  his  elder  brother,  by 
means  of  a  bribe.  He  was  a  great  Hellen- 
izer,  and  by  a  liberal  expenditure  of  money 
secured  a  gymnasium,  an  ephebhim  at  the  very 
foot  of  mount  Zion,  and  procured  the  enrolment 
of  the  Jews  among  the  citizens  of  Antioch. 
Greek  caps  were  worn  and  Greek  games 
practised  in  the  city,  and  the  latter  caused 
many  Jews  "  to  make  themselves  uncircum- 
cised  "  (iMac.1.15),  which  many  have  inter- 
preted "  to  endeavour  to  remove  traces  of  their 
circumcision  "  (cf.  iCor.7.i8),  though  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  hteral  physical  interpretation  is 
doubtful.  [Circumcision.]  After  three  years 
he  was  supplanted,  but  stimulated  by  a  report 
of  the  death  of  Antiochus,  he  made  an  only 
partially  successful  attempt  to  recover  his 
power.  He  was  ultimately  forced  to  retire  to 
the  Ammonites,  thence  to  Egypt,  and  after- 
wards to  Sparta,  where  he  died  (2Mac.4,5). 
[Hellenist  ;  Maccabees.] — 5.  A  Thessaloniaii 
who  entertained  SS.  Paul  and  Silas.  When  a 
Jewish  mob  came  to  secure  Paul  and  could 
not  find  him,  they  took  Jason  before  the 
politarchs,  who  demanded  security  of  him 
before  setting  him  free.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  he  is  the  same  as  the  companion  and 
fellow-tribesman  of  the  apostle  mentioned  in 
R0.I6.21.  [b.f.s.] 

Jaspep  (Heb.  yashpi ;  Gk.  ta(T7rts),  a 
precious  stone  frequently  noticed  in  Scripture. 
It  was  the  last  of  the  twelve  inserted  in  the 
high-priest's  breastplate  (Ex. 28. 20, 39. 13),  the 
first  of  the  twelve  used  in  the  foundations  of 
the  new  Jerusalem  (Rev. 21. 19),  and  was  among 
the  treasures  of  the  king  of  Tyre  (Ezk.28.13). 
He  that  sat  on  the  throne  (Rev. 4. 3)  was  to  look 
on  "  like  a  jasper  and  a  sardine  stone  "  ;  the 
light  of  the  new  Jerusalem  (21.ii)  was  "  like 
a  stone  most  precious,  even  like  a  jasper  stone, 
clear  as  crystal,"  and  its  wall  (21. 18)  was  built 
of  it.     These  three  passages,  at  any  rate,  seem 


384 


JASUBUS 


to^denote  a  stone  of  greater  brilliancy  and 
value  than  the  modern  jasper,  which,  though 
often  richly  coloured  {e.g.  red  or  dark  green) 
and  handsome,  is  rather  opaque  and  not  very 
rare,  being  one  of  the  less  translucent  and  pure 
varieties  of  Chalcedony.  But  in  Mr.  King's 
words,  "  greenness  and  more  or  less  trans- 
lucency,"  as  we  can  see  from  Pliny  and  other 
early  authors,  "  were  the  two  essential  char- 
acters of  the  ancient  iaspis."  It  is  certain, 
as  we  learn  from  the  former  author,  that  about 
the  ist  cent,  of  our  era  this  name  covered 
more  than  one  kind  of  mineral,  mostly,  how- 
ever, the  more  translucent  chalcedonies,  the 
green  varieties  (choice  specimens  of  plasma  or 
prasej  being  the  most  esteemed,  and  in  earlier 
times  (as  Pliny  says)  highly  valued.  A  possible 
parallel  (yaspn)  for  the  name  has  been  found 
in  the  .^marna  tablets  (Berlin  26).      [t.g.b.] 

Jasu'bus  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Jashub,  2. 

Ja'tal  (iEsd.5.28)  =  Ater,  i. 

Jathniel',  a  Korhite  Levite,  the  fourth  of 
the  family  of  Meshelemiah  (iChr.26.2). 

Jattip',  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  mountain 
district  ( J  0s.i5.48),  one  of  the  group  containing 
Socho,  Eshtemoa,  etc.  (See  also  Jos.2i.14  ;  i 
Sam.30.27 ;  iChr.6.57.)  Robinson  identified  it 
with  'Attir,  13  miles  S.  of  Hebron. 

Javan',  a  son  of  Japheth  (Gen. 10.2,4  ;  i 
Chr.l.5,7),  representing  the  Gk.  race  of  Ionia, 
the  descendants  of  which  were  found  in  Acolia, 
Tarsus,  Cyprus,  and  Rhodes.  The  Greeks  of 
Cyprus  are  traced  as  early  as  the  time  of  Ksar- 
haddon  (670  B.C.),  and  Sargon  of  Assyria  (c. 
710  B.C.)  speaks  of  the  lonians  as  "  fronting 
the  sea,  spawning  like  fishes."  [Races.]  In 
Isaiah  (66.19)  Javan  is  connected  with  Tarsus, 
Lydia,  Tubal,  and  (in  LXX.)  Meshech,  and  in 
Ezekiel  (27.13)  with  Tubal  and  Meshech,  also 
with  the  Danai  [DanJ  as  trading  with  Tyre 
(ver.  19;  c/.  R.V.  marg.).  Javan  is  rendered 
Grecia  or  Greece  in  A.  V.( Dan. 8. 21, 10. 20, 11. 2  ; 
Zech.9.13  ;  Jl.3.6),  in  consequence  of  LXX. 
rendering  "Hellenes";  but  the  Asiatic  Greeks 
are  usually  to  be  understood.  [c.r.c] 

Javelin.     [Arms.] 

Jazap',  Jazep'.     [Jaazer.] 

Jaziz',  a  Hagarite  who  had  charge  of  the 
flocks  of  king  Uavid  (1Chr.27.31). 

Jealousy,  Ordeal  of.  [Ordeal  of 
Jealousy.] 

Jealousy,  Water  of.  [Water  of 
Bitterness.] 

Jeaplm ,  Mount,  a  place  on  the  N. 
boundary  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 10).  The  range  E. 
of  Kirjath-jkarim  ('£>wa)andS.  of  Chesalon 
(Kesla).  The  valley  between  runs  to  Beth- 
SHEMESH  and  formed  the  border.       [c.r.c] 

Jeatepai',  a  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of 
Zerah  (iClir.6.21). 

Jebepechiah',  father  of  Zeciiariah,  28, 
in  the  rclKii  of  Ahaz  (Is. 8. 2). 

Jebus',  the  city  of  the  Jebusites,  is  only 
mentioned,  under  this  name,  twice  in  O.T.  : 
Judg.l9.io,  "Jebus,  wliich  is  Jerusalem," 
and  iChr.11.4,  "Jerusalem,  which  is  Jebus." 
The  origin  of  this  latter  name  is  not  kiif)\vii ; 
but  Col.  Conder  suggests,  with  some  pro- 
bability, that  Jebus  (Heb.  yfhhus)  is  the 
Akkadian  cb-tis  ("house  of  safety")  t'l/utvalenl 
to  Jerusalem  =  "house  of  safety"  (or,  "of 
peace").     [Jerusalem.]  [c.w.] 


JEDAIAH 

Jebusi'  =  Jebusite,  the  inhabitant  being 
put  for  the  place  (Jos.18.16,28;  c/.  15.8). 

Jebusite.  According  to  the  table  (Gen. 10. 
16  and  iChr.1.14),  "  the  Jebusite  "  is  the  third 
son  of  Canaan.  In  all  lists  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Canaan  the  Jebusite  occupies  the  last  place 
(Gen. 15. 21  ;  Ex. 3. 8,  etc.).  In  the  report  of 
the  spies  (Num. 13. 29)  they  are  distinguished, 
with  the  Hittites  and  Aniorites,  as  dwellers  in 
the  mountains ;  and  the  fact  that  they  were 
mountaineers  is  emphasized  in  Jos. 11. 3,  where 
the  Jebusites  joined  the  confederacy  of  Jabin 
against  Israel.  They  never  seem  to  have  been 
numerous  or  influential,  but  owed  their  im- 
portance to  the  possession  of  the  strong  fortress 
which  for  a  time  appears  to  have  borne  their 
name.  Jebus  was  not,  however,  the  original 
name  of  Jerusalem,  for  in  the  Amarna 
correspondence,  some  of  which  is  probably  of 
earlier  date  than  the  Israebtish  conquest  of 
the  land,  the  city  is  called  Uru-salim.  Possibly 
Adoni-zedek,  the  leader  of  the  five  kings  who 
combined  against  Joshua  (Jos. 10. i),  perhaps 
also  Adoni-bezek  (Judg.1.5),  was  a  Jebusite, 
though  the  former  is  called  an  Amorite  (Jos. 
10.5).  Jerusalem,  after  the  defeat  of  Adoni- 
bezek  (Judg.1.8),  was  taken  by  the  tribe  of 
Judah  ;  but  from  this  time  to  its  capture 
by  David  it  is  always  alluded  to  as  a  Jebusite 
town.  The  border  of  Judah  went  up  "  to 
the  south  side  of  the  Jebusite;  the  same 
is  Jerusalem"  (Jos. 15. 8)  ;  and  the  Levite 
would  not  enter  the  foreign  town  of  "Jebus, 
which  is  Jerusalem"  (Judg.l9.io).  WhenDavid 
attacked  the  stronghold,  the  Jebusites  evidently 
considered  it  impregnable  (2Sam.5.6)  ;  and 
even  after  its  capture,  they  continued  to  oc- 
cupy part  of  it.  Araunah,  or  Oman,  the  Je- 
busite, in  his  well-known  transaction  with 
David,  deals  with  him  "  as  a  king  with  a  king" 
(2Sam.24  ;  iChr.21).  In  the  days  of  Solomon 
the  Jebusites,  with  the  other  non-Israelite 
peoples  in  the  land,  were  put  to  forced  labour 
(1K.9.21).  Zechariah  uses  the  term"  Jebusite," 
apparently  as  an  archaism,  to  signify  an  inhabi- 
tant of  Jerusalem.  When  the  Philistines  are 
incorporated  with  J  udah,  Ekron,  says  the  pro- 
phet, "  shall  be  as  a  Jebusite."         [f.J.f.-j.] 

Jeeamiah'  (R.V.  Jekamiah),  a  sou  of 
king  Jcconiah  (iChr.3.i8). 

Jecholiah',  wife  of  Amaziah,  king  of 
Judah,  ami  mother  of  Azariah,  or  Uzziah,  his 
successor  (2K.I5.2). 

Jechoni'as. — 1.  The  Gk.  forna  found  in 
Apoc.  and  X.T.  of  the  name  of  king  Jecho- 
niah  (Est.  Apoc.11.4  ;   Ba.l.3,9  ;  Mt.l.11,12). 

2.     (llisd.8.92)  =  SUECHANIAH,    4. 

Jecoliah'    (2Chr.26.3)  =  Jecholiah. 

Jeconiah',  in  iClir.3. 16,17  ;  Esth.2.6  ;  Je. 
24.1,27.20,28.4,  and  29. i   for  Jehoiachin. 

Jeconi'as  (ilisd.1.9)  =  Conaniah. 

Jedai'ah  (n^Vl'),  head  of  the  second 
course  of  i)ricsts  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.24. 
7).  Some  of  the  famiU — or  of  a  second  priestly 
family  of  the  same  name;  see  Ne.12.6  (c/.  7), 19 
(c/.  21) — returned  to  Jerusalem  after  the  Cap-, 
tivity  (l':zr.2.3()  ;  Nc.7.39).  To  one  uf  these 
families  i)robal)ly  belonged  the  priest  in  the 
time  of  Jeshua  the  liigh-priest  (Zech.8.10,14). 

Jedaiah'  (Hp'). —  1.  .\  Simeonite,  son 
of  Shimri  (iChr.4.37). — 2.  Son  of  llarumaph  ; 


Jeddtt 

Oiae  who   assisted  in^rebuilding  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (Ne.S.io). 
Jed'du   (iEsd.5.24)  =  Jedaiah  (Ezr.2.36). 
Jede'us  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Adaiah,  6. 
Jediael'. — 1.  A  chief  patriarch  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (iChr.7.6,ii).      He  is  sometimes 
assumed  to  be  the  same  as  Ashbel,  son  of  Ben- 
jamin ;  but  this  is  not  certain.  [Bilhan.] — 2. 
Second  son  of  Meshelemiah,  a  Korhite  Levite 
(26.2). — 3.  Son  of  Shimri ;  one  of  David's  guard 
(11. 45).     Possibly  the  same  as — 4.  One  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  thousands  of  Manasseh  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (12.2o). 

Jedidah',  queen  of  Amon,  and  mother  of 
king  Josiah  (2K.22.1). 

Jedidiah',  the  name  bestowed,  through 
Nathan,  on  David's  son  Solomon  (2Sam.l2. 
25).  Bathsheba's  first  child  had  died — 
"  Jehovah  struck  it  "  (ver.  15).  A  second 
son  was  born,  David  called  his  name  Shelomoh 
(Peaceful) ;  and  "  the  Lord  loved  him,"  i.e.  al- 
lowed him  to  live.  David  sent  by  the  hand  of 
Nathan,  to  obtain  some  oracle  or  token  of 
the  divine  favour  on  the  babe,  and  the  babe's 
name  was  called  Jedid-Jah.  To  David,  him- 
self the  "  darling "  of  his  family  and  his 
people,  no  more  precious  seal  of  his  restoration 
to  the  divine  favour,  after  his  late  fall,  could 
have  been  afforded  than  that  the  name  of  his 
child  was  to  combine  his  own  name  with  that  of 
Jehovah — Jedid-Jah,  "darling  of  Jehovah." 

Jeduthun',  a  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Me- 
rari,  mentioned,  along  with  Heman  (of  the 
family  of  Kohath)  and  Asaph  (of  the  family  of 
Gershon)  as  head  of  one  of  the  three  guilds 
who  had  charge  of  the  temple  music  (iChr.25. 
1,3,6).  In  one  place  he  is  called  "  the  king's 
seer  "  (2Chr.35.15) :  and  the  name  Ethan  oc- 
curs in  some  passages  where  we  expect  Jedu- 
thun (iChr.6.44,15.17;  cf.  16.38,41,42).  The 
consonantal  te.xt  in  a  few  passages  reads 
Jedithun.  His  name  stands  at  the  head  of  Pss. 
39.62,  and  77.    [Psalms,  Titles  of.]     [j.r.] 

Je'eli  (iEsd.5.33)  =  Jaalah. 

Jee'lus  (iEsd.8.92)  =  Jehiel,  9. 

Jeezep'  (Num.26. 30;  R.V.  lezer),  con- 
tracted from  Abiezer,  a  descendant  of 
Manasseh  and  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Jeexepites  (R.V.  lezerites).  [h.c.b.] 

Jega'p-sahadutha'  (heap  of  testimony), 
the  Aramean  name  given  by  Laban  the 
Aramean  to  the  heap  of  stones  erected  as 
a  memorial  of  the  compact  between  Jacob 
and  himself  (Gen.3i.47).  Galeed,  "  witness 
heap,"  is  given  as  the  Heb.  equivalent. 
The  heap  surrounded  the  pillar — a  common 
feature  of  rude  stone  monuments — each  stone 
representing  a  person  present.  The  site  was 
at  Mizpah  (probably  SAf),  where  many  rude 
stone  monuments  still  exist.  [c.r.c] 

Jehaleleer  (R.V.  Jehallelel).  Four  of  the 
Bene-Jehalleleel  are  introduced  abruptly  into 
the  genealogies  of  Judah  (iChr.4.i6). 

Jehalelel'  (R.V.  Jehallelel),  a  Merarite 
Levite,  father  of  Azariah,  17  (2Chr.29.12). 

Jehdeiah'. — 1.  The  representative  of  the 
Bene-Shubael  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.24. 
20). — 2.  A  Meronothite  who  had  charge  of  the 
she-asses  of  David  (1Chr.27.30). 

Jehezekel',  a  priest  to  whom  David  gave 
the  charge  of  the  20th  of  the  24  courses  for  the 
temple-service  (iChr.24.i6). 


Jehohanan 


385 


Jehiah',  one  of  the  two  "  doorkeepers  for 
the  ark"  in  Jerusalem  (1Chr.i5.24). 

Jehiel'  (Heb.  'pX''!!*).— 1-  One  of  the 
Levites  appointed  by  David  to  assist  in  the 
serviceof  thehouseofGod(iChr.l5.i8,2o,16.5). 
— 2.  A  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  king  of  Judah,  put 
to  death  by  his  brother  Jehoram  (2Chr.21.2). 
— 3.  A  ruler  of  the  house  of  God  at  the  time 
of  the  reforms  of  Josiah  (35.8). — 4.  A  Ger- 
shonite  Levite,  head  of  the  Bene-Laadan 
in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.23.8),  who  had 
charge  of  the  treasures  (29.8). — 5.  Son  of 
Hachmoni,  named  in  the  list  of  David's  officers 
(27.32)  as  "with  the  king's  sons." — 0.  A  Levite 
of  the  Bene-Heman,  who  took  part  in  the  resto- 
rations of  king  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.14). — 7.  An- 
other Levite  at  the  same  period  (31. 13). — 8. 
Father  of  Obadiah,  of  the  Bene-Joab  (Ezr.8.9). 
— 9.  One  of  the  Bene-Elam,  father  of  She- 
CHANiAH,  4  (10.2 ). — 10.  A  member  of  the 
same  family  (IO.26),  who,  like — 11.  A  priest, 
one  of  the  Bene-Harim,  had  to  put  away  his 
foreign  wife  (IO.21).        ,  , 

Jehiel'  (Heb.  q'^ri,  7it.']^\;  Mhibh,  PNIV; 
R.V.  Jeiel),  a  name  distinct  from  the  last. — 
1.  A  man  described  as  father  of  Gibeon ;  a 
forefather  of  king  Saul  (iChr.9.35). — 2.  Ason 
of  Hotham  the  Aroerite ;  a  member  of  David's 
guard   (11.44)- 

Jehieli'  (iChr.26.2i, 22)  =  Jehiel,  4. 

Jehizkiah',  son  of  Shallum,  and  a  leader 
of  Ephraim  in  the  time  of  Ahaz  (2Chr.28.12). 

Jehoadah',  a  descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.8. 
36)  ;  great-grandson  to  Meribaal — i.e.  Mephi- 
bosheth  ;  called  Jarah  (9.42). 

Jehoaddan',  queen  to  Joash,  and  mother 
of  Amaziah  of  Judah  (2K.I4.2  ;  2Chr.25.i). 

Jehoahaz'. — 1.  The  son  and  successor  of 
Jehu,  reigned  17  years  over  Israel  in  Samaria. 
His  inglorious  history  is  given  in  2K.I3.1-9, 
22-29.  Throughout  his  reign  he  was  kept  in 
subjection  by  Hazael,  king  of  Damascus  (cf. 
ver.  7  with  2K.8.12).  Jehoahaz  maintained 
the  idolatry  of  Jeroboam  ;  but  in  his  extremity 
he  besought  Jehovah  ;  and  Jehovah  gave  Is- 
rael a  deliverer — probably  either  Jehoash  (vv. 
23  and  25)  or  Jeroboam  II.  (2K. 14.24,25). — 2. 
Jehoahaz,  otherwise  called  Shallum,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah.  He 
was  chosen  by  the  people  in  preference  to  his 
elder  brother  Jehoiakim  (cf.  2K.23.3i,36),  and 
reigned  three  months  in  Jerusalem.  Pharaoh 
Necho,  on  his  return  from  Carchemish,  perhaps 
resenting  the  election  of  Jehoahaz,  sent  to 
Jerusalem  to  depose  him,  and  to  fetch  him  to 
Riblah.  There  he  was  cast  into  chains,  and 
from  there  taken  into  Egypt,  where  he  died. 
His  character  is  given  in  2  K. 23. 32,  and  his 
fate  alluded  to  in  Je.22.io-i2  and  Ezk.i9.2-4. 
— 3.  (2Chr.21. 17,25. 23)  =  Ahaziah,  2. 

Jehoash',  the  imcontracted  form  of 
Joash. — 1.  The  eighth  king  of  Judah  ;  son  of 
Ahaziah(2K.11.2i,12.i-i8[c/.i9,2o],14.i3).— 2. 
The  twelfth  Idng  of  Israel ;  son  of  Jehoahaz 
(2K.13.io,25, 14.8-17). 

Jehohanan'. — 1.  A  Korhite  Levite,  sixth 
son  of  Meshelemiah,  and  one  of  the  door- 
keepers to  the  tabernacle  appointed  by  David 
(iChr.26.3). — 2.  One  of  the  principal  men  of 
Judah,  under  king  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.i7.15). 
Probably  the  same  as — 3.  Father  of  Ishmael, 

25 


386 


JEHOIACHIN 


one  of  the  "  captains  of  hundreds  "  who  as- 
sisted Jehoiada  the  priest  in  putting  an  end  to 
the  usurpation  of  Athaliah  (2Chr.23.i). — 4. 
A  lay  Israelite,  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  who  was 
forced  to  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.28). 
—5.  A  priest  (Ne.i2.13)  representing  the 
house  of  Amariah  when  Joiakim  was  high- 
priest. — 6.  A  priest  who  took  part  in  the  de- 
dication of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.42). 

Jehoiachin',  king  of  Judah  for  3  months, 
son  and  successor  of  Jehoiakini  (2K.24.8). 
Called  Jeconiah  (Je.27.2o),  Coniah  (Je.22.24), 
Joacim  (iEsd.l.43),  Jechonias  (Ba.l.3  ;  ^It. 
l.ii).  On  Jehoiachin's  accession  Jerusalem 
was  unable  to  offer  any  resistance  to  the 
army  which  Nebuchadnezzar  sent  to  besiege 
it  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign,  and  which 
he  seems  to  have  joined  in  person  after 
the  siege  was  commenced.  In  a  very  short 
time,  apparently,  Jehoiachin  surrendered  with 
the  queen-mother,  the  servants,  captains, 
and  officers.  With  these  he  was  sent  captive 
to  Babylon,  his  throne  having  been  given  by 
Nebuchadnezzar  to  Mattaniah  (Zedekiah),  a 
son  of  Josiah  (2K.24.11-17  ;  Je.29.2  ;  Ezk.17. 
12,19.9).  Jehoiachin  remained  a  prisoner  in 
Babylon  for  36  years,  viz.  until  the  accession 
of  Evil-merodach,  who  released  him  from 
prison,  raised  him  above  the  other  subject  or 
captive  kings,  and  made  him  sit  at  his  own 
table  (2K. 25.27-30 ;  Je.52.31-34).  Notices 
of  Jehoiachin  are  found  in  Ba.l.3ff.  and 
(if,  as  some  assert,  Joacim  the  husband  of 
Susanna  is  to  be  identified  with  Jehf)iachin)  in 
the  History  of  Susanna  and  the  Elders  ;  but 
the  unhistorical  character  of  these  notices 
would  seem  to  be  proved  by  the  long  imprison- 
ment of  Jehoiachin  in  Babylon.  From  Je. 
22.28-30  it  has  been  thought  that  Jehoiachin 
had  no  children  ;  but  the  sense  in  which  the 
prophet  speaks  of  him  as  "  childless  "  (LX.\. 
fKKT}pvKTov,  "proscribed")  is  evident  from  tlic 
words  which  follow,  "  for  no  man  of  his  seed 
shall  prosper."    See  also  iChr.3.17.     [h.c.b.J 

Jehoiada'. — 1.  Father  of  Benaiah,  Da- 
vid's warrior  (2Sani.8.i8  ;  iK.l  and  2  passim  ; 
1Chr.l8.17,  etc.).  In  iChr.27.5  Benaiah's 
father  is  called  "  a  chief  priest  "  in  A.V., 
but  in  R.V.  the  words  are  "  the  priest, 
chief,"  where  "  chief  "  refers  to  Benaiah  and 
"  the  priest  "  to  Jehoiada,  who  is  therefore 
doubtless  identical  with — 2.  Leader  of  tlie 
Aaronites,  i.e.  the  priests  ;  who  joined  David 
at  Hebron  (1Chr.i2.27). — 3-  According  to 
iChr.27.34,  son  of  Benaiah.  But  probably 
Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  is  meant,  by  a 
confusion  similar  to  that  with  regard  to 
Ahimelech  and  Abiathar,  iChr.l8.i6  ;  2Sam. 
8.17. — 4.  High-priest  at  the  time  of  Athaliah's 
usurpation  of  the  throne  of  Judah,  and  during 
the  greater  portion  of  the  40  years'  reign  of 
Joash.  He  probably  succeeded  Amariah. 
He  married  Jkhosheba,  or  Jehoshabeath, 
daughter  of  king  Jehoram,  and  sister  of  king 
Ahaziah  (2Chr.22. 1 1),  and,  when  Athaliaii 
slew  all  the  seed  royal  of  J  udah  after  Ahaziah 
had  been  put  to  death  by  Jehu,  he  and  his 
wife  stole  Joash  from  among  tlu;  king's  sons, 
and  hid  him  for  six  years  in  tiie  tt-mple,  and 
eventually  replaced  him  on  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors.  He  divided  the  priests  and  Levites 
into  three  bands,  posted  at  the  principal  en- 


JEHOlAKlM 

trances, and  filled  the  courts  with  people  favour- 
able to  the  cause,  and  then  produced  the  young 
king  before  the  whole  assembly,  crowned  and 
anointed  him,  and  presented  to  him  a  copy 
of  the  law  (c/.  Dent. 17. 18-20).  None  but  the 
priests  and  ministering  Levites  were  permitted 
to  enter  the  temple  ;  and  Jehoiada  gave  strict 
orders  that  Athaliah  should  be  carried  outside 
its  precincts  before  she  was  put  to  death 
(2Chr.23).  The  destruction  of  Baal  worship 
and  the  restoration  of  the  temple  were  among 
the  great  works  due  to  him.  He  died  at  an 
advanced  age,  but  too  soon  for  the  welfare  of 
his  country  under  the  weak,  unstable  rule  of 
Joash.  The  text  of  24.15,  supported  by  the 
LXX.  and  Josephus,  makes  him  130  years  old 
at  his  death,  but  is  evidently  corrupt.  He  was 
buried  "  in  the  city  of  David  among  the  kings, 
because  he  had  done  good  in  Israel,  both  toward 
God  and  toward  his  house"  (24. 16). — 5.  Second 
priest,  or  sagan,  to  Seraiah  the  high-priest 
(Je. 29.25-29  ;  2K. 25.18). — 6.  Son  of  Paseah  ; 
he  helped  to  repair  the  old  gate  of  Jerusalem 
(Ne.3.6). 

Jehoiakim',  i8th  (or,  counting  Jehoahaz, 
19th)  king  of  Judah  from  David  inclusive — 
25  years  old  at  his  accession,  and  originally 
called  Eliakim.  He  was  the  son  of  Josiah 
and  Zebudah,  daughter  of  Pedaiah  of  Rumah. 
The  outline  of  his  history  is  contained  in 
2 K. 23. 34-24.7  ;  2Chr.36.4-8  ;  but  it  is  in  the 
writings  of  Jeremiah  that  we  have  the  fullest 
portraiture  of  him.  After  deposing  Jehoahaz, 
Pharaoh  Necho  set  Eliakim,  his  elder  brother, 
upon  the  throne,  and  changed  his  name  to 
Jehoiakim.  Egypt  played  no  part  in  Jewish 
politics  during  seven  or  eight  years  of  Jehoia- 
kiin's  reign.  After  the  battle  of  Carchemish, 
Nebuchadnezzar  came  into  Palestine  as  being 
one  of  the  Egyptian  tributary  kingdoms,  the 
capture  of  which  was  the  natural  fruit  of  his 
victory  over  Necho.  He  found  Jehoiakim 
quite  defenceless.  After  a  short  siege  he 
entered  Jerusalem,  took  the  king  prisoner, 
bound  him  in  fetters  to  carry  him  to  Babylon, 
and  took  also  some  of  the  precious  vessels  of 
the  temple  and  carried  them  to  the  land  of 
Shinar.  But  he  seems  to  have  changed  his 
purpose  as  regards  Jehoiakim,  and  to  have 
accepted  his  submission,  and  reinstated  him 
on  the  throne,  perhaps  in  remembrance  of  the 
fidelity  of  his  father  Josiah.  What  is  certain 
is,  that  Jehoiakim  became  tributary  to 
Nebuchadnezzar  after  his  invasion  of  Judah, 
and  continued  so  for  three  years,  but  at  the 
end  of  that  time  broke  his  oath  of  allegiance 
and  rebelled  against  him  (2K.24.1).  Though 
Nebuchadnezzar  was  not  able  at  that  time  to 
come  in  person  to  chastise  his  rebellious  vassal, 
he  sent  against  him  numerous  bands  of 
Chaldeans,  with  Syrians,  Moabites,  and  Am- 
monites, who  were  all  now  subject  to  Babylon 
(2 K. 24.7),  and  who  cruelly  harassed  the  whole 
country.  liither  in  an  engagement  with  some 
of  these  forces,  or  else  by  tlie  hand  of  his  own 
oppressed  subjects,  who  thought  to  conciliate 
the  Babylonians  by  the  murder  of  their  king, 
Jehoiakim  came  to  a  violent  end  in  the  nth 
year  of  his  reign.  His  body  was  cast  out 
ignominiously  on  the  ground  :  and  then,  after 
being  left  exposed  for  some  time,  was  dragged 
away  and  buried  "  with  the  burial  of  an  ass," 


JEHOIARIB 

without  pomp  or  lamentation,  "  beyond  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem"  (Je. 22.18,19,36.30).  All 
the  accounts  we  have  of  Jehoiakim  present 
his  character  as  vicious  and  irreligious.  In 
2  K. 23. 37  we  read  that  "  he  did  that  which 
was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,"  a  statement 
repeated  in  24.9  and  2Chr.36.5.  Jeremiah 
charges  him  with  covetousness,  the  shedding 
of  innocent  blood,  oppression,  and  violence 
(Je. 22.13-15, 26.20-23, 36).  Josephus  asserts 
that  "  he  was  of  a  wicked  disposition,  and 
ready  to  do  mischief ;  nor  was  he  either  reli- 
gious towards  God  or  good  natured  towards 
men  "  {10  Ant.  v.  2). 

Jehoiarib',  head  of  the  first  of  the  24 
courses  of  priests,  as  arranged  by  David  (iChr. 
24.7).  Some  of  his  descendants  returned  from 
the  Babylonish  captivity  (iChr.9. 10  =  Joiarib; 
Ne. 1,1. 10,12.6, 19).  They  were  probably  of 
the  house  of  Eleazar.  To  the  course  of  Je- 
hoiarib  belonged  the  Hasmonaean  family  (i 
MdiC.2.1,  ] oarib  =  J arib,  14. 2 9),  as  did  Josephus, 
as  he  himself  informs  us  {Life,  i.  i). 

Jehonadab'  or  Jonadab',  son  of  Re- 
chab,  chief  of  the  Rechabites.  His  father  or 
ancestor  Rechab  possibly  belonged  to  a  branch 
of  the  Kenites  (see  iChr.2.55),  who  entered 
Palestine  with  the  Israelites.  One  settlement 
of  them  was  established  at  or  near  the  town  of 
Jabez  in  Judah  (2.55).  Nomad  habits,  like 
those  of  the  Kenites  (Judg.l.i6  ;  iSam.15.6), 
were  inculcated  by  Jehonadab  with  the 
utmost  minuteness  on  his  descendants  (Je.35. 
6).  Jehu  was  advancing,  after  the  slaughter 
at  Beth -eked,  on  the  city  of  Samaria,  to  destroy 
the  remnant  of  Ahab  and  the  prophets  of 
Baal,  when  he  met  the  austere  Rechabite  on 
foot  (2K.IO.15).  This  leader  of  a  semi- 
religious  sect  was  realized  by  the  king  to 
be  a  fit  companion  for  his  present  purpose. 
Greetings  and  assurances  of  sympathy  therein 
passed  between  them,  and  Jehonadab  pro- 
ceeded with  the  king  in  his  chariot  to  "  see  " 
his  "  zeal  for  Jehovah."  No  doubt  he  acted  in 
concert  with  Jehu  throughout  ;  but  he  is  only 
expressly  mentioned  when  they  went  through 
the  temple  of  Baal  to  expel  any  servants  of 
Jehovah  who  might  be  there  (10. 23).  The 
Rechabites  may  have  been  Benjamites 
descended  from  Rechab  (2Sam.4.2-9),  which 
would  account  for  their  being  known  to 
Jeremiah,  whose  home  [Anathoth]  lay  in 
Benjamin.  Rechab  was  a  Hebrew  name 
(Ne.3.14). 

Jehonathan'. — 1.  Son  of  Uzziah  ;  super- 
intendent of  certain  of  David's  storehouses  (i 
Chr.27.25). — 2.  One  of  the  Levites  sent  by 
Jehoshaphat  through  the  cities  of  Judah,  with 
a  book  of  the  law,  to  teach  the  people  (2Chr. 
17.8). — 3.  A  priest  (Ne.l2.i8)  representing  the 
family  of  Shemaiah,  when  Joiakim  was  high- 
priest. 

Jehopam'  (or  Jopam'). — 1.  The  second 
son  of  Ahab  king  of  Israel.  He  succeeded  his 
brother  Ahaziah.  The  alliance  between  the 
kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah,  commenced  by 
his  father  and  Jehoshaphat,  was  very  close 
throughout  his  reign.  We  first  find  him  as- 
sociated with  Jehoshaphat  and  the  king  of 
Edom,  at  that  time  a  tributary  of  the  kingdom 
of  Judah,  in  a  war  against  the  Moabites. 
Mesha,  their  king,  on  the  death  of  Ahab,  had 


JEHORAM 


387 


revolted  from  Israel,  and  refused  to  pay  the 
customary  tribute.  Jehoram  asked  and 
obtained  Jehoshaphat's  help  to  reduce  him  to 
his  obedience,  and  accordingly  the  three 
kings,  of  Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom,  marched 
through  the  wilderness  of  Edom  to  attack  him 
(2K.3.4-8).  The  three  armies  were  in  great 
danger  of  perishing  for  want  of  water.  Je- 
hoshaphat wished  to  inquire  of  some  prophet 
of  Jehovah,  and  Elisha  was  found  with  the 
host  (3. 11).  From  him  Jehoram  received  a 
severe  rebuke  ;  nevertheless  for  Jehoshaphat's 
sake  Elisha  inquired  of  Jehovah,  and  received 
the  promise  of  abundant  water,  and  of  a 
great  victory  over  the  Moabites—  a  promise 
immediately  fulfilled.  The  allies  pursued  the 
Moabites  with  great  slaughter  into  their  own 
land,  which  they  utterly  ravaged  and  de- 
stroyed all  its  cities.  Kir-haraseth  alone  re- 
mained, and  there  the  king  of  Moab  made  his 
last  stand.  An  attempt  to  break  through  the 
besieging  army  having  failed,  he  resorted  to 
the  desperate  expedient  of  offering  up  his 
eldest  son,  the  heir  to  his  throne,  as  a  burnt- 
offering,  upon  the  wall  of  the  city,  in  the  sight 
of  the  enemy.  Upon  this  the  Israelites  retired 
and  retmrned  to  their  own  land,  having  failed 
to  gain  any  substantial  advantage  from  their 
expedition' (2K. 3).  A  little  later,  when  war 
broke  out  between  Syria  and  Israel,  we  find 
Elisha  befriending  Jehoram  (6.8-23).  It  seems 
probable  that  when  the  Syrian  inroads  ceased, 
and  Jehoram  felt  less  dependent  upon  the 
aid  of  the  prophet,  he  relapsed  into  idolatry, 
and  was  rebuked  by  Elisha,  and  threatened 
with  a  return  of  the  calamities  from  which  he 
had  escaped.  Refusing  to  repent,  a  fresh 
invasion  by  the  Syrians  under  Benhadad,  and 
a  close  siege  of  Samaria,  actually  came  to  pass, 
probably  according  to  the  word  of  the  prophet. 
Hence  when  the  terrible  incident  arose,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  famine,  of  a  woman  boiling  and 
eating  her  own  child,  the  king  immediately 
attributed  the  evil  to  Elisha,  and  determined 
to  take  away  his  life  (6.24-3 1 ).  The  providen- 
tial interposition  by  which  both  Elisha's  life 
was  saved  and  the  city  delivered  is  narrated 
2K.7,  and  Jehoram  appears  to  have  renewed 
his  friendly  feeling  towards  Elisha  (8.4).  Soon 
after  the  above  events  Elisha  went  to  Da- 
mascus, and  predicted  the  revolt  of  Hazael, 
and  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Syria  in  the 
room  of  Benhadad  (8.7-13).  Jehoram  seems 
to  have  thought  the  revolution  in  Syria,  which 
immediately  followed  Elisha's  prediction,  a 
good  opportunity  to  pursue  his  father's 
favourite  project  of  recovering  Ramoth-gilead 
from  the  Syrians.  He  accordingly  made  an 
alliance  with  his  nephew  Ahaziah,  who  had 
just  succeeded  J oram  on  the  throne  of  Judah, 
and  the  two  kings  proceeded  to  occupy  Ra- 
moth-gilead by  force.  The  expedition  was 
unfortunate,  jehoram  was  wounded  in  battle, 
and  obliged  to  return  to  Jezreel  to  be  healed 
of  his  wounds  (8.29,9.14,15),  leaving  his  army 
under  Jehu  to  hold  Ramoth-gilead  against 
Hazael.  Jehu,  however,  and  the  army  under 
his  command,  revolted  from  their  allegiance 
to  Jehoram  (9),  and,  hastily  marching  to 
Jezreel,  surprised  the  wounded  and  defenceless 
Jehoram,  who,  going  out  to  meet  him,  fell 
pierced  by  an  arrow  from  Jehu's  bow  on  the 


388 


JEHOSHABEATS 


very  plat  of  ground  which  Ahab  had  wrested 
from  Naboth,  thus  fulfilling  the  prophecy  of 
Elijah  (iK. 21. 21-29).  Thus  ended  the  dynasty 
of  Oniri. — 2.  Eldest  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  be- 
came king  of  Judah  at  the  age  of  32,  and 
reigned  8  years.  Jehosheba  his  daughter 
was  wife  to  the  high-priest  Jehoiada.  As 
soon  as  he  was  settled  on  the  throne,  he  put  his 
six  brothers  to  death,  with  many  of  the  chief 
nobles.  He  then  (probably  at  the  instance  of 
his  wife  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab) 
proceeded  to  establish  the  worship  of  Baal. 
A  prophetic  writing  from  the  aged  prophet 
Elijah  (zChr. 21. 12-15)  failed  to  produce  any 
good  effect  upon  him.  This  was  in  the  first 
or  second  year  of  his  reign.  The  remainder 
of  it  was  a  series  of  calamities.  First  the 
Edomites,  who  had  been  tributary  to  Je- 
hoshaphat, revolted,  and  established  their 
permanent  independence  (2 K. 8. 20-22  ;  cf.  Gen. 
27.40).  Next  Libnah,  one  of  the  strongest 
fortified  cities  in  Judah  (2K.I9.8),  rebelled 
against  him.  Then  followed  invasions  of 
armed  bands  of  Philistines  and  of  Arabians, 
who  stormed  the  king's  palace,  put  his 
wives  and  all  his  children  (except  his  youngest 
son  Ahaziah)  to  death  (2Chr.22.i),  or  carried 
them  into  captivity,  and  plundered  all  his 
treasures.  He  died  of  a  terrible  disease 
(21.19,20)  early  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his 
brother-in-law  Jehoram's  reign  over  Israel. 
Jehoshabeath'  (2Chr.22.11).    [Jehoshe- 

D.\.] 

Jehoshaphat. — 1.  The  son   of   Asa  and 

Azubah,  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Judah 
when  he  was  35  years  old,  and  reigned  25  years. 
His  history  is  to  be  found  in  iK. 22.41-50  and 
among  the  events  recorded  in  15.24,  2K.8.16, 
or  in  a  continuous  narrative  in  2Chr. 17.1-21. 3). 
He  was  contemporary  with  Ahab,  Ahaziah, 
and  Jehoram.  At  first  he  strengthened  himself 
against  Israel  by  fortifying  and  garrisoning  the 
cities  of  Judah  and  the  Ephraimite  conquests 
of  Asa.  But  soon  afterwards  the  two  Heb. 
kings,  perhaps  appreciating  their  common 
danger  from  Damascus  and  the  tribes  on  their 
eastern  frontier,  formed  an  alliance.  Jehosha- 
phat's  eldest  sun  Jehoram  married  Athaliah, 
the  daughter  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  Jehosha- 
phat was  always  a  zealous  follower  of  the  com- 
mandments of  God  :  he  endeavoured,  but 
with  only  partial  success,  to  put  down  the 
idolatrous  high  places  and  groves  in  his  king- 
dom. In  his  third  year  he  sent  out  certain 
princes,  priests,  and  I.evites,  to  go  through  the 
cities  of  Judah,  teaching  the  people  out  of  the 
Book  of  the  Law.  Riches  and  honours  in- 
creased around  him.  He  received  tribute  from 
the  Philistines  and  Arabians,  and  kept  up  a 
large  standing  army  in  Jerusalem.  It  was 
probably  about  the  i6th  year  of  his  reign  that 
he  went  to  Samaria  to  visit  Ahab,  and  became 
his  ally  in  the  great  battle  of  Ramoth-gilead. 
From  thence  Jehoshaphat  returned  to  Jerusa- 
lem in  peace,  and  went  himself  throughout  the 
land  "  from  Bcer-sheba  to  mount  Ephraim," 
reclaiming  the  people  to  obedience  to  the  law 
of  (iod.  Turning  his  attention  to  foreign 
commerce,  he  built  at  Ezion-geber,  with  the 
help  of  Ahaziah,  a  navy  designed  to  go  to 
Opiiir  (2 K. 22. 48)  ;  but  it  was  wrecked  at 
Ezion-geber.     Two  more  wars  followed  before 


JEHOVAH 

the  close  of  his  reign.  He  was  miraculously  de- 
livered from  a  threatened  attack  of  the  people 
of  Ammon,  Moab,  and  Seir.  After  this,  per- 
haps, must  be  dated  the  war  which  Jehosha- 
phat, together  with  Jehoram  king  of  Israel  and 
the  king  of  Edom,  made  against  the  rebellious 
king  of  Moab  (2K.3).  [Mesha.]  In  his  de- 
clining years  the  administration  of  affairs  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  his  son  J  ehoram  (8. 16).— 
2.  Son  of  Ahilud.  He  was  the  recorder  or  anna- 
list in  the  reigns  of  David  (2Sam.8.i6,  etc.)  and 
Solomon  (iK.4.3). — 3.  One  of  the  priests  ap- 
pointed to  blow  trumpets  before  the  ark  when 
it  was  carried  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  to 
Jerusalem  (1Chr.i5.24). ^-4.  Son  of  Paruah  ; 
one  of  the  twelve  officers  of  king  Solomon  (iK. 
4.17).  He  is  said  to  have  ruled  in  Issachar, 
but  the  towns  under  another  officer  [Baana] 
were  all  of  that  tribe,  and  apparently  Jehosha- 
phat ruled  in  Zebulun  with  perhaps  part  of  N. 
Issachar.  [Palestine.] — 5.  Son  of  Nimshi, 
and  father  of  king  Jehu  (2K.9.2,i4). 

Jehoshaphat,  Valley  of  {Jl.3.2,12), 
a  deep  valley  ('emcq)  for  "  Jehovah's  judg- 
ment "  of  the  gdyim  or  "  nations."  It  is  ap- 
parently intended  to  be  understood  as  being 
near  Jerusalem  (ver.  16),  and  is  called  the 
"  valley  of  decision  "  (hdruf,  ver.  14)  or  of 
"  threshing."  Traditionally  it  is  the  Kidron 
Valley,  called  by  Moslems  Wddy  en  Ndr  (the 
valley  of  fire)  where  they — and  the  Jews 
also — expect  the  Last  Judgment  to  occur. 
There  is  a  village  2 J  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem 
called  Sh'a/dt,  said  by  the  natives  to  be 
named  after  a  king — Jehoshaphat.  It  is 
near  the  head  of  the  Kidron  Valley,  and 
may  preserve  a  corrupt  form  of  the  name 
in  question.  [c.r.c] 

Jehoshe'ba,  daughter  of  Joram,  king  of 
Judah,  and  wife  of  Jehoiada  the  high-priest 
(2K.II.2).  Her  name  in  Chronicles  is  given 
Jehoshabeath.  As  she  is  called  "the 
daughter  of  Joram,  sister  of  Ahaziah,"  it  has 
been  conjectured  that  she  was  the  daughter, 
not  of  Athaliah,  but  of  Joram  by  another  wife 
{cf.  Josephus,  9  Atit.  vii.  i).  She  is  the  only 
recorded  instance  of  a  princess  of  the  royal 
house  marrying  a  high-priest.  It  proved  a 
providential  circumstance  (2Chr.22.ii),  as 
inducing,  and  probably  enabling,  her  to  rescue 
the  infant  Joash  from  the  massacre  of  his 
brothers.     [JrnoiAnA.] 

Jehoshu'a,  the  full  form  of  the  name 
Joshua  given  in  Num.13. 16,  on  the  occasion  of 
its  bestowal  by  Moses  ;  and  once  more  only  in 
.\.V.  (with  a  redundant  h)  as  Jehoshu'ah 
(iChr.7.27)- 

Jehovah,  (i)  The  name  Jnvii  —  usually 
spelt  JeHoVaH — was  first  revealed  in  its  full 
sense  to  Israel  through  Moses  (Ex. 6. 2, 3).  It 
appears  in  the  records  of  a  time  when  the  whole 
earth  had  one  language  (Gen. 11. i),  and  has  not 
been  traced  with  certainty  to  any  source  be- 
yond Heb.  among  the  divers  languages  of  man- 
kind. How  it  sounded  on  the  lips  of  Eve,  or 
of  Lamech  the  father  of  Noah  (Gen. 4.1,6.29), 
we  cannot  say.  Nor  can  we  tell  how  names 
significant  in  the  universal  language  of  man- 
kind have  been  made  equally  significant  in 
Heb.,  a  member  of  tlie  Semitic  family  of  Babel- 
tongues.  This  shows  the  skill  of  the  author 
of  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis,  and  is  the 


JEHOVAH 

first  notable  fact  concerning  the  name  Jhvh  in 
the  Bible.  When  God  revealed  Himself  (Ex.3. 
14,15)  to  Moses  in  Horeb  as  God  of  the  fathers 
of  Israel,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  and 
Moses  asked  His  name,  the  answer  was,  "  What 
I  am,  I  am "  {'eJiye  'dsher  'ehye).  "  Say, 
I  am  \_'ehyi]  hath  sent  me  unto  you  ;  and 
His  name  is  Jhvh,  the  God  of  your  fathers, 
the  God  of  Abraham,  the  God  of  Isaac,  and  the 
God  of  Jacob."  The  full  sense  of  Jhvh  and 
the  attributes  it  conveys  were  proclaimed  in 
Ex. 34. 6, 7.  "For  His  Name's  sake"  is  a  plea 
based  on  this  proclamation.  To  Israel  Jhvh 
was  to  be  His  "}Jame  for  ever,"  His  "me- 
morial to  all  generations."  But  it  was  not  to 
be  the  Name  of  God  for  all  His  servants. 
"The  Lord  Jhvh  shall  slay  thee,  and  call  His 
servants  by  another  Name  .  .  .  the  God  of 
Amen,  the  true  God  "  (Is.66.15,16.  Our  R.V. 
refers  us  to  aCor.l.zo,  Rev. 3. 14,  where  our 
Lord  calls  Himself  the  Amen).  Thus  the 
name  Jhvh  and  its  disuse  are  alike  revealed 
in  O.T.  (2)  The  disuse  of  the  name  Jhvh  and 
the  use  of  Lord  or  God  (in  capitals)  in  its 
stead.  So  completely  has  the  name  Jhvh 
been  disused,  that  its  vowels  and  pronuncia- 
tion have  long  been  in  dispute.  The  O.T.  was 
\vritten  by  its  authors  without  vowels,  as  the 
Talmud  is  now.  But  in  order  to  preserve  the 
traditional  reading  of  the  Heb.  Scriptures,  the 
Jews  (300-700  A.D.)  added  vowels,  or  points, 
as  they  are  called,  to  every  word  ;  and  so  the 
Heb.  Bible,  as  we  have  it,  appears.  Thus  the 
Scriptures  of  the  O.T.  answer  the  question, 
"  What  is  xvritten  in  the  law  ?  "  with  con- 
sonants only.  But  "  How  readest  thou  ?  " 
If  we  follow  our  present  Heb.  Bible,  we  read 
according  to  the  tradition  of  the  "  wise  men 
and  scribes  "  of  the  nation  to  whom  "  were 
intrusted  the  oracles  of  God."  They  did  not 
put  vowels  to  those  "  oracles,"  to  declare  how 
they  read  them,  until  after  their  rejection  of 
Jesus.  But  when  we  come  to  the  name  Jhvh 
and  ask,  "  How  readest  thou  ?"  the  Jew  re- 
plies "  We  do  not  read  that  name.  We  cannot 
tell  how  it  was  read  by  Moses  and  the  prophets. 
We  read  Adonai  (Eng.  Lord)  or  Elohim  (Eng. 
God)  instead  of  Jhvh."  The  Jews,  taking  Lev. 
24.16  to  mean,  "  He  that  pointeth  or  pointedly 
expresseth  the  name  shall  be  put  to  death," 
have  no  certain  vowels  for  the  name  Jhvh. 
It  was  pronounced  on  the  Day  of  Atonement 
in  the  Holy  of  Holies  by  the  high-priest  ;  but 
they  have  now  no  high-priest  to  pronounce 
the  name.  In  their  Bibles  they  print  Jhvh 
with  the  vowels  of  Adonai  or  Elohim,  which- 
ever they  intend  to  read.  This  Jewish  use  has 
affected  all  translations  of  O.T.  into  Gentile 
tongues.  In  the  LXX. — the  oldest  published 
version — K^ptos  (=  'ddhondy,  Lord)  takes  the 
place  of  Jhvh.  In  Eng.  we  use  Lord  or  God, 
in  capital  letters.  In  our  A.V.  J  ah  is  also 
translated  Lord,  as  though  it  were  Jhvh. 
(R.V.  of  O.T.  where  Lord  is  used  for  J  ah, 
prints  J  ah  in  the  marg.)  In  N.T.,  Lord  is  the 
usual  Eng.  for  KvpLos  or  Becnrdrris,  which  are 
applied  to  God  or  to  man  in  the  sense  of 
Master.  But  when  Ps.llO.i  is  quoted  in  the 
gospel,  we  find  Lord  in  capitals  for  Jhvh  (Mt. 
22.44,  but  not  in  R.V.).  (3)  The  true  spelling 
of  Jhvh.  It  has  been  very  generally  held  of 
late  that  the  name  should  be  Jdhdv^h,  or  Jah- 


JEHOVAH 


389 


veh,  rather  than  Jehovah.  Jahaveh  (yahdwS) 
would  be  the  third  future  of  the  causative  form 
of  the  verb  hdwd,  an  older  form  of  hdyd,  "to 
be,"  the  verb  of  'ehyi  in  Ex.3. 14.  This  verb, 
however,  is  not  found  in  the  causative  form  in 
O.T.  Jahaveh  would  mean,  "He  will  cause  to 
be,"  rather  than,  "  He  is."  But  it  seems  safer 
to  keep  to  the  meaning  of  "  'ehyS  'dsher  'ehyS, 
What  I  am,  I  am,"  in  our  interpretation  of  the 
mnemonic  Jhvh,  than  to  introduce  another 
derivation,  which  changes  the  force  of  the 
verb.  Moreover  the  form  Jahaveh  is  not  sup- 
ported by  the  proper  names  compounded  with 
Jhvh  in  O.T.  Although  the  Jews  have  not 
put  vowels  to  Jhvh,  they  have  not  failed  to 
give  them  to  its  several  syllables  when  they 
form  part  of  another  name.  We  find  /e/ioshua 
and  Joshua  or  Jeshua,  /e/ioshaphat  and  Josha- 
phat,  and  many  similar  forms.  Are  there  any 
in  which  the  sacred  name  is  represented  by 
Jaha  ?  And  where  the  syllable  Jah  appears 
at  the  end  of  a  name  in  O.T.,  it  takes  the  form 
Jahu.  Elijah  in  2K.2  is  Y.\iyahu,  Isaiah  in 
ch.  1  is  Yeshagh-vfl/iw  ;  and  in  the  Ass^Tian 
Hezekiah's  name  has  the  ending  -yahu  or 
dhu.  We  have  a  true  future  of  hdwd  in  the 
form  y(hu  in  Eel  1.3.  The  long  a  in  ydhil 
at  the  end  of  a  word  is  the  proper  vowel  in 
that  position,  and  the  syllables  have  a  mean- 
ing. But  what  would  be  the  meaning 
of  Jdhd,  with  two  short  vowels  ?  (4)  The 
meaning  of  Jhvh.  The  true  meaning  of 
'ehy&  'dsher  'ehyS  cannot  be  questioned. 
"  What  I  am,  I  am."  The  Gk.  version  dwelt 
on  the  idea  of  being  :  iyio  eifj.1  6  &v.  The 
gospel  shows  this  name  on  the  lips  of  oiu: 
Saviour.  "  Before  Abraham  was,  I  am."  "  / 
am,  be  not  afraid  "  (^701  et/ut)-  "  The  Son  of 
man,  who  is  [6  we]  in  heaven."  The  Apoca- 
lypse expands  the  thought  in  "  Grace,  mercy, 
and  peace  from  the  Who  is,  and  the  was,  and 
THE  ONE  TO  COME"  (airo  [toO]  6  (hv  Kai  6  -^v 
Kai  6  epx^Mfos).  a  sentence  that  defies 
grammar  and  outstrips  thought.  It  embodies 
the  "  What  I  am,  I  am  "  of  Ex.3,  and  reminds 
us  that  "  What  I  am,  I  was,"  and  "  What  I 
was,  I  shall  be  "  are  equally  true  transla- 
tions, and  that  the  speaker  is  "  the  same  yes- 
terday, and  to-day,  and  for  ever."  Eternal 
being,  unshaken  fidelity,  and  measureless  vi- 
tality are  all  implied.  The  Heb.  'ehye  serves 
for  present,  future,  and  imperfect  tense  ;  and 
the  verb  hdyd  means  both  "to  be"  and  "to 
become."  On  this  the  late  Dr.  John  Duncan 
made  this  striking  remark.  "  '  I  am  that  I  am  ' 
is  '  I  will  become  what  I  will  become  '  ;  Kai  crap^ 
iy^fero,  'and  He  became  flesh.'  But  He  did 
not  tell  Moses  that  it  would  be  flesh." 
Returning  to  the  difficult  sentence  in  Ex.6. 
2,3,  "  Elohim  said  to  Moses,  I  am  Jhvh.  And 
I  appeared  to  Abraham,  to  Isaac,  and  to  Jacob 
by  the  name  [i.e.  in  the  Ught]  of  God  Al- 
mighty ('el  shadday),  and  by  My  name  Jhvh 
[i.e.  in  the  light  of  Jhvh  ("What  i  am,  lam")] 
I  was  not  known  to  them  "  ;  it  seems  to  be 
rightly  held  that  more  than  a  mere  acquaint- 
ance with  the  word  Jhvh  is  intended  by  God's 
being  "  known  "  by  that  name.  He  Himself 
puts  side  by  side  with  "  What  I  am,  I  am,"  "  the 
God  of  your  fathers,  the  God  of  Abraham, 
Isaac,  and  Jacob."  These  three  lives  em- 
braced ai5  years  of  ^ivifle  self-revelatioa  jft 


390 


JEHOZABAD 


Canaan.  [Chronology.]  In  order  to  show 
Himself  to  the  children  of  Israel,  215  years 
after  the  descent  of  Jacob  their  father  into 
Egypt,  as  the  same  God,  He  promised  (Ex.6  4) 
to  restore  them  to  the  land  of  their  fathers. 
Thus  the  story  of  yesterday  both  inspired  the 
hopes  of  to-day,  and  shaped  the  forecast  of  to- 
morrow. "  What  I  am,  I  am  "  became  "  the 
hope  of  Israel  "  in  a  practical  way.  But  seeing 
that  the  fathers  of  Abraham  and  Nahor 
"  served  other  gods,"  no  such  revelation  as 
"  What  I  am,  I  am  "  was  possible  in  their 
case.  There  was  no  yesterday  to  fall  back  on. 
In  the  face  of  "  Jehovah-jireh  "  (Gen. 22. 14), 
we  cannot  deny  that  the  word  Jehovah  was 
known  to  the  patriarchs.  In  the  days  of 
Enos  men  began  to  use  (or  misuse)  the  Name 
Jhvh  (4.26).  Eve,  Lamech,  Noah,  Abraham, 
Sarah,  Lot,  Abraham's  servant  in  Gen. 24, 
Laban  and  Bethuel,  Isaac,  Rebekah,  Abime- 
lech  and  his  friends,  Jacob,  Leah  and  Rachel, 
all  used  the  name.  But  only  three  of  these 
persons  are  mentioned  as  speaking  to  God 
as  Jhvh,  and  only  in  five  places.  We  are  re- 
minded that  it  is  one  thing  to  be  aware  that  an 
exalted  personage  has  a  certain  name,  an- 
other thing  to  understand  its  significance,  and 
a  third  to  address  Him  by  it.  It  is  written 
that  once  God  spoke  of  Himself  to  Abraham 
as  Jhvh.  (See  Gen. 18. 14  for  this,  and  15.2, 
8,24.12,32.0,49.18  for  the  places  where  men 
spoke  to  Him  by  that  name.)  For  the  sup- 
posed distinction  in  different  writers  in  the  use 
of  Jehovah  and  Elohim,  see  Elohim;  E.xodus. 
The  following  combinations  of  the  Name  appear 
in  O.T.  (i)  JEHOVAH-JIREH  {==the  Lord 
will  see,  or  provide.  Gen. 22. 14).  Thus  Abraham 
named  "  the  place  "  in  the  land  of  Moriah 
where  God  did  "  provide  Himself  the  lamb 
for  burnt-offering."  The  sacred  writer  adds, 
"In  the  mount  of  Jhvh  it  will  be  provided." 
(2)JEH0VAH-R0PHEKA{  =  [Iam]theLoRD 
thy  healer,  Ex. 15. 26),  at  Marah,  when  the  Lord 
had  shown  Moses  the  tree  which  healed  the 
bitter  waters.  (3)  JEHOVAH-NISSI  (=  the 
Lord  my  banner,  Ex.17. 15).  Thus  Moses 
named  the  altar  which  he  built  in  Rephidim 
after  the  defeat  of  Amalek.  The  true  meaning 
of  the  "  banner  "  depends  on  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  mysterious  saving  which  follows, 
for  which  see  J  ah.  (4)  J  EHOVAH-MEQAD- 
DESH  (  =  [/  am]  the  Lord  sandifier),  with 
pronoun  "your,"  "his,"  "their,"  in  Ex. 31. 3 
and  in  Lev.  and  Ezk.  in  relation  to  Israel 
as  a  whole,  and  tf)  their  priests  in  particular. 
(^)  JEHOVAH-SHALOM  (=  the  Lord  peace), 
Gideon's  name  for  his  altar  in  Ophrah,  com- 
memorating His  promise  of  life  and  peace 
(Iudg.6.24:  cf.  2Th.3.i6).  (6)  JEHOVAH- 
TSIDKENU,  (a)  a  prophetic  title  of  the 
Messiah  (Je.23.6),  =  the  Lord  our  rip,hteottsncss, 
or  justice.  Both  senses  are  clearly  in  the  Heb. 
word,  (h)  a  title  of  Jerusalem  (Je.33.i6).  (7) 
JEHOVAH-MAKKEH  (=[/  am\  the  Lord 
smiter,  I'^zk.T.g),  a  name  of  judgment  Ufxin  the 
land  of  Israel.  (8)  JEHOVAH-SHAM M AH 
(=  the  Lord  is  there,  lizk.48.35),  the  final 
name  of  Jerusalem  in  her  glory.         [c.h.w.] 

Jehozabad'. — 1.  A  Korahite  Levitc,  second 
son  of  Obed-edom,  and  one  of  the  porters  of  the 
S.  gate  of  the  temple,  and  of  the  storehouse 
there  ia  the  time  of  David  (iCbr.36.4;  c/.  13, 


JEHU 

15)- — 2.  A  Benjamite,  captain  of  180,000 
armed  men,  in  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr. 
17.18). — 3.  Son  of  Shomer  or  Shimrith,  a 
Moabitess  ;  one  of  two  servants  who  conspired 
against  and  slew  king  Joash  in  his  bed  (2K.12. 
21  ;    2Chr. 24.26). 

Jehozadak',  son  of  the  high-priest 
Seraiah  (iChr.6.14,15)  in  the  reign  of 
Zedekiah.  When  his  father  was  slain  at  Riblah, 
by  order  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  nth  year 
of  Zedekiah  (2K. 25. 18,21),  Jehozadak  was  led 
away  captive  to  Babylon  (iChr.6.i5).  where 
he  doubtless  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days. 
He  was  the  father  of  Jeshua  the  high-priest — 
who  with  Zerubbabel  headed  the  return  from 
captivity — and  ancestor  of  all  his  successors 
till  the  pontificate  of  Alcimus.  His  name 
appears  as  Jozadak  in  Ezr.3.2,8,5.2,10.i8, 
Ne.12.26;  Josedech  in  A.V.  of  Hag. 1.1,12,14, 
2.2,4,  Zech.6.11;  and  Josedec  in  iEsd.5.5,48, 
56,6.2,9.19,  and  Ecclus. 49.12. 

Jehu'. — 1.  Founder  of  the  5th  dynasty  of 
the  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  son  of  Jehoshaphat, 
son  of  Nimshi  (2K.9.2).  In  his  youth  he  had 
been  one  of  the  guards  of  Ahab.  His  first  ap- 
pearance in  history  is  when,  with  a  comrade- 
in-arms,  Bidkar,  he  rode  behind  Ahab  on  the 
fatal  journey  from  Samaria  to  Jezreel,  and 
heard  the  doom  pronounced  by  Elijah  against 
the  murderer  of  Naboth  (9.25).  That  he  had 
already  been  personally  known  to  Elijah  may 
be  gathered  from  the  divine  commission  given 
to  the  prophet  at  Horeb  (iK.  19. 16, 17).  This 
injunction,  for  reasons  unknown  to  us,  was  not 
fulfilled  by  Elijah,  but  by  his  successor  Elisha. 
Jehu  meantime,  in  the  reigns  of  Ahaziah  and 
Jehoram,  had  risen  to  importance.  He  was, 
under  Jehoram,  captain  of  the  host  in  the  siege 
of  Ramoth-gilead.  Whilst  in  the  midst  of  the 
officers  of  the  besieging  army  a  youth,  one  of 
the  sons  of  the  prophets,  suddenly  entered 
(2K.9.11),  and  insisted  on  a  private  interview 
with  Jehu.  They  retired  into  an  inner  cham- 
ber. The  youth  thereupon  anointed  Jehu  as 
the  appointed  king  of  Israel  and  destroyer  of 
the  house  of  Ahab,  rushed  out  of  the  house,  and 
disapi^eared.  On  Jehu's  return  to  his  com- 
panions he  was  eagerly  questioned  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  mysterious  visit  of  this  "  mad 
fellow."  On  learning  the  truth  they  were  fired 
with  enthusiasm,  spread  their  mantles  on  the 
steps  to  make  a  temporary  throne,  blew  the 
royal  salute  on  their  trumpets,  and  proclaimed 
Jehu  king.  He  then  cut  off  all  communication 
between  Ramoth-gilead  and  Jezreel,  and  set 
off  with  a  band  of  horsemen,  full  speed,  to  the 
royal  city.  From  the  tower  of  Jezreel  a  watch- 
man saw  the  cloud  of  dust,  and  announced  his 
coming  (9.17).  Messengers  were  sent,  but  not 
allowed  to  return,  and  it  was  not  till  he  had 
almost  reached  the  city,  and  was  identified  by 
the  watchman,  that  alarm  was  taken.  In 
answer  to  Jehoram's  question,  "  Is  it  jieace, 
Jehu  ?  "  Jehu's  fierce  denunciation  of  Jezebel 
revealed  the  full  danger.  Jehu  seized  his  op- 
portunity, and  shot  Jehoram  through  the 
iieart  (9.24).  The  body  was  thrown  out  on  the 
fatal  field,  and  whilst  his  soldiers  pursued  and 
killed  the  king  of  Judah  at  Bcth-haggan  (A.V. 
the  garden-house),  possibly  Jenin,  a  village 
in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  Jehu  himself  ad- 
vanced to  the  gates  of  Jezreel  aiid  fultiUcd  the 


PLATE   XVII 


-i*- 


P-  390]  THE    BLACK   OBELISK. 

On  this  are  recorded  the  campaigns  of  Shalmaneser  IL,  with  a  sculpture  of  the  embassy  of 
Jehu   (second  from  top  on  left).      (Brit.  Mus.,  showing  two  of  the  four  sides.) 


JEHUBBAH 

divine  threatening  on  Jezebel  also.  He  then 
entered  on  a  work  of  extermination  hitherto 
unparalleled  in  the  history  of  Israel.  All  the 
descendants  of  Ahab  that  remained  in  Jezreel, 
together  with  the  officers  of  the  court,  and 
hierarchy  of  Astarte,  were  swept  away.  His 
next  step  was  to  secure  Samaria.  Every  stage 
of  his  progress  was  marked  with  blood.  At 
the  gates  of  Jezreel  he  found  the  heads  of 
seventy  princes  of  the  house  of  Ahab,  ranged 
in  two  heaps.  Next,  at  "  the  shearing-house  " 
(or  Beth-eked)  between  Jezreel  and  Samaria 
he  encountered  forty-two  sons  or  nephews  (10. 
12-14)  of  the  late  king  of  Judah.  These  also 
were  put  to  the  sword  at  the  fatal  well.  As  he 
drove  on  he  encountered  Jehonadab,  son  of 
Rechab.  He  took  him  into  his  chariot,  and 
they  concocted  their  scheme  as  they  entered 
Samaria  (2K. 10. 15, 16).  The  Baal  worshippers 
were  collected  into  the  temple  at  Samaria 
raised  by  Ahab  (1K.I6.32),  and  there  massa- 
cred to  a  man  by  eighty  trusted  guards  (2K.IO. 
18-28).  The  remaining  27  years  of  Jehu's  long 
reign  are  passed  over  in  a  few  words  from 
which  we  see  that  he  did  not  destroy  the  calf- 
worship  of  Jeroboam,  and  that  the  trans- 
Jordanic  tribes  suffered  much  from  the  ravages 
of  Hazael  (10. 29-33).  He  was  buried  in  state 
in  Samaria,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Jehoahaz  (10.35).  He  is  the  first  of  the  Israel- 
ite kings  whose  name  appears  in  the  Assyrian 
monuments.  The  obelisk  of  black  marble 
from  Nimrud  (see  illustration),  showing  the 
tribute  of  various  nations,  gives  an  account  of 
the  victories  of  Shalmaneser  II.  between  859 
and  828  B.C.  In  the  second  row  of  designs  is  the 
picture  which  is  inscribed  "  Tribute  of  Yahua, 
son  of  Humrt  \Omri ;  perhaps  by  a  clerical 
error  of  one  stroke  for  Ntiumsai  =  Nimshi] : 
objects  of  silver,  gold,  a  gold  cup,  gold  vessels, 
gold  buckets,  lead,  a  staff  for  the  king's  hand, 
and  sceptres  I  received."  Shalmaneser  stands 
holding  a  cup,  and  two  attendants  behind  hold 
a  sunshade,  and  a  bow.  Two  other  Assyrians 
are  bringing  Jehu  (or  his  ambassador)  who 
kisses  the  ground.  He  wears  a  cap  like  that 
of  later  Phrygians.  The  tribute-bearers  have 
the  same  cap,  and  shoes  with  curled  toes  (while 
the  Assyrians  wear  sandals)  ;  they  bear  the 
objects  mentioned  in  the  text.  The  signs  of 
the  gods  Assur  and  Istar  are  shown  above  the 
kneeling  ambassador.  This  event  occurred 
c.  840  B.C.  The  monument  is  also  remarkable 
for  its  representation  of  Indian  animals — the 
elephant,  rhinoceros,  apes,  and  the  Bactrian 
hound  and  camel.  [Tarshish.]  Cuneif.  In- 
scrip,  and  Old  Test.  i.  p.  179,  2nd  ed.  ;  Kittel, 
Hist,  of  Hebrews  ;  Driver,  Lit.  of  O.T.  ;  Stade, 
Zeitschrift  fiir  die  A  .T.Weissenschaft  {188$). — 2. 
Jehu,  son  of  Hanani ;  a  prophet  of  Judah,  but 
whose  ministrations  were  chiefly  directed  to 
Israel.  His  father  was  probably  the  seer  who 
attacked  Asa  (2Chr.l6.7).  He  denounced 
Baasha  (iK.16.i,7),  and,  after  an  interval  of  30 
years,  Jehoshaphat's  alliance  with  Ahab  (2Chr. 
19.2,3).  He  survived  Jehoshaphat  and  wrote 
hisUfe  (20.34). — 3.  Amanof  Judah  of  the  house 
ofHezron  (iChr.2.38). — 4.  ASimeonite,  sonof 
Josibiah  (4.35). — 5.  One  of  David's  heroes  who 
joined  him  at  Ziklag  (12. 3).  [h.c.b.] 

*  Jehubbah',  a  man  of  Asher ;  son  of 
Shamer  or  Shomer  (iChr.7.34). 


JEPHTHAH 


391 


Jehucal',  son  of  Shelemiah  ;  one  of  two 
persons  sent  by  king  Zedekiah  to  Jeremiah, 
to  entreat  his  prayers  (Je.37.3). 

Jehud',  one  of  the  towns  of  Dan  (Jos. 19. 45 ), 
now  el  Yehiidiyeh,  a  village  8  miles  E.  of  Joppa. 
In  the  list  of  Shishak's  conquests  it  is  called 
Ynda-malek,  or  "  royal  Jehud."  [c.r.c] 

Jehudi',  son  of  Nethaniah  ;  a  man  sent  by 
the  princes  of  Jehoiakim's  court  to  fetch 
Baruch  to  read  Jeremiah's  denunciation  (Je. 
36.14),  and  then  by  the  king  to  fetch  the  roll 
itself  and  read  it  to  him  (21,23). 

Jehudijah'  (iChr.4.i8).  If  a  proper 
name  at  all,  this  should  beHa-jehudijah  (as  in 
R.V.  marg.),  like  Ham-melech,  Hak-koz,  etc.  ; 
but  it  seems  to  be  rather  an  appellative,  "  the 
Jewess  "  (as  in  R.V.,  and  A.V.  marg.).  Ap- 
parently Mered  married  two  wives — one  a 
Jewess,  the  other  an  Egyptian,  a  daughter  of 
Pharaoh  ;   but  the  passage  is  very  confusing. 

Jehush',  son  of  Eshek,  a  remote  de- 
scendant of  Saul  (iChr.8-39). 

Jeiel'. — 1.  A  Reubenite  chief  (iChr.5.7). — 

2.  A  Merarite  Levite,  one  of  the  gate-keepers 
to  the  sacred  tent  (15. 18, 21),  who  played 
the  psaltery  and  harp  (I6.5)  before   the  ark. — 

3.  A  Gershonite  Levite  of  the  Bene-Asaph, 
forefather  of  Jahaziel,  4  (2O.14). — 4.  The 
scribe  who  kept  the  roll-call  of  king  Uzziah's 
irregular  predatory  warriors  (26. 11). — 5.  A 
Gershonite  Levite  of  the  Bene-Elizaphan,  who 
assisted  at  the  cleansing  of  the  temple  under 
Hezekiah  (29.13). — 6.  One  of  the  chief  Levites 
who  gave  offerings  at  the  great  Passover  of 
Josiah  (35.9). — 7.  One  of  the  Bene-Adonikam 
who  returned  with  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr.8. 
13)- — 8.  A  layman  of  the  Bene-Nebo,  who 
had  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (IO.43). 

Jekabzeel'  (Ne.ll.25).     [Kabzeel.] 

Jekameam',  a  Levite  ;  fourth  son  of  Heb- 
ron, son  of  Kohath  (iChr.23.i9,24.23). 

Jekamiah',  son  of  Shallum,  in  the  line  of 
Ahlai,  daughter  of  Sheshan  (iChr.2.41). 

Jekuthiel',  a  man  recorded  in  the  geneal- 
ogies of  Judah  (iChr.4.i8)  as  the  son  of  a  cer- 
tain Ezra  or  Mered,  by  his  Jewish  wife  (A.V. 
Jehudijah),  and  in  his  turn  the  father,  or 
founder,  of  the  town  of  Zanoah. 

Jemima',  eldest  of  three  daughters  of  Job, 
born  amid  his  renewed  prosperity  (Job  42.14). 

Jemnaan'(Jth.2.28).  No  doubt  Jabneel — 
generally  called  Jamnia  by  the  Gk.  writers — 
is  intended. 

Jemuel'  (Gen.46.io ;  Ex.6.i5)  =  Nemuel,  2. 

Jeph'thae  (Heb.ll.32),  Gk.  form  of 
Jephthah. 

Jephthah'  (the  op  poser  ;  Judg.ll.i-12.7), 
the  son  of  a  harlot.  11. i  says,  "  Gilead  begat 
Jephthah,"  but  Gilead  is  a  district.  Perhaps 
he  tried  to  establish  his  paternity  and  claim 
his  portion  before  the  elders  of  his  tribe, 
and  failed  (Hastings,  D.B.).  He  became  an 
outlaw  in  the  land  of  Tob — the  unsettled 
region  to  N.E. — until  the  Ammonite  oppres- 
sion. Then  his  people  had  to  humble  them- 
selves and  receive  him  back  as  their  chief. 
When  diplomacy  with  Ammon  failed,  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  him  (cf.  3. 10, 6. 
34),  and  he  swept  through  E.  Palestine,  rousing 
the  people  to  war.  He  defeated  Ammon,  but 
before  the  battle  he  devoted  whoever  first  came 
out  of  his  home  when  he  returned  in  peace. 


392 


JEPHUNNE 


[Vow.]  His  daughter  came  out  with  timbrels 
and  dances,  "  and  she  was  his  only  child."  He 
allowed  her  two  months  to  bewail  her  virginity 
upon  the  mountains,  and  then  "  did  with  her 
according  to  his  vow."  The  Ephraimltes  came 
to  assert  themselves,  and  Jephthah,  unlike 
Gideon  (8.2),  was  scarcely  conciliating.  A 
battle  took  place;  Ephraimwasdefcated.  Jeph- 
thah seized  the  fords  and  slew  all  who  could  not 
pronounce  Shibboleth  {cf.  Sicilian  Vespers). 
He  Judged  Israel  6  years.  11. 12-28  is  interpo- 
lated, but  it  can  scarcely  be  a  fraud  of  6th  cent, 
to  establish  the  claim  of  Israel  to  Gad  (Je.49.i), 
as  Moore  thinks,  for  this  passage  presupposes 
the  existence  of  Num.21,  which  would  make 
such  a  fraud  unnecessary.  The  compiler,  like 
Thucydides  in  similar  cases,  knew  of  the  diplo- 
macy, but  himself  composed  the  message,  or 
at  any  rate  rewrote  it,  for  ver.  26  implies  his 
chronology.  The  references  are  to  Moab 
rather  than  Ammon,  to  Chemosh  rather  than 
Milcom,  but  we  do  not  know  all  the  facts 
(cf.  Jos.13.25).  Wellhausen  {Hist.  228-233) 
denies  the  existence  of  Jephthah,  and  treats 
this  passage  as  an  interpolation  of  very  late 
date.  Yet  he  relies  on  ver.  24  to  prove  that 
the  Israelites  were  not  monotheists  !  This 
argument  would  prove  Jeremiah  (see  48.7)  not 
a  monotheist.  Ver.  24  is  an  argumentum  ad 
hominem. — Jephthah's  Vow.  Until  the  12th 
cent.  A.D.  tliero  was  no  doubt  as  to  Jp]ihthah's 
vow  and  sacrifice.  Then  Kimchi,  followed  by 
other  Rabbis,  strove  to  show  that  the  daughter 
was  not  sacrificed,  but  remained  unmarried. 
The  latest  exponents  of  this  view  are,  in  Ger- 
many, Konig  ;  in  England,  Edersheim.  But 
Jephthah  certainly  did  not  vow  that  the  first 
person  who  came  out  of  his  house  should  be  a 
virgin,  and  what  he  vowed  he  performed.  In 
making  his  vow,  he  doubtless  hoped  for  some 
lesser  sacrifice.  Had  human  sacrifices  to  Je- 
hovah been  recognized,  this  story  would  not 
have  been  written,  nor  a  mourning  instituted  to 
commemorate  the  event.  Cooke's  references 
(Hastings,/). S.)  to  1Sam.i4.24f.45, 15. 33, 2Sam. 
21.6-9  are  not  relevant,  for  retribution  and  not 
worship  are  implied.  His  other  quotations 
have  no  reference  to  Jehovah  worship,  and 
E.x. 22.29  is  explained  34.20,  both  texts  being 
from  the  same  source. — Ephraim's  defeat  and 
the  slaughter  at  Jordan  no  doubt  accounts  for 
the  weakness  of  this  warlike  tribe  against 
Philistine  aggression.  Davidson,  Expositor, 
3rd  series,  vol.  v.;  Orr,  Problem  of  O.T.; 
Robertson,  Early  Religion  of  Jsr.  ;  Hastings, 
D.B.  {5  vols.  1904) ;  Sayce,  Early  Hist,  of  Heb.  ; 
Wellhausen,  Hist,  of  Isr.  ;  and  books  given 
under  Judgf.s.  [u.m.s.] 

Jephunne' (Ecclus.46.7).  [Jephtinneh,  i.] 

Jephunneh'. — 1.  Father  of  Caleb  the 
spy  and  grandson  of  Kenaz  [Kenezite] 
(Num. 13.6,  etc. ;  Jos. 14.6,  etc.  ;  iChr.4.15, 
etc.). — 2.  A  descendant  of  Asher,  and  eldest 
son  of  Jether  (iChr.7.38). 

Je'pah  (month,  or  moon;  Gen.lO.26  ;  iChr. 
1.20),  fourth  son  of  Joktan,  and  progenitor 
of  a  tribe  in  S.  .\rabia.  There  is  a  place  called 
Mahrah  in  E.  Hadramaut.  Warakh  was  a 
place  of  some  importance  in  S.  Arabia  in  the 
nth  cent.,  and  the  name  may  preserve  a 
tradition  of  Jorah.  [''•J-i'--J-] 

Jerahmeer. — 1.  First-born  son  of  Hczron, 


JEREMIAH 

the  son  of  Pharez  ben-Judah  (iChr.2.9,25fT.). 
[Caleb.] — 2.  .\  Merarite  Levite  in  the  time 
of  David  (rChr.24.29  ;  cf.  23.2i).— 3.  Son  of 
"Hammelech."  [Malchi.\h,  8.]  Jehoiakimbid 
him  make  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  prisoners, 
"  but  the  Lord  hid  them  "   (Je.36.26). 

Jepah'meelites,  The  (iSam.27.io),  dwelt 
in  the  S.  of  Judah.     [Jerahmeel,  i.] 

Jep'echus  (rEsd.5.22)  =  jERicHO. 

Je'ped 1.  (iChr.l.2)=jARED,  asR.V.— 2. 

A  descendant  of  Judah;  the  "father" — i.e. 
the  founder — of  Gedor  {iChr.4.i8). 

Jepemai',  a  layman  of  the  Bene-Hashum, 
who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.33). 

Jepemi'ah.  Seven  other  men  of  the  same 
name  as  the  prophet  (see  next  art.)  are  men- 
tioned in  O.T. — 1.  Jeremiah  of  l.ibnah,  father 
of  Hamutal,  wife  of  Josiah  (2K.23.31). — 2,  3, 
4.  Three  warriors — two  of  the  tribe  of  Gad — in 
David'sarmy  (iChr.12.4,10,13). — 5.  A  "mighty 
man  of  valour  "  of  the  trans-Jordanic  half-tribe 
of  Manasseh  (5.24).— 6.  A  priest,  head  of  the 
second  or  third  of  the  2i  courses  which  are 
apparently  enumerated  in  Ne. 10  2-8,12. 1-21. 
This  course,  or  its  chief,  took  part  in  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (I2.34). — 7. 
Father  of  Jaazaniah  the  Rechabite  (Je.35.3). 

Jepemiah.  Jeremiah  was  one  of  those  men 
of  whom  what  Hooker  (Ecc.  Pol.  v.  xlii.  5) 
said  in  tragic  hyberbole  of  .\thanasius  is  true — 
he  had  "  no  friends  but  God  and  death."  The 
only  intelligible  account  of  his  lifelong  per- 
sistence in  the  course  he  deliberately  chose  is 
that  friendship  with  God  is  possible,  and  that 
this  is  a  sufficient  compensation  for  the  want 
of  friends  in  the  world.  The  lesson  of  his 
brave  opposing  of  the  spirit  of  his  time  is  a 
perpetual  tonic  for  the  Church.  Jeremiah  has 
written  his  autobiography,  as  no  other  prophet, 
in  his  book  and  in  the  Lamentations.  Jeremiah's 
period  of  activity  extended  over  five  reigns  and 
into  the  Captivity,  covering  at  least  32  years : 
(i)  the  latter  part  of  Josiah's  reign,  (2)  the 
timesof  Jehoahaz,  J ehoiakim,  the  battle  of  Car- 
chemish,  the  Babylonian  invasion,  Jehoiachin 
and  the  first  deportation  or  exile  (597  e.g.), 
(3)  the  times  of  Zedekiah  (597  e.g.)  to  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  the  siege  of  Jerusalem 
(end  of  Dec.  589),  Jerusalem  taken,  Abib  10 
(July),  387,  (4)  his  after-life  in  Palestine  and 
then  in  Egypt  (after  586  e.g.).  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  rise  of  Greece  fairlv  syn- 
chronizes with  the  decay  and  extinction  of 
Hebrew  prophecv  (Solon,  594  B.C.  ;  Herodotus, 
478  B.C.).  (i)  The  call  to  be  a  prophet  came 
to  him  in  Josiah's  reign,  and  probably  in  the 
midst  of  an  apparently  complete  religious 
reformation,  following  the  equally  great 
apostasy  of  Manasseh.  He  was  a  native  of 
Anathoth,  a  priestly  town  with  "  suburbs," 
in  Benjamin,  where  the  high-priest  Abiathar 
had  been  banished  to  his  "  fields  "  by  Solomon 
(iK.2.26).  He  belonged  to  the  priesthood  (Je. 
1. 1 ),  and  had  private  means.  Here,  about  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour's  journey  from  Jerusalcni 
on  a  breezy  highland  with  extensive  views  of 
the  mountains  N.  and  W.  of  the  Jordan  Valley 
and  of  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  but  out  of 
sight  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  midst  of  cornfields, 
fig-trees  and  olive-trees,  traces  of  which  still 
remain,  his  youth  was  spent  (Buhl.  p.  i7.'>; 
Robinson,  Pal,  ij.  319;   Surv-  W,  Pul.  iii.  ?)• 


JEREMIAH 

Chosen  before  birth  for  his  office,  he  was  here 
prepared  for  it.  It  is  apparent,  from  the  account 
of  2  K.22,  that  at  the  finding  of  the  temple  copy 
of  the  law  neither  he  nor  Zephaniah  had  risen 
to  notice.  When  with  striking  words,  fitted 
to  encourage  him  in  his  weakness  and  friend- 
lessness,  he  was  called  to  be  a  prophet,  he 
was  oppressed  with  a  sense  of  youth  and 
inexperience  (Je.l.i-ii).  His  first  utterances 
(3-6)  were  filled  with  a  warmth  of  affectionate 
appeal,  but  he  found  the  reforms  of  Josiah 
skin-deep  and  his  opposition  to  the  flatterers 
began.  He  points  out  that  Judah  had  seen 
the  end  of  her  sister-kingdom  of  Israel  some 
hundred  years  before,  but  turned  not  with  her 
whole  heart  (3.i-ii).  The  priests  and  prophets 
were  going  the  wrong  road.  They  were 
covetous  and  comfortable  liars.  "  They  have 
healed  the  hurt  of  the  daughters  of  my  people 
slightly  "  {i.e.  after  a  light  and  trivial  sort, 
as  a  bad  physician  consulting  his  own  ease 
rather  than  the  recovery  of  the  patient),  "say- 
ing. Peace,  peace,  when  there  is  no  peace  " 
(6.13,14).  Yet  the  controversy  is  not  so  acute 
as  later,  and  still  there  is  hope.  He  has  still 
Zephaniah  and  Habakkuk  as  fellow-workers. 
(2)  But  in  the  second  period,  when  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  nation  increases,  the  message 
grows  sterner  and  the  activity  of  Jeremiah 
grows  greater  at  the  entry  of  the  temple  (7.2, 
26.2),  at  the  gate  (17. 19),  in  the  valley  of 
Hinnom  (19.2),  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem 
(11.6),  at  the  entry  of  the  palace  (22.i,2),  often 
with  impressive  symbolic  action  (13.1,19,27.2, 
28.12).  We  see  the  confused  outlines  of  a 
terrible  conflict  for  his  people.  If  we  attempt 
to  translate  into  modem  conceptions  the 
opposition,  the  calumny,  the  indignity  and 
deadly  peril,  which  fell  upon  the  most  sensitive 
of  men  "  without  a  cause,"  we  have  the  pictm"e 
of  keen  suffering.  Himself  a  priest  and 
prophet,  he  stands  alone  without  sympathy 
amongst  a  numerous  school  of  priests  and 
prophets — as  the  Germans  say,  his  Fach- 
genossen.  First,  at  Anathoth,  where  he  spent 
his  brighter  days,  his  old  neighbours  conspire 
against  him  (11. 21).  They  bid  him,  on  pain  of 
death,  to  prophesy  no  more.  He  can  go  there 
no  longer.  Then,  in  Jerusalem,  the  whole 
company  of  the  prophets  discount  his  call, 
oppose  his  message,  and  preach  a  more  popular 
doctrine  of  peace  and  prosperity.  "  strengthen- 
ing the  hands  of  evil  doers  "  (23.14).  The 
bolder  of  them  resist  him  face  to  face. 
Soon  they,  with  the  priests,  plot  to  get  rid  of 
him,  and  publicly  arraign  him  for  death  for 
threatening  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  with 
a  desolation  as  great  as  that  of  Shiloh  (7.14, 
26.6,8,11).  The  princes  and  prominent  laity 
(elders)  stand  his  friends,  quoting  Micah's 
similar  threatening  in  Hezekiah's  days  (26. 16- 
20).  Urijah,  a  solitary  prophet,  who  dares 
to  say  the  same  things,  is  brought  from  Egypt, 
where  he  fled,  is  slain  with  the  sword,  and  his 
body  cast  out  with  contempt  to  the  graves  of 
the  common  people  (26.23),  but  at  that  time 
Ahikam  saved  Jeremiah  from  the  people. 
The  priestly  prince-prefect  of  the  temple, 
roused  by  what  was  probably  Jeremiah's  first 
utterance  of  unmitigated  severity,  beat  him 
with  rods  and  set  him  in  the  pillory  at  the  N. 
gate  of    the  temple  for  a  day  (20.i,2).     He 


JEREMIAH 


393 


sends  his  denunciations,  written  out  by  his 
amanuensis  Baruch,  to  king  Jehoiakim,  who 
contemptuously  cuts  the  MS.  with  his  pen-knife 
and  throws  it  into  the  fire  (36).  And  ever 
and  anon,  through  all  this  storm  and  stress, 
we  hear  Jeremiah's  bitter  outcry  to  Jehovah 
against  his  lot  as  a  prophet  of  evil  (15. 10, 17), 
yet  the  words  of  Jehovah  were  "  the  joy  and 
rejoicing  "  of  his  heart  (15. 16).  Still  he  identi- 
fies himself  with  his  people.  But  later,  after 
he  has  been  publicly  mocked  as  an  evil-doer 
and  the  tragedy  of  his  position  weighs  heavier, 
he  says,  "  Thou  didst  entice  me,  and  I  was  en- 
ticed "  (20.7),  and  now  the  word  of  Jehovah 
has  become  "  a  burning  fire  shut  up  in  my 
bones  "  which  must  out  (2O.9).  He  is  become  a 
continual  derision  ;  every  one  is  mocking  him. 
He  hears  nothing  but  the  whispering  of  many, 
and  fear  is  on  every  side.  Every  familiar 
friend,  "  every  man  of  my  peace  "  (see  A.V. 
marg.),  is  perpetually  watching  for  his  stumb- 
ling (20.10).  And  in  a  momentary  heart- 
break poiured  out  side  by  side  with  a  strain  of 
praise — which  those  who  reprobate  do  not 
sufficiently  regard — he  curses  the  day  of  his 
birth  (20.14-17).  Yet  still  there  is  a  flickering 
ray  of  hope.  (3)  But  in  the  days  of  the 
feeble  and  vacillating  Zedekiah  (in  27.  i  read 
Zedekiah,  see  ver.  3),  all  hope  is  gone.  He 
turns  with  the  same  iron  resolution  to  counsel 
(by  the  direction  of  Jehovah)  surrender  to 
the  Chaldeans  in  order  to  lessen  the  sorrow 
and  ruin  of  his  people.  This  he  does  publicly 
(27.12,13,38.1,2),  and  is  pubUcly  opposed 
by  Hananiah,  who  prophesies  deliverance 
within  2  years,  and  by  a  letter  from  Shemaiah 
from  the  Captivity  (29.25)  ;  and  he  con- 
tinues his  warnings  from  prison  and  chains, 
and  the  bitterness  of  death  itself.  The 
princes  first  detain  him  as  a  defaulter  (37.15), 
and  then  seek  his  life  as  a  traitor  (38.4).  None 
but  a  Cushite  stranger  and  the  vacillating  king 
take  his  part  (38,39.i5-i8).  In  his  partial 
discovery  of  the  truth  as  to  his  last  historic 
interview  with  the  king  some  have  seen  traces 
of  cowardice  (38.14-28).  But  such  partial 
telling  of  the  truth  has  been  held  blameless, 
when  two  lives  are  at  stake.  The  incident  of 
the  legal  purchase  of  property  at  Anathoth 
shows  his  tenacious  faith  (32).  And  when  the 
destruction  falls,  in  the  Lamentations,  too  im- 
portant to  be  included  in  his  prophecies  and 
in  general  subordinate  to  the  sorrows  of  his 
country,  the  old  cry  of  heart-break  dies  down 
into  trust.  (4)  The  account  of  the  final 
period  is  possibly,  as  much  else  may  be,  from 
the  hand  of  his  tried  friend  Baruch,  or  some 
other  (40-44,  with  its  appendix  52).  The  fall 
of  Jerusalem  struck  off  his  chains  and  set  him 
free  to  seek  a  closing  peace  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Babylon.  But  the  call  of  duty  stays 
him.  The  faithful  Gedaliah  and  his  impover- 
ished countrymen  at  Mizpeh  need  him.  His 
fickle  countrymen  murder  Gedaliah  by  his 
side.  They  dissemble  with  him,  carry  him 
against  his  will  and  advice  to  Egypt,  and  there 
openly  advocate  and  practise  a  return  to 
idolatry.  When  last  we  hear  of  Jeremiah  he 
is  still  delivering  a  rejected  and  unpopular 
message  with  undiminished  vigour.  The  death, 
which  tradition  (first  recorded  in  Tertullian) 
assigns  to  hirn,  is  the  prqbable  one  of  stoning 


394 


JEREMIAH,  BOOK  OF 


at  their  hands.  Recognition  came  too  late. 
Possibly  about  loo  B.C.,  from  a  larger  work  of 
Jason  of  Cyrene,  in  aMaccabees  are  given  the 
legends  (found  in  the  registers  2.i,  in  the 
writing  2.4)  which  grew  up  round  Jeremiah. 
He  hides  the  tabernacle,  the  ark,  and  the  altar 
in  Sinai  till  the  times  of  the  Messiah.  "  With 
gray  hairs  and  exceeding  glorious  "  he  gives 
J  udas  the  Maccabec  a  sword,  and  is  introduced 
by  Onias  the  high-priest  as  "  the  lover  of  the 
brethren,  who  prayeth  much  for  the  people  and 
the  holy  city,  Jeremias  the  prophet  of  God  " 
(2Mac. 15. 13-16).  Philo,  an  early  contempor- 
ary of  our  Lord,  apparently  alludes  to  him  only 
of  all  the  prophets,  and  sets  him  equal  with 
Moses  {De  Cherub.  §  14).  Josephus  reconciles 
him  with  Ezekiel  {10  Ant.  vii.  2).  And  that 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  thought  by  some  to  be 
Jeremiah  (Mt.l6.14)  points  the  observed  like- 
ness, and  shows  him  indeed  the  prototype  and 
forerunner  of  the  Messiah,  which,  together  with 
Isaiah,  the  Jews  believed  him  to  be.  Koberle, 
Jeremia  (Stuttgart)  ;  Jeremiah,  in  Stanley's 
Lect.  Savonarola,  Sorroxv  and  Hope  {S.V  .CVi..), 
gives  a  not  unworthy  parallel.  [f.e.s.] 

Jepemiah,  Book  of.  (i)  History  of  the 
Text.  As  with  regard  to  the  man,  so  with 
regard  to  the  work,  there  has  been  a  great 
reversal  of  opinion.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
LXX.  shows  more  variation  here  than  else- 
where. It  seems  to  witness  to  the  fortunes  of 
two  Hebrew  originals,  one  Egyptian,  the  other 
Babylonian.  Scholz  seems  to  have  made  out 
a  good  case  for  the  opinion  that  the  additions, 
which  make  the  Heb.  longer  than  the  LXX., 
are  the  work  of  expounders  and  readers  in  the 
synagogue.  They  indicate,  indeed,  the  early 
study  and  use  of  the  book  (Scholz,  p.  218), 
possibly  in  Babylon  (of.  Dan. 9. 2  and  the  in- 
fluence upon  P>,ckiel),  while  the  Hebrew  of 
the  original  was  still  a  living  language.  Many 
other  small  divergences  arose  in  time,  without 
intention,  in  the  two  texts.  The  nine  foreign 
prophecies  probably  originally  stood  (as  in  the 
LXX.),  after  25.1.3.  Becoming  in  time  less 
interesting  to  the  Hebrews,  they  were  in  Pales- 
tine editorially  placed  at  the  end,  and  their 
order  changed  from  the  original  and  more  diffi- 
cult one  preserved  in  the  LXX.,  to  correspond 
generally  with  the  mention  of  the  nations  from 
S.  to  N.  in  25.19-27.  By  this  transposition,  as 
Scholz  says  (p.  214),  the  great  thought  that 
Israel  did  not  stand  morally  separate  from  the 
nations  was  obscured.  The  uiuhronological 
order  of  ch.  21  may  have  been  adopted  to  con- 
tinue Pashur's  history,  that  of  27,28  to  con- 
tinue the  thoughts  of  ch.  26.  They  are  more  or 
less  the  same  in  the  LXX.  The  confusions  of 
the  LXX.  copy,  and  perhaps  of  the  Baby- 
lonian, possibly  proceed  from  the  troublous 
times  from  which  the  book  emerges.  MSS.  of 
Jeremiah  passed  quickly  to  Babylon  (see 
below).  The  connexion  of  the  roll  (86.2,32) 
with  the  rest  is  not  clear.  But  the  striking 
result  of  all  this  variation  in  the  midst  of 
essential  e(]uivalence  is  the  unique  jiheno- 
menon  that  both  parts  of  a  scattered  nation 
preserved  with  singular  fidelity  writings  whicii 
form  the  most  terrible  indictment  of  their 
apostasy  (Scholz.  pp.  114,  120).  This,  and 
Dan. 9. 2,  substantiate  the  genuineness  of  the 
prophecy  of  only  70  years  of  captivity  (actu- 


JEREMIAH,  BOOK  OF 

ally  68),  25. 11, 12, 29. 10.  Jeremiah  and  his 
writings  arc  all  that  survives  from  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  and  from  them  alone 
do  we  derive  the  picture  of  the  political  and 
religious  conditions  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded it.  In  some  MSS.  Jeremiah  stood  first  of 
all  the  prophets.  (2)  Contents.  1-6  is  gener- 
allv  assigned  to  the  time  of  Josiah  ;  7-20  to  that 
of  jehoiakim;  21-38  (except  22-27,  35,  and  36) 
to  that  of  Zedekiah  ;  39-44  is  the  history  of 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  after  ;  45  is  the  advice 
to  Baruch  on  the  occasion  of  his  writing  the 
roll  of  36,  placed  at  the  end  (both  in  LXX.  and 
Heb.)  possibly  as  giving  in  ver.  4  the  moral  and 
meaning  of  the  commencement  (l.io).  The 
misplaced  chapters,  46-51  (see  above),  contain 
the  foreign  prophecies ;  52  is  an  historical  ap- 
pendix referring  to  Zedekiah  and  the  end  of  the 
kingdom.  The  hand  of  Baruch  may  well  have 
been  employed  both  in  the  writing  and  in  the 
editing,  so  that  with  some  truth  the  book  may 
be  regarded  as  Baruch's  "  memorabilia  "  ;  but 
it  cannot  be  entirely  so,  as  in  30.2,36.32,51.59- 
64  we  have  proof  of  Jeremiah's  personal  ac- 
tivity. The  general  message  of  the  whole  is  that 
reliance  on  Egypt  is  false  (37.3-1 1) ;  fall  before 
Babylon  is  certain  ;  yet  neither  chastening 
nor  annihilation  is  the  [purpose  of  Jehovah  ^27. 
11,30.11,31).  Messianic  prophecies,  occurring 
in  the  midst  of  threatening,  are  3.14,23.5-8, 
30.4-11,31,33.  It  is  strangelv  asserted  that 
the  Messianic  idea  in  Jeremiah  is  less  personal 
and  characteristic.  It  is  rather  that  allusions 
to  it  are  brief  and  few.  Times  of  boastful 
corruption  are  not  fitted  for  emphasizing  and 
multiplying  hopes  ca]iable  of  misconstruction. 
The  allusions  theniselves  arc  to  a  person  well 
known — David's  righteous  scion,  the  well- 
known  king  reigning  and  prospering  (23.5, 
33.15),  a  second  David  raised  up  (30. o),  the 
divine  shepherd  (31. 10),  with  good  shepherds 
under  him  (23.4).  What  is  characteristic  of 
Jeremiah,  in  a  time  of  tremendous  change  and 
moral  apostasy,  is  that  he  adch  that  the  Mes- 
sianic deliverance  will  be  so  great  as  to  con- 
stitute a  new  covenant  (31. 31)  and  to  cause 
ark  and  passover  to  fall  into  oblivion  (3. 16, 
23.7),  and  that  its  essential  feature  will  be 
moral  renewal  (31. 31-34).  The  new  name 
"Jehovah  is  our  Righteousness  "  (23.6)  equates 
with  Mt.l.2i.  Je.7.22  has  been  taken  to  in- 
dicate that  the  Levitical  law  was  not  yet 
written  ;  but  it  really  emphasizes  an  already- 
existing  fact,  as  well  as  a  prophetic  common- 
place. God's  marriage  and  covenant  with 
Israel  were  moral  and  spiritual.  Sacrifice, 
common  to  all  nations,  was  merely  Levitically 
regulated.  The  book  of  Jeremiah  im]ilies  that 
tiiere  was  plentv  of  heartless  sacrifice  and 
ritually  correct  lip-service.  The  allusions  to 
earlier  literature  (by  no  means  specially  to 
Deut.),  which  liave  been  analyzed  by  Stanley 
Leathes  (Law  in  Prophets),  would  in  the  case 
of  any  other  literature  be  considered  amply 
to  substantiate  its  pre-existence.  (3)  Rela- 
tion to  Other  Prophets.  Jeremiah  uses  some  of 
Isaiah's  figures — c.t;.  the  vine(2.2i),  the  cup  of 
trembling  (25.15),  going  up  to  Zion  (31.6),  my 
servant  Jacob  (30. 10),  and  the  words  of  other 
prophets,  especially  Obadiah  in  ch.  49.  Ezekiel 
exiiandsthe  ideasof  Jeremiah — f./j.  the  allegory 
of  the  two  sisters  (3.7;  Ezk.23),  the  future  union 


JEREMIAH,  BOOK  OF 

of  Israel  and  Judah  (33.7;  Ezk.37. 15-28),  the 
"  sour  grapes  "  proverb  (31. 29  ;  Ezk.18),  the 
dry  bones  (8.1-5  ;  Ezk.37. 1-14),  the  woe  of  the 
shepherds  (23.1-4;  Ezk.34) — and  has  many 
verbal  and  material  resemblances  (see  Redpath, 
Ezek.  xxiv).  Daniel  (9.2)  is  recorded  as  prayer- 
fully studying  the  prophecy  of  the  70  years. 
These  points  probably  argue  close  intercourse 
and  quick  transmission  of  MSS.  (Je. 29. 1,25, 51. 
60-64)  between  Jerusalem  and  the  Captivity, 
or  they  possibly  belong  to  the  commonplaces 
of  the  prophets.  (4)  Style.  "  The  style  of 
Jeremiah  is  much  less  purethanthat  of  Isaiah," 
says  Renan  (Histoire  des  langues  semitiques, 
p.  132)  ;  yet  it  is  "  not  without  certain  charms 
of  its  own,  not  destitute  of  noble  and 
liberal  ideas  "  (De  Wette,  Introduction,  §220); 
"  simple,  easy,  rustic,  but  most  profound  in  the 
majesty  of  his  thoughts,  and  equal  in  thought 
to  the  best  "  (Jerome,  Commentary).  He 
turns  from  politics  to  nature  and  to  Jehovah 
the  Creator  and  Source  of  all.  "  How  note- 
worthy is  his  poetic  and  inspired  sense  of 
nature  !  The  roaring  sea,  the  hot  desert  wind, 
the  flight  of  birds  of  passage  ;  the  art  of 
fowler,  reaper,  ploughman,  shepherd  ;  the 
maid  rejoicing  in  the  dance,  the  bride  who  can- 
not forget  her  adornment ;  the  sound  of  the 
mill,  the  light  of  the  lamp,  the  children  gather- 
ing wood,  in  the  streets,  fatherless,  the  Bedouin 
lurking  in  the  desert,  the  hind,  the  lion,  the 
spotted  panther,  the  shy  wild  ass, — these  are 
for  him  the  picture  and  parable  of  eternal 
things.  He  gives  us  poetry,  even  aesthetically 
considered,  of  the  finest  "  (Koberle,  p.  13, 
slightly  altered).  Jeremiah's  language  is  the 
language  of  his  time,  and  is  tinged  with 
Aramaic  (see  list,  De  Wette,  §  220,  p.  424).  The 
Aramaic  verse  (lO.ii)  is  possibly  a  short, 
emphatic  proclamation  to  the  neighbouring 
nations  in  a  suitable  Semitic  dialect.  Yet  it 
is  strange,  if  so,  that  the  foreign  prophecies 
should  be,  of  all,  the  most  vigorous  Hebrew. 
But  his  book  is  a  work  of  genius  and  true 
pathos,  and  his  symbolic  actions  are  often 
forcible.  From  Josephus  to  Lowth,  Ley, 
Sievers,  Cornill,  Giesbrecht,  and  others,  the 
writings  of  Jeremiah,  like  Hebrew  poetry  in 
general,  have  been  seen  to  have  a  certain  metre 
or  form,  arising  from  the  rising  and  sinking  of 
the  tone.  Jeremiah's  qind-raetre  (Ley's  penta- 
meter of  elegy,  3  +  2)  is  the  most  constant  (oc- 
curring both  in  Je.  and  Lam.)  ;  and  is  found  in 
poems  of  a  different  kind,  e.g.  Ps.l9.8f.  (Baudis- 
sin).  But  since,  in  Jeremiah  and  elsewhere, 
the  general  application  of  any  strict  rule  in- 
volves unwarrantable  changes  of  the  text,  and 
since  the  distinction  between  poetic  prose  and 
poetic  metre  is  difficult  to  draw,  it  is  perhaps 
better  to  regard  the  metre  as  arising  freely, 
almost  unconsciously,  from  the  differing  lengths 
of  the  parallelism — longest  in  epic,  shortest 
in  elegy.  In  Orelli's  Jeremiah  (pp.  11,  12) 
there  seems  to  be  the  best  and  most  recent 
account  of  this  question.  There  is  a  similar 
fluidity  sometimes  observable  in  strict  gram- 
matical form.  Text  :  Kittel's  Heb.  Bible ; 
Scholz,  Der  Masorethische  Text  tind  die  LXX. 
Uebersetzung  (Regensburg) ;  Giesbrecht,  Jere- 
mias  Metric  (unpointed  Heb.,  to  show  metre) 
(Gottingen).  Comm.  :  Dean  Payne  Smith  in 
Speaker's  Commentdry   (very  capable) ;    The 


JERIAH 


395 


Pulpit  Commentary  ;  Spence  and  Exell,  Gies- 
brecht, Hitzig,  Ewald,  Orelli  in  Strack-Zockler 
(3rd  ed. — good) ;  Duhm  in  Marti,  Freiburg, 
Driver.  [f.e.s.] 

Jepeml'as. — 1.  The  Gk.  form  of  the  name 
of  Jeremiah  the  prophet  (Ecclus.49.6  ;  2Mac. 
15.14,15  ;  Mt.l6.14). — 2.  Given  in  iEsd.9.34, 
as  one  of  the  Bene-Maani  (  =  Bani)  who  put 
away  his  foreign  wife.  Perhaps  transferred 
from  ver.  33  (c/.  Ezr.lO.34),  and  =Jeremai. 

Jepemiel'  (Hieremihel,  leremiel,  God 
[El]  hurls  •  cf.  Jeremiah,  or  perhaps  God  sets 
[i.e.  appoints]  ;  cf.  Dan.7.9  and  dv  ira^ev 
in  Gk.  of  Eth.  En.  xx.  7)  only  occurs  in  2Esd. 
4.38,  A.V.  marg.,  R.V.  (A.V.  text,  Uriel).  He 
there  answers  the  questions  of  the  righteous 
dead.  He  apparently  =  Ramiel,  Apoc.  Bar. 
Iv.  3,  Ixiii.  6,  who  presides  over  the  visions  ; 
Remiel,  Eth.  En.  xx.  7  (Gk.)  ;  cf.  Orac.  Sib. 
ii.  215-217.  [a.l.w.] 

Jepemoth'. — 1.  A  Benjamite  chief  (iChr. 
8.14). — 2.  A  Merarite  Levite,  youngest  son  of 
Mushi  (23.23). — 3.  Son  of  Heman  ;  head  of  the 
15th  course  of  musicians  (25.22). — 4.  One  of 
the  sons  of  Elam,  and — 5.  Of  Zattu,  who  had 
taken  strange  wives  (Ezr.lO.26,27). 

Jep'emy  (iEsd.l.28,etc.,2.i  ;  2Esd.2.i8  ; 
2Mac.2.i,5,7;  Mt. 2. 17,27.9)  =  Jeremiah,  the 
prophet. 

Jeremy,  Bpistle  of.  In  Gk.  MSS.  this 
epistle  usually  follows  Lamentations,  but  in 
the  S>T.,  Lat.,  and  A.V.  it  is  reckoned  as  Ba.6  ; 
both  being  regarded  as  supplements  to  Jere- 
miah, under  whose  name  it  is  quoted  by  Ter- 
tullian,  Cyprian,  and  others.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  Gk.  was  the  original  language  ; 
Hoberg,  however,  still  deems  it  a  translation 
from  Heb.  Quite  a  different  line  is  taken 
from  that  of  Jeremiah's  real  letter  to  the  cap- 
tives (Je.29),  and  ver.  3  conflicts  with  Je.29.io. 
It  seems  rather  that  an  expansion  of  IO.1-15 
is  attempted.  Jeremiah  purports  to  ^^Tite  to 
the  captives  starting  for  Babylon  to  warn  them 
against  the  folly  of  the  idolatry  they  would 
there  see.  The  weapon  of  ridicule  is  freely 
employed.  In  repellent  colours,  with  a  view  of 
counteracting  its  enticements,  heathen  worship 
is  depicted  as  contemptible.  The  helplessness 
and  uselessness  of  idols  are  set  forth  in  detail, 
with  a  recurring  assertion  that  they  are  not  real 
deities ;  not  even,  like  ordinary  things,  serving 
the  purposes  for  which  they  are  designed  {vv.  59- 
63).  After  the  commencement,  the  epistolary 
character  of  the  piece  is  not  very  apparent, 
and  it  ends  rather  flatly  by  stating  that  the 
lot  of  just  men  with  no  idols  is  to  be  preferred. 
A  tacit  contrast  to  the  worship  of  the  God  of 
Israel  underlies  the  whole  ;  but  it  may  be 
questioned  whether  the  tone  is  well  adapted 
to  those  who  had  already  fallen  into  idolatry 
before  the  Exile.  The  only  trace  of  prophecy 
is  in  vv.  50,51,  where  an  abandonment  of  idols 
is  foretold.  Ver.  22  is  interesting  as  contain- 
ing the  sole  Biblical  mention  of  cats.  [Cat.] 
The  indications  are  insufficient  to  fix  a  precise 
date,  the  reference  in  2Mac.2.2  to  vv.  4,5, 
being  very  uncertain  ;  but  100  B.C.  may  be 
named  as  approximate.  For  bibliography  see 
Baruch,  Book  of.  [w.h.d.] 

Jepiah',  a  Kohathite  Levite,  chief  of  the 
house  of  Hebron  in  the  tinie  of  David  (iChr. 
23.19,24.23). 


39G 


JERIBAI 


Jeplbal',  sou  of  llliKiau  ;  named  amuiig 
tlic  licrocs  of  David's  guard  in  1Ci1r.ll.46. 

Jericho  (1  let).  y'rifiO,  "  swcct-sniclling  "), 
liiii;  l\u:  .•Vral).  er  Rika,  at  tlio  niodorn  site 
of  Jciiclio.  Till!  termination  in  Van  siiows 
aa  old  Canaanite  dialect,  preserving  tlie  nom- 
inative case  ending.  Jericho  is  noticed  in 
.l";  chapters  of  O.T.,  5  of  Apoc,  and  6  of  N.T. 
The  name  occurs  12  times  between  Num.22.i 
and  Dent. 34.  \  as  tiiat  of  a  city  near  the  Jordan. 
In  Dent. 34.3  tlw;  lleh.  speaks  of  "  the  ktkkdr  of 
the  hitfalh  y'rihu,  the  city  of  palm-trees  "  (cl. 
Jndg.l.if),3.i  ?  ;  2Chr.28.15).  It  was  a  royal 
Canaanite  city  (Jos.2.3,12.())  with  walls  (8.20), 
and  had  water  near  it  (I6.1)  :  probably  it  was 
a  trading  centre  having  an  inn.  Such  inns  were 
kept  by  women,  but  not  regarded  as  res|)cct- 
able  places,  c.  2100  n.c,  as  noticiul  in  the  laws 
of  Hannnurabi  (Nos.  108-110).  This  agrees 
witirtiie  view  that  Hahab  (Jos.2.i)  was  an 
"  iim-ke(!per."  who  received  the  spies  as 
tra\ellers.  Tiiougii  tint  curse  on  the  man  who 
should  rebuild  Jcrielio  as  a  walled  city  with 
gates  (6.2r)  ;  1K.I6.3.1)  is  saiil  to  have  been 
fulfilled  six  centuries  after  Joshua's  time,  it 
appears  that  the  place  was  inhabited  long 
before  David's  reign  (Judg.3.i3  ;  2Sain.lO..'i  ; 
iChr.19.5),  and  by  [irophets  in  the  reign  of 
Ahaziah  after  it  was  rebuilt  (2lv.2.s).  The 
water  was  then  bad  till  healed  by  Elisha 
(vv.  18,10),  and  came  from  a  spring  (ver.  21). 
Hence  the  modern  site  at  er  Riha  cannot  be 
that  of  O.T.,  which  is  believed  to  have  been  at 
the  great  mounds  above  'Ain  rs  Sulldn,  3 
miles  W.  of  Gii.c.AL,  which  lies  N.  of  er  Riha, 
but  is  described  as  in  the  "  cast  border  of 
Jericho"  (Jos.4.ii)).  The  town  lay  in  the 
"l)lains"  (Uirbholh,  ver.  13),  but  close  to  the 
foot  of  the  "mountain"  (2.i6)  to  which  the  spies 
escaped.  It  was  in  the  lot  of  Benjamin  (18. 21). 
the  N.  border  ascending  to  the  "  slope  of 
Jericho  on  the  north"  (ver.  12).  .'\t  Jericho 
king  Zedekiah  was  ca|Uured  by  tlie  Habylo- 
nians,  after  escaping  from  Jerusalem  (2K.25.5  ; 
Jc. 39. 5,52.8)  in  58S  n.c.  It  was  ri'iuhabited 
after  the  Captivity  (l':/.r.2.3>  ;  Ne.3.2).  The 
"  rose  of  Jericho  "  (ICcdus. 24.14)  is  mentioned 
only  in  the  (ik.  age,  when  the  city  was  held 
bv  the  (ireeks  (iMac.9.50),  c.  160  n.c,  but 
afterwards  by  Simon,  tlie  brother  of  Judas 
Maccabaeus,  who  was  murdered  near  it  at 
Docus  ('.'1;«  ed  DCik)  in  135  "-c-  (16. 11, 14.15)- 
Pompey,  in  63  n.c,  passed  through  Jericho, 
which  was  then  famous  for  its  palms  and 
balsam.  The  palm  gardens  were  irrigated, 
and  Jos(^phus  speaks  also  of  the  myrobalanum 
(the  zaqqum  tree  of  thi;  ,\ral>s,  from  the  berries 
of  which  oil  is  still  made)  and  of  the  henna  in  its 
plains.  These  gardens  were  given  by  Antony 
to  Cleopatra  about  32  n.c.  (14  Ant.  iv.  i;  15 
Ant.  iv.  2).  Thecitv  which  Ib^od  rebuilt  was 
not  on  th(!  site  of  the'  old  town,  but  was  fortified 
by  a  citadc^l  called  Cvpros— probably  at  Beit 
Jubr,  a  small  fort  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tainsbythe  Jerusaleniroad(i6  .'Ih/.  v.  2,  etc.). 
Jericho  stood  in  the  i)lain,  but  close  to  the 
mountains,  while  old  Jericho  was  at  the 
spring  (4  Warx  viii.  1-3).  So  also  in  333  a.d. 
(Bordeaux  Pilgrim)  the  later  Jericho  was  li 
mil<-s  from  the  old  town  at  the  spring.  This 
Mer.jdian  city -visited  by  our  Lord— had  a 
palace  and  a  hippodrome  [ly  Ant.  vi-  3,  x.  6). 


JEROBOAM 

The  sycomort;  fig  (Lu.l9.i,4)  still  grows  near 
Jericho,  and  the  date  palms  are  noticed  in  the 
Mishna  (Pesakhim  iv.  8).  The  village  er 
Riha  is  th(!  Jericho  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
between  it  and  'Ain  es  Sulldn  there  are  still 
gardens  and  trees  by  the  stream  where  the 
song  of  birds  is  heard.  A  single  palm  remains 
at  the  village,  and  a  few  stunted  palm-trees 
farther  N.  [Naaran],  while  wheat,  barley, 
maize,  millet,  aiul  indigo  are  grown,  with 
tobacco,  cucumbers,  figs,  and  vines.  There 
were  five  aqueducts  at  various  levels,  from 
springs  in  the  Qelt  ravine,  wateriiig  the 
site  of  Herodian  Jericho,  and  seven  others  ir- 
rigating the  plain  to  N.  These;  were  repaired 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  when  sugar-cane  was 
grown  by  Mosh^ms  and  I-Yanks  ;  but  remains 
of  the  older  Roman  masonry  are  found  in 
them.  One  aqueduct  led  to  Cvpros,  and  an- 
other to  a  large  tank  near  the  Herodian  town 
{Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  pj).  172,  173.  184,  iqo,  205, 
222,  224,  227).  The  climate  of  Jericho  is 
tropical,  and  cultivation  dei)ends  entirely  on 
artificial  irrigation.  See  also  Mt.2O.29  ;  Mk.lO. 
46;  Lu. 10. 30, 18. 35.  [c.R.c] 

Jerlel',  a  man  of  Issachar.  one  of  the  six 
heads  of  the  house  of  ToLA  at  the  census  taken 
by  l)a\i(l  (iChr.7.2). 

Jenljah'  (1Chr.26.31)  =  Jeriah. 

Jeplmoth'. — 1.  Son  or  descendant  of  Bela 
(iChr.7.7).  Perhaps  the  same  as — 2,  who 
joined  David  at  Ziklag  (12. 5). — 3.  .-X  son  of 
Becher  (7.8),  and  head  of  another  Benjamite 
house. — 4.  (24.30)  -  J  laucMOTii,  2. — 5.  (25.4) 
=  jKKicMoru,  3. — 8.  Son  of  Azriel,  "  prince  " 
of  Naphtali  inthe  reignof  David  (27. 10). — 7. 
Son,  probably  by  a  concubine,  of  David.  Ills 
daughter  Mahalath  was  one  of  the  wives  of 
Rcliobc  >am  ( 2Chr.  1 1 . 1 8 ). — 8.  \\\  overseer  of  the 
tempie-olferings  in  Hezt^kiah's  reign  (31.13). 

Jeploth',  one  of  i\w.  elder  Caleb's  wives  (i 
Chr.2.i8).      The  text  is  defecti%-e.       [R.n.G.] 

Jeroboam  (?  may  he  plead  the  people's 
cause). — 1.  TIk;  first  king  of  the  divided  king- 
dom of  Israel  ;  son  of  an  I'lihraimite  named 
Nebat.  When  Soloiunii  was  constructing  the 
fortifications  of  .Millo  underneath  the  citadel 
of  Zion,  his  sagacious  eye  discovered  the 
strength  and  activity  of  the  youthful  Jero- 
boam, whom  he  accordingly  a|ipointod  super- 
intendent over  the  com|)ulsorv  labour  exacted 
from  the  tribe  of  ICiihraim  (rK.ll.28),  which 
was  so  distasteful  a  burden  to  the  northern 
section  of  the  kingdom.  Jeroboam  aspired  to 
royal  state,  and  at  last  was  perceived  by  Solo- 
mon to  have  such  designs,  which  were  probably 
aided  by  the  Krowiiig  disatTection  of  l^ijliraim, 
as  well  as  by  the  alienation  of  the  jirophetic 
order  from  the  lu)US(!  of  St)lomon.  The  at- 
tempts of  Solomon  to  cut  short  Jeroboam's 
suspected  designs  occasioned  the  latter's  flight. 
When  leaving  Jerusalem,  he  encountered  .\\\'\- 
jah,  the  prophet  of  Sliiloh.  The  I. XX.  has 
two  accounts  of  this  period,  both  evidently 
based  upon  Heb.  originals,  but  only  one  of 
them  agreeing  substantially  with  the  Masso- 
retic  text.  According  to  this  latter  account 
(which,  however,  is  jirobably,  where  it  stands, 
an  inti-rpolation,  as  interrupting  the  narrative 
of  Jerobo.im's  rebellion),  the  prophet,  who  was 
dressed  in  a  mnv  outer  garment,  stripped  it  olT 
aad  tore  it  into  12  pieces.     He  gave  jo  of  these 


JEROBOAM 

to  Jeroboam,  with  the  assurance  that,  on  con- 
dition of  his  obedience  to  God's  laws,  he  would 
establish  for  him  a  kingdom  and  dynasty  equal 
to  that  of  David  (iK. 11. 29-40).  According  to 
the  other  Gk.  account  the  same  parable  is 
acted  by  Shemaiah  the  Enlamite  with  10 
pieces  of  a  new,  unwashed  garment,  but  at 
Shechera,  not  Jerusalem,  and  in  the  time 
of  Rehoboam,  not  Solomon.  Jeroboam  re- 
mained in  Egypt  till  the  death  of  Solomon  (i 
K.II.40).  It  is  at  least  doubtful  whether  his 
name  should  appear  as  heading  the  remon- 
strants at  Shechem  (1K.12.3),  for  cf.  ver.  20. 
The  revolt  which  ensued  ended  in  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  throne  of  the  northern  kingdom. 
The  political  disruption  was  thus  complete. 
He  now  proceeded  to  impair  the  religious  unity, 
a  policy  which  tarnished  his  name  and  fame. 
He  feared  that  the  yearly  pilgrimages  to  Jeru- 
salem would  undo  all  the  work  which  he 
effected,  and  accordingly  took  a  bold  step  : 
jealous  of  the  comparatively  new  sanctuary  at 
Jerusalem — which,  moreover,  was  geographi- 
cally unsuitable  as  a  centre  even  for  the  un- 
divided kingdom — he  provided  the  venerable 
holy  places,  Dan  and  Bethel,  with  golden  figures 
of  oxen,  in  imitation  doubtless  of  the  sacred 
figure  at  Heliopolis  in  Egypt,  and  so  estab- 
lished a  form  of  worship  which  continued  till 
the  end  of  the  northern  kingdom.  At  the 
same  time  he  instituted  new  festivals  and  a 
new  priesthood.  It  was  while  dedicating  the 
altar  at  Bethel  that  a  "  man  of  God  "  from 
Judah  is  said  to  have  suddenly  appeared  who 
denounced  the  altar,  and  foretold  its  dese- 
cration by  Josiah  and  violent  overthrow.  The 
king,  stretching  out  his  hand  to  arrest  the 
speaker,  felt  it  withered  and  paralysed,  and 
only  at  the  prophet's  prayer  saw  it  restored, 
and  acknowledged  his  divine  mission.  This 
story,  together  with  the  subsequent  description 
of  the  fate  of  the  man  of  God(iK.13),  seems  to 
have  been  inserted  in  the  narrative  at  a  time 
when  his  name  and  that  of  the  "  old  prophet  " 
of  Bethel  had  been  forgotten.  It  is  doubtful 
to  what  exact  date  the  story  (iK.14)  of  the 
fatal  Ulness  of  Jeroboam's  infant  son  iDelongs. 
He  sends  his  wife  from  Tirzah  (or  Zeredah)  with 
gifts  to  inquire  of  Ahijah  concerning  him.  In 
spite  of  her  disguise,  the  blind  prophet  recog- 
nized her  as  she  entered,  and  warned  her  that 
there  was  a  doom  on  the  house  of  Jeroboam 
not  to  be  averted.  The  mother  returned,  and, 
as  she  came  to  the  threshold  of  her  door,  the 
child  died.  Jeroboam  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  successful  in  military  matters.  He  was 
constantly  at  war  with  the  house  of  Judah. 
But  the  only  act  distinctly  recorded  in  this 
connexion  is  a  battle  with  Abijah  (Abijam), 
son  of  Rehoboam  (2Chr.i3.16ff.),  in  which  he 
was  defeated.  He  died  in  the  22nd  year  of  his 
reign  (2Chr.i3.20),  which  (according  to  the 
chronology  of  Assyrian  inscriptions)  corre- 
sponds to  915  B.C.,  and  was  buried  in  his  an- 
cestral sepulchre  (iK.14.2o).  The  sacred  his- 
torian rightly  sees  in  him  the  source  of  per- 
manent political  and  religious  disaster  (iK.12. 
30,13.34  ;  2K.i7.21f.). — 2.  Jeroboam  II.,  son 
of  Joash,  and  the  fourth  of  the  dynasty  of 
Jehu,  was  the  most  prosperous  of  the  kings  of 
Israel.  He  repelled  the  S3Tian  invaders,  took 
their  capital,  Damascus  (2K. 14.28 ;   Am.l.3-5), 


JEUITSALEM 


397 


and  recovered  the  whole  of  the  ancient  domin- 
ion from  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea  (2K.I4.25  ; 
Am. 6. 14).  Ammon  and  Moab  were  reconquered 
(Am.  1.13, 2. iff.),  and  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes 
were  restored  to  their  territory  (2K.I3.5  ;  i 
Chr.5.17-22).  But  it  was  merely  an  outward 
restoration.  Material  prosperity  and  splen- 
dour in  the  way  of  religious  ritual  were  com- 
bined with  flagrant  moral  corruption.  His 
rapacity,  oppression  of  the  poor,  self-indul- 
gence, and  perversion  of  justice  are  denounced 
by  the  prophet  Amos,  who  was  charged  to 
foretell  the  destruction  of  Jeroboam  and  his 
house  by  the  sword  (Am. 7. 9. 17).         [a.w.s.] 

Jepoham'.  —  1.  A  Kohathite  I.evite  ; 
father  of  Elkanah  and  son  of  Elihu  (iSam.l.i), 
Eliab  (iChr.6.27),  or  Eliel  (34).— 2.  A  Ben- 
jamite,  and  founder  of  a  family  of  Bene-Jero- 
ham  (8.27).  Probably  the  same  as — 3.  Father 
(or  progenitor)  of  Ibneiah(9.8  ;  cf.  3,9). — 4.  A 
descendant  of  Aaron,  of  the  house  of  Immer  ; 
son,  or  descendant,  of  Pashur  and  father  of 
Adaiah  (9.12);  apparently  mentioned  again  in 
Ne.ll.12. — 5.  A  man  of  Gedor,  some  of  whose 
sons  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (12. 7). — 6.  A 
Danite,  whose  son  or  descendant  Azareel  was 
head  of  his  tribe  in  the  time  of  David  (27.22). 
— 7.   Father  of  AzARiAH,  13  (2Chr.23.i). 

Jepubba'al  (he  that  striveth  with  Baal), 
the  surname  of  Gideon,  given  him  when  he 
had  destroyed  the  altar  of  Baal  (J  udg.6. 32,7.1, 
8.29,9.1,  etc.  ;    iSam.l2.ii). 

Jepubbe'sheth  (he  that  striveth  with 
shame — i.e.  the   idol),   in   2Sam.ll.21,    for  Je- 

RUBBAAL. 

Jepuel',  Wilderness  of.  Jahaziel  the 
Levite  told  Jehoshaphat  that  he  should  en- 
counter here  the  hordes  of  Ammon,  Moab,  and 
the  Mehunims  (2Chr.2O.16).     [Berachah.] 

Jepusalem.  (i)  The  Name.  The  con- 
flict of  authorities  as  to  the  Heb.  derivation  of 
the  name  of  Jerusalem  has  been  set  at  rest  by 
the  discovery  of  the  Amarna  cuneiform  tab- 
lets, amongst  which  have  been  found  letters 
from  a  governor  of  Jerusalem  of  a  date  near 
to  that  of  the  Heb.  conquest  of  Palestine. 
These  letters  show  that  the  name  of  the  city  in 
those  days  was  Uru-Salim,  "  the  city  of  Salim," 
or  "  the  city  of  peace."  This  agrees  with  the 
rendering  of  Gesenius,  "the  abode  of  peace." 
Jerusalem  may  then  be  considered  as  tlie  Heb. 
equivalent  of  the  original  early  name,  and  it 
may  be  that  in  very  early  times  the  name  was 
Salim  only,  as  Jewish  tradition  places  the 
Salim  (Shalem)  of  Melchizedek  at  Jerusalem 
(Gen. 14. 18 ;  Josephus,  i  Ant.  x.  2;  6  Wars  x. 
i).  In  Ps.76.2  we  read  "  In  Salem  also  was 
his  covert,  and  his  dwelling-place  in  Zion." 
The  Canaanite  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  dur- 
ing the  period  before  the  Heb.  occupation  of 
Palestine,  were  called  Jebusites,  but  the  city 
itself  was  called  Jerusalem  (Judg.l.7-21  ;  Jos. 
15.I-I2  ;  2Sam.5.6).  In  two  instances  only  is 
it  called  Jebus,  and  then  it  is  also  called  Jeru- 
salem (Judg.l9.io  ;  iChr.ll.4,5).  After  the 
Roman  occupation,  Jerusalem  received  the 
name  of  Aelia  Capitolina  from  Adrian  135  a.d., 
which  name  it  retained  for  several  hundred 
years.  After  the  Moslem  occupation,  about 
the  loth  cent.,  it  was  called  Beit  el-Muqaddas, 
"  the  holy  house,"  and  its  modern  name  is  el- 
Quds  esh-Sherif,  "the  holy,  the  noble,"  amongst 


398 


JERUSALEM 


the  Moslems,  and  Yerusalim  amongst  the  na- 
tive Christians,  the  old  name  in  the  Arab.  form. 
— The  Position.  The  Dome  of  the  Rook  is  in 
lat.  31°  44'  45"  N.,  long.  350  13'  23"  E.  The 
modern  city,  though  not  so  extensive,  oc- 
cupies generally  the  position  held  by  ancient 
Jerusalem,  and  many  existing  remains  in 
various  parts  of  the  city  can  be  identified,  with 
certainty,  with  records  of  the  past.  The 
outer  wall  of  the  Haram  esh-Sherif  ("  the  noble 
sanctuary"),  except  a  portion  to  the  N.,  is 
identical  with  the  outer  wall  of  the  court  of 
the  Gentiles  of  the  temple  of  Herod,  and  in  the 
city  itself  may  be  found  portions  of  the  first 
wail  of  the  Jewish  kings,  and  part  of  the  third 
wall  built  by  or  after  king  Agrippa  :  the  posi- 
tion of  the  city  of  David,  which  is  Zion,  is 
known.  The  mountain  range  of  Palestine,  on 
which  Jerusalem  is  situated,  runs  N.  and  S., 
parallel  to  the  Jordan  Valley  and  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  Jerusalem  itself  is  about  15  miles  distant 
from  the  Jordan  and  36  miles  from  Jaffa  on 
the  Mediterranean  Sea.  The  range  is  from 
2,500  to  3,000  ft.  above  the  sea,  at  its  highest 
points,  and  about  3,800  to  4,300  ft.  above 
the  Dead  Sea.  It  is  (about  Jerusalem)  com- 
posed of  cretaceous  limestone,  with  here  and 
there  a  deposit  of  red  clay  on  the  surface.  It 
is  so  intersected  by  deep  valleys  and  ravines 
that  roads  N.  and  S.  are  only  practicable 
along  the  backbone  of  the  country,  or  along 
the  lower  portions  of  the  range  on  either  side. 
There  were  no  roads,  but  only  tracks,  in  early 
days ;  and  we  first  hear  of  chariots  being  used 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  time  of  king  Solomon. 
Jerusalem  stands  on  the  broad  crest  of  the 
range,  on  a  spur  running  E.,  and  all  the  valleys 
around  it  run  into  the  Dead  Sea  ;  but  there  are 
valleys  running  into  the  Mediterranean  im- 
mediately W.  of  the  high  land  N.W.  of  the 
city.  The  hill  country  of  Judah  and  Benja- 
min (the  boundary  between  which  passes 
through  Jerusalem)  has  few  springs,  and  is  not 
naturally  fertile ;  but  it  has  been  made  highly 
fertile  by  the  hand  of  men.  The  red  loamy 
deposit  and  detritus  from  the  mountain  sides 
has,  in  past  ages,  been  washed  by  the  rains  to 
the  bottom  of  the  deep  valleys,  and  has  lain  in 
narrow  and  deep  bands  of  tiie  richest  soil — 
capable  of  little  cultivation  where  it  lies,  on 
account  of  the  violent  rush  of  water  from 
above.  By  the  labour  of  man  this  soil  has 
been  brought  up,  time  after  time,  and  stacked 
against  the  mountain  sides  in  terraces,  where 
it  intercepts  the  annual  rainfall  and  conducts 
it  into  the  interstices  of  the  niountaius — thus 
increasing  the  capacity  of  the  springs,  and 
preserving  the  valley  land  from  sudden  denu- 
dation by  cloud  bursts  and  storm  waters  ;  and 
these  terraces  are  capable  of  the  highest  cul- 
tivation. Tims  almost  all  the  hill  country  of 
Palestine  mayljc  fertile  or  barren,  according  to 
tiie  condition  of  the  people  and  the  form  of 
government.  If  the  people  are  industrious, 
and  encouraged  to  improve  the  land,  in  peace 
and  security,  it  becomes  at  once  a  land  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey;  i)ut  if  the  terraces  are 
allowed  to  fall  into  decay,  the  country  relapses 
again  into  a  condition  only  fit  for  nomadic 
tribes.  In  early  days,  when  the  country  was 
only  used  for  pastoral  purposes,  the  natural 
springs  were  centres  where  the  shepherds  met 


JERTTSALEM 

together,  with  their  flocks  ;  and  as  civilization 
increased,  these  centres  became  the  sites  of 
rising  townships.  If,  therefore,  we  seek  for 
the  remains  of  the  earliest  cities  of  the  past,  we 
must  search  for  springs  of  water,  near  which 
we  may  find  them.  In  later  days,  when  the 
battering-ram  had  come  into  perfected  use, 
other  considerations  affected  the  sites  of  cities. 
Although  Jerusalem  is  spoken  of  at  the  time  of 
David  as  in  two  parts,  there  is  no  information 
that  there  was  more  than  one  spring  of  water; 
and  we  may  look  upon  the  rising  ground  over 
the  fountain  of  the  Virgin  as  undoubtedly 
the  site  of  Zion,  the  city  of  David.  From  the 
account  of  the  early  attacks  on  Jerusalem  by 
Judah  and  Benjamin,  it  would  appear  to  have 
been  inhabited  by  both  tribes  (Jos. 15. 63, 18. 28  ; 
Judg.l.2i)  ;  but  the  account  of  the  boundary 
line  (Jos.l5,18.i6)  states  that  after  passing 
En-rogel  ("the  Virgin's  Fount")  it  passed  along 
the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom  to  the  S.  side 
of  the  Jebusite — thus  placing  Jerusalem  with- 
in the  border  of  Benjamin.  Jewish  traditions, 
however  (Talmud,  Zebakim  liii.  2;  Yoma  xii. 
r),  place  the  boundary  S.  of  the  inner  court  of 
the  temple,  E.  and  W.,  leaving  Zion,  the  city 
of  David,  in  Judah.  This  may  have  been 
owing  to  a  rectification  of  the  boundary  due  to 
the  king  of  Judah  having  captured  Zion.  The 
spur  on  which  J  erusalem  stands  is  an  oblong, 
about  2,000  yds.  from  N.  to  S.  and  1,000 
yds.  from  E.  to  W.,  with  deep  ravines  com- 
mencing on  either  side  of  the  neck  of  the  spur 
to  N.W.  at  Scopus,  and  running  round  it  and 
meeting  near  the  pool  of  Siloam.  The  northern 
and  southern  portions  of  the  oblong  are  not 
occupied  by  houses,  so  that  the  inhabited 
portion  of  Jerusalem  is  roughly  speaking  a 
square,  with  each  side  1,000  yds.  The  whole 
oblong  is  separated  into  two  distinct  hills  by 
a  valley  (the  Tyropoeon)  running  nearly  N. 
and  S.  The  eastern  hill  has  a  small  spur  at- 
tached to  it,  part  o{  which  just  comes  within 
the  city  wall  to  N.E.  The  remainder  of  the 
eastern  hill  is  narrow,  and  curves  round  the 
western  hill  in  the  shape  of  the  "  moon  when 
she  is  gibbous"  (5  Wars  iv.  i).  The  northern 
part  is  called  Bezetha  ;  S.  of  this  is  the  site  of 
the  citadel,  or  Antonia ;  S.  again  is  the  site  of 
the  temple,  the  palace  of  Solomon,  the  city 
of  David,  until  the  pool  of  Siloam  is  reached. 
The  hill  on  the  W.  is  divided  into  two  parts  by 
a  valley  running  E.  and  VV.  from  the  present 
Jaffa  (iate,  into  the  Tyropoeon  Valley.  The 
southern  portion  is  the  upper  city,  and  along 
its  N.  side  runs  the  first  wall  built  by  David 
and  Solomon.  In  the  N.  part  is  the  second 
wall,  the  holy  sepulchre,  the  third  wall 
(of  Agrippa),  and  the  ground  called  "  the 
camp  of  tiie  .Assyrians."  The  N.  side  of  Jeru- 
salem was  the  weak  point  after  the  invention 
of  the  i)attering-ram,  as  the  ground  was  there 
sufficiently  level  for  its  use. — (2)  The  Annals 
of  the  city.  In  considering  these,  nothing 
strikes  one  so  forcibly  as  the  number  and 
severity  of  the  sieges  which  it  underwent. 
During  the  15  centuries  which  elapsed  be- 
tween the  conquest  of  Palestine  by  Joshua 
and  the  destruction  of  the  temple  by  Titus, 
the  city  was  besieged  no  fewer  than  17  times, 
twice  it  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  on  two 
other  occasions  the  walls  were  levelled.     The 


X 
X 

UJ 

I- 
< 

_l 


JERUSALEM 

first  siege  mentioned  in  the  Bible  took  place 
almost  immediately  after  the  death  of  Joshua, 
when  Judah  and  Simeon  fought  against  it 
and  took  it,  but  could  not  drive  the  Jebusites 
out — and  they  dwelt  together  in  Jerusalem. 
The  same  is  related  of  Benjamin  (Judg. 
1.8,2 1 ).  For  nearly  four  hundred  years  the 
Jebusites  remained  masters  of  the  citadel, 
until  David,  who  had  reigned  over  Judah 
in  Hebron  for  seven  years,  came  against 
them,  in  his  consolidation  of  the  kingdom  of 
Israel.  The  Jebusites  (thinking  that  they 
were  secure  in  their  stronghold)  scoffed  at  the 
army  of  Judah  around  them.  Then  David 
offered  the  post  of  chief  captaincy  of  his  army 
to  the  man  who  should  get  up  by  the  gutter 
and  smite  the  Jebusite.  Joab  succeeded  in 
doing  so.  So  David  took  thestronghold  of  Zion, 
which  was  then  called  "the  city  of  David"; 
and  he  dwelt  there,  and  built  round  about 
from  Millo.  This  citadel,  Zion,  was  probably 
placed  on  the  eastern  hill,  near  to  the  spring 
of  water,  the  Virgin's  Fountain,  whence  a 
secret  passage  cut  in  the  rock  leads  on  to  the 
face  of  the  hill  above.  David  brought  the 
ark  into  Zion,  and  (with  the  assistance  of 
Hiram,  king  of  Tyre)  built  his  own  house  there. 
The  site  of  the  Temple  was  chosen  at  the 
threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite.  David 
was  permitted  to  make  preparations  for  it, 
but  the  building  of  it  was  entrusted  to  his  son 
Solomon.  Solomon  (who  began  to  reign  c.  1017 
B.C.)  was  seven  years  building  the  temple,  and 
he  also  built  his  own  palace,  and  the  house  of 
the  forest  of  Lebanon,  and  Millo,  and  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem,  and  three  fenced  cities.  For  this 
purpose  he  raised  a  levy  of  30,000,  employed 
month  by  month  in  Lebanon,  and  he  had 
150,000  labourers  and  hewers  in  the  mountains ; 
and  the  officers  over  all  numbered  3,300. 
Solomon's  "  ascent  "  to  the  temple  aroused 
the  astonishment  of  the  queen  of  Sheba 
(iK.10.5).  After  the  revolt  of  Israel  from 
Rehoboam,  Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  came 
up  against  Jerusalem,  and  took  away  the 
treasures  from  the  temple  and  from  the  king's 
house,  and  the  shields  of  gold  that  Solomon 
had  made.  And  Rehoboam  made  shields 
of  brass  in  lieu,  and  gave  them  in  charge  of 
the  guard  at  the  door  of  the  king's  house. 
In  the  reign  of  Asa,  the  Cushite  king  Zerah 
of  Ethiopia  invaded  Palestine  with  an  enor- 
mous host,  and  threatened  Jerusalem  (c.  943 
B.C.).  Asa,  trusting  in  God,  went  boldly  out 
to  meet  them  ;  and  they  were  smitten  and  the 
Ethiopians  fled  (aChr.li. 13).  Then  Asa,  with 
Judah  and  Benjamin  and  with  strangers  from 
Israel,  made  a  covenant  to  serve  the  Lord  of 
their  fathers,  and  to  put  away  the  idols,  and 
renew  the  altar  of  God.  But  in  three  years 
(c.  940  B.C.)  Asa  put  this  covenant  on  one  side, 
and  took  treasure  out  of  the  house  of  the  Lord 
and  of  the  king's  house  to  secure  the  help  of 
Benhadad,  king  of  Ass^Tia,  against  Baasha, 
king  of  Israel.  In  the  reign  of  Jehoram  (c.  886 
B.C.)  Edomand  Libnah revolted,  and  separated 
from  Judah.  The  Philistines  and  Arabians  came 
up  against  Jerusalem,  sacked  the  king's  house, 
and  carried  off  all  his  sons  except  Ahaziah. 
Ahaziah  was  slain  by  Jehu  at  Samaria  (c.  885 
B.C.),  and  his  mother  (queen  Athaliah)  arose 
and  slew  all  the  seed-royal  of   the  house  of 


JERUSALEM 


399 


J  udah,  and  usurped  the  throne  of  J  udah.  But 
Joash,  the  young  child  of  Ahaziah,  was  saved 
from  among  the  slain,  and  hidden  in  the  temple 
for  six  years.  In  the  seventh  year  there  was  a 
great  ceremony  in  the  temple,  and  the  Levites 
came  up  around  from  all  Judah,  and  the  child 
Joash  was  proclaimed  king,  and  made  a  cove- 
nant to  do  right ;  and  queen  Athaliah  was  slain. 
In  the  reign  of  Amaziah  (c.  839  b.c),  Jehoash, 
king  of  Israel,  marched  on  Jerusalem,  and  cap- 
tured Amaziah  and  all  the  gold  and  silver  in 
the  temple  and  in  the  king's  house,  and  carried 
them  back  to  Samaria,  and  he  broke  down  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  from  the  gate  of  Ephraim  to 
the  inner  gate,  400  cubits.  Uzziah  (c.  810  B.C.) 
repaired  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  built  towers 
at  the  Corner  Gate,  Valley  Gate,  and  at  the 
turning  of  the  wall.  He  made  engines, 
invented  by  cunning  men,  to  be  placed  on  the 
towers  and  bulwarks,  to  shoot  arrows  and  great 
stones.  He  had  300,000  fighting  men,  and 
warred  successfully  against  the  Philistines  and 
Arabians.  Jotham  (c.  756  B.C.)  built  the  High 
Gate  of  the  temple,  and  on  Ophel,  the  citadel  of 
the  temple,  he  built  much.  In  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (726  b.c)  the  advance  of  the  As- 
syrians made  it  necessary  to  make  all  prepara- 
tions for  the  defence  of  judah  and  Jerusalem. 
Shalmaneser  IV.  of  Assyria  took  Samaria  (721 
B.C.),  and  carried  Israel  captive  into  Assyria, 
and  re-peopled  the  country  with  people  from 
Cuth  (the  Samaritans  of  after-times).  Eight 
years  after  (713  b.c) Sennacherib,  king  of  As- 
syria, took  all  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and 
laid  Hezekiah  under  a  heavy  tribute  of  silver 
and  gold,  which  had  to  be  taken  from  the 
temple  and  the  king's  house.  Three  years  after, 
Sennacherib  sent  a  great  host  of  Assyrians 
against  J  erusalem,  with  threats  of  taking  j  udah 
into  captivity;  but  Hezekiah  humbled  himself 
in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  asked  advice  of 
the  prophet  Isaiah.  At  this  time  occurred  the 
disaster  which  overtook  the  Assyrian  on  the 
frontiers  of  Egypt,  and  Sennacherib  and  his 
host  retired  in  haste  to  Assyria.  Manasseh 
(698  B.C.)  began  his  reign  at  12  years  of  age, 
and  reigned  55  3'ears,  and  did  evil,  making 
altars  for  Baalim,  and  worshipping  the  host  of 
heaven.  And  the  king  of  Assyria  (677  b.c  )  came 
against  Judah,  and  carried  away  Manasseh 
captive  to  Babylon.  But  there  he  humbled  him- 
self greatly  before  the  Lord,  and  was  brought 
to  his  kingdom  at  Jerusalem.  Then  he  knew 
that  the  Lord  was  God.  On  his  return  he 
built  a  wall  without  the  city  of  David,  on  the 
west  side  of  Gihon,  in  the  valley,  even  to  the 
entering  in  at  the  Fish  Gate,  and  compassed 
about  Ophel,  and  raised  it  up  a  great  height. 
After  the  death  of  Amon,  Josiah  (grandson  of 
Manasseh)  succeeded  at  8  years  of  age  (641 
B.C.),  and  he  reigned  well  31  years.  At  the  age 
of  16  he  began  to  seek  after  God,  and  purged 
Judah  and  Jerusalem  from  the  high  places  and 
groves.  During  his  reign  the  law  was  dis- 
covered in  the  temple.  And  as  Necho,  king  of 
Egypt,  went  through  Palestine  to  fight  against 
Charchemish  by  Euphrates,  Josiah  went  out 
against  him  and  was  slain.  The  king  of  Egypt 
mulcted  Judah  of  a  heavy  fine,  and  made 
Eliakim  king  (610  B.C.).  Against  him  came 
Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon  (607  e.g.), 
and  carried  him  in  fetters  to  Babylon  with 


400 


JERTTSALEltf 


the  vessels  of  the  Lord's  house.  Jehoiachin 
(his  son)  reigned  a  few  months,  and  was 
also  carried  to  Babylon,  and  Zedekiah  (his 
brother)  was  made  king  over  Judah  by  the 
king  of  Ass>Tia  (599  B.C.)-  He  rebelled  against 
Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the  king  of  the  Chaldees 
came  and  slew  the  people,  old  and  young,  and 
took  all  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  God  to 
Babylon,  and  burnt  the  house  of  God  and  also 
the  palaces,  and  broke  down  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  the  land  was  left  desolate  and  kept 
sabbath  to  fulfil  70  years.  It  is  related  (2 
Mac. 2. 4)  that  the  prophet  Jeremiah  carried 
away  the  ark,  and  the  tabernacle,  and  the  altar 
of  incense,  and  hid  them  in  a  cave  in  mount 
Nebo,  E.  of  Jordan.  The  70  years'  captivity 
are  reckoned  to  commence  from  606  b.c,  when 
Judah  became  tributary  to  Babylon,  in  the 


JERUSALEM 

the  first  stone  of  the  temple  laid  amid  the  joy 
ful  acclamations  of  the  multitude,  but  the  tears 
of  the  old  men  who  had  seen  the  first  house. 
Whilst  the  temple  was  being  built,  unexpected 
difficulties  were  caused  by  the  Samaritans, 
who  wished  to  unite  in  common  worship  with 
the  Jews,  and  used  their  influence  in  the 
court  of  Persia  to  delay  the  advancement  of 
the  building.  It  was  not  till  the  second 
year  of  Darius  (520  b.c)  that  the  building 
of  the  temple  was  recommenced,  and  in  5 
years  it  was  completed  (515  b.c).  But 
there  were  absent  the  ark,  the  prophetic 
Urim  and  Thummim,  the  Shechinah  (or  divine 
presence),  and  the  celestial  fire  on  the  altar. 
In  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (457  b.c.)  a  second 
migration  of  Jews  took  place  from  Babylon  to 
Jerusalem  under  Ezra,  who  was  invested  with 


reign  of  Jehoiakim.  In  586  b.c  the  remnant  of 
the  Jews  about  Jerusalem  fled  to  Egypt,  and 
Jerusalem  was  left  without  inhabitants.  In  574 
B.C.  the  prophet  Ezekiel,  at  the  river  Chebar, 
Babylonia,  in  a  vision  saw  the  restoration  of 
the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  an  account  of  which 
is  given  in  the  book  of  Ezekiel.  In  561  b.c. 
(2K.25.27)  Evil-mcrodach,  king  of  Babylon, 
liftf;d  up  tlic  head  of  Jehoiachin,  king  of  Ju- 
dah, out  of  prison,  and  spake  kindly  to  him, 
and  gave  him  a  daily  allowance  for  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life.  In  the  first  year  of  Cyrus, 
kingf)f  l'ersia(536  b.c),  who  liad  rcccntlycap- 
tured  Babylon,  the  welcome  edict  was  issued 
commanding  the  restoration  of  the  exiled 
Hebrews  to  their  native  land.  The  number 
wliich  assembled  under  Zerubbabcl,  the  de- 
scendant of  th(!ir  kings,  the  grandson  of  the 
hereditary  high-priest,  were  42,360.  On  their 
arrival  they  restored  the  worship  of  God,  tlie 
altar  was  set  up,  the  feasts  re-established,  and 


the  powers  of  a  governor  to  collect  money  and 
to  establish  magistrates  and  judges  throughout 
Judaea.  During  the  12  years  of  his  governor- 
ship he  re-established  the  Jewish  nation,  but 
as  yet  the  city  of  J  crusalem  was  left  open  and 
defenceless.  In  tlic  20th  year  of  .\rtaxcrxes 
(444  B.C.),  the  cup-bearer  to  the  king,  Nehe- 
miah,  a  man  of  Jewish  descent,  was  suddenly 
made  governor  of  J  iidaca,  with  a  commission  to 
rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  with  all  possible 
expeditii)n.  Tliis  was  probably  owing  to 
Persia  being  bound  to  abandon  the  maritime 
towns,  owing  to  an  humiliating  agreement  con- 
cluded at  Criidus  witli  the  Atlienian  admiral  : 
Jerusalem,  standing  back  from  tiie  coast,  thus 
becoming  a  post  of  the  utmost  importance,  in 
relation  to  the  line  of  commimication  with 
Egypt.  The  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  rebuilt 
with  great  expedition  witliin  the  year,  and  after 
tiicir  solemn  dedication  tlie  temple  services 
were  reformed,   and  a  separation  was   made 


SKETCH    OF 
JERUSALEM  AT 
THE  TIME   OF 

VESPASIAN. 

70    A.D. 

References  to  nii/iibers 
upon  plan. 

1.  East  Gate. 

2.  Meah         r-'^'^'lf/,, 
Hananeel-I^    mIH^V 
Fish  Gate. 
Corner  Gate. 
Ephraim  Gate. 

(  Gate  of  Furnaces. 
'  ■  1^  Hippicus. 
Valley  Gate. 

/  Dung  Gate. 
5-  (  Bethso. 

10.  King's  Garden. 

11.  Gate     between    two 
walls. 

12.  .Sepulchres  of  David. 
Ophlas  of  losephus. 
Priests   and    Nethi- 


JERUSALEM. 

Plan  of  site  and  walls 
of  modern  city. 


'AttalMn 


p.  400] 


JERTJSALEM 

from  the  mixed  multitude.  After  this,  Ne- 
hemiah  governed  Judaea  till  432  B.C.  After 
the  return  of  Nehemiah  to  Persia,  affairs  soon 
fell  into  disorder,  and  this  was  accentuated 
(409  B.C.)  by  the  defection  of  Manasses,  son  of 
the  high-priest,  who  married  a  daughter  of 
Sanballat,  and  became  high-priest  of  a  rival 
temple  on  the  mountain  of  Gerizim.  During 
the  wars  between  Greece  and  Persia  the  go- 
vernment of  Jerusalem  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  high-priests,  until  the  time  of  Alexander 
the  Great  (332  b.c),  who  (after  demohshing 
Tyre  and  Gaza)  demanded  the  surrender  of 
Jerusalem.  But  the  anger  of  Alexander  was 
averted  by  the  timely  action  of  Jaddua,  the 
high-priest,  who  (with  his  priests)  went  forth 
to  meet  Alexander,  and  conferred  with  him. 
Alexander  entered  Jerusalem  (it  is  said)  and 
accorded  to  the  Jews  certain  privileges.  After 
the  death  of  Alexander  (323  b.c),  Palestine 
was  seized  by  Ptolemy  Soter,  king  of  Egypt, 
and  many  Jews  were  carried  to  Alexandria 
and  settled  there.  In  3T4  b.c.  Antigonus  of 
Syria  seized  Palestine,  and  in  301  b.c  it  again 
reverted  to  Ptolemy.  It  was  again  seized 
(203  B.C.)  by  Antiochus  of  Syria.  After  many 
vicissitudes  the  infamous  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(170  B.C.)  captured  the  temple,  plundered  and 
polluted  it,  and  the  total  extermination  of  the 
Jews  was  determined  on.  For  this  purpose  an 
army  was  sent  (168  b.c),  which  pillaged  and 
burnt  the  city  and  destroyed  the  walls,  and  the 
temple  was  reconsecrated  to  Zeus  Olympius 
(2Mac.6.2).  Then  arose  the  heroic  family  of 
the  Maccabees  (Hasmonaeans),  of  priestly 
descent,  from  Modin  in  Palestine,  who  (by 
their  lofty  patriotism,  valoiur,  sagacity,  and 
self-devotion  for  many  years)  made  the  name 
of  the  Jews  famous  amongst  nations.  The 
battles  of  the  Maccabees  were  fought  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  country,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  retreat  of  Lysias,  the  lieutenant  of  An- 
tiochus Eupator,  that  they  ventured  to 
Jerusalem,  where  the  temple  was  recon- 
secrated, and  the  worship  of  the  Lord  re- 
newed (165  B.C.).  The  citadel  N.  of  the 
temple  was  still  held  by  the  soldiers  of  An- 
tiochus (the  Macedonians)  ;  but  otherwise 
Jerusalem  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Maccabees, 
and  it  was  strengthened  and  converted  into  a 
fortress  by  J  udas  Maccabaeus  (iMac.  ;  12  Ant.). 
In  161  B.C.  Jonathan  succeeded  his  brother, 
and  in  141  b.c  Simon,  another  brother,  freed 
the  Jews  from  foreign  rule,  and  the  Macedonian 
garrison  evacuated  the  citadel  to  the  N.  of 
the  temple.  The  rock  on  which  it  stood  was 
then  reduced  in  height  (13  Ant.  vi.  7),  so 
that  it  did  not  dominate  the  temple,  and  a 
tower  (the  Baris)  was  built  alongside  the 
temple  wall  at  the  N.W.  corner,  where  Simon 
and  his  followers  resided  (1Mac.i3.52).  John 
Hyrcanus  succeeded  his  father  Simon,  and 
he  took  fiurther  steps  to  seciure  the  safety  of 
the  city.  Then  Antiochus  Sidetes,  king  of 
Syria,  besieged  Jerusalem,  but  gave  it  up 
again,  on  obtaining  hostages  and  a  tribute. 
In  107  B.C.  Aristobulus  succeeded  his  father 
(John  Hyrcanus),  and  ruled  both  as  high- 
priest  and  as  king  (2Mac.l.io).  His  brother, 
Alexander  Jannaeus  (105  b.c),  who  succeeded 
him,  was  much  engaged  in  wars  outside  Jeru- 
salem ;  c.  95  B.C.  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees 


JERXTSALEM 


401 


caused  great  disturbances  with  their  animosi- 
ties, and  the  severity  with  which  Alexander 
treated  them  made  him  so  unpopular  with 
both  parties  that  they  called  in  the  aid  of  the 
king  of  Syria.  After  much  lighting,  Alex- 
ander was  successful  (13  Ant.  xiv.  2),  and 
crushed  out  all  further  opposition  by  his 
extreme  severity,  until  79  b.c  when  he  died. 
His  two  sons  (Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus)  quar- 
relled (69  B.C.).  The  former  called  in  the  assis- 
tance of  Aretas,  king  of  Damascus,  and  Aristo- 
bulus took  refuge  within  the  fortifications  of 
the  temple.  Then  Scamrus,  the  lieutenant  of 
Pompey,  interfered,  and  Pompey  himself  (65 
B.C.)  advanced  from  Damascus  by  way  of 
Jericho  on  Jerusalem.  Aristobulus  went  out 
to  greet  Pompey,  with  a  large  sum  of  money  ; 
but  he  was  thrown  into  chains,  and  Hyrcanus 
opened  the  city  gates  to  Pompey.  The  ad- 
herents of  Aristobulus  in  the  temple  resisted, 
and  underwent  a  siege  from  the  N.  After 
an  obstinate  resistance  for  3  months,  Pompey 
became  master  of  the  temple,  demolished  the 
walls  of  the  city,  and  laid  a  tribute  on  it,  and 
continued  Hyrcanus  as  high-priest,  without  the 
title  of  king  (63  B.C.).  Jerusalem  became  the 
seat  of  one  of  the  five  senates  (or  Sanhedrim) 
of  the  Jews,  56  b.c  In  54  b.c  the  rapacious 
Crassus  pillaged  the  temple,  and  took  the  con- 
tributions of  the  Jews  throughout  the  world 
(10,000  talents).  Herod,  the  son  of  Antipater, 
made  his  first  appearance  at  Jerusalem,  as 
procurator  of  Judaea,  by  order  of  the  Senate  ; 
but  a  Parthian  army,  with  Antigonus,  son  of 
Aristobulus,  suddenly  appeared,  outwitted 
Hyrcanus,  overpowered  Herod,  and  pro- 
claimed Antigonus  king.  In  3  months  Herod 
returned  from  Rome  as  king  of  Judaea,  and 
(39  B.C.)  appeared  before  Jerusalem  with  a 
Roman  army,  under  Silo,  pitching  his  camp 
to  N.W.  of  the  city.  The  siege  was  raised,  and 
again  renewed  with  a  larger  army  of  over 
50,000  men,  and  the  city  capitulated  36  b.c 
Herod  put  down  the  Hasmonaean  (or  Macca- 
baean)  party  with  a  firm  hand.  Cleopatra 
visited  the  city  34  b.c,  and  there  was  a  serious 
earthquake  31  b.c  Herod  now  encouraged 
foreign  practices  and  usages  amongst  the  Jews, 
and  built  a  theatre.  He  built  the  Antonia, 
N.  of  the  temple,  and  greatly  strengthened 
Jerusalem  by  the  three  great  towers  Hippicus, 
Phasaelus,  and  Mariamne  at  the  western  end 
of  the  first  wall,  and  there  he  also  built  his 
palace  {i5Ant.  viii.  5  ;  5  Wars  iv.  3).  At  the 
Passover,  19  b.c,  he  announced  to  the  people 
his  intention  of  rebuilding  the  temple,  and 
completed  the  work  in  3  years.  The  great 
courts  and  cloisters,  however,  were  not  com- 
pleted till  9  B.C.  He  died  4  b.c,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Archelaus.  When  Tiberius  com- 
menced his  reign  a  new  procurator  was  sent 
to  Jerusalem,  Val.  Gratus,  who  held  office  till 
26  A.D.,  when  he  was  replaced  by  Pontius 
Pilate  till  35  a.d.  In  40  a.d.  P.  Petronius 
arrived  in  Jerusalem,  with  an  order  to  place 
a  statue  of  Caligula  in  the  temple ;  but  this 
was  not  carried  out.  With  the  accession  of 
Claudius  (41  a.d)  came  an  edict  of  toleration 
of  the  Jews.  Agrippa  the  tetrarch,  grandson 
of  Herod,  began  the  building  of  a  massive  new 
city  wall  on  the  N.  side  of  the  city  c.  43  a.d., 
to  protect  the  buildings  beyond  the  old  second 

26 


402 


JERUSALEM 


wall ;  but  he  was  not  permitted  to  complete  it, 
and  it  was  continued  subsequently  with  smaller 
stones  (5  Wars  iv.  2).  His  son  (king  Agrippa) 
built  a  palace  in  the  upper  city,  near  the  Xystus, 
56  A.D.,  and  the  temple  courts  were  completed 
64  A.D.  Jewish  discontent  led  to  revolt 
against  Rome  (after  the  death  of  Agrippa), 
and  Cestius  Gallus,  president  of  Syria,  having 
retreated  in  panic  from  the  walls  of  the  city,  it 
only  remained  for  the  emperor  Vespasian  to 
re-establish  Roman  power  in  Palestine.  Titus, 
with  his  army,  arrived  before  Jerusalem  70 
A.D.,  on  the  day  of  the  Passover  ;  on  account 
of  which  festival  Jerusalem  was  densely 
crowded  with  visitors,  to  the  number  of 
600,000,  according  to  Tacitus  (Hist.  v.  13). 
The  Jewish  army  consisted  of  8,400  Zealots, 
under  John  of  Giscala  and  Eleazar,  holding  the 
temple  courts  and  Antonia,  with  10,000  Jews 
and  5,000  Idumeans  under  Simon  Bar  Gioras, 
who  held  the  outer  and  second  wall,  his  head- 
quarters being  Herod's  palace  nearPhasaelus — 
in  all  about  24,000  men — quite  sufficient,  if 
they  had  been  united  under  one  head,  to  have 
held  the  very  limited  extent  of  the  northern 
defences  of  Jerusalem  against  the  Roman  force 
brought  against  them.  The  army  of  Titus 
consisted  of  4Jegions  and  auxiliaries,  amount- 
ing to  about  36,000  infantry  and  4,000  cav- 
alry. After  making  his  preliminary  arrange- 
ments, Titus  commenced  the  siege  on  April  i, 
from  which  date  the  various  advances  are 
counted.  On  the  15th  day  the  outer  wall  of 
Agrippa  was  taken  from  the  W.,  and  on  the 
2oth  day  the  second  wall  was  also  taken  from 
the  W.  Banks  were  now  raised  against  the 
Antonia  and  against  the  first  wall,  close  to  the 
tower  Hippicus.  Against  this  latter  point  no 
progress  was  made,  and  the  advance  was  made 
through  the  Antonia.  The  banks  were  raised 
by  the  Romans  and  destroyed  by  the  Jews 
time  after  time,  until  the  Antonia  was  taken 
by  surprise  on  the  72nd  day.  In  the  meantime 
(on  the  44th  day)  a  wall  of  circumvallation  was 
made  round  the  city  to  cut  off  communications 
from  the  outside,  and  to  prevent  the  escape  of 
fugitives.  The  daily  sacrifice  failed  on  the 
84th  day.  The  attack  was  now  made  on  the 
N.  wall  of  the  temple  courts,  and  between  the 
89th  and  05tli  days  the  Jews  and  Romans 
alternately  burnt  the  N.  and  W.  cloister.  On 
the  104th  day  the  engines  battered  the  inner 
temple  courts,  and  on  the  105th  day  the  temple 
was  burnt  and  the  lower  city  plundered.  On 
the  134th  day  the  upper  city  was  taken  and 
burnt,  and  the  order  given  for  the  destruction 
of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  The  captives  taken 
amounted  to  95,000  (6  Wars  ix.  3),  the  city 
was  left  desolate,  and  the  Roman  army  moved 
down  to  Caesarea.  The  number  of  persons 
killed  during  this  siege  is  said  by  Josephus 
(ibid.)  to  have  amounted  to  over  one  million. 
After  the  desolation  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus 
it  disappears  from  history  for  50  years,  and 
little  is  known  of  it  until  the  time  of  the  pre- 
tended Messiah,  Harcochcba  (135  a.d.),  who  at 
the  head  of  a  large  force  of  Jews  revolted 
against  Rome,  and  occupied  the  ruins  of  Jeru- 
salem. It  required  a  strong  force  of  Roman 
troops  to  liring  the  revolt  to  an  end,  and-  it 
is  stated  that  580,000  Jews  perished  by  the 
sword,  and  tliat  Judaea  was  desolated.     Jcru- 


jERXrSALEM 

salem  emerged  out  of  obscurity  (136  a.d.) 
when  the  emperor  Adrian  gave  it  the  name  of 
Aelia  Capitolina,  and  raised  up  a  new  city, 
where  Jews  were  forbidden  to  enter  under  pain 
of  death.  The  more  peaceful  Christians  were 
permitted  to  establish  themselves  within  the 
walls,  and  Aelia  became  the  seat  of  a  flourishing 
church  and  bishopric. — Christianity  Estab- 
lished. At  the  beginning  of  the  4th  cent., 
from  motives  of  state  policy,  the  Christian 
religion  was  established  in  the  Roman  empire, 
and  Jerusalem  became  a  centre  of  interest  to 
the  head  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  emperor. 
In  the  year  326  a.d.  the  empress  Helena,  with 
her  son  Constantine  the  Great,  visited  the 
Holy  City.  The  shrine  of  'Astarte,  which 
occupied  the  site  of  the  present  Holy  Sepulchre, 
was  swept  away,  and  history  relates  that  (on 
excavating  below  the  foundations  of  the 
shrine)  the  sites  of  the  Crucifixion  and  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  were  found,  and  buildings 
were  erected  over  them.  The  Jews  were  now 
permitted  to  visit  Jerusalem  once  a  year  to 
lament  over  the  site  of  the  temple.  In  362  a.d. 
the  emperor  Julian  gave  permission  to  the 
Jews  to  rebuild  the  temple,  but  they  failed 
in  doing  so.  During  the  4th  and  5th  cents., 
Jerusalem  was  a  centre  of  attraction  for  pil- 
grims, and  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon 
(451-453  a.d.)  it  became  an  independent  patri- 
archate. In  529  A.D.  the  emperor  Justinian 
founded  a  splendid  church  on  the  site  of  the 
present  Mosque  el-Aksa.  In  614  a.d.  the  city 
was  attacked  and  taken  by  the  Persian  mon- 
arch Chosroes  II.,  and  after  a  struggle  of  four- 
teen years  the  imperial  arms  were  again  vic- 
torious, and  in  628  a.d.  the  emperor  Heraclius 
entered  Jerusalem. — The  Moslems.  Mohammed 
commenced  his  successful  career  of  conquest 
630  A.D.,  and  at  first  was  inclined  to  consider 
the  Jewish  shrine  at  Jerusalem  as  the  Moslem 
qiblah  (i.e.  direction  in  which  to  turn  for 
prayer)  ;  but  owing  to  some  defection  of 
his  Jewish  followers  he  suddenly  at  the 
Qiblatein  {c.  625  a.d.)  veered  round  and  made 
Mecca  the  qiblah.  From  time  to  time,  how- 
ever, during  conflicts  between  the  Arabs  and 
Syrians,  Jerusalem  has  again  been  chosen  as 
the  temporary  principal  qiblah  of  the  Moslem 
faith.  During  the  reign  of  Heraclius,  the  suc- 
cessors of  Mohammed  continued  to  expand  the 
Moslem  empire,  and  the  Khalif  Omar,  with 
his  lieutenants,  swept  over  Syria  and  Palestine, 
and  in  the  year  637  a.d.  captured  Jerusalem 
from  the  patriarch  Sophronius.  Omar  visited 
Jerusalem,  and  allowed  the  Christians  various 
privileges  and  the  use  of  their  shrines,  and  he 
and  his  successors  built  the  Qubbet  es-Sakhrah 
("  the  Dome  of  the  Rock  ")over  the  protruding 
stone  which  was  judged  to  be  the  Holy  Place 
of  the  Jewish  worshij).  This  qubbeh  is  in  the 
form  of  a  magnificent  waly.  oratory,  or  tomb, 
after  the  Moslem  conceptions,  and  exists  to  the 
present  day.  With  the  fall  of  the  Abassides 
of  Baghdad  (969  a.d.),  the  city  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  Fatiinate  conqueror  Mue?,  whose 
capital  was  Cairo.  Under  the  sway  of  this 
dynasty  the  Christians  suffered  very  great 
privations  and  wrongs,  which  culminated  in  the 
reign  of  the  mad  khalif  el-Hakim  (loio  a.d.), 
under  whose  orders  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was 
burnt  down.     It  was,   however,  soon  rebuilt. 


THE    ENVIRONS    OF 

JERUSALEM 


Scale   of   Miles 


Biblical  names     Bethlehem 
Modern  names Beit  Lahn* 


p.  402] 


JERTffSALEM 

In  the  year  1072  a.d.  hordes  of  Turkomans, 
Kurds,  and  Seljuks  swept  over  Palestine  and 
occupied  Jerusalem. — The  Crusades.  The  suf- 
ferings of  the  Oriental  Christians  under  the 
Seljuks  so  excited  the  sympathy  of  those  of 
Western  Eiurope  (1094  a.d.),  that  Peter  the 
Hermit,  when  he  commenced  to  preach  a  cru- 
sade after  his  return  from  Palestine,  had  no 
difficulty  in  raising  a  rabble  army,  which 
marched  through  Europe  into  Asia  but  did 
not  reach  Palestine.  Owing  to  the  factions 
and  want  of  cohesion  of  the  Moslems,  subse- 
quent armies  of  the  Crusaders  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  Holy  City,  and  held  it  with  vary- 
ing success  for  about  100  years,  until  the  time 
of  Saladin,  when  they  were  compelled  to 
withdraw  (1187  a.d.).  Jerusalem  was  nom- 
inally annexed  to  the  kingdom  of  Sicily, 
1277  A.D.  It  passed  under  the  sway  of  the 
Ottoman  sultan  Selim  I.,  whose  successor 
Suleiman  built  the  present  wall,  1542  a.d. 
Mohammed  'Ali,  pasha  of  Egypt,  took  pos- 
session in  1834  until  the  Fellahin  rose  up  and 
seized  it  in  1840.  After  the  bombardment 
of  Acre  it  reverted  to  the  sultan  of  Turkey. 
— (3)  Topography.  Waters  of  Jerusalem.  The 
spur  of  the  range  on  which  the  city  stands 
gradually  rises  to  N.W.,  and  narrows  until  (at  a 
distance  of  a  mile  from  the  city  wall)  it  is  only 
200  yds.  wide  ;  it  then  broadens  out  again, 
and  continues  as  high  land  in  the  direction  of 
Kuloniah  and  Lifta,  where  there  is  a  strong 
fountain.  It  can  be  seen  on  reference  to  the 
geological  section  E.  and  W.  through  Jerusa- 
lem (Surv.  W.  Pal.,  "Geology  "),  that  there  can 
be  no  flow  of  water  through  the  rocks  into  the 
spur  on  which  Jerusalem  is  situated,  except 
through  the  neck  or  narrow  portion  of  the  spur 
on  N.W.,  as  the  strata  are  nearly  horizontal  : 
and  any  water  finding  its  way  towards  Jeru- 
salem would  flow  down  the  sides  of  the  sur- 
rounding valleys  :  moreover,  the  trend  of  the 
nearly  horizontal  strata  E.  and  W.  is  some- 
what away  from  Jerusalem.  Further,  there 
are  no  geological  faults  or  folds  of  the  ground 
in  the  vicinity,  and  there  are  no  indications 
which  would  lead  to  the  supposition  that  there 
are  any  ducts  or  channels  by  which  subter- 
ranean heat  or  other  agencies  could  force  water 
to  the  surface  from  below.  We  may  arrive 
then  at  the  conclusion  that  the  supply  of  water 
to  Jerusalem  must  have  depended  on  :  {a) 
the  rainfall  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the  city, 
either  collected  in  tanks  or  reservoirs,  in 
natural  wells,  or  issuing  as  springs  on  the  sides 
of  the  valleys.  And  a  contoured  map  will  show 
that  the  only  places  where  rain  water  can  col- 
lect are  at  the  Birket  Mamilla  and  N.  of  the 
Damascus  Gate,  (b)  Water  brought  in  ducts 
along  the  surface  of  the  ground,  as  has  been 
done  from  'Ain  'Atan  and  its  neighbourhood, 
a  distance  of  some  25  miles,  but  as  the  crow 
flies  only  7  miles.  Remains  of  some  of  the 
aqueducts  are  existing,  and  one  is  still  in 
use.  (c)  Underground  shafts  and  ducts  cut 
in  the  rock  below  the  surface,  along  the 
line  of  the  narrow  neck  of  spur  to  N.W., 
from  the  high  ground  in  direction  of  Kulo- 
niah or  Lifta.  Of  (c)  we  have  at  present  no 
direct  indication,  but  we  have  many  infer- 
ences that  the  water  was  brought  into  the  city 
in  some  manner  from  the  N.W.     In  the  time 


jEiltrSALEM 


403 


of  Ahaz  (741  B.C.)  we  have  an  account  of  the 
conduit  of  the  upper  pool  in  the  highway  of 
the  fuller  (Is. 7. 3).  Again,  we  have  the  ac- 
count of  the  great  host  sent  by  the  king  of 
Assyria,  against  king  Hezekiah  (710  e.g.), 
camping  by  the  conduit  of  the  upper  pool  in 
the  highway  of  the  fuller's  field  (2K.I8.17; 
Is. 36. 2) ;  and  we  know  from  Josephus  that  the 
traditional  camping  ground  of  the  Assyrians 
was  N.W.  of  the  city,  just  within  the  third  wall 
(5  Wars  vii.  3).  We  have  also  the  account  of 
the  precautions  taken  by  king  Hezekiah  in 
order  to  confound  the  king  of  Assyria,  who 
was  coming  against  Jerusalem  (726  and  710 
B.C.).  Hezekiah  stopped  the  waters  of  the 
fountains  which  were  without  the  city,  and  the 
brook  which  overflowed  through  the  midst  of 
the  land  (2Chr.32.3) ;  for,  he  said,  why  should 
the  king  of  Assjnria  come  here  and  find  much 
water  ?  Again  we  are  told  that  Hezekiah 
made  a  pool  and  a  conduit  (2K.2O.20);  he 
gathered  together  the  waters  of  the  lower  pool, 
and  made  a  ditch  between  the  two  walls  for  the 
waters  of  the  old  pool  (Is.22.9-11),  and  he 
stopped  the  upper  watercourse  of  Gihon,  and 
brought  it  straight  down  to  the  W.  side  of  the 
city  of  David  (2Chr.32.30).  We  have  here 
two,  if  not  three,  distinct  acts  of  king  Heze- 
kiah, and  they  may  be  classified  as  follows  : 
(i)  The  surface  waters  on  the  W.  of  the  city, 
collected  at  the  Birket  Mamilla,  which  natur- 
ally flowed  down  the  western  valley  of  Jeru- 
salem, were  diverted  easterly,  and  brought  into 
the  city  to  N.  of  the  first  wall,  and  stored  in  the 
great  pool  outside  the  second  wall  (Amygdalon 
of  Josephus),  the  present  pool  of  Hezekiah. 
Whether  there  was  any  overflow  from  this 
down  into  the  Tyropoeon  Valley  we  have  at 
present  no  evidence,  (ii)  The  surface  waters 
of  the  high  ground  N.W.  of  the  city,  which  were 
brought  into  the  city  before  the  time  of  Heze- 
kiah by  the  conduit  of  the  fuller's  field,  still 
continued  to  be  brought  in  after  he  had  con- 
cealed the  other  waters  from  the  Assyrian — 
the  remains  of  the  conduit  is  to  be  found  at 
various  points  in  the  Russian  Hospice  :  it  may 
not  have  been  part  of  Hezekiah's  work,  (iii) 
The  gathering  of  the  waters  N.  of  the  Damas- 
cus Gate  and  bringing  them  into  the  temple 
by  the  surface  duct  now  leading  into  the  pool 
Struthion  (at  the  Convent  of  the  Sisters  of 
Zion),  N.  of  the  Antonia,  or  by  a  subterranean 
channel  through  the  royal  caverns  and  under  the 
Antonia.  (iv )  The  stopping  of  the  upper  water- 
course of  Gihon,  from  the  upper  pool  somewhere 
N.W.  of  the  city,  and  bringing  it  down  along 
the  Tyropoeon  Valley,  instead  of  permitting  it 
to  overflow  through  the  midst  of  the  land.  This 
water  was  probably  led  down  to  Siloam  along 
the  great  rock-cut  passage  or  aqueduct  dis- 
covered under  the  marble  pavement  of  the 
street  W.  of  the  city  wall.  Below  the  level  of 
the  Virgin's  Fountain  there  is  a  far  larger  area 
from  which  waters  can  be  collected  about  Jeru- 
salem :  so  that  the  waters  issuing  from  Bir 
Eyub,  and  lower  down  the  Kidron  Valley,  may 
have  been  voluminous  in  wet  seasons.  To 
carry  these  waters  off,  concealed  from  an 
enemy  outside,  secret  ducts  would  be  required  ; 
and  these  were  discovered  and  followed  for 
about  a  mile  down  the  valley  below  Bir  Eyub 
in  1 869-1 870.     The  exact  method  by  whick 


404 


JERtrSALEM 


the  springs  to  the  N.  of  the  city  were  stopped, 
and  the  waters  gathered  together,  must  remain 
a  matter  of  conjecture  until  the  old  ducts  and 
tunnels  are  discovered ;  but  we  have  certain 


knowledge  that  in  very  early  days  such  work 
was  carried  out  not  only  in  India  and  Syria, 
but  also  in  Jerusalem  itself.  Witness  the 
rock-cut  passages  up  to  Zion,  and  that  leading 
from  the  Virgin's  Fountain  to  Siloam.  Also 
the  extensive  system  of  water  ducts  tunnelled 
through  the  rock  to  collect  waters  for  the  pools 
of  Solomon,  near  Urtas. — The  Citadel.  The 
Akra  (7; " \Kpa).  In  considering  the  topography 
of  Jerusalem,  too  much  stress  must  not  be  laid 
upon  the  assumption  that  the  term  Akra,  with 
the  definite  article,  means  one  particular  spot 
throughout  history.  "  The  Akra  "  means 
nothing  more  than  "the  citadel "  ;  and  the  term 
"the  citadel"  may  mean  only  the  stronghold, 
or  tower,  or  last  resort  of  one  particular  portion 
of  a  fortress  ;  and  in  the  siege  of  a  large  forti- 
fied place,  several  points  in  succession  may 
become  the  citadel,  or  stronghold.  There  may 
have  been  citadels  to  different  sections  of  Jeru- 
salem in  the  time  of  Josephus.  At  the  close 
of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  he  speaks  of  Titus 
having  taken  all  Jerusalem  except  the  upper 
city  (6  Wars  viii.  4),  and  that  on  bringing  his 
banks  against  the  walls  of  the  upper  city,  the 
seditious  retired  into  "  the  citadel  "  (the  Akra), 
by  which  he  clearly  means  the  stronghold 
about  Hippicus  and  the  royal  palace,  in  the 
upper  city.  Yet  elsewhere  he  says  that  the 
citadel  (the  Akra)  sustains  the  lower  city  on 
the  eastern  side  (5  Wars  iv.  i) ;  and  again  he 
states  that  the  citadel,  or  city  of  David,  was 
the  Akra  in  the  time  of  David  (7  Ant.  iii.  r). 
Evidently  Josephus  spoke  of  "  the  Akra  "  as 
we  should  speak  of  "  the  citadel  "  at  the  pre- 
sent day.  The  traditional  site  of  the  Akra  of 
Josephus,  assuming  that  there  was  only  one, 


JERUSALEM 

is  on  the  hill  immediately  X.  of  the  upper  city, 
and  W.  of  and  nigh  to  the  temple.  This  site 
has  been  accepted  by  many  wTiters  as  the 
only  solution  of  the  topography  under  the  cir- 
cumstances ;  but  the  present  writer  is  now 
satisfied  that  the  term  "  the  Akra  "  cannot 
be  confined  to  one  spot  only,  and  that  it 
changed  with  the  times.  At  Jerusalem  the 
term  "  the  citadel  "  was  first  applied  to  the 
stronghold  of  Zion  ;  then,  when  the  temple  was 
built,  and  the  rock  N.  of  it  was  crowned  with 
towers,  that  rock  became  "  the  citadel"  ;  when 
this  rock  was  partially  removed,  the  Baris,  or 
tower  attached  to  the  N.W.  of  the  temple  court, 
became  the  citadel  (1Mac.i3.52);  then,  again, 
the  Antonia  ;  and  lastly,  when  the  temple  was 
captured,  the  great  towers  about  Hippicus  in 
the  upper  city  became  the  citadel.— T/it;  Posi- 
[  tion  of  Zion.  2Sam.5.7  and  iChr.ll.5  fix  Zion 
j  as  the  city  of  David,  the  castle  or  stronghold, 
[  the  Akra  captured  by  king  David.  Zion  was 
'  a  castle  of  some  capacity,  for  David  dwelt 
there,  his  wives  lived  there,  and  part  of  the 
place  was  sacred  as  the  abode  of  the  ark  and 
place  of  worship  of  the  people,  and  the  royal 
sepulchres  were  nigh.  The  position  of  Zion  is 
indicated  by  the  position  of  the  shaft  on  the 
hillside,  S.  of  the  temple,  which  leads  down  to 
the  Virgin's  Fountain.  After  the  building  of 
the  temple  by  Solomon,  there  was  a  transfer  of 
residences  ;  and  Zion  was  no  longer  the  place 
of  worship,  or  the  house  of  the  king,  or  of  his 
wives.  The  rock  N.  of  the  temple  became  the 
citadel,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the  name 
of  Zion  and  "  the  city  of  David  "  may  gradu- 
ally have  been  transferred  to  this  rock, 
Mount  Zion  "on  the  side  of  the  N.,  the 
city  of  the  great  king"  (Ps.48.2).  Certainly 
in  the  time  of  the  .Maccabees  the  rock  N. 
of  the  temple  was  the  city  of  David  (iMac. 
1.33,2.31,7.32,14.36),  and  the  rock  and  the 
temple  mount  was  Mount  Zion  (i  Mac. 4. 37-60, 
5.54,6.48,62, 7.33,10.11, 14.27)-  — r/i<;  Position 
of  Millo.  [MiLLO.]  Whether  the  word  Millo  is 
derived  from  an  archaic  Jebusite  word  or  from 
a  Heb.  root  signifying  a  "  filling,"  it  is  evi- 
dently used  in  the  Bible  to  denote  some  ram- 
part, mound,  or  citadel  in  or  about  Jerusalem, 
but  not  necessarily  the  same  work  tliroughout 
all  history.  It  appears  to  be  used  in  the  same 
sense  as  Ophel.  a  tumour  or  tower,  but  at  a 
different  period  :  and  both  words  may  have  the 
signification  of  "  the  citadel  "  or  stronghold. 
King  David  built  round  about  Millo  and  in- 
ward (2Sam.5.o  ;  iChr.ll.H).  Josephus  (5 
Wars  iv.).  in  speaking  of  the  first  wall  on  the 
N.  extending  frt)m  the  tower  Hipjiicus  to  the 
council  house  in  the  W.  cloisters  of  the  temple, 
states  that  it  was  built  very  strong,  because 
David  and  Solomon  and  the  following  kings 
were  very  zealous  about  it.  So  strong  it  was 
in  the  time  of  tiie  Romans,  that  Titus  failed  to 
make  any  impression  ujion  it  with  the  batter- 
ing-ram (5  Wars  ix.  2  ;  6  viii.  i);  and  when  he 
had  captured  the  temple  througli  the  .\ntonia 
he  preferred  to  exert  his  engines  on  the  F.  side 
of  the  upper  city,  to  attacking  any  further  the 
N.  wall.  In  the  absence  of  every  other  clue, 
this  N.  wall  and  filling  may  have  been  the 
Millo  of  the  time  of  David.  The  great  works 
of  Solomon  were  his  house,  the  Millo,  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem,  and  the  walls  of  three  fenced 


J  Jim.  £artbolnineTv  <t  ru.,Ecbrf.* 


JERUSALEM 

cities  (iK. 9. 15, 24, 11. 27),  and  the  temple  and 
its  stupendous  substructures  on  E.,  W.,  and  S., 
also  the  walls  on  the  high  rock  immediately  N. 
of  the  temple,  which  subsequently  became  the 
site  of  the  Antonia,  and  is  now  the  residence 
of  the  Turkish  pasha.     The  Millo  of  Solomon 
may  have  been  the  great  substructures  of  the 
temple  platform  ;  but  it  most  probably  was 
the  fortification  of  the  rock  which  dominated 
the  temple  to  the  N.,  and  was  its  chief  defence. 
King  Hezekiah  repaired  Millo  in  the  city  of 
Da\id,  and  as  this  was  done  to  resist  the  bat- 
tering-ram of  Sennacherib,  the  king  of  AssjTia, 
the  Millo  of  his  time  must  have  been  on  the  N., 
probably  the  northern  defence  of  the  temple, 
called   "  the  city  of  David  "  because  the  kings 
had  now  made  it  their  official  residence.     King 
Joash  was  slain  in   the   house   of  Millo  that 
goeth  down  to  Silla  (2K.I2.20  ;    2Chr.24.25), 
probably  in  the  citadel  N.  of  the  temple  ;  but 
to  the  meaning  of  Silla  there  is  no  clue. — Solo- 
mon's Palace.     By  common  consent  the  palace 
of  Solomon  is  assumed  to  have  been  erected  to 
S.E.  of  the  temple,  at  the  S.E.  corner  of  the 
noble     sanctuary    now     called      "  Solomon's 
Stables."     But  Solomon  built  more  than  one 
house  at  Jerusalem,  and  as  no  other  kings  are 
stated  to  have  built  houses,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  throughout  the  history  of  the  kings,  the 
royal  palaces  used  by  them  were  built  by  king 
Solomon.     There  are  many  inferences  in  the 
historical  books  and  the  prophets  as  to  the 
residences  of  the  kings,  and  from  them  it  may 
be  conjectured  that  in  the  S.E.  angle  were  lo- 
cated Solomon's  own  house  and  the  house  of 
Pharaoh's  daughter,  in  a  part  which  was  not 
holy,    and   which   in   after-times   became   the 
outer  court  of  the  Gentiles  (2Chr.8.i  ;   iK.7.8). 
Here   probably   the    queen   of   Sheba   visited 
Solomon,    and    here  queen  Athaliah    resided 
during    the    time    of    her    usurpation    of    the 
throne  ;    and  here  probably  the  king  received 
strangers  and  deputations  from  foreign  coun- 
tries :    and  it  was  probably  from  this  palace 
that  king  Ahaz  took  his  royal  guests  when  he 
went  in  state  to  divine  service  through   the 
eastern    porch  of    king    Solomon   (2K.I6.18). 
But  we  must  look  to  the  N.  side  of  the  temple 
for  the  palace  of  the  king,  in  connexion  with 
matters  of  state  and  for  purposes  of  war.  There 
we  shall  find  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon, 
the   armoury,    the   porch   of  the   throne,    the 
king's   seat   of  judgment,    the   courts   of   the 
guard  and  of  the  prison,  the  king's  high  house, 
and  other  places  mentioned  in  the  Bible  in 
connexion    with    the    king    or    governor  and 
head  of  the  army,  and  as  the  Lord's  anointed 
(1K.8  ;    2Chr.8). — The  Position  of  Ophel,  i.e. 
the  Millo  of  Solomon,  the  city  of  David,  of  the 
kings    and    of    the    Maccabees,    the    Acra    of 
Josephus.     The  Ophel  of  the  Bible  (2Chr.27.3, 
33.14)  has  been  assumed  to  be  identical  with 
the  Ophlas  of  the  time  of  Josephus,  and  has 
been  located  by  common  consent  to  the  S.  of 
the  noble  sanctuary,  on  the  eastern   hill,  near 
to  the  fountain  of  the  Virgin.     There  is  no 
evidence  to  show  that  it  was  to  the  southward 
of    the    noble    sanctuary,     only    conjecture. 
Josephus  fixes  Ophlas  at  the  S.E.  angle  of  the 
outer  court  of  Herod's  temple  (5  Wars  iv.  i); 
but  in  other  passages  (5  Wars  vi.  i ;  6  vi.  3)  he 
would  appear  to  place  it  along  the  E.  side  of 


JERUSAIiEM 


405 


Solomon's  porch,  as  far  N.  as  the  temple  ex- 
tends.    In  the  time  of  Nehemiah  it  was  the 
place  where  the  Nethinims  lived,  and  is  spoken 
of  in  connexion  with  the  Water  Gate  eastward, 
the  tower  which  lieth  out,  and  the  Horse  Gate, 
which  were  to  the  E.  of  the  temple.   The  mean- 
ing of  Ophel  is  "  a  bulge  or  swelling,"  and  in 
later  days  "  a  tower  "  ;  and  the  only  great  bulge 
to  be  found  around  the  temple  is  the  high  rock 
forming  the  citadel  to   N.  of  the  temple — the 
Millo  of  Solomon,   the  city  of  David,   of   the 
kings  and  of  the  Maccabees.     At  the  time  that 
the  battering-ram  was  being  fast  brought  to 
perfection   (700   b.c),    the   citadel   N.    of  the 
temple  became  more  and  more  important,  and 
constant  building  must  have  been  necessary 
to  keep  pace  with  the  improvement  in  the  ram 
and  other  warlike  engines.     It  is  probable  that 
the  kings  of  Judah  would  have  devoted  their 
energies  to  the  northern  defences  of  the  city 
where  the  ram  could  be  brought  into  use,  and 
not  to  building  towers  S.  of  the  temple.     When 
therefore  it  is  stated  that  Jotham  (753  b.c.) 
built  much  on  Ophel,  and  that  Manasseh  (677 
B.C.)  compassed  about  Ophel  and  raised  it  to 
a  very  great  height  (2Chr.27.3,33.i4),  we  may 
be  sure  that    this  great  work   on  Ophel  was 
carried  on  at  the  citadel  of  the  temple.     Jose- 
phus   states   {9    Wars   xi.   2)   that    these    two 
kings  built  very  great  towers  in  Jerusalem.— 
The    Armoury.     The  armoiury  of  king  David 
was  probably  a  portion  of  the  city  of  David  S. 
of  the  temple.     The  armoury  of  king  Solomon 
was   attached   to  the  house  of  the   forest   of 
Lebanon  (iK. 10.16,17).    Here   he    placed  500 
targets  of  beaten  gold.     The  targets  were  un- 
covered when  the  king  entered  the  temple  by 
the  N.  gate.     Hezekiah  showed  the  house  and 
armour  to  the  messengers  of  Merodach-baladan 
(Is.39.4).     Nehemiah  repaired  part  of  the  city 
wall  against  the  armoury  (3.19).     The  court 
of  the  prison  and  the  tower  which  lieth  out 
were  close  to  the  king's  high  house   (Ne.3.25). 
There  were  also  stocks  in  the  High  Gate  of  Ben- 
jamin nigh  to  it  (Je.20.2,37.2r,32.2,38.i3,28  ; 
Zech. 14.10). — Topography  of  the  Book  of  Nehe- 
miah.   In  this  book,  both  in  the  description  of 
the   buildings   and   of   the   dedication   of   the 
walls,  the  gates  and  towers  are  mentioned  in 
consecutive   order,    according  to   locality;    so 
that  there  are  most  valuable  indications  as  to 
their  positions  (Ne.3).     The  outer  wall  only  is 
mentioned.     The  first  wall  on  N.  is  not  men- 
tioned,   because    it    did    not    require    repair. 
Commencing  from  the  extreme  N.E.  point  of 
the    wall,   N.E.    of    the   temple,    there    is   the 
Sheep    Gate,   close   to    the   Birket    Israil,    the 
traditional  site    of   the  piscina  probatica  (Jn. 
5.2),  then  the  High  Gate  leading  to  the  king's 
house,    and    the    Gate   of    Benjamin    at    the 
ascent    to    the    armoury.       Here    the    citadel 
(Akra,  Ophel)  projects  to  N.,  with  the  flanking 
towers  of  Meah  and  Hananeel  to  E.  and  W. 
From  here   the  second  wall  commences  with 
the   Fish  Gate  (2Chr.33.14),  leading  over   to 
Oh  vet  and  Jericho  at  the  eastern  end.     This 
wall  faced  to  N.,  and  stretched  over  the  deep 
Tyropoeon  Valley  for  about  400  yds.,  until  it 
reached  the  high  ground  leading  to  Scopus. 
Here  was  the  Corner  Gate,  or  old  gate  with 
towers,  built    by  Amaziah   (2K.I4.13  ;    sChr. 
28.9 ;    Zech.l4.io).     At   the  corner  the  wall 


406 


JERUSALEM 


turned  due  S.,  alun«  the  hif,'h  ground,  for  about 
300  yds.  or  more.  Tliis  is  the  wall  broken  down 
400  cubits  by  Jehoash,  king  of  Israel  (839 
B.C.).  The  wall  now  bent  due  W.  for  about 
300  yds.,  along  the  edge  of  the  broad  valley 
behind  it.  At  the  inner  bend  was  the  gate  of 
l-:phraim,  leading  out  of  the  city  to  the  N.  road. 
The  remainder  of  the  wall  for  about  200  yds. 
faced  due  W.,  and  joined  the  first  wall  at  the 
gate  Gennath  (5  Wars  iv.  2),  about  100  yds. 
from  the  tower  of  the  furnaces,  where  the  tower 
Hippicus  afterwards  stood.     In  front  of   this 


\1A   IiuLuKuSA,   JliRUSALUM. 


was  the  Great  Pool,  now  called  the  pool  of 
Hezekiah  :  and  it  was  against  this  portion  of 
the  wall  that  Titus  successfully  brought  his 
battering-rams  in  taking  the  second  wall. 
This  second  wall  must  have  been  erected  after 
the  building  of  the  temple,  when  the  suburbs 
of  the  city  had  increased  considerably.  Pro- 
ceeding S.  frtjm  the  tower  of  the  furnaces  was 
the  Valley  Gate,  leading  W.  and  S.,  j>erhaps 
near  the  Jaffa  Gate,  the  wall  then  ran  nearly 
due  S.  for  1,000  cubits  (about  600  yds.),  when 
it  bent  to  E.,  at  the  Dung  Gate,  Bethso, 
or  gate  of  the  I'^ssenes  (5  Wars  iv.  2),  and 
thence  it  continued  to  the  Ft^untain  Gate  near 
the  pool  of  Siloani,  where  were  the  steps  lead- 
ing up  to  the  city  of  David.  The  wall  bent  at 
the  old  pool,  leaving  it  outside,  and  bent  again 
at  Siloani,  so  that  here  the  two  faces  of  the  wall 
were  opposite  each  other,  with  tiie  pool  be- 
tween ;  and  here  was  the  gate  between  the  two 
walls  (2K.25.(  ;  Je.39.,i)  and  the  king's  gar- 
den. Then  the  wall  i)ent  round  the  swell  of  the 
eastern  hill,  by  the  stairs  that  go  down  by  the 
city  of  David  and  tiie  palace  of  Monobasus. 
It  then  went  by  the  sepulchres  of  David  (Ne.3. 
16),  and  thence  by  the  pool  that  was  made  to 
the  house  of  the  mighty.     The  two  places  last 


JERUSALEM 

mentioned    are     uncertain.      The    remainder 
of  the  description  of  the  wall  refers  to  the  E. 
wall  of  the  temple  and   the   fortifications   of 
the  citadel.     The  armoury  at   the  turning  of 
the  wall  was  probably  on  the  citadel  N.  of  the 
temple.     The  houses  of  the  iiriests,  the  tower 
which  lieth  out  near  the  court  of  the  prison, 
Ophel,    the   residence    of   the    Nethinims,  the 
Horse  Gate,  Miphkad,  were  all  E.  and  N.E.  of 
the  temple  enclosure. — The  Sepulchre  of  David. 
It  was  on  Zion,  the  city  of  David — within  the 
walls,  because  the  high-priest  H\Tcanus  (when 
besieged  by  Antiochus)  opened  the  sepulchre 
to  get  treasure.      King  Herod  also  opened  the 
sepulchre,  and  is  said  to  have  placed  at  the 
mouth    a   marble   monument    (7   Ant.    xv.  3  ; 
13  \iii.  4  ;  16  vii.  i).     "  His  sepulchre  is  with 
us  to  this  day"  (Ac. 2. 29).     It  is  said  to  have 
fallen  in  ruins  at  the  time  of  Hadrian  (Dion 
Cassius,  Ixix.  14).    The  sepulchre  is  likely  to  be 
situated  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  hill,  to  the 
S.  of  the  Virgin's  Fountain. — Pools  and  Con- 
duits.    The  Birket  es-Sultan,  situated  in  the 
Wady  Rababeh,  on  the  W.  side  of  the  city,  to 
the  S.  of  the  Jaffa  Gate,  is  said  to  have  been 
constructed  as  late  as  the  12th  cent.,  and  may 
be  left  out  of  account.     The  Birket  Mamilla, 
the    pool    of   Hezekiah,    the    pool   of    Siloani 
and  old  pool  have  already  been  referred  to. 
The  Birket   Israil  (on  the  N.E.  of  the  Noble 
Sanctuary)    is   possibly    "  the   pool   that   was 
made"   (Ne.3. 16);    but  it  has  had  extensive 
filling  in    all  round   it    since   early  days.     It 
stands  in  a  deep  ravine  at  the  N.E.  angle  of  the 
temple,  and  is  probably  the  piscina  prohatica, 
near  the  Sheep  Gate.     The  pool  Struthion  (5 
Wars  xi.  4).  situatedto  the  N.  of  the  Antonia,  is 
now  a  double  arched  tank  under  the  Convent 
of   the  Sisters  of  Zion.     The  secret  passage, 
Strato's  tower,  leading  from  the  .Antonia  to  the 
temple,    was   discovered  in    1867.     The  most 
ancient  rock-cut  passage  is  that  leading  from 
the  city  of  David  to  the  Virgin's  Fount.     In 
later  days  (probably  in  the  time  of  king  Heze- 
kiah, the  waters  of  the  Virgin's  Fount   were 
brought  into  the  pool  of  Siloam  by  a  tunnel 
cut   in    the  rock,    1,700  ft.  long.      The  other 
conduits   to   be    alluded    to   are    that    under 
the  vicarage    of   Christ  Church,  leading  from 
David's    Tower    eastward,    and    the    various 
channels  bringing  water  from  1-Uam  into  Jeru- 
?alem. —  The  Third  Wall.     This  wall  was  com- 
menced by  king  .Agripiia  the  tetrarch  in  43  a. d., 
and  was  so  strong  and  formidable  a  defence, 
that  when  it  was  about   13  ft.   in  height,  the 
work  had  to  be  suspended  for  fear  of  Claudius 
Caesar.     It  was  completed  at  a  later  date  with 
smaller  stones  (s  Wars  iv.  2).     It  probably  oc- 
cu|>ied  nearly  tlie  site  of  the  present  N.  wall  of 
Jerusalem  ;  but  there  are  indications  of  a  wall 
some  yards  further  to  the  N.W.     At  the  N.W. 
angle   stood   the    octagonal    tower  Psephinus, 
where    now    stands    Qal'at    JAlud    ((ioliath's 
Castle),    on   high   ground  running   up  towards 
Scojius,  and  just  within  the  wall  the  site  of  the 
camp  of  the  Assyrians.    At  the  Damascus  Gate 
are  the  remains  of  an  old  city  gate,  and  to  the 
v..  there  is  a  deep  cutting  through  Bezetha,  and 
the  entrance  to  the  royal  caverns. — The  Royal 
Caverns.     These  caverns,    f)r   quarries,  extend 
under  a  great  part  of  the  hill  Bezetha,   and  the 
floor  is  above  the  level  of  the  platform  of  the 


JERUSHA 

Noble  Sanctuary.  It  is  supposed  that  the 
stones  for  the  building  of  the  temple  were 
quarried  here,  and  brought  to  the  temple  by 
a  rock-cut  tunnel  under  the  Antonia.  The 
council  house  stood  at  the  end  of  the  N.  wall, 
adjoining  the  temple  cloisters;  and  at  the  same 
spot,  close  to  the  causeway  (Wilson's  Arch), 
stands  the  Mahkama,  or  seat  of  the  cadi,  at 
the  present  day.  The  Xystus,  or  gymnasium 
(Josephus,  2  Wars  ix.  3),  occupied  a  position 
under  the  cliff  E.  of  the  upper  city,  and  between 
the  causeway  and  Robinson's  Arch.  The 
palace  of  Agrippa  II.,  overlooking  the  inner 
temple  court,  stood  at  the  N.E.  angle  of  the 
upper  city,  S.  of  the  causeway  and  above  the 
Xystus. — The  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  tradi- 
tional site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  can  be  traced 
with  certainty  so  far  as  the  4th  cent.  All  evi- 
dence goes  to  prove  that  the  present  site  is 
that  which  was  recovered  by  the  empress 
Helena  and  built  over  by  Constantine.  Euse- 
bius,  bishop  of  Caesarea,  who  wrote  311-338 
A.D.,  was  living  in  Palestine  at  the  time  of  the 
recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  was  present 
at  the  dedication  of  the  church  of  the  Resur- 
rection, 336  A.D.  There  can  be  no  shadow  of  a 
doubt  that  the  present  site  of  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre is  the  same  as  that  recovered  in  326  a.d. 
Beyond  there  can  only  be  conjecture.  The  site 
is,  so  far  as  can  be  judged,  outside  the  second 
wall  of  the  Roman  period.  There  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  there  may  have  been  some  tra- 
dition amongst  Christians  concerning  the  true 
site  :  but  all  is  conjecture.  There  is  an  enor- 
mous mass  of  literature  on  the  subject ;  but  as 
yet  there  are  no  convincing  arguments  against 
the  existing  site,  or  in  favour  of  the  alternative 
sites  which  have  been  proposed  N.  of  the  city, 
and  just  beyond  the  third  wall.  [c.w.] 

Jepusha'  (2K.15.33),  Jerushah'  (2 
Chr.27.i),  daughter  of  Zadok,  and  mother  of 
Jotham,  king  of  Judah. 

Jesaiah'.  —  1.  Son  of  Hananiah,  and 
grandson  of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.2i). — 2.  A 
Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Sallu  (Ne.ll.7). 

Jeshaiah'. — 1.  A  temple-musician  ;  one 
of  the  six  sons  of  Jeduthun  (iChr.25.3,15). — 

2.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  David,  descended 
from  Moses  (iChr.26.25). — 3.  Son  of  Athaliah, 

3,  and  leader  of  the  Bene-Elam  who  returned 
with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.7). — 4.  A  Merarite  who  re- 
turned from  captivity  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.19). 

Jeshanah',  a  town  mentioned  with  Beth- 
el and  Ephraim  as  taken  from  Jeroboam 
(2Chr.i3.19).  Now  the  village  'Ain  Sinia 
(Clermont-Ganneau),  3J  miles  N.  of  Bethel. 
[Shen.]  [c.r.c] 

Jeshapelah'  (1Chr.25.14).     [Asarelah.] 

Jeshebeab',  head  of  the  14th  course  of 
priests  (iChr.24'.i3). 

Je'shep,  son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  (iChr.2. 
18). 

Jeshimon'  {the  waste;  Num.21. 20, 23. 28  ; 
iSam.23.19,24,26.1,3),  the  desert  W.  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  visible  from  Pisgah,  and  from  Peor, 
both  E.  of  that  sea.  [c.r.c] 

Jeshishai',  an  ancestor  of  the  Gadites 
dwelling  in  Gilead  in  the  reign  of  Jotham 
(iChr.5.14). 

Jeshohaiah',  a  Simeonite  chief  who  took 
part  in  the  raid  of  Gedor  (iChr.4.36). 

Jeshua'. — 1.   Joshua,    the   sou    of    Nun 


JESSE 


407 


(Ne.8.17).— 2.  The  correct  form  (R.V.)  of  the 
name  Jeshuah. — 3.  (2Chr.3i.15,  where  R.V. 
also  has  this  form;  Ezr. 2. 36)  =  Jeshuah. — 4. 
Son  of  Jehozadak,  first  high-priest  of  the  third 
series,  viz.  of  those  after  the  Babylonish  cap- 
tivity, and  ancestor  of  the  fourteen  high-priests 
his  successors  down  to  Joshua  or  Jason,  and 
Onias  or  Menelaus,  inclusive.  [High-priest.] 
Jeshua,  like  his  contemporary  Zerubbabel,  was 
probably  born  in  Babylon,  whither  his  father 
Jehozadak  had  been  taken  captive  while  young 
(iChr.6.15,  A. v.).  He  came  up  from  Babylon 
(in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus)  with  Zerubbabel, 
and  took  a  leading  part  with  him  in  the  re- 
building of  the  temple,  and  the  restoration  of 
the  Jewish  commonwealth  (Ezr.3.2ff.  ;  Hag. 
1.1,12,14).  Besides  the  great  importance  of 
Jeshua  as  an  historical  character,  from  the 
critical  times  in  which  he  lived,  and  the  great 
work  which  he  accomplished,  his  name  Jesus, 
his  restoration  of  the  temple,  his  office  as 
high-priest,  and  especially  the  two  prophecies 
concerning  him  in  Zech.3  and  6.9-15,  point 
him  out  as  an  eminent  type  of  Christ. — 5. 
Head  of  a  Levitical  house,  one  of  those  which 
returned  from  the  Babylonish  Captivity,  and 
took  an  active  part  in  the  restoration.  The 
name  is  used  either  for  the  whole  family  or 
successive  chiefs  of  it  (Ezr. 2. 40, 3. 9, 8. 33  ; 
Ne.3. 19,8.7,9.4,5,12.8,  etc.). — 6-  A  branch  of 
the  family  of  Pahath-moab,  one  of  the  chief 
families,  probably,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(Ne. 10. 14, 7. II,  etc.  ;  Ezr.2. 6,10.30). 

Jeshu'a,  one  of  the  towns  re-inhabited  by 
the  people  of  Judah  after  the  return  from  cap- 
tivity (Ne.11.26).  Perhaps  the  ruin  S'aweh, 
E.  of  Beer-sheba.  [c.r.c] 

Jeshu'ah,  a  priest,  head  of  the  9th 
course  in  David's  reign  (iChr.24'.ii). 
[Jeshua.] 

Jeshupun'  (Deut.32.15,33.5,26  ;  Is.44.2), 
used  four  times  as  a  designation  of  Israel,  all 
the  passages  being  poetical.  The  etymology 
is  obscure,  but  the  form  of  the  word  seems 
directly  to  allude  to  the  first  four  letters  of 
"  Israel,"  and  is  probably  derived  from  ydshar, 
"to  be  upright."  It  would  thus  denote  the 
nation  under  its  most  righteous  aspect,  and 
accordingly  Vulg.  renders  rectissimus.  The 
termination  is  probably  intensive,  rather  than 
diminutive,  although  at  least  one  Gk.  version 
translates  'IcrpaeXtcrKos  (LXX.  Tj-yawriix^vos)- 
The  name  seems  to  be  used  when  the  writer  is 
idealizing  Israel,  or  when  he  would  blame  them 
for  their  failure  to  attain  the  ideal.  As  Calvin 
says,  "  By  using  the  name  of  '  the  Upright '  for 
Israel  he  censures  in  an  ironic  way  those  who 
had  lapsed  from  uprightness."  [b.f.s.] 

Jesiah'. — 1.  A  Korhite,  one  of  the  mighty 
men  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.6). — 
2.  (iChr.23.2o)  =  IssHiAH,  2. 

Jesimier,  a  Simeonite  chief  at  the  raid  on 
the  Hamites  in  Hezekiah's  reign  (iChr.4.36). 

Jesse  (yishay),  son  of  Obed  (Ru. 4. 18-22  ; 
iChr.2.5-12) ;  commonly,  and  even  by  his  son 
David,  designated  "  Jesse  the  Bethlehemite  " 
(iSam.16.1, 18, 17.58) —but  his  full  title  is 
"  the  Ephrathite  of  Bethlehem  -  judah  " 
(17.12).  He  is  an  "  old  man  "  when  we  first 
meet  him,  with  eight  sons  (16.io,17.i2),  his  wife 
having  perhaps  been  first  married  to  Nahash  ; 
her  daughters  Abigail  andZeruiah(2Sam. 17. 25) 


408 


JESSUE 


are  called  the  sisters  of  Jesse's  sons  (iChr.2. 
i6).  Jesse's  wealth  included  a  flock  of  sheep, 
under  the  care  of  David  (iSam. 16. ii, 17-34. 
35).  When  David's  rupture  with  Saul  had 
finally  driven  him  from  the  court  to  the  cave 
of  AduUam,  "  his  brethren  and  all  his  father's 
house  "  joined  him.  Anxious  for  their  safety, 
he  took  his  father  and  his  mother  into  the 
country  of  Moab,  and  deposited  them  with 
the  king  (22.  i  -4),  and  thereafter  they  appear  no 
more  in  Scripture.  While  "son  of  Jesse"  was 
a  contemptuous  term  for  David  in  his  lifetime 
(iSam.20.27,22.7,8.9,25.10  ;  2Sam.20.i  ;  iK. 
12.16),  the  phrase  "root  of  Jesse"  is  a 
Messianic  title  (Is.ll.i-io),  which  reflects 
dignitv  in  later  usage  into  the  former  term  of 
contempt  (Ps. 72. 20;  1Chr.lO.14, 29. 26;  Ac.l3. 
22),  and  is  the  origin  of  the  "Jesse  tree"  of 
ecclesiastical  art.  [c.r.d.b.] 

Jes'sue  (iEsd.5.26),  Jesu  (iEsd.8.63)  = 
Jeshi'a,  5. 

Jesui'  (called  Isui,  Gen. 46.17  ;  Ishuai,  i 
Chr.7.30;  R.'V.Ishvi),  third  son  of  Asher,  whose 
descendants,  the  Jesuites,  were  numbered 
"  in  the  plains  of  Moab  by  Jordan  near  Jeri- 
cho "  (Num. 26. 44;  cf.  63). 

Jesupun.     [Jeshurun.] 

Je'sus,  the  Gk.  form  of  Joshua,  or  Jeshua, 
a  contraction  of  Jehoshua  {Jehovah  is  help  or 
Saviour). — 1.  (iEsd.5.5,  etc.,  6.2,9.19  ;  Ecclus. 
49.i2)  =  Jeshua,  4.-2.  (iEsd.5.58,9.48)  = 
Jeshua,  5. — 3.  Joshua  son  of  Nun(2Esd.7.37  ; 
Ecclus.46.i;  iMac.2.55  :  Ac. 7. 45  ;  Heb.4.8). 

Jesus,  called  Justus.     [Justus,  3.] 

Jesus  Christ.  Introduction.  Since  St. 
Paul's  epistles,  which  interpret  the  Person  of 
Christ  in  terms  of  Deity,  are  historically  prior 
to  the  earliest  gospel  we  possess,  it  follows  that 
the  latter  was  created  within  a  community 
already  convinced  of  Christ's  divinity,  and 
was  read  in  the  light  of  that  presupposition. 
The  Gospel  can  only  be  rightly  appreciated 
when  approached  that  way.  Accordingly  we 
accept  the  Pauline  interpretation  as  the  key  to 
the  narrative.  "  The  value  of  St.  Paul's  re- 
cord is  not  impaired  by  the  consideration  that 
he  never  saw  Jesus  in  person"  (A.  Neumann, 
Jesus,  p.  5).  He  was  intimate  with  St.  Peter. 
St.  Mark  gives  no  biograj^hy,  no  chronology, 
no  itinerarium  ;  he  collects  separate  fragments, 
narratives,  and  sayings.  In  the  Synoptists  the 
sequence  is  often  logical  rather  than  chrono- 
logical. {Cf.  St.  Luke's  preface.)  St.  John's 
gospel  omits  the  first  31  years  and  is  only  con- 
cerned with  some  40  days.  But  even  in  St. 
Mark  (l.i)  Jesus  is  not  the  Proclaimer  but  the 
Contents  of  the  gospel  (Wellhausen,  Evang. 
Marci.  p.  i). — I.  The  Preparation,  (i)  Birth. 
Davidic  origin  for  the  Messiah  was  the  univer- 
sal Jewish  belief.  Without  compliance  with 
this,  Jesus'  claim  couldfnever  have  been  ac- 
cepted. Whatever  difficulties  the  genealogies 
present,  this  is  attested  in  R0.I.3  ;  Ac. 2.30  ; 
Rev.5.5  {cf.  Bovon,  Theol.  N.T.  i.  198;  Jn.7.42). 
Even  in  the  2nd  cent,  the  grandchildren  of 
Jude,  the  Lord's  brother,  were  brought  before 
Domilian  as  members  of  the  faiiiilv  of  David 
(Hegesippus  in  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  xx.  ;  cf. 
also  Zfickler,  in  Hauck,  s.v.  "  Jesus  Christ  "). 
The  position  of  the  Virgin-birth  in  N.T.  is 
natural,  assuming  its  truth.  It  could  not  be 
utilized  for  evidential  purposes.     As  Pctavius 


JESUS  CHRIST 

says,  Virgin-birth  does  not  necessarily  imply 
divinity  ;  but  that  a  divine  Person  should  so 
enter  history  is  most  suitable  (3  De  Trin.  vi.  p. 
599).  For  Bethlehem,  see  Ramsay,  Was  Christ 
born  at  B.  ?  The  reserve  and  sobriety  of  the 
canonical  narratives  are  strikingly  contrasted 
with  the  grotesque  and  immoral  caricatures  of 
the  apocryphal  legends.  (2)  At  the  age  of  12. 
The  one  incident  in  the  30  years'  preparation. 
The  record  relates  a  development  (i)  thoroughly 
human,  (ii)  apart  from  error,  (iii)  apart  from  sin. 
The  first  participation  in  the  sacrificial  worship 
in  His  Father's  house  is  the  natural  crisis  when 
thoughts  of  unique  relationship  with  the 
F'ather,  hitherto  unuttered,  found  expression. 
Cf.  B.Weiss,  Life  of  Christ  i.  180-302  ;  Barth, 
H auptprobleme,  p.  260.  (For  Galilean  home 
life  and  ideals,  see  Sanday,  Research,  p.  52.) 
The  unrecorded  period  from  12  to  30  un- 
doubtedly matured  that  profound  knowledge 
of  Scripture,  especially  of  Psalms  and  Prophets, 
so  conspicuous  afterwards;  and  also  His  self- 
consciousness.  (On  the  question  of  the  limi- 
tations of  our  Lord's  human  knowledge,  see 
our  art.  Kenosis;  and  Mason,  Conditions  of 
our  Lord's  Life  on  Earth  ;  Hall,  The  Kenotic 
Theory ;  and  Bernard,  Mental  Characteristics.) 
"  During  this  period  Joseph  had  probably 
died.  He  was  evidently  somewhat  advanced 
in  life  when  he  married  Mary.  He  had  at 
that  time  children,  sons  and  daughters,  from 
an  earlier  marriage.  There  is  no  good  reason 
to  doubt  the  earliest  traditions  that  Mary 
retained  her  perpetual  virginity "  (Briggs, 
New  Light,  172).  [James;  Mary  the  B.V.] 
(3)  The  Baptism.  As  the  Transfiguration 
recognizes  His  exemption  from  the  neces- 
sity of  death,  so  St.  John  Baptist  recognizes 
His  exemption  from  the  necessity  of  baptism. 
Both  are  experiences  of  sinners.  But  if  for 
redemptive  purposes  He  could  undergo  the  one, 
so  also  the  other.  Both  were  converted  to 
new  significance  by  His  sinlessness.  In  His 
Baptism  He  claims  solidarity  with  the  race, 
and  accepts  His  vocation  as  Messiah.  Accord- 
ingly He  meets  with  the  heavenly  approval. 
At  the  head  of  a  penitent  nation  the  Messiah 
appears.  His  mission  begins  when  divinely 
recognized,  not  before.  Criticism  sometimes 
infers  from  the  form  of  expressions  in  Mk. 
1.9- 1 1  ("  He  saw  .  .  .  Thou  art")  that  the  Vision 
and  Voice  were  purely  subjective  experiences, 
restricted  to  our  Lord  alone  (Spitta  com- 
pares a  similar  contrast  in  Ac. 9.7  and  22.9  ; 
Streiifragcn,  p.  135).  But,  as  Merx  observes,  if 
this  criticism  makes  a  psychological  explana- 
tion easy,  it  ignores  the  value  of  the  Voice  and 
the  Dove  to  the  bystanders  {Die  Evangelien  der 
Markus  und  Lukas.  14,  quoted  in  Spitta,  p. 
135)  ;  see  St.  Mark's  account  of  the  Trans- 
figuration (Mk.9.7),  and  Jn.i2.30.  {Cf.  WeU- 
hausen,  p.  75.)  (4)  The  Temptation.  If  the 
Baptism  is  the  conscious  entrance  on  Messianic 
office,  the  Temptation  is  the  deliberate  re- 
jection of  all  methods  except  the  highest  by 
which  that  office  could  be  discharged.  See 
our  art.  Temptation  of  Christ. — II.  The 
Ministry.  Located  by  Synoptists  in  Galilee 
(duration,  apparently  one  year,  terminating 
in  the  death  at  Jerusalem)  ;  by  St.  John 
largely  in  Jerusalem,  three  Passovers  being 
recorded.     But  if  the  Synoptic  narrative  is 


JESUS  CHRIST 

"  timeless  "  (Bousset,  Jesus,  p.  ii),  no  con- 
clusion can  be  drawn  from  its  omissions.  The 
Synoptists  seem  to  require  the  Jerusalem 
ministry  ;  for  la)  the  Crucifixion  is  not  ac- 
counted for,  if  Christ  had  not  previous! 3'  taught 
there  ;  (b)  His  lamentation  over  Jerusalem  im- 
plies a  visit  ;  (c)  the  Pharisees  could  not  be 
condemned,  in  the  parable  of  the  Wicked  Hus- 
bandman, for  rejecting  an  offer  which  was 
never  made  (see  W.  Richmond,  Gospel  of  the 
Rejection,  p.  25).  The  Temptation  suggests 
another  visit.  The  withdrawal  northward  is 
estimated  at  8  months  (Prof.  Burkitt,  Gospel 
Hist,  and  its  Transmission,  p.  93).  The 
duration  of  St.  John  Baptist's  imprison- 
ment was  probably  not  brief  {cf.  Sanday, 
Research,  p.  98).  St.  Luke  also  manifests  a 
preference  for  Judaea  over  Galilee  (see  the  re- 
markable reading  in  4.44.  J  udaea  is  probably 
correct.  Of.  Westcott  and  Hort's  notes  and 
R.V.  marg. ;  Spitta,  Streitfragen,  p.  15).  Christ's 
ministry  begins  out  of  that  of  St.  John  Baptist, 
with  the  proclamation  of  the  kingdom  and 
the  call  of  disciples  by  the  lake  of  Galilee. 
Capernaum  becomes  His  home  (Mk. 1.21-3. 12  ; 
Jn.2.12).  Then  follows  a  Jerusalem  episode 
with  the  cleansing  of  the  temple  (Jn.2.i3ff.). 
"  The  improbability  of  two  cleansings  is  not  so 
great,"  says  Garvie,  "  as  at  first  sight  appears  " 
(Studies,  p.  170).  The  intention  of  the  two  is 
not  identical.  Here  comes  the  visit  of  Nico- 
demus  (ch.  3)  and  the  return  through  Samaria 
(4.1-42)  to  Galilee  [vv.  43ff.). — III.  The  Teach- 
ing of  Jesus  was  progressive.  (For  the  ethical 
teaching,  see  Sermon  on  Mount  ;  for  general 
characteristics,  see  Parables.)  The  progress 
of  ideas  does  not  necessarily  coincide  with 
change  of  place  or  time.  Their  development 
must  depend  on  the  hearers'  capacity.  To 
identify  Christ's  utterances  with  His  human 
knowledge  at  any  special  time  is  a  superficial 
procedure,  not  necessarily  true  of  any  teacher, 
least  of  aU  of  Him.  The  narratives  describe  One 
far-sighted  and  recollected ;  never  surprised 
into  a  contradiction  ;  never  correcting  earlier 
intuitions  by  maturer  thought  ;  encircled  by 
affectionate  but  ignorant  adherents,  who  blun- 
deringly but  vainly  strive  to  make  Him  sub- 
stitute their  ideals  for  His.  There  is  progres- 
sive instruction,  but  no  change  of  plan.  His 
principal  themes  are  four :  the  kingdom ; 
the  Christ ;  His  Death  ;  His  relation  to 
the  Father.  (For  characteristics,  see  Wendt, 
Teaching  of  Jesus  ;  R.  J.  Drummond,  Apos- 
tolic T.  and  Christ's  T.)  (i)  The  Kingdom. 
Every  Israelite  would  understand  that  the 
Messianic  kingdom  was  intended  (cf.  Schiirer, 
Times  of  J.C.  D.  ii.  vol.  ii.  p.  171 ;  Wendt,  T.J .  i. 
371).  It  is  described  as  spiritual,  not  political ; 
inward,  as  a  disposition  of  individuals,  yet 
external,  as  a  social  community  ;  subjectively 
realized  in  character,  objectively  a  precious 
gift  ;  developing  intensively,  extensivel)^  (cf. 
parables  of  Leaven  and  Mustard  Seed),  yet  pos- 
sessing outward  Umitations  (as  in  the  net  cast 
into  the  sea).  It  is  an  association  into  which 
men  press  and  which  they  earnestly  take  by 
storm.  "  Undoubtedly,"  says  a  most  indepen- 
dent critic,  "  the  evangelist  is  thinking  of  the 
visible  kingdom  of  God — i.e.  of  the  Chmrch  "  ( J . 
Weiss,  Die  Predigt  J.  vom  Reiche  Gottes,  p.  48). 
Christ's  necessarily  self-restricted  mission  to 


JESTJS  CHRIST 


409 


Israel  in  no  way  conflicts  with  the  universality 
of  the  kingdom  (cf.  Mt.i5.24,  Mk.7.27, 
with  Mt.21.43,  Lu.12.i-i2,  Mt. 8.11,12). 
[Kingdom  of  God  ;  Church.]  Bovon,  Theol. 
N.T.  i.  257,  Wendt,  T.J.  ii.  197-iqq,  and 
Knowling,  Testimony,  p.  341,  sufficiently 
answer  Harnack's  Expansion,  p.  40.  Briefly, 
then,  our  Lord's  teaching  on  the  kingdom  may 
be  summarized  as  follows:  (i)  "The  idea  of 
a  divine  dispensation  under  which  God  be- 
stows His  full  salvation  upon  a  society  of  men, 
who  on  their  part  should  fulfil  His  will  in 
true  righteousness  "  (Wendt,  T.J.  i.  173).  (ii) 
"  The  kingdom  of  God  is  the  highest  boon 
bestowed  by  God,  the  community  founded 
through  His  self-revelation  in  Christ  "  (Ritschl, 
Unterricht,  p.  3).  (See  further,  B.  Weiss,  Bibl. 
Theol.  N.T.  ;  J.  Weiss,  Die  Predigt  Jesii  vom 
Reiche  Gottes  (1900)  ;  Wendt,  T.J .  vol.  i.  ; 
Vincent  Rose,  Revue  Biblique  (July  i,  1899), 
and  Studies  on  the  Gospels.)  (2)  The  Claim  to 
be  the  Christ.  This  was  seriously  compromised 
by  prevalent  Messianic  ideas.  Men  expected 
political  emancipation.  The  Jewish  apocalyp- 
tic books  describe  the  Messiah  as  granting  life 
to  the  nations  who  have  submitted  to  Israel, 
and  destroying  their  oppressors  with  the  sword 
(Baruch,  Ixxii.).  The  prevalent  ideal  was  un- 
doubtedly a  kingdom  of  glory  in  Palestine, 
with  its  capital  at  Jerusalem,  over  which  the 
Messiah  presides  (cf.  Schiirer,  Times  of  J.C. 
D.  ii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  126-187).  The  dead  were  to 
rise  out  of  their  graves  and  share  the  Messianic 
privileges  ;  but  the  whole  conception  was  ter- 
restrial. It  seems  that  our  Lord's  contem- 
poraries had  no  idea  of  a  suffering  Messiah  (ib. 
186-187).  Certainly  this  conception  of  the 
Messiah,  glowing  with  the  passions  of  national 
fanaticism,  had  Uttle  in  common  with  that  of 
our  Lord  except  the  name.  Yet  He  could 
neither  refuse  the  traditional  terms  nor  accept 
the  popular  interpretation.  Hence  His  embar- 
rassments in  teaching.  He  could  not  answer 
with  a  simple  affirmative  a  direct  inquiry  as  to 
His  Messianic  claims.  Hence  that  habitual 
reserve,  that  refusal  to  permit  announcements 
of  His  Christhood,  that  preference  for  retire- 
ment over  publicity,  which  so  mystified  and 
irritated  oiu:  Lord's  unbelieving  relatives, 
caused  His  opponents  plausibly  to  charge  Him 
with  making  them  to  doubt,  and  prompted  the 
inquiry  of  St.  John  Baptist.  Hence  His  flight 
in  the  moment  when  the  people  wanted  to  make 
Him  king.  All  this,  and  more,  was  necessi- 
tated by  His  and  their  conflicting  ideals.  When 
the  certainty  of  His  final  sufferings  refuted  the 
popular  expectations  we  find  this  reserve  dis- 
appearing ;  and  then,  before  the  authorities 
of  the  nation,  is  heard  the  clear  assertion  of 
His  Messianic  claim.  Recent  liberal  critics 
have  expressed  themselves  profoundly  moved 
by  the  grandeur  of  the  manner  in  which  this 
Messianic  idea  is  accepted  by  our  Lord  and 
spiritualized,  emptied  of  all  its  earthly  political 
national  elements,  until  at  last  the  temporal 
monarch  in  the  palace  at  Jerusalem  is  con- 
verted into  the  tragic  figure  on  the  cross  (cf. 
Wernle,  Beginnings  of  Christianity,  i.  49).  In 
this  light  must  be  considered  our  Lord's  self- 
chosen  habitual  designation — the  Son  of  Man. 
Prof.  Charles (Bfe.o/£nocA,App.B,  pp.312-317) 
says  that  the  title  in  Daniel  (7.13)  seems  merely 


410 


JESUS  CHRIST 


symbolical  of  Israel,  but  in  the  book  of  Rnoch 
denotes  a  supernatural  person.  In  this  book 
the  Son  of  Man  is  represented  as  seated  on  the 
throne  of  the  divine  glory  (Ixii.  i )  and  exercising 
universal  judgment  over  mankind  (Ixii.  3). 
"  This  title,  with  its  supernatural  attributes,  of 
suiiorhuman  glory,  of  universal  dominion  and 
supreme  judicial  power,  was  adopted  by  our 
Lord  "  (cf.  Jn.3.13,  etc.).  But,  while  retaining 
its  supernatural  associations,  it,  as  employed 
by  Christ,  "  assumed  a  deeper  spiritual  signifi- 
cance of  self-emptying  and  self-renunciation  " 
(Charles,  pp.315,  316).  His  supernatural  claims 
were  "  vindicated,  not  after  the  external  Juda- 
istic  conceptions  of  the  book  of  Enoch,  but  in 
a  revelation  of  the  Father  in  a  sinless  and  re- 
demptive life,  death,  and  resurrection"  [ib.  p. 
316).  To  this  we  must  add  that  the  O.T.  usage 
of  the  term  "  Son  of  Man  "  generally  indicates  a 
member  of  the  human  race,  with  peculiar  em- 
phasis on  the  lowliness  and  weakness  inherent 
in  man  as  such  (Job  25.6  ;  Ezk.2.1,3  ;  Dan. 8. 
17).  This  is  one  reason  for  its  adoption  by  our 
Lord.  To  Him  it  designated  Messianic  dignity 
and  human  weakness.  In  many  instances  we 
could  not  substitute  the  personal  pronoun  for 
this  title  without  losing  an  essential  element  in 
the  thought  (Wendt,  T.J.  ii.  139-148).  Thus 
the  title  paved  the  way  to  the  conception  of  a 
suffering  Messiah.  It  is  probable  that  these 
O.T.  associations  of  the  term  would  render  the 
Jews  reluctant  to  adopt  it  as  a  title  of  the 
Messiah.  Thus  it  seems  true  to  say  that 
"  Christ's  claims  were  for  the  greater  part  of 
His  ministry  veiled  behind  the  term  '  Son  of 
Man  '  "  (Briggs,  New  Light,  p.  91).  But  there  is 
much  more  than  this.  No  religious  mind  can 
fail  to  be  impressed  by  the  deliberate  selection 
of  a  term  so  universal  in  its  character.  Whereas 
He  might  have  chosen  to  describe  Himself  as 
David's  Son,  He  passed  beyond  the  highest  of 
merely  Israelite  expressions,  and  selected  a 
term  capable  of  conveying  the  vastly  loftier 
conception  of  the  representative  of  humanity. 
No  Christian  mind  will  consider  this  as  acci- 
dental. (See  further,  Wendt,  T.J.  ;  B.  Weiss, 
Uibl.  Theol.  N.T.  i.  173  ff-  ;  Ottley,  Incarna- 
tion, pp.  71-74.) — IV.  Our  Lord's  Relation  to  the 
Law  of  Israel.  His  personal  recognition  of 
religious  authority  may  be  seen  in  His  entrance 
upon  His  ministry  at  the  Levitical  age  of  30  ; 
in  His  attendance  at  the  Jewish  festivals;  in 
His  injunction  about  submission  to  the  direc- 
tions of  the  scribes  ;  in  His  strong  affirmation 
that  He  had  not  come  to  destroy,  but  to 
fulfil.  On  the  background  of  this  obedience 
and  submission  stand  out  all  the  more  strik- 
ingly His  independence  of  rabbinical  inter- 
pretations of  the  law  and  His  attitude  to- 
wards the  sabbath.  Popular  criticisms  on 
this  begin  very  early  in  St.  Mark  (see  2.23-28, 
3.1-6).  A  more  or  less  official  inquiry  fol- 
lows in  7. iff.  by  "  certain  of  the  scribes  which 
had  come  from  Jerusalem."  Arbitrary 
human  enactments  received  an  attention 
which  was  not  bestowed  upon  the  command- 
ments of  God.  Certainly  our  Lord  set  moral 
law  higher  than  ritual  observance,  or  rather 
insisted  that  brotherly  love  is  a  condition  essen- 
tial to  any  acceptable  worship  of  God.  But 
He  by  no  means  depreciated  its  ritual 
observance.     On  the  contrary,  assuming  the 


JESUS  CHRIST 

condition  of  brotherly  love  fulfilled.  He  said, 
"  and  then  come  and  offer  thy  gift." — V.  The 
Miracles.  (See  esp.  the  dissertation  of  C.  L. 
Nit/sch  in  De  Discrimine  Revclationis,  pp.  30- 
5-(.)  Christ,  says  Nitzsch,  affirms  that  Hisdivine 
mission  can  be  understood  from  His  miracles 
(Jn. 5. 36,10.37  ;  Mt.11.4),  yet  elsewhere  Christ 
deprecates  miracles  (Jn.4.48).  The  con- 
tradiction is  solved  by  the  principle  that 
He  would  confirm  faith  but  not  compel  it. 
Similar  narratives  are  not  necessarily  double 
accounts  of  one  incident.  "  Who  would  be 
surprised  to  find  two  very  similar  cases  in 
a  physician's  diary  ?  "  (R.  J.  Drummond, 
Apost.  Teaching  and  Christ's  T.  93).  Christ's 
miracles  may  be  classified  in  an  ascending 
scale — over  inanimate  nature,  physical  disease, 
mental  disorders,  death  in  its  various  stages. 
Psychology  throws  much  light,  but  leaves  much 
wholly  inexplicable,  except  when  the  Pauline 
interpretation  of  the  Person  is  accepted.  In- 
cidents might  be  differently  reported  in  the 
present  century  and  in  the  apostolic  age,  but  it 
is  impossible  to  sever  the  miraculous  element 
from  the  portrait  of  the  Christ  without  altering 
that  portrait  beyond  recognition.  Moreover, 
word  and  work  correspond.  And  rejection  of 
this  element  ultimately  rests,  not  on  historic 
criticism,  but  on  theoretical  presuppositions, 
which  include  a  non-Christian  view  of  God 
and  the  world.  [Miracles.]  (C/.  Liitgen, 
Gottes  Sohn  und  Geist.pp.  24ff.) — VI.  The  Train- 
ing of  the  Twelve.  ( C/.  Bruce,  Training  of  XII. ; 
Latham,  Pastor  Pastorum ;  Scott-Holland, 
Creed  and  Character  ;  Bp.  Gore,  Church  and 
Ministry,  pp.  36  ff.)  "To  deny  that  Christ  did 
undertake  to  found  and  legislate  for  a  new 
theocratic  society  ...  is  indeed  possible,  but 
only  to  those  who  altogether  deny  the  credi- 
bility of  the  extant  biographies  of  Christ  " 
(Ecce  Homo).  Our  Lord  did  not  commit 
either  Himself,  or  His  Revelation  in  its  in- 
tegrity, to  the  miscellaneous  throng,  but  to 
the  selected  few  [cf.  J n. 2. 2 3 -2 5).  The  mo- 
mentousness  of  the  selection  of  the  Twelve  is 
suggested  by  Christ's  self-preparation  (a  night 
in  prayer,  Lu.8.12);  the  method  (from  the  dis- 
ciples summoned  together,  \er.  13);  the  triple 
record  (Mt.lO  ;  Mk.3  ;  Lu.6) ;  the  purpose 
assigned  (Mk.3. 14)  ;  the  number  selected  (sug- 
gestive of  founding  a  new  Israel) ;  the  con- 
nexion with  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  (as  a 
consecration  of  the  Twelve) ;  the  instructions 
devoted  to  the  Twelve  ;  the  permanence  of  the 
body  so  created.  Bcngel's  phrase  is  most 
applicable  here,  "  Primac  origines  licclesiae 
Christianae."  The  constituent  elements  of  this 
body  are  profoundly  suggestive  of  variety  in 
unity.  The  pessimistic  St.  Thomas,  the  reflec- 
tive St.  John,  the  sanguine  St.  Peter,  the 
conservative  tax-gatherer,  the  radical  Zealot, 
illustrate  the  diversity  of  temperament  and 
l)oliti<'al  ojiinion  which  the  Church  was  to 
contain  and  combine.  These  disintegrating 
elements  Christ  drew  into  a  unity,  never  after- 
wards broken,  both  with  Himself  and  with 
one  another  ;  witii  the  result  that  after  His 
Ascension  a  consolidated  society  remained. 
The  training  of  the  Twelve  docs  not  imply  the 
neglecting  of  the  crowds.  Christ  is  represented 
as  "  having  compassion  on  the  mtiltitude," 
giving  instructions  through  all  the  towns  in 


JESUS  CHRIST 

Galilee,  answering  questions,  enlightening  in- 
dividuals, composing  parables  especially  for 
their  edification.  Wherever  sorrow,  suffering, 
and  sin  confronted  Him,  there  He  would 
minister.  These  ministrations  were  the 
inevitable  response  of  perfect  humanity 
placed  in  such  conditions.  Yet  they  were 
more  or  less  incidental.  But  the  training  of 
the  Twelve  was  His  deliberate  purpose  with 
a  view  to  futiure  issues.  The  process  of  the 
training  of  the  Twelve  included  the  following : 
set  instructions,  e.g.  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  in- 
tended chiefly  for  the  inner  circle  ;  interpreta- 
tion of  parables  and  of  difficult  sayings  left 
unexplained  among  others  ;  the  lessons  of  His 
miracles  ;  the  gradual  self-revealing  under  the 
changing  conditions  of  the  daily  life  ;  the 
practical  training  in  their  mission  to  preach. 
Meanwhile,  among  the  crowds,  the  first  popu- 
larity, caused  by  His  miracles  and  teaching, 
and  fostered  by  hope  of  His  compliance  with 
their  ideals,  passed  into  dislike,  as  the  incom- 
patibility became  more  plain.  After  the 
feeding  of  the  5,000  a  crisis  came,  and  the 
instruction  on  the  Bread  of  Life  alienated  many 
and  tested  the  few  (Jn. 6. 60-67).  As  oppo- 
sition increased,  Christ  withdrew,  with  the 
Twelve,  into  heathen  territory  (Mk.7.24ff.)  to 
mature  their  faith,  amid  external  security. 
The  question  at  Caesarea  Philippi  was  a  crisis  in 
their  training  (Mk.8.27).  But  their  develop- 
ment must  not  be  forced  by  asking  it  too  soon. 
The  psychological  moment  had  to  be  ascer- 
tained. Even  when  it  came,  it  was  preceded 
by  a  preparatory  question.  From  the  recog- 
nized inadequacy  of  other  men's  estimates  of 
His  Person,  the  Twelve  were  led  to  give  ex- 
pression to  a  higher  estimate.  St.  Peter's 
answer  in  St.  Matthew's  version  is,  "Thou  art 
the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God  "  (Mt.l6. 
16).  The  answer  in  St.  Mark  is  simply,  "Thou 
art  the  Christ"  (Mk.8.29).  Criticism  has  not 
unnaturally  inquired  whether  the  phrase  "Son 
of  the  living  God"  is  an  equivalent,  or  an  ad- 
dition of  a  profounder  thought.  We  must 
neither  assume  that  St.  Peter  at  this  stage 
realized  the  full  metaphysical  conception  of  the 
Nicene  Creed,  nor  that  a  brilliant  momentary 
insight  into  the  profoundest  truth  was  not 
granted  him.  He  manifestly  reached  a  higher 
stage  of  utmost  significance.  Here  was  an 
objective  truth  and  a  subjective  disposition 
on  which  our  Lord  could  build.  It  is  a  crisis 
of  triumph.  Our  Lord  wins  the  response  for 
which  He  had  kept  the  Twelve  so  long  in  daily 
training.  His  prohibition  of  the  declaration  of 
a  truth  soon  declared  by  Himself  creates  no 
difficulty.  The  official  announcement  must 
come  from  Himself. — VII.  The  character  of 
Jesus  may  be  fitly  considered  here,  as  part  of 
the  self-revelation  to  the  Twelve,  and  also  as 
the  basis  of  the  third  main  principle  of  His  in- 
structions ;  viz.  those  on  His  redemptive  work. 
Briefly,  the  portrait  drawn  by  the  evangelists 
is  one  of  human  perfection,  (i)  They  sketch  a 
career  lived  at  the  confluence  of  three  strongly 
marked  races — the  Roman,  the  Greek,  and  the 
Jew — yet  exempt  from  the  onesidedness  of  all. 
The  character  is  free  from  national  limitations, 
whether  contemporary  parties,  Sadducaean, 
Pharisaic,  Herodian,  or  national  characteristic 
fanaticism  and  exclusiveness,  from  which  none 


JESUS  CHRIST 


411 


of  His  apostles  were  exempt.  Galilean  ideals 
may  have  preserved  more  spiritual  types  than 
those  of  Jerusalem,  but  the  former  were  none 
the  less  immeasurably  beneath  the  ideals 
ascribed  to  our  Lord.  Contrast  Christ's 
Messianic  conceptions  with  those  of  the 
Twelve.  We  scarcely  think  of  Jesus  as  a  Jew, 
for  what  He  took  of  Israel  was  exclusively  the 
good — its  ethical  monotheism,  which  in  taking 
He  refined, exalted,  and  completed.  The  aliena- 
tion from  Christ's  ideals  was  as  complete  in 
Galilee  as  in  Judaea.  All  His  disciples  are 
conspicuously  marked  by  the  narrowing  effect 
of  their  environment.  He  alone  remains  un- 
scathed. It  is  the  pre-eminently  human  in 
Him  which  triumphs  over  the  local  and  the 
national.  His  character  embodies  His  title — 
the  Son  of  Man.  It  has  been  truly  said  that 
this  superiority  to  the  local  and  the  temporary 
is  little  less  than  a  moral  miracle.  (2)  Where- 
as human  excellence  develops  in  antagonistic 
types,  according  as  self-discipline,  altruism,  or 
Godward  devotion  predominates,  producing 
therefore  characters  conspicuous  chiefly  for 
self-control  or  philanthropy  or  religious  spirit, 
the  Character  depicted  in  the  gospels  in- 
cludes all  these  types  and  combines  them  into 
one.  Moreover,  it  blends  opposite  virtues  in 
perfect  proportion.  It  is  equally  remarkable 
for  gentleness  and  strength  ;  for  the  combina- 
tion of  inexorable  rectitude  of  judgment  with 
the  tenderest  pity  and  compassion.  There  is 
severity  without  hardness,  and  tenderness 
which  is  never  weak.  The  masculine  and  the 
womanly  graces  are  fused  together  in  Him. 
Anything  more  compassionate  would  sacrifice 
rectitude — more  inexorable,  mercy.  It  is 
worth  reflecting,  which  of  Christ's  moral 
decisions  has  subsequent  experience  found 
occasion  to  revise  ?  The  moral  infallibility  of 
judgment  is  in  itself  absolutely  unique.  Men 
do  not  think  the  same  invariably  even  of  St. 
Paul.  (3)  Christ's  moral  self -consciousness  is 
unclouded.  Nothing  veils  the  perfect  com- 
munion with  the  Father.  Yet  His  moral 
standard  was  that  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount ; 
His  moral  insight  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  in 
His  presence  the  least  deviation  from  inner 
rectitude  stands  detected,  judged,  condemned. 
Nevertheless  there  is  a  serene  consciousness  of 
superiority  to  sin.  Witness  the  narrative  of 
the  Temptation,  which  must  have  come  from 
Himself ;  the  absence  of  the  penitential  element 
from  His  prayers  ;  the  self -isolation  from  sinful 
humanity  ;  the  consciousness  that  the  sinful 
world  cannot  defile  Him,  but  can  be  delivered 
by  Him.  (Mk.10.i8  cannot  be  reasonably 
utilized  to  contradict  the  entire  N.T.  descrip- 
tion.) This  character  is  either  the  product  of 
imagination  or  of  reality.  That  it  is  not  the 
former  seems  demonstrated  partly  by  the 
apostles'  incompetence,  partly  by  the  fact 
that  the  portraiture  of  a  perfect  character  has 
apparently  never  been  attempted  elsewhere  in 
literature.  It  is  an  effort  for  which  genius  and 
moral  elevation  feel  incapable.  [C/.  Goldwin 
Smith,  Lectures  in  Moral  History,  and  the  com- 
ments on  the  same  in  Liddon's  Elements  of 
Religion  ;  Robertson,  Sermons,  2nd  ser.  xviii.  ; 
Gore,  Bampton  Lectures  ;  Sanday,  Research  ; 
Luthardt,  Apologetic  Lectures  ;  Carson,  Re- 
union Essays  ;  Caird,  Fundamental  Ideas.] — 


412 


JESUS  CHKIST 


VIII.  His  Redemptive  Work.  The  process 
of  instruction  was  now  advanced  to  (i)  pre- 
dictions of  His  Passion.  Hints  had  been  given 
before  (Mk.2.2o  ;  Jn. 1.29,2.19),  but  remained 
an  enigma  until  the  Resurrection  explained 
them.  The  predictions  are  three,  (i)  At  Caesarea 
Philippi,  on  the  basis  of  St.  Peter's  confession 
(Mk.8.31),  the  Passion  is  affirmed  to  be  a 
divine  necessity  (Sf?,  Lu.9.22 ),  but  accompanied 
by  an  equally  clear  announcement  of  His  Re- 
surrection {cf.  Mk.8.34).  (ii)  At  the  Trans- 
figuration (IVIk.9.1-13),  which  came  just  in  the 
crisis  of  depression  caused  by  the  prediction  of 
His  Death.  Here  the  obvious  lesson  was  the 
divine  approval  of  the  Master's  course,  and  an 
injunction  to  hear  His  teaching.  The  Disciples 
saw  Christ  refuse  the  painless  transition  into 
glory.  [Transfiguration.]  They  hear  the  con- 
versation on  the  decease  shortly  to  be  accom- 
plished in  Jerusalem.  His  attitude  wins  the 
Father's  approval  (Lu.9.31).  Then  came  the 
second  announcement  of  His  Death — again  as- 
sociated with  the  Resurrection  (Mk.9.9  ;  cf.  30- 
32).  (iii)  As  Jerusalem  was  approached  (Mk.lO. 
32;  Mt. 20.17  ;  Lu.l8.31).  Here  His  resolute 
determination  and  solemnity  of  purpose  amaze 
them.  Thus  the  Messiahship  is  steadily 
unfolded  to  the  apostles  as  a  conception  involv- 
ing death.  As  Bengel  finely  says,  He  was 
dwelling  in  His  Passion.  The  disciples  met 
each  prediction  with  resistance  :  at  the  first, 
St.  Peter  protested  with  all  his  power  ;  at  the 
second,  they  were  afraid  to  ask  Him  ;  at  the 
third,  the  idea  is  still  unintelligible.  Not 
because  they  could  not  understand  the  terms, 
but  because  the  ideas  conflicted  with  their 
Messianic  preconceptions.  (Contrast  Spitta's 
crit.  in  Streitfra^cn,  p.  107.)  {2)  Next,  instruc- 
tions as  to  the  significance  of  His  Death.  They 
are  fragmentary  and  few,  yet  definite.  On  this 
last  journey  to  Jerusalem  He  spoke  of  "  giving 
His  life  a  ransom  for  many  "  (Mk.lO. 45,  Xvrpov 
avrl  TToWGiv).  Holtzmann  (Lj/eo/ /esws,  p.  387) 
illustrates  from  Josephus  (14  Ant.  vii.  i),  where 
the  treasurer  Eleazar  gave  Crassus  a  massive 
golden  beam  from  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  as  a 
\vTf)ov  avTL  irduTwv — a  ransom  to  save  the  rest. 
Thus  Jesus  Christ  will  give  His  life  in  order  that 
the  many  may  preserve  theirs.  The  term 
\iiTpov  signifies  in  the  LXX.  the  price  paid  to 
redeem  a  firstborn  son  from  death  (Num. 3. 46), 
or  a  captive  in  war  (Is. 45. 13),  or  a  slave  (Lev. 
25.51).  No  \vTpov  or  satisfaction  could  be  ac- 
cepted in  behalf  of  a  murderer  (Num. 35. 31). 
Rich  men  cannot  deliver  their  relati\'es  from 
death  by  payment  of  a  ransom  (Ps.49.7).  The 
prayer  of  Eleazar  (4  Mac.  vi.  23)  has,  "  Make 
my  blood  an  expiatory  offering  for  tlicm,  and 
take  my  life  as  their  ransom."  And  the  his- 
torian praises  the  Maccabees  because  "  they 
became  as  it  were  a  ransom  [or  expiation]  for 
the  sin  of  the  nation  "  (xvii.  20).  (See  Barth, 
Hauptprobleme,  p.  199  IT.)  These  illustrations 
show  what  our  Lord's  expression  would  con- 
vey to  His  contemi)oraries — namely,  that  His 
Death  would  secure  their  deliverance  from  sin. 
It  is  the  Death  of  the  Righteous  for  the  un- 
righteous. The  whole  narrative  of  the  Passion 
putsithisjinterpretation  upon  it — e.g.  the  prayer 
from  the  Cross  that  the  nation  may  be  forgiven. 
Our  Lord  lays  reiterated  emphasis  on  the  fact 


JESUS  CHRIST 

that  His  Death  is  divinely  ordained  (dd  ovtu) 
yefeadai,  Mk. 26.54. 56  and  Lu. 24.26).  Viewed 
externally,  it  was  the  necessary  result  of  J  ewish 
hostility  ;  viewed  inwardly,  it  was  the  pre- 
determined will  of  God.  Jesus  was  born  ex- 
pressly to  die  for  mankind.  In  the  last  week 
of  His  earthly  life  He  consummated  the  pur- 
pose for  which  He  came.  He  went  to  die 
that  the  Scripture  might  be  fulfilled  that  thus 
it  must  be.  In  other  words,  He  affirmed  that 
only  through  His  Death  could  the  eternal 
counsel  of  the  Father  be  achieved  {cf.  Weber, 
Ziim  Zorn  Gottes,  pp.  242  ft.). — IX.  The  Jerusa- 
lem Ministry,  (i)  The  journey  thither  {cf.  Lu.9. 
51-I9.28 — not,  however,  chronologically  ar- 
ranged ;  B.  Weiss,  L.C.  iii.  162),  probably 
through  Samaria  (cf.  Lu.9.51-56,10.25-37,17. 
1 1  - 1 9 ).  Definitely  resolute  to  enter  J  er  usalem, 
and  not  to  die  elsewhere  (Lu. 13. 31, 32).  (2) 
The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (J  n. 7-10)  gives  this 
episode  with  wonderful  insight  into  what  must 
have  been  the  popular  feeling  after  the  rejec- 
tion in  Galilee  (7.12,13-52).  Here,  at  the 
centre  of  Israel's  religious  life,  He  declared  His 
pre-existence.  This  led  to  the  first  open  at- 
tempt to  kill  Him.  But  His  time  was  not  yet. 
(3)  The  Festival  of  the  Dedication  (IO.22-41) 
continued  the  self-revealing  under  circum- 
stances of  widening  hostility.  The  irritated 
challenge  of  10. 24  was  answered  with  a  claim 
to  unity  with  God  (ver.  30)  which  provoked 
another  attempt  to  stone  Him,  on  the  ground 
"Thou, being  aman.makest  Thyself  God"  (ver. 
33).  J.H.Newman's  admirable  expositionof  the 
passage  which  follows,  in  which  our  Lord  tem- 
porarily asserts  a  minor  claim,  not  to  retract 
the  former,  but  to  find  a  common  basis,  should 
be  carefully  studied  {Parochial  Sermons). 
.Augustine's  dictum  remains  profoundly  true  : 
"  Intellexerunt  Judaei  quod  non  intelliKunt 
.\riani."  Probably  to  this  period  belongs  the 
dilemma  concerning  the  Christ  as  David's  Son 
and  David's  Lord  (Mk. 12. 35-37).  (4)  The  brief 
withdrawal  from  Jerusalem  (Jn. 10. 40,41)  into 
the  territory  beyond  Jordan,  "  where  John  was 
at  the  first  baptizing."  "  These  two  or  three 
months  in  Peraoa  were  the  last  time  of  refresh- 
ment He  would  enjoy  before  being  involved  in 
struggle  and  death  "  (B.  Weiss,  L.C.  iii.  202). 
(5)  The  entry  into  Jerusalem  is  described  by 
Wellhausenasapopular  movement, rather  than 
designed  by  Christ  {Mark,  p. 94).  Yet  the  riding 
upon  an  ass  was  distinctly  Messianic  (Zech.9.9 
and  Jn.i2.12ff.).  Certainly  the  entry  signi- 
fied one  thing  to  the  people,  another  to  Christ — 
as  St.  Luke's  record  of  His  tears  over  J  erusalem 
suggests  (Lu.19.41-44).  Then  followed  the 
day  of  ()uestionings.  Herodian,  Sadducee, 
Pharisee,  are  successively  answered.  The 
denunciations  of  unreality,  begun  in  indigna- 
tion, are  closed  in  tears  (Mt. 23. 13-39).  The 
indescribably  tender  wistfulness  of  the  final 
passage  reveals  the  spirit  underlying  the  whole. 
After  this,  the  temple  was  left  for  ever.  Then 
came  the  eschatological  predictions  from  the 
mount  of  Olives  (Mt. 24,25).  It  has  been  re- 
cently nrged(by  the  Bp.  of  Gloucester,  Warbur- 
tonian  Lectures  for  1903-1907,  O.T.  in  the 
New)  that  our  Lord's  discourse  on  tlie  nioiuit 
of  Olives  refers  wholly  to  the  Fall  of  Jerusalem 
and  contemiiorary  incidents.  AnythiuR  which 
our  Lord  describes  in  these  verses  was  taken 


JESTTS  CHRIST 

by  Him  straight  from  the  prophetical  books  of 
O.T.,  and  "  as  in  those  books  the  language  is 
not  to  be  held  to  predict  literal  portents  to  be 
looked  for  in  the  physical  heaven,  but  should 
be  symbolically  understood  as  figurative  ima- 
gery applied  to  the  destruction  of  cities  and 
empires  of  the  world,  so  here  also  it  should  be 
taken  in  the  same  way  and  be  given  no  other 
meaning."  [Old  Testament.]  Further  re- 
ferences to  His  Death  ensued.  Christ  asso- 
ciated the  anointing  at  Bethany  with  His 
Burial  (Mt.26.i2)  ;  spoke  of  the  beloved  son 
cast  out  and  killed  and  of  the  wheat  which  must 
die  (Jn.12.24).  Meanwhile,  events  moved  with 
rapidity.  Shortly  after  the  Lazarus-raising, 
the  Sanhedrin  followed  Caiaphas'  advice,  and 
determined  that  Christ's  Death  would  secure 
the  nation.  That  made  the  Death,  humanly, 
a  question  of  opportunit3^  which  Judas  pro- 
vided [cf.  Briggs,  New  Light,  p.  92).  (For  the 
Betrayal,  see  Judas  Iscariot  ;  for  the  Trial,  see 
Pontius  Pilate  ;  Herod.) — X.  The  Redemp- 
tion, (i)  With  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist 
came  further  instruction  about  His  Death. 
Passover,  Eucharist,  and  Death  are  all  drawn 
closely  together.  The  phrase  in  Mk.i4.24, 
"  This  is  My  Blood  of  the  Covenant,  which  is 
shed  for  many,"  must  have  suggested  to  the 
hearers,  considering  their  antecedents,  the  in- 
auguration of  a  new  covenant  between  God  and 
man  contrasted  with  the  old  {cf.  1C0r.ll.25). 
Mt.26.28  adds  "  for  the  remission  of  sins," 
"  showing  that  he  understood  the  covenant  to 
be  a  covenant  between  God  and  the  many,  by 
which  remission  of  sins  was  secured  to  them  " 
(Allen  on  St.  Matt.  p.  276).  The  Blood  was  no 
mere  sign  of  this  remission,  but  (as  Meyer  says) 
reconciling,  sacrificial  Blood.  The  Blood  is 
instrumental  in  effecting  the  covenant.  We 
may  agree  with Weiss(L.C.  iii.  23i)that  Christ's 
words  must  at  the  least  have  conveyed  that 
"  as  the  blood  of  the  Paschal  Lamb  once  pro- 
tected the  children  of  Israel  from  the  aveng- 
ing angel,  His  atoning  Blood  was  to  be  the 
means  for  averting  God's  judgment  from  the 
guilt-laden  people."  The  Synoptists  suggest 
that  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist  and  the 
Passover  coincided  ;  St.  John  that  the  institu- 
tion was  the  day  before,  in  which  case  the 
Crucifixion  and  the  Passover  coincided  (Jn.l3. 
1-29).  The  exact  chronological  relationship, 
which  is  uncertain,  is  insignificant  compared 
with  the  doctrinal  relationship  of  the  ancient 
Passover  and  the  New,  which  our  Lord  dis- 
tinctly affirmed.  [Eucharist.]  (2)  No  part 
of  the  narrative  is  so  consecutive  and  elaborate 
as  the  Passion  history.  The  evangelists  rivet 
attention  on  Christ's  Death.  In  awful  reUef  is 
set  Gethsemane.  (For  primitive  interpolations 
in  St.  Luke  [22.43,44],  cf.  Westcott  and  Hort's 
Select  Readings,  pp.  64-67  :  "  These  verses  and 
the  first  sentence  of  23.34  may  be  safely  called 
the  most  precious  among  the  remains  of  this 
evangelical  tradition  which  were  rescued  from 
oblivion  by  the  scribes  of  the  second  century.") 
No  explanation  is  given  by  the  evangelists 
while  recording  the  fact.  They  describe  the 
scene  and  report  the  words  which  He  was 
heard  to  utter.  The  terrible  mental  distress  is 
denoted  by  €Kda,ul3e'.(Tdai  (St.  Mark),  aSruxovelv 
(St.  Matthew  ;  cf.  Lightfoot,  Phil.  ii.  26),  and 
by  the  whole  description  in  Lu.22.43,44.    The 


JESUS  CHRIST 


413 


interpretation  given  by  the  primitive  Chris- 
tian consciousness  is  Heb.5.7-10,  where  the 
writer  "  had  doubtless  chiefly  in  view  the 
scene  in  Gethsemane "  (Delitzsch,  Hebrews 
i.  243).  Plainly  in  Gethsemane  is  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Passion.  He  prayed  to  be 
saved  from  death.  But  for  what  reason  ? 
All  interpretation  must  depend  on  personal 
convictions  as  to  His  work  and  personality. 
Was  this  a  purely  physical  recoil  from  death  ? 
If  so,  our  Lord  has  been  surpassed  by  hundreds 
of  His  martyrs,  whose  cross  has  been  preluded 
by  no  Gethsemane  (contrast,  e.g.,  St.  Ignatius). 
It  will  ever  be  incredible  to  the  believer  that 
Christ  here  merely  illustrates  the  maxim  that 
the  spirit  is  willing  but  the  flesh  is  weak.  No 
interpretation  can,  on  apostolic  principles, 
be  adequate,  unless  it  takes  into  account  the 
moral  significance  of  His  Death  as  redemptive, 
the  sinlessness  of  the  Sufferer,  and  the  awful 
association  with  human  sinfulness — to  Him 
mostabhorrentand  terrible — which  His  charac- 
ter as  Redeemer  would  involve.  "  It  was  the 
whole  abyss  of  death  itself  into  which  the  Lord 
looked  down  when  He  offered  this  supplica- 
tion "  (Delitzsch,  Heb.  vol.  i.  p.  248).  New- 
man's wonderful  description  of  the  Agony,  as 
caused  by  the  redeeming  self-identity  of  the 
Sinless  with  the  sinful,  is  the  kind  of  interpreta- 
tion which  the  apostolic  principles  require. 
It  is  a  moral  and  spiritual  revulsion,  rather 
than  a  merely  physical  recoil,  which  caused 
Gethsemane.  (See  Delitzsch  on  Heb.  [5.7], 
vol.  ii.  p.  248;  Meyer  on  S/.  Matt.  p.  562;  Barth, 
Hauptprohleme,  p.  224  ;  Bruce,  Humiliation,  p. 
2  jy.  Denney,  Death  of  Christ,  is  less  satisfactory 
here.  For  a  most  attenuated  account,  see 
Wendt,  T.J .  ii.  248.  On  the  omission  of  the 
incident  from  St.  John,  see  Bovon,  Theol.  N.T. 
i.  142;  and  note  especially  Jn.l8.11  and  5. 
30.  Garvie,  Studies,  pp.  3838.)  (3)  Christ's 
Death.  "  To  expect  from  Jesus  Himself  a 
theory  of  the  Atonement  and  to  reject  the  sub- 
sequent apostolic  doctrine  of  the  Cross  where- 
ever  it  goes  beyond  the  words  of  Jesus  is  to 
ignore  the  necessary  condition  for  such  a  sacri- 
fice of  vicarious  love  "  (Garvie,  Studies,  p.  421). 
The  description  of  the  Crucifixion  was  written 
for  men  already  instructed  in  the  significance 
of  the  Death.  The  cry  of  dereliction  becomes 
intelligible  if,  in  perfect  sacrificial  homage  to 
righteousness,  Christ's  sympathetic  self-iden- 
tity with  sinful  mankind  became  so  complete 
that  He  seemed  to  experience  the  isolation  from 
the  Father  which  is,  in  the  sinner,  self-inflicted. 
If  Jesus  shared  Israel's  belief  in  the  relation 
between  death  and  sin.  His  experience  of  the  one 
while  consciously  exempt  from  the  other  must, 
for  Him,  have  invested  death  with  a  unique 
significance.  All  exposition  by  sinners  of  a 
sinless  redemptive  experience  must  of  neces- 
sity fall  miserable  beneath  the  reahty  ;  but  no 
exposition  can  be  so  futile  as  that  which  for- 
gets that  it  is  interpreting  a  sinless  experience. 
(For  our  Lord's  words  spoken  from  the  Cross, 
see  Seven  Words,  The.)  (4)  Resurrection 
and  Ascension.  That  Jesus  did  not  remain  in 
death,  among  the  dead,  but  rose,  and  after  His 
Resurrection  was  seen  by  a  number  of  His 
disciples,  is  the  common  conviction  of  primi- 
tive apostolic  Christendom.  Here  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul  perfectly  concur.     It  is  thoroughly 


414 


JESXrS  CHRIST 


perverse  to  infer  from  the  discrepancies  of  the 
accounts  in  the  gospels  the  unhistoric  char- 
acter of  the  event.  Rather  we  see  that  a  fact 
can  stand  perfectly  secure  even  when  all  the 
narratives  of  it  include  conflicting  elements  (see 
Oskar  Holtzinann,  Christus,  p.  ii8).  [Resur- 
rection; Ascension.] — XI.  Christ's  Relation 
to  the  Father.  This  is  best  considered  last, 
when  the  process  of  self-revelation  is  complete, 
and  we  contemplate  a  finished  career.  If,  as 
we  have  seen,  the  instruction  of  the  Twelve  was 
progressive,  the  greatest  jiroblem,  that  of 
Christ's  personality,  could  only  be  fullv  de- 
clared as  the  consummation  of  all  else.  (For 
the  supernatural  claims  in  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount,  see  Lyttelton  and  our  art.  s.v.).  Our 
Lord's  theology  began  with  the  Jewish  concep- 
tion of  God  as  the  Father,  filled  with  a  depth 
of  meaning  to  which  the  O.T.  offers  no  real 
parallel.  Synoptic  testimony  yields  the  fol- 
lowing on  Christ's  personal  relation  to  that 
Fatherhood  :  Jesus  does  not  regard  Himself 
as  one  of  the  numerous  sons  of  God  ;  He  is 
conscious  of  Himself  as  the  Son,  in  a  sense 
which  is  absolute.  When  He  says,  "  So  also 
shall  My  Heavenly  Father  do  also  unto 
you  ..."  (Mt.l8.35),  the  implication  is  isola- 
tion from  mankind  and  unshared  proximity  to 
the  Father.  Cf.  Lu.22.2')  ("  1  appoint  imto  you 
a  kingdnm,  as  My  Father  hath  appointed  unto 
Me")  and  Mk.l2.i  (the  only  and  beloved  son). 
The  central  Synoptic  passage  in  this  connexion 
is  of  course  Mk.ll.27  and  ff.  Even  Holtzmann 
says,  "Jesus  realizes  that  He  alone  knows  God. 
This,  notwithstanding  Israel's  ancient  belief, 
that  it  had  received  a  revelation  of  Him  in  the 
law  and  in  the  prophets  "  {L.J.  p.  284).  We 
should  rather  agree  with  Bovon  that  the  text 
is  "  un  passage  .  .  .  dont  le  caractere  et  la  con- 
ception sont  strictement  Johanniques  "  {Theol. 
de  N.T.  i.  167).  This  full,  unique,  mutual 
knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  Father  and  the 
Son  contains  the  most  profound  implications. 
It  is  hopelessly  inadequate  to  say  that  such  a 
Sonship  differs  in  degree  but  not  in  kind  from 
that  possible  to  the  generality  of  men.  "  He 
felt,"  says  Bousset  (/^sws,  p.  179),  "  that  He 
stood  in  such  closeness  of  communion  with  God 
the  Father  as  belonged  to  none  before  or  after 
Him."  "Jesus  is  convinced,"  saj's  Harnack, 
"  that  He  knew  God  in  a  way  in  which  no  one 
ever  knew  Him  before.  .  .  .  In  this  conscious- 
ness He  knows  Himself  to  lie  the  Son  called 
and  instituted  of  God,  to  be //le  Son  of  God,  and 
hence  He  can  say.  My  God  and  My  Father,  and 
into  this  invocation  He  jnits  something  which 
belongs  to  no  one  but  Himself.  How  He  came  to 
this  consciousness  of  the  unicjue  character  of 
His  relation  to  God  as  a  Son  .  .  .  is  His  secret, 
and  no  psychology  will  ever  fathom  it  "  (What 
is  Christianity  ?  p.  128).  Harnack  adds  the 
curious  sentences,  "  Here  all  research  must 
stop.  .  .  .  No  one  could  fathom  this  mystery  who 
had  not  had  a  i)arallel  experience  "  (p.  120). 
Certainly  Incarnation  does  not  admit  a  parallel 
experience,  aiul  we  must  agree  that  no  one 
could  fathom  the  mystery.  But  this  "  con- 
sciousness of  unique  relation  to  God  as  Son  " 
which  is  "  Christ's  secret,"  and  which  "  no  psy- 
chology will  ever  fathom,"  may  well  suggest 
that  nothing  l)ut  Incarnation  can  really  accoimt 
fur  it.    Moreover,  is  it  not  possible  to  believe  a 


JESITS  CHRIST 

fact  where  one  cannot  fathom  a  mystery  ? 
Indeed,  unless  the  possibility  of  Incarnation  be 
denied  on  a  priori  grounds,  the  greatest  weight 
may  well  be  conceded  to  the  primitive  Chris- 
tian consciousness  which  believed  itself  forced 
to  that  conclusion.  F"or  we  have  to  remember, 
as  Harnack  elsewhere  says,  that  "  we  must  not 
be  content  to  exhibit  the  mere  image  of  Jesus 
Christ  and  the  main  features  of  His  Gospel. 
We  must  not  be  content  to  stop  there,  because 
every  great  and  powerful  personality  reveals  a 
part  of  what  it  is  only  when  seen  in  those  whom 
it  influences.  .  .  .  We  must  look  at  the  reflection 
and  the  effects  which  He  produced  in  those 
whose  leader  and  master  He  became  "  (op.  cit. 
p.  10).  Now,  the  effect  which  Christ  produced 
on  the  apostolic  community  is  assuredly  be- 
lief in  His  literal  equality  with  the  Father.  It 
is  of  course  quite  true  that  the  Christology  of 
the  Marcan  narrative  is  vastly  simpler  in  form 
than  that  of  the  Fourth  Gospel ;  and  that  the 
individual  estimate  of  the  evidence  will  be 
modified  by  the  value  attached  to  the  latter 
document  ;  true  also  that  the  expression,  "  Son 
of  God,"  is  capable,  like  the  term  "Father- 
hood," or  "  God,"  of  being  filled  with  deeper  or 
shallower  contents.  Hut  it  will  always  be  most 
difficult  to  prove  that  the  deeper  contents  were 
absent  from  the  earlier  forms  of  apostolic 
thought,  and  still  more  from  the  Intention 
which  created  Christianity,  if  at  any  rate  God 
in  any  real  sense  was  in  Christ.  Three  stages  of 
meaning  are  readily  traceable  in  the  expression 
"  Son  of  God  "  :  adoption,  which  all  might  share 
and  therefore  none  need  dispute  ;  official  or 
Messianic,  belonging  to  the  selected  Head  of  the 
chosen  race  ;  personal  or  essential,  denoting 
literal  equality,  which  is  the  only  sense  which 
will  do  justice  to  the  Gospel  facts  and  claims, 
as  it  certainly  is  that  affirmed  by  St.  Paul  and 
the  Fourth  Evangelist,  and  accepted  by  the 
consciousness  of  the  primitive  Christian  com- 
munity. It  is  incontestable  that  in  St.  John  the 
expression  "  Son  of  God  "  is  filled  with  the  pro- 
foundest  contents  conceivable.  The  Christian 
community  was  founded  on  belief  in  Jesus  as 
the  Christ  and  as  the  divine  Son  of  God.  The 
latter  is  proved  by  the  prayers  addressed  to 
Him.  And  that  theology  alone  is  really  Chris- 
tian which  acknowledges  these  two  truths. 
(Liitgert,  Gottcs  Sohn  unci  Geist,  p.  4.) — XII.  It 
is  impossible  to  appreciate  tlie  Biblical  data  on 
the  life  of  Jesus  without  considering  the  rela- 
tion between  the  teaching  of  Christ  and  the 
teaching  of  the  apostles.  Christ's  teaching  was 
involved  in  various  limitations,  (i)  The  re- 
cipient's capacity.  (2)  The  circumstances,  since 
He  spoke  in  anticipation  and  not  in  retrospect. 
(3)  His  mission,  which  was,  not  so  much  to 
preach  the  (iospel  as  so  to  live  that  there  might 
be  a  Ciospel  to  preach.  (4)  Psychological : 
self-revealing  is  not  confined  to  words,  but  is 
achieved  in  a  thousand  subtle,  indefinable 
ways.  A  personality  can  only  be  fully  known 
by  hisself-imprrssidii  upon  his  contemporaries. 
Now,  Christ  wrote  nothing.  His  metiiod  of 
self-revealing  to  a  chosen  circle  manifests  a 
fearless  confidence  in  the  adequacy  of  their 
iiltimati-  testimony  to  His  Person  and  work. 
Christ  (Aidcntly  anticijiated  that  His  teaciiing 
would  reach  the  vast  mass  of  mankind  through 
other  lips  than  His  own.    Therefore,  to  accept 


jestjs  the  r'ATHER  01*  sirach: 

the  apostolic  interpretation  of  His  worth  is 
only  to  obey  the  intentions  of  Christ  Himself 
as  declared  in  the  method  of  His  procedure. 
No  severance  of  the  Master's  teaching  from 
that  of  the  apostles  is  in  accordance  with  the 
Master's  mind.  It  is  in  the  apostles  as  fash- 
ioned by  the  influence  of  Christ  that  the  full 
exposition  of  His  own  teaching  and  principles 
is  really  to  be  found  (Jn. 16.12,13  ;  cf.  B. 
Weiss,  Bibl.  Theol.  i.  47  ;  R.  J .  Drummond, 
Apostolic  Teaching  and  Christ's  Teaching). 
[God  ;  Incarnation  ;  Mediator  ;  Saviour  ; 
Sacrifice;  Coming,  Second;  etc.]      [w.j.s.s.] 

Jesus  the  father  of  Sirach,  and 
grandfather  of  the  following  (Ecclus.  prol.). 

Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  is  described  in 
Ecclus. 50. 27  (cf.  prol.)  as  the  author  of  that 
book,  which  in  the  LXX.,  and  generally,  is 
called  by  his  name  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  son 
of  Sirach,  or  simply  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach. 
The  same  passage  speaks  of  him  as  a  native  of 
Jerusalem  ;  and  the  internal  character  of  the 
book  confirms  its  Palestinian  origin. 

Je'thep. — 1.  Jetiiro,  the  father-in-law  of 
Moses  (Ex. 4.18). — 2.  The  firstborn  of  Gideon's 
seventy  sons  (Judg.8.20). — 3-  The  father  of 
Amasa,  captain-general  of  Absalom's  army. 
J  ether  is  merely  another,  and  probably  more 
correct,  form  of  Ithra  (2Sam.i7.25).  He  is 
described  in  iChr.2.17  as  an  Ishmaelite,  which 
again  is  more  probably  correct  than  the 
"  Israelite  "  of  the  Heb.  in  2Sam.l7,  or  the 
"  Jezreelite  "  of  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  in  the 
same  passage. — 4.  The  son  of  Jada,  a  de- 
scendant of  Hezron,  of  thetribeof  Judah  (iChr. 
2.32). — 5.  The  son  of  Ezra,  whose  name  occurs 
in  a  dislocated  passage  in  the  genealogy  of 
Judah  (4.17). — 8.  Chief  of  an  Asherite  family 
of  warriors,  and  father  of  Jephunneh  (7.38). 
Probably  =  Ithran  (ver.  37). 

Jetheth'  (Gen. 36. 40),  a  descendant  of  Esau, 
and  a  "duke"  or  "leader"  in  Edom.    [c.r.c.] 

Jethlah'  (R.V.  Ithlah),  a  city  of  Dan 
(Jos. 19. 42).     The  site  is  doubtful,      [c.r.c] 

Jethpo'(Heb.  yiOfro;  or yether  in  Ex.4.i8), 
the  father-in-law  of  Moses,  otherwise  Reuel, 
2.  The  latter  name  may  have  been  ancestral, 
and  Reuel,  or  Jethro,  the  "  priest  "  (kohen)  of 
Midian  [Madian]  in  the  Sinaitic  Desert,  was 
probably  descended  from  the  son  of  Esau,  i. 
Jethro  signifies  "  excellent,"  and  Reuel  has  a 
similar  meaning,  "  friend  of  God."  His  son 
HoBAB  (Num. 10. 29)  was  a  "  connexion  "  by 
marriage  of  Moses  [hothen,  Judg.4.ii),  and  the 
"  father-in-law  of  Moses"  is  otherwise  called  a 
Kenite(l.i6).  [Kenites.]  Jethro  (Ex.3. i,4.i8, 
I8.1-12)  gave  his  daughter  Zipporah  (2. 21)  to 
Moses,  and  she  was  sent  back  to  him  (18. 2) 
with  her  two  sons  (vv.  3,4).  He  met  Moses  again 
at  Rephidim  (17.8, 18. i),  and  acknowledged 
Jehovah  as  the  greatest  of  Elohim  (18. 10-12) 
to  whom  he  offered  sacrifices.  He  advised  a 
definite  organization  of  the  congregation  (vv. 
14-26),  and  then  returned  to  his  home  (ver. 27). 
The  old  difficulty  as  to  his  being  called  both 
Reuel  and  Jethro  (and  not  Hobab)  would  be 
easily  explained  if  the  original  records  were 
written  in  cuneiform  [Writing],  for  the  differ- 
ence between  It-ru  and  R'eu-ili  in  that  script  is 
a  matter  of  a  single  short  stroke  which  would 
easily  be  omitted,  or  otherwise  obliterated. 
The  fact  that  the  Heb.  scribes  preserved  this 


JEWS'  LANaTTAGE,  IN  THE      415 

discrepancy,  which  was  early  noticed  by  the 
Rabbis,  is  one  of  the  cases  which  prove  their 
scrupulous  preservation  of  the  text,     [c.r.c] 

Jetup'  (Gen. 25. 15  ;  iChr. 1.31,5. 19)  =  Itu- 
raea. 

Jeuel'. — 1.  A  man  of  Judah,  of  the  Bene- 
Zerah  (iChr.9.6).— 2.   (iEsd.8.39)  =  jEiEL,  7. 

Jeush'. — 1.  An  Edomite  "  duke  "  ;  son  of 
Esau,  by  Aholibamah  the  daughter  of  Anah 
(Gen.36.5,14,18;  iChr.1.35). — 2.  A  Benjamite, 
son  of  Bilhan  (7. 10, 11). — 3.  A  Gershonite 
Levite,  of  the  house  of  Shimei  (23. 10,11).— 
4.  Son  of  Rehoboam  (2Chr.ll.19). 

Jeuz',  a  Benjamite  in  an  obscure  genealogy 
(iChr.8.10),  apparently  son  of  Shaharaim  and 
Hodesh  his  third  wife,  and  born  in  Moab. 

Je^v.  The  use  of  this  term,  which  applies 
properly  to  persons  belonging  to  Judah,  ap- 
pears to  be  entirely  subsequent  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  It  is  probably 
owing  to  this  circumstance  that  we  do  not  find 
it  used  in  contrast  with  the  northern  tribes,  but 
only  in  opposition  to  the  Gentile  peoples  (Je. 
34.9).  After  the  return  from  the  Captivity  it 
is  still  used  by  writers  at  Jerusalem  in  its 
original  sense  (Ne.4.i2  ;  Zech.8.23).  But  at 
a  later  period  the  book  of  Esther  illustrates 
an  extended  meaning  of  the  term,  and  it 
occurs  as  the  common  title  of  all  who  belonged 
to  the  Heb.  family,  the  predominant  surviving 
element  thus  giving  its  name  to  the  whole 
(Esth.3.13).  In  the  N.T.  in  general  the  title 
has  the  same  meaning.  With  St.  Paul,  however, 
it  has  a  religious  as  well  as  a  national  associa- 
tion. It  stands  in  connexion  with  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Mosaic  Law,  and  is  used  of  those 
Judaic  Christians  who  insisted  upon  its 
obligation.  These  are  referred  to  without 
qualification  as  "  the  Jews  "  (Gal. 2. 13),  and  the 
observance  by  Gentiles  of  the  ceremonial  of 
the  law  is  described  as  judaizing  (Gal. 2. 14). 
But  from  another  point  of  view  St.  Paul  uses 
the  term  as  a  title  of  honour  for  those  whose 
religion  is  spiritual,  and  not  merely  the  perform- 
ance of  external  ceremonies  (Ro.2.28f.).  The 
same  idea  occurs  in  Rev. 2. 9.  A  quite  different 
use  again  is  found  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  where 
"the  Jews"  are  those  of  the  chosen  people 
who  have  rejected  Christianity  and  banded 
themselves  together  in  definite  opposition  to 
it  (Jn.6.41,  etc.).     [Jewry.]  [j.c.v.d.] 

Jev/'els.     [Precious  Stones.] 

Jewr'ess,  a  woman  of  Hebrew  birth,  or  a 
Judaeanwoman.  [Jewry.]  Applied  to  Eunice 
(Ac.l6.i;c/.  2Tim.3.i5)andDrusilla(Ac.24.24). 

Je^v'ish,  an  epithet  applied  contemptuously 
by  St.  Paul  to  Rabbinical  legends  (Tit. 1. 14). 

Jewpy  (Dan.5.13;  R.V.  Judah).  The  Jews 
are  first  noticed  in  2K.I6.6  (Heb.  y<'hu- 
dhtm),  where  "men  of  Judah"  are  meant; 
and  false  criticisms  have  been  due  to  the 
misunderstanding  of  the  name  C^ovdaioL), 
which  is  used  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  its  strict 
sense  as  applying  to  the  inhabitants  of  Judaea, 
and  not  in  the  modern  sense  as  meaning  all 
Israel.     [Jew;  Judea.]  [c.r.c] 

JeAvs'  lang-uag-e.  In  the  (lit.  "  Jew- 
ishly  "  ;  for  the  Heb.  must  be  taken  adverbially) . 
It  was  applied  to  the  Heb.  language  before  the 
Captivity  (2K.18.26,28;  2Chr.32.i8;  Is.36.ii, 
13)  as  well  as  that  after  it  (Ne.i3.24),  which 
latter  was  Aramaic.     [Semitic  Languages.  ] 


416 


JEZANIAH 


Jezanlah',  the  soa  of  Hoshaiah,  the 
Maachathite,  aad  one  of  the  captains  of  the 
forces,  who  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  joined 
Gedaliah  at  Mizpah.  In  the  events  which 
followed  the  assassination  of  that  officer 
Jezaniah  took  a  prominent  part  {Je.40.8,42.i). 
The  Azariah  of  Je.43.2  is  apparently  to  be 
identified  with  Jezaniah,  who  is  called 
Jaazaniah  in  2 K. 25. 23. 

Jezebel,  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  wife  of 
Ahab.  Her  marriage  with  Ahab  marks  a 
turning-point  for  evil  in  the  history  of  Israel, 
and  indirectly  in  Judaea,  for  Athaliah  was 
Jezebel's  daughter.  She  combined  wickedness 
and  sensuality  with  the  sternest  and  fiercest 
qualities  inherent  in  the  Phoenician  people. 
In  her  hands  her  husband  became  a  mere  pup- 
pet (iK.21.25).  The  first  effect  of  her  influ- 
ence was  the  establishment  of  the  Phoenician 
worship  of  Baal  and  Astarte  (16.31,32,18.19) 
and  the  destruction  of  the  prophets  of  Jehovah 
(I8.13  ;  2K.9.7).  When  at  last  the  people,  at 
the  instigation  of  Elijah,  rose  against  her 
prophets,  and  slaughtered  them  at  the  foot  of 
Carmel,  and  Ahab  was  terrified  into  submission, 
she  alone  retained  her  presence  of  mind,  and 
her  only  answer  was  a  message  of  defiance  to 
Elijah,  "  So  let  the  gods  do  to  me,  and  more 
also,  if  I  make  not  thy  life  as  one  of  them  by 
to-morrow  at  this  time"  (iK.19. 1,2).  The  next 
instance  of  her  power  and  unscrupulousness  is 
found  in  the  story  of  Naboth.  She  wrote  a 
warrant  in  Ahab's  name  and  sealed  it  with  his 
seal.  To  her,  and  not  to  Ahab,  was  the  an- 
nouncement made,  "  Naboth  is  stoned  and  is 
dead,"  and  she  bade  her  husband  take  posses- 
sion of  the  vineyard  ;  and  on  her  accordingly 
fell  the  prophet's  curse,  as  well  as  on  her  hus- 
band (21.1-24).  She  survived  Ahab  14  years, 
and  still,  as  queen-mother,  was  a  great  person- 
age in  the  court  of  her  sons,  and,  as  such,  be- 
came the  special  mark  for  the  vengeance  of 
Jehu.  With  undaunted  spirit  she  determined 
to  meet  the  destroyer  of  her  family.  As  he 
neared  J  ezreel  she  stood  at  the  window  over  the 
city  gate,  arrayed  in  royal  robes,  and,  looking 
down  upon  him,  flung  out  the  taunt,  "  Is  it 
well,  thou  Zimri,  thy  master's  murderer?" 
(2K.9.31,  R.V.  marg.).  At  Jehu's  command  the 
eunuchs  hurled  her  from  the  window,  and  she 
fell  in  front  of  the  usurper's  chariot.  Her  blood 
was  sprinkled  on  the  palace  wall  and  on  the 
horses  of  J  ehu.  The  merciless  destroyer  passed 
on,  and  the  last  remains  of  life  were  trampled 
out  by  the  horses'  hoofs.  During  the  banquet 
held  to  celebrate  his  success,  Jehu  remembered 
the  fallen  queen  and  commanded  that  she 
should  be  buried.  But  only  "  the  skull,  and  the 
feet,  and  the  palms  of  her  hands  "  remained 
(9.30-37).  Her  name  became  a  title  of  reproach 
for  any  who  indulged  in  idolatrous  practices 

(Re\.2.20).       [NiCOLAITANES.]  [h.c.b.] 

Jeze'lus. — 1.  (ilCsd.8.32)  =  jAiiAZiEL,  5. — 
2.  (iI-:sd.8.35)  =  JiaiiEL,  8. 

Je'zer,  third  son  of  Naphtali  (Gen. 46. 24  ; 
Num. 26. 49  ;  iChr.7.13),  and  ancestor  of  the 
Jezenites,  who  were  numbered  in  the  plains 
of  Moab. 

Jezlah',  a  descendant  of  Parosh,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.25). 

Jeziel',  a  Benjamite  archer  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.3). 


JOAB 

Jezliah',  a  Benjamite  chief  of^the  sons  of 
Elpaal  (iChr.8.i8). 

Jezoap',  son  of  Ashur  by  Helah  (iChr.4.7). 

Jezpahiah',  the  Levite  choir-leader  at  the 
dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.42). 

Jezpeel'  (=  God  sowed). — 1.  A  town  near 
the  border  of  Issachar  (Jos. 19. 18)  ;  now 
Zer'in,  a  village  on  the  N.W.  slope  of  Gilboa. 
Here  Saul  was  killed  by  the  Philistines  (iSam. 
29. 1, 11),  and  here  Ishbosheth  succeeded  him 
(2Sam.2.9).  The  "  fountain  [Heb.  'ayin]  by 
J  ezreel,"  where  Saul  camped,  was  no  doubt 
the  fine  spring  N.  of  the  village.  J  ezreel 
was  included  in  Solomon's  fifth  district  (iK. 
4.12),  answering  to  Issachar.  It  was  the 
home  of  Naboth,  whose  vineyard  adjoined 
Ahab's  palace  (18.45,21.1,23).  Rock-hewn 
wine-presses  still  remain  on  the  hill  E.  of  the 
village.  The  site  commands  a  view  of  the 
valley  of  J  ezreel,  up  which  the  watchman  on 
the  tower  saw  Jehu  advancing.  The  chariots 
of  the  two  kings  met  him  probably  in  the  flat 
ground  N.  of  the  city  ;  and  Ahab's  son  was 
afterwards  cast  into  the  field  of  Naboth  (2K. 
9-17-37)  with  Jezebel,  while  Ahaziah  escaped 
N.  [GuR.]  Elijah  doomed  Jezebel  to  be  eaten 
by  dogs  "  by  the  wall  of  Jezreel  "  (1K.2I.23), 
but  Ahab's  doom  was  remitted  (fu.  24,29),  fall- 
ing on  his  son,  though  his  own  blood  was 
lapped  by  dogs  at  Samaria  (iK. 22.38).  Hosea 
(I.4-11)  refers  to  Jehu's  cruelty,  and  promises 
an  "  answer  "  to  the  prayers  of  Jezreel  (2.22). 
The  Valley  of  Jezreel  {'emcq  yizr^'il)  is  the 
broad  vale  running  E.  to  Jordan  (Jos. 17. 16  ; 
Judg.6.33  ;  Ho. 1.5). — 2.  A.  town  in  the  moun- 
tains S.  of  Hebron  (Jos.i5.56;  cf.  iChr.4.3), 
the  home  of  David's  wife  Ahinoam  (iSam.25. 
43,  etc. ).  The  site  is  unknown. — 3.  The  eldest 
son  of  the  prophet   Hosea  (I.4).      [c.r.c] 

Jez'peellte,  applied  to  Naboth  only  (iK. 
21. iff.  ;    2K.9.2i,25).     [Jezreel,  i.] 

Jezpeeli'tess,  applied  only  to  David's 
wife,  Ahinoam  (iSam.27.3,30.5  ;  2Sam.2.2, 
3.2  ;  iChr.3.1).     [Jezreel,   2.] 

Jibsam',  son  of  Tola,  the  son  of  Issachar 
(iChr.7.2). 

Jidlaph',  a  son  of  Nahor  (Gen. 22.22). 

Jimna'  (Num.26. 44),  Jimnah  (Gen. 46. 
17),  the  firstborn  of  .\sher,  called  Imnah  in 
iChr.7.30  ;   ancestor  of  the  Jimnites. 

Jlphtah',  a  city  of  J  udah  in  the  Shephclah 
(Jos. 15. 4^).     The  site  is  unknown,    [c.r.c] 

Jiphthah-el',  Valley  of  (Jos.19.27)- 
[Dabbasheth.] 

Joab'. — 1.  Son  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister 
(iChr.2.ifi).  and  brother  of  Abishai  and  Asahel. 
Nothing  is  known  of  his  father  excejit  that  his 
sepulchre  was  at  Bethlehem  (2Sam.2.32).  We 
first  iiear  of  Joab  on  the  occasion  of  the  strife 
at  (libeon  between  David's  and  Ishbosheth's 
men  (2.i2ff.).  Abner,  who  commanded  the 
latter,  w.is  defeated,  and  on  his  retreat  reluct- 
antly killed  .\sahel.  Joab  voluntarily  gave  up 
the  jjursuit  and  returned  to  Hebron,  but  his 
vengeance  was  only  postponed.  Some  time 
afterwards  Joab  heard  that  Abner,  who  had 
quarrelled  with  Ishbosheth,  had  in  his  absence 
paid  a  visit  to  David,  and  been  received  into 
favour  (3.23).  He  remonstrated  with  the 
king,  and  then,  unknown  to  Davitl,  inunedi- 
ately  sent  messengers  after  Abner,  who  was 
overtaken  by  them  at  the  well  of  Sirah.     Not 


J-OAB 

Suspecting  treachery,  Abner  returned  at  once 
to  Hebron,  and  as  he  entered  the  gate,  Joab 
took  him  aside,  andstabbedhimtodeath(3.27). 
[Abner.]  There  was  now  no  rival  left  in  the 
way  of  Joab's  advancement,  and  at  the  siege 
of  Jebus  he  was  appointed  for  his  prowess  chief 
captain  of  the  host  (iChr.11.6  ;  2Sam.8.i6). 
In  this  post  he  served  the  king  with  undeviat- 
ing  fidelity.  He  had  a  chief  armour-bearer  of 
his  own,  Naharai,  a  Beerothite  (2Sam.23.37  ; 
iChr.11.39),  and  ten  attendants  to  carry  his 
equipment  and  baggage  (2Sam.l8.15).  He  had 
the  charge  of  giving  the  signal  by  trumpet  for 
advance  or  retreat  (18. 16).  He  was  called  by 
the  almost  regal  title  of  "  lord  "  (11. 11),  "  the 
prince  of  the  king's  army  "  (iChr.27.34).  His 
usual  residence  was  in  J  erusalem,  but  he  had 
a  house  and  property  in  the  country  (2Sam.l3. 
23),  in  the  "wilderness  "  (iK.2.34),  probably 
on  the  N.E.  of  Jerusalem  (cf.  iSam.l3.i8  ;  Jos. 
8.15,20),  near  an  ancient  sanctuary,  called 
from  its  nomadic  village  "  Baal-hazor  "  (2Sam. 
13.23  ;  cf.  with  14.30),  where  there  were  exten- 
sive sheepwalks.  (i)  His  great  war  was  that 
against  Axamon,  which  he  conducted  in  person 
in  three  campaigns,  (a)  Against  the  allied 
forces  of  Syria  and  Ammon.  (b)  Against 
Edom.  The  decisive  victory  was  gained  by 
David  himself  in  the  "  valley  of  salt,"  and 
celebrated  by  a  triimaphal  monimaent  (8.13). 
To  Joab  it  fell  to  complete  the  work,  and  he 
remained  for  6  months,  extirpating  the  male 
population,whomhethenburied(iK.ll.i5,i6). 
(c)  Against  the  Ammonites.  They  were  again 
left  to  Joab(2Sam.l0.7-i9).  Atthesiegeof  Kab- 
bah, the  ark  was  sent  with  him,  and  the  whole 
army  was  encamped  in  booths  or  huts  round 
the  beleaguered  city  (ll.i,ii).  After  a  sortie 
of  the  inhabitants,  which  caused  some  loss  to 
his  army,  Joab  took  the  lower  city  on  the  river, 
and  then,  in  a  magnanimous  spirit  of  loyalty, 
sent  to  urge  David  to  come  and  take  the  citadel, 
so  that  the  king  himself  might  have  the  honour 
of  the  victory  (12.26-29).  (2)  In  the  entangled 
relations  which  grew  up  in  David's  domestic 
life,  Joab  bore  an  important  part,  (a)  His 
unscrupulous  conduct  in  cormexion  with 
Uriah  is  related  in  11. 1-25.  (b)  His  success  in 
reinstating  Absalom  in  David's  favour  after 
the  miurder  of  Amnon  in  14. 1-20.  (c)  At 
Absalom's  rebellion  he  remained  loyal.  He 
accompanied  the  king  beyond  the  J  ordan,  and 
in  the  final  battle  of  Ephraim  assmned  the 
responsibility  of  taking  the  rebel's  life,  in  spite 
of  David's  injunction  to  spare  him.  For  this 
politic  act  David  transferred  the  captaincy  of 
the  troops  to  Amasa,  who  had  been  Absalom's 
commander-in-chief  (18.2,11-15,19.13).  (d)  At 
Sheba's  revolt,  Amasa  proved  himself  incap- 
able, and  David  appointed  Abishai  to  take  the 
command  of  the  army.  Joab  went  with  his 
brother,  and  in  the  heat  of  the  pursuit  encoim- 
tered  Ajnasa,  whom  he  treacherously  slew  at 
the  "  great  stone  "  in  Gibeon  (20.1,4-13).  (e) 
Having  removed  his  rival,  Joab  took  the 
lead,  Euid  speedily  brought  the  campaign  to  a 
successful  issue  (2O.14-22).  (/)  On  David's 
determination  to  number  his  people,  Joab's 
strenuous  remonstrance  was  in  vain  (24.2-4). 
(3)  Joab's  end  was  moiu'nful.  At  the  close  of 
his  long  life,  his  loyalty,  so  long  imshaken,  at 
last  wavered.     "  Though  he  had  not  turned 


JOASH 


417 


after  Absalom  he  turned  after  Adonijah  "  (iK. 
2.28).  This  probably  filled  up  the  measure  of 
the  king's  long-cherished  resentment.  The 
revival  of  the  pretensions  of  Adonijah  after 
David's  death  was  suflScient  to  awaken  the 
suspicions  of  Solomon.  J  oab  fled  to  the  shelter 
of  the  altar  at  Gibeon,  and  was  there  slain  by 
Benaiah.-^2.  Son  of  Seraiah,  and  descendant 
of  Kenaz  (iChr.4.14). — 3.  Head  of  a  family, 
not  of  priestly  or  Levitical  rank,  whose  descen- 
dants, with  those  of  Jeshua,  were  the  most 
numerous  of  all  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2.6,8.9  ;  Ne.7.11  ;  iEsd.8.35).      [h.c.b.] 

Jo'achaz  (iEsd.l.34)  =  jEHOAHAz,  2. 

Joa'chim. — 1.  (Ba.l.3)  =  Jehoiakim. — 2. 
A  "  high-priest  "  at  Jerusalem  ;  "  the  son  of 
Chelcias  " — i.e.  Hilkiah  (Ba.1.7)- 

Joacim  (Joakitn,  R.V.)..^1.  (iEsd.l.37) 
=  Jehoiakim. — 2.  (I.43)  =  Jehoiachin. — 3. 
A  high-priest,  the  son  of  Zorobabel=  Joiakim 
(5.5).— 4.  The  high-priest  "who  was  in  Jeru- 
salem" (Jth.4.6,14,15.8). — 5.  The  husband  of 
Susanna  (Sus.iff.). — 6.  The  father  of  the 
B.V.M.  in  apocryphal  gospels.         [c.r.d.b.] 

Joada'nus,  son  of  Jeshua  (iEsd.9.19) ; 
apparently  called  Gedaliah  in  Ezr.10.i8. 

Joah'.  —  1.  Son  of  Asaph,  and  chronicler, 
or  keeper  of  the  records,  to  Hezekiah  (Is. 36. 3, 
11,22). — 2.  Son  of  Zimmah,  a  Gershonite  (i 
Chr.6.2i). — 3.  Third  son  of  Obed-edom  (iChr. 
26.4),  a  Korhite,  and  one  of  the  doorkeepers 
appointed  by  David. — 4.  A  Gershonite,  the 
son  of  Zimmah,  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr. 
29.12). — 5.  The  son  of  Joahaz,  and  keeper  of 
the  records,  or  annalist,  to  Josiah  (2Chr.34.8). 

Joahaz',  father  of  Joah,  5  (2Chr.34.8). 

Jo'anan  (iEsd.9.i)  =  Johanan,  8. 

Joan'na,  son  of  Rhesa  (Lu.3.27) — i.e.  son 
of  Zerubbabel — the  Hananiah  of  iChr.3.19. 

Joanna,  "  wife  of  Cbuza,  steward  of 
Herod"  (Lu.8.3),  a  lady  of  the  court  of 
Antipas  ;  one  of  the  group  of  women  who 
accompanied  Jesus  on  His  circuit  in  Galilee 
between  Nain  and  Capernaum,  and,  later, 
visited  His  tomb  only  to  find  it  empty  (Lu. 
24.10).  Chuza  may  have  been  the  nobleman 
whose  son  Jesus  healed,  in  which  case  Joanna's 
gratitude  is  explained.  Dr.  Sanday  suggests 
that  she  may  have  been  the  channel  through 
which  the  story  of  the  Virgin  Birth  was  com- 
municated from  Mary,  the  mother  of  Jesus, 
to  St.  Luke.  [c.r.d.b.] 

Joan'nan,  surnamed  Caddis,  eldest  brother 
of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (iMac.2.2)  ;  called  John 
(iMac.9.36ff.)  and  Joseph  (2Mac.8.22,10.i9). 
He  was  slain  by  "  the  children  of  Jambri." 

Joapib'.     [Jehoiarib.] 

Jo'ash   (L"yi''),  son  of  Becher  (iChr.7.8). 

Joash'  (ti'NV),  a  contraction  of  Jehoash. 
— 1.  Son  of  Ahaziah  king  of  J  udah,  and  the  only 
one  of  his  children  who  escaped  the  murderous 
hand  of  Athaliah.  His  history  is  contained  in 
2K.11,12,  2Chr.22.io-24.  After  his  father's 
sister  Jehosheba,  the  wife  of  Jehoiada,  had 
stolen  him  from  among  the  king's  sons,  he  was 
hid  for  six  years  in  the  chambers  of  the  temple. 
In  the  7th  year  of  his  age  a  successful  revolu- 
tion placed  him  on  the  throne,  and  freed  the 
country  from  the  tyranny  and  idolatries  of 
Athaliah.  For  at  least  23  years,  while  Jehoiada 
lived,  this  reign  was  very  prosperous.    Except- 

27 


418 


JOATHAM 


ing  that  the  high  places  were  still  resorted  to 
for  incense  and  sacrifice,  pure  religion  was  re- 
stored, and  contributions  were  collected  and  the 
temple  repaired ;  andthe  country  seems  to  have 
been  free  from  foreign  invasion  and  domestic 
disturbance.  But,  after  thedeathof  Jehoiada, 
Joash  fell  into  the  hands  of  bad  advisers,  at 
whose  suggestion  he  revived  the  worship  of 
Baal  and  Ashtaroth.  Rebuked  for  this  by 
Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  Joash  caused 
him  to  be  stoned  to  death  in  the  very  court  of 
the  Lord's  house  (Mt.23.35).  The  vengeance 
imprecated  by  the  murdered  high-priest  was 
not  long  delayed.  That  very  year,  Hazael  king 
of  S>Tia  came  up  against  Jerusalem,  and  car- 
ried off  a  vast  booty  as  the  price  of  his  depar- 
ture. Joash  had  scarcely  escaped  this  danger, 
when  he  fell  into  another  and  fatal  one.  Two 
of  his  servants,  taking  advantage  of  his  severe 
illness,  probably  in  consequence  of  wounds  re- 
ceived in  battle,  conspired  against  him,  and 
slew  him  in  his  bed  in  the  fortress  of  Millo. 
J  cash's  reign  lasted  40  years. — 2.  King  of 
Israel,  son  of  Jehoahaz,  and  for  two  full  years 
contemporary  with  the  preceding  (2K.I4.1  ;  cf. 
with  12.1,13.10).  On  his  accession  the  king- 
dom was  in  a  deplorable  state  from  the  devas- 
tations of  Hazael  and  Benhadad,  kings  of 
Syria.  When  J  oash  visited  Elisha  on  his  death- 
bed, the  prophet  promised  him  deliverance 
from  the  Syrian  yoke  in  Aphek  {2K.i3.17ff.). 
He  then  bid  him  smite  upon  the  ground, 
and  the  king  smote  thrice  and  then  stayed. 
The  prophet  rebuked  him  for  staying,  and 
limited  to  three  his  victories  over  Syria. 
[Elisha.]  In  accordance  with  this  prophecy 
Joash  defeated  Benhadad  three  times,  and  re- 
covered from  him  the  cities  which  Hazael  had 
taken  from  Jehoahaz.  The  other  great  mili- 
tary event  of  Joash's  reign  was  his  successful 
war  with  Amaziah  king  of  J  udah.  The  grounds 
of  this  war  are  given  fully  in  2Chr.25.  The 
two  armies  met  at  Beth-shemesh,  that  of  Joash 
was  victorious,  put  the  army  of  Amaziah  to 
the  rout,  took  him  prisoner,  brought  him  to 
Jerusalem,  broke  down  the  wall  of  Jerusalem, 
and  plundered  the  city.  He  died  in  the  15th 
year  of  Amaziah  king  of  J  udah,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Jeroboam  II. — 3.  The  father 
of  Gideon,  and  a  wealthy  man  among  the 
Abiezrites(Judg.6.ii,29-32,7.i4,8.i3,29,32). — 
4.  Apparently  a  younger  son  of  Ahab,  who 
held  a  subordinate  jurisdiction  in  the  lifetime 
of  his  father,  or  was  appointed  viceroy  during 
his  absence  in  the  attack  on  Ramoth-gilead 
(iK. 22.26;  2Chr.l8.25).  Or  he  may  have 
been  merely  a  prince  of  the  blood-royal  or,  as 
Kawlinson  suggests,  a  state  officer.  [Mal- 
ciiiAii,  8. 1 — 5.  A  descendant  of  Shelah  the  son 
of  J  udah,  but  whether  his  son  or  the  son  of 
Jokim,  is  not  clear  (iChr.4.22). — 6.  A  Ben- 
jamitc,  son  of  Shemaah  of  Gibeah  (I2.3),  who 
joined  David  at  Ziklag. — 7.  An  officer  in 
David's  household  (27.28). 

Jo'atham  (.Mt.1.9)  =  Jotham,  2. 
Joazab'dus  (ii:sd.9.48)  =  Jozabad,  7. 
Job  |(.<ii.46.i;!).     [Jasihh,  2.) 
Job.    'i  he  Ixiok  of  Jol)  is  one  of  those  sacred 
books   tlic  literature  of   which  will  never  be 
Concluded  as  long  as  the  world  endures.     It  is 
most  probably  a  work  which — though  not  itself 
(properly    speaking)    historical — clearly   rests 


JOB 

ui)on"an[historical  substratum  of  fact.  The  his- 
tory, however,  is  of  little  importance  compared 
with  its  theology,  and  with  the  marvellous  facts 
of  nature  which  are  here  and  there  adduced 
to  explain  partially  that  theology.  The  book 
falls  naturally  into  five  parts:  (i)  The  pro- 
logue, containing  the  story  of  the  great  patri- 
arch and  his  fall  from  high  estate.  (2)  The 
discussion  between  his  three  friends,  who  came 
to  comfort  him  in  his  sorrow,  but  who  gave  him 
to  drink  no  "  cup  of  consolation,"  but  draught 
after  draught  of  exceeding  bitterness.  They 
longed  to  discover  why  the  patriarch  was 
so  terribly  afliicted,  and  with  that  desire 
probed  his  wounds  and  forced  upon  him  a 
discussicjii  which  only  added  to  his  sorrow. 
For  he  was  forced,  from  the  intense  conviction 
which  he  had  of  his  own  integrity,  to  wrestle 
constantly  with  his  frjpTult^  ;^j^  p(1\-pr<^^nripg  at  a 
season  when  he  would  naturally  have  preferred 
to  meditate  by  himself  upon  the  sorrows  which 
had  devastated  his  home,  destroyed  his  family 
circle,  and  made  his  body  (while  agonized  with 
pain)  an  object  of  horror  and  disgust  to  those 
who  ventured  near  him.  The  three  friends  were 
evidently  worsted  in  the  controversy  with  Job. 
(3)  The  discussion  was,  however,  continued  in 
a  different  strain  by  Elihu,  whose  speech, 
though  inferior  in  diction  to  those  of  the  dis- 
putants who  preceded  him,  is  more  profound 
from  a  theological  standpoint.  Wlicther  Eli- 
iiu's  speech  be  regarded  as  an  integral  part  of 
the  book  or  not,  tiie  book  of  Job  without  it 
would  be  far  inferior  in  theological  importance. 
The  subject  of  the  book  is  manifestly  the 
mystery  of  affliction  besetting  the  people  of 
(iod.  The  ingrained  belief  of  Job's  friends  was 
that  all  afflictions  were  more  or  less  the  result 
of  sin;  and  as  Job's  were  of  an  unprece- 
dented character,  they  maintained  that  he 
must  have  been  guilty  of  some  terrible  sin. 
As,  however,  the  patriarch  insisted  on  his  per- 
sonal integrity,  and  (driven  almost  to  madness 
by  their  rei^roaches)  ventured  oven  to  call  in 
question  the  justice  of  the  Most  High,  the 
friends  went  much  further  than  they  had  at 
first  intended,  and  openly  charged  him  with 
hypocrisy  and  deceit,  and  represented  him  as 
one  who,  although  he  had  borne  a  higii  charac- 
ter before  men,  was  (by  God's  dealing)  un- 
masked as  a  shameless  transgressor.  Job's 
friends  were  under  the  influence  of  a  narrow 
theology  which  was  unable  to  give  the  right  ex- 
planation of  such  an  experience  as  that  of  Job. 
'!'!](■  hi'^^ofv  yecordf-d  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
prologue  (concerning  the  challenge  of  Satan, 
the  great  adversary  and  the  accuser  of  the 
people  of  Ciod)  v^-^f,  unknown  to  them.  Their 
sole  explanation  of  allsucli  sullernigs  was  that 
they  must  be  pututivc.  This  was  a  solution 
which  Job  could  not  admit,  altliough  in  his  de- 
fence he  was  entangled  in  the  sin  of  siieaking 
bitter  things  against  God.  lililiii's  merit  mn- 
sistcd  ill  t  lie  ciliiiiu'ss  with  w  liii  ]i  lie  c.  uuli-iiiiif;^! 
j<rh  im  lh.-..iTrh:iii;l  nriil  p,.liil,,l  iaii,->m-W' 
'  'rt  Tliat  alllii  lions  were  oltfii  lu  rmittrd,  not 


as  iMirt'ly  pUliilm 
cliltrartcrT  (4)  The  next  imitii 
relates  "that  Jehovah  intervened  in  the  de- 
bate, although  He  did  not  explain  to  Job  what 
was  the  real  cause  of  his  sufTerings.  The  .\\- 
mighty  pointed  out  man's  iun^irance.  even  witii 


JOS 

rpt^pRr^  f"  rr^3»tArg  picK^^H  nnf^er  his  eye.  JThis 
was  a  practical  demonstration  thai  li  man 
could   be   so   ignorant   as   to   matters   which 
naturally  fell  under  his  own  observation,  it  was 
but  folly  to  expect  him  to  be  able  to  compre- 
hend superhuman  things,  which  (by  the  pro- 
vidence of  God)  were  shut  out  from  his  know- 
ledge.    In  the  speech  of  Jehovah  the  problem 
of  suffering  is  not,  indeed,  solved,  nor  even 
clearly  stated.     But   the  appearance  of  the 
Almighty  in  the  thunder-storm  was  enough  to 
convince  Job  of  the  sin  and  presumption  of 
which  he  had  been  guilty.     Hence  the  patri- 
arch at  once  acknowledges  his  sin.     He  abhors 
himself,   and  repents  in  dust  and  ashes.     (5) 
The  last  portion  of  the  book  then  relates  that 
the  friends,  who  had  blindly  striven  to  uphold 
the   Almighty's  justice,   were  condemned  for 
their  unjustice  towards  Job,  who  interceded  for 
them  ;    while  the  patriarch  was  compensated 
for  the  trials,  to  which  he  had  been  subjected 
in  order  to  prove  the  disinterestedness  of  true 
faith  in  God  before  the  great  adversary  and 
before  men.     There  are  many  points  in  this 
history  of  the  unseen  conflict  waged  between 
the  tempter  and  the  tempted  which  are  of  very 
great  importance.     The  "  sons  of  God  "  who 
presented  themselves  on  certain  days  before 
Jehovah,  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  angels 
[Sons  of  God],  although  such  an  interpreta- 
tion is  not  impossible.     But  if  Scripture  be  ex- 
plained by  Scripture,  the  long  line  of  passages 
beginning     with     Gen.6.1-4,    and    embracing 
Deut.l4.i  ;     Is.1.2,43.6  ;     Je.S.ig  ;     Ps.73.i5  ; 
Pr.14.26,  etc.,  justifies  that  phrase  being  inter- 
preted the  "professors  of  religion  on  earth."    It 
should  be  borne    in    mind   that  there  is  an 
"  accuser  of  the  brethren  "  often  spoken  of  as 
present  on  such  occasions,  keenly  observant  of 
any  halting  or  transgression  on  the  part  of  the 
professed  people  of  Jehovah  (as  in  Zech.3.1-3  ; 
Rev.i2.7-11).     He  is  sometimes  significantly 
referred  to  as  "  the  lying  spirit  "  (the  Heb. 
has  the  article  in  iK.22.22),  in  reference  to  his 
well-known  character.    Cf.  Rev. 20. 3, 8  ;  and  our 
Lord's   description   of   him  as    a  liar   and   a 
murderer  from  the  beginning  (Jn. 8. 44).    A.  B. 
Davidson   was,  therefore,  unfortunate  in   re- 
garding Satan  in  the  prologue  to  the  book  of 
Job  as  presenting  himself  before  God  to  report 
to  God,  or  to  receive  commissions  from  God. 
Satan  is  everywhere  in  Scripture  represented 
as  an  evil  power,  as  an  accuser  or  an  adversary 
— an  opponent  both  of  God  and  man ;    and, 
"  strong  "  as  he  is  in  some  respects,  there  is  a 
"  stronger  "  than  he,  without  whose  permis- 
sion Satan  is  unable  to  "  hurt  "  the  people  of 
God.     For,  notwithstanding  all  his  efforts,  he 
is  compelled  (malicious  though  he  be)  to  act  in 
subordination  to  a  higher  power ;  and  can  only 
bring  to  pass  such  afflictions  as  God's   hand 
and  counsel  has  fore-ordained  (Ac.4.28).     The 
theory  that  Satan  was  an  evil  power  intro- 
duced into  Jewish  theology  after  the  Exile,  has 
led  modern  scholars  to  err  widely  in  inter- 
preting   many    passages    of    the   O.T.     The 
O.T.  books  more  or  less  distinctly  reveal  the 
great  facts  of  sin  and  salvation.     They  contain 
a  light  which  shines  more  and  more  unto  the 
perfect  day-     Hence  we  refuse  to  ignore  the 
passages   which,    until   comparatively   recent 
years,  have  been  regarded  as  pointing  out  Him 


JOB 


419 


through  Whom  salvationhasbeen wrought — the 
great  Messiah — the  testimony  of  Whom  is  the 
spirit  of  prophecy.     Consequently,  we  coincide 
with  those  interpreters  who  see  a  reference  to 
that  Redeemer  in  Job  19.21,23-26,   although, 
most  probably,  not  there  to  the  resurrection. 
A  life  after  death  is  referred    to,  and   that  is 
all  that    could   have  been   expected  in    such 
early  days. — The  date  of  the  book  of  Job  is 
a    matter   never   likely    to   be   satisfactorily 
cleared  up.     The  deportations  of  peoples  from 
one  country  to  another,   which  was  so  char- 
acteristic a  feature  of  the  Assyrian  rule,   and 
which  seem  to  be  referred    to    in    12. 14-25, 
may  fairly  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  book 
was  written  in  that  period.     There    are  quo- 
tations  from  it  in   Ps.8.5.    Similarities    may 
be  traced   in   Ps. 72. 12, 13    (cf.  Job  29.12).    Of 
course   the   reverse    may    be    true,   and    the 
writer   may   have  imitated  the   Psalmist,    or 
both  may  have  drawn  from  a  common  source. 
Passages  closely  like  have  been  pointed  out  in 
Jeremiah.     There  is  no  reference  in  the  book 
to  tabernacle,  temple,  or  Levitical  law.     The 
scenes   with   which   the   writer   was   best    ac- 
quainted were  those   of  the  desert ;    but  the 
locality  of  Uz  is,  to  say  the  least,  doubtful.  But 
the  idea  that  it  was  written  before  Moses  rests 
upon  foundations  which  have  long  since  been 
shown  to  be  more  than  doubtful.     Job,  as  an 
historical   personage   noted   for   his   piety,  is 
mentioned  in  Ezk. 14. 14,20.     He  and  his  thxee 
friends  do  not  seem  to  have  been  Israelites. 
Elihu  alone  seems  to  have  been  connected  with 
the  family  of  Abraham,    though  it  is   quite 
possible  that  the  name  Ram  may  be  an  ab- 
breviation of  Aram.     The  critical  questions, 
apart  from  those  connected  with  the  prologue 
and   epilogue,    have   mainly   to   do   with   the 
speeches  of    Elihu,  the  authenticity  of   which 
has  been  much  discussed  by  scholars  in  all 
ages.     The  subject  is  so  complex,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  treat  it  fully  in  a  short  compass. 
Able  and  orthodox  scholars  have  Written  on 
both   sides.     The   pendulum   is   beginning   to 
swing  back  again,  in  favour  of  Elihu's  speeches 
forming  an  integral  part  of  the  book,  when  a 
critic  of  such  ability  as  Budde  has  expressed 
himself  in  favour  of  the  genuineness  of  that 
portion. — The   literature  of   the  book  is  most 
extensive.     Apart  from  casual  notices  of  the 
work,  e.g.    under  J  as. 5. 11,    the    exposition   of 
Gregory  the  Great  (d.  604)  is  of  not  a  little  im- 
portance ;    Spanheim  (1672)  has  much  of  in- 
terest; Schultens'  Liber  Jobi  (1737),  in  2  vols., 
was  a  masterly  work  for  that  date  ;  Prof.  S. 
Lee,  of  Cambridge,  in  1837  and  Schlottmann  in 
185 1  contributed  valuable  commentaries;   E. 
Renan  in  1865  wrote  on  the  book;  Heiligstedt 
contributed  to  Maurer's  Comm.  the  portion  on 
Job  in  1847  ;  C.  P.  Carey  wrote  a  large  comm., 
but    one     which    requires    to    be    read    with 
care,    as    its    scholarship    cannot    be    always 
depended  on.     A.  B.  Davidson  wrote  in  1862 
an  excellent  work,  which  he  left  unfinished.    In 
theCamb.  Bible  (1884)  Prof.  Davidson  wrote  a 
complete  comm.,  but  from  a  somewhat  different 
standpoint.     Of  the  German  commentaries  of 
Ewald  (1854)  an  Eng.  trans,  was  published  by 
Williams  &  Norgate  h)  1882.      Bernard's  Book 
of  Job,  edited  by  Cbraice,  is  a  bulky  volume, 
and  not  very  dependable.      Commentaries  of 


420 


jobab 


Hengstenberg  (1875),  Ad.  Merx  (1871),  F. 
Delitzsch  (1876),  Volck  (1889),  G.  H.  B.  Wright 
(1883),  S.  Cox  {1885),  etc.  [c.H.H.vv.] 

Jobab'. — 1.  Youngest  son  of  Joktan  (Gen. 
10.29  ;  iChr.1.23),  preceded  by  Havilah  and 
Ophir. — 2.  The  second  king  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 
33  ;  iChr.1.44).  He  was  the  son  of  Zerah  ; 
and  in  a  postscript  to  the  LXX.  of  Job  de- 
clared to  be  the  same  person  as  the  patriarch. 
—3.  King  of  Madon,  routed  by  Joshua  at 
Merom  (Jos. 11. i). — 4,  5.  Two  Benjamites 
(iChr.8.9,18).  .  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Joche'bed,  wife  and  aunt  of  Aniram,  and 
mother  of  Moses  (Ex. 6. 20  ;    Num. 26. 59). 

Jo'da  =  Judah  the  Levite  (iEsd.5.58  ; 
see  Ezr.3.9).     [HoDAViAH,  3.] 

Joed',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Pedaiah  and 
ancestor  of  Sallu  (Ne.ll.7). 

Joel  {yo'i'l,  Jehovah  is  God ;  'IwtjX). — 1. 
The  writer  of  the  book  which  stands  second 
in  order  of  the  Minor  Prophets.  The  only 
evidence  as  to  Joel's  date  is  the  position  thus 
assigned  him ;  and  it  is  clear  that  he  must 
be  viewed  either  as  very  early,  or  else  post- 
Exilic.  There  is  no  mention  of  the  Assyrians 
or  Babylonians,  or,  indeed,  of  any  foe  of 
Israel,  save  the  Phoenicians  and  Philistines 
(3.4[4.4]),  and  Egypt  and  Edom  (3.i9[4.i9]) ; 
but  in  no  case  does  the  allusion  give  us  any 
clue  to  the  date.  There  is  much  to  be  said 
for  the  view  that  Jehoshaphat's  victory  over 
Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom  (2Chr.20)  is  referred 
to  in  J1.3  (4,  Heb.)  ;  and  if  this  be  so,  we  ob- 
tain our  anterior  limit.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  first  point  of  contact  of  Assyria  with  Israel 
was  the  invasion  of  Pul  in  the  reign  of  Mena- 
hem  ;  Pul  being,  doubtless,  the  same  as  Tig- 
lath-pileser,  who  invaded  in  the  reign  of  Pekah. 
The  earliest  connexion  with  Judah  was  Sen- 
nacherib's invasion.  We  thus  fix  a  date  be- 
tween the  reigns  of  Jehoshaphat (873-848  B.C.) 
and  of  Menahem  (c.  748-740  B.C.).  A  pro- 
bable date  is  the  early  part  of  Joash's  reign, 
while  the  strong-handed  rule  of  Jehoiada 
guided  things  aright.  We  thus  explain  the 
absence  of  any  allusion  to  a  king.  The  real 
ruler  was  the  priestly  power  behind  the  throne. 
The  author  was  one  to  whom  the  temple  and 
its  services  were  dear.  There  is  no  reference 
to  any  idolatrous  practice;  but  this  also  is  in- 
telligible under  the  rule  of  Jehoiada.  The  only 
national  sin  spoken  of  is  drunkenness,  and  that 
only  incidentally  (I.5).  Some  scholars,  while 
accepting  the  two  above  limits,  suggest  the  reign 
of  Uzziah  for  the  period  of  Joel,  with  (we  think) 
less  likelihood.  Uzziah  reigned  (c.  792-740  B.C. ) 
much  nearer  to  the  time  of  the  Assyrian  in- 
vasion, and  his  contemporary,  Amos,  refers  to 
the  Assyrians  by  name.  Again,  one  can 
hardly  fancy  that  in  the  reign  of  so  strong- 
handed  a  king,  a  prophecy  would  be  altogetlier 
without  some  kind  of  reference  to  the  reigning 
monarch.  Of  course,  these  negative  argu- 
ments would  allow  of  a  post-lixilic  date  ;  but  to 
this  it  may  be  replied,  that  in  that  case  the 
autlujr  must  have  lived  not  long  before  the 
time  of  the  editors  of  the  Minor  Prophets,  who 
must  have  had  sonae  definite  knowledge  about 
him.  Again,  we  should  tiius  have  Joel  a  con- 
temporary of  Haggai  and  Malachi,  though  in 
beauty  of  diction  his  Heb.  stands  much  higlier 
than  theirs.     Some  of  the  arguments  urged  for 


JOHANAN 

the  late  date  do  not  seem  to  us  to  carry  much 
weight.  Ther?fHim(1.2,i4,2.i6,2.28L3.i])  may 
simply  be  old  men,  and  not  officials.  The  ab- 
sence of  allusion  to  idolatry  is  explained  by  the 
thoroughness  of  Jehoiada's  reforms  (2Chr.23). 
Again,  Joel's  message  is  to  Judah.  But  that  of 
Amos  was  to  Israel,  and  that  of  Elijah  and 
Elisha  almost  entirely  so  (except  21.12).  The 
reference  to  Greeks  (Jl.3.6)  is  urged  as  a  mark 
of  late  date ;  yet  not  only  are  they  certainly 
mentioned  in  an  inscription  of  Sargon  (c.  710 
B.C.),  but  (long  before)  a  Greek  is  said  to  be 
named  in  the  Amarna  letters  (Sayce,  Higher 
Crit.  and  Mon.  p.  128).  One  argument  can  only 
be  called  ridiculous — viz.  that  the  reference  to 
the  walls  (2.7,9)  points  to  a  date  after  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah.  Presumably,  all  ancient  cities  had 
walls  at  all  times  ;  otherwise  they  would  have 
had  small  chance  of  survival.  The  prophecy 
pictures  for  us  the  ravages  wrought  by  locusts 
(1-I-7),  from  which  and  from  drought  the  land 
suffers  (8-20),  and  he  bids  them  fast  and  cry 
for  God's  mercy.  In  ch.  2  we  have  what  is 
either  another  invasion  of  locusts,  or  an  attack 
by  human  foes  under  the  imagery  of  locusts — 
probably  the  latter.  In  vv.  18-27  we  have  the 
promise  of  abundant  blessing  on  the  repent- 
ance of  the  people,  and  2.28[3.i]  tells  of 
the  Messiah  and  of  God's  judgments  of  all 
nations.  Joel  is  twice  quoted  in  N.T.  :  2.28f. 
in  Ac.2.i7f.,  and  2.32  in  R0.IO.13.  Credner, 
Joel  (183X)  ;  Ewald,  Prophets  of  O.T. 
(Eng.  trans.)  ;  Pusey,  in  Minor  Prophets  ; 
Meyrick,  in  Speaker's  Comin.  ;  G.  A.  Smith, 
in  Twelve  Prophets,  vol.  i.  ;  Driver,  in  Camb. 
Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges. — 2.  Elder 
son  of  Samuel  (iSam.8.2  ;  iChr.6.33,15.17). — 
3.  A  Kohathite  (6.36),  called  Shaul  in  ver. 
24.-4.  A  Simeonite  prince  (4.35). — 5.  A 
Reubenite  (5.4). — 6.  A  Gadite  chief  (5. 12). — 
7.  A  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  (7.3). — 8. 
(11.38.)  [Igal,  2.] — 9.  A  Gershomite  chief  in 
the  reign  of  David  (15-7,11);  perhaps  the  same 
as— 10.  The  son  of  Jehiel  (23.8,26.22).— 11. 
A  chief  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  W.  of 
Jordan,  in  the  reign  of  David  (27.2o). — 12.  A 
Kohathite  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr. 
29.12). — 13.  One  of  the  sons  of  Nebo  who  had 
married  foreign  wives  (Ezr.lO.43). — 14.  The 
son  of  Zichri,  a  Benjamite  (Ne.ll.9).     [r.s.] 

Joelah',  son  of  Jeroham  of  Gedor.  He 
joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.7). 

Joe'zep,  a  Korhite,  one  of  David's  captains 
at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.6). 

Jogrbehah',  a  city  fortified  by  the  tribe  of 
Gad  ( Num. 32.35 )  on  the  mountains  ( J  udg.8. 11). 
Nowtheruin7i</)c;7!rt/i,  7 miles  N.W.of  'Amman 
{Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  in).  [c.r.c] 

Jog-li',  father  of  Bukki,  2  (Num.34.22). 

Joha'. — 1.  Son  of  Bcriah,  the  Benjamite 
(iChr.B.iG).  —  2.  The  Tizite,  one  of  David's 
guard  ;  st)n  of  Sliimri  (1Chr.ll.45). 

Johanan'  =  Jeliohanan  =  "  Jehovah  has 
been  gracious."  In  N.T.  "John." — 1.  Son 
of  AzAKiAH,  I,  and  father  of  Azariah,  6,  and 
descendant  of  Zadok  (iClir.6.9,10).  His 
])ontiftcate  probably  fell  in  the  reign  of  Rcho- 
boam. — 2.  Sou  of  Elioenai,  in  the  line  of 
Zerubbabel's  heirs  (iChr.3.24). — 3.  (Je.40- 
43.)  Son  of  Kareah,  and  one  of  the  captains 
of  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  army  of  J  udah 
who  escaped  in  the  final  attack  ui>on  Jerusalem 


JOHANNES 

by  the  Chaldeans.  He  vainly  warned  Gedaliah 
against  the  plot  of  Ishraael,  and  after  his  murder 
was  one  of  the  foremost  in  the  pursuit  of  his 
assassin,  and  rescued  the  captives  carried  off 
from  Mizpah  (41.ii-i6).  Despite  this,  he  and 
the  captains  feared  the  vengeance  of  the 
Chaldeans,  and  (notwithstanding  the  warnings 
of  Jeremiah)  retired  into  Egypt. — 4.  The 
firstborn  son  of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah  (iChr. 
3.15),  who  probably  predeceased  his  father 
or  died  with  him  at  Megiddo. — 5.  A  Benjamite 
who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (I2.4). — 3.  A 
Gadite  warrior,  who  followed  David  (12. 12). 
— 7.  The  father  of  AzARi AH,  15,  an  Ephraimite 
(2Chr.28.12). — 8.  Son  of  Hakkatan,  and  chief 
of  the  Bene-Azgad  who  returned  from  Baby- 
lon with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.12). — 9.  The  "son"  of 
Eliashib,  one  of  the  chief  Levites  (Ezr.10.6  ; 
Ne.12.23) ;  some  identify  him  with  Jonathan, 
II,  who  was  grandson  of  Eliashib. — 10.  Son 
of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  and  husband  of 
the  daughter  of  Meshullam  (Ne.6.i8). 

Johan'nes  (iEsd.9.29)  =  jEHOHANAN,  4. 

John  (in  Apoc). — 1.  Father  of  Mattathias, 
and  grandfather  of  the  Hasmonaean  family 
(iMac.2.i).  —  2.  [JoANNAN.] — 3.  Father  of 
Eupolemus,  an  envoy  from  Judas  Maccabaeus 
to  Rome  (8.17  ;  2Mac.4.ii). — 4.  (Hyrcanus.) 
Son  of  Simon,  and  nephew  of  J  udas  Maccabaeus 
(iMac.l3.53,16.iff.)  [Maccabees.] — 5.  An  en- 
voy from  the  Jews  to  Lysias  (2Mac.ll.17). 

John. — 1.  One  of  the  high-priest's  farriily, 
who,  with  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  sat  in  judg- 
ment upon  the  apostles  Peter  and  John  (Ac. 4. 
6).  Nothing  further  is  known  of  him. — 2.  The 
Heb.  name  of  the  evangelist  Mark  (Ac.12.i2, 
25,13.5,15.37). — 3.  The  father  of  Simon  Peter 
(R.V.,  Jn.l.42,21.15-17).  A  variant  of  the 
name  Jonas  ;  the  latter  is  undoubtedly  the 
reading  in  Mt.l6.17.  [a.c.d.] 

John  the  Apostle.  Of  St.  John's  early 
life  we  know  only  that  it  was  passed  in  fairly 
easy  circumstances.  His  father  Zebedee  had 
hired  servants  (Mk.l.20),  and  must  have  been  a 
well-to-do  fisherman  on  the  sea  of  Galilee ;  and 
John  was  known  to  the  high-priest,  and  had 
a  house  in  Jerusalem  (Jn. 18. 15, 19. 25).  His 
mother  Salome  (Mt.27.56  ;  cf.  Mk. 15.40,16.1) 
ministered  to  Jesus  of  her  substance  (Lu.8.3), 
asked  for  her  sons  James  and  John  to  sit  on 
either  hand  of  Him  in  His  kingdom  (Mt.20.2i), 
and  stood  by  the  cross.  If  four  women  are 
meant  in  Jn.i9.25,  Salome  may  well  have 
been  the  Virgin's  sister.  St.  John's  age  is  no- 
where given  ;  but  everything  seems  to  show 
that  he  was  young — perhaps  a  little  over  20 — 
during  our  Lord's  ministry.  He  seems  to  have 
followed  the  Baptist  first,  for  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  Andrew  and  John  were  the  two  dis- 
ciples to  whom  the  Baptist  pointed  out  the 
Lamb  of  God  (1. 37-40).  They  abode  that 
day  with  Jesus,  went  with  Him  to  the  marriage 
at  Cana,  thence  to  Capernaum,  and  so  to 
Jerusalem  (2.2,12,22),  and  back  through 
Samaria  (4.8)  to  Galilee.  The  formal  call 
to  follow  Jesus  was  given  after  this  at  the 
miraculous  draught  of  fishes  (Mk.l.20),  and  the 
choice  as  an  apostle  came  later  still  (3.i7). 
Henceforth  St.  John  is  one  of  the  three  chief 
apostles  who,  only,  are  allowed  to  witness 
the  reusing  of  Jairus's  daughter  (5.37),  the 
Transfiguration   (9.2),   the    prophecy   on  the 


JOHN  THE  APOSTLE 


421 


mount  of  Olives  (13.3 ;  Andrew  a  fourth  this 
time),  and  the  agony  in  the  garden.  St.  Peter 
is  always  foremost;  but  St.  John  is  "  the  dis- 
ciple whom  Jesus  loved,"  and  reclining  on 
Jesus'  breast  was  able  to  throw  back  his 
head  (Jn.i3.25)  and  ask  the  question  which 
St.  Peter  could  not.  After  the  betrayal 
St.  John  seems  to  have  followed  with  St.  Peter, 
and  obtained  admission  to  the  council  hall  by 
his  acquaintance  with  Caiaphas.  He  must, 
indeed,  have  seen  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
Passion,  for  he  was  standing  by  the  cross  when 
the  Lord  committed  His  mother  to  his  charge ; 
and  must  have  returned  at  once,  for  he  wit- 
nessed the  blood  and  water  coming  out  at  the 
thrust  of  the  spear  (19.26,27,34,35).  After  the 
Resurrection  Mary  Magdalene  runs  to  Peter 
and  John  with  the  news  that  the  stone  is 
removed,  and  they  go  together  to  examine  the 
empty  sepulchre  (20.2-8).  St.  John  was  also 
present  at  the  second  miraculous  draught  of 
fishes  ;  and  when  St.  Peter  asks,  "  What  of 
this  man?"  the  answer  is,  "H  I  will  that  he 
stay  till  I  come,  what  is  that  to  thee?"  St. 
John  did  outstay  the  Lord's  coming  to  judge 
Jerusalem.  After  the  Ascension  and  the 
descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  Peter  and  John  go 
up  to  the  temple  to  pray,  and  the  healing  of 
the  lame  man  gives  rise  to  a  persecution  by  the 
Sadducees  (Ac.3. 1-4.22).  SS.  Peter  and  John 
are  next  sent  down  to  receive  the  converts  in 
Samaria  (8.14).  Long  afterwards  James  (the 
Lord's  brother)  and  Peter  and  John  were  the 
three  "  pillars  "  at  the  time  of  the  Apostolic 
Conference,  c.  50  a.d.  (Gal.2.9).  This  is  the 
last  direct  mention  of  him  in  the  N.T.  He 
must,  however,  have  left  J  erusalem  some  time 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  Roman  war  in  66, 
though  he  cannot  have  reached  Ephesus  when 
the  Pastoral  Epistles  were  written  (c.  63-66 
A.D.).  The  next  thing  certain  is  that  he  was 
exiled  to  Patmos,  and  saw  there  the  Reve- 
lation. This  may  have  been  under  Domitian 
(81-96  A.D.),  but  Nero's  persecution  (from 
64  A.D.)  is  more  likely.  His  gospel, 
however,  must  certainly  be  placed  in  Do- 
mitian's  time.  To  this  we  may  add,  on  the 
authority  of  Irenaeus,  that  he  lived  to  see 
the  opening  of  Trajan's  reign  (98-117  a.d.). 
Traditions  are  many ;  and  some  of  them 
seem  true,  e.g.  that  of  the  robber,  told  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  ;  and  the  story  that  he 
jumped  out  of  the  bath  when  he  heard  that 
Cerinthus  was  in  the  house  is  quite  in  charac- 
ter. Again,  the  account  of  the  origin  of  his 
Gospel  given  in  the  Muratorian  Fragment — 
that  St.  John  was  to  write  and  all  the  rest  to 
certify — exactly  agrees  with  Jn.2i.24.  But 
many  traditions  are  doubtful,  or  worse  than 
doubtful,  e.g.  that  he  came  to  Rome  and  was 
put  into  boiling  oil  at  the  Latin  Gate  in 
Domitian's  time.  St.  John  was  not  the  mild 
character  he  is  often  considered  to  be,  but  emin- 
ently impetuous  and  stern.  Not  for  nothing 
did  the  Lord  call  the  sons  of  Zebedee  sons  of 
Thunder.  James  and  John  wish  to  call  down 
fire  on  the  Samaritans,  and  to  forbid  one  "  who 
foUoweth  not  with  us"  (Lu.9.49,54).  Later 
on,  he  is  everywhere  at  Peter's  side.  No 
other  writer  of  N.T.  speaks  so  sternly  of 
heretics,  and  no  man  ever  delivered  a  more 
tremendous  defiance  of  the  Roman  Empire 


422 


JOHN  THE  BAPTIST 


JOHN,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST. 

baptism  of  John  and  that  accompanied  with 
the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  which  our  Lord 
afterwards  ordained  is  clearly  marked  by  St. 
John  himself  (Mt. 3. 11,12).  As  a  preacher,  he 
was  eminently  practical  and  discriminating. 
His  mission — an  extraordinary  one  for  an 
extraordinary  purpose — was  not  limited  to 
those  who  had  openly  forsaken  the  covenant  of 
God,  and  so  forfeited  its  principles.  It  was  to 
the  whole  people  alike.  Jesus  Himself  came 
from  Galilee  to  Jordan  to  be  baptized  of 
John.  After  this  event  the  Baptist's  especial 
office  ceased.  But  from  incidental  notices  in 
Scripture  we  learn  that  he  and  his  disciples 
continued  to  baptize  for  some  time  after  our 
Lord  entered  upon  His  ministry  (see  Jn.3. 
23,4.1  ;  Ac. 19.3),  and  that  St.  John  instructed 
his  disciples  as  regards  fasting  (Mt.9.14  ;  Lu.5. 
33)  and  prayer  (Lu.ll.i).  But  shortly  after  he 
had  given  his  testimony  to  the  Messiah,  St. 
John's  public  ministry  was  brought  to  a  close. 
In  daring  disregard  of  the  divine  laws,  Herod 
Antipas  had  taken  to  himself  the  wife  of  his 
brother  Philip  ;  and  when  St.  John  reproved 
him  for  this  and  for  other  sins  (Lu.3.19),  Herod 
cast  him  into  prison.  The  place  of  his  con- 
finement was  the  castle  of  Machaerus — a 
fortress  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Here 
reports  reached  him  of  the  miracles  of  our  Lord 
in  Judaea.  With  a  view  perhaps  of  overcom- 
ing the  scruples  of  his  disciples,  St.  John  sent 
two  of  them  to  Jesus  to  ask,  "  Art  Thou  He 
that  should  come  ?  "  They  were  answered 
by  a  series  of  miracles  wrought  before  their 
eyes  ;  and  while  Jesus  bade  the  two  messengers 
carry  back  to  St.  John  as  His  only  answer  the 
report  of  what  they  had  seen  and  heard.  He 
took  occasion,  by  a  direct  appeal  to  their  own 
knowledge  of  his  life  and  character,  to  guard 
the  multitude  against  supposing  that  the  Bap- 
tist himself  was  shaken  in  mind.  Jesus  further 
declared  that  St.  John  was,  according  to  the 
true  meaning  of  the  prophecy,  the  Elijah  of  the 
new  covenant,  foretold  by  Malachi  (3. i ).  John 
was  indeed  to  Herod  what  Elijah  had  been  to 
.Ahab.  Nothing  but  the  death  of  the  Baptist 
would  satisfy  the  resentment  of  Herodias.  A 
court  festival  was  kept  at  Machaerus  in  ht)nour 
of  the  king's  birthday.  After  supper,  the 
daughter  of  Herodias  came  in  and  danced 
before  the  company,  and  so  charmed  the  king 
that  he  jiromised  witii  an  oath  to  gi\'e  her 
whatever  she  should  ask.  Salome,  iimmpted 
by  her  abandoned  mother,  demanded  tlie  iiead 
of  John  the  Baptist.  Herod  gave  instructions 
to  an  officer  of  his  guard,  who  executed  St.  John 
in  the  prison.  H.  Reynolds,  John  the  Baptist ; 
Hort.  Jitdaistic  Christianity  ;  Edersiieim,  Life 
and  Times  of  the  Messiah  ;  Darwell  Stone,  Holy 
Bafiti'^in. 

John,  Gospel  ace.  to  St.  I.  Geniineness. 
{a)  External  Evidence.  Few  books  of  ancient 
times  are  so  well  attested  as  the  Fourth  Gospel. 
Of  sub-aiiostnlic  writers,  Clement  of  Rome  (gs) 
Barnabas,  and  (perhaps)  Hernias  (dates  dis- 
puted) do  not  refer  to  it  ;  but  Ignatius  (c.  113) 
and  the  Teaching  (80-130)  show  clear  traces  of 
some  such  teaching  as  we  find  in  it.  I'olycarp, 
in  his  short  letter  to  tlie  I'liilippians  (c.  115), 
uses  the  F"irst  Iqustle,  whicli  seems  to  be  a  post- 
the  Baptist  proclaimed  to  be  at  hand.  But  I  scrijit  totiiegospel,  andiscertainly  by  thesame 
the    fundj^inental    distinction    {jetween    the  |  hand.     I'apias  (c.    140)   also    uses   it,  shows 


than  we  find  in  the  Revelation.  St.  John  was 
a  born  mystic,  feeding  on  the  mystic  sides  of 
our  Lord's  teaching,  and  shaping  himself  by  it 
till  his  own  style  resembles  the  Master's.  But 
on  this  see  John,  (Gospel  acc.  to.     [h.m.g.] 

John  the  Baptist  was  of  the  priestly  race 
by  both  parents,  for  his  father  Zacharias  was 
a  priest  of  the  course  of  Abia,  or  Abijah  (iChr. 
24.10),  offering  incense  at  the  very  time  when 
a  son  was  jiromised  to  him  ;    and  Elisabeth 
was  of  the  daughters  of  Aaron  (Lu.l.5).     The 
divine  mission  of  John  had  been  the  subject  of 
prophecy.     His   birth — a  birth  not  according 
to  the  ordinary  laws  of  nature,   but  through 
miraculous  interposition — was  foretold  by  an 
angel  sent  from  God,  who  proclaimed  John's 
character  and  office.     These  revelations  shook 
the  faith  of  the  aged  Zacharias,  who  was  pun- 
ished by  temporary  dumbness.     Elisabeth,  for 
greater  privacy,  retired  into  the  hill-country, 
whither  she   was  soon  followed  by  her  kins- 
woman Mary.    Three  months  later,  and  while 
Mary  still   remained  with  her,  Elisabeth  was 
delivered  of  a  son,  six  months  before  our  Lord's 
birth.     On  the  eighth  day  the  child  of  promise, 
in  conformity  with  the  law  of  Moses  (Lev.12.3), 
was  brought  to  the   priest    for   circumcision, 
and  the  friends  of  the  family  proposed  to  call 
him  Zacharias,    after  his  father.     The  mother, 
however,   required   that   he  should  be   called 
John — a  decision  which  Zacharias,  still  speech- 
less,  confirmed   by  waiting   on  a  tablet  "  his 
name  is  John."     The  judgment  on  his  lack  of 
faith  was  then  at  once  withdrawn.     A  single 
verse  contains  all  that  we  know  of  St.  John's 
history  for  the  thirty  years  between  his  birth 
and  the  commencement  of  his  public  ministry  : 
"  The  child  grew  and  waxed  strong  in  spirit, 
and  was  in  the  deserts  till  the  day  of  his  show- 
ing unto  Israel  "  (Lu.l.80).     He  was  ordained 
to  be  a  Nazirite  from  his  birth  (I.15).     Dwell- 
ing bv  himself  in  the  wild  and  thinly  peopled 
region    W.    of   the    Dead    Sea,    he   prepared 
himself   by    self-discipline,    and   by    constant 
communion  with  God,  for  the  office  to  which  he 
had  been  divinely  called.     His  very  appear- 
ance was  a  lesson  to  his  countrymen  ;   his  dress 
was    that    of    the    old    prophets — a    garment 
woven  of  camel's  hair  (c/.  2K.I.8),  attached  to 
the  bodv  by  a  leathern  girdle.     His  food  was 
such  as  the' desert  afforded — locusts  and  wild 
honey.     His  supernatural   birth,    ascetic  life, 
reputation  for  extraordinary  sanctity,  and  the 
generally    prevailing    expectation    that    some 
great  one  was  about  to  appear,  sufficed,  with- 
out the  aid  of  miraculous  jiower,  for  "  John  did 
no   miracle"    (Jn.lO.41),    to    attract    a    great 
multitude    from    "  every    quarter  "    (Mt.3.5  ; 
Lu.3.7).      Brief    and    startling    was    his   first 
exhortation   to  them  :    "  Repent   ye,    for  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand."     Some  score  of 
verses  contain  all  that  is  recorded  of  St.  John's 
preaching,  and  the  sum  of  it  all  is  repentance  ; 
not  mere   legal  ablution    or   expiation,  but    a 
change  of  heart  and  life.     Many  of  every  class 
pressed  forward  to  confess  their  sins  and  to  be 
baptized.     The  preparatory  baptism  of   John 
was  a  sign  to  the  p<>oi)le  that    renunciation  of 
sin  and  am<-ndment  of  life  were  necessary  for 
admission  into  tiie  kingdom  of  heaven,  wliicli 


JOHN,  QOSPEL,  ACC.  TO  ST. 

traces  of  the  gospel  in  the  scanty  remains  of 
his  writings,  and  almost  certainly  included 
passages  from  it  in  his  commentary.  Justin 
Martyr  (c.  150-163)  uses  3.4  and  other  pass- 
ages, and  bases  his  whole  system  on  the 
thoughts  of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  His  disciple 
Tatian  (c.  170)  made  a  harmony  of  our  Four 
Gospels,  and  quotes  the  Fourth,  while  Theo- 
philus  of  Antioch  (c.  182)  expressly  names  John 
as  its  author.  The  earliest  quotations  which 
have  come  down  to  us  are  by  the  Gnostics. 
Basilides  (c.  120)  and  the  Ophites  made 
great  use  of  it  ;  also  Valentinus  (c.  140),  and 
Heracleon,  a  Valentinian  teacher  (before  180), 
wrote  a  commentary  on  it.  With  the  insigni- 
ficant exception  of  the  Alogi,  no  heretics  ap- 
pear to  have  disputed  its  authorship  ;  and  of 
the  rest,  only  Marcion  rejected  its  authority. 
Later  in  the  century  Apollinaris  of  Hierapolis, 
Athenagoras,  and  the  letter  of  the  churches  of 
Lyons  and  Vienne,  accept  it  ;  and  the  remark- 
able account  of  its  origin  given  in  the  Mura- 
torian  Fragment  on  the  Canon  seems  based  on 
a  true  tradition.  The  weightiest  evidence  of 
all  remains.  Irenaeus  (c.  130-200)  was  a  dis- 
ciple of  Polycarp  (69-155),  and  Polycarp  was  a 
disciple  of  St.  John.  There  is  no  room  for 
mistake  in  his  distinct  statement  that  St. 
John  ^v^ote  the  Fourth  Gospel.  But  his  evi- 
dence implies  much  more  than  his  own  belief. 
He  is  so  convinced  that  there  are  four  gospels 
(confessedly,  our  four)  that  he  actually  argues 
that  there  cannot  be  more  or  less  than  four,  be- 
cause there  are  four  winds  of  heaven,  etc.  The 
argument  is  trifling  enough  ;  but  he  could  not 
possibly  have  used  it  if  the  Fourth  Gospel  had 
been  disputed  by  any  conspicuous  church  or 
teacher  known  to  him.  And  he  knew  Poly- 
carp, Papias,  and  Pothinus,  and  perhaps 
another  follower  of  the  apostles,  and  could 
speak  for  the  churches  of  Asia,  Rome,  and 
Gaul,  and  therefore  practically  for  all  the 
churches.  The  Fourth  Gospel  must  have  been 
fully  known  and  generally  accepted  long  be- 
fore the  time  of  Irenaeus.  It  seems  impossible 
to  suppose  that  a  forgery  could  have  been  so 
generally  accepted  under  the  eyes  of  Polycarp 
and  many  others,  who  must  have  been  well 
aware  of  the  fact  if  it  had  not  been  written 
by  St.  John,  (b)  Internal  Evidence.  The 
unity  of  authorship  is  evident,  if  we  leave 
out  the  story  of  the  adulteress  (7.53-8. 11), 
which  is  probably  an  interpolation  (found  in 
A  but  omitted  by  N,  B,  and  in  a  few  MSS. 
placed  after  Lu.2i.38),  and  if  we  except  Jn.21. 
24  which  is  a  certificate  from  others.  That  the 
writer  was  a  Jew  is  clear  from  his  familiarity 
with  Jewish  ideas,  institutions,  and  parties  ; 
also  from  the  literary  character  and  religious 
tone  of  the  work,  and  from  the  use  of  the 
O.T.  in  it.  That  he  was  a  Jew  of  Palestine 
appears  from  his  independence  of  the  LXX. 
version,  and  from  many  local  allusions  imply- 
ing such  a  familiarity  with  the  country  and  its 
buildings  as  would  have  been  impossible  to  a 
Jew  of  the  Dispersion,  or  even  to  a  Jew  of  Pal- 
estine who  had  not  lived  there  before  the  des- 
truction of  Jerusalem.  There  is  no  sign  of  the 
Alexandrian  or  of  the  Gnostic  in  his  doctrine 
of  the  Logos.  In  fact,  while  his  testimony 
that  the  Word  became  flesh  is  quite  in  the  spirit 
qI  Gen. 1.26,  it  utterly  contradicts  the  first  prin- 


JOHN,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST.     423 

ciples  of  Alexandrian  and  of  Gnostic  thought. 
The  word  Logos  belonged  to  many  schools  of 
thought,  and  might  be  borrowed  by  an  out- 
sider without  committing  himself  to  any  one 
of  them.  St.  John  seems  to  be  accepting,  in  a 
general  way,  both  the  Jewish  belief  that  God 
speaks  to  men  through  a  Person  (the  Memra  or 
"Word"),  and  the  Gk.  conception  of  a  divine 
reason  [Logos)  in  the  order  of  the  world,  and  to 
identify  the  two  ;  and  adds  his  own  witness  that 
this  Word  or  Reason  was  incarnate  in  Jesus  of 
Nazareth.  [Philosophy.]  That  the  writer  was 
an  eyewitness  is  his  own  express  statement  (Jn. 
19.35,1.14),  ("we  beheld  "  :  literally,  as  ijn.l. 
i)  ;  and  there  cannot  be  much  doubt  that  he 
means  himself  by  the  disciple  whom  Jesus 
loved  (Jn.13.23,19.26,21.7,20;— 20.2is  not  the 
same  word),  and  by  the  second  disciple  in  I.40. 
This  is  confirmed  by  21. 24 — a  certificate  of 
contemporaries — also  by  the  vivid  and  con- 
sistent characters  of  persons,  and  the  numer- 
ous and  careful  details  of  time  and  place,  by 
"  eyewitness  touches,"  and  a  great  variety  of 
unobtrusive  coincidences  with  the  Synoptists 
— in  all  a  mass  of  evidence  to  which  no  second- 
hand writer  could  attain.  And  if  the  writer 
was  an  eyewitness,  he  must  have  been  one  of 
the  Twelve,  if  only  because  no  others  were 
present  in  the  supper-chamber  ;  and  if  he  was 
one  of  the  Twelve,  we  can  hardly  fix  on  ano- 
ther than  John.  The  only  difficulty  is  the 
statement  that  "  John  the  Divine  was  killed  by 
Jews,"  which  seems  falsely  ascribed  to  Papias. 
Irenaeus  tells  us  that  John  lived  to  the  reign  of 
Trajan  ;  and  as  the  truth  must  have  been 
familiar  both  to  him  and  to  Papias,  they 
cannot  have  contradicted  each  other.  But  we 
have  the  words  of  Irenaeus  in  a  Latin  trans- 
lation of  his  own  time,  whereas  those  ascribed  to 
Papias  are  only  quoted  by  two  late  Byzantines, 
who  seem  to  have  got  them  from  Philip  of 
Side — a  notorious  blunderer. — II.  Place  and 
Time  of  Writing.  It  is  generally  agreed  that 
the  Fourth  Gospel  was  written  after  the  other 
three,  not  so  much  to  supplement  them,  as  to 
present  the  Person  of  the  Lord  from  another 
point  of  view.  So  the  writer  passes  over  many 
well-known  stories,  like  the  Institution  and 
most  of  the  Galilean  ministry,  assuming  them 
or  alluding  to  them,  but  preferring  first  to 
develop  the  meaning  of  seven  selected  "signs," 
then  to  relate  the  discourses  in  the  supper- 
chamber.  All  the  evidence  confirms  the  state- 
ment of  Irenaeus,  that  St.  John  wrote  it  in  his 
old  age  in  Asia,  so  that  we  may  roughly  date  it 
85-95- — III.  Contents  AND  Plan.  The  Fourth 
Gospel  is  essentially  a  prophecy  :  not  in  the 
sense  of  prediction,  but  as  showing  the  eternal 
significance  of  the  events  of  time.  It  is  the 
epic  of  the  contest  of  light  and  darkness.  In 
the  beginning  the  Word  is  already  throned 
face  to  face  with  God  ;  and  the  eternal  counsel 
was  that  things  created  should  in  Him  be  life. 
He  was  immanent  in  the  world,  and  the  world 
knew  Him  not.  He  came  incarnate  to  His 
own  people,  and  His  own  people  received  Him 
not.  The  Incarnation  was  the  full  and  final 
manifestation  of  God  ;  and  the  glory  of  the 
incarnate  Word  shone  out  more  and  more 
brightly  as  the  love  of  His  disciples  grew  more 
and  more  firm,  the  hatred  of  the  renegade 
"  Jews  "  more  and  more  bitter,  till  the  revela- 


424       JOHN,  EPISTLES  OF  ST. 

tion  reached  its  highest  glory  in  the  Crucifixion, 
Resurrection,  and  Ascension — for  St.  John  links 
these  three  together  as  one  process  of  "  glorifica- 
tion," or  "  lifting  up  from  the  earth."  We 
have:  (i)  The  Prologue  (I.1-18),  the  Word 
eternal  and  incarnate.  {2)  The  Narrative  (1. 
19-20.31),  which  sub-divides  :  (A)  The  Word 
revealed  to  the  world  (l.ic)-12.5o).  (a)  The 
Prelude  (1. 19-4.54),  including  the  Baptist's 
testimony  (1. 19-34),  the  call  of  the  first  dis- 
ciples (1. 35-51),  the  first  "sign"  (at  Cana) 
(2.1-11),  Nicodemus  (2.13-3.36),  the  woman  of 
Samaria  (4.1-42),  the  second  sign  (the  noble- 
man's son)  (4.43-54).  {b)  The  Contest  (5.1-12. 
50),  including  the  third  sign  (5)  (impotent  man) 
and  discourse  of  the  Son  and  the  Father  ;  fourth 
and  fifth  signs  (6)  (the  five  thousand,  the  walk- 
ing on  the  water),  and  discourse  of  the  Bread 
of  Life,  the  feast  of  tabernacles  (7,8)  and  dis- 
courses thereon  ;  the  sixth  sign  (the  man  born 
blind),  the  investigation  by  the  Sanhcdrin  and 
discourse  thereon  (9,10);  the  seventh  sign  (Laza- 
rus) and  its  issues,  and  close  of  the  public  min- 
istry (11,12).  (B)  The  Word  revealed  to  His 
disciples  (13.1-17. 26).  (a)  The  Last  Supper 
(13. 1-30),  the  last  discourses  (I3.31-I6.33),  the 
prayer  of  consecration  (17).  {b)  The  Victory 
(18.1-20.31),  including  the  betrayal  (I8.1-11), 
trials  (18.i2-19.i6),  crucifixion  (19. 17-42),  and 
resurrection  (20).  (3)  The  Epilogue  (21),  in- 
cluding the  additional  sign  (draught  of  fishes), 
the  last  charges,  and  the  attestation.  For  the 
relation  of  this  Gospel  to  the  Synoptic  Gospels, 
see  our  art.  Gospels.  [h.m.c] 

John,  Epistles  of  St.  I.  Of  the  three 
epistles  which  bear  St.  John's  name,  the  first 
is  much  the  longest  and  most  important.  Its 
authenticity  is  also  the  least  open  to  doubt. 
The  earliest  writers  of  the  Church  in  both  the 
E.  and  the  W.  (e.g.  Papias,  Polycarp,  Irenaeus, 
Tert.  and  Clem.  Alex.)  have  recognized  it  as 
his.  It  is  by  implication  included  as  "re- 
ceived in  the  Catholic  (Church)  "  by  the  Mura- 
torian  Fragment  (2nd  cent.),  and  both  Euse- 
bius  and  Jerome  place  it  among  the  acknow- 
ledged books  of  the  Bible.  The  internal 
evidence  of  literary  style,  subject-matter,  and 
treatment  serves  to  identify  the  author  with  the 
writer  of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  [John,  Gospel 
Acc.  TO.]  The  two  %vritings  must  therefore 
stand  or  fall  together,  though  the  natural  signs 
of  independence  between  them  should  not  be 
overlooked  (see  Dr.  Salmond's  art.  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  [5  vols.  1904]).  In  form  it  is  an  epistle, 
as  it  has  always  been  called,  though  it  is  not 
addressed  to  any  particular  body  of  Christians  ; 
and  hence  its  ancient  title  "Catholic"  (  = 
general,  universal),  which  it  bears  in  common 
with  the  epp.  of  SS.  James,  Peter,  and  Judc. 
In  the  W.  "  canc>nical  "  was  often  wTongly  sub- 
stituted for  it.  It  was  probably  written  from 
Ephesus.  and  intended  in  tlie  first  instance  for 
the  churches  of  Asia.  The  curious  designa- 
tion ad  Parthos,  due  to  St.  Augustine,  has 
been  variously  but  always  tmconvincingly 
explained.  Its  purpose  was  to  strengthen  be- 
lievers' hold  on  the  Person  and  work  of  our 
Lord  in  general,  rather  than  to  combat  specific 
heresies  that  had  already  arisen.  Yet  it  is 
likely  that  such  false  tendencies  as  Docetism 
and  Cerinthianism  were  to  some  extent  in  the 
apostle's  mind  as   he   wrote.     The  plaa   he 


JOHN,  EPISTLES  OF  ST. 

follows  is  by  no  means  easy  to  determine  with 
certainty.  We  cannot,  however,  do  better 
than  accept  Westcott's  outline,  which  is  as 
follows  :  Introduction.  The  facts  of  the  Gos- 
pel issuing  in  fellowship  and  joy  (I.1-4).  A. 
The  problem  of  life  and  those  to  whom  it  is 
proposed  (1. 5-2. 17).  (i)  The  Nature  of  God 
and  the  consequent  relation  of  man  to  God 
(I.5-10).  (2)  The  remedy  for  sin  and  the  sign 
that  it  is  effectual  (2.1-6).  (3)  Obedience  in 
love  and  hght  in  actual  life  (2.7-11).  (4) 
Things  temporal  and  eternal  (2.12-17).  B. 
The  conflict  of  truth  and  falsehood  without 
and  within  (2.i8-4.6).  (i)  The  revelation  of 
falsehood  and  truth  (2.18-29).  (2)  The  chil- 
dren of  God  and  the  children  of  the  devil  (3. 
1-12).  (3)  Brotherhood  in  Christ  and  the 
hatred  of  the  world  (3.13-24).  (4)  The  rival 
spirits  of  Truth  and  Error  (4.1-6).  C.  The 
Christian  life  :  the  victory  of  faith  (4.7-5.21). 
(i)  The  spirit  of  the  Christian  life  :  God  and 
love  (4.7-2 r).  (2)  The  power  of  the  Christian 
life  :  the  victory  and  witness  of  faith  (5.1-12). 
(3)  The  activity  and  confidence  of  the  Christian 
life  :  epilogue  (5. 13-21). — II.  and  III.  The 
second  and  third  epp.  (containing  but  13  and  15 
verses  each)  conform  to  the  ordinary  concep- 
tion of  a  letter  ;  for  they  contain  the  usual 
beginning  and  ending  of  such  compositions. 
Though  loosely  included  among  the  "  Catholic  " 
epistles  (see  above),  they  are  both  of  a 
private,  personal  nature.  The  second  is 
addressed  "to  (an  or  the)  elect  lady,"  or  "to 
lady  Electa,"  or  "  to  the  elect  Kvria  " — if  the 
definite  article  should  be  supplied,  possibly 
we  have  here  a  cryptic  appellation  of  some 
Christian  community  or  church  (c/.  iPe.5. 
13) — and  the  third  to  "the  beloved  Gaius." 
The  writer  in  both  cases  calls  himself 
the  elder  (Gk.  irp€(r(3i')Tepoi ;  Vulg.  senior),  and 
it  has  been  doubted,  without  much  reason, 
whether  the  apostle  would  thus  designate 
himself.  The  title  seems  to  be  one  especiall} 
in  use  in  the  Asiatic  churches,  and  not  in 
itself  unnatural  in  a  private,  unofficial  letter. 
These  two  epistles  have  not  been  so  un- 
hesitatingly accepted  as  authentic  as  the  first. 
[Canon  of  N.T.]  The  Muratorian  Frag- 
ment. Clem.  Alex.,  Dion.  Alex.,  and  the  old 
Lat.  version  are  among  the  earliest  authorities 
for  them.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Peshitta- 
S>Tiac  does  not  contain  them,  and  the  Syrian 
Church  itself  rejected  them.  Origen  and 
Eusebius  both  acknowledge  their  doubt- 
fulness. Tlie  internal  evidence,  however, 
corroborates  the  general  judgment  of  the 
Church.  The  style  and  treatment  are  dis- 
tinctly Johannine,  though  here  again  some  of 
the  words  and  phrases  are  not  found  elsewhere 
in  St.  John's  writings.  Both  epistles  were 
probably  wTitten  from  Ephesus  soon  after  the 
first.  In  the  former  the  "  elect  lady  "  and 
those  associated  with  her — the  pronouns  are 
"  ye,"  not  "  thou,"  in  vv.  6-10,  but  apparently 
persons  different  from  her  "  children  "  men- 
tioned in  vcr.  4  are  addressed — are  warned 
against  false  teachers  as  to  our  Lord's  Incar- 
nation, who  would  imperil  their  walking  in  love 
towards  the  brethren.  In  the  latter  the  apostle 
(i)  expresses  his  pleasure  at  the  good  report 
which  reaches  him  of  Gaius — especially  of  his 
hospitality;    (2)  contrasts  the  love  of  inter- 


JOIADA 

fering  and  dictating  displayed  by  Diotrephes 
— probably  in  opposition  to  Gaius — with  the 
more  reasonable  conduct  of  Demetrius,  which 
has  gained  the  approval  of  "  all  and  of  the 
Truth  Itself "  (viz.  Christ).  An  extensive 
bibliography  will  be  found  in  Dr.  Salmond's 
art.  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  but 
for  most  purposes  Westcott's  Commentary 
throughout  remains  sufficient.  [c.l.f.] 

Joiada',  high-priest  after  his  father  Elia- 
shib  (Ne.12.10,11,22,13.28). 

Joiakim',  a  high-priest,  son  of  Jeshua 
(Ne.l2.io,i2). 

Joiapib'. — 1.  A  "  man  of  understanding  " 
who  assisted  Ezra  in  the  arrangements  for  the 
return  (Ezr.8.i6). — 2.  [Jehoiarib.] — 3.  An 
ancestor  of  Maaseiah,   9  (Ne.ll.5). 

Jokdeam',  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the  moun- 
tains (Jos. 15. 56),  apparently  S.  of  Hebron. 
The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Jokim',  a  son  of  Shelah,  son  of  Judah 
(iChr.4.22). 

Jokmeam',  a  city  of  Ephraim,  given  with 
its  suburbs  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (iChr.6. 
68).  In  Jos. 21. 22  KiBZAiM  occupies  theplaceof 
Jokmeam.  The  R.V.  reads  Jokmeam  for  Jok- 
NEAM  in  1K.4.12,  but  this  is  topographically 
impossible  as  applying  to  the  above,   [c.r.c] 

Jokneam',  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun, 
allotted  with  its  suburbs  to  the  Merarite 
Levites  (Jos. 21. 34).  It  was  a  royal  city  near 
Carmel  (I2.22)  by  a  river  (the  Kishon),  and 
thus  at  the  S.W.  angle  of  the  tribal  lot.  Now 
the  ruin  Tell  Qeimiln,  at  the  foot  of  Carmel,  W. 
of  the  Kishon  where  it  passes  from  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  to  that  of  Accho.  (See  1K.4.12, 
where  R.V.  reads  Jokmeam.)  [c.r.c] 

Jokshan',  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah 
(Gen. 25. 2, 3  ;  iChr.l.32),  whose  sons  were 
Sheba  and  Dedan. 

Joktan',  in  the  genealogies  in  Gen. 10  and 
iChr.l,  the  second  son  of  Eber,  the  elder 
being  Peleg,  the  ancestor  of  Abraham.  Joktan 
is  said  to  have  had  13  sons,  whose  "dwelling 
was  from  Mesha  as  thou  goest  unto  Sephar,  a 
mount  of  the  east  "  (Gen. 10. 30).  Several  of 
these  have  not  yet  been  identified  ;  but  the 
family  of  Joktan  has  generally  been  located  in 
S.  Arabia.  Among  the  sons  of  Joktan  are 
Hazarmaveth  (Hadramaut),  Sheba,  Ophir,  and 
Havilah.  The  Arab  geographers  identify  Jok- 
tan with  Qahtan,  a  people  in  the  S.  of  the 
peninsula  ;  but  this  seems  only  due  to  an  as- 
sumed similarity  of  name,  and  rests  on  no  tra- 
dition earlier  than  the  time  when  the  Arabs 
became  acquainted  with  Genesis.  A  Targum 
on  iChr.  derives  J  oktan  from  the  Heb.  root  qfn, 
"to  be  little,"  signifying  that  he  was  inferior 
to  Peleg,  the  ancestor  of  Abraham.  There  is  a 
district  in  Arabia  called  Qatan,  which  may  be 
connected  with  this  name,  and  the  Katanitae 
are  mentioned  bv  Ptolemy.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Joktheel'. — 1.  A  city  in  the  low  country 
of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 38),  named  next  to  Lachish. 
—2.  "  God-subdued,"  the  title  given  by 
Amaziah  to  the  cliff  (A.V.  Selah)^the  strong- 
hold of  the  Edomites — after  he  had  captiu-ed  it 
(2K.14.7;see  2Chr.25.ii,i2).  This  "rock"  was 
probably  Petra(LXX.).    [Sela.]         [c.r.c] 

Jo'na,  father  of  St.  Peter  (Jn.l.42)  who  is 
hence  called  Simon  Bar-jona  in  Mt.l6.17. 

Jona^ab'. — ],.  Son  of  Shimeah,  and  nephew 


JONAH 


425 


of  David.  He  was  "  very  subtil,"  and  his  age 
naturally  made  him  the  friend  of  his  cousin 
Amnon,  heir  to  the  throne  (2Sam.l3.3).  He 
gave  him  the  fatal  advice  for  ensnaring  his 
sister  Tamar  (5).  Later,  when  Amnon  was 
murdered  by  Absalom,  and  the  exaggerated 
report  reached  David  that  all  the  princes  were 
slaughtered,  Jonadab  was  already  aware  of  the 
real  state  of  the  case  (32,33). — 2.  (Je.35 
passim.)     [Jehonadab.] 

Jonah.  The  writer  of  the  fifth  book  of 
the  minor  prophets  (sixth  in  LXX.)  is  identical 
with  the  prophet  named  in  2K.i4.25f.,  the 
son  of  Amittai  of  Gath-hahepher  in  Zebulon, 
who  predicted  to  Jeroboam  II.  the  reconquest 
of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  from  the  Syrians 
(according  to  Kautzsch,  783-743  B.C.).  His 
grave  was  shown  in  later  times  at  his  birth- 
place, Gath-hepher,  the  present  El  Mesh-hed  ; 
and  a  modem  tradition  which  places  it  at  Nebi 
YUnus,  opposite  Mosul  (Layard's  Nineveh,  p. 
313),  also  recalls  his  memory.  His  book  (which 
is  proved  by  its  incompleteness  as  a  biography 
and  by  its  position  in  the  prophetic  canon  not 
to  be  a  biography  by  some  other  hand)  is 
intended  to  show  <cf.  Jon. 4.2, 10  f.)  that  God 
is  merciful  even  towards  the  heathen  nations 
on  their  repentance — a  fact  which  the  prophet 
is  forced  to  recognize,  notwithstanding  all 
his  struggling  against  it.  The  universalism 
which  other  prophets  only  stated  in  words,  the 
experiences  of  Jonah  in  Nineveh  manifested 
as  a  fact,  and  this,  moreover,  just  at  a  time  when 
serious  complications  with  Assyria  were  arising 
for  Israel  (see  Menahem's  enforced  tribute ;  2K. 
IS.igf.).  It  is  in  this  connexion  that  the  pre- 
ponderance and  extraordinary  nature  of  the 
miraculous  element  in  his  book  is  to  be  viewed 
and  understood.  We  observe  like  phenomena  at 
other  crises  of  the  evolution  of  God's  kingdom 
upon  earth — in  the  time  of  Moses,  of  Elijah, 
of  Christ,  and  in  the  "  last  days."  Besides,  his 
experiences  in  the  fish — the  actuality  of  which 
should  therefore  certainly  not  be  denied — are 
intended  to  foreshadow  symbolically  the  death 
and  resurrection  of  Jesus  (Mt.l2.39ff.,16.4  ;  Lu. 
11.29f.).  This  consideration  makes  all  that  is 
strange  disappear  for  the  faithful,  but  the  un- 
avoidable oiJence  to  the  natural  understanding 
remains.  [Whale.]  The  right  comprehen- 
sion of  the  general  subject  of  the  book  finds 
increasing  acceptance.  It  is  held  by  Kautzsch, 
Nowack,  Marti,  Baudissin,  Konig,  Kuenen, 
Strack,  Keil,  Schlatter,  Riehm,  and  Driver, 
amongst  others.  The  allegorical  interpreta- 
tion that  Jonah  means  Israel  with  its  mission- 
ary calling  and  the  fish  means  the  world-power, 
does  not  accord  with  the  text,  and  is  supported 
by  only  a  few,  e.g.  Kleinert,  Cheyne,  and  C.  H. 
H.  Wright.  The  dismemberment  into  sources, 
which  Bohme  (Zeitschtift  fiir  die  A.  T.  Wissen- 
schaft,  vii.  224  ff.)  elaborates,  has  found  no 
acceptance,  as  it  appears  too  artificial  and 
with  too  little  reason.  The  opinion  of  Budde 
[ib.  xii.  40  ff.)  that  the  book  originally  was 
an  extract  from  the  Midrash  of  the  "  Kings," 
and  stood  after  2K.i4.25f.,  is  very  impro- 
bable. Even  Kuenen  refuses  to  believe  that 
the  history  had  its  origin  from  Babylonian, 
Greek,  Buddhist,  or  Egyptian  myths.  Modem 
critical  opinions  as  to  the  date  of  its  composi- 
tion fluctuate  between  550  and  300;  yet  at  least 


426 


JONAN 


some  critics  recognize  a  greater  or  less  historical 
nucleus.  It  is  held  to  follow  necessarily  from 
Jon. 3. 3  that  the  book  was  written  long  after  the 
destruction  of  Nineveh  (6o6  b.c).  But  how 
can  a  prophecy,  of  which  the  main  point  is  the 
preservation  of  Nineveh,  have  arisen  after  its 
destruction  ?  3-3  must  therefore  be  taken  as 
a  synchronistic  perfect,  like  Gen. 1.2.  When 
Jonah  came  to  Nineveh,  it  "  was  a  great  city." 
(For  another  view,  see  Ni.\e\-eh.)  The  Arama- 
isms  must  be  explained  from  Jonah's  Galilean 
origin — e.g.  the  K'  for  It^X  occurs  also  in  the 

northern  poem  of  Deborah.  Only  by  the  as- 
sumption of  its  genuineness  can  the  position 
of  the  book  amongst  the  "  prophets  "  (strictly 
so  understood)  be  satisfactorily  explained. 
The  notice  in  2K.i4.25f.  is  not  properly  intelli- 
gible unless  the  author  of  the  Elijah  and  Elisha 
records  knew  him  to  be  a  prophetical  writer. 
The  authenticity  of  J  on. 2,  which  is  related  to  so 
many  places  in  the  Psalms,  involves  questions 
of  priority  and  of  the  criticism  of  the  Psalms. 
If  the  psalm  was  first  composed  in  its  present 
form  after  Jonah's  actual  deliverance,  the 
thoughts  correspond  to  the  situation.  Thank- 
fulness vs'as  assuredly  not  out  of  place,  when 
Jonah  has  just  escaped.  And  how  otherwise 
could  the  thoughts  have  been  suggested,  and 
why  did  the  supposed  interpolator  insert  them 
in  a  place  unsuitable  to  them  ?  The  idea  of  a 
haphazard  throwing  together  of  fragments  of 
unrelated  jioetry  is  excluded  by  2.2,9,  which 
indicate  an  occasion  and  a  purpose.  Fried- 
richsen,  Krit.  Ueherstcht  cl.  Verschieden  .'In- 
sichten  von  Jona  (2nd  ed.  1841).  [w.m.] 

Jo'nan,  son  of  Eliakim,  in  the  genealogy  of 
Christ  (I.u.3.30). 

Jo'nas. — 1.  A  Levite  who  put  away  his 
foreign  wife  (iEsd.9.23).  Perhaps  he  is  the 
same  as  the  Eliezer  of  Ezr.lO.23. — 2.  The 
prophet  Jonah  (2Esd.l.39  ;  Tob.14.4,8  ;  Mt.l2. 
39-41,16.4).— 3.  (Jn. 21. 15-17-)     [Jona.] 

Jonathan'. — 1.  Eldest  son  of  king  Saul. 
The  name  (  =  the} gift  of  Jehovah)  seems  to 
have  been  common  at  that  period.  He  first 
appears  some  time  after  his  father's  accession 
(iSam.13.2).  If  his  younger  brother  Ish- 
bosheth  was  40  at  the  time  of  Saul's  death 
(2Sam.2.io),  Jonathan  must  have  been  at  least 
30  when  first  mentioned.  Of  his  own  family 
we  only  know  of  the  birth  of  one  son,  5  years 
before  his  death  (2Sam.4.4).  He  was  re- 
garded in  his  father's  lifetime  as  heir  to  the 
throne.  Like  Saul,  he  was  a  man  of  great 
strength  and  activity  (2Sam.l.23),  of  which 
the  exploit  at  Michmash  was  a  proof.  He 
was  also  famous  for  the  martial  exercises 
in  which  his  tribe  excelled — archery  and  sling- 
ing (c/.  iChr.12.2).  His  bow  was  to  him  what 
the  sword  was  to  his  father  (2Sain.l.22).  It 
was  always  witii  him  (iSain.l8.4,20.35ff.).  He 
is  chiefly  known  thrcuigh  his  relations  with 
David,  probably  as  related  by  his  descendants 
at  David's  court.  But  there  is  a  background, 
not  so  clearly  given,  of  his  relations  with  his 
father.  From  the  time  he  first  appears  he  is 
Saul's  constaTit  com])anion,  always  j^resent  at 
his  meals.  The  whole  story  implies  the  (hn-p 
attachment  of  father  and  son.  Their  mutual 
affection  was  indeed  interrupted  by  the  grf)Wth 
of  Saul's  insanity.  But  Jonathan  cast  his  lot 
with  his  father's  decline,  not  with  his  frieud's 


JONATHAN 

rise,  and  "  in  death  thev  were  not  divided  " 
(2Sam.l.23;  iSam.23. 16-18).  Thestorv  of  his 
life  may  be  divided  into  two  main  parts,  derived, 
according  to  some  critics,  from  an  older  and  a 
later  source  ;  the  first  deals  with  his  prowess  as 
a  warrior,  the  second  reveals  his  friendship  with 
David.  The  campaign  against  the  Philistines, 
in  which  Jonathan  stands  out  as  the  hero,  is 
commonly  called,  from  its  locality,  "  the  war 
of  Michmash  "  (iSain. 13,14).  In  the  previous 
war  with  the  Ammonites  (11. 4-15)  there  is  no 
mention  of  him,  but  he  is  already  of  great  im- 
portance in  the  state.  Of  the  3,000  men  of 
Saul's  standing  army  (13.2,24.2,26.1,2),  1,000 
were  under  the  command  of  Jonathan  at 
Gibeah.  The  Philistines  still  occupied  most 
of  the  country  ;  an  officer  was  stationed  at 
Geba,  probably  =  Gibeah.  In  a  sudden  act 
of  youthful  daring  Jonathan  slew  this  officer, 
and  thus  gave  the  signal  for  revolt.  Saul 
took  advantage  of  it,  and  the  whole  population 
rose.  But  it  was  a  premature  attempt.  The 
Philistines  poured  in  from  the  plain,  and  the 
tyranny  became  more  deeply  rooted  than  ever. 
From  this  oppression  Jonathan  now  was  the 
first  to  deliver  his  people.  Communicating 
his  project  to  his  armour-bearer  only,  he  sallied 
forth  from  Gibeah  to  attack  the  garrison  of  the 
Philistines  stationed  on  the  other  side  of  the 
steep  defile  of  Michmash  (14.  i).  A  panic  seized 
the  garrison,  spread  to  the  camp,  and  thence  to 
the  surrounding  hordes  of  marauders;  an  earth- 
quake added  to  the  terror  ;  the  Israelites  who 
had  been  taken  slaves  by  the  Philistines  during 
the  last  three  days  (LXX.)  rose  in  mutiny,  and 
those  who  lay  hid,  in  the  caverns  and  deep 
holes  in  which  the  rocks  of  the  neighbourhood 
abound,  came  forth  to  the  fray.  Saul  and  his 
little  band  had  watched  in  astonishment  from 
the  heights  of  Gibeah  the  wild  retreat  :  he 
now  joined  in  the  pursuit.  Jonathan  had  not 
heard  of  the  rash  curse  (14. 24)  which  Saul  in- 
voked on  any  one  who  ate  before  the  evening. 
In  the  dizziness  and  darkness  (see  1Sam.i4.27, 
Heb.)  that  came  on  after  his  desperate  exer- 
tions, he  put  forth  the  staff  which  apparently 
had  (with  his  sling  and  bow)  been  his  chief 
weapon,  and  tasted  the  honey  which  lay  on 
the  ground  as  they  passed  by  [see  Forest]. 
Jcphthah's  dreadful  sacrifice  would  have  had  a 
parallel ;  but  the  people  interposed,  and  Jona- 
than was  saved  (14.24-46).  The  chief  interest 
of  his  career  lies  in  his  friendship  with  David, 
which  began  on  the  day  of  David's  return  from 
the  victorv  over  Goliath,  and  continued  till 
death  (18.1-4.19.1-7,20,23. 14-18).  Their  Last 
meeting  was  in  the  forest  of  Ziph,  during  Saul's 
pursuit  of  David  (23. 16-18).  From  this  time 
forth  we  hear  no  more  till  the  battle  of  Gilboa. 
In  that  battle  he  fell,  with  his  two  brothers  and 
his  f.ither,  and  his  corjise  shared  the  fate  of 
theirs  (31. 2, 8-10).  His  remains  were  buried 
first  at  Jabesh-gilead  (13),  but  afterwards  re- 
moved with  those  of  his  father  to  Zelah  in  Ben- 
jamin (2Sam.2i.12).  The  news  of  his  death 
occasioned  the  celebrated  eiegv  of  David. — 
2.  Son  of  Shiineah,  brother  of  Jonadab  and 
nephew  of  David  (2Sam.2i.21  ;  iChr.20.7). 
Like  I  )avid,  he  engaged  in  a  single  combat,  aiul 
slew  a  Rigantic  Philistine  of  Gath  (2Sam.21. 
21).  Perhaps  he  is  the  same  .as  Jonathan 
ia,   iChr.27.32,  who   is   described  as  David's 


JONATHAS 

brother's  son  (R.V.  marg.).  a  counsellor, 
a  wise  man,  and  a  scribe. — 3.  The  son  of 
Abiathar,  the  high-priest.  He  is  the  last 
descendant  of  Eli,  of  whom  we  hear.  He 
appears  twice:  (i)  on  the  day  of  David's 
flight  from  Absalom  (2Sam.l5.36,17.i5-2i); 
(2)  on  the  day  of  Solomon's  inauguration 
(iK. 1.42, 43). — 4.  One  of  David's  heroes  ;  son 
of  Shage  the  Hararite  (1Chr.ll.34),  or  of 
Hashem  the  Gizonite  (  =  Jashen;  cf-  2Sam.23. 
32,  where  Shammah  represents  Shage  and  is 
himself  one  of  the  guard). — 5.  The  son,  or  de- 
scendant, of  Gershom,  the  son  of  Moses  (Judg. 
18. 30,  "Manasseh,"  A.V.,  being  a  corrupt 
reading  for  Moses,  cf.  R.V. ;  perhaps  here 
inserted  by  Jews  out  of  respect  for  the  name  of 
Moses).  [Manasseh,  4].  Wandering  through 
the  country  in  search  of  a  home,  the  young 
Levite  of  Bethlehem-judah  came  to  the 
house  of  Micah,  the  rich  Ephraimite,  and  was 
by  him  appointed  to  be  a  kind  of  private 
chaplain.  When  the  Danites  went  north- 
wards to  found  a  city,  Jonathan  went  with 
them,  stole  the  ephod  and  teraphim  of  Micah, 
and  became  priest  of  the  Danites  at  Laish  or 
Dan  (Judg.18). — 3.  One  of  the  Bene-Adin 
(Ezr.8.6  ;  iEsd.8.32). — 7-  A  priest,  son  of 
Asahel ;  one  of  two  who  judged  those  who 
had  made  mixed  marriages  (Ezr.lO.15). — 8. 
A  priest  of  the  family  of  Melicu,  in  the  days 
of  Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua  (Ne.i2.14). — 9.  A 
scribe  in  whose  house  Jeremiah  was  im- 
prisoned (Je. 37. 15, 20,38. 26). — 10.  Son  of 
Kareah,  and  brother  of  johanan  (40.8)  ; 
one  of  the  captains  of  the  army  who  had  es- 
caped from  Jerusalem  in  the  final  assault  by 
the  Chaldeans,  and  with  his  brother  Johanan 
resorted  to  Gedaliah  at  Mizpah. — 11.  Son  of 
Joiada,  and  his  successor  in  the  high-priest- 
hood. Scripture  records  that  the  genealogies 
of  the  priests  and  Levites  were  preserved 
in  his  day,  and  that  the  chronicles  of  the  state 
were  continued  to  his  time  (Ne. 12. 12, 22, 23). 
Josephus(ii  A  tit.  vii.  i)  states  that  he  murdered 
his  own  brother  Jesus  in  the  temple,  because 
Jesus  was  endeavouring  to  get  the  high-priest- 
hood from  him  through  the  influence  of  Bagoses, 
the  Persian  general. — 12.  Father  of  Zechariah, 
a  priest  who  blew  the  trumpet  at  the  dedication 
of  the  wall(12.35). — 13.  A  son  of  Mattathias, 
and  brother  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (iMac.9.19 
ff.). — 14.  A  son  of  Absalom  (13.ii),  sent  by 
Simon  with  a  force  to  occupy  Joppa,  which 
was  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Jews  (ch.  12). 
[Sparta.]  Jonathan  was  probably  a  brother 
of  Mattathias,  3  (11. 70). — 15.  A  priest  who 
offered  up  a  solemn  prayer  on  the  occasion  of 
the  sacrifice  made  by  Nehemiah  after  the  re- 
covery of  the  sacred  fire  (2Mac.l.23ff.). 

Jon'athas  (R.V.  Jathan),  son  of  "the 
great  Samaias  "   (Tob.5.13). 

Jonath  -  elim  -  pechokim.  [Psalms, 
Titles  of.] 

Joppa,  Japho'  (Jos.i9.46),  Joppe  (in 
Apoc),  the  nearest  sea-port  to  Jerusalem. 
The  name  means  "  fair,"  probably  from  its 
gardens,  which  are  noticed  as  early  as  14th 
cent.  B.C.  The  town  was  not  taken  by  Joshua, 
and  the  border  of  Dan  apparently  excluded  it 
(Jos. 19. 46)  ;  but  Joppa  was  Solomon's  port 
(2Chr.2.i6;  cf.  iK.5.9;  Ezr.3.7).  From  Joppa 
JoQah  took  ship  fof  Tarshish  (Jon.l.3).  The 


JORDAN,  RIVER 


427 


city  was  captured  by  Jonathan  the  Has- 
monaean  in  147  b.c.  (iMac.lO.75,76,11.6),  after 
the  cruel  drowning  of  the  Jews  by  Greeks  or 
natives  in  164  e.g.  (2Mac.4.2i,12.3-7)  ;  and  it 
was  fortified  by  Simon  as  a  haven,  though  still 
claimed  by  the  Greeks  in  135  e.g.  (iMac.14.5, 
34,15.28,35).  Though  often  besieged  later, 
and  destroyed  by  Vespasian  as  the  home  of 
pirates,  the  city  has  alwa5's  maintained  its 
importance  as  a  trading  port,  with  a  natural 
harbour  formed  by  a  dangerous  reef,  and  with 
an  artificial  port  (now  called  the  "  moon-pool," 
and  silted  up),  S.  of  the  town  which  stands  on 
a  low  hill  by  the  shore.  The  modern  Ydfa 
(Jaffa)  is  stiil  a  prosperous  city  of  8,000  in- 
habitants, with  fine  orange  gardens  in  the 
sandy  plain  to  E.  The  mediaeval  walls  still 
enclose  it.  The  ancient  Jewish  cemetery, 
explored  by  M.  Clermont-Ganneau,  E.  of  the 
town,  has  yielded  texts  of  Rabbis  living  in 
the  2nd  and  3rd  cents,  a.d.  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii. 
pp.  254-258,  275-278).  A  Phoenician  text  has 
also  been  found,  but  its  genuine  character  is 
disputed.  Jaffa  is  noticed  in  the  Amarna 
letters  of  15th  cent,  e.g.,  two  of  them  being 
written  thence  (Brit.  Mus.  57,  71).  It  was 
defended  for  Egypt  by  its  ruler.  The 
Egyptian  Mohar  who  reached  it  a  century 
later  speaks  of  its  date  palms  and  gardens,  of 
thieves  who  stole  his  armour  and  frightened 
his  horses,  so  that  his  chariot  was  broken,  and 
of  the  smiths  and  carpenters  who  repaired  it 
(Brugsch,  Hist.  Egt.  ii.  pp.  107,  108).  [g.r.c.] 

Jo'ppe,  often  in  Apoc. — e.g.  iEsd.5.55  ; 
iMac.10.75,  etc.  ;  2Mac.4.2i,12.3,7,  for  Joppa. 

Jopah',  the  ancestor  of  a  family  which  re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.2.i8). 
In  Ne.7.24  the  same  family  are  represented  as 
the  sons  of  Hariph.  The  variation  of  name 
can  be  accounted  for  by  a  clerical  error  due  to 
indistinct  writing  in  a  MS. 

Jopai',  a  Gadite  dwelling  in  Gilead  in 
Bashan,  when  Jotham  was  king  (iChr.5.13). 

Jopam'. — 1.  (2K. 8. 16,25-29,9. 14, etc.)  =  Je- 
horam,  I. — 2.  (2K.8.21-24  ;  iChr.3.ii ;  2Chr. 
22.5,7;  Mt.l.8)  =  jEHORAM,  2. — 3.  A  Levite, 
ancestor  of  Shelomith,  4  (iChr.26.25). — 4.  A 
priest  in  Jehoshaphat's  reign  (2Chr.l7.8). — 5. 

[HaDORAM,  2.] 8.  (lEsd.l.9)  =  JOZABAD,  4. 

-  Jopdan,  Rivep.  The  name  is  usually 
rendered  "  the  descender "  ;  but  the  old 
translation — "  river  of  Dan  " — was  perhaps 
not  far  wrong,  if  we  remember  the  Assyrian 
danu,  "  great."  For  yor-dan  might  simply 
mean  "  the  great  river."  In  two  passages 
(Gen.50.io,ii  ;  Job  40. 23),  where  a  great 
river  is  intended,  Jordan  does  not  seem  to  be 
meant.  [Abel,  4.]  The  Jordan  is  noticed  in 
76  chapters  of  O.T.  and  in  11  of  the  N.T.  Its 
valley  is  called  the  kikkdr  of  Jordan  (Gen. 13. 
10;  Jos.22.li;  iK.7.46;  2Chr.4.i7).  [Re- 
gion.] The  famous  stoppage  of  the  river 
(Jos. 3. 16)  probably  occurred  25  miles  from  its 
mouth.  [Adam,  City.]  The  fords  of  Jordan 
are  often  noticed  (Jos. 2.7  ;  Judg.3. 28, 12.5,6), 
and  a  raft  was  used  to  carry  over  David's 
household  (2Sam.i9.18).  The  river  is  said  to 
overflow  its  banks  about  the  time  of  Pass- 
over, in  the  first  month  (Jos. 3. 15  ;  iChr.l2. 
15).  The  "swelhng"  (Je.12.5,49.19,50.44),  or 
"  pride  "  (A.V.  Zech.ll.3),  of  Jordan  then 
drove  the  lioi^s  fjrom  the  CQvert§  of  the  lower 


428 


JORDAN,  RIVER 


channel.  Jordan  in  March,  wlien  the  Hermon 
snows  begin  to  melt,  often  fills  the  Zor,  or 
channel  (a  mile  wide),  in  which  the  river  winds 
amid  bushes  of  tamarisk  and  cane  brakes. 
The  lion  no  longer  lurks  among  these,  but  its 
bones  have  been  found  in  the  gravel  beds  on 
the  banks.  The  Jordan  is  said  to  have  been 
again  dried,  that  Elijah  and  Elisha  might  pass 
(2K.2.7,i3),  and  was  the  scene  of  another  of 
Elisha's  miracles  (6.2-7).  In  it  Naaman  the 
S\Tian  bathed  to  cure  his  leprosy,  though 
preferring  the  brighter  rivers  of  Damascus 
{5.10,12,14).  In  Jordan  our  Lord  also  was 
baptized  (Mt.3.13  ;  Mk.l.g  ;  Lu.3.2i  ;  Jn.l.29). 
Geographical  Description.  The  sources  and 
course,  the  aifluents,  fords,  and  bridges,  and 
the  valley  (kikkdr)  itself,  are  now  known  by 
accurate  survey. — The  geographical  Source 
is  a  rock  near  the  town  of  Hdsbeiya,  high  up 
on  the  W.  slope  of  Hermon  ;  but  the  historical 
source  is  at  Bdnids.  [Caesarea  Philippi.] 
The  Banias  stream  is  the  largest  of  seven, 
which  unite  to  form  the  river  about  6  miles 
S.W.  of  this  source  ;  the  Ledddn  is  fed  by  the 
fine  spring  at  Tell  el  Qd4y  [Dan]  and  by  an- 
other to  the  W.  ;  while  W.  of  the  Hasbdny 
(or  hiasbeiya  River)  streams  flow  S.E.  and  E. 
from  the  slopes  of  Upper  Galilee,  the  three 


JOSABAD 

a  small  muddy  delta  where  it  enters  the  Dead 
Sea. — The  Affluents  on  the  E.  include  several 
streams  from  Gilead,  especially  the  Yermuq 
(Hieromax),  near  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  the 
Jabbok  lower  down.  On  the  W.  two  peren- 
nial streams  (the  Hindu j  and  the  Waqqds) 
flow  into  the  Huleh  Lake,  while  S.  of  the  sea  of 
Galilee  the  chief  streams  come  down  the  valley 
of  Jezreel,  that  of  Aenon,  and  from  '  Ain 
'Aujeh  [Naaran]  and  '.4m  Qelt  [Achor]. 
The  waters  of  Nimrim,  and  of  the  river  of  Gad 
[Jaazer],  also  flow,  even  in  the  autumn,  into 
the  Lower  Jordan. — The  Bridges  are  not  older 
than  the  Middle  Ages,  including  that  of 
"  Jacob's  Daughters,"  S.  of  the  Huleh  Lake  : 
that  of  the  "  dam  "  (Sidd),  immediately  S.  of 
the  sea  of  GaUlee  ;  that  of  the  "  gathering  " 
(Mujdmi'a),  N.E.  of  Beisan ;  and  the  Ddmieh 
bridge  [Adam,  City].  They  are  all  in  ruins, 
but  an  iron  bridge  has  recently  been  erected 
E.  of  Jericho,  at  the  Greek  Place  of  Baptism. 
— The  Fords  of  Jordan  are  most  numerous 
between  the  sea  of  Galilee  and  the  Damieh 
bridge,  in  which  distance  of  75  miles  there  are 
19  well-known  crossing  places.  There  are  also 
two  S.  of  the  Huleh  Lake,  and  six  below  the 
Damieh  bridge,  the  last  but  one  being  the 
ford    E.   of   Jericho — the  place   where  Israel 


IHie  JijKDAN  \AI.I-i;v,  LOOKING  SOUIH.     (Hrom  an  original  drawing  by  Col.  Conder.)  W.D.A. 


chief  springs  being  ' Ain  Barhir  (of  murmur- 
ings),  'Ain  edh  Dhdheh  (of  gold),  and 
'Ain  Derddrah  (of  the  elm),  which  last  is 
the  farthest  N.  These  streams  flow  down 
rapidly,  the  fall  in  the  6  miles  from  Banias 
being  about  160  ft.  per  mile.  In  its  total 
course  of  140  miles  the  Jordan  falls  from  1,080 
ft.  above  sea-level,  at  the  historic  source,  to 
1,292  ft.  below  sea-level  at  the  Dead  Sea. — The 
Course  of  the  united  streams,  for  the  next  12 
miles  after  the  junction,  leads  S.  partly 
through  the  papyrus  marshes  which  extend 
4  miles  N.  of  the  Huleh  Lake  [Merom],  and  the 
fall  is  here  only  about  10  ft.  per  mile.  The 
lake  is  4  miles  long,  and  on  leaving  it  the 
river  again  runs  rapidly  to  the  sea  of  Galilee, 
10  miles  S.,  the  fall  being  70  ft.  per  \ni\c. 
On  leaving  this  lake,  682  ft.  below  the  Mediter- 
ranean [Gennesaret],  the  Jordan  enters  the 
great  valley,  10  miles  wide,  and  winds  in  its 
midst  in  a  sunk  channel  (the  Zor),  which  is 
sometimes  quite  narrow,  sometimes  a  mile 
wide,  with  steep  marl  banks  50  ft.  high.  The 
stream  is  about  30  yds.  across,  the  water  turbid 
and  full  of  coarse  species  of  fish,  the  Zor  being 
full  of  tamarisk  bushes  and  canes.  The  fall  is 
here  about  6  ft.  to  the  mile,  with  a  shallow 
gravelly  bed,  and  small  rapids  in  the  N.  part  of 
the  (ihor,  or  Jordan  Valley.  The  riv<-r  runs  100 
nUlvs  be(wee^  the  (wq  lower  l^kes,  ai^d  forms 


crossed  when  the  waters  were  cut  off,  and  the 
traditional  site  of  the  Baptism  of  our  Lord. 
[Bethabara.]  The  Jordan  can  be  crossed  at 
many  other  points  when  the  water  is  low 
in  autumn.  The  Jericho  ford  is  then  some 
2  or  3  ft.  deep.  Like  the  Abana,  the  Jordan 
springs  from  subterranean  caverns  in  the  lime- 
stone, fed  by  the  snows  of  Hermon.  Its 
waters  are  sweet  till  below  the  plain  of 
Beth-shean,  and  the  valley  contains  hot 
springs  at  Hammath  and  at  Gadara.  It 
becomes  narrower  below  Abel-meholah 
and  there  is  a  salt  spring  in  the  hills  to  W.  al 
'Ain  Mdleh.  Below  this  point  the  valley 
again  widens,  and  the  soil  is  strongly  impreg- 
nated with  the  salt  of  the  old  lake  bed,  which 
(in  the  Pluvial  age)  extended  from  N.  of  Petra, 
for  about  200  miles,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  pre- 
sent junction  of  the  seven  sources.  The 
salt  is  carried  down  by  the  river  into  the  pre- 
sent Dead  Sea.  [c.r.c] 

Jo'pibas  (iEsd.8.44)  =  Jarib,  2. 

Jo'nibus  (ii:sd.9.i9)  =  Jarib,  3. 

Jo'plm,  S(in  of  Matthat,  in  the  genealogy  of 
Christ  (Lu.3.29). 

Jopkoam',  either  a  descendant  of  Caleb, 
the  son  of  Hezron,  or  the  name  of  a  place  in 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (iChr.2.44). 

Josabad'. — 1.  Properly  Jozabad  (as  R.V.) 
the  Geder^thite,  4  warrior  Qi  Ben^amia  wt^o 


JOSAPHAT 

joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.12.4).— 2.  (lEsd. 
8.63)  =  JozABAD,  5. — 3.  (9.19)  =  Zabbai,  I. 
Jo'saphat  {Mt.1.8)  =  Jehoshaphat,  i. 
'  Josaph'ias.  [Josiphiah.] 
I  Jo'se  (properly  Joses;  R.V.  Jesus),  son  of 
Eliezer,  in  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord  (Lu.3.29). 
Jo'sedec,  Jo'sedech.  [Jehozadak.] 
Joseph  (yofeph,  yhoseph,  'lu<xrj<p).  Deriva- 
tion not  quite  certain.  Heb.  =  "  gathered  [i.e. 
taken  away]  my  reproach  "  {'dsdph).  More  pro- 
bably connected  with  y6seph  =  "i:na.y  He  add." 
^1.  Joseph  was  the  nth  son  of  Jacob,  and 
the  elder  of  Rachel's  long-delayed  offspring. 
Born  in  Haran,  he  returned  with  the  family  to 
Canaan,  and  there  incurred  the  enmity  of  his 
brothers.  The  occasion  seems  to  have  been 
(a)  his  father's  indulgence  to  the  son  of  a 
favourite  wife  and  of  his  old  age,  represented 
outwardly  by  the  gift  of  a  princely  garment 
(kHhoneth  passim ;  used  of  Tamar's  dress 
in  2Sam.i3.18) ;  (b)  an  evil  report  of  the 
brothers  which  Joseph  had  borne  to  Jacob  ; 
and  (c)  two  dreams,  predicting  his  future  ele- 
vation, which  the  boy  did  not  scruple  to 
narrate  to  the  family.  The  brothers,  accord- 
ingly, sought  a  suitable  opportunity  to  remove 
him,  and  found  it  when,  as  a  lad  of  17,  he  was 
sent  to  Dothan  to  inquire  of  their  welfare.  But 
the  first-born,  Reuben,  intending  to  rescue 
him,  persuaded  them  to  lower  Joseph  into  an 
underground  cistern,  rather  than  commit 
violent  miurder.  On  the  instigation  of  J  udah, 
he  was  drawn  up,  and  sold  for  20  pieces  of  sil- 
ver, to  a  pjissing  caravan  of  Ishmeelites  bound 
for  Egypt.  The  grief  of  Reuben,  on  discover- 
ing what  had  been  done  in  his  absence,  was  far 
exceeded  by  that  of  Jacob,  when  the  sons 
brought  him  Joseph's  tunic  stained  with  the 
blood  of  a  kid,  suggesting  that  some  evil 
beast  had  devoured  the  lad.  His  subsequent 
reluctance  to  entrust  Benjamin  to  their  pro- 
tection shows  how  great  a  shock  the  father 
sustained  on  this  occasion.  The  Midianite 
caravan  sold  Joseph  to  Potiphar,  a  high 
Egyptian  officer,  and  apparently  the  head  of  a 
squadron  of  soldier-police.  Jehovah's  pre- 
sence, manifested  in  Joseph's  diligence  and  re- 
sultant prosperity,  procured  his  successive  ad- 
vancement until  he  became  overseer,  in  which 
capacity  he  had  complete  control  of  all  the 
affairs  of  his  master's  house.  But  success  en- 
tailed downfall,  for  Potiphar's  wife  became 
eucmioured  of  the  Hebrew  steward  ;  and  when 
he  refused  her  repeated  solicitations,  she  ac- 
cused him  of  attempted  violence,  displaying  as 
evidence  the  coat  which  Joseph  had  left  in  her 
hands  as  he  fled  from  her  forcible  invitation. 
As  a  consequence  of  his  master's  natural  anger, 
he  was  put  in  the  state  prison,  where  his  dili- 
gence once  more  procured  his  advancement,  and 
the  prison-keeper  appointed  him  as  deputy. 
While  in  this  position  he  came  into  contact 
with  the  royal  cupbearer  (mashqi)  and  baker 
CophS),  who  had  been  imprisoned  by  Pharaoh. 
Eliciting  from  them  on  one  occasion  that  their 
sadness  was  due  to  significant  dreams,  he  re- 
minded them  that  interpretations  belonged  to 
God,  and  (acting  as  Jehovah's  oracle)  explained 
that  the  three  vine  branches  seen  by  the  cup- 
bearer, and  the  three  baskets  of  the  baker's 
vision,  alike  represented  three  days,  at  the  end  of 
which  the  former  was  to  be  released,  and  the 


JOSEPH 


429 


latter  hanged.  Although  this  came  to  pass,  the 
cup-bearer  forgot  Joseph,  until,  at  the  end  of 
two  years,  a  mysterious  dream  of  Pharaoh 
recalled  the  interpreter  to  his  mind.  Joseph 
was  at  once  brought  out  of  prison,  and,  after  a 
hasty  toilet,  appeared  before  the  monarch  and 
explained  that  the  seven  fat  kine  swallowed  up 
by  the  seven  lean  ones,  and  the  seven  good  ears 
of  corn  devoured  by  the  seven  blasted  ones, 
represented  seven  years  of  plenty  which  were 
to  be  succeeded  by  seven  years  of  complete 
famine.  He  further  advised  that  provision 
should  be  made  out  of  the  surplus  (one- 
fifth)  of  the  good  years  for  the  time  of  want. 
Interpretation  and  advice  alike  commended 
themselves  to  Pharaoh,  and  at  the  age  of 
30  Joseph  was  appointed  vizier,  as  best  able 
to  carry  out  his  own  suggestion.  Special  rai- 
ment and  a  gold  collar  were  bestowed  upon 
him,  and  (in  the  course  of  a  grand  tour  of  the 
country)  he  was  greeted  by  the  people  with  the 
acclamation  "  Abrech  "  (see  below).  He  was 
also  named  Zaphnath-paaneah,  and  received 
in  marriage  Asenath,  daughter  of  Poti- 
phera,  priest  of  On  (Heliopolis),  by  whom 
he  became  the  father  of  Manasseh  and  Eph- 
raim.  During  the  years  of  famine,  those  in 
want  were  referred  to  Joseph,  who  gave  them 
food  in  return  successively  for  their  money, 
their  cattle  and  horses,  and  their  land.  The 
land  which  thus  passed  into  the  hand  of 
Pharaoh,  was  let  to  the  people  at  a  rental  of 
Jth  the  yearly  produce.  The  priests  were  ex- 
empted from  this  confiscation.  As  the  famine 
was  not  confined  to  Egypt,  Jacob  was  forced 
to  send  his  sons  thither  to  buy  corn  and  pro- 
vender. Joseph,  who  was  not  recognized  on 
account  of  his  altered  age  and  position,  at  once 
knew  his  brothers,  and  feigned  a  harsh  atti- 
tude. If  they  were  not  spies,  let  them  bring 
down  that  youngest  brother  of  whom  they 
spoke — Simeon  should  be  detained  as  a  se- 
curity against  their  return.  This  stipulation, 
their  story,  and  the  return  of  their  money  in 
the  sacks  troubled  the  aged  father,  and  it  was 
long  before  he  gave  a  reluctant  consent  for 
Benjamin  to  accompany  the  second  expedi- 
tion. A  divining  cup  placed  in  Benjamin's  sack 
furnished  excuse  for  the  recall  of  the  party  on 
their  way  home,  and  the  climax  of  the  story  is 
reached  with  the  dramatic  recognition  and  re- 
conciliation following  the  brothers'  fears  for 
Benjamin.  Wagons  were  sent  to  bring  Jacob 
and  his  household  to  Egypt,  and  after  the  old 
man's  doubts  had  been  overcome,  he  re- 
solved to  go  down  and  see  his  son  once  more 
ere  he  died.  The  family  was  introduced  to 
Pharaoh,  and  their  appointment  as  shepherds 
in  the  land  of  Goshen  (Feff^fi)  procured. 
Seventeen  years  later  Jacob  died,  and  Joseph 
accompanied  the  body  to  the  family  burial- 
place  at  Machpelah.  He  himself  lived  to 
the  age  of  no  years,  and  saw  the  third  genera- 
tion of  his  descendants.  His  body  was  em- 
balmed in  a  cofiin,  and  retained  in  Egypt  until 
the  Exodus,  when  it  was  transported  toCanaan, 
in  accordance  with  his  last  request.  For  an 
accoimt  of  the  traditional  tomb,  see  Shechem. 
— The  history  of  J  oseph  is  a  continuation  of  the 
patriarchal  narrative,  but  with  notable  differ- 
ences. The  direct  intercourse  with  Jehovah 
(so  conspicuous  in  the  case  of  Abraham  and 


430 


JOSEPH 


J  acob)  disappears,  except  in  the  matter  of  the 
interpretation  of  dreams.  This  fact,  and  the 
more  detailed  incidents,  give  a  decided  and 
human  personality  to  Joseph,  perhaps  less  felt 
in  the  other  cases.  There  is  also  a  consistency 
in  the  temperament  of  the  hero,  a  decided 
character,  a  magnanimity  and  generosity,  a 
perseverance  triumphing  through  the  help  of 
God  over  all  difftculties,  which  add  much  to 
the  appealing  force  of  the  narrative. — Chrono- 
logical and  Critical.  Unfortunately,  the  his- 
torian has  supplied  no  chronological  data. 
Therefore,  while  we  are  able  to  trace  parallels 
and  illustrations  in  Egyptian  history  and  liter- 
ature, we  have  no  guide  as  to  where  to  seek 
confirmatory  evidence  —  famines  were  not 
sufficiently  scarce  there  to  fix  a  period.  The 
general  opinion  is  that  the  date  of  the  story 
is  at  the  end  of  the  Hyksos  dynasty — i.e.  c. 
1634  B.C.  Extreme  critics  have,  in  consequence 
of  this  lack  of  data,  and  because  of  the  inclu- 
sion of  tribe  names,  regarded  it  as  a  pictur- 
esque description  of  a  tribal  migration  to  Egypt, 
on  the  analogy  of  the  Gk.  tradition  of  the 
return  of  the  Heraclidae.  It  is,  however,  ad- 
mitted (Dillmann,  etc.)  that  the  whole  setting 
of  the  narrative  is  truly  Egyptian,  the  attitude 
Hebraic,  and  the  promotion  of  a  Hebrew  to 
the  post  of  vizier  well  within  the  bounds  of 
probability  and  attested  by  external  evidence. 
The  story  of  Joseph,  by  its  very  naturalness, 
is  difficult  to  dispose  of  ;  and  even  if  a  double 
and  interwoven  narrative  is  discernible,  there 
appears  to  be  little  divergence  between  the 
two  traditions.  The  sojourn  of  Israel  in  Egypt 
is  so  constant  and  firm  a  belief,  and  such  a 
postulate  of  all  subsequent  Judaism,  that  the 
original  migration  there  deserves  special  atten- 
tion. The  local  colouring  of  the  story  is 
consequently  of  more  importance.  The  follow- 
ing points  may  be  noted,  (a)  The  reed-grass 
Calm)  growing  beside  the  river  (y'dr)  ;  the 
many-eared  variety  of  corn  grown  in  the  Nile 
Delta  ;  the  repetition  of  the  sacred  number  7 ; 
the  importance  attached  to  the  monarch's 
birthday  ;  the  shaving  before  entering  his 
presence ;  the  gold  collar  and  cotton  gar- 
ment bestowed  at  Joseph's  elevation  ;  the 
use  of  horses  on  state  occasions  only ;  the 
trade  with  Midian  for  spices ;  the  wine 
"  pressed  "  into  the  king's  cup — all  these  de- 
tails show  accurate  knowledge  of  Egyptian 
habit  and  natural  history.  (/;)  There  is  a 
record  of  a  vizier  who  was  also  supervisor  of 
the  Egyptian  granaries,  and  who  had  made  an 
official  visitation  of  the  whole  land  (c/.  Gen. 42. 
46).  (c)  The  Amarna  tablets  contain  the 
names  of  two  Semitic  officials  in  lofty  posi- 
tion in  Egypt.  (U)  The  narrative  of  Potiphar's 
wife  has  a  remarkable  parallel  in  the  Story  of 
the  Two  Brothers,  written  for  Seti  II.  (iqth 
dynasty).  Here  the  part  of  Joseph  is  taken 
by  one  brother,  and  his  sister-in-law  plays  the 
part  of  Potiphar's  wife.  While  it  is  i^ossible 
that  tliis  story  is  based  on  the  history  of  Jo- 
seph, the  resemblance  may  be  lateral  or  even 
accidental,  and  the  mythical  additions  of  the 
former  form  an  instructive  contrast  to  the 
soberness  of  the  history  of  Joseph,  (e)  It 
seems  certain  that  at  the  end  of  this  dynasty, 
the  ownership  of  the  land  passed  from  the 
old    aristocracy    into    the    hands    of    public 


JOSEPH 

officials,  and  a  system  of  tenure  based  on  a 
rental  of  20%  was  adopted.  It  is,  further, 
an  historic  fact  that  the  priests  were  exempted 
from  this  arrangement.  There  is,  on  the 
other  hand,  as  yet  no  evidence  that  the  al- 
teration was  due  to  any  cause  other  than  the 


JOSEPH'S  TOMB  AT  SllUCHEM.  W.D.A. 

(A  cenotaph  in  .i  modern  courtyard.  Two  small  pillars  at 
liead  and  foot  for  burning  lamps,  etc.  From  an  original  sketch 
by  Col.  Conder.) 

expulsion  of  the  old  aristocracy. — Linguistic. 
The  local  colour  is  enhanced  by  the  use  of 
certain  words  of  Egyptian  formation,  (a) 
Abrcch  {'abhrekh).  E.V.  derives  from  berekh, 
and  reads  "  Bow  the  knee."  But  the  etymology 
is  uncertain,  and  some  derive  it  from  an  Egyp- 
tian, others  from  an  Assyrian  source  =  a  title 
of  honour.  Luther  has  "  Landesvater."  Cf. 
Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  and  Mon.,  p.  214.  (b) 
Zaphnath-paaneah  ;  LXX.  'ifov>)ofjL<t)avrjx  = 
Onkh,  the  interpreter  of  secrets.  The  Heb. 
consonants  are  now  taken  as  equivalent  to  an 
Ivgyptian  form,  "Said  God,  He  liveth";  but 
see  Zaphnath-paaneah.  (c)  Asenath  and 
Potiphar  are  genuine  Egyptian  names,  {d) 
Father  to  Pharaoh.  The  expression  is  borne 
out  by  analogous  titles  in  the  inscriptions.  See 
Tt)nikins,  Life  and  Times  of  Joseph.  For 
the  story  of  the  two  brothers,  see  Sayce,  Fresh 
Light,  p.  52.  There  are  also  some  interesting 
and  useful  notes  in  Foakes-Jackson's  Bibl. 
Hist,  of  the  Hebrews  (2nd  ed.  1904)- — 2. 
(Num. 13. 7.)  Father  of  Ii;al,  i,  of  the  tribe 
of  Issachar. — 3.  {E/.t.IO.^z.)  One  of  those  who 
put  away  their  foreign  wives  in  accordance 
with  the  reform  of  Ezra. — 4-  (Ne.i2.14.) 
Mentioned  in  the  list  of  the  priestly  families  re- 
sident in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  Nehemiah's 
reforms. — 5.  (iMac.5.8,56,60.)  A  Jewish 
officer   defeated  by   Gorgias,    c.  164  b.c.^-6. 


JOSEPH  OF  ARIMATHAEA 

(2Mac.8.22)  =  JOANNAN.  —  7-  (Jth.8.1.)  An 
ancestor  of  Judith. — 8,  9,  10.  Ancestors  of 
Christ,  mentioned  in  St.  Luke's  genealogy. — 
11.  Son  of  Heli,  and  husband  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  ;  a  descendant  of  David,  of  evident 
uprightness.  He  figures  in  the  Infancy  nar- 
rative— the  espousal,  the  birth  of  Christ, 
visit  of  the  shepherds  and  Magi,  flight  into 
Egypt,  return  to  Nazareth,  and  the  journey 
to  the  temple  when  Christ  was  12  years 
old.  After  this  last  incident,  Joseph  disap- 
pears from  the  Bible  record.  It  has  been  na- 
turally conjectured  that  he  was  considerably 
older  than  Mary,  and  died  before  our  Lord 
commenced  His  public  ministry.  This  is 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  Christ  entrusted  His 
mother  to  the  care  of  an  apostle.  Acting  as 
foster-father  to  Christ,  he  shared  with  Mary 
the  knowledge  of  His  divine  origin,  and  also 
the  inability  fully  to  understand  His  mission. 
In  the  genealogies  of  both  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
Luke  our  Lord's  descent  is  traced  through  him. 
[Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.]         [b.f.s.] 

Joseph  of  Apimathaea  is  introduced 
in  all  four  narratives  of  Christ's  burial.  St. 
Mark  (1 5.42-46)  describes  him  as  a  counsellor 
of  honourable  position,  a  believer  in  the  advent 
of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  His  visit  to  Pilate, 
requesting  permission  to  bur}'  Jesus'  body,  is 
prompted  by  the  nearness  of  the  sabbath, 
and  is  termed  courageous.  The  request  was 
granted  after  the  fact  of  death  was  officially 
certified.  The  tomb  is  rock-hewn,  but  neither 
its  ownership  nor  position  are  indicated  by 
St.  Mark.  St.  Matthew  (27.57-60)  adds  that 
Joseph  was  rich,  and  also  a  disciple  ;  that  the 
tomb  was  his  own,  and  new,  he  having  had  it 
constructed.  St.  Luke  (23.50-53)  adds  his 
spiritual  qualities  ;  that  he  was  "a  good  man 
and  a  righteous";  that  Arimathaea  was  a 
Jewish  city;  that  "he  had  not  consented  to 
their  counsel  and  deed  "  ;  that  in  this  tomb 
"never  man  before  was  laid."  St.  John  (19. 
38,41,42)  adds  that  the  grave  was  in  a  garden, 
and  the  garden  in  the  place  where  He  was 
crucified  ;  but,  like  St.  Mark,  says  nothing 
of  ownership,  but  gives  proximity  as  the 
reason  for  the  grave's  selection.  These  various 
details  are  supplementary.  Proximity  and 
ownership  were  the  reasons  for  the  burial 
there.  Arimathaea  probably  =  Ramah  of 
Ephraim,  Samuel's  city  (iSam.l.i).  Joseph's 
tomb  would  probably  show  that  he  resided 
in  Jerusalem.  The  moral  value  of  Joseph's 
act  has  been  variously  estimated.  It  was 
courageous  alike  in  reference  to  Roman  and 
to  Jew.  It  would  be  difficult  to  feel  safe  in 
Pilate's  hands.  A  similar  request  of  another 
magistrate  cost  the  interceder  his  life  (Keim, 
vi.  260).  Still,  such  requests  were  often  granted. 
But  Jewish  fanaticism  might  easily  turn  on  a 
Sanhedrist  who  sided  with  the  crucified. 
Nevertheless  this  courage  was  certainly  be- 
lated. A  secret  discipleship,  unrevealed 
until  after  the  death,  was  not  ideal.  And 
the  burial  was  the  only  opportunity  remain- 
ing to  demonstrate  discipleship,  or  even 
reverence.  Joseph  is  not  mentioned  among 
the  disciples  who  saw  Christ  risen.  Nor 
does  he  appear  again  in  the  Acts.  So  little  is 
known  that  further  inference  is  hazardous. 
Cf.  B.Weiss,  Life  of  Christ,  iii.  378;  Edersheim, 


JOSHUA 


431 


Jesus  the  Messiah,  ii.  615-617 ;  Godet,  Luke,  ii. 
342.  For  ,an  advanced  critical  view,  Loisy, 
Quatrieme  Evangile,  p.  8g6.  [w.j.s.s.] 

Jo'seph,  called  Bap'sabas  (better,  as 
R.V.,  Barsab'has),  and  surnamed  Justus  ;  one 
of  two  persons  chosen  by  the  Church  (Ac.l.23) 
as  worth}-  to  fill  the  place  from  which  Judas 
Iscariot  had  fallen.  Eusebius  states  that  he 
was  one  of  the  Seventy,  and  relates,  on  the 
authority  of  Papias,  that  having  drunk  poison, 
he  was  miraculously  preserved  from  hurt 
[Ecc.  Hist.  iii.  39). 

Jose'phus  (iEsd.9.34)  =  JosEPH,  3. 

Jo'ses — 1.  (Mt.13.55  ;  Mk.6.3.)  One  of  our 
Lord's  "brethren."  [James.]  —  2.  (Ac.4.36.) 
Surnamed  Barnabas. 

Joshah',  a  Simeonite.chief,  sonof  Amaziah, 
in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (iChr.4'.34). 

Joshaphat',  the  Mithnite,  one  of  David's 
guard  (iChr.11.43). 

Joshaviah',  son  of  Elnaam,  and  one  of 
David's  guards  (1Chr.ll.46). 

Joshtaekashah',  "  son  "  of  Heman,  head 
of  the  17th  course  of  musicians  (iChr.25.4,24). 

Joshua  {Jehoshiia,  Jeshua,  Jesus). — 1. 
The  first  judge,  son  of  Nun  of  the  tribe  of 
Ephraim  (iChr.7.27),  who  took  over  the  leader- 
ship of  Moses,  and  brought  Israel  into  the 
Promised  Land.  He  is  first  mentioned  (Ex. 
17.9)  in  connexion  with  the  war  with  Amalek 
at  Rephidim,  and  thenceforward  occurs  con- 
stantly in  the  narrative.  He  accompanied 
Moses  for  part  of  his  journey  up  mount  Sinai  ; 
he  was  among  the  number  of  the  twelve  spies 
who  were  sent  forward  to  inspect  Canaan,  and 
one  of  the  two  to  bring  back  an  encouraging 
report  (Num. 13. r7, 14. 6).  Just  before  the 
close  of  the  wanderings,  he  was  invested  by 
Moses  with  the  leadership,  assumed  command 
on  the  death  of  Moses  (Jos.l.i),  led  the  people 
across  the  Jordan,  and  renewed  the  practice 
of  circumcision  at  his  camp  at  Gilgal.  Here 
he  was  visited  by  a  mysterious  "Captain  of 
the  Lord's  host."  Jericho  was  miraculously 
given  into  his  hands,  Ai  was  taken  after  a  first 
repulse,  and  Joshua  pushed  on  his  military  ex- 
peditions, first  against  the  Amorites  and  then 
against  the  Canaanites  and  the  peoples  of  the 
land  generally.  He  is  reported  to  have  com- 
pleted the  division  of  the  land,  and  to  have 
received  Timnath-serah  as  his  own  portion ;  he 
also  appointed  three  cities  of  refuge,  and  dis- 
missed the  trans-Jordanic  tribes  to  their  home. 
At  the  close  of  his  life  he  delivered  two  solemn 
addresses  to  the  people,  and  caused  them  to 
renew  their  covenant  with  Jehovah  at  She- 
chem.  He  died  at  the  age  of  no.  For  the 
Ajalon  song  and  other  difficulties  of  the 
book  of  Joshua,  see  art.  Joshua,  Book  of. 
Another  important  question  is  the  nature 
of  the  Heb.  immigration  into  Canaan.  In 
the  story  of  Joshua  it  appears  to  be  repre- 
sented as  a  combined  movement  under  one 
head,  which  had  the  effect  of  subduing  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  in  a  generation, 
with  the  exception  of  some  races  (13. iff.), 
which  are  variously  described  as  being  left  by 
Jehovah  as  a  punishment  to  the  Hebrews,  a 
means  of  testing  their  fidelity,  and  as  an  oc- 
casion for  teaching  them  the  art  of  war.  In 
the  subsequent  period  of  the  Judges,  however, 
we  are  introduced  in  old  documents  {e.g.  the 


432 


JOSHUA,  BOOK  OP 


last  five  chapters)  to  a  collection  of  people  with 
very  little  cohesion,  and  no  ruler  over  them  ; 
every  man  does  what  is  right  in  his  own  eyes, 
and  they  are  evidently  scarcely  able  to  main- 
tain themselves  in  their  new  territory.  Even 
when  a  judge  is  raised  up  to  deliver  the  people, 
he  has  usually  to  rely  upon  his  own  tribe,  and 
sometimes  to  fight  against  the  others.  The 
very  ancient  song  of  Deborah  gives  authentic 
evidence  of  the  period.  Judging  from  this,  it 
would  seem  either  that  the  preceding  epoch  of 
the  entry  into  Canaan  has  been  idealized  or 
that  there  was  a  rapid  degeneration  on  the 
death  of  Joshua.  It  may  be  that  the  movement 
spread  over  generations,  during  which  the  in- 
dividual tribes  wrested,  each  for  itself,  a  home 
from  the  natives  of  the  land.  We  arfi,  how- 
ever, justified  in  giving  Joshua,  without  doing 
violence  to  historical  principles,  a  very  pro- 
minent place  in  the  settlement  of  the  new  home. 
Judg.l  seems  to  indicate  the  essentially 
tribal  nature  of  the  transaction.  As  the 
people  are  still  engaged  in  wresting  the  land 
from  their  opponents  at  the  later  period  of  the 
judges,  it  is  clear  that  the  allocation  of  the 
land  did  not  necessarily  imply  that  the  subju- 
gation was  already  completed  {see  the  accounts 
of  the  tribal  lots  in  the  articles  on  each  tribe). 
— 2.  An  inhabitant  of  Beth-shemesh,  on  whose 
land  was  the  stone  at  which  stopped  the  milch- 
kine  which  had  brought  the  ark  of  God  from 
Ekron  with  the  Philistines'  offerings  (iSam. 
6.14,18). — 3.  A  governor  of  Jerusalem  after 
whom  a  gate  was  named  (2K.23.8). — 4.  = 
Jeshua  son  of  Jozadak  (Hag. 1.14,2.2  ;  Zech. 
3.1,  etc.).  He  was  high-priest  after  the  return 
from  the  Exile,  and  aided  in  combating  the 
wiles  of  the  Samaritans.  [b.f.s.] 

Joshua,  Book  of.  This  book  has  always 
been  regarded  by  the  Jews  themselves  as 
a  part  of  their  Canonical  Scripture.  The 
Talmud  declares  it  to  have  been  written  by 
Joshua  himself ;  save  that  Eleazar  wrote 
the  account  of  Joshua's  death,  and  Phinehas 
that  of  Eleazar.  The  early  date  of  Joshua  is 
corroborated  by  the  contents  of  the  book. 
There  is  (i)  no  allusion  whatever  in  it  to  the 
later  history  of  Israel,  though  undoubtedly 
early  portions  of  Judges  refer  to  kingly  govern- 
ment. (2)  In  15.63  we  read  that  the  Jebusites 
dwelt  among  the  children  of  Judah  "  unto  this 
day,"  which  fixes  the  date  as  before  David's 
re-capture  of  Jerusalem.  (3)  In  9.27  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  temple  was  as  yet  unbuilt.  (4) 
The  survey  of  Palestine  which  is  found  in  14-19 
is  extraordinarily  accurate,  as  is  proved  by  a 
careful  comparison  with  the  results  of  recent 
exploration.  No  such  complete  survey  could 
have  been  made  after  the  reign  of  Solomon. 
(5)  16.10  appears  to  have  been  written  at  a 
very  early  date.  The  contents  of  the  book 
strongly  suggest  (i)  that  the  author  was  a 
priest  ;  (2)  that  he  dwelt  in  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
and  very  probably  in  the  priestly  city  of  Hebron 
(see  the  details  in  14.0-15,15.13-20,21.11-13  ;(3) 
that  it  was  written  shortly  after  the  events 
described  ;  while  (4)  the  minuteness  of  some  of 
the  details,  in  19. 47  and  22  throughout,  suggest  : 
that  it  is  the  work  of  an  eye-witness.  This  eye-  | 
witness  was  probably  IMiinehas,  the  son  of 
Eleazar,  who  (cf.  Judg.17-21)  was  alive  when  | 
these  events  took  place.     The  form  of  analytic  , 


JOSIAH 

criticism  now  generally  adopted  by  the  critical 
school  in  this  country  will  be  found  in  Prof. 
Driver's  Introduction.  It  presents  us  with 
the  usual  "  main  narrative,"  disguised,  trans- 
formed, and  supplemented  by  various  other 
writers  and  "  redactors."  But  as  the  criticism 
is  entirely  subjective,  and  rests  on  the  assump- 
tion that  satisfactory  conclusions  of  such  a 
kind  can  be  drawn  from  internal  evidence 
alone — an  assumption  which  has  not  only  never 
been  demonstrated,  but  is  contrary  to  our 
usual  experience — we  may  safely  recur  to  tra- 
dition, on  the  point.  [Hexateuch.] — Diffi- 
culties. Objections  have  been  raised  (i)  to 
the  command  to  Joshua,  to  exterminate  the 
Canaanites,  as  indefensibly  cruel  and  as  im- 
possible to  have  come  from  God.  But  the  ex- 
termination of  wicked  and  depraved,  or  even 
feeble  and  incapable,  nations  by  stronger, 
manlier,  and  more  self-controlled  ones  un- 
questionably forms  a  part  of  the  divine 
government  of  the  world,  as  is  shown  by  the 
decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  empire  and  by 
the  Saxon  occupation  of  Britain.  Moreover, 
Scripture  tells  us  that  before  the  coming  of 
Christ  no  distinction  was  made  between  the 
sinner  and  his  sin,  and  that  the  punishment 
of  sin  was  held  to  involve  the  destruction  of 
the  sinner.  Men  may  take  exception  to  God's 
moral  education  of  the  world,  but  it  would 
be  difficult  to  substitute  a  better.  (2)  To 
miraculous  details,  such  as  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan,  and  the  standing  still  of  the  sun 
and  moon  at  the  battle  of  Gibeon.  The  former 
event  contravened  no  natural  laws  (see  Prof. 
G.  F.  Wright's  Scientific  Confirmations  of  O-T. 
Hist.  pp.  i3ofi.);  while  the  second  is  possibly 
a  poetical  extract,  adopted  without  explana- 
tion, from  the  book  of  Jashar.  For  (i)  such 
insertions  are  not  uncommon  in  both  O.T.  and 
N.T. — witness  the  well-known  passage  in  the 
Codex  Bezae.  They  probably  found  their  way 
from  the  margin  into  the  text.  And  (ii)  as 
Hengstenberg  (whose  orthodoxy  will  not  be 
contested)  contends,  no  indisputable  mention 
of  this  stupendous  miracle  is  found  elsewhere 
in  Scripture.  It  is  markedly  absent  from  the 
historical  Psalms.  The  first  undoubted  men- 
tion of  it  is  found  in  the  apocryphal  book  of 
Ficclesiasticus  (46.4),  the  testimony  of  which 
goes  back  as  far  as  the  grandfather  of  the 
author — i.e.  to  c.  200  b.c.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  must  be  remembered  (a)  that  the 
passage  is  found  in  the  LXX.,  and  {b)  that 
the  mightiest  miracle  is  as  easy  to  the  Creator 
of  heaven  and  earth  as  the  slightest  modifica- 
tions of  His  natural  laws.  [J-J-l.] 

Josiah. — 1.  Son  of  Amon  and  grandson  of 
Manasseh.  He  succeeded  his  father  639  B.C. 
(probably),  in  the  •'^th  year  of  his  age,  and 
reigned  31  years.  His  history  is  contained  in 
2K. 22-23. 30,  2Chr.34,35;  and  the  first  12 
chapters  of  Jeremiah  throw  much  light  upon 
the  general  character  of  the  Jews  in  his  days. 
He  began  in  the  Kth  year  of  his  reign  to  seek 
the  Lord  ;  and  in  his  12th  year,  and  for  6 
years  afterwards,  in  a  personal  progress 
through  Judah  and  Israel,  he  destroyed  every- 
where high  places,  groves,  images,  and  all  out- 
ward signs  and  relics  of  idolatry.  A  few  years 
after  his  accession,  viz.  in  630  e.g.,  hordes  of 
Scythians   invaded   W.   Asia,    and   advanced 


JOSIAS 

towards  Egypt,  along  the  sea-coast  of  Syria 
(Herod,  i.  104-106).  Contrary  to  expecta- 
tion, Jerusalem  was  spared,  and  the  deliver- 
ance from  so  great  a  peril  stimulated,  it  is 
thought,  the  zeal  of  the  reforming  party  in 
Jerusalem.  A  conamission  was  appointed  for 
the  restoration  of  the  temple  (2 K.22.3ff.),  and 
in  the  course  of  the  repairs  Hilkiah  the  priest 
found  that  "  Book  of  the  Law  "  which  quick- 
ened so  remarkably  the  zeal  of  the  king  and 
his  counsellors.  [Deuteronomy  ;  Huldah.] 
The  great  day  of  Josiah's  life  was  that  of  the 
Passover  in  the  i8th  year  of  his  reign.  After 
this,  his  endeavours  to  abolish  every  trace  of 
idolatry  and  superstition  were  still  carried  on. 
But  the  time  of  his  death  (which  had  been  fore- 
told by  Huldah)  drew  near  (2K.22.20).  When 
Pharaoh  Necho  went  from  Egypt  to  Carche- 
mish  to  carry  on  his  war  against  Assyria  (c/. 
Herod,  ii.  159),  Josiah,  possibly  in  a  spirit 
of  loyalty  to  the  Assyrian  king,  to  whom  he 
may  have  been  bound,  opposed  his  march  along 
the  sea-coast.  Necho  reluctantly  paused  and 
gave  him  battle  in  the  valley  of  Megiddo. 
Josiah  was  mortally  wounded,  and  died  before 
he  could  reach  Jerusalem.  He  was  buried  with 
great  mourning,  and  his  name  was  long  remem- 
bered in  the  lamentations  of  the  people  (2Chr. 
25.24,25). — 2.  The  son  of  Zephaniah,  at  whose 
house  the  prophet  Zechariah  was  commanded 
to  assemble  the  chief  men  of  the  Captivity,  to 
witness  the  solemn  and  symbolical  crowning 
of  Joshua  the  high-priest  (Zech.S.gff.). 

Josl'as. — 1.  fn  Apoc.  and  Mt.l.io,ii  for 
king  Josiah. — 2-  (iEsd.8.33)  =  Jeshaiah,  3. 

Josibiah',  a  Simeonite  chief  (iChr.4.35). 

Josiph'iah,  the  father  or  ancestor  of 
Shelomith,  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.10). 
A  word  is  evidently  omitted  in  the  first  part  of 
the  verse.  It  should  probably  read,  "  of  the 
sons  of  Bani,  Shelomith,  the  son  of  Josiphiah  " ; 
(see  iEsd.8.36). 

Jot.     [Writing.] 

Jotbah',  the  native  place  of  MeshuUemeth, 
the  queen  of  Manasseh  (2K.2I.19).  Possibly 
the  same  as  Jotbath  (Deut.lO.7  ;  Num.33. 
33),  "  a  land  of  rivers  of  water  " — clearly  et 
Tdbah,  in  the  'Arabah,  about  15  miles  N.  of 
Elath.  There  are  fine  springs  and  streams 
at  this  site.  [c.r.c] 

Jotbath'     (Deut.10.7),     or     Jot'bathah 

(Num.33.33).       [JOTBAH.] 

Jotham'. — 1.  The  youngest  son  of  Gideon 
(Judg.9.5).  He  escaped  from  the  massacre  of 
his  brethren.  His  parable  of  the  reign  of  the 
bramble  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  kind. 
After  uttering  it  he  fled  from  Abimelech  to 
Beer. — 2.  The  son  of  king  Uzziah  or  Azariah 
and  Jerushah.  After  administering  the  king- 
dom for  some  years  during  his  father's  leprosy, 
he  succeeded  c.  737  B.C.,  when  he  was  25  years 
old.  He  is  said  to  have  reigned  16  years  in 
Jerusalem,  but  in  this  must  be  included  the 
years  of  his  regency.  For  another  explana- 
tion of  the  chronological  difficulty,  see 
Chronology.  He  was  contemporary  with 
Pekah  and  the  prophet  Isaiah.  He  did  right 
in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  though  the  high 
places  were  not  removed.  He  built  the  high 
gate  of  the  temple,  and  overcame  the  Ammon- 
ites in  war  (2K. 15. 32-38  and  2Chr.27). — 3.  A 
descendantof  Judah,  son  of  Jahdai  (iChr.2.47). 


JUBILEE,  YEAR  OF 


4.33 


Jozabad'. — 1,  2.  Two  captains  of  the 
thousands  of  Manasseh,  who  deserted  to 
David  before  the  battle  on  Gilboa  (iChr.l2.2o). 
— 3.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr. 
31.13). — 4.  A  chief  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
Josiah  (2Chr.35. 9). — 5.  ALevite,  sonof  Jeshua, 
in  the  days  of  Ezra  (Ezr.8.33).  Probably 
identical  with  7. — 8.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of 
Pashur,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
10.22). — 7.  A  Levite  among  those  who  returned 
with  Ezra,  and  had  married  foreign  wives. 
Probably  identical  with  the  Jozabad  of  Ne.8.7, 
and  with  the  Jozabad  who  presided  over  the 
outer  work  of  the  temple  (11. 16). 

Jozachap',  son  of  Shimeath  the  Ammon- 
itess,  and  one  of  the  murderers  of  J  oash,  king  of 
Judah  (2K. 12.21).  Called,  by  a  clerical  error, 
Zabad  in  2Chr.24.26. 

Jozadak'.     [Jehozadak.] 

Jubar,  a  son  of  Lamech  by  Adah,  and  the 
first  inventor  of  stringed  and  wind  instruments 
of  music  (Gen. 4.21). 

Jubilee,  Year  of,  or  the  yobhel-yesiT, 
the  50th  year  following  the  succession  of  7 
sabbatical  years,  in  which  all  land  that  had 
been  alienated  returned  to  its  original  pos- 
sessor, and  all  Hebrew  slaves  were  liberated 
(Lev.25. 8-16,23-34,39-55),  even  before  the  ex- 
piration of  the  regular  term  of  6  years'  service 
established  by  another  law  (Ex. 21. 2).  During 
the  jubilee  year,  as  during  the  7th  year  or 
septennate,  the  land  was  to  lie  fallow  and 
enjoy  a  complete  rest  from  cultivation.  The 
owner  was  not  permitted  to  gather  the  product 
of  his  field  or  vineyard  into  his  storehouse,  as 
all  such  product  became  common  property  for 
the  use  of  all  men  and  beasts.  "  Jubilee  "  is 
a  corruption  of  the  Heb.  yobhel  (Aram,  yobheld; 
Arab,  wabilat),  and  is  also  applied  to  the 
ram's  horn  (Heb.  shophdr,  sometimes  mis- 
translated "trumpet";  cf.  yd&/je/ =  trumpet, 
Ex. 19.13;  shdpk'rdth  hayyoblvlim  =  trumpets 
of  rams'  horns,  Jos. 6. 4),  which  was  blown  on 
the  day  when  the  jubilee  was  proclaimed,  on 
the  loth  of  the  7th  month  (Tishri),  the  Day  of 
Atonement.  The  jubilee  law  covered  village 
buildings,  which  properly  belong  to  the  field, 
but  excluded  the  (walled)  city  houses,  which 
were  not  considered  land  property,  except 
those  originally  given  to  the  Levites,  who 
possessed  no  other  property.  The  law  oper- 
ated even  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  offered  his 
field  for  the  benefit  of  the  sanctuary,  who  had 
the  right  to  redeem  it,  for  the  accrued  value  of 
its  crops  and  one-fifth  additional,  at  any  time 
before  the  jubilee  (Lev.27. 22-24).  In  fact,  all 
sales  of  property  were  made  subject  to  the 
value  of  the  crops  calculated  to  yield  prior  to 
the  jubilee.  The  jubilee  year,  however,  did 
not  remit  any  debts.  There  was  no  necessity 
for  such  provision,  as  the  jubilee  followed 
closely  the  sabbatical  year,  at  the  "  end"  of  the 
7th  year  when  all  debts  were  already  wiped  out 
(Deut.15.1).  The  jubilee  year  was  intercalated 
between  2  cycles  of  7  septennates,  rnaking 
the  jubilee  occur  every  50th  year.  This  is  in 
accordance  with  the  plain  words  of  Lev.25.io, 
and  coincides  with  the  opinion  of  the  rabbis, 
except  Rabbi  Judah  ha-Nasi  (the  prince)  who 
said  that  the  jubilee  was  counted  as  the  first 
year  of  the  subsequent  sabbatical  cycle,  con- 
sequently only  49  years  constituted  a  jubilee 

28 


434 


JUCAL 


cycle  (Talmud,  Rosh  ha-Shanah,  folio  86,  ga; 
Arakin  12b,  lici).  The  first  jubilee  was 
iaaugurated  after  7  septennates  following 
the  possession  and  settlement  of  the  Promised 
Land  (Lev.25.if.)-  The  dates,  according  to 
the  Jewish  era,  are  as  follows  :  the  crossing 
of  the  Jordan  occurred  in  the  year  2489  of 
the  Creation  (1271  b.c);  allowing  7  years  for 
the  conquest  and  another  7  years  for  the 
settlement  (by  allotment  among  the  tribes), 
the  first  septennate  was  observed  in  the 
year  2510  (1250  b.c),  and  the  first  jubilee 
year  was  2553  (1207  b.c).  The  i6th  jubilee 
was  celebrated  (according  to  the  Talmud)  in 
the  i8th  year  of  Josiah,  who  reigned  31  years; 
the  remaining  13  years  of  his  reign,  together 
with  the  II  years  reign  of  Jehoiakim  and  Je- 
hoiachin,  and  the  11  years  of  Zedekiah  (2Chr. 
34.1,36.5,11),  making  35  years,  fix  the  17th 
jubilee  on  the  14th  year  from  the  destruction 
of  the  Holy  City  on  the  loth  day  of  the  month 
(Tishri  10  =  the  Day  of  Atonement ;  Ezk. 
40.1,  see  Tal.  Bab.  Arakin  12b).  [Sabbatical 
Year.]  The  object  of  the  jubilee  law  was  to 
secure  social  equality  and  keep  intact  the 
ownership  of  the  landed  property  among  the 
families  and  tribesmen  as  their  share  in  the 
Holy  Land  originally  allotted  to  them  by 
Joshua.  This  is  clearly  shown  by  the  argument 
raised  with  reference  to  the  daughters  of  Zelo- 
phehad  :  if  they  married  outside  their  tribe,  the 
jubilee  would  revert  their  hereditary  property 
to  the  tribe  into  which  they  married.  Hence 
the  injunction  that  they  shall  marry  "  only  to 
the  family  of  the  tribe  of  their  father  "  (Num. 
36.4-6).  But  after  the  invasion  of  Shalmaneser 
and  his  conquest  of  Samaria,  when  the  partial 
exile  of  the  10  tribes  took  place,  and  the  re- 
maining tribes  were  assimilated,  the  jubilee  law 
became  necessarily  obsolete  (Tal.  Bab.  A  rakiii 
32b).  The  jubilee  was  then  counted  nominally 
after  every  7  septennates  (every  49  years),  as 
the  sabbatical  years  continued  to  be  observed 
by  the  Jews  after  their  return  from  Babylon 
during  the  period  of  the  second  temple.  The 
system  of  counting  7  septennates  followed 
by  the  jubilee  year  (  =  7x7+1)  resembles  the 
c(junting  of  7  weeks  or  49  days,  and  celebrating 
the  50th  day  as  Pentecost  following  the  Pass- 
over festival.  The  jubilee  symbolizes  the  idea 
of  theocracy,  that  "  the  land  shall  not  be  sold 
for  ever  :  for  the  land  is  Mine  "  (Lev.25.23). 
Jew.  Encycl.  x.  605,  "Sab.  Year  and  Jub."; 
John  Fenton,  Early  Heb.  Life,  pp.  66-74  (Lon- 
don, 1880) ;  Ewald,  Ant.  pp.  369-380.  [Slave  ; 
PooK  ;    Vow.]  [j.D.E.j 

Jucal'  (Je.38.i)  =  jEHucAL. 

Ju'da. — 1.  The  patriarch  J  udah  (Sus.56  ; 
Lu.l. 39,3.33  ;  Heb.7.14  ;  Kcv.5.5,7.5).— 2. 
(Mk.6.3.)  [Judas  the  Lord's  Bkothek  ; 
Jamks.] — 3.  (Lu.3.26.)  Son  of  Joanna.  [Ha- 
namah,  8. J  He  has  been  identified  with 
Abiud  (Mt.Li3). — 4.  Son  of  Joseph  ben- 
Jonan  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lu.3.30). 

Judah  (Heb.  yltudhd,  "praised"). — 1.  The 
fourth  son  of  Jacob,  and  of  Leah  (Geu.29.33), 
and  the  ancestor  of  the  royal  house  of  Uavid. 
He  is  recorded,  with  his  own  brother  Reuben, 
to  have  saved  Joseph's  life  (37.21,26),  and  to 
have  become  surety  for  Joseph's  brother 
Henjamin  (43.3,8);  and  was  therefore  sent 
ahead   by  Jacob  (46.28)  to  Joseph,  who  had 


JUDAH 

already  heard  the  touching  appeal  of  Judah 
which  brought  about  the  reconciliation  of  the 
brothers  (44.i6-45.i).  la  the  blessing  of 
Jacob  (49.9-12)  he  is  represented  as  the  leader 
"  until  he  come  toShiloh,"  and  there  is  allusion 
to  the  vines  and  pastures  of  his  lot.  In  the 
blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.33.7)  there  is  an  early 
allusion  to  the  separation  of  the  tribes,  whose 
jealousy  dated  back  to  the  time  of  Saul.  In 
the  wilderness  Judah  led  the  van  (Num.2. 9), 
being  the  strongest  of  the  tribes.  The  story  of 
Judah  and  his  daughter-in-law  Tamar  (Gen. 
38.1-30),  so  repugnant  to  our  code  of  ethics,  is 
natural  to  early  Eastern  ideas,  and  was  not 
regarded  as  a  disgrace  (see  Ru.4.i2).  The  duty 
of  marrying  a  childless  widow  (the  Levirate) 
was  held  sacred,  and  Judah's  tribe  sprang, 
not  from  his  half-Canaanite  sons  (Gen. 38. 2-5), 
but  probably  from  a  Hebrew  mother.  The 
privileges  of  the  q''deshd  (A.V.,  incorrectly, 
harlot,  vv.  21,22),  or  "holy  woman"  con- 
secrated to  some  deity,  were  recognized  in 
the  time  of  Abraham  (see  Hammurabi's  laws), 
as  they  still  are  in  India,^in  Japan,  and  even 
among  Moslems  ;  though  such  "  saints  " — 
male  and  female  alike — were  forbidden  later 
by  the  law  among  Hebrews  (Deut.23.i7). 
The  house  of  David  sprang  frona  Tamar's 
son  Pharcz  (Ru. 4. 18-22),  and  from  Ruth  the 
Moabitess  (3. 12, 4. 5).  Our  Lord's  descent  was 
thus  not  purely  Hebrew,  though  the  idea  that 
his  ancestress  Rachab  (Mt.1.5)  was  the 
Canaanite  inn-keeper  Rahab  (Jos. 8. 25)  is  a 
mistake,  since  the  latter  must  have  lived  three 
centuries  before  the  mother  of  Boaz. — The 
Tribal  Lot  included  about  1,800  sq.  m.  of 
country,  of  which  however  about  1,000,  in  the 
"plain"  {sddhd)  of  Philistia,  was  unconquered 
till  the  time  of  Solomon,  and  precariously  held 
by  the  stronger  kings  of  Judah,  such  as  Heze- 
kiah.  Another  400  sq.  m.  was  desert  (inidhbdr), 
W.  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Jordan  Valley.  The 
remaining  400  sq.  m.  included  "mountains" 
(hdr)  which  were  well  watered,  and  produced 
corn,  wine,  oil,  and  fruits  ;  with  the  "  lowlands  " 
{sh'pheld),  or  foot-hills  between  mountain  and 
plain,  also  rich  in  cornfields  and  olive  yards, 
and  with  the  "dry"  district  {ne^hcbh  ;  A.V. 
south),  which  was  a  pastoral  region  S.  of 
Hebron.  The  S.  border  of  J  udah  ran  near  the 
Beer-sheba  torrent-bed,  and  at  the  foot  of  the 
hills  to  its  E.,  though  some  cities  of  Simeon  lay 
N.  of  this  valley.  The  N.  border  (Jos.i5.3-12) 
ran  from  the  Jordan  to  the  Mediterranean,  fol- 
lowing the  valley  of  Achor  from  its  confluence 
with  the  Jordan,  N.  of  Beth-hoglau,  anil  leav- 
ing CiiLGAL  outside  in  Benjamin.  By  Adummim 
and  En-shemesh  it  reached  En-kogel,  to  S. 
of  the  temple  hill ;  and,  following  the  Hinnom 
gorge,  it  left  Jerusalem  in  Benjamin.  It  then 
turned  S.  past  the  head  of  the  Reimiaim  valley, 
by  Rachel's  tomb  (iSam.10.2),  running  to  the 
water  of  NErnTOAH,  or  S.VV.  of  Betiilehem. 
EoUowing  the  ridge  of  Mt.  ICimikon  it  reached 
KiKjATii-jEARiM,  ou  S.  Side  of  tlic  Valley  of 
SoKEK,  leaving  Chesalo.v  in  Benjamin  ;  and 
following  the  valley  VV.  to  Beth-siiemesh, 
and  TiMNAii,  it  entered  the  I'hilistine  plain, 
and  passed  along  the  low  ridge  of  Ekron,  to 
Jabneel,  and  to  the  sea,  which  was  the  VV. 
border  as  far  S.  as  Gaza  and  Gerak.  The 
position  of  all  these  sites  is  now  known,  as 


JUDAH,  KlN6t>6M  6f 

described  under  their  names,  and  the  boundary 
throughout  is  formed  by  important  natural 
features — high  ridges  and  deep  gorges. — 2.  An 
ancestor  of  Kadmiel  (Ezr.3.9) ;  perhaps  = 
HoDAViAH,  3. — 3.  A  Levite  who  had  taken  a 
foreign  wife  {IO.23);  perhaps  the  same  Judah 
as  in  Ne.12.8,36. — 4.  A  Benjamite,  son  of 
Senuah,  Ne.ll.9. — 5.  "Judah  upon  [R.V.  ai] 
Jordan "    (Jos.i9.34),    on     E.    of    Naphtali. 

[JUDEA  BEYOND  JORDAN.]  [C.R.C] 

Judah,  King-dom  of.  When  the  dis- 
ruption of  Solomon's  kingdom  took  place  at 
Shechem,  only  the  tribe  of  Judah  followed  the 
house  of  David.  But  almost  immediately 
afterwards,  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  is  recorded  as 
contributing  its  warriors  to  make  up  his  army. 


JlJDAH,  KINGDOM  Of         435 

1  Judah  (2K.I2.18),  by  Jehoash  of  Israel  {14. 

[  14),  by  Ahaz  (16.8),  by  Hezekiah  (I8.15),  and 

j  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (24.13).     With  a  frontier 

less  exposed  than  that  of  Israel  to  powerful 

enemies,  a  soil  as  fertile,  a  population  hardier 

and  more  united,  a  fixed  and  venerated  centre 

\  of  administration  and  religion,  an  hereditary 

;  aristocracy  in  the  sacerdotal  caste,  an  army 

always  subordinate,  a  succession  of  kings  which 

no  revolution  interrupted,  Judah  survived  her 

more  populous  and  more  powerful  sister  king- 

i  dom  by  135  years,  and  lasted  from  930  b.c.  to 

I  536  B.C.     (a)  The  first  three  kings  of  Judah 

1  cherished  the   hope    of  re-establishing   their 

I  authority  over  the  Ten  Tribes  ;  for  fifty  years 

;  there  was  war  between  them  and  the  kings  of 


The  former  territory  of  Simeon  (iSam.27.6; 
iK.19.3  :  cf.  Jos. 19.1, 2)  and  part  of  Dan  (2Chr. 
11.10  ;  cf.  Jos. 19. 41, 42)  were  recognized  as  be- 
longing to  the  southern  kingdom,  which  in  the 
reigns  of  Abijah  and  Asa  was  enlarged  by  some 
additions  taken  out  of  the  territory  of  Ephraim 
(2Chr.l3.i9,15.8,17.2)  ;  and  the  growth  of  the 
kingdom  of  J  udah  is  witnessed,  so  far  at  least 
as  the  numbers  can  be  relied  upon  [Number], 
by  the  progressive  increase  of  the  army  under 
successive  kings.  Unless  Judah  had  some 
means  besides  pasture  and  tillage  of  acquiring 
wealth — as  by  maritime  commerce  from  the 
Red  Sea  ports,  or  (less  probably)  from  Joppa, 
or  bykeeping  up  the  old  trade  (1K.IO.28)  with 
Egypt — it  seems  difficult  to  account  for  the 
wealth  of  the  temple  treasury,  which  was  so 
great  as  frequently  to  invite  the  hand  of  the 
spoiler.  The  treasury  was  emptied  by  Shishak 
(I4.26),  again  by  Asa  (15. 18),  by  Jehoash  of 


Israel,  (b)  Hanani's  remonstrance  (2Chr.l6. 7) 
prepares  us  for  the  reversal  by  Jehoshaphat  of 
Asa's  policy  towards  Israel  and  Damascus.  A 
close  alliance  sprang  up  between  Judah  and 
Israel.  Jehoshaphat,  active  and  prosperous, 
repelled  nomad  invaders  from  the  desert, 
curbed  the  aggressive  spirit  of  his  nearer  neigh- 
bours, and  made  his  influence  felt  even  among 
the  Philistines  and  Arabians,  (c)  Amaziah, 
flushed  with  the  recovery  of  Edom,  provoked 
a  war  with  his  more  powerful  contemporary 
Jehoash,  the  conqueror  of  the  Syrians  ;  and 
Jerusalem  was  entered  and  plundered  by  the 
Israelites,  (d)  Under  Uzziah  and  Jotham, 
Judah  long  enjoyed  political  and  religious 
prosperity,  but  Ahaz  became  the  tributary 
vassal  of  Tiglath-pileser.  {e)  Though  already 
in  the  fatal  grasp  of  Assyria,  Judah  had  a 
chequered  existence  of  more  than  another 
century  after  the  downfall  of  the  kingdom  of 


436 


JWdAS 


Israel.  Then  the  consummation  of  its  ruin 
came  in  the  destruction  of  the  temple  by 
Nebuzaradan,  amid  the  wailings  of  prophets, 
and  the  taunts  of  heathen  tribes  released  at 
length  from  the  yoke  of  David.  The  history 
which  centred  upon  the  capital  is  related  at 
length  in  our  art.  Jerusalem. 

Judas,  the  Gk.  form  of   the  Heb.  name 

JUDAH. 1.  (lEsd.9.23)  =  JUDAH,  3. 2.  Sur- 

namedMaccabaeus.  [Maccabees.] — 3.  Son  of 
Calphi,  and  one  of  the  two  captains  of  Jona- 
than's army  who  remained  firm  at  the  battle 
of  Gennesar  (1Mac.ll.70). — 4.  A  Jew  at  Jeru- 
salem who  sent  greetings  to  Aristobuli'S 
and  the  Egyptian  Jews  (aMac.l.io).  Some 
identify  him  with  Judas  Maccabaeus,  or  with 
the  Judas  mentioned  by  Josephus  (13  Ant. 
xi.  2,  I  Wars  iii.  5). — 5.  Son  of  Simon  and 
brother  of  John  Hyrcanus,  murdered  by 
Ptolemeus  the  usurper,  either  (c.  165  b.c.) 
with  his  father  (iMac. 16)  or  (c/.  esp.  vv.  2,16, 
19)  shortly  afterwards,  as  Josephus  (13  Ant. 
viii.  i)  suggests. — 6.  The  patriarch  Judah 
(Mt.l.2,3). — 7.  A  man  residing  at  Damascus, 
in  "  the  street  which  is  called  Straight  " 
[Damascus],  with  whom  Saul  of  Tarsus  lodged 
after  his  miraculous  conversion  (Ac.9.ii). 

Judas,  Juda,  or  Jude,  the  Lord's  Brother. 
So  mentioned  in  their  lists  of  the  four  brethren 
by  St.  Mt.  (13. 55),  who  places  him  last,  and 
by  St.  Mk.  (6.3),  who  places  hini  third,  before 
Simon.  As  to  his  exact  relationship  to  the 
Lord,  see  James.  In  default  of  statements  to 
the  contrary,  it  may  be  assumed  that  he  was 
brought  up  at  Nazareth,  that  he  shared  in  the 
brethren's  unbelief  as  to  J  esus  ( J  n. 7. 5), and  their 
subsequent  conversion  (.^0.1.14).  The  attempt 
to  identify  him  with  "Juuas  of  James" 
depends  upon  the  uncertain  rendering  of 
'Ioi;5as'Ia/cai/3oi' (Lu.6i6.),  by  "brother  of"  (c/. 
J  u.  I )  instead  of  "  son  of."  There  is  no  suffici- 
ent reason  for  doubting  that  this  Jude,  the 
"  Lord's  brother,"  is  the  author  of  Ep.  Jude. 
He  is  not  otherwise  mentioned  in  N.T.,  but 
Hegesippus  (Euseb.  H.E.  iii.  19,  20,  32)  says 
that  his  grandsons  were  brought  before  Domitian 
and  sur\'ivcd  till  the  reign  of  Trajan,  [e.h.p.] 

Judas  {of  James),  or  Thaddaeus,  or 
Lebbaeus.  .According  to  St.  Luke  (6.16  = 
Ac.1.13),  one  of  the  Twelve  was  called  'lovSas 
'laKui^ov,  which  usage  requires  us  to  render 
"Judas,  son  of  James."  In  Mk.3.i8  he  is 
called,  according  to  the  best  MSS.,  Thaddaeus. 
In  Mt.10.3  the  best  reading  (NB)  is  also  Thad- 
daeus alone,  the  words  underlying  A.V. 
(Ac/:</3aios  o  eiriK\rj6eis  OaSSaios)  being  due  to 
Western  texts  {cf.  Westcott  and  Hort). 
"  Lebbaeus  "  is,  perhaps,  due  cither  to  an 
attempt  to  identify  him  with  Levi,  or  to  an 
etymological  connexion  between  Heb.  li'bh 
(=  heart)  and  Aram,  iadh  =  Heb.  shadh  (  = 
breast,  mamma).  Dalman  connects  Thad- 
daeus with  Theudas.  Nothing  is  recorded 
as  to  "  Judas  of  James  "  except  the  question 
asked  by  him  of  Jesus  (Jn.i4.22),  on  which 
occasion  he  is  specially  distinguished  as  "  not 
Iscariot."  [e.h.p.] 

Judas  Iscariot,  always  mentioned  last  in 
the  lists,  and  di-scrihcd  as  the  "  betrayer,"  was 
son  of  Simon  (J  11. 6. 71),  possibly  <>f  Kekiotii  in 
Judaea  ;  and  so  tlie  only  iion-(  i.ililcaii  a])ostlc. 
Inferences   from   this  as  to  his    temperament 


JtTDAS  ISCAHIOT 

are  uncertain.  His  selection  was  with  know- 
ledge of  the  issue  (6.64).  There  is  no  more 
moral  difticulty  in  this,  than  in  any  ordinary 
providential  assignment  co  individuals  of 
positions  in  which  they  fail.  It  is  incredible 
that  Christ  was  deceived  in  him.  In  any  case, 
Christ  dismissed  him  from  the  "  upper  room  " 
knowing  what  he  would  do  if  dismissed.  His 
character  was  avaricious  and  dishonest  (12. 4). 
His  ability  is  suggested  by  his  appointment  as 
treasurer  ;  by  the  dexterity  with  which  he 
played  a  double  part  unsuspected  by  the  dis- 
ciples ;  and  by  the  powerful  nature  manifested 
in  his  fall.  When  selected  he  probably  pos- 
sessed undeveloped  capabilities  which  might 
mature  in  either  way.  Like  the  others,  he  was 
entrusted  with  a  mission  in  Galilee.  They  were 
sent  out  two  and  two.  We  are  not  told  who 
his  companion  was.  He  also  shared  our 
Lord's  exclusion  from  Galilee,  and  all  His 
wanderings.  As  time  revealed  the  Master's 
plan,  the  apostle's  trial  came.  Christ's  re- 
jection of  the  popular  Messianic  ideals,  con- 
sequent loss  of  popularity  and  influence,  and 
prediction  of  His  death  brought  Judas  to  the 
crisis.  If  he  originally  joined  our  Lord  from 
self-seeking  motives,  under  the  ordinary 
Messianic  conceptions,  he  would  now  be  re- 
quired (a)  either  to  exchange  those  conceptions 
for  his  Master's  spiritual  ideals,  and  so  to  sup- 
press self-interest  ;  or  (b)  openly  to  abandon 
Him  ;  or  {c)  to  remain,  and  force  the  Master's 
hand,  by  compelling  Him  publicly  to  assert 
Himself.  He  had  not  the  love  necessary  for 
the  first  alternative,  nor  did  he  select  the 
second.  If  the  third  alternative  moved  him, 
then  his  intention  was  not  to  ruin  Christ's 
cause,  but  to  accelerate  His  triumph,  'ihe 
first  hint  of  betrayal  is  placed  by  St.  John 
precisely  where  Christ's  popularity  decreased 
(6.64,70,71).  Thenceforward  develops  the 
tragic  struggle  between  Judas  and  his  Lord, 
culminating  in  the  ftual  Jerusalem  period. 
The  withering  of  the  barren  tree,  if  universally 
applicable  as  a  warning  on  the  vanity  of  profes- 
sion without  practice,  was  peculiarly  significant 
for  him.  The  lavish  exjienditure  of  the 
sjjikenard  was  to  hini  unintelligible  and  pro- 
voking (12.5,6);  only  love  could  understand. 
St.  Mark  sharply  contrasts  the  overture  of  be- 
trayal with  tliis  (Mk. 14. 10, II).  Bitterly  dis- 
appointed, moved  by  impatience,  the  plan  of 
betrayal  is  consummated.  The  sum  accepted 
shows  that  avarice  was  not  exclusively  his 
motive  (I'2x.21.32).  The  crisis  in  the  upper 
room  forms  a  series  of  final  appeals:  (i)  the 
appeal  of  service,  in  washing  Judas'  feet  ;  the 
proviso,  "  ye  are  clean,  but  not  all,"  with  the 
evangelist's  comment  (Jn.lS.io.ii) ;  (2)  the 
definite  announcement  that  one  of  the  Twelve 
would  betray  Him  (Mk.l4.i.S);  (3)  the  solemn 
statement  tiia*  non-existence  were  preferable 
to  such  a  sin  (21 ) ;  (4)  the  appeal  of  friendship, 
in  treating  Judas  as  the  honoured  guest  (Jn. 
13.26)  ;  (5)  tile  dismissal,  understood  by 
none  at  the  time,  was  a  last  ajipeal  (13.2 7-29). 
i'^very  appeal  frustrated,  Judas  "went  out," 
not  merely  from  the  upper  room,  but  from 
Christ's  discipleship.  "  It  was  night,"  fiKwi> 
Tvyxdvovcra  ttjs  yivofiivr)^  iv  rrj  \f'VXV  'ioi''5a 
vvkt6^  (Origen).  Th(nigh  it  has  been  ques- 
tioned, there  seems  very  strong  moral  proba- 


JUDAS  OF  GALILEE 

bility  that  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist  was 
postponed  until  Judas  had  withdrawn.  Christ's 
words  at  the  actual  betrayal  (omitted  in  St. 
Mark),  as  given  in  St.  Matthew,  are  either  a 
question  :  "  Wherefore  art  thou  come,"  A.V. 
(Ad  quid  venisti,  Vulg.) ;  or  a  command  :  "  Do 
that  for  which  thou  art  come,"  R.V. ;  though 
neither  seems  completely  satisfying.  In  St. 
Luke  Christ  draws  a  contrast  between  the  sign 
of  love  and  the  treacherous  purpose.  Judas 
"  had  neither  expected  nor  intended  that  Jesus 
should  be  condemned  to  death  "  (B.  Weiss, 
Life  of  Christ,  iii.  344).  "Judas  now,  seeing  that 
this  matter  went  further  than  he  intended  it, 
repented  of  his  fall"  (Bp.  J.  Taylor,  Life  of 
Christ,  III.  XV.  6,  vol.  ii.  p.  673).  If,  knowing 
his  Master's  power,  he  believed  that  the  arrest 
would  be  followed  b}'  some  majestic  manifes- 
tation ;  then  on  Christ's  refusal  to  exert  such 
power,  Judas  realized  that  he  had  forced  his 
Master  into  a  crisis  which  meant  destruction. 
Origen  thinks  that,  if  his  repentance  had  been 
complete,  he  would  have  appealed  for  Christ's 
forgiveness.  Yet,  if  he  had  entirely  aban- 
doned the  thought  of  good,  he  would  not  have 
repented  on  hearing  that  Christ  was  con- 
demned ;  nor  have  gone  to  the  high-priest  ; 
nor  have  parted  with  his  thirty  silver  pieces  ; 
nor  have  made  such  confession,  before  such 
an  audience  (Origen  on  Jn.i3.22).  If  Judas 
knew  that  he  had  betrayed  the  innocent  blood, 
did  he  also  know  that  he  had  rejected  divine 
revelation,  and  abandoned  the  Son  of  God  ?  Is 
he  excluded  from  the  prayer,  "Forgive  them, 
for  they  know  not  what  they  do  "  ?  Mediaeval 
and  modern  thought  would  probably  answer 
these  questions  differently.  If  the  only  un- 
pardonable sin  is  final  impenitence,  then  this 
betrayal  of  Christ  is  not  intrinsically  unpar- 
donable. If  he  had  lived  and  laboured  for 
reparation,  the  judgment  of  conscience  would 
not  be  difficult.  It  is  the  suicide  which  clouds 
the  issue.  For  Patristic  exposition  see  St. 
Jerome  on  Mt.26  ;  St.  Cyril  Alex,  on  St.  John 
and  on  St.  Luke,  Migne,  vol.  v.  p.  912  ;  Origen, 
I.e. ;  B.  Weiss,  op.  cit. ;  Schmid,  N.T.  Theol.  62  ; 
Lichtenberger,  Encyclopedic  des  Sciences  Re- 
ligieuses,  s.v. ;  Oskar  Holtzmann,  Life  of  Jesus, 
446;  Bovon,  Theol.  N.T.  i.  181 ;  Garvie,  Studies, 
pp.  261,  278,  287,  323  ;  Cox,  in  Interpreter, 
July  1907  ;  reff.  by  Otto  Zockler  s.v.  in  Hauck, 
ix.  31.  [w.j.s.s.l 

Ju'das  of  Galilee,  the  leader  of  a  popu- 
lar revolt  "  in  the  days  of  the  taxing  "  (i.e.  the 
census,  under  the  prefecture  of  Quirinus,  6  or  7 
A.D.),  referred  to  by  Gamaliel  in  his  speech 
before  the  Sanhedrin  (Ac. 5. 37).  According  to 
Josephus  (18  Ant.  i.  i),  Judas  was  a  Gaulon- 
ite  of  the  city  of  Gamala,  probably  taking  his 
name  of  Galilean  from  his  insurrection  having 
had  its  rise  in  Galilee.  His  revolt  had  a  theo- 
cratic character,  its  watchword  being,  "  We 
have  no  Lord  or  master  but  God."  That  Ju- 
das himself  perished,  and  his  followers  were 
dispersed,  we  learn  from  Gamaliel's  speech 
alone.  With  his  fellow-insurgent  Sadduc,  a 
Pharisee,  Judas  is  represented  by  Josephus  as 
the  founder  of  a  fourth  sect,  in  addition  to  the 
Pharisees,  Sadducees,  and  Essenes.  The  sons 
of  Judas  also  became  the  leaders  of  fanatical 
movements. 

Ju'das,     surnamed     B^psa'bas     (R.V. 


JTJDE,  GENERAL  EPISTLE  OF    437 

Barsab'bas).  a  leading  member  of  the  Church  at 
Jerusalem  (Ac.i5.22),  endued  with  the  gift  of 
prophecy  (32),  chosen  with  Silas  to  accompany 
SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas  as  delegates  to  the 
Chiu-ch  at  Antioch,  to  make  known  the  decree 
concerning  the  terms  of  admission  of  the 
Gentile  converts  (27).  After  employing  their 
prophetical  gifts  for  the  confirmation  of  the 
Syrian  Christians  in  the  faith,  Judas  and 
Silas  went  back  to  Jerusalem.  Nothing  further 
is  recorded  of  the  former.  It  is  possible  that 
he  was  a  brother  of  Joseph  Barsabas. 

Jude,  General  Epistle  of.  (1)  A  uthen- 
ticiiy.  Proceeding  backwards  from  end  of  4th 
cent.,  we  find  the  epistle  acknowledged  by  3rd 
Council  of  Carthage,  397  a.d.,  and  by  Jerome, 
who,  however,  admits  that  it  was  rejected  by 
many  (de  vir.  ill.  4)  on  account  of  its  reference 
to  the  book  of  Enoch.  Eusebius  places  it  among 
the  books  "  spoken  against  and  yet  recognized 
by  most"  (H.E.  iii.  25  ;  cf.  ii.  23).  Origen 
quotes  from  it,  but  admits  there  were  doubts 
(in  Matt.  xvii.  30).  Clem.  Alex,  commented  on 
it.  Tertullian  (de  cult.  fern.  i.  3)  mentions  its 
reference  to  the  book  of  Enoch.  The  Mura- 
torian  Canon  includes  it,  but  implies  the  exist- 
ence of  doubts.  Thus  there  is  no  question  of 
its  existence  from  end  of  2nd  cent,  onwards,  even 
though  it  is  omitted  in  the  Peshitta.  Earlier 
testimonies  must  be  accepted  with  caution, 
but  those  who  hold  by  the  priority  of  Jude  to 
2Peter  (for  which  see  Peter,  Second  Ep.  of), 
point  to  the  latter  as  the  earliest  reference  to 
Jude  (J.  B.  Mayor,  Jude  and  2  Peter,  p.  cxvi). 
Any  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  early  Church 
is  easily  explained  by  Jude's  angelology  and 
use  of  apocryphal  writings.  (2)  Authorship. 
There  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  questioning 
th€  early  tradition  that  the  epistle  was  written 
by  Jude,  the  Lord's  brother.  In  ver.  17  the 
writer  implies  that  he  was  not  one  of  the 
Twelve,  and  he  states  as  his  claim  to  attention, 
that  he  was  "  a  slave  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  bro- 
ther of  James"  (ver.  i).  For  some  points  of 
resemblance  between  the  epistles  of  the  two 
brothers,  cf.  Mayor,  ibid.  p.  cxlix  f.  The  com- 
parative obscurity  of  St.  Jude  makes  it  un- 
likely, as  Jiilicher  admits,  that  a  forger  would 
have  chosen  him  for  the  purpose.  (3)  Date  and 
Circumstances.  There  are  no  definite  indica- 
tions of  either,  but  it  is  implied  (ver.  17)  that 
his  readers  can  no  longer  listen  to  the  apostles, 
and  the  period  is  regarded  (ver.  18)  as  the  "  last 
time."  There  is  no  mention  of  persecution, 
and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  if  it  had  al- 
ready happened,  would  have  been  a  more  de- 
cisive instance  of  punishment  than  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah  (ver.  7).  As  the  heretics  attacked 
are  still  in  the  Church,  the  date  must  be  an- 
terior to  the  development  of  discipline.  Ac- 
cepting Jude  as  the  author,  we  have  to  consider 
whether  one  who  was  probably  born  c.  8  B.C. 
could  be  writing  an  epistle  much  later  than, 
say,  62  A.D.  There  is  no  evidence  as  to  the 
place  of  writing  or  the  locality  of  his  readers. 
But  the  immediate  cause  of  writing  is  given  in 
vv.  3,4 — the  intrusion  of  lawless  men  into  the 
Christian  society.  An  attempt  has  been  made 
to  identify  these  false  teachers  with  the  Car- 
pocratians  (so  Pfleiderer,  Jiilicher,  etc.)  of 
2nd  cent.,  but  Jude  says  nothing  that  is  incon- 
sistent with  the  elementary  antinomianism  of 


438 


JUDEA 


apostolic  times.  He  was  evidently  familiar 
with  some  of  St.  Paul's  epistles.  (4)  Contents. 
After  a  salutation  {vv.  1,2)  and  a  statement 
of  his  reasons  for  writing  {vv.  3,4),  he  de- 
votes the  main  portion  of  the  letter  to  a  de- 
nunciation of  the  Antinomians  {vv.  5-16).  In 
vv.  17-23  he  first  warns  and  then  exhorts  his 
Christian  readers,  closing  with  a  splendid  doxo- 
logy(  vv.  24,25).  (5)  Style  and  Characteristics. 
For  a  careful  study  of  the  grammar  of  the 
epistle,  see  Mayor,  Jnde  and  2  Peter,  ch.  ii.  The 
writer  has  a  remarkable  fondness  for  arranging 
his  thoughts  in  groups  of  three — e.^.  in  vv.  20, 
21,  he  urges  "  building  up,"  "  praying  in," 
"  looking  for  " — "  the  Holy  Spirit,"  "  the  love 
of  God,"  "  the  mercy  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ."  He  finds  his  warnings  chiefly  in  O.T. 
incidents,  but  is  also  remarkable  among  N.T. 
writers  for  his  use  of  apocryphal  documents. 
Thus :  (a)  For  a  number  of  resemblances  in 
Jude,  both  in  diction  and  in  matter,  to  the 
Book  of  Enoch,  see  Chase,  Hastings,  D.B.  ii. 
801,  and  the  edition  of  Enoch  by  R.  H.  Charles 
(1893),  who  traces  the  use  of  the  same  writing 
by  other  N.T.  writers.  The  chief  quotation 
from  it  is  in  Ju.6,  on  the  fall  of  the  angels. 
(6)  In  ver.  9,  which  deals  with  the  contest  of 
Michael  with  Satan  for  the  body  of  Moses, 
there  is  possibly  a  reference  to  the  writing 
called  the  Assumption  of  Moses  {cf.  edition  by 
R.  H.  Charles,  1897).  See,  besides  writers 
quoted  above  :  Zahn,  Einleitung  ;  C.  Bigg, 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude  ;  A.  Plummer,  St.  James 
and  St.  Jude  (in  Expositor's  Bible)  ;  E.  H. 
Plumptre  {Camb.  Bible  for  Schools),  [e.h.p.]. 
Judea,  or  Judaea.  Originally  the  tribal 
lot  of  Judah,  and  thence  extended  to  include 
Benjamin  as  belonging  to  the  kingdom  of 
Judah  ;  while,  in  the  Gk.  and  Roman  ages, 
the  border  was  yet  further  N.,  including  parts 
of  Dan  and  of  Ephraim.  The  Romans  used 
the  term  loosely  of  all  S.  Palestine,  so  that  the 
"Jews"  came  to  include  all  Hebrews  [Jewry]. 
In  146  R.c.  three  districts  (or  "  toparchies  ") 
were  added  to  Judaea  (1Mac.ll.34)  on  the  Sa- 
maritan border,  namely  Apiierema  {Taiyibeh), 
Lydda  {Ludd),  and  Ramathem  {er  Ram). 
Josephus  and  Pliny  (see  3  Wars  iii.  5  and  Hist. 
Nat.  V.  14)  mention  11  Jiidaean  districts  in  all, 
including  (with  the  above-named  Lydda) 
Akrabatta  {'Aqrabeh),  on  N.E.  ;  Gophna 
(Jufna),  N.  of  Bethel  ;  Thamna  {Tibneh), 
farther  W.  ;  Joppa  {Ydfa),  with  Jamnia 
{Yebna);  Emmaus  {'.Amwds);  Jericho  {er 
Riha)  ;  Herodium  {Jebel  Fureidis),  S.  of 
Bethlehem  ;  Eugedi  {'Ain  Jidy)  ;  Idumea 
(the  Hebron  mountains)  ;  and  Bethleptepha 
(apparently  Beit  Nettif),  near  Idumea  (see 
4  Wars  viii.  i).  Judaea  also  included  natural 
districts  called  Daroma  {dry,  the  older 
neghebh  ;  see  Judah),  Sarona  (Sharon), 
Geraritica  (Gerar),  sh''phcld  (Sephela), 
and  Gebalene  (the  older  hdr,  or  "  mountain 
rcgif)n").  The  N.  border  of  Judaea  was  im- 
portant (since  Samaria  was  not  reckoned  as 
being  in  the  Holy  Land),  and  the  notices  in 
Josephus,  and  in  the  Mishna,  allow  of  its 
being  very  accurately  determined.  Josephus 
places  the  district  of  Akrabcne  in  Judaea 
(3  Wars  iii.  4),  its  capital  being  'Aqrabeh, 
8  miles  S.E.  of  Siiechem.  He  also  (sect.  5) 
makes  the  S.  Samaritaa  border  to  be  defined 


JUDGE 

by  Anuath  (the  spring  'Ainah),  belonging  to 
Borkeos  {Berqit,  farther  W.),  these  sites  being 
on  the  main  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Shechem, 
and  15  miles  S.  of  the  latter.  [Asher.]  He 
moreover  speaks  of  Korea  (r  Wars  vi.  5)  as  on 
the  J  udaean  boundary,  on  the  road  from  Beth- 
shean.  This  perhaps  refers  to  the  ruin 
Kerdwa,  in  the  Far'ah  Valley  [Aenon],  where 
it  enters  the  Jordan  Vale.  These  indications 
agree  with  those  of  the  Mishna,  since  the 
beacon  station  of  Sartabah  {Rosh  hash-shanah 
ii.  4),  which  was  in  Judaea,  on  the  Samaritan 
border,  is  evidently  the  peak  of  Kurn  Sar{abah, 
immediately  S.  of  the  Far'ah  Valley.  The 
villages  of  Beth  Rima  {Beit  Rima),  Beth 
Labban  {Lubbon),  and  Keruthim  {QuriHt) 
were  in  Judaea,  since  the  wine  thence  was  law- 
ful for  use  {Menakhoth  ix.  5),  which  indicates 
the  great  valley  Wddy  Deir  Balldt  as  the 
boundary.  It  rises  far  E.,  and  passes  just  N.  of 
Borkeos,  reaching  the  plain  at  Antipatris, 
theborder  city  of  Judaea  (Tal.  Bab.  GitfinySa), 
Patris  {Budrus,  6  miles  S.  of  the  boundary 
valley)  being  in  Judaea  (Tosiphtha,  Demoii.). 
The  Talmud  draws  the  S.  boundary  of  the 
Holy  Land  from  Petra  to  the  gardens  of 
Ascalon  (see  Neubauer,  Geog.  dti  Tal.  p.  11), 
the  exact  border  being  at  Yagur  (p.  69),  evi- 
dently el  Jiirah,  the  village  immediately  N. 
of  Ascalon.     [Tamar  ;  Palestine.]    [c.r.c] 

Judea  beyond  Jopdan  (Mt.l9.i).  This 
passage  may  read  :  "  Came  into  the  coasts  of 
Judea  by  the  region  beyond  Jordan  "  (see 
Mk.lO.i,  "by  the  farther  side  of  Jordan"). 
Josephus  (12  Ant.  iv.  11)  uses  a  similar  ex- 
pression as  to  the  palace  of  the  priest  H^Tcanus 
(now  '  Ardq  el  Emir)  in  Gilead,  "between 
Arabia  and  Judea,  beyond  Jordan."  As 
Samaria  reached  to  the  sea  and  to  the  Jordan, 
it  was  necessary  for  Galilean  pilgrims,  who 
would  not  enter  a  region  considered  to  be 
outside  the  Holy  Land,  to  cross  Jordan  N.  of 
Beth-shean,  and  travel  E.  of  the  river  till 
opposite  Jericho.  In  Joshua  (19. 34)  we 
find  mention  of  "  Judah  upon  Jordan  to- 
wards the  sun-rising,"  as  the  E.  border  of 
Naphtali.  But  yhMhd  hay-yardcn  may  be 
a  clerical  error  for  yhtrd — "  the  rise  \_or, 
source]  of  Jordan  "  ;  and  the  LXX.  simply 
reads  "  to  Jordan  on  the  east."  [c.r.c] 

Judg-e.  (i)  Originally  the  head  of  the  pa- 
triarchal family  judged  his  dependents  (Gen. 
38.24).  Disputes  between  members  of  two 
families  probably  led  to  private  war  (Gen. 34). 
To  avoid  this,  recourse  was  sometimes  had  to 
arbitration  (Gen. 31. 32).  Gradually  the  Elders 
(probably  at  first  the  heads  of  the  various 
families)  came  to  have  jurisdiction  in  most 
cases,  including  even  offences  by  a  son  against 
his  father.  (2)  Mosaic  age.  (a)  After  the 
Exodus,  Moses  acted  as  judge.  At  the  sugges- 
tion of  Jethro  he  appointed  "rulers  of  thou- 
sands, rulers  of  hundreds,  rulers  of  fifties,  and 
rulers  of  tens  "  to  deal  with  the  easier  cases, 
reserving  the  harder  for  himself  (Ex. 18. 13-26  ; 
Deut. 1.9-18).  From  the  phrase  "  heads  of 
your  tribes  "  (Deut. 1.15)  it  appears  that  these 
were  elders,  {b)  While  Moses  sojourned  in  the 
mount  his  judicial  work  was  transacted  by 
Aaron  and  Hur,  perhaps  assisted  by  70  ciders 
(Ex.24. 1 4).  (f)  Subso(]urntlv  70  elders  were 
appointed   to  assist  Moses  (Num.11).     Their 


JUDGES,  BOOK  OF 

duties  are  not  specified,  (d)  Cases  of  Homicide 
were  judged  by  the  congregation — i.e.  the  local 
elders  (Num.35.24f. ;  Deut.l9.i2  ;  Jos.20).  This 
at  once  raises  a  presumption  that  the  whole  body 
of  judgments  in  which  the  first  law  of  homi- 
cide (Ex.21)  occurs,  was  intended  primarily 
for  elders ;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  frequent 
references  of  Deut.  to  elders  as  the  ordinary 
judges  (21.19,20,22.15-18,25.8)  and  the  subse- 
quent history,  (e)  Deut. 17. 8-13  contemplates 
a  supreme  court  for  the  decision  of  hard  cases 
consisting  of  "  the  priests,  the  Levites,  and  the 
judge  that  shall  be  in  those  days" — i.e.  appar- 
ently the  successors  of  Moses,  Aaron,  and  the 
seventy.  Contempt  of  this  court  was  punish- 
able with  death.  (/)  In  two  classes  of  cases 
the  priests  performed  quasi-judicial  fimctions  : 
(i)  Ordeal  of  Jealousy,  (ii)  where  certain 
offenders  repented  (Lev.5-6.7[5.26] ;  Num.5. 
5-8).  Deut. 16. 18  commands  the  appoint- 
ment of  judges  in  all  the  cities  of  Israel, 
but  gives  no  clue  to  the  method  of  their 
appointment  or  their  duties.  According  to 
iChr.23.4,26.29,  they  were  Levites  in  the 
days  of  the  monarchy.  Thus,  apart  from 
matters  reserved  for  the  priests,  we  see 
that  ordinary  justice  was  administered 
substantially  by  the  local  elders,  while  hard 
cases  were  to  be  reserved  first  for  Moses  and 
then  for  a  supreme  tribunal,  which  during 
his  lifetime  was  dominated  by  him.  (3) 
Later  the  elders  are  seen  at  work  (Ru.4  ; 
iK. 21. 8-14).  Judicial  work  was  done  by 
the  Judges — at  any  rate  in  some  cases 
(iSam.12.3,  etc.).  Under  the  monarchy  the 
King  exercised  judicial  functions  (2Sam.l2. 
5f.,14.4fr.,15.2  ;  iK. 3. 16-28,  etc.),  sometimes 
even  setting  aside  the  ordinary  law  (2Sam.l4. 
11).  Side  by  side  with  the  elders  and  the 
Levitical  "  officers  and  judges "  are  found 
princes,  who  appear  to  have  exercised  judicial 
functions  (Ho. 13. 10  ;  Zeph.3.3  ;  Je.26.10-24, 
37.15) ;  but  the  Heb.  word  is  the  same  as  that 
translated  rulers  (of  fifties,  etc.).  [Prince. 1 
Jehoshaphat  appointed  judges  throughout  the 
fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and  a  court  of  Levites, 
priests,  and  heads  of  the  fathers'  houses  in  Jeru- 
salem, to  decide  certain  religious  matters  under 
the  presidency  of  the  high -priest,  and  also  diffi- 
cult civil  and  criminal  cases  referred  to  it  by 
the  local  courts  under  the  presidency  of  a  lay- 
man (2Chr.i9.5-11).  In  the  time  of  Jeremiah 
a  priest,  who  was  "  chief  officer  in  the  house  of 
the  Lord,"  had  jurisdiction  over  certain  acts 
committed  in  the  temple  (Je.20.if.,29.26). 
Justice  was  usually  administered  in  the  gate. 
^elohim  is  sometimes  used  of  judges  (iSam.2.25, 
etc.).  [Priests  ;  Levites;  Family.]  Hamburger, 
Real-Encyklopddie-,  i.  437-444.  [h.m.w.] 

Judg'es,  Book  of,  covers  the  period  from 
the  death  of  Joshua  to  the  triumph  of  Samuel, 
for  the  Samson  episodes  probably  synchronized 
with  the  oppression  after  the  death  of  Eli. 
— Analvsis.  There  are  three  divisions  :  A,  1-2. 
5  ;  B,  2.6-16  ;  C.  17-21.  A  has  the  same 
source  as  Jos. 12-24,  but  is  concerned  rather 
with  the  failure  than  the  success  of  the  Israel- 
ites. It  is  a  later  addition  to  B,  which  has  its 
own  introduction,  2.6-3.8.  B  consists  of  stories 
from  many  sources,  fitted  into  a  framework  by 
a  compiler  who  wished  to  teach  how  sin  brings 
punishment  and  repentance  leads  to  deliver- 


JXJDGES,  BOOK  OF 


439 


ance  (2. 16-19  and  passim).  C  is  an  appendix, 
added  by  another  compiler,  who  wished  to  show 
how  ill  were  the  days  before  the  monarchy 
(18.1,19.1,21.25).  He  has  preserved  two 
stories  of  the  earliest  times,  both  (like  Ruth) 
connected  with  Bethlehem. — Date  and  Sources. 
C  appears  to  have  been  compiled  when  the 
monarchy  had  justified  itself,  and  the  old  days 
were  beginning  to  be  forgotten.  But  B  was 
influenced  by  Deut.,  and  must  therefore  be 
subsequent  to  that  book.  A  was  compiled  from 
the  same  source  as  Jos.  12-24  and  must  be 
dated  before  Joshua  superseded  that  source. 
The  whole  is  probably  pre-Exilic,  if  we  allow 
for  subsequent  modifications  and  corruptions 
of  the  text.  The  sources  are  Very  ancient, 
and  the  compilers  were  scrupulous  in  their  use 
of  documents,  e.g.  B  in  the  stories  of  Abimelech 
and  Samson  might  have  utilized  these  stories 
to  enforce  his  moral,  but  did  not.  He  was  con- 
tented to  transcribe  them.  C  did  not  attempt 
to  rewrite  the  narrative  of  the  Benjamite  war, 
though  its  confusion  is  probably  due  to  a  very 
primitive  attempt  to  combine  two  narratives 
in  one.  Even  advanced  critics  admit  the 
antiquity  of  the  documents  [vide  Moore 
(Comm.)  on  the  song  of  Deborah,  Kautzsch 
[Lit.  of  O.T.)  on  the  parable  of  Jotham,  Day 
{Social  Life  of  the  Hebrews)  on  Abimelech, 
Wellhausen  (Hist.)  on  Jephthah's  sacrifice, 
Budde  (Richter  und  Sam.)  on  Samson,  Driver 
(Intro.)  on  the  Benjamite  War].  Speaking  of 
the  stories  as  a  whole,  Moore  WTites  that  they 
"  are  manifestly  drawn  from  a  living  tradition, 
not  from  antiquarian  lore  ;  they  reproduce  the 
state  of  society  and  religion  in  the  early  days 
of  the  settlement  in  Palestine  with  a  convinc- 
ing reality  which  is  of  nature,  not  of  art  " 
(Comm.  p.  xvii).  It  is  hard  to  reconcile  this 
admission  with  the  author's  theory  as  to  the 
exceedingly  composite  character  of  the  text, 
or  with  a  long  succession  of  redactors  work- 
ing for  five  centvuies. — Chronology.  The  time 
notices  in  the  book  are  the  work  of  the  compiler 
B.  They  are  not  complete,  but  (if  merely 
added)  imply  a  period  of  some  350  years.  It  is, 
however,  at  present  impossible  to  harmonize 
this  period  with  other  parts  of  the  Bible,  or 
with  views  accepted  by  many  Egyptologists. 
Hevvey  (Speaker's  Comm.)  conspicuously  faUs. 
Keil  (Eng.  trans.,  276-293)  is  ingenious,  but 
not  convincing.  Most  recent  commentators 
only  allow  some  150  years  for  this  period,  and 
regard  some  of  the  judges  as  contemporaneous. 
[Chronology.] — The  History.  Ancient  his- 
torians are  concerned  with  unique  events  and 
exceptional  personalities.  Their  books  in  con- 
sequence mislead  modern  readers.  For  in- 
stance, many  fail  to  note  in  this  book  that  the 
times  of  peace  and  prosperity  are  longer  than 
the  times  of  war  and  oppression.  Institutions 
and  religious  practices  that  are  normal  have 
but  incidental  notice  ;  great  exploits  and  great 
crimes,  idolatry,  and  lawlessness  are  described 
at  length.  Joshua  tells  us  how  Israel  entered 
Palestine  as  a  host  under  one  leader,  subdued 
the  centre  and  the  S., exclusive  of  the  sea  plain, 
and  defeated  the  allied  kings  in  the  N.  Judges 
incidentally  proves  how  complete  was  the  con- 
quest of  the  centre  and  S.,  for  the  Israelites 
were  only  troubled  by  external  foes.  It  records 
the  revival  of  the  northern  confederacy  ;  but 


440 


JUDGES,  BOOK  OF 


Deborah  and  Barak  broke  its  power  for  ever. 
As  long  as  Israel  remained  aggressive  it 
was  united — Judah  helped  Simeon,  Ephraim 
Dan,  Ehud  blew  his  trumpet  in  mount 
Ephraim — but  as  they  settled  in  districts, 
geographically  distinct,  disintegration  began. 
The  common  tie  of  race  was  not  so  strong  as 
the  more  immediate  claims  of  family,  clan,  and 
tribe.  The  tie  of  common  faith  was  neutral- 
ized by  the  growth  of  local  superstitions  and 
reverence  for  local  Baalim.  The  common  sanc- 
tuary at  Shiloh  continued  to  exist  (21. 19  and 
iSam.1.3)  ;  but  there  was  apparently  no  great 
priest  between  Phinehas  and  Eli.  In  conse- 
quence, after  every  interval  of  peace  we  find 
the  people  less  imited.  All  the  people  were  at 
Bochim,  all  the  tribes  took  part  in  the  Benjam- 
ite  War.  Deborah  rallied  some  of  the  northern 
and  central  tribes,  Gideon  only  the  northern 
tribes  and  Manasseh,  Jcphthah  had  to  depend 
on  Gilead,  and  Samson  foustht  for  his  own 
hand.  The  steady  oppression  of  the  Philis- 
tines was  responsible  for  welding  the  people 
together,  and  made  the  careers  of  Samuel, 
Saul,  and  David  possible. — Institutions.  The 
twelve  tribes  were  divided  into  clans,  the 
clans  into  families.  Law  was  ordinarily  ad- 
ministered by  the  elders  or  princes  of  the  clan, 
sitting  in  the  gate  {Ru.4),  the  people  acting 
as  assessors  or  witnesses.  The  people  were  free. 
They  call  on  Joash,  through  their  chief,  to  bring 
out  his  son  Gideon  for  judgment  (Judg.6.30). 
In  the  endless  debate  of  Reuben  (5. 16)  we  have 
indications  of  a  communal  assembly.  The 
position  of  the  judges  was  not  constitutional 
or  regular — it  depended  on  personal  prestige. 
Barak,  Gideon,  and  Jcphthah  were  military 
dictators ;  Deborah,  Eli,  and  Samuel  were 
religious  leaders  ;  Ehud,  Shamgar,  and  Samson 
owed  their  influence  to  personal  prowess, 
Othniel  to  birth  and  marriage,  J  air  to  wealth 
and  local  consideration. — The  Family  and 
Social  Life.  The  family  was  the  unit,  and  the 
rights  of  the  individual  scarcely  existed.  Joash 
is  held  responsible  (6.30  ff.)  for  his  grown-up 
son,  who  is  married,  has  children,  owns  pro- 
perty and  servants  (6.27,7.10,8.20).  Samson 
applies  to  his  father  and  mother  to  arrange  his 
marriage  (I4.2).  Jcphthah  assumes  absolute 
rights  over  his  daughter  (11. 39).  The  old  man 
at  Gibeah  would  rather  sacrifice  his  daughter 
than  offend  against  the  law  of  hospitality  (19. 
24).  Polygamy  was  recognized  ;  but  was  ap- 
parently rare.  Manoah  had  obviously  but  one 
wife.  Jcphthah  was  presumably  a  monogam- 
ist ;  and  this  may  be  assumed  of  Othniel  and 
the  Levite.  The  wives  of  Gideon  and  the  family 
of  J  air  are  thought  worthy  of  remark.  Several 
forms  of  marriage  are  referred  to.  (i)  Marriage 
proper,  implying  an  alliance  between  families 
and  thepayment  of  adowry — Achsah  (I.12-15); 
(2)  Concubinage — Gideon  (8.31),  the  I.evite 
(19.i) ;  (3)  Sadiqa  marriage,  where  the  woman 
remained  in  her  own  home — Samson  (14). 
The  position  of  woman  was  undoubtedly  high. 
Deborah,  a  prophetess,  judged  Israel  before  her 
victory  (4.4).  Manoah's  wife  is  assumed  to 
have  co-ordinate  authority  with  her  husband 
(14.2).  A  woman  could  inlierit — .Vclisah  (1. 
15),  Ruth  (Ru.4. 9).  She  could  own  private 
property — Micah's  mother  (Judg.17.2).  She 
was  not  secluded,  even  when  a  virgin — Jepb- 


JUDGES,  BOOK  OF 

thah's  daughter  (11. 34)  and  the  daughters  of 
Shiloh  (21.21).  She  travelled  the  country  alone 
— the  Levite's  concubine  (19.2).  A  woman's 
dishonour  was  thought  little  of  compared  with 
a  man's  (19.23,16.1).  [Harlot.]  The  greatest 
disgrace  was  to  die  (as  Sisera  and  Abimelech) 
by  a  woman's  hand  (5.24-27,9.53,54  ;  cf.  2Sam. 
11.21).  By  the  law  of  inheritance,  property 
was  ordinarily  diyided  among  all  the  sons.  The 
30  sons  of  lair  had  each  a  town.  Abimelech 
asked,  "  Will  you  have  the  70  sons  of  Jcrubbaal 
to  reign  over  you  ?  "  (Judg.9.2).  The  constant 
subdivision  resulted  in  nobody  being  very  rich, 
and  none  were  above  manual  labour  (6.11); 
nor  were  any  very  poor,  except  the  I.eyites 
(18.7,19.19).  Joshua  had  apparently  allotted 
them  48  towns,  scattered  throughout  the  land  ; 
and  presumably  nobody  felt  that  it  was  their 
business  to  subdue  them  (Jos. 21). — Occupa- 
tions of  the  People.  In  the  E.  and  in  the  S.  the 
people  were  pastoral,  in  mount  Ejihraiiu  and  the 
N.  agricultural.  Mention  is  made  of  barley, 
wheat,  olives,  and  vines.  The  agricultural  dis- 
tricts were  more  settled  and  civilized.  There 
was  probably  some  truth  in  the  Ephraimite 
taunt  of  Jephthah  (Judg.12.4).  Besides  agri- 
culture, there  must  have  been  a  considerable 
trade.  There  were  highways  and  market- 
places ;  Dan  had  ships  and  Asher  landing- 
places.  There  are  also  incidental  notices  of 
parlours,  lattices,  doors,  locks,  chairs,  tables, 
looms,  embroidery,  linen  vestments,  costly 
robes,  pottery,  and  bowls  ;  also  mill-stones, 
ox-goads,  cords,  ropes,  money  ;  also  molten 
images,  ephods,  teraphim  ;  also  swords, 
daggers,  spears,  shields,  trumpets,  razors. 
These  things  imply  industry  and  traffic. — 
Culture  of  the  Period.  One  of  the  first  to%vns 
taken  by  the  tribe  of  Judah  was  Kirjath- 
scpher — the  "  book  town  "  (1.12,13).  The  lad 
captured  outside  Succoth  was  able  to  write 
down  the  names  of  the  elders  (8.14).  The 
song  of  Deborah  and  the  parable  of  Jotham 
undoubtedly  belong  to  the  period,  and  evince 
a  high  literary  character.  Then  we  have  the 
riddle  and  puns  of  Samson  ;  and  lastly,  we 
have  the  sources  from  which  the  book  is  ulti- 
mately derived. — Religion  and  Morality. 
Whether  the  religion  of  Israel  was  at  this  time 
(in  the  strict  sense)  monotheistic,  is  open  to 
dispute.  There  is  but  little  evidence  either 
way.  The  Israelites  certainly  worshipped  the 
Jehovah  Who  appeared  to  them  at  Sinai 
(5.4,5).  They  believed  in  the  ministry  of 
angels,  and  attributed  to  God's  direct  agency 
whatever  occurred  (see  esp.  21. 15).  They 
worshipped  a  jealous  God,  Who  forbade  any 
association  with  other  people.  Moore  writes 
{Comm.  p.  83),  "  The  religious  exclusiveness 
of  the  ancient  world  was  possible  only  on  terms 
of  complete  non-intercourse."  The  history 
is  a  coniinentary  on  this.  Israel  did  not  root 
out  the  nations,  and  could  not  refrain  from 
Baal  worship  and  festivals  like  Baal-berith. 
They  knew  God's  command,  and  disobeyed 
Him — were  punished,  and  repented.  Their 
heroes  achieved  great  victories  "  by  faith." 
The  peoi)le  were  courageous  and  industrious. 
Hosjiitality  was  of  obligation.  They  were 
ready  terribly  to  avenge  gross  impurity. 
Justice  required  the  law  of  Gokl.  A  vow  had 
to  be  literally  fulfilled,  tl^ough  it  involved  a 


JUDGMENT  HALIi 

human  sacrifice.  They  condemned  cruelty, 
treacherj^  and  duplicity.  Their  God  was 
righteous,  but  their  conception  of  righteous- 
ness was  low.  The  ark  was  at  Shiloh  ;  there 
were  priests,  and  Levites  had  religious  func- 
tions. There  was  at  least  one  festival  at  Shiloh. 
Sacrifices  were  also  offered  where  there  was 
a  theophany.  The  Nazirite  vow  was  known  ; 
prophetical  gifts  recognized.  They  prayed  to 
God  and  praised  Him.  They  appealed  to  Him 
to  answer  by  lot ;  they  regarded  Him  as  the 
witness  and  guardian  of  oaths.  There  were 
also  superstitions,  represented  as  such — 
Gideon's  ephod,  Micah's  ephod  and  teraphim. 
The  evidence  for  tree  worship  and  for  the 
sanctity  of  wells  is  not  conclusive.  Extreme 
criticism:  Buddein  Kurzer,  Handcomm.  (1897) ; 
Moore,  Internal.  Crit.  Comm.  (1895)  ;  Poly- 
chrome Bible  {i8g8).  Moderate  citicism:  Driver, 
Introd.  to  Lit.  of  O.T.;  Konig  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904).  Conservative  :  Bachmann, 
Comm.,  1868  (ch.  i-v)  ;  Keil,  Comm.  (Eng.  tr., 
1862).  Popular  Comm.  :  Farrar  {Ellicott's 
Comm.)  ;  Watson  {Expositor's  Bible).  For 
teachers  :  Paterson-Smyth  {Bible  for  Young), 
Walpole  {Rivington's  Handbooks),      [h.m.s.] 

Judg-ment  Hall  is  the  A.V.  {Palace,  R.V.) 
translation  of  Praetorium,  the  headquarters  of 
the  Roman  military  governor,  wherever  he  hap- 
pened to  be.  At  Jerusalem  it  was  probably 
the  Antonia,  to  the  N.W.  of  the  temple  (Jn.18. 
28,33,19.9;  see  Jerusalem).  AtCaesarea  it  was 
probably  part  of  king  Herod's  palace  (Ac. 23. 
35).  At  Rome  the  position  of  the  Praetorium 
alluded  to  in  Ph.l.13  is  uncertain.       [c.w.] 

Judg-ment  Seat.     [Gabbatha.] 

Judith. — 1.  Daughter  of  Beeri  the  Hit- 
tite,  and  wife  of  Esau  (Gen. 26. 34 ;  LXX. 
'loi'Stt"). — 2.  The  heroine  of  the  apocryphal 
book  which  bears  her  name,  a  wealthy  and 
self-sacrificing  widow,  who  appears  as  a  marked 
exampleofpiety  (Jth.8.6),  courage,  and  chastity 
(16.22f.).  The  commencing  of  her  prayer  by 
an  approving  reference  to  her  forefather 
Simeon's  deed  of  vengeance  (9.2-5),  together 
with  the  last  verse  of  her  song  (16. 17),  show 
that  she  possessed  a  certain  severity  of  char- 
acter, though  she  is  not  without  more 
feminine  qualities  (8.8,16.23,24).       [w.h.d.] 

Judith,  Book  of.  This  book  is  a  his- 
torical (perhaps  symbolic)  romance,  contain- 
ing, probably,  some  basis  of  fact.  If  the  story 
be  regarded  as  having  no  fictitious  element, 
the  geographical,  historical,  and  chronological 
difficulties  are  so  great  as  to  require  many 
unsupported  suppositions.  The  design  is 
evidently  to  strengthen  faithful  patriots,  who 
punctiliously  observe  the  law,  in  fighting 
against  heathen  oppressors  ;  and  to  revive 
hope  by  a  narrative  of  wonderful  deliverance, 
showing  how  God  is"  never  at  a  loss  for  means 
to  protect  His  people.  It  exemplifies  the 
keeping  up  of  religious  observances,  as  well  as 
zeal  and  trust,  in  hoiu^s  of  great  peril.  "  Surely 
trusting  in  God's  defence,"  Judith  did  "not 
fear  the  power  of  any  adversaries."  But 
although  her  aim  was  high,  some  of  the  means 
and  expressions  which  she  used  to  achieve  it 
{e.g.  9.10,13)  are  hardly  defensible  even  in 
time  of  war  (c/.  J.  H.  Blunt's  unsatisfactory 
note).  Yet  she  was  regarded  as  a  heroine, 
taking  vengeance  on  the  invader  Holofernes. 


JUNIPER 


441 


Judith's  song  (16)  is  a  fine  composition  of  its 
kind  ;  and  the  whole  story  is  well  put  to- 
gether, except  that  the  lengthy  introduction, 
before  Judith  appears  in  8.1,  is  somewhat  out 
of  proportion.  The  collect  for  the  7th  Sun- 
day after  Trinity  is  indebted  to  Judith's  prayer 
(9.14)  for  its  opening  phrase. — Language.  A 
lost  Heb.  original,  though  non-existent  even 
in  Origen's  day  (ad  Afric.  13),  is  generally 
thought  likely.  From  this  the  LXX.  bears 
strong  marks  of  translation,  e.g.  2.2,8.9. — ■ 
Text  and  Versions.  The  various  recensions 
(though  differing  less  widely  than  those  of 
Tobit)  are  signs  of  extensive  circulation  ;  but 
at  the  same  time  they  do  not  tell  in  favour  of 
canonicity.  The  LXX.,  the  most  important 
text  we  now  possess,  was  the  basis  of  the  old 
Latin.  Of  this,  Jerome,  guided  by  an  Aram, 
codex,  made  a  free  and  hasty  revision  for  the 
Vulg.  {Praef.  in  lib.  Jud.),  which  consequently 
deviates  not  a  little  from  the  Gk.  Heb.  forms 
exist  of  a  similar  story,  much  more  briefly 
told,  and,  in  one  case  without  the  name  of 
Judith  entering  into  the  narrative. — .Author. 
That  he  was  a  Jew  can  hardly  be  doubted  ; 
that  he  was  of  Palestine  is  likely  from  his 
topographical  knowledge,  though  iripav  roO 
'lopddvov  in  I.9  is  written  from  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's point  of  view.  If  we  may  take  Judith 
as  embodying  the  author's  ideals,  he  was  a  man 
of  resolute  faith  warmly  patriotic  and  religious, 
almost  to  the  verge  of  Pharisaism.  But  ritual 
uncleanness  seems  overlooked  in  13. 10  {cf. 
Num.19. 11-14). — Date.  Most  of  the  conjec- 
tures may  be  grouped  under  three  periods  :  (i) 
the  age  of  Manasseh,  favoured  by  Dean  Pri- 
deaux  (at  least  as  far  as  the  events  are  con- 
cerned) and  the  old  authorities.  (2)  The 
close  of  the  Maccabaean  age,  the  latter  half  of 
2nd  cent.  B.C.  This  is  favoured  by  many  re- 
cent writers.  Ball  postpones  it  to  Alexandra's 
reign,  79-70  B.C.  (3)  The  age  of  Trajan.  The 
reference  to  Judith  and  Holofemes  by  Clem. 
Rom.  (§55)  disposes  of  this  notion  of  Hitzig, 
Volkmar,  etc.  Each  of  these  three  dates 
involves  some  chronological  difficulties,  but 
those  affecting  (2)  are  less  than  the  others. 
This  is,  therefore,  the  most  likely  period  in 
which  to  place  the  composition.  Jth.ll.19 
shows  a  remembrance  of  the  LXX.  of  Ex. 11. 7. 
Scholz,  Judith  und  Bel  und  der  Drache 
(Wurzburg,  1896)  ;  Speaker's,  S.P.C.K.,  and 
Bissell's  Comm ;  arts,  in  Hastings'  (5  vols. 
1904)  and  Vigouroux's  D.B.  ;  Streane,  Age  of 
the  Maccabees  (1898)  ;  Andre,  Les  Apocryphes 
(Florence,  1903).     [Bethulia.]         [w.h.d.] 

Ju'el — 1.  (iEsd.9.34)  =  UEL.— 2.  (iEsd.9. 
35)  =  JOEL,   13. 

Ju'lia,  a  Christian  woman  at  Rome,  possibly 
wife  or  sister  of  Philologus,  with  whom  she  is 
saluted  by  St.  Paul  (R0.I6.15). 

Ju'lius,  the  kindly  centurion  of  "  Augus- 
tus' band,"  who  took  St.  Paul  as  a  prisoner  to 
Rome  (Ac.27.i,3). 

Ju'nia  (R.V.  Juntas),  a  Christian  at  Rome, 
mentioned  by  St.  Paul  as  one  of  his  kinsfolk 
and  fellow-prisoners,  "  of  note  among  the  apos- 
tles," and  "  in  Christ"  before  him  (R0.I6.7). 

Juniper  (iK. 19.4,5;  Job30.4;  Ps.120.4). 
The  "  juniper  "  of  A.V.  is  a  sort  of  broom, 
Genista  monosperma,  G.  raetam  of  Forskal, 
the  Arab,  ratam  (Heb.  rothem),  which  is_also 


442 


JUPITER 


found  abundantly  in  the  desert  of  Sinai.  The 
Rothem  is  a  leguminous  plant,  bearing  a  white 
flower  :  found  also  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and 
Palestine.     [Cedar  ;  Heath. 1 

Jupiter  (the  Latin  equivalent  of  the  Gk. 
Zeus).  In  2Mac.6  it  is  related  that  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  caused  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  to 
be  dedicated  to  Zeus  Olytnpius,  and  another  in 
Gerizim  to  Zeus  Xenius — titles  which  associate 
the  deity  with  mountain  worship  and  social 
life.  He  is  named  once  in  N.T.  (Ac. 14. 12, 13), 
on  the  occasion  of  St.  Paul's  visit  to  Lystra. 
The  expression  "  Jupiter,  which  was  before 
their  city,"  signifies  the  extra-mural  temple. 
Zeus,  as  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  world  accord- 
ing to  Hellenic  ideas,  is  the  complete  antithesis 
to  the  God  of  the  Bible.    [Mercurius.]     [a.r.] 

Jushab'-he'sed  (loving-kindness  is  re- 
turned), son  of  Zerubbabel,  perhaps  born  after 
the  Return  (iChr.3.2o). 

Justification.  The  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  is  Pauline,  and  is  coloured  by  St. 
Paul's  personal  experience.  In  his  own  life 
the  outstanding  fact  was  the  revolutionary 
change  known  as  his  conversion.  Before  that 
event  his  spiritual  history  is  the  record  of  a 
struggle  and  failure  to  live  the  righteous  life, 
as  prescribed  by  a  strict,  Pharisaic  interpreta- 
tion of  the  law.  To  his  stern  sincerity,  the 
life  of  "  works  "  was  more  and  more  clearly 
impossible,  as  well  as  inadequate.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  was  impossible  to  live  up  to  the  stan- 
dard prescribed  ;  on  the  other,  the  fulfilment 
of  observance  remained  external,  it  did  not 
affect  the  inner  character  and  brought  no  in- 
ward peace.  After  the  conversion  all  this  was 
reversed.  Personal  surrender  brought  the 
peace  that  was  lacking,  for,  though  complete 
attainment  was  not  yet,  the  decisive  step  had 
been  taken  and  progress  was  now  a  fact. 
[Paul.]  In  preaching  justification  by  faith 
instead  of  works,  St.  Paul  is  generalizing  from 
his  own  experience.  He  is  seeking  to  substi- 
tute a  demand  which  is  at  once  less  exacting 
in  that  it  does  not  require  unaided  initiative, 
and  more  exacting  in  that  it  requires  a  change 
of  character  and  not  only  outward  conformity. 
Yet  real  moral  difficulties  have  been  caused  by 
this  doctrine.  It  is  sometimes  felt  that  it 
makes  salvation  too  catastrophic,  that  the 
individual's  part  is  represented  as  secondary, 
as  a  matter  of  a  moment's  emotion,  and  that 
too  little  stress  is  laid  upon  slow  and  painful 
moral  effort.  To  this  objection  it  may  be 
answered  that  justification  must  not  be  identi- 
fied with  salvation.  It  is  only  the  first  stage 
in  a  gradual  process,  (i)  This  follows  from  the 
meaning  of  ouai(5co.  Verbs  ending  in  -dw 
naturally  have  the  force  of  "to  make,"  e.g. 
TV(f)\ovv,  "  to  make  blind."  But  this  is  never 
the  case  when  the  meaning  is  moral,  not  phy- 
sical. Hence  diKaiodf  either  means  "  to  vindi- 
cate "  or,  as  here,  "  to  acquit."  Its  associations 
are  forensic.  It  does  not  signify  the  making 
righteous,  which  is  essential  to  salvation,  but 
only  the  clearing  off  of  the  burden  of  past  guilt, 
which  is  no  longer  reckoned  against  the  sinner, 
who  has  a  fresh  start.  So  far  as  justification 
alone  is  concerned,  it  is  not  the  man  himself 
who  is  changed,  but  God's  relation  to  him.  (2) 
St.  Paul  does  not  ignore  the  other  stages.  Thus 
in  the  epistle  to  the  Konians  it  may  be  said 


JUSTIFICATION 

roughly  that  the  first  five  chapters  are  occupied 
with  justification,  the  next  three  with  the  life 
of  the  believer  after  justification.  St.  Paul's 
name  for  this,  when  he  does  give  it  a  name,  is 
sanctification,  ayiaaad';.  This  meant  origin- 
ally consecration,  a  ritual  separation  for  the 
service  of  God  :  and  with  the  deepening  con- 
ception of  God  acquired  gradually  a  more 
ethical  meaning.  Now,  sanctification,  which 
is  a  gcradual  process  extending  throughout  life, 
and  which  is  markedly  personal  and  ethical, 
must  intervene  between  justification  and 
glorification.  Thus  the  preliminary  judicial 
acquittal,  signified  by  justification,  is  only  pro- 
visional. In  itself  it  onlv  demands  of  the  in- 
dividual a  moment's  whole-hearted  surrender  ; 
but,  if  it  is  to  be  permanent  and  to  have  its 
proper  effect,  it  needs  all  the  effort  of  a  lifetime 
of  gradual  growth  in  holiness.  The  conditions, 
however,  have  changed.  The  impossible  has 
become  possible.  The  believer  is  no  longer 
overweighted  by  past  guilt.  But  these  con- 
siderations are  not  by  themselves  sufficient  to 
avert  the  suspicion  of  a  fiction  ;  and  the  notion 
of  a  fiction  is  certainly  alien  to  St.  Paul.  In- 
deed, the  early  verses  of  Ro.3  consist  largely 
of  a  vindication  of  God's  truth  in  the  matter 
of  justification.  The  following  points  should 
therefore  be  added,  (a)  Though  it  is  true  that 
the  change  of  relation  takes  place  while  the  be- 
liever is  still  sinful,  the  "  treating  as"  righteous, 
in  which  forgiveness  consists,  is  not  wholly 
independent  of  fact.  "  It  is  dealing  with  us 
not  as  we  are  nor  exactly  as  we  are  not, 
but  as  we  are  becoming  "  (Gore).  What  to  a 
consciousness  bound  by  time-limitations  are 
only  latent  possibilities,  may  be  in  God's  sight 
the  deepest  truth  of  a  man. 

All  I  could  never  be, 

All  men  ignored  in  me. 
This  I  was  worth  to  God,  A^Tiose  wheel  the  pitcher 
shaped. 

(b)  The  limitations  of  the  -6^  form  in  verbs  of 
moral  meaning,  which  are  necessary  in  the  case 
of  human  agents,  would  not  be  necessary  when 
applied  to  God.  Indeed,  it  is  doubtful  from 
the  nature  of  the  case  whether  they  are  possi- 
ble. God's  thought  cannot  be  separated  from 
His  will,  nor  is  a  man's  relation  to  God  some- 
thing that  leaves  his  inmost  being  untouched. 
He  is  what  he  is  in  virtue  of  that  relation,  and, 
if  God  declares  him  righteous,  he  will  become 
so,  not  merelv  because  God  is  truthful,  but 
also  because  He  is  all-powerful.  "  The  response 
of  the  Gospel  to  the  human  sense  of  actual  sin 
and  unattainable  holiness  is  not  the  half-grace 
of  forgiveness,  but  the  whole-grace  of  redemp- 
tion and  deliverance.  ...  It  does  not  require  an 
exercise  of  divine  power  to  extend  pardon  :  it 
does  require  it  to  endow  and  enable  us  with 
all  the  qualities,  energies,  and  activities  that 
make  for,  and  that  make,  holiness  and  life  " 
(Du  l^ose).  The  difficulty  in  this  view  is  the 
fact  that,  in  some  cases,  the  sequence  seems  to 
be  broken,  and  the  life  of  holiness  not  to  follow 
on  the  preliminary  acceptance.  But  the  pro- 
blem of  evil  is  a  difficulty  to  any  theory  ;  and, 
in  any  case,  it  is  the  normal  and  intended 
development  by  which  the  whole  process  is  to 
be  understood.  The  qviestion  has  been  raised 
by  Ritschl  whether  the  society  is  not  theproper 
object  of  justification,  rather  than  the  indivi- 


JUSTUS 

dual,  as  commonly  supposed  (c/.  Sanday  and 
Headlam,  Romans,  pp.  122  flf.)-  A  number  of 
texts  can  be  cited  in  support  of  either  view — 
e.g.  (a)  Ro.8.32;  Eph.5.25f. ;  Tit.2.14;  {b)  Ro. 
3.26,4.5,10.4.  The  corporate  aspect  is  more 
marked  in  the  later  epistles ;  but  it  cannot  be 
excluded  even  from  the  earlier.  Justification 
would  normally  be  associated  with  baptism 
into  the  Christian  community,  and  the  life  of 
sanctification  is  life  in  that  community,  ayioi. 
being  a  common  term  for  the  congregation  of 
the  faithful.  Justification  then  is,  primarily, 
one  stage  in  the  process  of  redemption.  But, 
though  it  is  separable  in  thought  as  in  time,  it 
can  only  be  understood  when  viewed  as  an 
integral  element  in  the  whole.  "  Justification 
and  sanctification  may  be  distinguished  by  the 
student,  as  are  the  arterial  and  the  nervous 
systems  in  the  human  body  ;  but  in  the  living 
soul  they  are  coincident  and  inseparable " 
(Liddon).  [w.h.m.] 

Just'us. — 1.  A  surname  of  Joseph  Bar- 
SABAS  (Ac.1.23). — 2.  A  Jewish  proselyte  and 
host  of  St.  Paul  at  Corinth  (Ac.18.7).— 3.  The 
surname  of  Jesus,  a  Christian  with  St.  Paul  at 
Rome  (C0I.4.11). 

Juttah',  a  city  in  the  mountain  of  Judah. 
near  Carmel  {Jos.i5.55).  Now  Yut{a,  a 
village  5  miles  S.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 


K 


Kabzeel',  a  city  of  Judah,  near  Edom 
(Jos.15.2i),  the  native  place  of  Benaiah  {2 
Sam.23.20  ;  1Chr.ll.22).  After  the  Captivity 
it  appears  as  Jekabzeel.   The  site  is  unknown. 

Kades  (Jth.l.g).     [Kedesh,  i.| 

Kadesh',  Kadesh'-bapne'a.  This  place, 
the  scene  of  Miriam's  death,  was  the  farthest 
point  which  the  Israelites  reached  in  their 
direct  road  to  Canaan  ;  thence  also  the  spies 
were  sent,  and  there,  on  their  return,  the 
people  broke  out  into  murmuring,  upon  which 
their  strictly  penal  term  of  wandering  began 
(Num. 13. 3, 26,14.29-33, 20.1  ;  Deut.2.14).  In 
Gen. 14. 7,  the  older  name  Kadesh  (the sanctuary) 
is  stated  to  have  been  En-mishpat  (the  fountain 
of  judgment),  which  is  connected  with  Tamar 
or  Hazezon-tamar,  as  is  also  Kadesh-barnea 
(cf.  Ezk.47.19,48.28  ;  Num.34.4  ;  Jos.15.3). 
The  site  of  Kadesh  was  discovered  by  Dr.  John 
Rowlands  in  1844  at  'Ain  Qadis,  due  E.  of  the 
Wady  el-'Arish,  and  its  identity  with  Kadesh- 
barnea  was  demonstrated  by  Dr.  Clay  Trumbull 
in  1884-  (Kadesh-Barnea,  New  York).  The 
spring  is  still  a  gathering-place  of  the  neigh- 
bouring tribes.  But  for  the  opposite  view, 
see  Kedesh,  i.  Here  some  part  of  the  Mosaic 
legislation  was  enacted,  and  the  Israelites  were 
disciplined  to  undertake  the  conquest  of 
Canaan.  Their  residence  in  Kadesh  lasted 
from  the  2nd  year  after  the  Exodus  (Num. 
9.11,13.26)  to  the  40th  year  (Num.2O.22, 
33.37.38).     [Exodus,  The.]  [a.h.s.] 

Kadmiel',  a  Levite  who  (with  his  family)  is 
prominent  in  the  return  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.40,3.9  ;   Ne.7.43,9.4,5,10.9). 

Kadmonites.  In  the  promise  to  Abra- 
ham (Gen. 15. 18-21)  ten  nations  are  enumerated 


KEDESH 


443 


as  inhabiting  the  land  which  his  descendants 
are  to  possess.  All  occur  elsewhere  in  the 
Bible  except  the  Kadmonites.  The  name 
means  "  easterns,"  and  may  be  equivalent  to 
the  "sons  of  the  east"  (^■ne-qedhem,  Judg.6.3, 
33;  Job  1.3).  In  Ezk.47.i8  the  Dead  Sea  is 
called  the  East  Sea,  and  the  Kadmonites  may 
have  inhabited  its  shores.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Kallai',  a  priest  who  represented  the  family 
of  Sallai  when  Joiakim  was  high-priest  (Ne.l2. 
20). 

Kanah',  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the 
boundary  of  Asher  (Jos. 19. 28  only)  in  the  N. 
Now  Qdna,  a  village  7  miles  S.E.  of  Tyre, 
with  which  it  is  noticed.  fc.R.c] 

Kanah',  River,  a  torrent  dividing  the 
territories  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  on  the 
S.W.  The  border  "  on  the  W.,  went  N.  to 
Michmethah"  (Jos. 16. 6);  "on  the  W.  was  the 
torrent  Kanah,  and  that  was  the  W.  border  " 
(16.8)  ;  "  and  the  border  went  down  the 
torrent  Kanah,  S.  of  the  torrent"  (17. 9).  This 
applies  to  Wddy  Qdnah,  running  W.  from  the 
Mukhnah  plain  S.  of  Shechem.  [c.r.c] 

Kapeah',  father  of  Johanan,  3,  and  Jo- 
nathan, 10  (Je.40.8,  etc.). 

Kapka'a,  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  S. 
boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (J0S.I5.3). 
Its  site  is  unknown. 

Kapkop',  the  place  in  which  Zebah  and 
Zalmunna  were  again  routed  by  Gideon  (J  udg. 
8.10).  Apparently  E.  of  Jogbehah  (ver.  11). 
The  word  means  "soft  level  ground" — the 
region  of  those  "that  dwelt  in  tents,"  or 
the  desert  E.  of  the  Gilead  hills.  [c.r.c] 

Kaptah',  a  town  of  Zebulun,  allotted  to 
the  Merarite  Levites  (Jos.2i.34).  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Kaptan',  a  city  of  Naphtali,  allotted  to  the 
Gershonite  Levites  (Jos. 21. 32).  Otherwise  Kir- 
jathaim  (R.V.  Kiriathaim),  "the  two  towns" 
(iChr.6.76).     The  site  is  unknown,     [c.r.c] 

Kattath',  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
(Jos. 19. 15).     The  site  is  unknown,    [c.r.c] 

Kedap',  the  2nd  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael  (Gen. 
25.13;  iChr.1.29),  and  the  name  of  a  tribe  of 
Arabs,  settled  on  the  N.W.  of  the  peninsula 
and  on  the  confines  of  Palestine.  The  "  glory 
of  Kedar"  is  recorded  by  Isaiah  (21. 13-17)  in 
the  burden  upon  Arabia ;  the  "  princes  of 
Kedar"  are  mentioned  by  Ezekiel  (27.2 1)  as 
traders,  also  as  "archers  "  and  "  mighty  men" 
(Is. 21. 17)  and  dwellers  in  tents  (Ps.120.5). 
They  also  settled  in  villages  or  towns  (Is. 42. 11). 
They  are  probably  the  people  called  Cedrei 
by  Pliny,  on  the  confines  of  Arabia  Petraea  to 
the  S.  The  Assyrian  notices  place  Qedaru  on 
the  borders  of  Edom.     [Arabia.]       [c.r.c] 

Ke'demah  (eastern),  the  youngest  son  of 
Ishmael  (Gen. 25. 15  ;    iChr.l.31). 

Kedemoth',  one  of  the  towns  allotted  to 
Reuben  (Jos. 13. 18)  ;  given  to  the  Merarite 
Levites  (Jos.2i.37  ;  iChr.6.79).  The  word 
means  "  eastern  places,"  and  the  "  wilderness 
of  Kedemoth  "  was  apparently  just  S.  of  the 
Arnon,  on  the  border  of  the  Amorites  (Num. 
21.23  ;   Deut. 2.26,27,  etc.).  [c.r.c] 

Ke'desh  (holy).  —  1.  A  town  in  the  ex- 
treme S.  of  the  land  of  Israel,  which  in- 
cluded the  N.  part  of  the  Tih  plateau  (Jos. 15. 
23).  It  was  probably  the  Kadesh,  on^the 
way  to  Shur,  where  Hagar  found  the  Beer- 


444  KEHELATHAH 

LAHAi-KOi  (Gen. 16. 7, 14  ;  see  20. i).  This  was 
discovered  by  Rowlands  at  '  Ain  Qadis,  45 
miles  S.S.W.  of  Beer-sheba  (c/.  Gen. 21. 14). 
The  direction,  on  the  way  to  Shur  and  Egypt, 
is  suitable.  The  legend  of  Hagar,  which  lingers 
at  the  spot,  was  due  perhaps  to  Christian 
hermits,  whose  caves  exist  near  (Palmer,  in 
Surv.  W.  Pal.  Special  Papers,  p.  19).  Robin- 
son (Bib.  Res.  ii.  p.  194)  remarks  that  this  site 
does  not  suit  the  requirements  of  Kadesh- 
baroea  {the  holy  place  of  the  desert  of 
■wanderinq,),  which  is  distinguished  in  the 
same  chapter  of  Joshua  (15-3),  aud  lay  at  S.E. 
angle  of  the  land  of  Israel,  being  a  city  on  the 
border  of  Edom  (Num. 20. 16) ;  but  see  the 
opposite  view  under  Kadesh.  See  Num.34. 
4;  Deut.1.2  ;  Jos.lO.41;  Ezk.47.19,48.28. 
[E.xoDus,  The;  Edom;  Hor.] — 2.  A  city  of 
Issachar  (iChr.6.72,  where  Kedesh  stands  for 
KisHON,  Jos. 21. 28),  a  Levitical  town.  This 
is  the  present  ruin  Tell  Qadeis,  or  Abu  Qadeis, 
2  miles  S.E.  of  Lejjun,  and  3  miles  N.  of 
Taanach,  on  W.  border  of  Issachar.  It  is 
probably  not  the  royal  Canaanite  city  (No. 3) 
of  Kedesh  (Jos. 12. 22),  but  appears  to  be 
noticed  as  Ras  Kedesh  by  Thothmes  III. 
(No.  48)  in  i6th  cent.  b.c.  —  3.  Kedesh- 
NAPHTALi,  in  Upper  Galilee  (Jos. 19. 37, 20. 7, 
21.32),  a  city  of  refuge  and  of  Levites,  is 
now  Qedes,  on  a  plateau  of  Upper  Galilee, 
which  rises  1,580  ft.  above  the  Huleh  Lake, 
lying  to  the  S.E.  of  the  village.  The  latter 
is  probably  "  the  plain  of  swamps  "  [Zaanaim] 
by  Kedesh  (Judg.4.6,9,10,11).  This  town 
was  raided  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  in  734-732 
B.C.  (2 K. 15. 29).  Here  the  Greeks  assembled 
at  Cades  (iMac.ll.63,73),  to  meet  Jonathan 
the  Hasmonaean  (in  146  e.g.)  at  the  plain  of 
Hazor  (incorrectly  Nasor),  in  Lower  Galilee, 
or  perhaps  nearer  Kedesh,  at  Jebel  Hadireh, 
4  miles  S.W.  of  Qedes.  There  are  remains 
of  Roman  and  Jewish  buildings,  of  2nd  cent. 
A.D.,  near  the  spring,  one  supposed  to  be  a 
temple,  with  an  eagle  carved  over  a  door- 
way;  also  many  Jewish  and  Roman  tombs, 
rock-cut  or  of  masonry  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  pp. 
207,  226-230).     [Taiitim-hodshi.]      [c.r.c] 

Kehelathah',  a  desert  encampment  of 
the  Israelites  (Num. 33. 22).  not  identified. 

Keilah',  a  city  of  the  Shephelah  of  Judah 
(Jos. 15. 44),  rescued  by  David  from  an  attack 
of  the  Philistines,  who  had  fallen  upon  the 
town  at  the  beginning  of  the  harvest.  It  was 
then  a  fortified  place,  with  walls,  gates,  and 
bars  (iSam.23.i,2,4,5,6,7).  The  inhabitants 
soon  plotted  David's  betrayal  to  Saul,  then 
on  his  road  to  besiege  the  place.  Of  this  in- 
tention David  was  warned  by  divine  intima- 
tion. He  therefore  left  (vv.  7-13).  Now  the 
ruin  of  Kila,  6  nules  W.  of  Halhul,  on  the  E. 
side  of  the  valley  of  Elah,  not  far  from  Adul- 
LAM  (see  22.1).  In  15th  cent.  b.c.  it  is  noticed 
in  the  Amarna  letters  (Berlin  100,  106,  107, 
199)  as  attacked  by  the  'Abiri.  [c.r.c] 

Keilah'  the  Oapmlte,  apparently  a  de- 
scendant of  Caleb  (iChr.4.19).  Perhaps  mean- 
ing "the  (iarmite  founder  of  Keilah."   fcR.c] 

Kelal'ah   n:;:i  .IO.23)  =  Kelita,    i. 

Ke'lita. — 1.  —  Kclaiah,  a  Levite  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.23  =  Calitas 
in  iEsd.9.23).  Possibly  the  same  as — 2.  A 
Levite  who  assisted   in  expounding  the  law 


KENOSIS 

(Ne.8.7,  =  Calitas  in  iEsd.9.48),  and  signed 
the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Ne.lO.io). 

Kemuer. — 1.  Son  of  Nahor  by  Milcah,  and 
father  of  Aram  (Gen. 22. 21). — 2.  Son  of  Shiph- 
tan,  and  prince  of  Ephraim  :  one  of  twelve  men 
appointed  by  Moses  to  divide  the  land  of 
Canaan  (Num. 34. 24). — 3.  A  Levite,  father  of 
Hashabiaii,  5  (1Chr.27.17). 

Kenan'  (iChr.1.2),  the  more  correct  form 
of  the  name  of  Cainan.  son  of  Enos. 

Kenath',  one  of  the  cities  on  the  E.  of 
Jordan,  with  its  "daughter-towns"  (.^.V. 
villages)  taken  possession  of  by  a  certain 
NoBAH,  who  then  called  it  bv  his  own  name 
(Num. 32. 42  ;  iChr.2.23).  Now  Qanawdt,  a 
ruined  town  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Leja,  about  20  miles  N.  of  Bostra.  Among 
numerous  Gk.  and  Lat.  texts  (oneby  Agrippa) 
is  an  inscription  of  the  people  "of  the  city  of 
Kanatha"  in  honour  of  Commodus.    [c.r.c] 

Kenaz'. — 1.  A  duke  of  Edom  ;  son  of 
Eliphaz,  son  of  Esau  (Gen. 36. 15, 42  ;  iChr.l. 
53). — 2-  The  father  of  Othniel  and  brother  of 
Caleb  (Jos. 15. 17  ;  Judg. 1.13,3. 9,11  ;  iChr.4. 
13).  If  "Caleb's  younger  brother"  be  taken 
to  apply  to  Othniel  instead,  then  Kenaz  would 
be  the  "father"  of  Caleb,  who  is.  however, 
elsewhere  (Jos. 15. 13,  etc.)  described  as  "the 
son  of  Jephunneh."  The  interpretation  first 
given  (which  is,  moreover,  that  of  the  LXX.) 
also  avoids  the  difficulty  as  to  Othniel  having 
married  his  niece;  but  both  interpretations 
involve  difficulties  (see  14.6  and  art.  Kene- 
zite,  and  for  another  view  see  Caleb). — 3.  A 
grandson  of  Caleb,  according  to  iChr.4.15, 
where,   however,  the  meaning  is  doubtful. 

Kenezite  (Num. 32.12;  Jos. 14.6, 14),  a  title 
of  Caleb,  as  the  grandson  of  Kenaz.  The 
Heb.  now  reads  q'nizzi ;  cf.  Kenizzite. 

Kenites,  The,  mentioned  in  the  patriarchal 
history  as  one  of  the  tribes  inheriting  the 
Promised  Land  (Gen. 15. 19).  As  Jethro,  priest 
of  Midian,  Moses'  father-in-law  (Ex.lS.i)  is 
called  a  Kenite  (Judg. 1. 16, 4. 11),  we  may 
conclude  that  they  were  closely  connected 
with  the  Midianites  ;  and  they  are  also  men- 
tioned as  dwelling  among  the  Amalekites. 
They  seem  to  have  been  a  nomad  tribe,  pre- 
serving a  purer  faith  than  the  surrounding 
tribes,  for  Jethro  joins  with  Moses  and  Aaron 
in  the  worship  of  Jeho\ah  (Ex. 18. 9-12)  ;  and, 
at  the  entrance  into  Canaan,  some  of  them 
"  went  \\y)  out  of  the  city  of  palm-trees  with 
the  children  of  Judah  into  the  wilderness  of 
Judah  .  .  .  and  dwelt  with  the  people"  (Judg. 
1.16  ;  cf.  Num. 10. 29-32),  while  a  portion  of  the 
tribe  sejiarated  themselves,  and  went  as  far  N. 
as  Kedesh  (Judg. 4. 11).  The  bulk  of  the  tribe, 
however,  remained  in  the  S.  Saul  showed 
kindness  to  them  for  old  friendship's  sake  (i 
Sam. 15. 6),  and  they  seem  finally  to  have  be- 
come absorbed  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.  The 
Reciiabites,  who  till  a  late  time  led  the 
nomad  life  (Je. 35. 6-10),  are  called  Kenites  in 
iChr.2.55-  [J-k-I 

Kenizzite  (Gen. 15. 19 ;  Heb.  q'nizzi),  a 
Canaanite  tribe.  Gesenius  renders  the  word 
as  "hunters,"  like  the  Arab.  Qanas. 

Kenosis;  Plepoma.  (i)  Kcnosis  is  a 
sul)Stanti\e  not  found  in  N.T. — a  term  used  by 
theologians  to  sum  uji  Ph. 2. 7,  iavrbv  iKivuxTf. 
Lat.  semitipsum    cxinanivit,  A.V.   "He  made 


KENOSIS 

himself  of  no  reputation,"  R.V.  "He  emptied 
himself."     The  verb  means  "to  empty"   or 
"make  void."     It  occurs  R0.4.14;  iCor.l.17, 
9.15;  2Cor.9.3  in  latter  sense.     (2)  Pleroma  is 
substantive  of  TrXTjpouv  ;  Lat.  plenitudo,  supple- 
mentum  ;  A.V.  and  R.V.   "fulness."  II\r]pw/j.a 
has  two  meanings  :  (i)  "  that  whichisfilled";  (ii) 
"  that  which  makes  up  the  fulness."  E.g.  a  full 
ship,  or  the  men  and  tackle  of  a  ship.     In  N.T. 
the  word  means  "  that  which  is  filled  "  or  "the 
thing  in  its  fulness."     In  Mt.9.i6  and  Mk.2.2i, 
it  means   either    "the  completeness"  of  the 
patched  cloth,  which  is  afterwards  destroyed  by 
the  patch,  or  "the  patch"  viewed  as  abstract 
completeness  in  opposition  to  the  hole  requir- 
ing a  patch.  In  Mk.6.43  and  8.20  it  means  "full 
measure."    St.  Paul  uses  the  word  in  this  sense 
in  Ro.ll. 12,25,13. 10,15.29  ;    iCor.10.26  ;   Gal. 
4.4  ;    Eph.l.io.     The  term  is  important,  be- 
cause used  of  God  or  Christ  in  si.x  places  :    (i) 
Jn.l.i6  ;   (ii)  Col.l. 19,2.9  ;  (iii)  Eph. 1.23,8.19, 
4.13.     In  these  passages  it  is  used  of  (i)  the 
fulness  of  the  grace  and  power  brought  to  men 
from  God  by  Christ  and  communicated  to  them 
in  Him  ;    (ii)  the  fulness  of  the  divine  powers 
and  prerogatives  in  themselves,   and  as  pos- 
sessed by  the  Incarnate  Son  ;    and  (iii)  the  ful- 
ness of  the  attributes,  powers,  and  character- 
istics of  the  Christ  which  are  to  be  exhibited 
in  the  ideal  Church.     St.   Paul  is  thought  to 
have  reclaimed  this  term  from  wrong  usage  by 
Colossian  heretics,   who  spoke  of  Christ  as  a 
man    sharing    to    some    small    extent    in    the 
pleroma  of  divine  power.      Later  heretics  of 
the  Gnostic  type  regarded  the  pleroma  not 
only  as  the  fulness  of  the  divine  power,  but  as 
an  actual  place  in  which  that  power  is  localized. 
(3)  The  Pleroma  of   Godhead  in  the   Incarnate 
Son.     The  Christ  is  the  Revelation  of  God  to 
man.      In  Him  dwells  the  fulness  of  Godhead 
bodily  (Col. 1.19,2.9),   in  order  that   mankind 
may  receive  divine  life  or  grace,  and  know  the 
divine  Being  in  truth  (Jn.l. 16,17).     Godhead 
cannot  be  contained  in  manhood,  but  all  that 
manhood  can  ever  receive  and  know  of  God- 
head is  in  the  Christ — the  Eternal  Son.     Thus, 
in  union  with  the  true  Son  of  Man,  who  is  also 
Son  of  God,  the  human  race  is  placed  upon  the 
divine   level,    shares    the    divine   life,    and   is 
guided   by    divine    knowledge.     God   became 
incarnate,  taking  our  manhood,  in  order  that 
our  manhood  might  be  made  perfect  through 
His  divine  grace  and  truth.     All  divine  powers 
and  prerogatives  were  in  some  measure  exer- 
cised by,   and  in  their  ultimate  essence  fully 
possessed  by,   Jesus  the  Son  of  Mary.     The 
Christ  was  not  a  mere  man  to  Whom  was  com- 
municated divine  power  :    He  is  the  eternal 
Son,  very  God  of  very  God,  possessing  the  ful- 
ness of  the  divine  power,  and  exercising  it  ac- 
cording to  the  capacity  of  His  perfect,  God- 
assumed    manhood.     (4)   The  Kenosis   of    the 
Eternal  Son.     The  difference  between  posses- 
sion and  exercise  is  the  measure  of  the  Kenosis, 
or   self-emptying   of    the   eternal   Son.     This 
Kenosis   has   been  very  variously  estimated, 
(i)  St.  Paul  merely  asserted  the  fact  of  self- 
emptying  as  a  ground  of  Christian  humility. 
He  does  not  tell  us  of  what  the  Son  emptied 
Himself.     Rather,  he  makes  the  act  of  Keno- 
sis to  consist  in  the  assumption  by  the  Son  of  a 
State  of  slavery  (Ph.2.5-9).     Slavery  is  a  nega- 


KENOSIS 


445 


five  state,  implying  the  disability  to  exercise 
prerogatives  and  powers  of  which  no  man  can 
divest  himself.  So  the  eternal  Son  "  emptied 
Himself  "  by  accepting  manhood  as  a  sphere  of 
limitation.  By  one  act  of  His  eternally  divine 
will  He  imposed  upon  Himself  a  law  of  per- 
petual self-restraint  in  regard  to  new  relations 
which  He  was  to  take  upon  Himself  towards 
creation,  with  a  view  to  its  redemption — all 
which  relationships  spring  from  and  find  their 
existence  in  His  assumption  of  manhood.  This 
law  of  self-restraint  binds  the  Son  also  in  His 
relation  to  His  Father  within  the  sphere  of  His 
activity  as  High-priest  and  King  of  the  re- 
deemed universe,  (ii)  Patristic  writers  shrank 
from  emphasizing  the  Kenosis,  lest  they  should 
fail  to  do  justice  to  the  glory  and  power  of  the 
Incarnate.  St.  Irenaeus  taught  that  the  Word 
was  sometimes  quiescent,  in  order  that  His 
manhood  might  have  its  free  and  natural  exer- 
cise, and  his  teaching  is  followed  more  or  less 
by  Athanasius,  Gregory  Naz.,  and  Basil.  The 
pressure  of  heretical  teaching  led  to  the  view 
that  these  human  actions  were  due  not  to 
quiescence,  but  to  the  supreme  power  of  the 
divine  Son,  in  Whom  men  saw  no  human  weak- 
ness or  limitation  that  is  ultimately  incom- 
patible with  divine  freedom  and  power.  So 
taught  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Hilary,  Ambrose, 
Augustine,  Cyril,  and  Leo.  (iii)  In  reaction 
against  this  view  there  arose  after  the  Re- 
formation the  school  of  Kenotists  :  men  who 
emphasize  the  reality  of  the  manhood  in  the 
Christ,  predicating  either  limitation  or  aban- 
donment of  divine  powers  and  prerogatives. 
Some  hold  that  the  Son  ceased  to  exercise  His 
cosmic  functions,  having  no  share  in  the  ruling 
of  the  universe  during  the  3'ears  of  His  incarn- 
ate life.  Of  such  are  Gers  andGodet.  Others 
who  will  not  accept  this  extreme  view,  yet 
agree  that  the  Son  surrendered  His  physical 
attributes  of  omnipotence,  omnipresence,  and 
omniscience,  while  retaining  the  moral,  internal 
attributes  of  Godhead.  Of  such  are  Thomasius 
and  Fairbairn.  Martensen  taught  a  less  ex- 
treme view,  which  lies  to  some  extent  behind 
that  of  Bishop  Gore.  The  matter  is  one  of 
great  mystery.  Some  principles  may  be  enun- 
ciated, which  will  guide  men  towards  the  truth, 
(i)  No  explanation  of  the  Kenosis  is  satisfac- 
tory that  is  not  applicable  to  our  Lord's  pre- 
sent state  of  glorious  manhood.  The  Incarn 
ate  Life  never  ceases,  and  therefore  no  theory 
of  actual  abandonment  of  attributes  is  accept- 
able, (ii)  The  sphere  of  the  Incarnation  may 
not  be  completely  separated  in  thought  from 
the  sphere  of  the  Logos-life  :  for,  in  fact,  both 
spheres,  or  states,  are  merely  sums  of  relation- 
ships founded  in  one  Person  as  subject,  (iii) 
The  distinction  between  physical  and  moral 
attributes  must  not  be  over-emphasized,  lest  it 
be  said  that  God's  love  came  into  existence  at 
the  Incarnation.  Omnipotence,  etc.,  can  be 
shown  to  lie  in  eternal  Love,  (iv)  Thelncarn- 
ate  has  no  relations  Godward  or  manward  ex- 
cept in  and  through  manhood  ;  and  within 
these  relations  His  Godhead  is  limited  by  and 
conditioned  in  His  manhood.  (5)  The  Church 
the  Pleroma  of  Christ  (Eph. 1.23,4.13).  The 
fulness  of  Godhead  dwells  in  the  Incarnate 
under  conditions  of  manhood  ;  and  in  His 
manhood  is  the  centre  of  the  redeemed  race. 


446 


KEREN-HAPPUCH 


That  race,  as  called  and  sanctified,  is  named 
His  mystical  body,  the  Church.  It  manifests 
His  power  through  the  Sacraments,  His  truth 
in  the  Word,  and  His  moral  beauty  in  the  lives 
of  saints.  In  the  last  day  it  will  exhibit  before 
God  the  fulfilment  of  His  ideal  for  man,  and 
the  completion  of  the  offering  of  obedient  wills 
that  was  begun  on  Calvary.  Without  the 
Church,  the  Christ  cannot  see  His  victory. 
Without  the  Christ,  the  Church  is  not.  Litera- 
ture.— Pleroma  :  Lightfoot,  Colossians,  ad  loc. 
and  app.  note  ;  Fritzsche,  Ep.  ad  Rom.  ii.  p. 
469  ff.  Kenosis  :  Gifford,  The  Incarnation. 
On  whole  matter  :  Dorner,  Person  of  Christ  ; 
Martensen,  Christian  Dogmatics  ;  Bruce,  Hu- 
miliation of  Christ  ;  Gore,  Dissertations  ; 
Powell,  Principle  of  the  Incarnation  ;  Weston, 
The  One  Christ.  See  also  art.  Paul,  II.  (3)  in 
this  Diet.  [f-w.] 

Ke'pen-happueh',  youngest  of  the  three 
daughters  of  Job,  born  during  his  restored 
prosperity  (Job 42.14).     [Paint.] 

Kepioth'. — 1.  (Je.48. 24,41.)  [Kirjathaim.] 
— 2.  (Jos. 15. 25),  properly  Kerioth-hezron,  as  in 
R.V.  [Hazer,  10.]  This  has  been  considered 
to  be  the  birthplace  of  Judas  Iscariot,  whence 
his  second  name  ;  but  many  regard  Quriut 
(the  Corea  of  Josephus),  a  place  not  mentioned 
in  O.T.  and  situated  10  miles  S.E.  of  Shechem, 
as  the  possible  birthplace ;  and  for  another  sug- 
gestion for  the  origin  of  Iscariot,  see  Sychar. 

Ke'nos.  Sons  of  Keros  were  Nethinim  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.44;  Ne.7.47). 

Kettle  (dUdh),  a  vessel  for  culinary  or  sacri- 
ficial purposes  (iSam.2.14).  Rendered  "bas- 
ket" in  2K.IO.7,  Je.24.2,  "caldron"  in 
2Chr.35.13,  and  "pot"  in  Job41.20. 

Ketupah'  (incense;  Gen.25.i),  the  second 
wife  whom  Abraham  took  after  the  death  of 
Sarah,  but  referred  to  in  iChr.l.32  as  his  con- 
cubine. She  is  related  to  have  borne  him  six 
sons,  and  whereas  the  birth  of  Isaac  was  re- 
garded as  wonderful,  that  of  these  six  sons, 
when  Abraham  was  much  older,  is  passed  over 
quietly.  For  this  reason  it  has  been  suggested 
that  Keturah  was  a  concubine  really  contem- 
porary with  Sarah  ;  while  some  modern  critics 
would  see  in  this  story  a  reason  for  suggesting 
a  diiiferent  document  (P),  in  which  an  attempt 
is  made  to  show  the  relation  between  Heb.  and 
Arabian  people.  There  is  evidence  of  an  Ara- 
bian tribe  bearing  the  name  Katurah.     [b.f.s.J 

Key.  The  key  of  a  native  Oriental  lock  is 
apiece  of  wood,  from  7  in.  to  2  ft.  in  length, 
fitted  with  wires,  wooden  pegs,  or  short  nails, 
which,  being  inserted  laterally  into  correspond- 
ing holes  in  the  hollow  bolt  wiiich  serves  as  a 


% 


IRON  KEY.     (From  Thebes.) 


lock,  raise  other  pins  within  the  staple  so  as  to 
allow  the  bolt  to  be  drawn  back.  But  it  is  not 
difficult  to  open  a  lock  of  this  kind  even  with- 
out a  key,  viz.  with  the  finger  dipped  in  paste 
or  other  adhesive  substance.  The  passage 
Can. 5. 4, 5  is  thus  probably  explained.  [Lock.] 
Keys,  Powep  of  the.  [IIxcommuni- 
CATiON ;   Peter.] 


KING 

Kezia',  Second  of  the  three  daughters  of 
Job,  born  after  his  recovery  (Job 42.14). 

Keziz',  Valley  of,  one  of  the  "  cities  " 
of  Benjamin  (Jos. 18. 21)  and  the  E.  border  of 
the  tribe. 

Kibpoth'-hattaavah'  (graves  of  lust), 
the  2nd  station  after  leaving  Sinai  (Num.11. 
3,34),  the  "  three  days'  journey "  (IO.33) 
ending  with  a  longer  stay  at  Hazeroth(11.35). 
But  in  Num.33.i6  Taberah,  the  ist  station, 
is  unnoticed.     [Hazeroth.]  [c.r.c] 

Kibza'im,  a  city  of  Ephraim,  given  with 
its  "  suburbs"  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (Jos. 
21.22);  site  unknown.   [Jokmeam.]    [c.r.c] 

Kid.     [Goat.] 

Kidpon',  Bpook  (the  black  torrent ; 
Heb.  nahal),  crossed  by  David  on  the  way  to 
the  desert  from  Jerusalem  (2Sam.i5.23).  It 
was  a  centre  of  idolatry  from  the  time  of 
Solomon  (iK. 2. 37, 15. 13  ;  2K. 23. 4,6, 12  ;  2 
Chr.l5. 16, 29.16, 30.14  ;  Je.3i.40),  and  is  the 
Cedron  (KeSpov)  of  N.T.  (Jn.lS.i),  between 
Jerusalem  and  the  mount  of  Olives,  on  the 
slopes  of  which  Solomon's  temples  to  Ash- 
toreth,  Chemosh,  and  Molech  were  built  (iK. 
11.5,7).  It  is  also  called  simply  "the  torrent," 
(A.V.  valley),  or  nahal  (2Chr.33.14).  Josephus 
calls  it  Cedron,  and  states  that  it  divided  Je- 
rusalem from  the  mount  of  Olives  (5  Wars  ii.  3, 
iv.  2,  vi.  I,  xii.  2,  etc.).  The  ravine  is  narrow 
and  rocky,  with  cliffs  on  the  E.  The  bed  (300 
ft.  below  the  temple)  is  now  raised  40  ft.  by 
the  rubbish  of  the  temple  and  city.  Before 
728  B.C.  a  stream  may  have  flowed  on  this 
rocky  bed  [Gihon]  ;  as  described  (32.4)  c  703 
B.C.,  "  the  nahal  which  flowed  through  the 
midst  of  the  land  [or,  earth]  "  :  even  now  much 
water  flows  down  it  in  winter  underground, 
and  rises  suddenly  in  the  Bir  Eyiib,  at  the 
junction  with  the  Hinnom  gorge,  forming  a 
surface  brook,  which  runs  E.  to  the  Dead 
Sea.  On  the  E.  slope,  opposite  the  temple, 
there  arc  remarkable  Greco-Jewish  rock-cut 
tombs.  That  now  called  "  Absalom's  Pillar  " 
is  possibly  the  tomb  of  Alexander  Jannaeus 
(Josephus,  5  Wars  vii.  2),  and  that  called  the 
"grotto  of  St.  James"  bears  a  square  Heb. 
text  (perhaps  c.  50  B.C.  or  later),  stating 
that  it  belonged  to  the  Bene-Hezir  priests 
(iChr. 24.15).  The  others  are  of  the  same  age, 
but  clearly  Jewish.  At  the  village  Silwdn, 
on  the  E.  clilT,  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  found  a 
much-worn  Phoenician  text,  on  which  the 
name  Baal  is  readable — perhaps  a  relic  of  the 
idolatrous  shrines  on.  Olivet.  [Jehoshaphat, 
Valley  of.]  [c.r.c] 

Kinah',  a  city  of  Judah,  on  the  extreme  S. 
of  the  tribe,  towards  Edom  (Jos. 15. 22).  The 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Kindped.     [F"amily.] 

Kine.     [Cattle.] 

King-.  The  office  of  king  in  Israel  must 
be  considered  in  connexion  with  the  special 
relation  in  which  the  people  stood  to  God. 
Wc  should  note  that  kingship  is  predicated 
supremely  of  God  Himself  (Ps.74.i2).  This 
idea  was,  indeed,  held  by  Israel  in  common 
with  other  nations,  as  is  illustrated  by  the 
frequency  with  which  the  name  of  the  tribal 
god  is  compounded  with  the  title  "  king." 
Thus  Molech,  the  god  of  ,\mmon,  is  simply 
"  the  king."     Ivtymologically  the  word  appears 


to  mean  "  one  who  gives  counsel."  Hence 
the  root  idea  is  of  one  whose  superior  wis- 
dom gives  him  a  right  to  direct  the  nation. 
Primarily  this  quality  is  ascribed  to  the  tribal 
god,  and  thus  arises  the  analogy  between  the 
god  and  the  temporal  ruler.  In  the  particular 
case  of  Israel,  the  dominant  idea  is  the  king- 
ship of  Jehovah  ;  and  we  find  two  lines  of 
thought,  which  are  very  difficult  to  reconcile 
with  one  another,  as  to  the  relation  that 
should  subsist  between  this  divine  kingship 
and  the  earthly  ruler  of  the  people.  The 
book  of  Deuteronomy  regards ^the  king^as 
having  a  proper  place  in  the  theocratic  state. 
Regulations  and  restrictions  are  laid  down 
for  his  guidance,  and  his  observance  of  these 
is  to  be  rewarded  by  long  life  in  his  kingdom 
(17. 14-20).  On  the  other  hand,  Samuel  re- 
gards the  demand  for  a  king  as  a  repudiation 
of  the  divine  sovereignty  (iSam.8.7).  We 
may  perhaps  interpret  Samuel's  words  to 
refer  only  to  the  particular  circumstances 
under  which  the  demand  was  made.  There 
was  a  desire  to  emulate  the  surrounding 
nations  in  worldly  ambition ;  and  so  far  the 
demand  showed  a  falling  away  from  the 
theocratic  ideal.  Certainly  the  Eastern  despot 
whom  Samuel  depicts  (8.11-17)  is  not  such 
a  ruler  as  would  help  the  jj  people  to  fulfil 
the  purpose  of  their  election.  The  religious 
aspect  of  kingship  is  prominent  in  the  mode 
of  appointment.  In  the  case  of  Saul 
(10. 24)  the  choice  is  that  of  God  Himself; 
Samuel  calls  the  people  together,  but  only  in 
order  to  ratify  the  choice  already  made.  So, 
too,  David  (16. 13)  and  Jeroboam  (1K.II.35) 
are  designated  by  God  for  the  office.  After- 
wards this  principle  disappears,  and  the  suc- 
cession becomes  dynastic,  except  that  in  the 
northern  kingdom  it  was  constantly  interrupted 
by  military  conspiracies.  Jehu,  however, 
claimed  divine  sanction  for  his  seizure  of  the 
throne  (2K.9.6).  The  anointing  of  the  king,  as  a 
symbol  of  his  appointment  to  office,  had  a  re- 
ligious significance  (iSam. 16. 13).  [Anointing.] 
In  accordance  with  this,  we  find  that  definite 
religious  duties  were  attached  to  his  office. 
He  was  required  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the 
national  religion,  and  to  make  special  provision 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  sacrifices  (Ezk.45. 
17).  In  some  degree  there  belonged  to  him 
the  right  of  actually  offering  the  sacrifice 
himself.  Saul  certainly  regarded  this  right 
as  inherent  in  his  office,  though  in  the  parti- 
cular circumstances  in  which  he  exercised  it 
he  incurred  Samuel's  displeasure  (iSam.lS.g). 
David  wore  a  linen  ephod  (2Sam.6.i4),  which 
was  a  garment  distinctive  of  priesthood 
(iSam.22.i8),  and  he,  too,  appears  to  have 
offered  sacrifices  in  person  (2Sam.6.i3,i7). 
At  a  time  when  there  was  as  yet  little  advance 
in  civilization,  it  was  natural  that  a  prominent 
part  of  the  king's  duties  should  be  leadership 
in  war.  It  was  in  part  the  need  for  a  recog- 
nized leader  in  war  which  gave  rise  to  the 
original  demand  for  a  king  (iSam.8.20),  but 
it  is  noticeable  that  on  the  same  occasion 
stress  is  laid  upon  another  side  of  the  kingly 
functions.  He  is  to  judge  the  people.  The 
poor  are  as  far  as  possible  to  have  access  to  the 
king  himself  in  order  to  receive  justice  (aSam. 
14.4),  and  indeed  the  office  of  supreme  judge 


KINGDOM  OF  GOD,  l^HE      447 

is  synonymous  with  kingship  (2K.I5.5).  It 
was  felt  that  the  worldly  pomp  which  or- 
dinarily attended  the  establishment  of  an 
Eastern  sovereign  was  incongruous  in  one 
who,  as  ruler  of  Israel,  stood  in  a  special  re- 
lation to  God.  So  the  Mosaic  legislation  laid 
down  restrictions  (Deut. 17. 14-20),  which, 
however,  were  little  observed.  Though  a 
multipHcity  of  wives  was  forbidden,  the  royal 
harem  became  a  regular  institution  (2Sam.l6. 
21).  The  prohibition  against  the  accumula- 
tion of  wealth  was  intended  as  a  safeguard 
against  oppression,  but  yet  the  burden  of  the 
royal  establishment  was  a  heavy  one  (Ezk.45. 
8).  In  addition  to  the  taxes  (iSam.8.15)  and 
special  levies  raised  in  times  of  need  (2K.15.20) 
and  the  exaction  of  forced  labour  (1K.5.13), 
there  was  also  a  royal  domain,  farmed  for  the 
king's  benefit  (iChr.27.25-31),  and  he  seems 
to  have  had  a  claim  upon  some  portion, 
perhaps  a  tenth  (iSam.8.15),  of  the  pasture 
throughout  the  country  (Am.7. 1 ).  Despite  oc- 
casional oppression,  the  office  of  king,  ideally 
regarded,  became  an  element  in  the  Messianic 
portraiture.  Ezekiel  looks  forward  to  the  com- 
ing of  the  ideal  David,  whose  rule  over  God's 
people  shall  be  for  ever  (Ezk. 37. 2 5).    [j.c.v.d.] 

King-dom  of  God,  The.  Our  Lord's 
doctrine  of  this  kingdom  fills  much  of  His 
teaching  and  is  intimately  connected  with  His 
Person.  In  the  prayer  that  He  taught,  "  Thy 
kingdom  come  "  is  placed  near  the  beginning, 
as  expressing  that  which  ought  to  be  one  of 
our  first  desires.  He  began  His  preaching  by 
saying  "  The  time  is  fulfilled,  and  the  kingdom 
of  God  is  at  hand  "  (Mk.l.15).  His  Gospel  is 
described  by  St.  Matthew  (5.23)  as  "  the  Gospel 
of  the  kingdom."  St.  Luke  (4.43)  represents 
Him  as  identifying  this  preaching  of  the  king- 
dom with  the  heart  of  His  mission.  St.  John 
(3.5)  shows  that  the  kingdom  of  God  implies  a 
blessing  to  which  man  can  only  attciin  if  "  born 
of  water  and  the  Spirit." — Title.  SS.  Mark, 
Luke,  and  John  write  "  kingdom  of  God."  St. 
Matthew  only  uses  this  precise  title  in  12.28,21. 
31,43.  He  usually  replaces  it  by  the  name 
"  kingdom  of  heaven."  Possibly  this  means 
more  specifically  the  kingdom  that  is  of 
heavenly  origin.  More  probably,  it  is  exactly 
the  same  in  meaning  as  "  kingdom  of  God." 
The  Jews,  out  of  reverence  for  the  name  of 
"  God,"  often  replaced  it  by  the  word  "  hea- 
ven." In  either  case  the  idea  is  practically  the 
same.  It  means  a  kingdom,  or  more  accurately 
a  reign  which  is  the  reign  of  God,  its  laws  being 
the  expressed  will  of  God. — The  Kingdom  of 
God  in  O.T.  The  actual  name  does  not  occur 
in  O.T.  But  the  idea  penetrated  all  Judaism. 
After  the  covenant  made  between  God  and 
Israel  at  Sinai,  the  Israelites  regarded  them- 
selves as  peculiarly  His  people.  Scruples  were 
even  sometimes  felt  as  to  the  propriety  of 
having  an  earthly  king  (iSam.8. 4-9),  and  at  the 
same  time  theearthly  king  was  looked  upon  as 
God's  vicegerent.  Is.,  Mi.,  Je.,  Zeph.,  Zech.,  are 
full  of  the  hope  of  a  kingdom  in  which  David 
would  be  for  ever  represented  by  a  royal  descen- 
dant ruling  in  God's  name.  In  Dan.7  this  hope 
takes  the  form  of  a  vision.  Dan.  represents  the 
four  empires  hostile  to  Israel  as  successively 
losing  their  power  before  the  appearance  of 
God.     Everlasting  dominion  is  then  given  to 


448       KINGDOM  OP  GOD,  THE 

"  one  like  unto  a  son  of  man  "  who  represents 
the;;faithful  remnant  of  Israelites.  In  the 
apocryphal  books  there  is  further  teaching 
about  the  kingdom.  In  the  Pss.  of  Sol.  (xvii. 
3-5)  it  is  connected  with  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah.  Sometimes  the  whole  idea  is  strongly 
nationalist  and  political,  sometimes  far  more 
spiritual.  The  tone  of  Wis. 10  may  be  com- 
pared with  that  of  Ps.i45.9f.  The  ordinary 
Jewish  conception  of  the  kingdom  of  God  made 
it  practically  that  of  Jewish  domination. — The 
Kingdom  is  Spiritual.  Our  Lord's  teaching 
about  the  kingdom  makes  it  essentially  spirit- 
ual. It  is  a  force  directed  against  the  power  of 
Satan,  who  has  an  organized  kingdom  of  his 
own  (Mt. 12. 26,28  ;  Lu.ll.i8).  Christ  repelled 
all  temptation  to  become  a  secular  king  (Mt. 
4.8f.  ;  Jn. 6.15,18.36).  His  statecraft  is  truth 
and  justice.  It  was  part  of  the  cunning  of  His 
adversaries  that  they  persuaded  Pilate  to  con- 
demn Him  on  the  ground  that  His  kingdom 
was  of  this  world,  when  the  Jews  had  really 
rejected  Him  because  it  was  not.  He  had 
made  no  attempt  to  deprive  Caesar  of  what  was 
Caesar's,  but  asserted  the  paramount  claim 
of  God  on  man's  allegiance.  God's  kingdom 
was  not  to  be  nationalist  any  more  than  secu- 
lar. It  is  free  to  all.  Further,  God's  rule  over 
man  inaugurated  by  His  Son  is  itself  God's  gift 
and  the  security  of  man's  freedom.  The  king- 
dom is  said  to  "  come,"  to  "  be  at  hand,"  to 
"  draw  nigh."  It  is  "  prepared  "  by  (iod  and 
"  inherited."  It  is  "  given  "  (Lu.i2.32),  and 
"  received  "  (Mk.lO.15)  by  those  who  have  the 
spirit  of  a  little  child.  Like  every  gift  of  God, 
it  demands  a  moral  effort  on  man's  side.  It 
must  be  "  sought  "  with  trouble;  for  it  every- 
thing else  must  be  "  sold  "  (Mt.i3.45f.).  God's 
purpose  for  us  is  fulfilled  by  our  own  co-opera- 
tion. St.  Paul  exactly  represents  the  place  of 
human  effort  when  he  writes,  "  Work  out  your 
own  salvation,  .  .  .  for  it  is  God  which  work- 
eth  in  you  "  (Ph.2.i2f.). — The  Kingdom  both 
Present  and  Future.  The  kingdom  was  present 
in  the  world  when  Christ  taught  and  worked. 
It  was  not  a  rule  to  be  inaugurated  first  at  His 
second  coming.  Its  full  realization  is  in  the 
future,  but  it  came  among  men  in  the  Person 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Some  Jews  believed  that 
the  reign  of  the  Messiah  would  not  begin  until 
after  the  judgment ;  others  believed  that  He 
could  conquer  His  enemies  and  begin  His  reign 
before  the  judgment.  The  latter  conception  is 
nearer  to  the  teaching  of  our  Lord,  though  He 
spiritually  transformed  it.  The  kingdom  came 
into  the  world  as  a  hope  for  the  future,  but 
where  Jesus  went  the  hope  became  in  some 
measure  an  actual  reality.  The  kingdom  is 
present,  for  with  the  preaching  of  Christ  a  new 
era  begins  (Mk. 1.15).  Satan,  "the  strong  man," 
is  already  being  bound  a  prisoner  (Mt.l2.28  = 
Lu.ll.20).  God's  kingdom  and  His  righteous- 
ness are  to  be  sought  now  ;  one  is  accessible 
like  the  other  (Mt.6.33).  It  is  now  being  taken 
by  force  and  occupied  (ll.iif.).  Further, 
the  parables  of  the  Sower,  the  Tares,  the  Mus- 
tard Seed  and  the  Leaven  all  imply  that  the 
kingdom  is  here.  The  kingdom  belongs  to  the 
near  future.  Some  who  hear  Jesus  will  live 
"  to  see  the  kingdom  of  Ciod  come  with  power  " 
(Mk.9. i).  St.  Matthew,  in  the  parallel  passage 
(I6.28),  says,  "  Till  they  see  the  Son  of  Man 


KINGS,  BOOKS  OP 

coming  in  His  kingdom."  It  is  not  necessary  to 
suppose  that  St.  Matthew  meant  by  this  some- 
thing different  from  St.  Mark.  The  disciples 
saw  the  Son  of  Man  come  in  the  Person  of  the 
Spirit  (Jn. 14.19;  cf.  Mk. 14.62,  Mt. 26.64,  and 
Dan. 7).  There  will  a  development  like  the 
growth  of  the  "  blade  "  into  the  "  ear  "  (Mk.4. 
28).  The  kingdom  belongs  to  a  more  distant 
future.  It  is  to  be  consummated  at  Christ's 
second  coming.  He  will  then  call  the  blessed 
to  "  inherit  the  kingdom  prepared  for  you  from 
the  foundationof  theworld"(Mt.25.34).  In  this 
sense  the  kingdom  is  strictly  eschatological. 
It  is  remarkable  that  St.  Paul  uses  the  phrase 
both  in  the  sense  of  a  present  reign  of  Ciod  and 
in  that  of  a  kingdom  at  the  end  of  the  world 
(R0.I4.17  ;  Gal. 5. 21). — The  Kingdom  both 
Inward  and  Outward.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
the  Gk.  in  Lu.l7.2of.  means  that  the  kingdom 
is  "  v.'ithin  you  "  or  "  among  you."  But  it  is 
evident  that  in  its  essence  the  kingdom  is  un- 
seen. This  is  shown  by,  e.g.,  Lu.i2.31ff.,  Mt.5.3. 
It  is  also  outward.  All  spiritual  social  forces 
must  have  an  outward  form  to  be  the  instru- 
ment of  their  inward  power.  The  kingdom  that 
begins  as  the  reign  of  God  in  the  heart  must 
manifest  itself  in  an  outward  society  and  have 
a  history  of  its  own.  The  parable  of  the  Tares 
illustrates  this.  The  kingdom  is  here  that  part 
of  the  world  where  the  good  seed  has  been  sown 
by  the  Son  of  Man,  where  good  and  evil  grow 
together  until  the  end  (Mt.i3.41).  So,  too, 
the  kingdom  is  a  drag-net,  gathering  both  good 
and  bad  ;  some  will  be  saved,  some  rejected 
(13.47).  Much  recorded  in  Mt.  implies  the 
idea  of  a  society  of  persons  visibly  connected  in 
a  supernatural  bond.  The  kingdom  of  heaven 
of  which  St.  Peter  received  the  keys  must 
necessarily  be  a  society  with  a  visible  form,  a 
society  to  which  men  can  be  admitted  and 
from  which  they  can  be  excluded.  Our  Lord 
calls  it  "  My  Church  "  (16.i8f.).  Thus  the 
kingdom  of  God  is  also  the  kingdom  of  His  Son 
{cf.  Eph.5.5)  ;  He  definitely  calls  His  own  the 
kingdom  where  He  has  sown  the  good  seed.  He 
is  Himself  "  the  King  "  Who  shall  judge  all 
nations  at  the  doom  (Sit. 25. 34),  and  the  faith- 
ful shall  "  eat  and  drink  at  My  table  in  My 
kingdom  "  (Lu.22.30).  The  kingdom  of  the 
Son  as  a  redemptive  power  will  then  be  ended. 
When  His  redeeming  work  is  complete,  "  He 
shall  deliver  up  the  kingdom  to  (iod,  even  the 
Father"  (1C0r.i5.24). — Definition.  The  king- 
dom of  God  is  the  reign  of  God  in  the  hearts 
and  conduct  of  His  children  ;  a  reign  which  was 
embodied  in  the  whole  character  of  Jesus 
Christ,  has  expanded  in  tlie  life  of  the  Church, 
and  will  be  perfected  at  the  second  coming  of 
our  Lord.     | JEsrs  Ciikist,  III.  (i).]     [l.p.] 

King's,  Books  of.  Language,  Text,  and 
Sources.  The  twobnoks  of"  Kings"  formiiart 
of  a  ciintinuuus  history,  of  which  the  former 
part  is  cIdscIv  related  t«>  Samuel,  the  last  part 
to  Jeremiah.  The  Taliuudic  tradition  that 
Jeremiah  was  the  final  editor  is  possible, 
though  the  last  chapter  leaves  us  somewhat 
altruptiy  in  Habylon,  and  not  in  I'"gypt.  The 
Gk.  translation  has  four  books  of  "  kingdoms," 
or  "  royal  transactions,"  which  correspond  to 
our  I  and  2Sam.  and  i  and  2  Kings,  but  the 
division  into  books  is  more  ancient  ;  that  be- 
tween the  ist  and  2nd  "  Kings  "  is  unhappy. 


KINGS,  BOOKS  O!^ 

l^'or  the  weighty  judgment  of  Ewald  as  to  the 
language  of  "  Kings,"  see  Samuel,  Books  of. 
The  Heb.  is  of  the  golden  age,  but  clearly 
later  than  the  Pentateuch.  The  vivid  per- 
sonal touches  of  Samuel  reappear  in  the  first 
part,  and  in  the  anecdotes  of  the  prophets.  In 
the  Elijah  and  Elisha  episodes  historical  writ- 
ing takes  a  new  lease  of  life  in  the  freer  air  of 
the  N.  and  under  the  impulse  of  great  events 
(see  Benzinger  ad  loc).  For  vigour  and 
beauty  it  is  unsurpassed.  We  are  certainly 
right  in  looking  to  the  schools  or  colleges  of  the 
prophets  for  those  who  selected  from  contem- 
porary tradition,  writing,  and  annals  what 
lies  before  us.  This  conclusion  is  borne  out  by 
the  Chronicles,  which  select  and  modernize 
out  of  the  same  ancient  material  from  a  priestly 
and  post-Exilic  standpoint.  The  traditional 
text,  though  sometimes  corrupt,  holds  the 
field.  We  should  experience  more  than  Nol- 
deke's  "  slight  philological  shudder  "  (Lohr, 
Sam.  p.  xc)  if  any  improved  text  were  to  sup- 
plant it.  We  should  miss  much  of  value.  The 
q'^ri  even  is  not  always  right.  Keil  hits,  per- 
haps, the  sane  mean  of  alteration.  The  Gk. 
translation — for  the  completion  of  which  before 
150  B.C.,  certainly  before  132  B.C.,  Baudissin 
gives  reasons — and  which  is  "  the  oldest  wit- 
ness for  the  O.T.  text  "  (CorniU),  is  (for  all  its 
merit)  valuable  chiefly  when  by  its  literalism, 
or  even  mistakes,  it  plainly  stands  for  a  Heb. 
original.  Made  with  a  purpose,  by  persons  not 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  Heb.,  at  once  too 
slavish  and  too  free,  it  is  untrustworthy  in 
alterations,  unsatisfactory  re- arrangements, 
omissions,  and  additions.  Kings  is  full  of 
"  ornamental  "  additions  to  a  story  they  could 
not  have  told.  An  instance  will  illustrate  its 
merits  and  demerits.  In  1K.8.12,  but  out 
of  its  place  at  ver.  53,  the  LXX.  inserts  before 
"  The  Lord  said,"  "  He  made  the  sun  to  be 
known  {or,  to  appear]  in  heaven."  And  they 
follow  with  "  is  not  this  written  in  the  book 
of  the  song  ?  "  [cf.  aSam.l.iS).  This  addition 
is  accepted  as  original  by  very  many.  But 
it  is  a  confused  reminiscence  from  2Sam.23.4. 
It  misses  the  point  of  the  noble  abruptness  of 
Solomon,  and  confuses  the  meaning.  "Je- 
hovah said  He  would  dwell  in  the  thick  dark- 
ness," and  therefore  the  cloud  shows  He  wiU 
dwell  here.  (At  ver.  12  MS.  B  of  the  LXX. 
omits  Solomon's  words,  MS.  A  inserts  them  as 
the  Heb.  does  :  both  add  the  insertion  given 
above  at  ver.  53.)  Yet  "  the  book  of  the 
song  "  (i.e.  book  of  odes)  is  probably  the  only 
remaining  trace  of  a  primitive  corruption  in 
2Sam.l.i8,  where  Jashar  {the  just),  which  is 
inappropriate,  should  be  altered  into  "  the 
song  "  by  a  transposition  of  letters.  The  fabu- 
lous addition  of  the  LXX.  to  the  story  of  Jero- 
boam at  iK.12.24,  rightly  rejected  by  Keil  and 
Rawlinson,  is  the  first  of  those  stories,  added 
sometimes  to  canonical  books,  which  give  its 
reflected  meaning  (legendary)  to  the  word 
"  apocryphal."  The  sources  of  Kings  may  be 
approximately  indicated.  Besides  the  annals  of 
Solomon,  and  the  annals  of  the  kings  of  Israel 
and  Judah,  we  have  :  (i)  The  Samuel  source,  c. 
978-975  B.C.  {cf.  iChr.27.24).  In  its  graphic 
personal  style  the  story  of  Samuel  is  continued, 
and  completed.  (2)  The  Solomon  source,  c. 
975-938  B.C.     It  is  distinguished  by  character- 


klNGS,  BOOKS  Oi" 


440 


istic   words.     The    account    of^the~^temple, 
judging  by  7.8,9.24,  must  have  been  written 
before  Pharaoh's  daughter  had  rivals.     This 
source  may  have  used  "  the  book  of  the  annals 
of    Solomon,"    which    stands    by    itself.     (3) 
The  northern  source,   including  the  acts  of 
Elijah  and  Elisha,   c.   938-741   e.g.,  marked 
by  traces  of  northern  dialect  in  words  and 
by  slight  peculiarities,  which  recur  too  often 
to  be  textual  errors.     "Provinces"   (iK.20. 
14)   and  "  governors "   (20.24,  cf.   IO.15)   are 
doubtless  historically    accurate  {cf.    the    loan 
word  "  lords  "  of  the  Philistines  in  Jos.,  Judg., 
and  Sam.).     The  acts  of  Elisha  are  grouped 
out    of   sequence.     (4)  The  Isaiah    source,   c. 
777-641   B.C.,  closely  related  to  the  book  of 
Isaiah.     Here  again  a  height  of  literary  inter- 
est and  power  is  attained.     (5)  The  Jeremiah 
source,  c.  639-587  b.c,    closely  related  to  the 
book  of   Jeremiah.      That  the   sources    date 
chiefly  from  the  periods  stated  is  clear  from 
style  and  language,  from  the  recurring  phrase 
"  to  this  day,"  frequently  out  of  place,  if  edi- 
torial, and  from  indications  sufficient  to  justify 
the  opinion  that  the  last  writer  would  have  be- 
trayed himself,  if  he  had  rewritten  what  he 
found.     Difficulty  in  explaining  and  correlat- 
ing comes  from  the  writers  telling  of  their  own 
present;  without  any  attempt   to  harmonize 
it.      Chronicles,    after    the    Captivity,    names 
other  soinrces  as  still  extant  which  have  not 
come  down  to  us  (see,  e.g.,  iChLr.27.24,29.29  ; 
2Chr.9.29,12.i5,13.22).     "Annals"  having  be- 
come part  of  the  kingly  regiment,  chronology 
becomes  accurate,  and  by  its  interlacing  diffi- 
cult, but  not  impossible,  to  make  clear.     In 
Samuel    we    have    only    round    numbers. — 
Contents.     It  is  important  to  observe  that  the 
books  of  Kings  are  dominated  by  a  purpose. 
They  begin  with  the  highest  point  the  theocratic 
monarchy  ever  reached,   described  fully  with 
something  of  the  simple  naivete  of  a  prophet's 
"  plain  living  and  high  thinking."     The  rest 
traces  its  decay  in  causes  and  in  fact.     This 
unity  of  purpose  makes  the  record  pass  over 
much  which  Chronicles  supplies,  or  which  we 
have  lost.     Kings  relates  only  how  corruption 
and  weakness  spreads  to  Judah  through  Israel, 
till  by  degrees  the  greatness  reached  by  Solo- 
mon  disappears.     The    books    may    be    thus 
analysed.      (i)   iK.1-3.      The    first    years    of 
Solomon  and  the  last  of  David,     (ii)  iK.4-11. 
Solomon's  reign.     Chronicles  tells  us  why  the 
bdmd  at  Gibeon  (8.4)  is  called  "great"  (2Chr. 
1.3),  and    adds  to    the   preparation  (iChr.22, 
29)  what  is  implied  in  iK.'7.5i.     The  singing 
at  the  dedication  (2Chr.5.i2  13)  is  implied  in 
the  word  translated  "  cry"  (iK.8.28).    The  fire 
from    heaven    (2Chr.7.i),   though   resting    (as 
critics  allow)  on  old  tradition,  is  left  out,  as  not 
in  the  line  of  thought.     The  description  of  the 
temple  (iK.6,7)  is  the  oldest  and  only  descrip- 
tion of  an  ancient  building.     Tus  fact   that 
Benzinger   gives  it   a   flat,    and   Fergusson   a 
slanting  roof,  shows  the  difficulty  of  modern 
realization.     But  the  difficulty  is  not  because 
the  writer  "  had  never  set  foot  in  the  temple," 
as  Benzinger  says,  but  arises  from  the  partially 
understood  technical  terms  with  which  an  eye- 
witness laboxrrs  to  be  accurate.     Of  more  con- 
sequence is  it  to  notice  that  the  writer  designs 
an  account  of  what  Solomon  and  Hiram  the 

29 


450 


KINGS,  BOOKS  OF 


artificer  added.  The  "  tent  of  meeting  "  in 
Exodus  is  implied  by  what  is  omitted,  for 
there  is  no  description  of  the  chief  and  most 
significant  parts  of  the  temple  furniture.  The 
old  sanctuary  ornamentation  ("  cherubs  ")  is 
mentioned  because  made  in  carving  and  over- 
laid in  gold,  with  gourds  and  palm-trees  and 
outspread  garlands  of  flowers  added  (6.  i  S.agff .) . 
The  "lilies  "  introduced  by  Hiram  (7.19,22,26) 
into  his  new  work  were  possibly  favourite 
flowers  with  Uavid  and  Solomon  (see  Pss. 
titles).  Cherubim  are  mentioned  because 
Solomon  added  two  large  cherubim  of  olive 
wood  (6.23),  covered  with  gold,  detached,  and 
to  overshadow  the  ark  and  its  cherubim.  There 
is  a  break  at  7.47,  observed  by  the  LXX., 
which  translates  the  first  verb  wrongly,  "  he 
took  or  gave."  The  pattern  and  ornament  of 
the  furniture,  which  follows,  is  not  given.  It 
is  not  Hiram's  ;  it  is  the  "  tent  of  meeting  " 
pattern.  The  mention  of  it  is  because  Solo- 
mon increased  the  number  of  tables  and  lights 
in  his  larger  building.  Such  points  as  that, 
e.g.,  the  top  flanking  rooms  are  larger  than  the 
lower  by  increasing  rebates  in  the  walls,  show 
the  building  real  and  not  imaginary  (Rawlin- 
son  ad  loc).  Comparison  with  other  ancient 
Eastern  buildings  is  the  key  to  correct  under- 
standing (Ftrgusson,  History  of  Architecture, 
p.  203).  Solomon  does  not  seem  so  near  to  us  as 
do  the  heroes  of  Samuel.  His  public  utterance 
gives  a  noble  idea  of  his  "wisdom."  But  his 
character  is  to  be  sought  in  his  writings,  some 
of  them  extant  (see  4.32,33).  (iii)  iK.1.2t0  2K. 
10  and  ch.  13.  The  revolt  of  Israel — consist- 
ently regarded  by  the  prophets  as  a  sin,  though 
providentially  brought  about  by  Solomon's 
forced  labour,  as  well  as  by  his  luxury  and 
foreign  affinities — and  the  resulting  decline  of 
the  kingdom.  The  scene  shifts  for  years  to  the 
N.,  for  here  the  battle  for  true  religion  chiefly 
raged.  Judah  is  only  briefly  mentioned.  The 
reforms  of  Jehoshaphat  are  left  out,  though 
implied  (2K.22.43).  The  destruction  of  his 
Elath  fleet  (possibly  alluded  to  Ps.48.7)  is 
mentioned  because  of  his  failure  to  restore 
Solomon's  commercial  status,  (iv)  2K.11,12 
and  14  to  the  end.  Corruption  spreads  from 
Israel  to  Judah  by  alliance  and  by  the  inter- 
marriage with  Athaliah,  Jezebel's  daughter, 
who  introduces  Baal  and  the  Asherah,  and 
through  Ahaz,  "  who  walked  in  the  way 
of  the  kings  of  Israel  "  (16. 3),  and  introduced 
foreign  fashions  from  Damascus,  and  the 
Sun-god  and  tlie  host  of  heaven  from  Assyria. 
In  the  weakening  and  ultimate  extinction  of 
Israel,  whose  hist  kings  were  short-lived  nmr- 
derers,  j  udali  is  left  o])en  to  Aram  and  Assyria. 
The  reforms  of  Joash,  LIzziah  or  Azariah,  Heze- 
kiah,  and  the  most  thorough  one  of  Josiah, 
staved  off  the  ruin  ;  but  they  were  to  an  extent 
forced  on  a  half-hearted  people,  and  were  fol- 
lowed by  reaction.  Manasseh's  rei)entance  is 
not  mentioned,  because  it  did  not  materially 
affect  the  story.  Judah,  left  alone,  is  first 
oppressed  by  Aram  and  tlien  by  Assyria,  and 
in  the  end  destroyed  or  led  into  captivity  by 
Babylon.  The  last  vestiges  (24.13-18)  of  the 
wisdom  and  greatness  of  Solomon  arc  gone. — 
Historical  Implications.  In  the  earlier  books 
tlie  pre-existence  of  the  Mosaic  literature 
emerges  in  hint  and  allusion.     The  disturbed 


KINGS,  BOOKS  OF 

state  of  the  times  prevents  its  full  operation. 
But  in  the  time  of  peace  and  progress  with 
which  Kings  opens,  the  pre-existence  of  the 
books  of  Moses  is  certain,  if  the  history  is 
trustworthy.  The  action  and  words  of  Solo- 
mon presuppose  it,  and  have  otherwise  no 
sufficient  cause.  His  seven  prayers  at  the  dedi- 
cation are  based  upon  Deut.  and  Lev.  The 
history  of  J  udah  is  ever  in  its  reforms  recurring 
to  a  type  directly  declared  as  set  once  for  all. 
Deut.  is  quoted  (iK. 14.10,11, 15  ;  c/.  Deut. 82.36, 
28.26,29.27),  and  the  law  said  to  be  written 
(iK.2.3;  2K. 17.35-39;  cf.  H0.8.12,  Heb.), 
before  the  book  of  the  covenant  was  found 
in  Josiah's  time.  The  "  testimony  "  in  the 
coronation  ceremony  (2K.II.12)  would  pro- 
bably be  the  king's  copy  of  the  law  (Deut. 
17.18).  The  proportions  and  description  of 
the  temple  imply  the  "  tent  of  meeting,"  and 
in  the  ark  are  still  the  two  tables  of  the  "  ten 
words"  (iK.8.9).  The  Mosaic  institution  was 
an  ideal — variously  approximated.  Perhaps, 
in  the  prophet's  judgment,  it  was  most  nearly 
reached  by  Josiah.  The  northern  prophets  de- 
vised means  for  keeping  together  the  godly  in 
the  spirit  of  the  Law,  and  as  far  as  possible 
to  its  form  (18. 29  and  31  ;  2K.4.23).  The 
invention  of  a  continuous  and  pervasive 
Deuteronomic  redaction  really  grants  all 
this,  and  is  itself  critically  violent,  for  the 
traces  of  the  law  are  imbedded  in  the  record. 
The  sober  historian  will  hesitate  to  allow  the 
spirit  of  direct  falsehood,  which  such  a  redac- 
tion unavoidably  involves,  to  be  the  spirit  of 
the  Heb.  writers.  It  is  devised  to  destroy 
the  evidence.  But  it  is  a  two-edged  sword.  It 
is  far  more  likely  that  the  history  alludes  to  a 
foregoing  literature,  which  has  come  down  to 
us,  than  that  it  should  be  systematically 
falsified  to  agree  with  something  that  never 
existed.  It  would  never  enter  the  mind  of  any 
one  simply  desiring  to  explain  what  he  finds, 
that  the  law  book  discovered  in  the  temple 
was  Deuteronomy  only.  Its  description  is  too 
precise  (2K. 22. 8, 11, 23. 2, 3).  Deuteronomy  oniy 
is  not  "  the  book  of  the  law,"  "  the  book  of  the 
covenant,"  "  the  words  of  this  covenant  which 
are  written  in  this  book."  The  LXX.  title 
gives  the  ancient  opinion  that  L)euteronomy  is 
a  repetition  and  an  exhortation.  From  Deut- 
eronomy only,  Josiah's  great  passover  would 
not  have  resulted.  Even  De  Wette  allows,  in 
reference  to  2K.22,  that  by  Deuteronomy  "  the 
existence  of  the  other  books  is  presupposed  " 
(Introduction,  §  162  a).  But,  further,  the  con- 
sistent habit  of  the  Heb.  writers  of  mentioning 
things  only  when  they  come  ilireclly  in  their 
way  indelinitely  increases  the  strength  of  the 
evidence.  Only  one  great  national  festival, 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  used  as  the  dedication 
feast,  is  mentioned  in  the  reign  of  Solomon. 
That,  however,  national  assemblies  at  the  feasts 
(iK.9.23)  were  the  use  of  Solomon's  time 
and  that  they  invohed  the  godly  of  the  N.  to 
a  notable  degree,  iscjuite  clear  from  Jeroboam's 
in\'ention,  at  Dan  and  Bethel,  of  calves  and 
of  feasts  "after  his  own  heart,"  and  priests 
"  from  all  the  jieople  "  to  replace  the  Levitical, 
wherebv  "  he  made  Israel  to  sin  "  (12. 26-33). 
The  half-shekel  poll-tax  for  the  temple  ser- 
vice and  the  various  priestly  dues  of  Leviticus 
were  always  in  operation  as  far  as  possible, 


KINGS,  BOOKS  0]tf" 

but  they  are  only  mentioned  when  Joash  Un- 
successfully attempted  to  divert  some  of  them 
to  the  repair  of  the  temple  dilapidations  (2  K.  12. 
4f. ).  The  various  kinds  of  sacrifice  were  always 
going  on,  in  accordance  with  Leviticus,  but  are 
only  mentioned  when  Ahaz  interfered  with 
them  by  introducing  his  foreign  altar  from 
Damascus  (16. 13-16).  The  brazen  serpent 
"  which  Moses  made  "  (18. 4)  was  in  all 
probability  in  Jerusalem  from  the  first,  not- 
withstanding other  theories  ;  but  it  is  never 
mentioned  anywhere,  till  Hezekiah  destroyed 
it,  to  prevent  its  further  superstitious  use. — 
The  Miraculous  Element.  This  is  not  the  place 
to  discuss  the  possibility  of  Miracles,  or  the 
unique  nature  of  the  Heb.  idea  of  it.  It  is 
only  in  place  to  point  out  the  strength  of  the 
evidence,  and  the  worthiness  of  the  "  signs  " 
occurring  in  these  books.  The  kingdom  of 
Israel  was  weakened  by  perpetual  violence, 
deserted  by  its  teachers  (2Chr.ll. 14  and  13. 9) 
and  the  means  of  true  worship,  and  left  a  prey 
to  idolatry  and  persecution.  The  prophets 
raised  up  for  this  crisis  were  friendless,  alone, 
and  men  of  peace.  It  is  impossible  to  explain 
their  influence  without  the  sufficient  cause 
alleged  for  it.  Jehovah,  as  at  the  Exodus  "  a 
man  of  war,"  contends  at  the  frontier  for  the 
safety  of  the  faithful  remnant  and  for  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  Jerusalem,  where  "  He  set 
His  name."  The  O.T.  economy  of  the  miracu- 
lous is  justified  (Godet).  The  towering  form 
of  Elijah,  the  mediator  of  a  new  revelation  of 
God's  secret  counsel,  is  not  the  form  of  an 
impostor.  His  taking  up  was  seen  only  by 
Elisha,  but  it  was  verified  by  the  search  of  50 
men.  The  wonders  of  Elisha  were  related 
from  lip  to  lip  (2K.8.4f.),  much  as  vhe  wonders 
of  Jesus  Christ  were  in  the  same  country.  His 
method  resembles  his  Master's.  Even  smaller 
miracles  are  part  of  a  story  characterized 
by  a  unique  and  fearless  truthfulness,  and 
manifestly  near  to  the  events.  The  total 
effect  is  to  relieve  the  oppressed  remnant  with 
a  sense  of  unseen  protection  and  guidance,  to 
chastise  insolence  and  violence,  to  stay  for  a 
while  the  torrent  of  impiety.  The  superb 
drama  is,  at  any  rate,  a  writing  of  genius.  The 
apocryphal  stories  of  the  LXX.,  Josephus,  the 
Talmud,  and  the  Koran  show  what  legend  is, 
and  what  are  its  marks  (see  Keil,  p.  57).  The 
power  of  the  prophets  was  exercised  according 
to  their  own  mind  in  stern  times,  and  conse- 
quently breathes  the  spirit  of  the  O.T.  rather 
than  that  of  the  New.  The  destruction  of 
Sennacherib,  in  answer  to  Hezekiah's  prayer  in 
an  agonizing  crisis,  was  in  the  public  records, 
and  was  known  in  Egypt ;  for  Herodotus  appar- 
ently makes  a  confused  allusion  to  it  (ii.  141 ). — 
Contact  with  the  Monuments.  Within  the  last 
70  years  a  great  resurrection  of  ancient  times 
has  come  from  the  deciphering  of  ancient 
monuments.  The  work  is  going  on.  It  is 
well  neither  to  ignore,  nor  to  exaggerate.  The 
book  of  Kings  is  as  good  and  honest  a  record 
as  any  ancient  monument.  The  nearest 
approach  to  its  continuous  history  is  probably 
the  Assyrian  Eponym  Canon,  which  George 
Smith  refused  to  consider  infallible  {Eponym 
Canon,  p.  182).  The  progress  of  discovery, 
however,  restores  vividness  to  the  old,  for- 
gotten past,  and  largely  reinforces  the  opinion 


KINGS,  BOOKS  OF 


451 


that  in  such  a  work  as  Kings  we  have  not 
legend,  but  reality.  The  external  contact, 
small  in  Samuel,  increases  in  Kings,  and  with  it 
contact  with  the  monuments  of  other  nations. 
Points  of  contact  which  confirm  the  lesser 
statements  in  Kings  should  add  to  our  con- 
fidence in  the  whole.  (a)  According  to 
Deutsch,  Tyrian  mason  marks  have  been 
discovered  upon  the  big  stones  of  Solomon's 
temple  foundation,  with  other  Tyrian  remains 
of  interest.  The  royal  quarry,  whence  the 
stones  were  hewn,  has  been  found,  {b)  The 
allusion  to  "the  kings  of  the  Hittites,"  once 
derided,  is  found  to  be  accurate,  (c)  An  in- 
teresting sidelight  on  Solomon's  fleet  at  Elath 
comes  from  an  inscription  of  Sennacherib 
(Sanherib  III.  R.  12),  in  which  he  relates 
that  he  made  certain  captive  Hatti  (dwellers 
perhaps  in  Cyprus  or  on  the  ^Mediterranean 
coast)  build  lofty  ships  in  Nineveh,  such  as 
they  made  in  their  own  country  ;  that  he 
manned  them  with  sailors  from  Tyre,  Sidon, 
and  Yawan,  and  finally,  with  a  complement  of 
Assyrian  soldiery,  by  land,  canal,  and  river, 
set  them  in  the  Persian  Gulf.  Neither  Hebrews 
nor  Assyrians  could  build  or  handle  big  ships 
without  the  Phoenicians  (Delitzsch,  Wo  lag  das 
Paradies?  pp.  76,  271,  291).  {d)  The  inscrip- 
tion of  Mesha  on  the  Moabite  Stone  "  agrees 
fully  with  the  Bible  "  ( Winckler,  Keilinschriften, 
p.  253),  which  strengthens  the  belief  that  minor 
statements  like  2K.3.4f.  are  well  grounded. 
(e)  German  explorers  have  discovered,  N.  of 
Antioch,  Aramaic  inscriptions  which  spell  Tig- 
lath -pileser  as  in  Kings,  and  not  as  in  Ass>Tian, 
"  Tukulti-Pal-eshar."  So  that  probably  pecu- 
liarities in  spelling  in  Kings  "go  back  to  the 
period  of  the  events  recorded  "  (Sayce,  Higher 
Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  412  ;  Winck- 
ler, p.  38,  note  3).  (/)  The  Siloam  inscription,  in 
ancient  Heb.  script,  was  probably  put  there  by 
Hezekiah's  workmen  when  he  made  his  "  con- 
duit "  (Sayce,  Fresh  Light,  p.  82).  (g)  In  the 
British  Museum  (K.  1620)  is  a  letter  of  Senna- 
cherib, assigning  large  gifts  to  Esar-haddon  his 
son,  whose  name  he  wished  to  change  {Records 
of  the  Past,  ser.  i.  vol.  i.  p.  136).  The  tenor  of 
the  letter,  which  is  known,  perhaps  without 
sufficient  reason,  as  "  the  will  of  Sennacherib," 
seems  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  favourite  son. 
This,  taken  together  with  the  fact  that  Sen- 
nacherib appointed  Esar-haddon,  though  his 
fourth  son  (Lenormant,  Hist.  p.  404),  to  the 
important  position  of  king  of  Babylon  during 
his  lifetime,  may  throw  an  interesting  sidelight 
upon  the  motive  of  jealousy  which  induced  two 
other  of  his  sons  to  murder  him  (2K.I9.37). — 
Unity.  Kings  is  the  expression  of  a  prophetic 
mind.  Persistent  through  so  many  generations 
of  varying  events,  it  speaks  with  one  voice. 
The  prophets  were  not  antagonists  of  the 
priests,  as  is  sometimes  stated.  All  along  they 
stand  for  thoroughness  in  religion  and  purity  in 
worship,  and  they  are  conspicuous  in  Josiah's 
renewal  of  the  covenant  (23.2,  the  reading  is 
right).  The  writings  of  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah, 
Micah,  Jeremiah,  and  the  rest,  are  only  pro- 
perly understood,  and  their  influence  only  suffi- 
ciently accounted  for,  in  the  historic  atmo- 
sphere of  Kings.  One  mind  bespeaks  one  spirit, 
"  the  spirit  of  Jehovah,"  by  Whom  they  all 
profess  to  have  been  moved.    It  is  a  situation 


452 


KIB, 


unique  in  history.  We  cannot  even  strike  out 
the  name  "  Josiah  "  from  iK.13.2  without 
attributing  to  the  writer  of  2K. 23. 16,17  a  spirit 
of  deliberate  lying  alien  from  the  evidence. 
Kings  is  a  great  book,  often  characterized  by 
an  inimitable  literary  pathos  and  power.  It 
tells  the  story  of  a  splendid  fight  of  the  faithful 
few,  in  which  the  prophets  were  worthy 
leaders. — Literature.  Benzinger  in  Marti  (1899), 
distinguished  by  a  thorough-going  scepticism 
and  an  arrogance  in  criticism,  but  useful ;  Keil 
in  Keil  and  Dclitzsch  (on  the  whole  a  masterly 
commentary)  ;  Rawlinson  in  The  Speaker's 
Commentary,  still  valuable  ;  Farrar  in  The 
Expositor's  Bible  ;  Barnes  in  The  Cambridge 
Bible  ;  Thenius,  old  but  useful ;  Klostermann 
in  Strack-Zokler,  preposterous  in  text  altera- 
tion, but  suggestive.  For  te.xt  :  Burney's 
Notes  and  Kittcl's  Hebrew  Bible,  with  critical 
apparatus.  For  parallel  texts  :  Girdlestone's 
Deuterngraphs  (Clarendon  Press),  and  Wood's 
Hebrew  Monarchy  (Eyre  &  Spottiswoode).  For 
archaeology  :  The  Records  of  the  Fast  (Bagster) ; 
the  works  of  Sayce,  Pinches,  Hommel,  and 
others  ;  the  publications  of  the  Palestine  Ex- 
ploration Fund,  including  Harper's  Bible  and 
Modern  Discoveries.  Winckler  in  Schrader's 
Keilinschri/ten  (Berlin,  1905)  might  be  sup- 
posed to  give  an  expert's  resume  ;  but  his 
extreme  scepticism  succeeds  in  so  involving  a 
clear  subject,  as  to  detract  from  its  value. 
Jeremias  (Das  Alte  Test,  im  Lichte  das  Alten 
Orient,  1906)  is  better,  but  still  quite  unreason- 
able. A  very  useful,  short  summary  (1892)  is 
Nicol's  Explorations.  [f.e.s.] 

Klp  is  mentioned  by  Amos  (9-7)  as  the  land 
from  which  the  Syrians  (Aramcans)  were 
"brought  up" — i.e.  where  they  had  dwelt 
before  migrating  to  the  region  N.  of  Palestine. 
It  was  also  the  land  to  which  the  captive 
Syrians  of  Damascus  were  removed  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  (2K.I6.9  ;  cf.  Am.1.5).  Isaiah  joins  it 
with  Elam  (22.6).  The  LXX.  (Vat.  MS.)  does 
not  give  it  as  a  proper  name  in  any  passage. 
The  position  of  Kir  is  unknown.  [c.k.c] 

Kip  of  Moab,  one  of  the  two  cliief  strong- 
holds of  Moab,  the  other  being  Ar  of  Moab. 
This  name  occurs  only  in  Is.lS.i.  [Kir- 
iiARASETH,  etc.]  A  cluc  to  its  identification  is 
perhaps  given  by  the  Targum  on  Isaiah,  which 
for  the  above  names  has  Kerakka  or  Kerak, 
the  great  castle  S.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  not  far 
from  the  W.  edge  of  the  plateau.  It  lies  about 
6  miles  S.  of  the  modern  Rabba.  It  is  built 
upon  the  top  of  a  steep  hill,  surrounded  by 
deep  and  narrow  valleys,  completely  inclosed 
by  mountains  rising  higher  than  the  town. 
The  elevation  of  the  town  is  3,323  feet  above 
sea-level. 

Klp-hapa'seth(2K.3.25),Kip-hape'seth 
(Is.16.7),  KJp-hapesh'(ver.  11),  Kip- he  pes 
(Jc. 48. 31, 36),  ai)i>arintly  all  slight  variations 
of  tiif  same  name  and  probably  all  applied  to 
Kir  of  .MoAn.  [c.r.c] 

Klplah'  (=  town ;  Arab.  Qiiriah),  ren- 
dered "city"  by  A.V.  The  word  occurs  in 
35  passages  of  O.T.,  and  refers  to  Heshbon 
(Num. 21. 28)  and  Zion  (Is. 33. 20),  instead  of 
the  usual  word  '  ir,  found  in  hundreds  of 
passages.     [Cities.]  [c.r.c] 

Kiplatha'lm  (two  towns). — 1.  {iChr.6.76.) 
A  town  of  Nai>htali  given  to  the  Levites,  other- 


KIRJATH-JEARIM 

wise  Kartan  (Jos.2i.32).  The  site  is  un- 
known. It  is  perhaps  the  Kerettenau  of  the 
list    of    Thothmes   III.     (No.    11).— 2.  [Kir- 

JATHAIM.]  [c.r.c] 

Kiplathia'pius.     [Kirjath-jearim.] 

Kipioth'  (R.V.  Kerioth,  as  in  Je.48.24,41), 
"  the  high  buildings "  of  which  are  to  be 
burned  (Am.2.2).  The  Heb.  has  the  def. 
article,  and  the  LXX.  reads  "  the  foundations 
of  its  cities."  If  a  city  of  Moab  is  intended, 
it  is  probably  Kerioth,  which  may  be 
KiRjATiiAiM.now  the  ruin  Qar^jya/.     [c.r.c] 

Kipjath'  (J OS. 18. 28),  a  town  of  Benjamin, 
noticed  with  Gibeath.  It  is  apparently  the 
present  village  el  Qiiriah  (otherwise  called 
Qiiriet  el '  A  nab,  "  town  of  grapes  " ),  7  J  miles  W. 
of  Jerusalem,  and  close  to  Jeb'a.  It  is  not 
Kirjath-jearim,  which  is  mentioned  in  the 
same  chapter  (18. 14).  [c.r.c] 

Kipjatha'im,  or  Kipiatha  im  (Je.48.i, 
23  ;  Ezk.25.9),  probably  Shaveh  Kiriathaim 
(Gen.14.5),  otherwise  Kirjathaim  (R.V.  Kir- 
iathaim), in  A. v.,  Num.32.37;  Jos.i3.19.  A 
town  in  Moab,  apparently  S.  of  Heshbon, 
rebuilt  by  the  Reubenites.  In  4th  cent.  a.d. 
it  was  a  Christian  village  called  Kariatha  {Ono- 
masticon),  10  miles  from  Medeba,  apparently 
the  present  ruin  Qareiydl,  about  10  miles  S. 
of  Mddcba.  It  is  probably  not  the  same 
as  KiRiOTH  (R.V.  Kerioth),  in  A.V.  Am.2.2, 
or  Kerioth,  in  A.V.  Je.48.24,41.  On  the 
Moabitc  Stone,  in  9th  cent,  b.c,  king  Mesha 
records  his  building  (or  fortifying)  of  Qiriathen, 
which  was  evidently  the  same  town — a  place 
of  importance  in  Moab.  [c.r.c] 

Kipjath'-apba',  an  early  name  of 
Hebron,  named  from  Area,  one  of  the 
Anakim  (Jos. 14. 15  ;  Judg.l.io).  See  also 
Gen.23.2,35.27  ;    Jos. 15. 13, 54, 20.7,21. II. 

Kipjath'-apim',  an  abbreviated  form  (Ezr. 
2.25  only)  of  Kirjath-jearim. 

Kipjath'-ba'al,  an  alternative  name  of 
Kirjath-jeakim  (Jos.15. 60,18.14)  =  Baalah, 
Baale-of-Judah.     [Baal,  geogr.] 

Kipjath'-huzoth',  a  place  to  which 
Balak  accompanied  Balaam  immediately  after 
his  arrival  in  Moab  (Num. 22.39).  It  appears 
to  have  lain  between  the  .\rnon  and  Bamoth- 
BAAL  (cf.  vv.  36  and  41).  The  LXX.  under- 
stands merely  "  a  town  of  dwellings."  Per- 
haps better  "a  town  of  the  borders."     [c.r.c] 

Kipjath'-jeapim'  (toxvn  of  woods),  other- 
wise Kirjatli-ariin  (lizr.2.25),  Kiriathiarius 
(iEsd.5.19),  Baalah  (Jos. 15. 9),  Kirjath-baal 
(Jos. 15. 60),  or  Baale  of  Judah  (2Sam.6.2  ; 
iChr.13.5,6  :  2Chr.l.4).  A  place  on  the  N. 
border  of  Jvidah  (Jos. 15.0. 10),  which  was  one 
of  the  Hivite  cities  (9. 17),  probably  re- 
named to  avoid  the  old  name  connected  with 
Baal.  Its  jiosition,  with  the  Maiianeh-Dan — 
or  open  plain  near  Betu-shemesii — to  the  W. 
(A.V.  behind,  Judg.l8.12),  agrees  with  that 
of  the  ruined  town  '  Erma,  on  the  hill  S.  of  the 
valley  of  Sorek,  12  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem 
[Judah],  as  first  suggested  by  Rev.  .\.  Hender- 
son. Kirjath-jearim  was  higher  up  than 
Beth-shemesh  (iSam.6.21)  ;  and  the  view 
from  '  Erma  to  W.  includes  the  plain  near 
Beth-shemesh  (4  miles  olT),  visible  through 
the  gorge.  Here  the  ark,  recovered  from  the 
Philistines,  remained  for  20  years  during  the 
rule  of  Samuel  (iSam.7.2) ;    and,  though  ac- 


KIRJATH-SANNAH 

compaaying  Saul  in  his  wars  (according  to  the 
usual  text  of  iSam.l^.iS),  it  was  apparently 
brought  back,  and  was  there  found  by  David, 
after  Saul's  death  (2Sam.6.2),  in  the  Gibeah, 
or  "  hill."  (See  iChr.2.50,52, 53, 13.5,6  ;  Ne.7. 
29  ;  J e. 26.20.)  The  site  was  wrongly  placed, 
in  4th  cent,  a.d.,  at  Kirjath  of  Benjamin 
(Onomasticon).  The  ruins  are  those  of  an 
ancient  town,  with  rock-cut  wine-presses,  and 
a  scarped  platform  for  a  tower  {Surv.  W.  Pal. 
iii.  pp.  43-52).  In  one  of  the  Amarna  letters, 
the  king  of  Jerusalem  speaks  of  Beth-baalah 


KITE 


453 


iChr.6.72  Kedesh,  3  {Tell  Abu  Qadeis),  stands 
instead.  [c.r.c] 

Kishon'  (R.V.  Kishion),  a  town  of  Issa- 
char  (Jos. 21. 28),  given  to  the  Levites.  [Ke- 
desh, 3  ;  Kishion.]  [c.r-c] 

Kishon',  Rivep  [the  twisting  torrent ; 
nahal),  near  mount  Tabor  (Judg.4.6,7), 
where  Sisera  was  defeated  by  Barak  {vv.  13- 
16).  The  epithet  "  ancient  "  (R.V.  and  A.V. 
5.21)  is  perhaps  better  rendered  "of  difficul- 
ties "  ;  for  the  Kishon — now  called  Nahr  el 
MuquU'a   {river   of  the  cut-up  ground)  —  is   a 


VIEW  WEST  FROM  KIRJATH-JEARIM.     (Showing  the  Mahaneh  Dan.) 
(From  an  origina    sketch  by  Col,  Conder.) 


as  a  town  revolting  from  him  in  15th  cent.  b.c. 
(Berlin  106).  This  may  represent  the  sub- 
mission of  Kirjath-jearim,  with  the  other 
Hivite  towns,  to  the  Hebrews.  [c.r.c] 

Kipjath'-sannah'  (Jos.i5.49),  ^  name 
for  Debir.  Probably  "  town  of  the  height"  ; 
Debir  {the  back)  being  now  erf/t  Dhdheriyeh  {the 
place  of  the  back,  or  ridge).  '  [c.r.c] 

Kipjath'-se'phep,  the  early  name  of  the 
city  Debir,  in  Jos. 15. 15, 16  ;  Judg.l.11,12. 
The  LXX.  understands  "  town  of  letters." 
Possibly  "  town  of  the  road,"  being  on  the 
main  Hebron-Beersheba  road.  [c.r.c] 

Kish.— 1.  The  father  of  Saul ;  a  Benjamite 
of  the  family  of  Matri,  according  to  i  Sam.  10. 
21,  though  descended  from  Becher  according  to 
iChr.7.8,  compared  with  iSam.9.1.  [Ner.] — 
2.  Son  of  Jehiel,  and  uncle  to  the  preceding 
(iChr.9.36). — 3.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of 
Mordecai  (Esth.2.5). — 4.  A  Merarite,  of  the 
house  of  Mahli,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  His  sons 
married  the  daughters  of  his  brother  Eleazar 
(iChr.23.2i,  22,24.28,29),  apparently  about  the 
time  of  Said,  or  early  in  the  reign  of  David. 

Kishi',  a  Merarite,  and  father  or  ancestor  of 
Ethan  the  minstrel  (iChr.6.44). 

Kishion',  a  town  on  the  laoundary  of  Issa- 
char  (Jos. 19. 20),  allotted  to  the  Gershonite 
Levites  (2I.28,  R.V.,  but  A.V.  Kishon).     In 


treacherous  boggy  stream.  When  Junot  and 
the  French  defeated  the  Turks  (in  1799)  near 
Tabor,  many  of  the  latter  perished  in  its 
swamps.  The  source  is  W.  of  Tabor  ;  and 
Sisera's  army,  defeated  at  Kison,  perished 
near  En-dor  (Ps.83.9).  Thence  it  winds  W., 
under  the  hills  of  Zebulun,  to  the  pass  near 
Jokneam,  under  mount  Carmel  (1K.I8.40), 
and  runs  N.W.  by  Harosheth,  to  the  sea  in  the 
bay  of  AccHO.  The  lower  course  is  fringed 
with  date  palms.  The  river,  even  in  winter, 
does  not  reach  the  shore  when  the  wind  is  in 
the  W.,  but  is  only  fordable  at  the  bar  when 
it  is  in  the  E..  It  receives  a  considerable 
affluent  from  S.  near  Jokneam,  which  is  fed 
from  springs  on  the  slopes  W.  of  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  the  whole  of  which  is  drained 
by  the  Kishon.  The  soldiers  of  Sisera,  in  their 
retreat  to  Harosheth,  perished  apparently  in 
the  swamps  (Judg.5.2i),  while  he  fled  alone 
some  30  miles  N.E.  [Zaanaim]  ;  chariots,  how- 
ever, were  easily  driven  in  the  plain  between 
Harosheth  and  Tabor.  [Merom.]  [c.r.c] 
Kison'  (Ps.83.9  only);  R.V.  Kishon. 
Kiss.  [Salutation;  Idolatry.] 
Kite.  TheHeb.  word  {'ayyd)  thus  rendered 
occurs  in  Lev. 11. 14,  Deut.i4.13,  and  Job  28.7; 
in  the  two  former  it  is  translated  "  kite  "  in 
the  A. v.,  in  the  latter  "  yulture  "  (q.v.).   The 


454 


KITHLISH 


word  occurs  among  the  20  names  of  birds  men- 
tioned in  Dent. 14  (belonging  for  the  most  part 
to  the  diurnal  birds  of  prey,  or  Accipitres), 
considered  unclean  by  the  Mosaic  Law,  and 
forbidden  as  food  to  the  Israelites.  The  allusion 


KITE  {Milvus  ictinus). 

in  Job  alone  affords  a  clue  to  the  probable  iden- 
tification of  the  bird.  The  mines  in  the  moun- 
tains are  there  described  as  "  a  track  which 
the  bird  of  prey  hath  not  known,  nor  hath  the 
eye  of  the  vulture  Vciyyd]  looked  upon  it." 
Among  all  birds  of  prey,  the  kite  is  said  to  be 
distinguished  by  peculiar  keenness  of  vision. 
Robertson  derives  'ayyd  from  an  obsolete 
root,  connected  with  an  Arab,  word,  the  prim- 
ary meaning  of  which  is  "  to  turn."  If  this 
derivation  be  correct,  the  evidence  in  favour  of 
kite  as  the  proper  translation  is  strengthened. 
Possibly  dayydh  may  signify  the  black  kite 
(Milvus  ater),  and  'ayyd  the  true  or  red  kite 
(M.  regalis)  ;  but  this  is  little,  if  at  all,  more 
than  a  conjecture.     [Vulture.]  [r.l.] 

Kithlish',  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in 
the  Shc|)helah  or  lowland  (Jos. 15. 40). 

Kitpon',  a  town  from  which  Zcbulun  did 
not  expel  the  Canaanites  (Judg.l.30),  identified 
by  some  (Tal.  Bab.  Megillah  6,  a)  with  "  Cip- 
pori"  (Sepphoris),  now  Seffurteh.       [c.r.c!] 

Klttlm'  (C.cn.lO.i  ;  iChr.l.7)  =  CniTTiM. 

Kneading-tpoug-hs.     [Bread.] 

Knife.  Tiif  knives  nf  the  I'lgyptians,  and 
of  other  natlDiis  in  early  times,  were  of  hard 
stone.  Iron  knives  lia\e  been  found  of  a  \  ery 
early  date  at  Tell  Loh  in  Chaldea,  but  the 
flint  or  stone  knife  was  retained  for  sacred 
purposes  after  the  introduction  of  iron  and 
steel  (see  Jos. 5. 2).  Herodotus  (ii.  86)  mentions 
knives  both  of  iron  and  of  stone  in  different 
stages  of  the  same  process  of  embalming.  In 
their  meals  the  Jews,  like  other  Orientals, 
did  not  cat  with  knives,  b>it  required  them 
for  slaughtering  animals  either  ff)r  food  or 
sacrifire,  and  for  rutting  >ip  the  carcase  (Lev. 7. 
33..34,8.i5-20,2,'i.9.i3  ;  Num. 18. 18;  iSam.9.24, 
etc.).  .Smaller  knives  were  in  use  for  paring 
fruit  (Josephus,  i  Wars  xxxiii.  7)  and  for 
shar|)ening  pens  (Je.36.2:?).  The  lancets  of  the 
priests  of  liaal  wfrc;  doubtless  pointed  knives 
(iK.18.28).     [liooKs;  Kazor.] 


Knop.  A.  V.  thus  translates  two  Heb.  terms, 
(i)  kaphtor  ("ball").  This  occurs  in  the 
description  of  the  candlestick  of  the  sacred 
tent  (Ex. 25.31-36,37. 17-22).  They  appear  to 
form  bosses,  from  which  the  branches  spring 
out  from  the  main  stem.  (2)  p'qd'im, 
"  bulbs  "  (iK. 6. 18. 7. 24  only).  The  following 
woodcut  of  a  portion  of  a  richly  ornamented 
slab,  from  Nineveh,  probably  represents  some- 


BORDI-.R  OF  A  SLAB  FROM   KOUYUNJIK. 
{ Fergusson's  A  rch  iUctitre. ) 

thing  approximating  to  the  "  knop  and  the 
flower  "  of  Solomon's  temple. 

Ko'a  occurs  only  in  Ezk.23.2  3,  as  the 
name  of  a  people,  with  Shoa.  These  are, 
perhaps,  the  Kue  and  Su  tribes  of  N.  Syria, 
noticed  in  the  Assyrian  records.         [c.r.c] 

Kohath',  second  of  the  three  sons  of  Levi 
(Gen. 46.1 1  ;  Ex. 6.16  ;  Num. 3. 17  ;  iChr.6.i,i6). 
He  was  the  father  of  Amram,  Izhar,  Hebron, 
and  Uzziel  (Ex. 6.18-22  ;  Num.3. 10  ;  iChr.6.2, 
18,23.12)  ;  his  sister  was  Jochebed  (Ex. 6. 20  ; 
Num. 25. 3'))  the  wife  of  Amram  and  mother  of 
Aaron  and  Moses.  He  lived  133  years  (Ex. 6. 18). 
The  number  of  Kohathites  between  the  ages  of 
30  and  50,  at  the  time  of  the  first  census  in  the 
wilderness,  was  2,750,  and  the  whole  number 
f>f  males  of  the  familv  from  a  month  old  was 
8,600  (Num. 4. 34-36,3. 27, 28).  Their  position 
in  the  camp  was  S.  of  the  tabernacle  (Num.3. 
2o).  During  the  wanderings  they  had  charge 
of  the  sanctuary  and  its  furniture,  after  it  had 
been  prepared  for  travel  bv  the  priests,  the 
sons  of  Aaron  (3.31,4. 1-1,'i, 7.0, 10. 21).  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  the  Kohathites,  the  family  of 
Aaron,  took  precedence  of  the  descendants  of 
Gershon,  the  elder  brother.  The  wealth  and 
prfiminenre  of  the  Kohathites.  and  the  im- 
portant offices  filled  by  them  as  musicians  (see 


KOLAIAH 

Heman),  as  keepers  of  the  dedicated  treasures, 
as  judges,  of&cers,  and  rulers,  both  secular  and 
sacred,  appear  in  such  passages  as  iChr.6.31- 
47,23.12-20,25.1-7,26.23-32  ;  2Chr.20.i9,29.i2, 

14.  [H.C.B.] 

Kolaiah'. — 1.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of 
Sallu  (Ne.11.7).— 2.  The  father  of  Ahab  the 
false  prophet  (Je.29.2i). 

Ko'pah. — 1.  One  of  the  "  dukes  "  of  Edom ; 
third  son  of  Esau  by  Aholibamah  (Gen.36.5,i8  ; 
iChr.1.35),  born  in  Canaan  before  Esau  mi- 
grated to  mount  Seir. — 2.  Another  Edomitish 
duke,  sprung  from  Eliphaz,  Esau's  son  by  Adah 
(Gen. 36. 16). — 3.  One  of  the  "sons  of  Heb- 
ron "  in  iChr.2.43.'^t.  The  leader,  in  con- 
junction with  Dathan  and  Abiram,  of  the  re- 
bellion against  Moses  and  Aaron  related  in 
Num. 16, 17.  Korah  was  the  cousin  of  Aaron, 
as  shown  in  the  following  table. 
Levi 
I 


LAB  AN 


455 


Gershon 


Kohath 


I 
Merari 


Amram 

I 
Aaron 


Izhar  Hebron  Uzziel 

I  I 

Korah  Elizaphan 


Dr.  Driver  and  others  believe  that  in  the  story 
of  the  rebellion  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram 
three  narratives  are  combined,  (i)  The  first  is 
concerned  alone  with  the  rebellion  of  laymen, 
headed  by  the  Reubenites  Dathan  and  Abiram, 
against  the  civil  authority  of  Moses.  The  narra- 
tive is  attributed  to  J  E,  and  found  in  Num. 
16.i6-2a,i2-i5,25,26,276-34.  (2)  The  second 
relates  to  the  protest  of  Korah,  at  the  head 
of  250  princes  (not  all  of  the  tribe  of  Levi), 
against  ecclesiastical  authority  being  limited 
to  the  tribe  of  Levi.  It  is  assigned  to  P,  and 
found  in  16.ia,26-7a,i8-24,27a,326,35,4i-50,17. 
(3)  The  third  represents  the  rebellion  of  Korah 
in  a  somewhat  different  aspect,  and  is  attribu- 
ted to  a  writer  of  the  priestly  school  (P*). 
In  his  view,  Korah,  at  the  head  of  250  Levites, 
opposes,  in  the  interests  of  the  tribe  of  Levi, 
the  exclusive  right  to  the  priesthood  claimed 
by  the  sons  of  Aaron  (16.76-11,16,17,36-40). 
A  study  of  this  statement  is  instructive,  as 
showing  the  division  and  subdivision  of 
verses  necessary  for  the  ascription  to  separate 
"  sources  "  upon  which  the  theory  depends. 
[Pentateuch.]  Whether  this  be  accepted 
or  no,  it  may  well  be  that  the  rebellion  of 
Korah,  though  possibly  coincident  in  time 
and  place  with  that  of  Dathan  and  Abiram, 
differed  from  it  in  respect  of  its  motive,  its 
sin,  and  its  punishment.  The  motive  in  each 
case  is  evident  from  the  above  ;  the  sin  in 
one  instance  is  schism,  in  the  other  treason ; 
Korah  and  his  company  sought  heavenly 
power  (c/.  the  association  of  his  name  with 
those  of  Cain  and  Balaam  in  Ju.  11),  and  were 
consumed  by  fire  from  heaven  ;  Dathan  and 
Abiram,  earthly  power,  and  were  swallowed 
up  by  the  earth.     [Korahites.]        [h.c.b.] 

Kopahites,  Kophites,  or  Kopathites. 
Korah  was  the  great-grandson  of  Levi,  and  a 
member  of  the  Kohathite  branch  of  the  tribe. 
He  was  the  eldest  son  of  Izhar,  the  brother  of 
Amram,  and  first  cousin  to  Moses,  Aaron,  and 
Miriam.     He  was,  consequently,  very  closely 


connected  with  the  priestly  race,  and  it  was 
only  to  be  expected  that  he  should  be  the 
representative  of  his  tribe  when  the  claims  of 
Aaron  and  his  sons  were  disputed  (Num.16). 
Though  in  the  account  of  the  rebellion  it  seems 
implied  that  all  the  family  of  Korah  perished, 
it  is  specially  asserted  in  26. 11  that  "  the 
sons  of  Korah  died  not."  In  the  Psalter  the 
sons  of  Korah  were  evidently  considered  among 
the  leaders  of  the  musical  services  of  the 
temple  with  the  sons  of  Asaph  (Ne.7.44),  who, 
however,  are  here  not  reckoned  among  the 
Levites,  as  they  are  in  Chronicles.  No  less 
than  II  (12  if  we  reckon  Ps.42  and  43  as  dis- 
tinct) psalms  are  inscribed  "  to  the  sons  of 
Korah"— i;iz.  42-49 and  84,85,87,88.  [Psalms, 
Titles  of.]  The  Korahites  are  mentioned 
(iChr.26.i)  as  the  door-keepers  of  the  temple, 
and  as  the  leading  Levites  in  the  reign  of 
Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.2O.19).  In  iChr.12.6  the 
Korhites  were  among  the  warriors  who  helped 
David  when  he  was  at  Ziklag  ;  and  in  iChr.2. 
42,43  a  Korah  is  mentioned  among  the  sons 
of  Caleb,  the  "brother  of  Jerahmeel,  his  father 
being  Hebron.  [f.j.f.-j.J 

Kope'.  —  1.  A  Korahite  whose  descend- 
ants were  chief  gate-keepers  of  the  tabernacle 
in  the  reign  of  David  (iChr.9. 19,26.1). — 2.  Son 
of  Imnah,  a  Levite  in  charge  of  the  oblations 
in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.3i.14). — 3.  In 
1Chr.26.19,  "sons  of  Kore  "  should  be,  as  in 
R.V.,  "  sons  of  the  Korahites." 

Koz  (Ezr.2.6i  ;  Ne.3.4,21,7.63)  =  (Accoz  ; 
iEsd.5.38,  marg.  Cos)  =  Hakkoz. 

Kushaiah'  (1Chr.i5.17)  =  Kishi. 


Laadah',  son  of  Shelah,  son  of  Judah,  and 
"  father  "  or  founder  of  Mareshah  (iChr.4.2i). 

Laadan'. — 1.  An  Ephraimite,  ancestor  of 
Joshua,  son  of  Nun  (iChr.7.26). — 2.  A 
Gershonite  Levite  in  the  time  of  David  (23.7-9, 
26.21),  or,  if  the  name  is  that  of  the  family, 
perhaps  =  Libni,  as  seems  to  be  suggested  by 
the  first  occurrence  of  the  thrice-repeated 
name  in  26. 21. 

Laban',  son  of  Bethuel  (Gen. 28. 5),  grand- 
son of  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother  (22.20,24.24), 
brother  of  Rebekah  (24.29, 25. 20),  and  father 
of  Leah  and  Rachel.  The  elder  branch 
of  the  family  remained  at  Haran,  the  city  of 
Nahor  (24.io  ;  cf.  29.4),  when  Abraham  re- 
moved to  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  and  there  we 
first  meet  with  Laban,  as  taking  the  leading 
part  in  the  betrothal  of  Rebekah  to  her  cousin 
Isaac (24.10,29-60  ;  cf.  27. 43,29. 4).  Laban  next 
appears  as  the  host  of  his  nephew  Jacob  at 
Haran  (29.13,14).  There  followed  the  trans- 
actions by  which  he  secured  the  services  of  his 
nephew  for  14  years,  in  return  for  his  two 
daughters,  and  for  six  years  as  the  price  of  his 
cattle  (31.41),  together  with  the  artifice  by 
which  he  palmed  off  his  elder  daughter  on  J  acob 
(Gen. 29. 21-30).  Laban  was  absent,  shearing 
his  sheep,  when  Jacob  started  (with  his  wives, 
children,  and  all  his  possessions)  for  his  native 
land  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  third  day  that 
Laban  heard  of  their  departure.  In  hot  haste 
he  set  off  in  pursuit.     J  acob  and  his  family  had 


456  LABAN 

crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  were  already  some 
days'  inarch  in  advance  ;  but  so  large  a  cara- 
van would  travel  but  slowly  (cf.  Gen. 33. 13),  and 
Laban  and  his  kinsmen  came  up  with  them  on 
the  E.  side  of  Jordan,  among  the  mountains  of 
Gilcad.  After  mutual  recrimination,  and  an  un- 
successful search  for  the  teraphim,  whichRachel 
had  hidden,  a  covenant  of  peace  was  entered  into 
and  a  cairn  raised  about  a  pillar-stone  set  up  by 
Jacob,  both  as  a  memorial  of  the  covenant,  and 
a  boundary  which  the  contracting  parties 
pledged  themselves  not  to  pass  with  hostile 
intentions.  After  this,  "  Laban  rose  up  and 
kissed  his  sons  and  his  daughters,  and  blessed 
them,  and  departed,  and  returned  to  his  place  " ; 
and  we  hear  no  more  of  him. 

Laban',  one  of  the  landmarks  named  in 
Deut.l.i.  The  mention  of  Hazeroth  points 
to  LiBNAH  (Num.33. 20).  These  names  suggest 
a  "  white  "  chalk  region.  [c.r.c] 

Lab'ana   (iEsd.5.29)  =  Lebana. 

Lacedemo'nians,  the  inhabitants  of 
Sparta  =  Lacedaemon,  with  whom  the  Jews 
claimed  kindred  ( I Mac.l 2. 2,  etc. ,14.20,2 3, 15. 23; 
2Mac.5.9). 

Lachish'  (difficxilt).  a  royal  Amorite  city 
in  S.W.  lowlands  of  judah  (Jos. 10. 3, 5, 23, 31, 
12.11,15.39),  which  resisted  Joshua's  attack 
for  two  days,  and  was  evidently  a  strong  site. 
It  was  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2Chr.ll.9),  and 
Amaziah  of  Judah  fled  to  it  for  refuge,  but  was 
there  murdered  (2K.14.19  :  2Chr.25.27).  In 
702  B.C.  it  was  besieged,  and  submitted  to 
Sennacherib  (2K. 18. 14, 17, 19.8  ;  Is.36.2,37.8), 
which  fate  Micah  appears  to  foretell  (Mi.l.13). 
It  was  attacked  about  607  b.c.  as  a  city  of 
Judah,  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (J 6.34.7),  and  was 
reinhabitedby  men  of  J  udah  after  the  Captivity 
(Ne.ll.30).  In  4th  cent.  a.d.  Eusebius  (Ono- 
masticon)  speaks  of  it  as  a  village,  7  miles  S. 
of  Eleutheropolis  (or  Beit  Jibrin)  ;  and  the 
present  writer  was  so  led  to  suggest  the  iden- 
tity with  Tell  el  Hesy,  a  strong  site  with  springs 
10  miles  S.  of  Beit  Jibrin,  which  suggestion 
was  verified  by  the  discovery,  twelve  years 
later  by  Mr.  Bliss,  of  a  cuneiform  tablet  re- 
ferring to  Zimrida,  the  governor  of  Lachish, 
about  1480  B.C.,  which  was  unearthed  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  excavated  citadel.  Tell  el 
l.lesy  was  known  by  its  present  name  in  the 
i2th  cent.  (Beha-ed-Din),  and  is  the  most 
important  ruin  in  the  district.  The  Amarna 
tablets  include  two  from  Lachish,  one  from  a 
certain  Yabnilu,  the  other  from  Zimrida 
(Berlin,  124,  123),  both  promising  obedience  to 
the  Pharaoh.  The  cuneiform  tablet  found  in 
the  ruins  refers  to  Zimrida  as  the  nominee  of 
Egypt,  but  as  opposed  by  the  peoiile  (of  La- 
chish); and  this  agrees  with  another  Amarna 
letter,  in  which  the  king  of  Jerusalem  men- 
tions a  revolt  against  Zimrida  of  Lachish 
(Berlin,  No.  104).  The  siege  of  Lachish  by 
Sennacherib  is  attested  by  an  Assyrian  bas- 
relief  from  Nineveh  (see  Frontispiece),  the 
inscription  stating  that  it  rejireseuts  "  Sen- 
nacherib ...  on  his  throne  before  the  city  of 
Lakisu,"  receiving  thesubmissionof  the  inhalii- 
tants.  The  city  is  shown  as  near  mountains,  and 
surrounded  with  palms  and  vineyards — which 
suits  the  position  at  T(!ll  el  l.lesy,  near  the  foot 
of  the  hills  W.  of  Hebron,  the  mound  being 
340  ft.  above  sea-level/     Lachish  is  shown  as 


LACHISH 

an  oval  city,  with  24  battlemented  towers,  and 
a  central  street  ;    some  of  the  houses  are  of 
stone,  some  are  mud  huts  ;   cattle  and  horses 
have  been  driven  within  the  walls,  and  priests 
(probably  Assyrian)  are  worshipping  a  sacred 
cone  at  an  altar,  by  which  stands  an  unhorsed 
chariot  bearing  ensigns,  inside  the  town.     The 
excavation   of   the   citadel   of   Lachish,  com- 
menced by  Prof.  Flinders  Petrie  in  1890,  was 
mainly  conducted  by  Mr.  F.  J.  Bliss  in  1891- 
1893   (see  his  Mound  of  Many  Cities,    1894). 
The  results  were  of  high  importance,  and  La- 
chish was  the  first  city  (except  Jerusalem),  ex- 
cavated in  Palestine.     The  oldest  town  was 
found  to  lie  65  ft.  below  the  present  top  of  the 
Tell,  or  about  60  ft.  above  the  surrounding 
valleys,    which    contain   water   from   springs 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  261,  291).     The  whole 
site  perhaps  covered  100  acres,  but  only  a  few 
acres  on  N.E.  were  uncovered,  representing 
the  citadel.     Even  the  oldest  city  had  a  wall 
with  towers  ;    and  successive  destructions  of 
at  least  eight  towns  were  traced,  with  an  accu- 
mulation of  rubbish  at  the  average  rate  of  2  ft. 
per  century.     The  first  city  was  probably  as 
old  as  about  2000  b.c,  or  the  age  approxi- 
mately of  Abraham.     In  this  the  pottery  (re- 
sembling equally  ancient  pottery  in  Cappa- 
DociA)was  marked  by  emblems  of  the  Asianic 
syllabary   [Writing],    used   by   Hittites   and 
others     from     Cappadocia     to     Egypt.     The 
bronze  axe,  spear  heads,  and  adzes  here  found, 
proved,  when  analysed,  to  have  only  about 
5  per  cent,  of  tin  vs'ith  95  of  copper — an  in- 
dication   of    early    date.     Above   this   town, 
other  buildings  of  about  1600  to  1400  b.c.  were 
found  ;    and,  with  the  Zimrida  tablet,  there 
were  scarabs  of  the   i8th   Egyptian  dsTiasty 
(including  one   of  queen  Thii),  and  another 
possibly  with  Hittite  emblems.     The  painted 
pottery  resembled  that  of  Asia  Minor  and  of 
the  Aegean  shores,  dating  from  about  the  same 
age.     These  remains  were  from  30  to  40  ft. 
below  the  surface,  and  the  city  appears  to 
have  remained  for  several  centuries  at  least 
standing  on  a  bed  of  ashes  from  the  burning 
of  the  older  town.     In  the  upper  strata  of  the 
Amorite  town  were  found  a  pilaster  like  those 
represented  on  Assyrian  bas-reliefs ;  Egyptian 
scarabs  of  about  1200  b.c.  ;  a  bronze  idol  with 
a  gold  collar  ;    and  a  female  figure  in  pottery 
(5   in.  high),  like  those  found  in  Hittite  and 
Babylonian  ruins  ;    with  cylinders — probably 
Canaanite — also   similar   to    Babylonian   and 
Phoenician  seal-cylinders  in  design  and  execu- 
tion.    A  yet  later  city,  at  a  depth  of  about 
20  ft.  from  the  surface,  contained  remains  of 
Heb.  times,  the  proportion  of  tin  to  copper, 
in  the  bronze  objects,  being  here  nearly  20  per 
cent.       A    fragment,   from     a    vase    had    an 
early  Heb.  text  (TDH?),  sui>posed  bv  Kenan  to 
mean   "  for   drink,"   or   "  libation."     In   this 
city  also  a  Gk.  text  (probably  reading  Ap^f/^aX"), 
and  a  Gk.  winged    figure,  on    a  fragment   of 
black  ware,  supjiosed  to  be  as  early  as  400  b.c, 
were  discovered.     Iron  was  now  in  common 
use,  but  flint  instruments  still  continued  to  be 
made.    This  city  also  was  burnt  ;  and,  thougli 
remains  of  rough  buildings  extend  nearly  to 
the    surface,    with    a    Gk.    Byzantine    text, 
Lachish  seems  to  have  gradually  sunk,  to  be- 
come a  mere  village  in  the  4th  cent,  a.d.,  and 


LACtTNTJS 

was  finally  abandoned,  the  Tell  being  now 
covered  with  corn.  Though  the  city  is  not 
often  mentioned  in  O.T.,  it  was  evidently  an 
important  place  ;  and  the  succession  of  the 
Amorite,  Egyptian,  Heb.,  and  Gk.  popula- 
tions is  the  same  as  found  at  Gath,  Gezer, 
Taanach,  and  in  other  excavated  sites,  the 
Canaanite  idols  occurring  in  the  lower  strata 
only,  before  the  time  of  the  reforming  kings  of 
Judah — Hezekiah  and  Josiah.  [c.r.c] 

Lacu'nus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Addi,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (iEsd.9.31). 

La'dan  (iEsd.5.37)=  Delaiah,  2. 

Laddep  of  Typus,  The,  the  N.  ex- 
tremity of  the  district  over  which  Simon  the 
Hasmonaean  was  made  captain  by  Antiochus 
Theos  (iMac.11.59 ;  R-V.  Tyre).  The  pass 
between  Accho  and  Tyre  with  a  road  cut  in 
the  cliff.  Now  called  Rds  en  NaqHrah  (head- 
land of  the  excavation),  12  miles  N.  of  Akka. 
[Phenice.]  [c.r.c] 

Lael',  father  of  Eliasaph,  2  (Num. 3. 24). 

La 'had,  son  of  Jahath,  a  descendant  of 
Judah  (iChr.4.2). 

Laha'i-poi',  The  ^vell  (A.V.  Gen.24.62, 
25. 11).     [Beer-lahai-roi.] 

Lahmam',  a  town  in  the  lowland  district 
of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 40),  mentioned  with  Lachish. 
Probably  the  ruined  village  el  Lahm,  10  miles 
E.  of  Tell  el  Hesy,  or  Lachish.  [c.r.c] 

Lahmi',  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite, 
slain  by  Elhanan  the  son  of  J  air,  according  to 
iChr.20.5.  But  in  the  parallel  (2Sam.2i.19) 
Lahmi  proves  to  be  the  middle  part  of  the 
word   Beth-lehem-ite.  [r.b.g.] 

La'ish,  a  native  of  Gallim  ;  and  father  of 
Phalti  (iSam.25.44  ;   2Sam.3.i5). 

La'ish  (or  Leshem,  Jos. 19. 47),  the  city 
which  was  taken  by  the  Danites,  and  under 
its  new  name  of  Dan  became  famous  as  the 
northern  limit  of  the  nation,  and  as  the  de- 
pository first  of  the  graven  image  of  Micah 
(Judg.18.7,14,27,29),  and  subsequently  of  one 
of  the  calves  of  Jeroboam.  Now  Tell  el  Qddi, 
about  2  miles  W.  of  Banias.  It  is  probably 
called  Luis  in  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No. 31) 
in  i6th  cent.  B.C.  In  Is. 10. 30  the  LXX. 
rendering  is  "  the  daughter  of  Gallim  is 
heard  in  Laish."  The  Heb.  probably  means 
"  listen  as  far  as  Laish  to  the  misery  (of) 
Anathoth."  [c.r.c] 

Lakum'  (R.V.  Lakkuni),  one  of  the 
places  on  the  boundary  of  Naphtali  (Jos. 19. 
33),  near  Jabneel  (Yemma)  and  the  Jordan. 
The  site  is  tmknown.  [c.r.c] 

Lamb,  (i)  'innnar  is  the  Aram,  equiva- 
lent of  the  Heb.  kehhes.  See  below,  No.  3  (Ezr. 
6.9,17,7.17).  (2)  tdU  (iSam.7.9  ;  Is.65.25),  a 
young  sucking  lamb ;  originallythe  young  of  any 
animal.  (3)  kehhes,  kesebh,  and  the  feminines 
kibhsd,  or  kabhsd,  and  kisbd,  respectively  de- 
note a  male  and  female  lamb  from  the  first  to 
the  third  year.  The  former  perhaps  more  nearly 
coincides  with  the  provincial  term  hog,  or  hog- 
get— i.e.  a  young  ram  before  he  is  shorn.  Young 
rams  of  this  age  formed  an  important  part  of 
almost  every  sacrifice.  (4)  kdr,  a  fat  ram,  or 
more  probably  "wether,"  as  the  word  is  gener- 
ally employed  in  opposition  to  'ayil  which 
strictly  denotes  a  "  ram  "  (Deut.32.i4  ;  2K.3. 
4;  Is. 34.6).  The  Tyrians  obtained  their  supply 
from  Arabia  and  Kedap  (Ezk.37.?i)  and  the 


LAMENTATIONS  OF  JEREMIAH   457 

pastures  of  Bashan  were  famous  grazing- 
grounds  (39.18).  (5 )fdw,  rendered  "lamb"  in 
Ex. 12. 21,  is  properly  a  collective  term  denoting 
a  "  flock  "  of  small  cattle,  sheep,  and  goats,  as 
distinct  from  the  larger  animals  (Ec.2.7;  Ezk.45. 
15),  while  (6)  s^  denotes  the  individuals  of  a 
flock,  whether  sheep  or  goats  (Gen.22.7,8  ;  Ex. 
12.3,22.1, etc.).  [Sheep.]  For  Paschal  Lamb, 
see  Passover. 

Lamb  of  God,  a  significant  title  applied 
by  St.  John  Baptist  to  our  Lord  in  Jn. 1.29,36. 
Abraham  had  foretold  that  God  would  Himself 
provide  the  lamb  for  sacrifice  (Gen. 22.8).  A 
lamb  was  both  the  daily  bmrnt-offering  in  tab- 
ernacle and  temple  and  the  annual  commem- 
orative sacrifice  of  Israel's  deliverance  in  the 
Passover.  Isaiah  describes  the  suffering 
"  servant  of  the  Lord  "  and  his  atonement  for 
Israel  under  the  same  figxnre  (Is. 53;  cf.  iPe. 
1.19).  Thus  the  title  implied  the  Passion  of 
Christ,  its  patience,  its  vicarious  character,  and 
the  age-long  purpose  of  redemption  which  lay 
behind  it.  See  also  Rev. 5.6.  Westcott,  Gospel 
ace.  to  St.  John  (1881).  [a.r.w.] 

La'mech. — 1.  The  fifth  lineal  descendant 
from  Cain  (Gen.4.18-24).  He  married  Adah 
and  Zillah,  and  was  the  father  of  J  abal,  J  ubal, 
and  TuBAL-CAiN.  The  remarkable  utterance 
ascribed  to  Lamech,  and  preserved  in  poetical 
form  in  vv.  23,24,  may  be  rendered  : 

Adah  and  Zillah  !  hear  my  voice, 

Ye  wives  of  I,amech  !  give  ear  unto  my  speech  ; 
For  I  have  slain  a  man  for  wounding  me. 

And  a  young  man  for  bruising  me  ; 
If  Cain  shall  be  avenged  sevenfold. 

Truly  I^amech  seventy  and  sevenfold. 

Jerome  relates  as  a  tradition  of  his  predecessors 
and  of  the  Jews  that  Cain  was  accidentally 
slain  by  Lamech  in  the  7th  generation  from 
Adam.  Luther  considered  the  occasion  of  the 
poem  to  be  the  deliberate  murder  of  Cain  by 
Lamech.  Most  modern  scholars  regard  it  as 
Lamech's  song  of  exultation  on  the  invention 
of  the  sword  byTubal-cain,  which  would  enable 
him  to  defend  himself  and  his  family  against 
all  enemies,  and  render  him  independent  of 
God's  protection. — 2.  The  father  of  Noah 
(5.28,29).  Fh.cb.] 

Lamentations  of  Jepemiah.  The 
Heb.  title  is  from  the  first  word,  "  How,"  or 
"  Alas  how,"  LXX.  "  Lamentations."  Tra- 
dition assigns  them  to  Jeremiah.  Budde 
would  divide  the  book  between  two  or  three 
unknown  authors,  one  c.  300  b.c.  But  his 
facts  are  weak.  2Chr.35.25  probably  alludes 
to  a  lost  poem  :  "  And  Jeremiah  composed  a 
lamentation  over  Josiah:  and  all  the  men 
singers  and  women  singers  recited  it  in  their 
lamentations  to  this  day  ;  and  they  appointed 
them  for  a  custom  in  Israel :  and  behold  them 
written  amongst  the  lamentations."  All  that 
can  be  wrested  from  this  is  that  Jeremiah 
wrote  a  "  Kinah  "  {qind),  that  it  was  in  current 
public  use,  and  was  found  among  the  others. 
Chronicles  gives  us  literary  notices,  certainly 
not  invented,  of  one  genealogical,  and  many 
biographical  and  historical  works  by  prophets 
which  survived  the  Captivity,  but  have  not 
come  down  to  us.  To  Jeremiah  is  only  at- 
tributed prophecy  and  elegy.  We  shall  not  go 
far  wrong,  if  we  attribute  to  Lamentations  re- 
miniscences of  this  youthful  work — Jeremiah'§ 


458 


LAMP 


first     great     sorrow.        That     "  the    national 
guilt  is  not  emphasized,  and  the  priests  and 
prophets  are  spoken  of  with  grief  "    (not  al- 
together true  ;    see,   e.g.,  2.14,4.13,5.16)  arises 
from  the  subject,  which  is  grief,  not  rebuke. 
That  the  principle  of  the  Kinah  is  "  de  mortuis 
nil  nisi  bonum  "  is  nobly  shown  in  David's, 
in  which  nothing  ill  is  said  of  Saul.     That 
Jeremiah,  being  in  prison,  saw  nothing  of  the 
sack  of  the  city,  is  an  absurd  objection.     A 
poet's  imagination  is  not  so  restrained.     We 
might  as  easily  say  that  Byron  could  not  have 
wTitten  of  Waterloo.     That   Jeremiah's  later 
life  was  too  troubled  to  give  opportunity  for 
poetry  is  not  reasonable.    History  posits  many 
a  quiet  day  on  the  slopes  of  Mizpeh,    when 
poetry  may   have  been  his   solace.     Changes 
of  style  and  manner,  nuances  of  varying  senti- 
ment, are  simply  the  characteristics  of  genuine 
poetry.     A  similar  scepticism  with  regard  to 
literary  traditions  would  find  many  authors 
divergent     in     wording     and     opinion — e.g. 
Tennyson's      "  In      Memoriam."      Tradition 
(which,    though    not    an    absolute    proof,    is 
always  of  the  first  importance)  is  unanimous 
(Baba  Bathra  146,   Peshitta,   Targum,    LXX., 
explicit,    and    here   specially  valuable,    Itala, 
Vulgate).     Even  Wildeboer  finds  in  the  book 
itself  traces  consonant    with  the  old  tradition 
{Literatur,    p.   298).     Though   the    Heb.   text 
makes  no  ascription  of  authorship,  Jeremiah's 
has  been  held  by  the  older  critics,  including  De 
Wctte  (strongly  §  274),   Bleek,  Payne  Smith, 
and    Davidson    (very   strongly,    iii.    135)  ;    by 
Strack,     Orelli,      Cornill     and     other      more 
modern  writers  many  points  of  contact  with 
Jeremiah  are  given.    Lamentations  stands  next 
to  Jeremiah  in    LXX. ;    the  book  of  Baruch 
alone  intervening. — Contents.      In  1,2  the  sor- 
rows of  Jerusalem  are  portrayed  with  exquisite 
feeling  and  beauty;    in  3  the  sorrows  of   the 
poet,    with    Jeremiah's  special  characteristic, 
probably  derived  from  Job,  e.g.  a  vivid  pic- 
turing of  Jehovah  as  his  personal  enemy  and 
yet  an  absolute  trust.    There  are  poetic  traces 
of  Jeremiah's  known  experience — e.g.  vv.  53-59. 
Ch.  4  returns  to  the  griefs  of  his  nation,  5  is  a 
prayer  of  quite  unapproachable  pathos.     The 
first  four  chapters  are  alphabetical,  like  some 
of  the  Psalms.     All  are  very  close,  as  Strack 
well  observes,  to  the  troubles  of  Jerusalem's 
destruction  ;    and    delineate  Jeremiah's    own 
later  experience — e.g.  5.8,9.     The  metre  or  form 
is  that  peculiar  to  the  Kinah.     It  is  fairly  con- 
stant.    The  parallelism   consists  in   a  longer 
first  half  of  the  verse  and  a  shorter  second. 
The   first   seems   to  die   away   in   the  second 
with  jilaintive  cadence  (Driver).     It  well  con- 
veys the  si^irit  of  the  elegy,  like  the  metre  of 
"  In      Memoriam."  —  Commentaries.       Payne 
Smith;    Plumptre  ;    Budde  in    Marti;  Ewald; 
Oettli  in  Strack-Zockler  ;  Tiicuius;  Keil.      K. 
Budde    in    Das    Hebraische    Klagleid    (1882) 
jjointed  out  the  metre  ;    called  by  Ley  (before 
him  ;    see  Grundziige,  p.  52)   "  elegiac  penta- 
meter," and  towards  which  De  Wette  and  Keil 
had  been  feeling  their  way.     The  metre  is  well 
shown  in  Kittel's  Bible.  [f.e.s.] 

Lamp,  the  rendering  of  two  Heb.  words 
— lappidh  and  ncr.  The  former  only  twice 
"lamp"  in  K.V. — Is.62.i  ;  Dan. 10.6  ;  in  five 
passages  lamp  in  A.V.  and  torch  in  H.V- — tien. 


LAODICEA 

15.17;  Judg.7. 16,20;  Job  41.io[ii];  Ezk.1.13. 
Both  \'ersi(>ns  have  torch  in  Na.2.4[4]  ;  Zech. 
12.6;  liiihtnings.  Ex. 20. 18;  firebrands.  Judg.15. 
4,5.  nt'Tis  rendered  lamp,  candle,  light  in  A.V., 
but  uniformly  lamp  in  R.V.,  except  in  Je.25. 
10  and  Zeph.l.i2  (candles),  (i)  The  mov- 
able oil-vessels,  probably  having  an  aperture 
or  spout  for  the  wick,  placed  on  each  branch 
of  the  golden  lamp-stands  [Candlestick]  in 
the  tabernacle  and  temple  (Ex. 25. 37. 39.37)- 
Made  of  gold  in  Solomon's  temple  (iK.7.49). 
Lamps  were  lighted  in  the  evening  and  trimmed 
in  the  morning  (Ex. 30. 7, 8).  Jewish  tradition 
says  that  the  one  on  the  central  shaft,  called 
the  western  lamp,  was  always  alight  (Lev. 24. 
2)  ;  hence  the  custom  of  having  a  "  perpetual 
light  "  in  the  s^magogue.  Cf.  Josephus,  Cont. 
Ap.  i.  22.  According  to  Josephus  (3  Ant.  viii. 
3),  three  lamps  were  always  burning,  the  others 
only  by  night.  In  the  shrine  at  Shiloh  was  a 
lamp,  which  apparently  burned  at  night  only, 
I  Sam. 3. 3.  No  lamp-stand  is  mentioned. 
Pure  olive  oil  was  to  be  used  (Ex. 27. 20).  (ii) 
A  reed-shaped  earthenware  vessel,  with  a  re- 
ceptacle at  the  top,  in  which  were  burned  rags 
dipped  in  oil,  Mt.25.i.  (iii)  The  Cairo  police 
use  a  kind  of  torch  which  may  illustrate  Judg. 
7.16,19.  "It  burns  without  a  flame,  except 
when  waved  through  the  air,  which  causes  it  at 
once  to  burst  into  a  blaze.  Its  burning  end  is 
covered  with  a  small  earthen  jar  or  '  pitcher,' 
and  it  thus  answers  the  purpose  of  a  dark 
lantern  "  (Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  480). 
(iv)  Figurativelv,  of  prosperitv  (2Sam.2i.17  ; 
I K. 11. 36;  Job  18.6;  Pr.24.20,  etc.).  Symbolic- 
ally, of  the  Spirit  (Zech. 4  ;  Rev.4.5).  [h.h.] 
Lancet.     [.Xems.] 

Landmarks.  [Law  in  O.T.  ;  Field.] 
Lang-uag'e.  [Tongues,  Confusion  of  ; 
Hellenistic  Greek  ;  Semitic  Languages.] 
Lantern  (Jn.18.3  only).  According  to 
Jewish  authorities,  the  <pa.v6s  was  a  perforated 
earthen  vessel,  in  which  the  ner  (lamp)  was 
placed  (Mishna,  Kelim  ii.  4,  and  Bartenora's 
comm.).     [Lamp.]  [h.h.] 

Laodiee'a,  a  town  of  some  consequence  in 
the  Roman  province  of  Asia,  situated  in  the 
valley  of  the  Maeander,  on  the  small  river 
Lvcus,  with  CoLOSSE  and  Hiekapolis  a  few 
miles  to  the  W.  Rebuilt  by  one  of  the  Seleucid 
monarchs,  and  named  in  honour  of  his  wife, 
Laodicea  became  under  the  Roman  Government 
a  place  of  some  importance.  Its  trade  was  con- 
siderable :  it  lay  on  the  line  of  a  great  road; 
and  it  was  the  seat  of  a  conventus.  From 
Kev.3.17  we  should  gather  it  was  a  place  of 
great  wealth.  It  was  soon  after  its  rebuilding 
that  Christianity  was  introduced  into  Laodicea, 
not  however,  as  it  would  seem,  through  the 
direct  agency  of  St.  Paul.  We  have  good 
reason  for  believing  that  when,  in  writing  from 
Rome  to  the  Christians  of  Colossae,  he  sent  a 
greeting  to  those  of  Laodicea,  he  had  not  per- 
soiiallv  visited  either  place.  But  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  atEphesus  (Ac.l8.19-i9.41)  must 
inevitably  have  resulted  in  the  formation  of 
churches  in  the  neighbouring  cities,  especially 
where  Jews  were  settled  ;  and  there  were  Jews 
in  Laodicea.  In  subsequent  times  it  became 
a  Christian  city  of  eminence,  the  'sec  [of  a 
bishop,  and  a  meeting-place  of  councils.  The 
Mohammedan  invaders  destroyed  it,  aiid  it  i§ 


PLATE   XX 


•^  i  • 


EGYPTIAN   LAMPS.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


p-458rt]  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  LAMPS.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


LAODICEA,  EPISTLE  TO 

now  a  scene  of  utter  desolation ;  but  the 
extensive  ruins  near  Denizli  justify  all  that 
we  read  of  Laodicea  in  Gk.  and  Lat.  writers. 
Laodicea,  Epistle  to.  St.  Paul's  direc- 
tion to  the  Colossians  (4.i6)  to  read  also  ttjj/ 
€K  AaodiKiai  [iiricTToX-nv]  has  had  two  results  : 
(I)  A  desire  to  find  this  letter,  either  by 
postulating  one  which  has  disappeared,  or 
by  identifying  it  with  one  of  St.  Paul's  sur- 
viving letters.  The  former  is  unnecessary,  if 
the  latter  affords  a  reasonable  solution. 
Among  the  epistles  suggested  are  Hebrews, 
which  is  now  generally  recognized  as  being 
distinctly  non-Pauline  in  matter,  and  is,  in 
fact,  anonymous  ;  Philemon,  which  is  a  per- 
sonal letter  to  a  single  individual ;  and 
Ephesians.  The  reasons  pointing  to  the 
probability  of  Ephesians  are  (a)  the  absence 
of  €v  "Eip^acp  (l.i)  from  the  best  MSS. 
(N,  B,  etc.),  and  from  Origen's  text  (cf. 
Armitage  Robinson,  Ephes.  p.  293)  ;  (b)  the 
fact,  reported  by  Tertullian  {adv.  Marc.  v.  17), 
that  Marcion  knew  Ephesians  as  ad  Laodi- 
cenos  ;  (c)  the  absence  of  greetings  and  per- 
sonal allusions,  implying  a  single  destination 
or  local  needs.  Possibly  a  gap  was  left  after 
Tots  ayiois  rols  ovcriv  (l-i),  for  the  inser- 
tion of  each  destination  by  Tychicus,  who 
carried  the  letter,  and  whose  name  is  the  only 
personal  touch  in  it,  except  St.  Paul's.  (2)  An 
early  effort  to  supply  the  presumed  loss  of  the 
letter  referred  to  in  Col.4.i5  by  invention 
ad  hoc.  Hence  the  so-called  Epistola  ad  Lao- 
dicenses.  "  The  oldest  copy  known  is  of  about 
the  year  546,  in  the  Vulg.  MS-,  written  for 
Victor  the  bishop  of  Capua,  and  now  for 
centuries  at  Fulda  in  Germany "  (C.  R. 
Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of  N.T.,  1907,  p.  254  ; 
cf.  Lightfoot,  Colossians,  ed.  7,  pp.  282-286  ; 
Westcott,  Canon  of  N.T.,  ed.  5,  pp.  580-584). 
There  is  a  mention  of  it  in  the  Muratorian 
Canon  (c.  175  a.d.)  ;  Jerome  knew  of  it,  and 
denounced  it  {ab  omnibus  exploditur)  ;  Gregory 
the  Great  seems  to  have  accepted  it  as  a  15th 
extra-canonical  epistle  of  St.  Paul ;  and  it 
"  hovered  about  the  doors  of  the  sacred 
Canon  "  till  the  Reformation.  It  consists  of 
twenty  verses,  a  "miserable  cento"  of  Pauline 
phrases.  Lightfoot,  who  believed  that  it  had 
a  Gk.  original,  suggested  the  form  in  which 
this  may  have  run.  Besides  authorities  quoted 
see  Hort,  Prolegomena,  1895,  pp.75ff.,  and 
Anger,    Ueber    den    Laodicenerbrief    (Leipzig, 

1843).  [E.H.P.] 

Laodlce'ans,  the  inhabitants  of  Laodicea 
{C0I.4.16;    Rev.3.14). 

Lapidoth',  the  husband  of  Deborah  the 
prophetess  (Judg.4.4  only). 

Liapwring'  (Heb.  dukhiphath)  occurs  in 
Lev. 11. 19,  and  in  the  parallel  passage  of 
Dent. 14. 18,  in  the  list  of  birds  forbidden  by 
Moses  to  be  eaten.  Commentators  generally 
agree  with  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  that  the 
noopoe  (Upupa  epops)  is  the  bird  intended, 
although  the  Sadducees  believed  it  to  refer 
to  domesticated  poultry,  which  they  there- 
fore refused  to  eat.  That  the  hoopoe  (Arab. 
dukifah)  is  meant  is  supported  by  the  fact  that 
its  Coptic  and  Syr.  names  are  very  similar  to 
the  Heb.  word.  Marshy  ground,  ploughed  land, 
and  wooded  districts  near  water  are  favourite 


LATTICE 


459 


haunts    of    the   hoopoe,  which  is  a  summer 
visitor  to  Palestine.  [r-L-] 


THE  HOOPOE. 

Lase'a  (Aaaaia,  Ac.27.8),  a  town  in  Crete. 
The  name  is  still  given  to  some  ruins  a  few 
miles  E.  of  Fair  Havens.  This,  being  S.E. 
of  GoRTYNA,  appears  to  be  the  Lisia  of  the 
"  Peutinger  Tables  "  (5th  cent,  a.d.),  placed 
16  miles  S.  of  the  latter.  [c.r.c] 

La'sha,  a  place  mentioned  Gen.lO.ig  only, 
as  marking  the  limit  of  the  country  of  the 
Canaanites,  with  the  cities  of  the  kikkdr  of 
Jordan.  Jerome,  commenting  on  the  passage, 
places  it  at  Callirrhoe,  a  spot  famous  for  hot 
springs  near  the  E.  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Lashapon'  (R.V.  Lassharon),  one  of  the 
royal  Canaanite  towns  (Jos. 12. 18),  noticed 
with  Madon.  Probably  Sarona,  a  village  S. 
of  Madin,  and  about  6  miles  W.  of  the  S.  end 
of  the  sea  of  Galilee.  It  is  the  Sarana  of  the 
list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  21),  noticed  next  to 
Madna  (Madon).  [c.r.c] 

Las'thenes  was  a  Cretan,  who  supplied 
Demetrius  II.  (Nicator)  with  a  force  of  mercen- 
aries (Josephus,  13  Ant.  iv.  3),  with  which  to 
wrest  the  Syrian  throne  from  Alexander  Balas, 
147  B.C.  (1Mac.lO.67ff.).  He  stood  high  in 
favour  with  Demetrius,  who  (when  making 
terms  with  Jonathan)  wrote  on  the  subject  to 
Lasthenes,  his  ''  cousin  "  and  "  father  "  (11. 
31,32),  titles  here  denoting  honour  and  con- 
fidence, rather  than  kinship.  [c.d.] 

Latchet,  the  thong  or  fastening  by  which 
the  sandal  was  attached  to  the  foot  (Is.6.27).  It 
is  used  in  Gen. 14. 23  to  denote  something  trivial 
or  worthless.  In  Mk.l.7,  Lu.3.i6,  to  bear  or 
unfasten  the  shoes  of  another  is  an  act  typical  of 
the  deepest  respect  and  humility. 

Latin  (Lu.23.38,  'Pw/^ialVoTs  ;  Jn.l9.2o, 
"Pwixa'CffTL),  the  language  spoken  by  the  Romans, 
mentioned  only  as  one  of  the  languages  in 
which  the  title  on  the  Cross  was  inscribed. 

Lattice.  The  windows  of  houses  in  the 
East  are  filled  by  a  wooden  ornamental  lattice, 
cnWed.  shubbdk,  which  admits  light  and  air,  but 
secures  privacy  (Lane,  Modern  Egtns.  i.  p.  11). 
The  A.V.  renders  three  Heb.  words  by  lattice. 
(i)  'eshndbh.  a  "refresher,"  or  window  to  admit 
air  (Judg.5.28  ;  Pr.7.6),  rendered  "  casement  " 
in  the  second  passage.  (2)  harakkUn  (Can. 2. 
9),  "nets,"  or  "lattices,"  to  windows  (LXX. 
UKTva).  In  Aram,  the  word  hardkd  means  a 
"  window."  (3)  s''bhdkhd,  a  "  fret  work  " 
[Chapiter],  or  lattice,  like  the  Arab,  shebahah, 


460  LAVER 

"net,"  a  wooden  one  no  doubt,  through  which 
(2K.I.2)  Ahaziah  fell  from  an  upper  chamber. 
[House;  Window.]  [c.r.c] 

Lavep.  (i)  In  the  tabernacle,  a  vessel  of 
Brass  containing  water  for  the  priests  to  wash 
their  hands  and  feet  before  offering  sacrifice. 
It  stood  in  the  court  between  the  altar  and  the 
door  of  tlie  tabernacle,  and,  according  to 
Jewish  tradition,  a  little  to  the  S.  (Ex.30.i8-2i; 
Reland,  Ant.  Hcbr.  pt.  i.  ch.  iv.  9).  It  rested 
on  a  foot,  though  by  some  explained  to  be  a 
cover,  of  copper  or  bronze,  which  (as  well  as  the 
laver  itself)  was  made  from  the  mirrors  of  the 
women  who  assembled  at  the  door  of  the  taber- 
nacle court  (Ex. 38. 8).  The  form  of  the  laver 
is  not  specified,  but  may  be  assumed  to  have 
been  circular.  Like  the  other  vessels  belong- 
ing to  the  tabernacle,  it  was,  together  with  its 
"  foot,"  consecrated  with  oil  (Lev. 8. 10, 11).  As 
no  mention  is  made  of  any  vessel  for  washing 
the  flesh  of  the  sacrificial  victims,  it  is  possible 
that  the  laver  may  have  been  used  for  this  pur- 
pose also  (Reland,  Ant.  Hebr.  i.  iv.  9).  (2)  In 
Solomon's  temple,  besides  the  great  molten  sea, 
there  were  ten  lavers  of  brass,  raised  on  bases 
(iK. 7. 27, 39),  five  on  the  N.  and  S.  sides  respec- 
tively of  the  court  of  the  priests.  Each  laver 
contained  40  "  baths."  They  were  used  for 
washing  the  animals  to  be  offered  in  burnt- 
offerings  (2Chr.4.6).  The  dimensions  of  the 
bases  with  the  lavers,  as  given  in  the  Heb.  text, 
are  4  cubits  in  length  and  breadth,  and  3  in 
height.  The  LXX.  gives  4x4x6  in  height. 
Josephus,  who  appears  to  have  followed  a  var. 
reading  of  the  LX.X.,  makes  them  5  in  length,  4 
in  width,  and  6  in  height  (iK.7.28  ;  Thenius, 
inloc.  ;  Josephus,  8  Ant.  iii.3).  Thorewereto 
each  four  wheels  of  ri  cubits  in  diameter,  with 
spokes,  etc.,  all  cast  in  one  piece.  The  principal 
parts  may  be  thus  enumerated :  (a)  "  Borders," 
probably  panels.  Gesenius  (Thes.  938)  sup- 
poses these  to  have  been  ornaments  like  square 
shields,  with  engraved  work,  (b)  "  Ledges," 
joints  in  corners  of  bases  or  fillets  covering 
joints,  (c)  "  Additions,"  probably  festoons  ; 
Lightfoot  translates,  "  margines  oblique  des- 
cendentes."  (d)  Plates,  probably  axles,  cast  in 
the  same  piece  as  the  wheels,  (c)  Undersetters, 
either  the  naves  of  the  wheels,  or  a  sort  of  han- 
dles for  moving  the  whole  machine  ;  Lightfoot 
renders  "  columnae  fulcientes  lavacrum."  (/) 
Naves,  (g)  Spokes,  (h)  Felloes,  (i)  Chapiter, 
perhaps  the  rim  of  the  circular  opening 
("niouth,"  vcr.  31)  in  the  convex  top.  (k)  A 
round  compass,  perhaps  the  convex  roof  of  the 
base.  To  these  parts  Josephus  adds  chains, 
which  may  be  the  festoons  above  mentioned 
(8  Ant.  iii.  6).     [Sea,  Molten.] 

La^v,  usually  tord,  LX.X.  and  N.T.  vbnoi  ; 
proi)erly  any  authoritative  direction  or  instruc- 
tion—«.g.  of  one's  father  (rr.3.i,4.2),  of  one's 
mother  (1. 8,6.20),  of  the  wise  (t3.i4),  of  the 
jiriest  in  ceremonial  matters  (Hag.2.ii;  cf. 
I)eut.24.8),  of  the  projihet  in  religious  matters 
in  a  widcrscnse(Is.l.io,5.2.t,8.i6.2o,30.9,  etc.); 
iience,  more  technically  (like  tnishpdt),  a  ju- 
dicial decision,  whether  ecclesiastical,  civil, 
or  criminal  (Ex. 18.16,20 ;  Deut.17.ii)  ;  hence, 
since  judicial  precedents,  when  collected,  form 
a  code,  it  comes  to  mean  a  code  of  law,  especi- 
ally the  Law  0/  .Moses.  The  last  is  the  pre- 
c}oiuiaant  sense  in  later  books  of  0,T.,  bqt  the 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

word  also  denotes  the  law  or  will  of  God  in  a 
wider  sense,  as  revealed  in  prophecy,  in  con- 
science, and  in  the  providential  ordering  of  the 
world.  In  Ps.ll9  both  meanings  are  com- 
bined. In  N.T.,  vdfjLOi  with  the  article  means 
the  law  of  Moses  ;  and,  without  the  article, 
law  in  general,  the  Mosaic  law  being  included, 
but  not  exclusively  meant  (R0.2.12, 14.5,15.13). 
Yet  this  distinction  does  not  always  hold 
(see,  e.g.,  Ro.2.25).  Occasionally  "the  law" 
stands  for  the  whole  O.T.  (Jn.lO.34, 15. 25  ; 
iCor. 14.21).  Once  the  precepts  of  Christ  are 
called  a  "law"  ("  the  perfect  law  of  liberty," 
Jas.1.25),  and  there  are  also  metaphorical  uses 
of  the  term  (Ro.3.27,7.21,23,8.2).  Other 
words  for  "  law  "  are  mishpdt,  properly  judicial 
decision,  but  often  used  for  that  eternal  law  of 
righteousness  which  is  the  norm  and  archetype 
of  all  earthly  law  (e.g.  Gen. 18. 25  ;  Deut.32.4  ; 
Job  8.2,34.12,37.23  ;  Ps.33.5, 37.28,89.14,97.2, 
99.4,111.7;  Is.30.i8  ;  H0.2.19);  hdq,  or 
huqqd,  "statute,"  literally  "something  en- 
graved," occasionally  used  for  a  law  or  uni- 
formity of  nature  (Je.31.35,36) ;  mishmereth, 
lit.  "something  to  be  kept";  mifwd,  lit. 
"something  commanded";  'cdh'woth,  lit. 
"testimonies,"  chiefly  used  of  the  Decalogue  ; 
piqqudhim,  "precepts,"  chiefly  in  Ps.ll9  ;  and, 
in  the  Pers.  period  only  (for  in  Deut.33.2  the 
Massoretic  text  is  corrupt),  ddth,  perhaps  a 
Pers.     loan-word    meaning  "roval     decree" 

(Ezr.8.36;  Esth.1.8,  etC.).t[TESTIMONY.]  [c.H.]. 

Law  in  O.T.  A.  Pke-Mosaic.  (i)  Cxts- 
tomary.  (a)  Sacrificial,  ritual,  etc.  We  meet  with 
sacrifice,  including  both  vegetable  offerings 
and  animals,  as  early  as  the  time  of  Cain  and 
Abel  (Gen.4.3f.).  Altars  were  frequently 
erected  in  patriarchal  times  (Gen.i2.7f.,  etc), 
sometimes  also  pillars  (35.14),  (subse- 
quently forbidden,  Lev. 26.1;  Deut.l6.22),  and 
perhaps  trees  (Gen. 21. 33).  Purification 
for  sacrificial  purposes  and  the  idea  of  con- 
tagious holiness  occur  in  Jacob's  time  (35.2). 
Inunction  appears  to  have  been  in  use  as 
a  form  of  worship  (28. 18).  Perhaps,  too,  the 
idea  that  shoes  must  not  be  worn  in  a  holy 
place  was  pre-Mosaic  (see  Ex. 3. 5).  Burnt- 
offerings  (Gen. 22),  drink-offerings  (35.14), 
and  probably  peace-offerings  (Ex. 10. 25,  etc.), 
were  already  in  use  and  distinct.  As  vege- 
tables were  offered,  this  must  also  have  been 
the  case  with  meal-offerings  [Sacrifice]. 
Some  (not  all)  firstlings  were  brought  by  Abel 
(Gen. 4. 4),  and  Jacob  vowed  a  Tithe  of  every- 
thing to  God.  .\  distinction  between  clean  and 
unclean  animals  was  known  to  Noah.  From 
Jacob's  time  the  sinew  of  the  thigh  was  not 
eaten  (Gen.32.32[33]).  Oaths  (14.22,  etc.), 
vows,  and  covenants  (parallels  in  Churchman, 
Jan.  1908,  i7f.)  were  in  use.  (I))  Jural.  Be- 
sides law  of  Homicide  and  other  Crimes,  we 
find  customs  covering  a  large  field,  (i)  Family 
and  inheritance.  The  Hebrew  had  one  or  more 
principal  wives  and  also  concubines.  Marriage 
by  purchase  appears  to  have  been  the  rule,  and 
we  meet  with  its  invariable  concomitant,  mar- 
riage by  service  (29).  A  wife  could  give  her 
maid  to  her  husband,  and  the  children  were 
for  some  purposes  regarded  as  the  wife's 
in  certain  cases  [Family]  (16,30).  For 
other  customs,  see  also  Marriage.  A 
form  of   Icvirate    marriage  w^s  in   use  (89), 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

and  we  oftea  find  the  strong  desire  to 
maintain  families  in  existence.  The  head 
of  the  family  apparently  had  the  power  of 
life  and  death  over  all  its  members  (22, 
31.32,38.24,42.37  ;  cf.  Post,  Grundriss,  i. 
170  ff.,  ii.  341;  and  the  Roman  patria  potestas 
[Moyle,  on  Justinian,  Institutes,  i.  9]).  Among 
children,  the  eldest  son  of  the  principal  wife 
was  normally  entitled  to  a  Birthright  ;  but 
this  could  be  varied  by  agreement  (25.31-34) 
or  by  the  father  (iChr.S.i,  etc.).  The  father 
could  also  give  a  blessing  {not  =  birthright, 
Gen. 27. 36),  varying  the  relative  positions  of  the 
children.  He  clearly  had  power  to  distribute 
his  property  (movables  only)  as  he  chose,  at 
any  rate  among  sons  (25. 5f.,  48.22  ;  law 
altered  Deut. 21. 15-17).  Apparently  adoption 
was  possible  in  some  cases  (Gen. 48. 5).  In  de- 
fault of  children,  a  slave  might  be  heir  (15. 
2-4).  (ii)  Slaves  formed  a  regular  part  of  the 
patriarchal  household,  and  were  religiously 
members  of  the  community  (I7.12-14).  They 
could  be  acquired  in  many  ways.  [Slave.] 
(iii)  Contract  law  is  very  undeveloped.  Sale 
occurs,  but  is  apparently  usually  contempora- 
neous with  conveyance  or  delivery.  Where 
something  is  bought  which  cannot  be  handed 
over  at  the  time,  an  oath  is  used  (25.31-34). 
Similarly  a  promise  of  payment  is  secured  by 
Pledge  (38.i7f.).  Contracts  of  service  occur 
(29.15),  but  the  wages  sometimes  consist  of 
animals  (30.28ff.,31.38ff.  ;  cf.  38.i6f.).  (iv) 
Organization.  In  Egypt  we  find  that  the  family 
system  has  developed  Elders  and  officers, 
who  appear  as  the  leaders  and  judges,  and 
to  some  extent  the  rulers  of  the  community, 
(v)  The  question  of  the  relation  of  the  law 
of  this  age  to  Hammurabi  is  considered 
infra  B,  (10),  (i),  "(a).  (2)  Legislation,  etc. 
God  gave  commands  to  Noah  (9-1-7)  per- 
mitting the  consumption  of  all  animals,  but 
forbidding  the  use  of  blood  in  food  [Un- 
clean Meats]  and  forbidding  human  blood- 
shed [Crimes;  Homicide].  As  the  token  of 
a  covenant  with  Abraham,  Circumcision  of 
every  male  on  the  eighth  day  was  commanded 
(17).  It  appears  from  18. 19  that  the  way 
of  God  was  known  to  include  judgment, 
but  it  cannot  be  said  with  certainty  that  this 
implies  other  legislation  (cf.  however,  26. 
5).  B.  The  Mosaic  Legislation,  (i)  Its 
Delivery.  The  legislation  contained  in  Ex.- 
Deut.  was  given  to  the  children  of  Israel  by 
God.  The  Decalogue  was  spoken  by  God  at 
mount  Sinai  [Ten  Commandments]  ;  the  rest 
of  the  legislation  was  given  mediately — i.e. 
through  Moses  or  Aaron,  or  both.  The  laws 
were  scattered  over  a  period  of  40  years,  be- 
ginning immediately  before  the  Exodus  with 
Passover  legislation  (Ex.12),  and  ending  with 
the  provisions  for  the  septennial  reading  of 
Deuteronomy  (Deut.Sl.gff.).  (2)  Its  Form,  (i) 
The  covenants  constitute  the  first  outstanding 
feature  of  the  form.  Alone  among  known 
legislations,  large  portions  of  the  Law  are 
found  as  terms  of  sworn  agreements  made  be- 
tween God  and  the  Heb.  tribes.  Other  peoples 
have  had  laws  to  which  they  attributed  a 
divine  origin,  but  the  covenant  form  is  unique. 
There  appear  to  be  three  principal  covenants : 
(a)  The  Sinaitic  covenant  (see  Ex. 19. 3-8, 24.3- 
II  .  God  proposes  to  enter  into  special  relations 


LAW  IN  O.T. 


461 


with  the  Heb.  tribes,  and  the  people  consent. 
The  terms  are  contained  in  2O.1-17, 20.22-23. 
33,  and  a  covenant  is  concluded  on  this  basis(24. 
8).  This  covenant  was  subsequently  broken  by 
the  worship  of  the  golden  calf  (32),  but  renewed 
by  God  in  Ex.34,  (b)  The  covenant  with  the 
patriarchs,  promising  the  land  (Gen.  17,  etc.  ; 
Lev.26.42,  etc.).  Land  laws  and  laws  relating 
to  certain  kindred  topics  are  found  in  Lev.  25 f. 
The  language  used  throughout  Lev. 26  proves 
that  these  laws  are  made  in  virtue  of  a  cove- 
nant between  God  and  the  children  of  Israel, 
dating  from  the  days  of  Abraham,  (c)  Deut. 
contains  the  words  of  a  third  covenant  which 
GoD  commanded  Moses  to  make  with  the 
children  of  Israel  beside  that  made  at  Sinai 
(29. 1 [28.69]).  The  terms  are  found  in  5-26. 
In  the  case  of  each  of  these  covenants  a 
hoiniletic  address  is  found  at  the  end  of 
the  terms,  where  in  a  covenant  between 
men  the  jurat  (invocation  of  God)  would  occur 
(Ex. 23. 20-33  ;  Lev.26.3-45  ;  Deut. 28).  For 
the  jurat  of  a  human  covenant  cf.  Gen. 31. 53. 
(ii)  Some  laws  were  given  when  cases  arose 
for  decision  (e.g.  Shelomith's  son.  Lev. 24. 10- 
24),  or  in  connexion  with  historical  incidents 
that  gave  rise  to  them  {e.g.  Passover  laws  in 
Ex.12),  and  retain  their  historical  form  and 
setting,  (iii)  Much  of  the  legislation  was  only 
intended  to  reach  the  people  through  the  teach- 
ing of  the  priests  (see  Lev. 10. 11, 14. 54-57, 15. 31- 
33, etc.;  Deut. 24. 8, 33. 10), and  much  was  internal 
to  the  priestly  tribe,  and  intended  primarily  only 
for  them  (Lev.21.i,22.2  ;  Num. 18. i,  etc).  In  no 
case  is  such  law  included  in  either  of  the  three 
covenants,  and  the  style  is  everywhere  appro- 
priate to  the  purpose,  (iv)  Style.  The  laws 
take  various  forms.  "  If  x  happens,  y  shall  be 
done,"  is  a  frequent  type,  but  clauses  begin- 
ning with,  e.g.,  "whosoever,"  or  couched  in  the 
2nd  person  singular  or  plural,  are  also  common. 
In  this  diversity  the  legislation  resembles  the 
Roman  XII.  Tables,  which  also  employed  differ- 
ent types,  including  the  2nd  singular  {not  the 
2nd  plural) ;  and  differs  from  the  laws  of  Ham- 
murabi, the  Anglo-Saxons,  etc.,  where  the""if " 
type  is  invariable.  In  other  respects  the  style 
varies.  Thus  the  legislation  of  Deuteronomy  is 
not  merely  in  the  form  of  a  covenant,  but  also 
of  a  speech,  and  is  characterized  by  the  appro- 
priate oratorical  quality  of  its  language  and 
rhythm.  The  laws  in  the  Sinaitic  covenant 
and  the  judgments  in  some  of  the  decided 
cases  are  extraordinarily  terse,  like  other 
ancient  codes  destined  for  memorizing ;  and 
this,  combined  with  the  nature  of  the  contents, 
makes  it  probable  that  they  were  intended 
to  be  committed  to  memory  by  the  elders. 
[Judge.]  The  priestly  teaching  was  intended 
and  adapted  neither  for  rhetorical  effect  nor 
memorizing,  and  accordingly  presents  yet  a 
third  style.  Parallelism  is  not  uncommon  in  the 
legislation.  [Poetry,  Hebrew.]  (v)  The  ar- 
rangement is  largely  determined  by  the  con- 
tents and  purpose.  Thus  matters  destined  to 
influence  public  opinion  and  mould  the  future 
naturally  find  a  place  in  Deuteronomy — the 
book  that  was  to  be  periodically  read  to  the 
people  ;  the  bulk  of  the  "dooms  "  to  be  applied 
by  the  courts  of  elders  are  contained  in  the 
Sinaitic  covenant ;  laws  relating  to  agriculture, 
land  tenure,  relief  of  poor  peasants,  etc.,  are  in 


462 


LAW  IN  O.T. 


Lev. 25 ;  and  sacrificial  minutiae  to  be  observed 
at  the  religious  capital,  regulations  internal  to 
the  priestlv  tribe,  etc.,  in  the  priestly  teaching. 
Within  these  groups  the  order  is  not  always 
clear :  sometimes  it  appears  to  be  due  to  chance, 
but  in  many  instances  ancient  associations  of 
ideas  can  be  traced.  Thus  knowledge  of  the 
conditions  of  peasant  life  in  antiquity  at  once 
e.xplains  the  juxtaposition  of  seemingly  uncon- 
nected laws  in  Lev. 25  ;  and  (again)  laws  given 
in  the  tent  of  meeting  (Li)  and  laws  given  on 
mount  Sinai  (7.38)  are  found  grouped  together 
in  1-7  indefiance  of  chronology,  but  with  obvious 
convenience.  The  order  is  generally  due  to  se- 
quence of  thought,  not  to  scientific  arrange- 
ment, (vi)  Repetitions  2lXQ  not  infrequent,  and 
are  due  to  numerous  causes,  three  of  which 
must  be  named  :  (a)  Sometimes  a  very  terse 
summary  of  the  law  is  given  in  the  Sinaitic 
covenant,  and  expanded  at  length  in  passages 
that  would  reach  the  people  only  through  the 
teaching  of  the  priests  (infra,  3.  ii);  (b)  the  same 
rule  or  institution  is  frequently  dealt  with  from 
different  points  of  view;  (c)  repeated  emphasis 
is  often  laid  on  rules  that  cannot  be  enforced  by 
the  courts.  Illustration  :  the  three  pilgrimage 
festivals  are  given  in  summary  in  Ex.23  ;  then, 
when  the  covenant  is  renewed  in  Kx-S*,  these 
and  other  religious  rules  (but  no  jural  laws) 
are  repeated.  Again,  they  find  their  places  in 
the  complete  detailed  calendar  of  the  priestly 
teaching  (Lev. 23),  and  in  Deut.16  they  occur 
once  more,  but  from  a  different  point  of  view 
— fjz.  in  special  connexion  with  the  law  of  the 
religious  capital.  (3)  Provisions  for  perpetuat- 
ing, (i)  Deutekokomv  was  to  be  publicly 
read  to  the  people  every  seven  years,  (ii)  The 
tribe  of  Levi  was  set  apart  for  priestly  purposes , 
and  commanded  (amongst  other  things)  to  teach 
law.  [Priest  ;  Levites.]  (iii)  The  duty  of 
teaching  children  is  repeatedly  enjoined  (Deut. 
6.6-9,  etc.),  especially  about  Passover  (Ex.13. 
8,i4ff.).  (iv)  Probably  portions  of  the  law  were 
intended  to  be  memorized  [supra,  (2),  (iv)J.  (v) 
Various  mnemonic  devices  are  commanded  : 
fringes  (?  tassels)  (Num.i5.38fT.;  Deut. 22.12), 
binding  on  hand  and  between  eyes  (Ex. 13. 9-16  ; 
JJeut.6.8,  etc.)  [Hem  of  Garment;  Front- 
lets], writing  on  door-posts,  etc.  (6.9,  etc.). 
(vi)  On  the  writing  of  the  Law  see  I^xodus, 
I)euteronomv.  (4)  Conditions,  (i)  Historical. 
The  past  affected  the  work  of  Moses  in  several 
ways,  (a)  Twelve  tribes  of  common  origin, 
historical  and  religious  experiences,  but  of 
distinct  tribal  consciousness,  were  to  be  fused 
into  a  single  nation.  The  tribal  conscious- 
ness is  seen  at  work  in  many  provisions — e.g. 
the  arrangements  for  the  division  of  the  land, 
the  restriction  on  the  marriage  of  heiresses 
(Num.36),  while  (probably  partly  to  counteract 
the  centrifugal  forces)  centralizing  laws  were 
enacted  which  had  a  unifying  effect  (cf.  iK.12. 
26f.).  (/))  The  stay  in  Egypt  appears  to  have 
brought  home  to  the  people  the  special  needs  of 
strangers.  [Stran(;er.J  Probably,  too,  the 
influence  of  Egyptian  experiences  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  land  laws  [(7)  (iii)|,  and  perhaps  also  in 
somecustoms — e.g.  the  provisions  for  writing  on 
the  gates,  etc.,  though  these  are  not  exclusively 
ligyptian.  (c)  The  miraculous  deliverance 
from  Egypt  impressed  itself  on  the  national 
consciousness,  and  was  made  the  basis  of  many 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

special  laws  and  many  appeals  for  fidelity  (see, 
e.g.,  l)eut.26.i-ii).    (d)  Tlie  historical  continu- 
ity with  the  experiences  (particularly  religious) 
of    the    patriarchs    is    strongly    marked — e.g. 
Lev.25f.  are  largely  founded  on  the  covenant 
with    Abraham,     (ii)  Political.     The    circum- 
stancesof  the  time  are  clearlymirrored  in  many 
portions  of  the  legislation.     Thus  the  desert 
conditions  imprinted  on  many  laws,  the  numer- 
ous references  to,  and  provisions  for,  the  im- 
pending entry  into  Canaan,  the  fact  that  a  com- 
plete new  system  of  land  law  was  necessary  or 
even  possible  must  be  referred  to  the  political 
circumstances.     So,  too,  some  minor  laws — e.g. 
■'  Remember  Amalek  "  (Deut.25.17-19).     Per- 
haps also  the  failure  to  create  a  sufficiently 
strong  central  executive  should  be  attributed 
to  tribal  jealousy    and  the  historical  factors, 
(iii)  Religious.     It  is  clear  that  the  Israelites 
had  frequently  been  unfaithful  to  the  God  of 
their  fathers,  andcontinued  so  to  a  great  extent 
in   the  Mosaic  age  (Lev.17.7  ;     Num. 25. 1-3  ; 
Deut. 12.8,  etc.).    Moreover,  the  Egyptians  and 
the  Canaanites  practised  many  impure  cults. 
These  two  facts  are  manifestly  responsible  for 
many  provisions  aimed  at  particular  abuses — 
e.g.    Deut.i2.2ff.     (iv)    Social.     Society    was 
based  on  the  patriarchal  family,  which  included 
slaves.     The  families  were    grouped  in   clans, 
and  the  clans  in  tribes.     Distinctions  between 
rich  and  Poor  existed,  and  the  "  mixed  multi- 
tude "  involved  the  presence  of  many  strangers. 
Princes  and  elders  also  appear.  [Prince.]  The 
paternal  power  was  still  very  great  (21. 18-21), 
and    the   right  to   sell  children  remained  un- 
touched.     Purchase  was  a    common    form   of 
marriage.    Divorce  w-as  in  use  (24.1-4).     The 
feehng  of  family  unity  was   very  strong,  as 
is    proved    by    the    communistic    land   laws, 
etc.      [Family.]      (v)  Economic.     There  was 
hardly  any  trade  ;  all  contracts  were  extremely 
primitive  and  undeveloped.     The  moral  con- 
ceptions   on    which    they   rest  are    unknown. 
Thus,    the   protection  afforded    to   the    hired 
labourer  was  purely  religious,  not  jural.     The 
precious  metals  were  in  use,    and  working  in 
wood  and   metals  had   attained  some  profi- 
ciency, probably  as  the  result  of  the  stay  in 
Egypt.     The    pre-Egyptian    experiences    had 
included  agriculture  (Gen.26.i2),  and  the  tribes 
were  rich  in  animal  wealth  and  pastoral  ex- 
perience.    The  laws  reflect   these  conditions, 
(vi)  Intellectual.     The  laws  clearly  prove  that 
the  intellectual  condition  of  the  tribes  was  very 
primitive.     Such    elementary  distinctions    as 
those    between    murder    and    manslaughter 
[Homicide],    or    compulsion  and    intentional 
wrong-doing  (Deut. 22.26),   are  only  expressed 
in  the    most    cumbrous  and  elementary  way. 
Num. 15. 22-31,  with  its  inadequate  distinctiiin 
between  unwitting  and  high-handed  sins,  tells 
the  same  tale.     Again,  the  whole  of  the  "  phy- 
siological psychology  "  that  finds  expression  in 
regulations  about  clean  and  unclean,  etc.,  testi- 
fies most  clearly  to  the  low  level  of  reflection 
attained  by  the  people.     The  scanty  use  of 
writing  for  legal  purposes  is  also  significant. 
[Witness.  I    (vii)  Legal.    Here  the  machinery 
is  of  the  rudest.     A  few  forms  of  tlie  death 
penalty  and  stripes  are  almost  the  only  punish- 
ments (other  than   pecuniary)  that  could  be 
I  inflicted  by  a  legal  tribunal.     Imprisonment 


r 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

as  a  penalty  is  never  found.  Hence  the  only 
possible  punishment  for  contempt  of  court  and 
many  other  offences  was  death  ;  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  legislation  is  largely  due  to  the  in- 
evitable defectiveness  of  archaic  legal  proce- 
dure. See  further  Crimes,  etc.  (5)  Objects 
and  Scope.  The  objects  are  clearly  stated  : 
"  What  doth  the  Lord  thy  God  require  of  thee 
but  to  fear  the  Lord  thy  God,  to  walk  in  all 
His  ways,  and  to  love  Him,  and  to  serve  the 
Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy  heart  and  with  all 
thy  soul,  to  keep  the  commandments  of  the 
Lord  and  his  statutes,  which  I  command  thee 
this  day  for  thy  good?"  (Deut.lO.12f.).  Because 
of  the  idea  expressed  in  the  last  words,  the  Law 
(unlike,  e.g.,  the  Indian  law-books)  envisages 
the  good  of  every  member  of  the  nation  equally, 
without  preference  for  any  individual,  class,  or 
caste.  Because  of  the  idea  expressed  in  the 
earlier  words,  its  scope  (like  theirs)  is  coexten- 
sive with  human  life,  and  is  not  limited  to  jural 
and  sacrificial  law.  The  Lord  is  to  be  Israel's 
God  :  therefore  all  worship  of  other  gods,  and 
numerous  practices  associated  with  such  wor- 
ship are  prohibited,  and  intense  fidelity  is  en- 
joined. The  methods  of  serving  God  exter- 
nally and  internally,  with  sacrifice,  in  every 
form  of  social  intercourse,  in  secret  actions,  and 
in  the  innermost  thoughts  are  defined  and  com- 
manded. He  is  holy  ;  therefore  the  Israelites 
must  be  holy — holy  in  their  relations  to  parents , 
superiors,  dependants,  neighbours,  acquaint- 
ances, customers,  suitors  ;  holy  in  public  and 
private  hygiene ;  holy  in  morals  and  ethics  ;  holy 
in  the  preservation  of  the  land,  the  society,  and 
the  individual  from  sin.  Hence,  too,  many 
characteristic  institutions  and  rules — e.g.  the 
law  of  pilgrimage  was  partly  introduced  "  that 
thou  mayest  learn  to  fear  the  Lord  thy  God 
always  "  (Deut.i4.23).  Like  the  Indian  law- 
books, the  Law  takes  a  clear  view  of  the  unity 
of  life.  In  its  eye,  faith  and  conduct — conduct 
in  matters  jural,  sacrificial,  ethical,  moral, 
social,  individual — form  an  indissoluble  whole. 
(6)  Methods,  (i)  The  power  of  the  courts  is 
relied  on,  but  is  insufficient  for  three  reasons  : 
{a)  As  the  scope  of  the  legislation  extends  to  the 
whole  of  life,  it  far  exceeds  the  possible  juris- 
diction of  any  human  tribunal ;  {b)  owing  to 
the  undeveloped  condition  of  the  society,  the 
machinery  of  the  courts  was  defective,  as  judged 
by  modern  standards,  and  their  efficiency  was 
consequently  restricted  [supra,  (4)  (vii)] ;  (c)  the 
necessity  for  proof  restricts  the  jurisdiction  of 
courts  over  acts  with  which  they  might  other- 
wise deal.  Thus,  secret  idolatry  and  cursing  a 
deaf  man  (who  could  not  hear,  and  therefore 
could  not  prove  the  offence )  would  in  many  cases 
be  impossible  to  prove.  Hence  we  find  also  (ii) 
sacrificial  law,  much  of  which  could  be  enforced 
by  the  priests  controlling  the  religious  capital  ; 
(iii)  various  religious  methods,  (a)  Oaths  and 
Ordeal  as  means  of  trial ;  (b)  threats  of  divine 
punishment  of  the  individual  {e.g.  Ex.22.24[23]); 
(c)  promises  of  divine  blessing  of  the  individual 
{e.g.  Deut.l5.i8);  {d)  curses  of  individual 
malefactors  (27.i5ff.)  [Curse];  (e)  discourses, 
especially  at  the  end  of  the  three  great  cove- 
nants [supra,  (2),  (i)],  promising  national 
blessings  for  obedience,  and  threatening  national 
disasters  for  disobedience  ;  (/)  appeals  to  indivi- 
dual fear  of  God,  no  punishment  being  specified 


LAW  IN  O.T, 


463 


— e.g.  Lev. 19. 14 ;  (iv)  appeals  to  public  opinion 
{e.g.  "in  thy  sight,"  25.53) ;  (v)  appeals  to  the 
historical  consciousness  of  individuals  and  the 
nation,  especially  the  deliverance  from  Egypt 
—e.g.  Ex. 23. 9  ;  (vi)  simple  commands,  no  result 
of  any  sort  being  attached — e.g.  20. 16.  Unlike 
some  other  ancient  law-books,  the  Pentateuch 
never  relies  on  any  eschatological  motive.  (7) 
Ideas  and  Principles.  Many  of  these  are  in- 
cluded in  the  conception  of  holiness,  but  must 
be  separately  noticed.  No  classification  is 
feasible,  (i)  Holiness  involves  separation : 
"for  I  the  Lord  am  holy,  and  have  separated 
you  from  the  peoples  that  ye  should  be  Mine" 
(Lev.20.26).  This  separation  in  turn  involves 
many  other  ideas.  [Vow  ;  Unclean  Meats  ; 
and  infra.'\  (ii)  God's  dwelling  is  in  the 
midst  of  Israel.  It  is  defiled  by  ritual  unclean- 
ness  (Lev.i5.3T,  etc. ;  Num. 19. 13, 20),  giving 
seed  to  Molech  (Lev. 20. 3),  the  presence  of 
lepers  in  the  camp  (Num.5. 1-3),  pollution  of 
blood  (35.34).  (iii)  The  land  is  God's  {Lev.25. 
23),  as  the  land  of  the  Egyptians  had  been 
Pharaoh's  (Gen.47.19ff.).  Hence  it  may  not  be 
sold  in  perpetuity.  This  does  not  apply  to  the 
cities,  subject  to  certain  exceptions  as  to  Le- 
vitical  cities.  [Jubilee.]  (iv)  The  collective 
principle  is  strongly  marked,  (a)  National 
and  communal  :  (a)  national  righteousness  is 
violated  by  sexual  and  other  offences,  which  are 
abominations  before  the  Lord,  and  defile  the 
land(Lev.l8.24ff.;  Deut.24.4;c/.  Lev.i9.29).  (b) 
In  the  case  of  certain  offences  the  death  of  the 
offender  or  a  sacrifice  is  necessary  to  remove  in- 
nocent blood  or  evil  from  Israel  or  the  city  (Dent . 
19.13,20,21. 8f.,22.2if., 24,24.7).  {b)  Family: 
(a)  Crimes,  wrongs,  and  sins,  (a)  The  iniquity  of 
the  fathers  might  be  visited  on  the  children  by 
God  (Ex.20.5,34.7:  Num.14.18,16.32;  Deut.5. 
9);  but  (/3)  never  by  man.  Contrast  Lev.20.5, 
"  against  that  man  and  against  his  family'' 
(?clan,  see  Family,  §  a)  with  20.2.  The  law 
here  is  based  on  the  sole  responsibility  of  each 
individual  for  his  own  actions,  so  far  as  wrong- 
doing is  concerned,  combined  with  a  nascent 
sense  of  the  responsibility  of  the  community 
for  the  repression  of  crime.  [Homicide,  (4).] 
The  only  trace  of  the  collective  principle  is 
its  prohibition  in  Deut.24.i6,  which  is  pro- 
bably due  to  the  unique  provisions  of  Ham- 
murabi, §§  116,  etc.,  to  which  (sofar  asiskn"bwn) 
no  legislative  parallel  can  be  found,  (b) 
Land  laws.  Here  the  collective  principle  ap- 
pears very  strongly  in  the  rights  of  redemption 
and  the  jubilee  legislation,  (v)  A  most  remark- 
able feature  is  the  constant  and  unquestioning 
reliance  on  miraculous  divine  intervention  for 
the  enforcement  and  smooth  working  of  the 
law.  (See  especially  Lev.25. 20  ff.  and  Ex. 22.24 
[23],27[26] ;  Lev.20.20,  etc.)  (vi)  In  the  legal 
sphere  all  freemen  are  equal.  Poor  and  rich  are 
to  be  treated  with  even  justice.  Those  who 
are  under  a  disability  (by  reason  of  age,  sex,  or 
foreign  birth)  must  not  be  wronged.  For  the 
redemption  of  souls  the  price  is  the  same  for 
every  adult  freeman  (Ex.3O.15).  Unlike  many 
ancient  codes,  the  Law  treats  slaying  or  wrong- 
ing any  freeman  (whatever  his  rank)  in  the 
same  way.  (vii)  An  elaborate  legislation  pro- 
vides for  the  Poor,  (viii)  The  same  criminal  law 
is  applicable  to  Stranger  as  to  native  (Lev. 
24.10-23).     This  rule  also  applies  to  unwitting 


464 


LAW  IN  O.T. 


sins  (Num. 15. 30).  (ix)  In  the  moral  sphere, 
humanity  is  an  urgent  duty,  {a)  "  Thou  shalt 
love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself"  (Lev. 19. 18). 
(ft)  "  Thou  shalt  love  him  [the  stranger]  as 
thyself"  (19.34).  (c)  Special  provisions  pro- 
tect those  under  any  incapacity — the  deaf,  the 
blind,  the  fatherless,  the  widow,  (d)  Human- 
ity to  animals  is  commanded  (Ex. 23. 5,  etc.). 
(x)  The  treatment  of  other  races  varies  accord- 
ing to  national  policy,  founded  on  sentiment 
and  past  history,  not  expediency.  Thus  Egyp- 
tians and  Edomites  are  to  be  well  treated,  and 
Amalekites  extirpated,  (xi)  Conitnercial  hon- 
esty and  truthfulness  are  earnestl}'  enjoined, 
(xii)  A  group  of  ideas  are  connected  with 
blood.  We  have  seen  that  as  early  as  Noah's 
time  it  was  regarded  as  the  life.  Hence  it  may 
not  be  eaten  (Lev. 17. 12, 14) ;  hence,  too,  it  can 
make  atonement  on  the  altar  (17. 11).  It 
pollutes  the  land  when  shed,  so  that  expiation 
is  necessary  (Num. 35. 33).  [Homicide.]  (xiii) 
The  ideas  of  sin  and  atonement  which  pervade 
much  of  the  legislation  are  discussed  elsewhere. 
[Sin  ;  Atonement.]  Here  we  need  only  no- 
tice that  sin  may  be  incurred,  not  merely  in- 
tentionally, but  in  ignorance  (Lev. 5. 17-19), 
through  accidents  of  nature  (14,  etc.),  or  in 
the  case  of  a  community,  even  through  the  act  of 
some  unknown  person  (Num. 15. 24  ;  Deut.21. 
8),  and  that  the  offerings  provided  in  no  case 
atone  for  presumptuous  sin  (Num. 15. 30), 
though  they  can  procure  forgiveness  in  the  case 
of  certain  witting  offences  when  accompanied 
by  confession  (Lev. 5).  (xiv)  Clean  and  un- 
clean. These  ideas  also  are  discussed  else- 
where [Uncleanness]  ;  but  for  a  general  view 
the  following  must  be  quoted  :  "  The  origin 
of  all  these  notions  is  in  certain  physical 
instincts,  in  physiological  psychology,  which  is 
the  reason  why  they  are  found  among  peoples 
very  far  removed  from  one  another  by  race  or 
religion"  (Darmesteter,  Zend-Avesta,  pt.  i. 
2nd  ed.  [=Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  iv.] 
Ixxix).  (xv)  A  feature  of  some  importance 
is  the  joyous  character  of  the  religion,  "  re- 
joice before  the  Lord  "  being  a  constant 
and  significant  phrase.  (xvi)  See  further 
Crimes,  etc.  (8)  Analysis.  No  full  or  com- 
plete analysis  is  possible  within  reasonable 
limits.  The  following  table,  however,  gives  a 
rough  idea  of  the  order  of  the  principal  subjects, 
and  will  enable  the  reader  to  obtain  informa- 
tion on  any  topic  by  reference  to  the  special 
articles.  Occasional  commands  are  usually 
omitted,  but  references  are  given  to  the  con- 
struction of  the  tabernacle,  and  some  other 
similar  topics,  because  some  permanent  laws 
are  embedded  in  these  sections. 

Ex.12. 1-27,43-49,  Passover  ;  18. 1-16,  Firstborn  and  | 
Firstlings;  16. 16-34,  Manna;  I8.13-26,  appoint- 
ment of  judicial  officers  at  Jethro's  advice  [JmscE] ; 
2O.1-17,  Ten  Commandments  ;  20.22-23,  other  tenns 
of  the  Sinaitic  covenant  (Altars,  Slavery,  Crimes, 
Deposit,  Homicide,  Loan,  Stranger,  Widow, 
Fatherless,  Tledge,  Firstfruits,  Firsthorn, 
Firstlings,  Unclean  Meats,  Poor,  Cattle,  Calen- 
dar, Sabbath  Year,  Sabbath  Feasts,  Sacrifice)  ; 
26-29.37,  commands  relating  to  Tabernacle,  its 
furniture  and  Prie.sts  [Crimes]  ;  29.38-42,  daily  pub- 
lic Sacrifices;  30-31. 11,  tabernacle  continued  [In- 
cense, Altar,  Crimes]  ;  81.12-17,86.1-3,  Sabbath 
[Crimes]  ;  84.10-36,  renewal  of  Sinaitic  covenant, 
which  had  been  broken  by  worship  of  the  golden  calf. 
Some  earlier  ritual  commands  briefly  recapitulated, 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

with   little  new  matter  ;  35.4-40,    tabernacle  com 
pleted;  Lev. 1-7, sacrificial  procedure  at  religious  capi- 
tal  [Sacrifice],  dealing  with  burnt-offerings,   meal- 
offerings,  peace-ofTerings,  sin-  and  trespass-offerings, 
together  with  law  providing  that  the  two  latter  offer- 
ings should  be  brought  in  specified  cases;  8,9,10. 12-15, 
consecration  of  priests,  with    incidental  directions  ; 
I0.6f.,  mourning  for  priests  ;    IO.8-11,  law  of  priests  ; 
II,   dean   and   unclean    meats;    12,    Purification 
after  childbirth    [Family]  ;    13,14,    Leprosy  ;    15, 
Issues  ;  16,  Atonement,  Day  of  ;  17,  food  sacrifice 
and  slaughter  ;    18,  forbidden  degrees  of  Marriage, 
etc.  ;    19,  miscellaneous  commands  ;    20,  incest  and 
other  offences  [Crimes]  ;    21-22. 16,  law  of  priests  ; 
22.17-33,    sacrifice;    23,    sacred    calendar;    24.1-9, 
perpetual  light  in  tabernacle,  and  Shewbread  ;  24. 
10-23,  Blasphemy  and  law  as  to  strangers;  25,26, 
land  covenant  [Sabbatical  Ye.\r,  Jubilee]  ;  27,  re- 
demption of  Vows,  etc.;  Num. 3,4,8.5-26,  consecration 
and  duties  of  Levites  ;  5.1-4,  purity  of  camp  ;  6.5-8, 
repentant  wrongdoers  [Crimes]  ;  5.9f.,  contributions 
to  priests;   5.11-31,  Ordeal  of  Jealousy;   6.1-21, 
Nazarites  ;  8.1-4,  Candlestick  ;  9.1-14,  Passover  ; 
lO.i-io,     trumpets ;     11,    consecration    of    seventy 
Elders;    15.1-31,    sacrifice    (miscellaneous    laws); 
15.32-36,  SABBATH-breaker  ;   15. 37-41,  fringes;     18, 
Priests  and  Levites  ;    19,  Water  of  Separation  ; 
27.1-11,36,  daughters  of  Zelophehad,   inheritance  of 
land  [F.-vmily]  ;  28,29(30.i),  national  offerings  [Sacri- 
fice] ;  30,  Oaths  and  Vows  ;  35.9-34,  Homicide  ; 
Deut.5-26,  Deuteronomic  Covenant.     The  principal 
legal  portions  are    as    follows  :     Deut.5.6-2i,    Ten 
Commandments  ;  5.22-II.32  forms  part  of  a  speech 
of  Moses,  with  occasionalprecepts  scattered  about  too 
sparsely  to  be  analysed  in  detail — see  especially  6.4-9  ; 
12, law  of  the  Temple  ;  13,  false  prophet,  friend  entic- 
ing to  apostasy,  city  apostatizing  [Crimes,  etc.] ;  14.  if ., 
Israelites  not  to  cut  themselves  [Cuttings]  ;  I4.3-21, 
dietary  laws  [Unclean  Meats]  ;  14. 22-29,  Tithes  ; 
15.I-II,  release  [Loan];    15. 12-18,  manumission  of 
purchased   Heb.  slaves  [Slave]  ;    15. 19-23,   First- 
lings ;   I6.1-17,  three  Feasts  to  be  celebrated  at  the 
temple  ;  16. 18-20,  administration  of  justice  [Judge]; 
16. 21-17. 1,  laws  of  lay  altars  and  sacrifices  ;    17. 2-7, 
apostasy  [Crimes,  etc.]  ;  17. 8-13,  supreme  court  for 
diflicult ca.ses  [Judge];  I7.14-20, King;  18. 1-8, priests 
and  Levites  ;    18. 9-22,  miscellaneous  Crimes  of  infi- 
delity to  God,  including  the  law  of  false  prophets;  19. 
1-13,  HOinciDE  ;  19.1.1,  landmarks  to  be  respected  ; 
19.15-21,  law  of  false  Witness  [Crime.s]  ;  20,  laws  of 
War;   21. 1-9,  person  found  dead   [HoxnciDE]  ;  21. 
10-14,  law   of    female  captive    [Slave,   Marriage, 
FA>nLY];   21.15-17,  disposition   of  movables  among 
sons  of  different  wives  [Family]  ;  21. 18-21,  rebellious 
son  [Family,  Crimes,  etc.]  ;  21.22f.,  hanging  [Crimes, 
etc.]  ;    22.1-12,   miscellaneous  provisions  as   to  hu- 
manity to  animals,  construction  of  houses,  sowing  and 
dress  ;  22. 13-21,  husband  impugning  wife's  prenuptial 
chastity;     22.22-3o[23.i],    sundry    sexual    offences 
[Family,  Marriage,  Crimes]  ;  23. 1-8(2-9],  laws  re- 
lating to    conferring  or    withholding    full    Israelite 
status  [Proselyte,  Stranger,  Foreigner]  ;   28.9- 
i4[io-i5],  camp  laws  [War]  ;   23. I5f.[i6f.],  runaway 
slaves  [Slave]  ;  23. 17(1 8],  Israelites  to  refrain  from 
certain    immoral    pursuits;    23. 18(19], 2i-23[22-24], 
Vows;   23. i9f.[2of.],  prohibition  of   usury   [Loan]; 
23.24f.[25f.],  permission  to  pluck  neighbour's  grapes  or 
corn  with  Uie  hand  ;    24.1-4,  law  relating  to  divorcee 
[Marriage.   Divorce]  ;    24.5,  exemption   of  newly 
married  men  from  public  duties  ;  24.6, 10-13,  Pledge  ; 
24.7,  kidnapping  [Crimes,  etc.]  ;    24.8f.,  Leprosy  ; 
24.i4f.,  hired  Servant  ;    24.i6,  individual   responsi- 
bility [supra,  (7),  (iv),  (h)] ;  24.i7f.,  justice  to  stranger, 
fatherless,  and  widow;    24.19-22,  gleaning  [Poor]; 
26.1-3,  stripes  not  to  exceed  forty  [Crimes,  etc.]  ; 
26.4,  ox  not  to  be  muzzled  in  threshing  [Cattle]  ; 
26.5-10,  Levirate  Law  [Crimes]  ;  25.iif.,  indecent 
assault  by  woman  [Crimes]  ;  26.13-16,  just  Weights 
AND   Measures;  26.17-19,  "Remember  Amalek  "  ; 
26.I-II,  Firstfruits;   26.12-15,  Tithes. 

This  is  followed  some  chapters  later  by  Deut. 
31. 10-13,  providing  for  the  septennial  reading  of 
"  this  law  "  (i.e.  Deuteronomy).     (9)  How  far 


LAW  IN  O.T. 

new.  The  legislation  is  not  a  consolidating 
code.  Some  old  rules  are  contained,  but  pro- 
bably only  where  some  new  application  is 
given  {e.g.  certain  branches  of  law  to  be  ex- 
tended to  strangers  as  well  as  Israelites  (Lev. 24. 
17-22),  or  some  portion  of  an  old  rule  is  modi- 
fied. Proofs  of  this  view  :  (i)  Everywhere  ex- 
isting practice  is  assumed — e.g.  no  rule  is 
originally  given  for  the  most  usual  cases  of 
assault,  but  only  the  somewhat  exceptional 
instance  of  a  pregnant  female  bystander  being 
hurt,  (ii)  The  decided  cases  are  due  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  deciding  some  new  or  doubtful  point- 
(iii)  Much  of  the  law  deals  with  matters  that 
could  not  have  arisen  in  the  earlier  history — 
e.?.  tenure  of  and  succession  to  land,  (iv)  Some 
rules  conflict  with  the  previous  customary  law — 
e.g.  in  lieu  of  unlimited  paternal  power  (c/.  A,  i, 
b,  i,  supra)  we  find  cursing  and  smiting  a  parent, 
andrebelliousness,  dealt  with  by  courts  (other  in- 
stances in  A,  I,  supra;  Homicide  ;  Crimes),  (v) 
A  very  large  portion  of  the  law  is  dependent  on 
the  creation  of  a  priestly  tribe  with  ceremonial, 
ritual,  sacrificial,  hygienic,  and  teaching  func- 
tions, and  of  a  tabernacle  or  house  of  God.  (vi) 
The  difficulty  of  definition  where  a  mental  ele- 
ment enters  into  the  law  {e.g.  contrasts  of  mur- 
der and  manslaughter,  voluntary  action  and 
duress,  Deut.22.26)  testifies  to  the  novelty  of 
the  conceptions.  The  human  mind  in  such 
matters  advances  from  concrete  cases  to  gene- 
ral principles  {cf.  Dareste,  Etudes,  22-24).  (lo) 
How  far  original,  (i)  The  jural  laws.  The 
Hammurabi  question.  In  1902  a  copy  of  the  code 
of  Hammurabi  [Amraphel]  was  discovered, 
and  the  question  arises  how  far  Heb.  law  was 
influenced  by  it.  {a)  Patriarchal  age.  In  cer- 
tain departments  the  law  contained  in  Genesis 
is  fundamentally  different  from  that  of  Ham- 
murabi, and  springs  from  different  ideas. "  The 
wide  paternal  power,  the  law  of  Homicide,  the 
absence  of  regular  law  courts,  the  primitive 
nature  of  the  conveyance  of  the  cave  of  Mach- 
pelah  stand  in  the  most  marked  contrast  to 
the  Babylonian  system.  Further,  the  later 
Israelitish  law  sometimes  introduces  a  rule, 
substantially  identical  with  a  passage  of  Ham- 
murabi, in  terms  which  make  it  plain  tliat  a 
new  and  difficult  conception  is  being  put  for- 
ward— e.g.  cf.  Deut.22.25f.  with  Hammurabi, 
§  130.  Indeed,  generally,  cases  of  similarity 
between  the  later  Mosaic  law  and  the  code 
tend  to  show  that  these  rules  had  not  hitherto 
been  practised  in  Israel.  In  the  third  place, 
there  are  some  resemblances  in  the  marriage 
customs,  though  even  here  Hammurabi  some- 
times appears  to  be  dealing  with  a  different 
case  {e.g.  cf.  §  144  [a  votary's  maid]  with  Gen. 16. 
iff.,  Sarah's  maid  ;  SO.iff-.gff.,  Jacob's  wives' 
maids).  However,  as  the  §§  following  contrast 
with  the  law  of  Genesis,  it  may  be  that  the  com- 
mon law  relating  to  ordinary  wives,  who  were 
not  votaries,  was  the  same  in  both  cases.  But 
the  custom  here  contemplated  is  by  no  means 
distinctive  or  uncommon  (Post,  Grtindriss,  i. 
143,144).  so  that  not  much  can  be  inferred. 
The  scanty  information  we  have  as  to  the  law 
of  theft  and  inheritance  presents  some  resem- 
blances and  some  differences  {e.g.  Gen. 31. 32 
perhaps  resembles  §  6,  though  not  in  the  tri- 
bunal applying  the  law  ;  but  the  story  of  Ben- 
jamin is  unlike  Hammurabi's  rules).   Lastly,  in 


LAW  IN  O.T. 


465 


maO}'  cases,  owing  to  silence  on  one  side  or  the 
other,  no  comparison  is  possible.  On  the  whol  e, 
therefore,  it  is  certain  that  the  patriarchs  did 
not  live  under  the  code  of  Hammurabi,  though 
in  some  departments  their  "customary  law  was 
similar  to  Babylonian  law.  In  such  matters 
the  rules  are  not  sufficiently  distinctive  to  war- 
rant any  hypothesis  of  influence,  but  the  possi- 
bility is  not  excluded.  (6)  The  Mosaic  age. 
Hammurabi  deals  with  jural  law  only.  He 
legislates  for  a  society  that  is  entirely  different 
in  historical,  geographical,  political,  social,  and 
economic  conditions  from  the  Israel  of  Moses. 
Hence  the  departments  in  which  influence  is 
possible  are  very  narrow.  Again,  many  matters 
that  are  common  to  both  s^'stems  are  universal 
in  societies  in  certain  stages  of  development — 
e.g.  O.A.THS  of  purgation,  ordeals,  etc  On  the 
form  of  the  two  legislations,  see  supra,  2,  iv. 
Further,  the  main  ideas  and  institutions  of  the 
two  systems  are  fundamentally  unlike — e.g.  in 
Homicide,  land  laws  [Jubilee],  inheritance, 
slavery,  the  position  of  women  [Marriage], 
offences  against  parents  [Family  ;  Crimes, etc.] 
the  rules  and  ideas  differ  toto  caelo,  and  the 
ethical  principles  are  of  course  different.  In 
some  subjects — e.g.  talion,  manifold  restitution 
for  theft,  etc. — both  legislations  embody  ideas 
that  are  universal ;  but  here  Hammurabi  often 
exhibitsvariations  from  the  normal  types,  which 
types,  on  the  other  hand,  are  readily  paralleled 
from  the  Mosaic  legislation.  This  points  to 
independent  development,  especially  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  earlier  law  of  theft  appears 
to  have  been  different  (Gen. 44).  A  few 
minor  Pentateuchal  rules  are  practically  iden- 
tical with  those  of  Hammurabi;  but  they  are 
not  in  the  least  distinctive.  Many  find  paral- 
lels^U  over  the  world — e.g.  §i4resembles  Ex.21. 
16 ;  but  see  Dillmann,  ad  loc,  and  Post,  Gritnd- 
riss,  ii.  355.  In  truth,  the  laws  are  often  such 
that  any  able  man,  if  confronted  with  the  pro- 
blems they  are  designed  to  meet,  must  have 
invented  substantially  the  same  rules.  One 
illustration  must  suffice.  There  is  considerable 
resemblance  between  Ex. 22. 5  [4]  (damage  done 
by  cattle)  and  Hammurabi,  §  57  (damage  done 
by  sheep  undercharge  of  a  shepherd)  ;  but 
Gautama,  xii.  igff.,  resembles  both  laws  more 
than  they  resemble  each  other.  In  all  three 
cases  the  principle  of  the  law  is  compensation, 
but  different  procedure  is  adopted  in  each  to 
attain  this  end.  There  is  thus  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  the  code  influenced  the  Mosaic 
legislation.  At  most  it  can  only  have  affected 
a  few  minor  departments  of  the  law.  Deut.24. 
16  is  perhaps  aimed  at  the  form  of  talion  that 
at  present  is  evidenced  by  Hammurabi  alone  : 
though  later  ages  interpreteci  it  otherwise  (2K. 
14.6).  (ii)  Sacrificial.  Evidence  is  accumu- 
lating that  some  ideas  and  institutions,  and  a 
few  terms  of  the  sacrificial  law,  can  be  paralleled 
from  Babylonian,  Minean,  and  Phoenician 
sources — e.g.  shewbread.  See  P.  Haupt, 
"Babylonian  Influence  in  the  Levitical Ritual," 
J ournal  of  Biblical  Literature,  xix.  (1900),  55-81, 
and  the  Marseilles  Tariff  (Renan,  Corpus 
Inscript.  Semit.  i.  8 ;  Rawlinson,  Phoenicia, 
p.  387 ;  a  translation  by  S.  R.  Driver  may 
be  found  in  D.  G.  Hogarth's  Authority 
and  Archaeology,  pp.  77  f.).  Sacrifice  was 
universal  throughout  the  ancient  world,  and 

30 


466 


LAW  IN  O.T. 


corresponded  to  sentiments  that  were  enter- 
tained everj'where.  Some  of  the  resemblances 
so  far  noted — e.g.  the  physical  perfection  of 
priests — are  apparently  the  outcome  of  ideas 
that  were  widely  prevalent,  and  would  natur- 
ally spring  up  independently.  In  others  [e.g. 
philological  resemblances)  the  origin  of  the 
people  accounts  for  likenesses  :  but  in  yet 
others  it  may  ultimately  appear  that  the  needs 
and  ideas  of  the  Hebrews  led  to  the  enactment 
of  some  institutions  which  differed  from  the 
jiractices  of  surrounding  peoples  in  the  funda- 
mentals of  worship  rather  than  in  external 
details.  The  influence  of  Babylonian  and 
other  cults  on  some  externals  of  worship 
may  yet  prove  to  have  been  considerable ; 
but  in  this  department  judgment  must  be 
reserved  till  the  evidence  is  more  nearly 
complete,  (ii)  How  far  unique.  The  special 
articles  in  this  volume  and  their  bibliographies 
attest  the  fact  that  there  exist  number- 
less parallels  to  almost  every  institution  and 
idea  contained  in  the  law.  Talion  and  blood- 
feud,  sin  and  crime,  clean  and  unclean,  the 
priestly  order,  sacrifice  and  ritual,  all  may  be 
paralleled  from  other  races.  Nor  is  it  different 
if  we  turn  to  individual  rules.  With  certain 
striking  exceptions  [e.g.  the  law  as  to  stran- 
gers) it  is  possible  to  parallel  most  of  the 
laws,  even  such  a  detail  as  the  permission  to 
pluck  grapes,  etc.,  Deut.23.24f.[25f.] ;  cf. 
Post,  Grundriss.  ii.  426  ;  Manu,  viii.  341  (with 
characteristic  differences),  etc.  Nor  again  is 
this  the  only  legislation  that  claims  a  divine 
origin,  or  that  seeks  to  regulate  extra-jural 
matters.  The  Hindu  law-books,  for  example, 
deal  with  faith,  penances,  purifications,  dress, 
demeanour,  etc.,  as  well  as  jural  law.  Every 
ancient  legislation  is  and  must  be  the  creation 
of  its  age  ;  and  as  the  objects  of  legislators  are 
everywhere  similar,  and  laws  are  everywhere 
directed  to  moulding  human  conduct,  it  follows 
that  every  archaic  legislation  belongs  to  a 
family  group,  and  differs  from  other  systems  be- 
longing to  a  similar  stage  of  development  only 
within  certain  more  or  less  defined  limits. 
Naturally,  the  law  of  Moses  bears  the  impress 
of  the  history,  the  mind,  and  the  character  of  the 
nation  for  which  it  was  designed  ;  but  so  does 
every  other  known  system,  .^nd  withal  it  is 
unique,  (i)  No  other  legislation  is  co-.nparable 
in  literary  form  and  beauty,  (ii)  While  many  of 
the  rules  can  be  paralleled,  there  is  no  parallel 
to  such  a  collection  of  humane  rules  :  hence  the 
sf)irit  and  general  effect  of  the  whole  are  differ- 
ent from  those  of  all  other  legislations,  (iii) 
Perhaps  no  similar  legislation  has  ever  been  so 
free  from  rules  designed  to  benefit  some  privileged 
person  or  caste.  Special  consideration  is  shown 
only  to  the  helpless.  But  the  true  differentia 
is  in  none  of  these  things,  though  it  embraces 
and  accoimts  for  all.  It  lies  in  the  attitude 
towards  the  divine.  Everywhere  the  peculiar 
relation  between  the  One  (lod  and  the  separa- 
ted people — with  all  it  involved  in  duty  to  God 
and  duty  to  man — is  stamped  on  institutions 
designed  for  a  race  that  in  its  general  ideas  and 
primitive  civilization  differed  \ery  little  from 
many  other  races  in  similar  stages  of  develop- 
ment. This  law  centres  in  and  leads  to  God. 
Its  ultimate  problem  is  not  legal  or  literary  or 
economic  or   social  :    it   is   theological.     (12) 


LAW  IN  O.*. 

How  far  practical.  If  the  test  be  actual  work- 
ing when  put  into  operation,  the  innumerable 
parallels  prove  that  most  of  the  rules  were  es- 
sentially practical.  Others  again  are  known 
to  have  worked  satisfactorily — e.g.  the  pilgrim- 
age law  (see  especially  1K.i2.26f.).  But  some 
of  the  rules  are  contrary  to  powerful  human 
sentiments,  and  appear  either  not  to  have  been 
executed  at  all  or  to  have  failed,  or  else  to 
have  been  abrogated.  Example  :  It  is  clear 
from  Je.34  that  the  law  for  manumitting  pur- 
chased Heb.  slaves  after  six  years'  service  was 
long  a  dead  letter,  and  that  even  when  it  had 
for  once  been  put  into  execution,  it  was  again 
speedily  nullified.  There  is  in  truth  an  ideal 
element  in  the  Pentateuchal  legislation  :  its 
provisions  are  sometimes  in  the  nature  of  coun- 
sels of  perfection.  In  estimating  this,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  legislation  sought  to 
teach  the  people  religious  perfection,  not  merely 
to  provide  rules  for  settling  inevitable  disputes  ; 
and  even  in  the  most  unpractical  institutions, 
the  failure  has  not  been  absolute  :  they  have 
all  helped  to  mould  countless  lives.  But  the 
history  of  this  law  suggests  yet  another  test,  viz. 
adaptation  to  the  national  character.  Here 
it  stands  unique.  No  other  legislation  has 
been  guarded  and  practised  so  tenaciously  in 
the  face  of  every  conceivable  obstacle.  None 
other  has  evoked  so  much  loyalty  and  affection. 
— C.  Post-Mosaic.  The  prophets  are  full  of 
Israel's  various  backslidings.  but  we  have  ex- 
tremely little  definite  information  on  legal 
points.  Judg.l.12-15,  etc.,  present  us  with  a 
form  of  marriage.  [Family.]  The  levirate 
marriage  and  rights  of  pre-emption  of  land 
had  clearly  undergone  some  extension  in  the 
days  of  Ruth  (4) ;  which  chapter  also  shows  us 
that  widows  had  some  title  to  their  deceased 
husbands'  immovables  in  certain  cases.  Under 
the  monarchy  derelict  land  appears  to  have 
vested  in  the  king  (2Sam.9.9  ;  2K.8.3).  Mort- 
gages were  in  use  in  Nehemiah's  time  (Ne.5.4f.). 
Jeremiah's  conveyance  (Je.32)  witnesses  a 
long  legal  evolution  since  the  days  of  Moses, 
being  in  very  modern  form  [Witness],  and 
Zech.ll.12  was  obviously  written  in  a  society 
that  was  economically  and  legally  much  more 
advanced  than  that  to  which  the  Mosaic  ordin- 
ances respecting  the  hired  Servant  were 
given.  The  practice  of  selling  or  pledging 
children  long  continued.  [Pook.]  Jeroboam 
introduced  a  festival  one  month  later  than 
Tabernacles  (1K.I6.10-16),  at  the  time  of  his 
apostasy.  Ahaz  made  changes  in  the  national 
sacrifices  (2K.i2.32f.).  For  other  develop- 
ments see  Temple,  Priest,  Levites,  Judge, 
HoMicinE,  Crimes,  F'amily,  Slave.  The 
most  important  events  in  the  later  legal  his- 
tory are  tlie  finding  of  the  book  of  the  law  in 
the  i8th  year  of  king  Josiah,  and  the  subse- 
quent reformation  (2K.22f.,  etc.),  and  the 
covenant  to  observe  the  law  under  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  (Ne.9f.).  [Pentateixii  :  Exodus; 
Leviticus;  Numbers;  Deuteronomy  ;  Isra- 
el ;  Law  in  N.T.]  K.  Dareste,  Etudes  d'histoire 
du  droit  (1889),  18-51  ;  H.  M.  Wiener, 
Studies  in  Biblical  Law  (1904)  ;  articles  in 
Princeton  Theol.  Review,  .^pril  1907,  188-209, 
Oct.  1907,  605-630,  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  Jan. 
1908,  97-131.  The  current  commentaries,  Bible 
Dictionaries,   Archaeologies,  etc.,  can  only  be 


LAW  0*"  M6SES  IN  N.T. 

used  with  the  utmost  reserve  for  legal  purposes. 
The  writings  of  Sir  H.  S.  Maine,  A.  H.  Post's 
Grundriss  der  ethnologischen  Jurisprudenz  (2 
vols.  1894,  1895) ;  the  volumes  of  the  Zeitschrift 
fiir  vergleichende  Rechtswissenschaft,  and  other 
old  law-books  and  codes  (especially  the  legal 
volumes  of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East),  and 
other  works  on  ancient  law,  together  with  the 
materials  collected  in  J.  G.  Frazer's  Golden 
Bough  (2nd  ed.  1900)  and  similar  works,  form 
the  best  aids  for  the  study  of  O.T.  law.  The 
Babylonian  and  Minean  material  is  conveni- 
ently given  in  A.  Jeremias'  Das  alte  Testament 
im  Lichte  des  alten  Orients  (2nd  ed.  1906). 
Translations  of  Hammurabi's  code,  e.g.  Johns, 
The  Oldest  Code  of  Latvs  ;  R.  F.  Harper  Code  of 
H. ;  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  s.v.  "Code 
of  H.,"  etc.  The  legal  work  hitherto  published 
on  "it  is  superficial,  and  cannot  be  recom- 
mended. For  the  subsequent  development  of 
the  Jewish  Law,  see  the  Jewish  Encyc.  s.v. 
(Funk  &  Wagnalls).  [h.m.w.] 

Law^  of  Moses  in  N.T.  (i)  Our 
Lord's  Attitude.  Our  Lord  assumed,  or  at 
least  did  not  call  in  question,  the  Mosaic  author- 
ship of  the  Pentateuch  (Mt. 8. 4,19.8,  etc.),  and 
affirmed  its  divine  authority,  both  as  a  whole 
and  in  its  several  parts.  This  is  as  evident 
in  the  Gentile  and  Pauline  (Lu.l6.17)  as  in 
the  Jewish  gospel  (Mt. 5. 17,18, 15. 6).  He  ob- 
served not  only  the  moral,  but  the  ceremonial 
law  (Gal. 4.4  ;  Lu. 2.2iff., 4.16,31, 5.14  ;  Jn.S.i, 
7.10  ;  Mt.i7.24ff., 26. 18),  severely  condemned 
the  "  making  void  "  of  the  least  of  the  com- 
mandments (Mt. 5. 19, 15. 6),  regarded  the  keep- 
ing of  the  law  as  the  way  (under  the  old 
covenant)  of  eternal  life  (Mt. 19.17  ;  Lu.lO.28, 
16. 29),  and  even  acknowledged  the  official 
position  of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees  as  inter- 
preters of  the  law  (Mt.23.2).  On  the  other 
hand,  (a)  He  entirely  rejected  the  mass  of 
rabbinical  tradition,  which,  professing  to  be  a 
protecting  "  hedge  "  round  the  law,  too  often 
annulled  it  both  in  letter  and  in  spirit  (Mk.7. 
iff.  =  Mt.l5.iff.,  etc.).  (b)  Within  the  law.  He 
distinguished  between  its  weighty  precepts 
(e.g.  judgment  and  mercy  and  faith)  and  its 
less  important  ones  (e.g.  the  tithing  of  mint  and 
anise  and  cummin)  (Mt.23.23  ;  Lu.ll.42).  (c) 
Some  ordinances  He  regarded  as  concessions  to 
human  infirmity  rather  than  as  positively 
good.  Thus  He  regarded  the  original  ideal  of 
marriage  (Gen. 2. 23, 24)  as  of  higher  authority 
than  the  permission  to  repudiate  a  wife 
granted  by  Moses  to  his  hard-hearted  con- 
temporaries (Deut.24.i  ;  Mt.i9.3ff., 5. 31).  (d) 
He  considered  the  spiritual  and  moral  ideals  of 
the  law  to  be  its  real  essence.  Hence  Deut. 
6.5  and  Lev. 19. 18  were  to  Him  the  true  text  of 
the  law,  and  all  else  commentary  (Mt.22.35ff., 
cf.  7.12).  (e)  He  gives  the  law  the  widest 
and  most  spiritual  interpretation  possible. 
E.g.,  He  understands  commandment  v.  to  for- 
bid anger  and  hatred,  and  commandment  vii. 
lust  (ch.  5).  (/)  The  ceremonial  law  is  only  ac- 
ceptable when  observed  in  a  spirit  of  love  and 
charity  (6.23)  :  it  was  made  for  man,  and  not 
man  for  it  ;  and  works  of  piety  and  mercy 
take  precedence  of  it  (Mk.2.27,  etc.).  As  Son 
of  God,  our  Lord  claimed  authority  to  revise 
the  law,  even  the  decalogue  spoken  by  God 
Himself  (Mt.5.2iff.,    R.V.).     Accordingly   He 


LAYING  ON  OF  HANlDS        46? 

definitely  abrogated  the  lex  talionis  (5.38), 
and  revoked  the  permission  to  hate  one's 
enemy  (6.43),  and  to  swear  by  Jehovah 
(5.33).  He  clearly  contemplated  the  ultimate 
abandonment  of  the  Mosaic  law  by  His 
Church.  Thus  He  regarded  His  death  as  a 
new  covenant,  superseding  the  old  one  made  by 
Moses  (Mt.26.28),  and  said  definitely,  "  The 
law  and  the  prophets  were  until  John  ;  from 
that  time  the  Gospel  of  the  kingdom  of  God  is 
preached  "  (Lu.l6.i6,  cf.  Mt.ll.12,13).  As  to 
His  abrogation  of  the  ceremonial  law  we  have 
the  evidence  of  the  comment  of  St.  Mark  (i.e. 
of  St.  Peter)  on  the  discourse  in  Mk.7,  "  This 
He  said,  making  all  meats  clean "  (ver.  19, 
R.V.).  The  passages  which  seem  to  affirm  the 
permanence  of  every  jot  and  tittle  of  the 
Mosaic  law  (Mt.5.17-19  ;  Lu.l6.17)  refer  to  it, 
not  in  its  imperfect  O.T.  form,  but  as  revised 
and  "  fulfilled  "  by  Christ.  The  "  fulfilled  " 
law  is  nothing  but  the  Gospel.  (2)  Attitude  of 
St.  Paul.  See  Paul  (Theology  of).  (3)  Attitude 
of  St.  Peter.  See  Peter;  Acts.  (4)  Attitude 
of  St.  James.     See  James,  Ep.  of.        [c.h.] 

La\vyep  (j/o/utK^s).  See  Scribe  (B).  Zenas 
"  the  lawyer"  (Tit. 3. 13)  was  possibly  not  a 
scribe,  but  a  legal  advocate.  [c.h.] 

Laying-  on  of  iiands.  (i)  Among  the 
Jews,  the  ceremony  was  used  for  very  various 
purposes,  (a)  As  a  sign  and  means  of  per- 
sonal blessing,  or  appointment  to  a  position  or 
office.  The  object  of  Israel  placing  his  hands 
on  the  heads  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  before 
his  death  is  explained  in  connexion  with  the 
blessing  which  he  invokes  from  God  on  them 
(Gen. 48. 14-20)  ;  and  though  the  Heb.  words 
used  are  different  from  those  usually  found  for 
the  laying  on  of  hands,  it  is  obvious  that  the 
action  was  of  the  same  character.  The  object 
of  the  lifting  up  of  the  hands  of  the  high-priest 
in  the  high-priestly  blessing  (Lev. 9. 22)  was  the 
same  ;  and  this  may  rightly  be  classed  as 
parallel  towards  the  congregation  with  the  act 
of  Israel  towards  individuals,  although  here  the 
ceremonial  action  is  different.  The  children 
of  Israel  laid  their  hands  on  the  members  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi  at  the  time  of  the  dedication  of 
that  tribe  in  place  of  all  the  firstborn  (Num. 
8.10).  Moses  laid  his  hands  on  Joshua  in 
appointing  him  to  be  his  successor,  and  to 
communicate  to  him  the  spirit  of  wisdom 
which  he  himself  had  possessed  (Num.27. 18, 
23  ;  Deut. 34.9).  In  all  these  cases  there  was 
the  idea  of  bestowing  divine  blessing  ;  in  the 
case  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  there  was  also  the 
notion  of  substituting  those  on  whom  hands 
were  laid,  (b)  As  appointing  to  a  place  in 
sacrifice.  Here  also  were  the  ideas  of  assign- 
ing to  a  work  in  the  service  of  God,  and  of  sub- 
stitution— that  of  substitution  possibly  being 
the  link  between  the  laying  of  hands  on  the 
Levites  and  this  use  of  the  ceremony.  In- 
stances are  : — the  offering  of  the  bullock  and 
the  rams  at  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and 
his  sons  (Ex. 29.10,15, 19  ;  Lev.8.14,18,22)  ; 
animals  offered  in  sacrifices  by  individuals 
(e.g.  Lev. 1.4)  ;  the  goat  for  Azazel  on  the  Day 
of  Atonement  (Lev.l6.21)  ;  and  the  sin-offer- 
ing to  make  atonement  for  all  Israel  at  the 
passover  of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.23).  (c)  The 
witnesses  of  blasphemy  were  directed  to  lay 
their  hands  on  the  head  of  the  offender  in  Lev. 


•4fi«       LAYING  ON  OF  HANJDS 

24.14  ;  and  the  two  elders  laid  their  hands  on  [ 
the  head  of  Susanna  when  they  accused  her 
before  the  people  (Sus.34).  Apparently  the 
idea  in  this  case  was  that  of  handing  over  the  I 
offender  for  conviction  and  punishment.  (2) 
Iti  the  Ministry  of  Christ.  The  use  of  the  cere- 
mony by  our  Lord  carried  on  the  idea  of  bless- 
ing and  gift.  When  He  blessed  little  children, 
He  laid  His  hands  on  them  (Lu.18.15,16,  where 
the  laying  on  of  hands  is  not  explicitly  men- 
tioned, but  is  apparently  implied  in  the  state- 
ment, "  They  brought  unto  Him  also  their 
babes,  that  lie  should  touch  them,"  compared 
with  Mt. 19.13, 15  and  Mk. 10.13,16).  In  His 
work  of  healing  He  laid  His  hands  on  the  sick 
or  otherwise  touched  them  (Mt. 9.18,25;  Mk.5. 
23,41,  "Come  and  lay  Thy  hands  on  her,"  "He 
took  the  damsel  by  the  hand"  ;  Mk.6.5  ;  7.32, 
33,  "  They  beseech  Him  to  lay  His  hand  upon 
him,"  "  He  put  His  fingers  into  his  ears,  and 
He  spat,  and  touched  his  tongue  "  ;  8.23,25, 
"  He  took  hold  of  the  blind  man  by  the  hand," 
"  And  when  He  had  spit  on  his  eyes,  and  laid 
His  hands  ujion  him,"  "  .^gain  He  laid  His 
hands  upon  his  eyes  "  ;  Lu. 4. 40, 13. 13  :  cf.  Mt. 
8.3,15,9.29,20.34;  Mk.l.41,7.33  ;  Lu.5.13, 
22.51).  As  the  blessing  of  the  Jewish  con- 
gregation by  means  of  the  uplifted  hands  of 
the  high-priest  is  compared  above  with  the 
blessing  of  individuals  by  means  of  laying 
hands  on  their  heads,  so  the  blessing  of  the 
apostles  by  our  Lord  with  (iplifted  hands  at 
the  time  of  His  ascension  may  be  compared 
with  His  acts  of  blessing  by  means  of  touch 
(Lu.24.50).  (T,)  In  the  Apostolic  Period.  In  the 
last  12  vv.  of  St.  Mark's  gospel  our  Lord  is 
recorded  to  have  said  of  Christians,  "  They 
shall  lay  hands  on  the  sick,  and  they  shall  re- 
cover "  (Mk.16.i8).  The  laying  of  the  hands 
of  Ananias  on  Saul  of  Tarsus  seems  to  have 
been  a  means  of  bodily  recovery  of  sight  parallel 
to  that  thus  spoken  of  by  our  Lord  rather 
than  a  means  of  spiritual  gift,  since  in  the  ac- 
count it  is  closely  connected  with  the  reception 
of  his  sight,  and  was  before  his  baptism.  At 
the  same  time,  it  is  in  many  cases  difficult  to 
draw  a  sharp  line  between  acts  for  the  body 
and  acts  for  the  soul,  and  the  reference  to  being 
filled  with  the  Holy  C,host  immediately  follows 
that  to  the  reception  f)f  sight.  "  The  Lord  .  .  . 
hath  sent  me,  that  thou  mayest  receive  thy 
sight,  and  be  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost  " 
(Ac.9.12,17).  The  ceremony  was  used  by  the 
apostles  for  a  specifically  spiritual  purpose  in 
the  laying  of  hands  on  the  baptized,  accom- 
panied with  prayer.  The  converts  at  Samaria 
had  been  baptized,  but  St.  Philip  was  ap- 
parently without  the  (lower  of  administering 
the  further  rite  now  known  as  Confirmation 
(8.14-17).  Similarly,  at  liphesus  St.  I'aul 
laid  his  hands  on  those  who  had  by  his  in- 
structions been  baptized  ;  and  "the  Holy  (ihost 
came  on  them,  and  they  spake  with  tongues, 
and  prophesied"  (19.0).  [Baptism.]  It  is 
probai)ly  this  use  of  the  ceremony  as  a  means 
of  administering  confirmation  that  is  referred 
to  in  Heb.6.2,  where  the  teaching  of  laying  on 
of  hands  is  placed  between  the  teachmg  of 
baptisms  and  of  resurrection  of  the  dead.  A 
further  use  was  in  connexion  with  ordination. 
The  apostles  laid  their  hantls  on  the  "  seven 
men    of   good   repf)rt  "    (A(;.6.(>).     When    St. 


LAZARtJS 

Timothy  was  ordained,  the  presbyters  and  St. 
Paul  laid  their  hands  on  him  (iTim.4.14  ;  2 
Tim. 1.6).  St.  Paul's  command  to  St.  Timothy, 
"  Lay  hands  hastily  on  no  man  "  (iTim.5.22), 
probably  refers  to  ordination,  though  some 
have  explained  it  of  the  reconciliation  of 
penitents.  The  laying  of  hands  on  SS.  Barna- 
bas and  Paul  at  Antioch  (.Xc.lS.s)  may  have 
been  in  coimexion  with  a  formal  appointment 
to  the  apostolate  ;  but  is  much  more  likely  to 
have  been  simply  an  act  of  blessing  on  their 
special  mission,  since,  while  "Separate  Me 
Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the  work  whereunto  I 
have  called  them  "  (13.2)  n\ight  in  itself  refer 
either  to  the  general  work  of  the  apostolate  or 
to  their  immediate  mission,  it  is  distinctly  said 
that  at  the  end  of  their  missionary  journey 
they  had  "  fulfilled  "  "  the  work  "  for  which 
"  they  had  been  committed  to  the  grace  of 
God"  (14.26,  R.V.).  In  14.23  x««/oo''"o>''>)<Tai'Tfs 
is  more  likely  to  refer  to  the  use  of  the  hand  in 
appointment,  as  derived  from  the  showing  of 
hands  in  an  election,  than  to  the  laying  on  of 
hands  in  ordination.  [Church.)  Swete  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  iii.  84,  85  ;  Hall,  Confirma- 
tion ;  Light  foot,  Galatians,  p.  98  ;  Rackham, 
Acts,  pp.  192,  193  ;  Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the 
Traveller,  pp.  64-68  ;  works  mentioned  in  arts. 
Baptism  and  Ciu'rcii.  [d.s.] 

Lazapus.  This  is  the  Hellenized  form  of 
the  Heb.  Eleazar.  Twf)  characters  bear  the 
name  in  N.T. — 1.  The  beggar  in  our  Lord's 
parable  (Lu.l6.19ff.),  who  "was  cast  at  the 
rich  man's  portal,  full  of  sores."  As  this  is  the 
only  instance  where  a  proper  name  occurs  in  a 
gospel-parable,  it  has  been  suggested  that  it 
was  inserted  later  in  order  to  connect  the  teach- 
ing of  the  parable  (ver.  31)  with  the  historical 
account  of  one  whose  return  to  life  failed 
to  convince  the  main  body  of  the  nation. 
But  TertuUian  {De  Anima  vii.)  attempted  to 
show  that  the  parable  itself  is  founded  on  fact. 
Both  views  are  purely  conjectural.  It  is  worth 
noticing,  however,  that  the  Lazarus  of  the  par- 
able is  as  silent  throughout  as  the  Lazarus  of 
actual  life  (for  which  see  Dr.  Plummer's  art.  in 
Hastings,  D.Ii..  5  vols.  1904,  s.v.)  ;  and  also  that 
the  name  has  always  had  a  special  association  in 
the  Christian  Church  with  lepers  and  work 
among  them. — 2.  The  brother  of  Martha  and 
Mary  of  Bethany.  The  fact  that  he  is  thus 
described  in  Jn.li.i.  and  placed  last  of  the  three 
in  ver.  5,  and  altogether  left  without  mention  in 
Lu.lO.38ff.,  suggests  that  he  was  the  youngest 
and  least  important  of  the  family  which  "  Jesus 
loved."  When  our  Lord  received  the  sisters' 
message  that  I.azarus  was  sick.  He  first  waited 
twowholedays.  and  then  simply  i>roposed  to  the 
disc  iples  that  they  siiould  take  the  journey  into 
I  Judaea  again.  V\ii<ii  they  remonstrated  with 
j  Him  because  of  the  dangers  He  would  encoun- 
I  ter  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  he  at 
length  announced  iilainly  that  Lazarus  was  by 
this  time  dead,  and  that  He  had  waited  of  set 
:  jMirpose  to  give  their  faith  a  great  opportunity 
of  triuini>hing  ;  and  so  the  solemn  journey  was 
undertaken.  By  the  time  of  Christ's  arrival, 
Lazarus  had  been  in  the  grave  four  days;  but 
a  large  number  of  Jews  from  the  city  was  still 
with  the  sisters  to  comfort  them  in  their  mourn- 
ing. First  Martha  and  then  Mary  slipped 
away  to  converse  with  their  belated  Friend, 


LEAD 

whilst  He  was  still  outside  the  village.  The 
Jews  too  followed,  weeping.  At  sight  of  so 
much  sorrow,  in  which  He  too  shared  pro- 
foundly, the  Saviour  wept  ;  nevertheless  He 
bade  them  take  Him  to  the  grave  itself.  On 
arrival  there,  in  spite  of  Martha's  scruples,  the 
stone  that  closed  the  entrance  was  removed  ; 
and  Jesus,  after  giving  thanks  to  the  Father, 
with  a  loud  voice  commanded  Lazarus  to  come 
forth,  and  the  dead  obeyed  His  voice,  bound 
though  he  was  hand  and  foot  with  grave- 
clothes.  The  effect  of  this  wondrous  act  of 
power  was  to  win  or  confirm  the  faith  of  many, 
but  to  repel  others  and  increase  their  opposi- 
tion. These  latter  being  mainly  from  among 
the  leaders  of  the  nation,  the  event  contributed 
not  inconsiderably,  in  the  Divine  providence,  to 
the  subsequent  arrest  and  trial  of  our  Lord  (see 
Jn.ll.46ff.).  St.  John  tells  us  that  Lazarus 
was  at  Bethany  during  the  last  week  of  Christ's 
earthly  life  (12.  i),  and  we  hear  of  him  no  more 
(except  in  those  legendary  accounts,  for  which 
see  Martha).  As  to  the  silence  of  the  Synop- 
tists  on  this  miracle,  it  should  be  remembered, 
inter  alia,  (i)  that  St.  John's  definite  purpose 
was  to  supplement  their  narratives,  which  do 
record  two  other  raisings  from  the  dead,  and  (2) 
that  quite  possibly  Lazarus  himself  imposed 
reticence  till  after  his  final  decease  on  the 
wonder  that  had  happened  to  him.      [c.l.f.] 

Lead,  a  common  metal,  is  found  generally 
in  veins  of  rocks,  very  rarely  in  a  metallic  state, 
and  most  commonly  combined  with  sulphur. 
It  was  early  known  to  the  ancients,  and  the 
Hebrews  evidently  were  well  acquainted  with 
its  uses.  Mines  of  it  were  worked  in  the  Sinai 
district,  and  in  Egypt.  There  were  none  in 
Palestine  proper,  but  that  lead  was  common 
there  is  shown  by  the  expression  in  Ecclus.47.i8 
(cf.  I K. 10. 27).  It  was  among  the  spoils  of  the 
Midianites  brought  by  the  children  of  Israel  on 
their  return  from  the  slaughter  of  the  tribe 
(Num. 31. 22).  The  ships  of  Tarshish  supplied 
the  market  of  Tyre  with  lead,  as  with  other 
metals  (Ezk.27.i2).  Its  heaviness,  to  which 
allusion  is  made  in  Ex.15. 10  and  Ecclus.22.i4, 
caused  it  to  be  used  for  weights,  which  were 
either  in  the  form  of  a  round  flat  cake  (Zech.5. 
7),  or  a  rough  unfashioned  lump  or  "  stone  " 
(ver.  8)  ;  stones  having  in  ancient  times  served 
the  same  purpose  {cf.  Pr.l6.11).  In  modern 
metallurgy  lead  is  used  with  tin  in  the  composi- 
tion of  solder.  That  the  ancient  Hebrews  were 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  this  is  evident  from 
Is. 41.7.  No  hint  is  given  as  to  the  composition 
of  their  solder,  but  in  all  probability  lead  was 
one  of  the  materials  employed,  its  usage  for 
such  a  purpose  being  of  great  antiquity.  The 
ancient  Egyptians  used  it  for  fastening  stones 
together  in  the  rough  parts  of  a  building,  and 
it  was  found  by  Mr.  Layard  among  the  ruins  at 
Nimrud.  In  Job  19. 24  the  allusion  is  sup- 
posed to  be  to  the  practice  of  carving  inscrip- 
tions upon  stone,  and  pouring  molten  lead  into 
(or  perhaps  painting  with  red  lead ;  see  Writ- 
ing) the  cavities  of  the  letters,  to  render  them 
legible,  and  at  the  same  time  preserve  them 
from  the  action  of  the  air.  Lead  is  also  em- 
ployed now  for  the  purpose  of  purifying  silver 
from  other  mineral  products.  The  alloy  is 
mixed  with  lead,  exposed  to  fusion  upon  an 
earthen  vessel,  and  submitted  to  a  blast  of  air. 


LEAVEN 


469 


By  this  means  the  dross  is  consumed.  This 
process  is  called  the  cupelling  operation,  with 
which  the  description  in  Ezk. 22. 18-22,  in  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Napier,  accurately  coincides. 

Leaf,  Leaves.  The  word  (sing,  or  pi.)  oc- 
curs in  A.V.  in  three  different  senses  :  (i)  Leaf 
of  a  tree  ('die,  tereph,  'ophi).  The  olive-leaf 
is  mentioned  in  Gen. 8. 11.  Fig-l?aves  formed 
the  first  covering  of  our  parents  in  Eden.  The 
barren  fig-tree  (Mt.2i.19  ;  Mk.ll.13),  on  the 
road  between  Bethany  and  Jerusalem,  "  had 
on  it  nothing  but  leaves.'"  [Fig.]  The  oak- 
leaf  is  mentioned  in  Is.l.30  and  6.13.  The 
righteous  are  often  compared  to  green  leaves 
{e.g.  Je.17.8).  The  ungodly  are  as  "  an  oak 
whose  leaf  fadeth  "  (Is.l.30).  In  Ezk.47.i2, 
Rev. 22. 1,2,  there  is  an  allusion  to  some  tree 
whose  leaves  were  used  by  the  Jews  as  a 
medicine  or  ointment.  (2)  Leaves  of  doors 
{feld'im,  deleth).  The  first  Heb.  word,  which 
occurs  very  many  times,  and  which  in  iK.6.32 
(marg.)  and  34  is'  translated  "  leaves  "  in  A.V., 
signifies  beams,  ribs,  sides,  etc.  In  Ezk. 41. 24, 
deleth  represents  iDoth  door  and  leaf.  (3) 
Leaves  {d'lthoth)  of  a  book  or  roll  (Je.36.23) 
only  ;  meaning  columns.     [Writing.] 

Leah  (perhaps  from  Assyr.  Wat,  "  mis- 
tress," or  Arab,  lawiya,  "ugly"),  the  elder  of 
Laban's  daughters  (Gen.29.i6).  Not  only  was 
Rachel  the  younger  and  more  beautiful  of  the 
two,  but  Leah  seems  also  to  have  suffered  from 
weak  eyes  (rakkdth).  Having  served  seven 
years  for  the  former,  J  acob  received  the  elder 
sister  in  marriage,  through  fraud  on  the  part 
of  Laban,  and,  when  at  the  end  of  a  week  he 
received  Rachel  also,  he  seems  to  have  con- 
fined his  affection  to  the  latter.  The  his- 
torian regards  Rachel's  barrenness  and  Leah's 
fertility  as  a  divine  compensation  for  this  state 
of  affairs.  By  the  elder  sister  J  acob  became  the 
father  of  Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah,  Issachar, 
Zebulun,  and  Dinah.  She  was  buried  at  Mach- 
pelah.  The  division  of  the  tribes  into  two  dis- 
tinct classes,  arising  from  the  double  marriage 
of  Jacob,  was  a  constant  traditional  factor  in 
the  history  of  Israel.  [b.f.s.] 

Leasing-,  falsehood,  Ps.4.2,5.6  ;  elsewhere 
in  A. v.,  almost  uniformly,  "lies"  (Ps.40.4,etc.). 

Leather.     [Handicrafts,  (7).] 

Leather  boot.     [Arms.] 

Leaven  {s^'or).  The  Heb.  root  means 
"  to  be  agitated."  The  fermentation  which 
sets  in  when  flour,  mixed  with  water,  is  left  to 
stand,  is  due  to  the  presence  of  the  micro- 
scopic yeast  plant,  which  has  the  property  of 
growing  in  solutions  of  sugar  or  of  gluten.  The 
"bubbles"  which  result  through  the  gluten 
being  split  up  into  alcohol  and  carbonic  acid 
gas  "  lighten  "  the  substance,  which  thus  be- 
comes leaven.  When  a  piece  of  this  fer- 
mented dough  is  mixed  with  fresh  flour  and 
water,  and  baked,  ordinary  leavened  bread 
results.  The  use  of  leaven  was  forbidden  in 
every  case  in  which  bread  was  used  in  con- 
nexion with  worship  (Ex.23. 18  ;  Lev. 2. 4,  etc.), 
with  the  one  exception  of  the  case  of  the  two 
loaves  referred  to  in  Lev.23.i7  ;  but  these  were 
for  the  priests,  and  did  not  come  upon  the 
altar  (see  ver.  20).  The  shewbread  was  un- 
leavened {cf.  Josephus,  3  Ant.  iii.  6),  as  were 
also  the  Passover  cakes.  Originally,  all  cereal 
offerings,  as  well  as  bread  for  ordinary  use, 


470 


LEBANA 


were  unleavened.  Later,  leaven  came  into 
use  for  the  purposes  of  every-day  life  ;  but 
in  all  that  concerned  worship,  the  ancient 
custom  was  retained.  In  the  figurative  sense, 
there  is  no  idea  of  corruption,  the  under- 
hung thought  being  that  of  permeating.  It 
is  therefore  used  in  a  good  as  well  as  in  a  bad 
sense — the  former  when  leaven  is  likened  to 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  (Mt.i3.33  ;  Lu.l3.2i), 
the  latter  when  used  of  the  corrupt  doctrine  of 
the  Pharisees  (Mt.16.6),  or  of  evil  generally 
(iCor.5.6,  etc.).  [w.o.e.o.] 

Lebana'  (Ne.7.48),  Lebanah'  (Ezr.2.45)- 
His  descendants  were  Nethinim  who  returned 
from  Babvlon  with  Zerubbabel. 

Lebanon'  (=  while),  the  high  range  run- 
ning N.,  parallel  to  the  Mediterranean  shores, 
and  dividing  Phenice  from  Coelosyria.     It 


LEBANON 

Orontcs,  the  Anti- Lebanon  presents  a  more 
barren  appearance,  with  white  chalk  peaks, 
which  die  away  on  the  N.  near  Emesa,  the 
range  being  connected  on  the  S.  with  Her- 
MON,  by  the  high  pass  which  divides  the  valley 
of  the  Litany  frona  that  of  the  Jordan.  The 
Anti-Lebanon  is  called  in  O.T.  '"  Lebanon  to- 
wards the  sun-rising  "  (Jos. 13. 5).  Lebanon 
proper  has  several  perennial  streams,  of  which 
the  most  important  are  the  Adonis  River 
[Gebal],  and  the  Dog  River  (Lycus)  farther 
S.  near  Beirut.  The  upper  slopes  have,  in 
places,  a  scrub  of  oak  and  mastic,  while  in  the 
lower  valleys  the  fig,  mulberry,  and  olive  are 
grown.  The  population  (of  Maronite  Chris- 
tians) is  dense  in  the  mountain  villages  ;  and 
numerous  monasteries  and  chapels  are  perched 
on  the  W.  spurs.      The  average  elevation  of 


VIUW  OF   LEBANON. 


attains  a  height  of  10,000  ft.  at  Jebel  Sannin, 
and  is  covered  with  snow  on  the  upper  ridges 
for  the  greater  part  of  the  year.  It  is  bounded 
on  the  S.  by  the  Litany  River,  flowing  into  the 
sea  N.  of  Tyre  ;  and  on  the  N.  by  the  Eleu- 
TiiFRtrs,  which  springs  from  a  basaltic  basin 
dividing  the  Lf^banon  from  mount  Bargylus — 
and  this  broad  valley  is  the  "  entering  in  to 
Hamath  "  (Num. 34.8).  The  geological  for- 
mation consists  of  sandstone,  with  hard  lime- 
stone above  ;  the  former  being  only  visible  on 
tlie  lower  slopes  to  W.  These  are  open  to  the 
sea  breeze,  and  are  covered  with  vineyards  and 
l)ines.  The  E.  slope,  shut  out  from  the  mois- 
ture of  the  W.  breezes,  is  verv  bare  and  rugged. 
The  glory  of  Lebanon  (Is.35.2),  throughout 
history,  has  been  its  cedar  forests  ;  and  these 
remain,  not  only  in  the  well-known  group  S.E. 
of  Tripoli,  but  in  many'other  i^arts  of  the  upper 
ridges  rarch'  \isitcd  bv  travellers.  Parallel 
with  tcbauon  proper,  E.  of  the  valley^of  the 


the  crest  is  about  7,000  ft.  above  the  Mediter- 
ranean, while  the  Anti-Lebanon  averages  only 
about  5,000  ft.  The  two  Lebanons  are  no- 
ticed in  49  chapters  of  O.T.,  and  in  30  of  these 
in  connexion  with  the  Cedar.  The  passages 
referring  to  the  Anti-Lebanon  and  to  the 
valley  of  Lebanon  are  in  Joshua  (11. 17. 12.7. 
13.5)  and  in  the  Song  of  Songs  (7.4).  where  the 
"  tower  of  Lebanim  "  overlooks  Damascus. 
Lebanon  was  to  be  included  in  the  land  of 
Israel  (Deut.l.7.3.23,11.24  ;  Jos.l.4).  but  re- 
mained unconquercd  (13.5)  till  the  victory  of 
David  over  Damascus.  Solomon  possessed 
towns  in  Lebanon  (iK.9.io;  2Chr.8.6).  It 
had  an  Amorite  and  Hivite  population  (Judg. 
3.3),  but  Zerhariah  includes  it  in  the  land  of 
Israel  (10. 10)  after  the  Captivity.  The  "smell 
of  Lebanon  "  was  that  of  its  cedars  (Can.4.ii), 
and  of  its  gardens  of  spire.  Its  streams  (4.i5) 
and  its  snow  (je.lS.i  ()  .uc  mentioned,  as  also 
it$  wine  (Hos.14.7),  which  is  still  very  heady, 


LEBAOTH 

The  Babylonians,  and  the  Ass jTians  after  1400 
B.C.,  raided  the  Lebanon  [Amana],  and  took 
its  cedars  to  roof  their  temples,  as  did  Nebu- 
chadnezzar. These  invaders  followed  the 
shore  route  [Phenice]  at  the  foot  of  Lebanon, 
but  Nebuchadnezzar  has  left  inscriptions  not 
only  at  the  Dog  River,  but  also  at  Wddy 
Brissa,  on  the  E.  side  of  the  mountain  W.  of 
Riblah.  [c.r.c] 

Lebaoth'  (Jos. 15. 32).     [Beth-lebaoth.] 

Lebbaeus.     [Judas  of  James.] 

Lebonah',  a  place  named  in  Judg.2t.19 
only.  It  was  N.  of  Shiloh.  Now  el  Lubban, 
a  village  immediately  W.  of  the  "  high  way 
that  goeth  up  from  Bethel  to  Shechem," 
3  miles  N.W.  of  Seiliin.  [c.r.c] 

Lecah',  mentioned  in  the  genealogies  of 
Judah  (iChr.4.2i  only)  as  a  descendant  of 
Shelah.     Perhaps  it  is  a  place-name. 

Leeks.  The  Heb.  hdfir,  translated  leeks 
in  Num. 11. 5,  occurs  twenty  times  in  the  Heb. 
text.  It  properly  denotes  grass,  and  is  derived 
from  a  root  signifying  "to  be  green";  and  may 
therefore  stand  here  for  any  green  food,  lettuce, 
endive,  etc.,  as  Ludolf  and  Maillet  have  con- 
jectured. It  would  thus  be  equivalent  to  our 
use  of  the  term  "  greens  "  ;  yet  as  the  hdcir 
here  is  mentioned  with  onions  and  garlick, 
the  rendering  of  A.V.,  agreeing,  as  it  does,  with 
the  most  ancient  versions,  is  probably  correct. 
Another  very  ingenious  interpretation,  how- 
ever, ot  hdcir,  first  proposed  by  Hengsten- 
berg,  and  accepted  by  Dr.  Kitto  (Pictor.  Bible, 
Num. 11. 5),  adopts  a  more  literal  translation; 
for,  says  Dr.  Kitto,  "  it  is  mentioned  by  travel- 
lers [in  Egypt]  that  the  common  people  there 
eat  with  special  relish  a  kind  of  grass  similar  to 
clover."  This  is  the  Trigonella  foenum  grae- 
cum,  belonging  to  the  natiural  order  Legumin- 
osae,  a  plant  similar  to  clover,  but  with  more 
pointed  leaves  (Mayer).  The  botanical  name 
of  the  leek  is  Allium  porrum,  order  Liliaceae. 
With  regard  to  Egyptian  leeks  (Num. 11. 5), 
Pliny  says :  "  The  principale  leekes  be  in 
Aegypt  :  the  next  are  those  of  Ortia  and 
Aricia  "  (xix.  6,   Holland's  trans.). 

Lees.  The  Heb.  word  {sh<'mdrim)  is  used 
only  in  plur.  Its  root  means  "  to  be  dark,"  or 
"  tawny-coloured."  It  was  applied  to  "  lees  " 
from  the  custom  of  allowing  the  wine  to  stand 
on  the  lees,  that  its  colour  and  body  might 
be  better  preserved.  Hence  the  expression 
"  wine  on  the  lees,"  as  meaning  a  generous  full- 
bodied  liquor  (Is. 25. 6).  Before  the  wine  was 
consumed,  it  was  necessary  to  strain  it,  and 
such  wine  was  then  termed  "well  refined" 
(Is. 25. 6).  To  drink  the  lees,  or  "  dregs,"  was 
an  expression  for  the  endurance  of  extreme 
punishment  (Ps.75.8). 

Leg'ion,  the  great  unit  of  a  Roman  army, 
nominally  of  6,000  men — our  "  brigade."  In 
N.T.  only  figuratively  of  vast  and  irresistible 
numbers  (Mt. 26.53  ;  Mk.5.9  ;  Lu.8.30).    [h.s.] 

Lehabim',son  of  Mizraim  (Gen. 10. 13),  the 
Lebu  of  the  Egyptian  inscriptions,  the  Libyans 
of  classical  geography.  They  were  a  fair- 
skinned  people  with  light  hair  and  blue  eyes 
who  inhabited  the  N.  coast  of  Africa  W.  of 
Egypt.      [LUBIM.]  [a.h.s.] 

Le'hi  (=  jaw,  Judg.15. 9,14,19).  [Ramath- 
^ehi.] 

Lemuer,  the  namf-  of  an  unknown  king 


LEOPARD 


471 


to  whom  his  mother  addressed  the  prudential 
maxims  contained  in  Pr.3i.2-9.  Rabbinical 
commentators  identify  Lemuel  with  Solomon  ; 
most  modern  writers  (see  30. i,  R.V.  marg.) 
regard  him  as  "  king  of  Massa,"  in  Arabia,  and 
refer  to  Gen. 25. 14.     [Agur.]  [h.c.b.] 

Lentiles  (Heb.  'ddhdshim;  Gen. 25. 34  ; 
2Sam.l7.28,23.ii  ;  [and  Ezk.4.9).  There  are 
three  or  four  kinds  of  lentils  grown  in  the  S. 
of  Europe,  Asia,  and  N.  Africa.  The  red  len- 
til is  still  a  favourite  food  in  the  E.  It  is  a 
small  kind,  the  seeds  of  which,  after  being  de- 
corticated, are  commonly  sold  in  the  bazaars 
of  India.  The  modern  Arab,  name  is  identical 
with  the  Heb.     It  is  known  also  in  Egypt, 


Syria,  etc.,  by  the  name  'Adas.  Lentil  bread 
is  still  eaten  by  the  poor  of  Egypt.  Pliny 
mentions  pottage  of  lentils,  as  in  Gen. 25. 34. 
He  says,  "They  that  have  but  weake  and  bad 
stomackes,  use  verely  to  put  lentales  to 
thicken  their  pottage  and  gruels,  instead  of 
barley  groats,  and  find  thereby  much  ease  " 
(xxii.  25).  Lentils  were  cultivated  in  very  an- 
cient times,  but  their  original  home  is  unknown, 
as  are  also  the  meanings  of  the  Gk.  and  Lat. 
names  <t>aKbs  and  lens.  [Shammah,  3.]  [h.c.h.j 
Leopard  is  the  A.V.  translation  of  the  Heb 
ndrner,  which  occurs  in  Can. 4. 8;  Is. 11. 6;  Je 
5.6,13.23  ;  Dan.7.6 ;  Ho.13.7  ;  Hab.1.8.  Leopard 
occurs  also  in  Ecclus.28.23  and  in  Rev. 13. 2. 
That  ndmer,  which  (like  the  Indian  word  chita) 
means  spotted,  is  identical  with  the  Arab,  nimr 
(cheetah)  can  scarcely  be  doubted.  The 
leopard  is  still  to  be  met  with  in  the  Lebanoi, 
Gilead,  and  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  ranges 
from  Africa  through  Asia  Minor  and  Persia 
to  India  and  Central  Asia  ;  the  Persian,  and 
probably  Syrian,  race  being  a  rather  long-haired 
variety  known  as  Felis  pardus  panthera.  It 
is  probable,  however,  that  ndmer,  like  the 
Indian  chita,  includes  the  hunting-leopard 
{Cynaelurus  jubatus), which  is  a  distinct  species, 
with  nearly  as  wide  a  range  as  the  leopard.  It  is 
still  used  i)y  Arabs  in  Svria  ^qy  ,^a??)le-hunting, 


472 


LEPROSY 


Its  black  spots  are  solid,  instead  of  forming 
rosettes,  like  those  of  the  leopard.        [r.l.] 

Lepposy  {Elephantiasis  graecorum,  Lepra 
arabum).  The  Hcb.  word  fdra'ath,  translated 
by  the  Cik.  Xewpa  and  in  A.V.  by  leprosy,  refers 
in  every  instance,  except  where  it  is  applied  to 
garments  and  habitations,  to  one  or  other  of  the 
various  types  of  the  disease  called  in  mediaeval 
and  modern  times  leprosy.  The  erroneous  use 
of  the  Latin  lepra  by  some  ancient  writers,  who 
included  under  that  term  not  only  the  disease 
now  known  as  true  leprosy  but  also  some  other 
skin  diseases  having  no  relationship  to  true 
leprosy,  has  led  to  some  confusion  and  miscon- 
ception. There  is  no  attempt  in  Holy  Scripture 
to  give  a  minute  or  exhaustive  description 
of  the  disease,  but  in  Lev. 13, 14  there  are  set 
down  for  the  guidance  of  the  priests  and  the 
people  a  number  of  easily  observed  signs  by 
which  leprosy  in  its  early  stages  can  be  distin- 
guished from  other  diseases  more  or  less  like  it 
in  appearance.  The  fact  that  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  the  horrible  and  repugnant  lesions  com- 
monly associated  with  leprosy  has  led  to  the 
erroneous  belief  that  the  disease  here  spoken  of 
as  leprosy  is  not  the  same  as  is  now  known 
under  that  name.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  the  aim  was  to  segregate  the  leper  in  the 
earliest  stages,  long  before  the  grosser  lesions 
had  developed.  There  was  then,  and  still  is, 
some  difficulty  in  diagn(jsing  early  leprosy,  but 
scarcely  any  when  the  disease  has  become  ad- 
vanced ;  so  that  it  was  quite  unnecessary  to 
give  signs  by  which  the  leper  in  an  advanced 
stage  of  the  disease  could  be  recognized,  and 
so  throughout  the  Levitical  description  only 
the  early  signs  are  referred  to,  and  these  are 
placed  in  contrast  with  the  signs  of  other 
diseases  prevalent  amongst  the  Israelites,  but 
which,  being  of  a  non-contagious  character, 
did  not  require  the  segregation  or  isolation 
of  the  victim.  There  is  not  yet  unanimity 
of  opinion  as  to  how  the  disease  is  spread. 
In  modern  times  this  has  been  attributed  to 
direct  contact,  inoculation,  bad  food,  heredity, 
bad  sanitation  and  hygienic  surroundings,  and 
to  the  action  of  such  body-parasites  as  bugs, 
fleas,  or  lice  carrying  the  germs  of  the  dis- 
ease from  the  sick  to  the  sound.  Probably 
a  combination  of  several  of  these  may  be 
necessary  for  an  effective  transmission  of  the 
disease.  In  this  connexion  it  is  interesting  to 
note  the  lamentable  state  of  misery  to  which 
the  Israelites  were  reduced  during  their  period 
of  bondage  to  the  Egyptians.  This  is  fully 
portrayed  in  the  early  chapters  of  Exodus. 
So  prolific  had  they  been  that  in  numbers  they 
exceeded  the  Egyptians  themselves  (I.7-9). 
That  they  were  badly  fed  and  their  habitati<ins 
overcrowded  and  insanitary  may  be  taken  as 
certain,  and  the  flies  and  lice  (K.V.  fleas) 
spoken  of  asamongst  the  plagues  are  significant 
in  the  light  of  modern  theories.  Nothing  is 
revealed  as  to  whether  the  disease  prevailed 
amongst  the  Israelites  while  they  were  in 
Egypt,  but  the  fact  that  they  had  been  so 
prfilific  would  tend  to  the  belief  that  it  was  not 
very  prevalent,  as  it  is  generally  believed  that 
lepers  are  not  prolific  in  propagating  the 
species.  It  seems  more  probable  that,  having 
bcf  onie  infected  by  the  leprosy  germs  while 
gtill  in  Egypt,  and  the  incubation  being  n.otably 


LEPROSY 

long,  the  disease  became  prevalent  amongst 
them  during  their  wilderness  journey,  when  the 
powers  of  resistance  of  their  bodies  had  become 
still  further  weakened  by  the  hardships  en- 
dured. That  the  disease  became  prevalent 
amongst  them  is  iirc)ved  by  the  importance 
given  to  leprosyin  the  ritual  as  given  in  Lev. 13, 
14.  The  chief  signs  by  which  the  priest  was  to 
suspect  or  recognize  leprosy  were  :  a  bright  spot 
or  rising  in  the  skin,  the  macula  of  modern 
terminology ;  the  hair  on  this  spot  turned  white, 
the  lesion  being  deeper  than  the  skin,  that  is  to 
say,  not  merely  superficial.  The  spot  might 
have  a  scaly  or  roughened  appearance,  and 
tended  to  spread.  These  signs  are  all  in  keep- 
ing with  what  is  observed  in  the  earlier  stages 
of  the  disease  at  the  present  time.  At  a  later, 
though  still  early,  stage,  the  bright  spot  be- 
comes paler,  and  is  described  as  a  white  rising 
(13. 10)  and  in  reality  it  becomes  paler  than  the 
surrounding  skin.  This  whiteness  is  still  more 
apparent  from  the  fact  that  it  does  not  sweat 
as  the  sound  skin  does,  and  so  dust  and  dirt  do 
not  adhere  to  it.  In  tropical  countries  people, 
like  muleteers,  who  are  accustomed  to  travel 
over  dusty  roads  with  the  naked  skin  exposed 
to  the  heat  and  dust,  frequently  observe  these 
white  spots  on  their  bodies  as  the  first  sign  of 
leprosy.  At  a  later  stage  still  the  skin  over 
the  white  rising  breaks  down  and  an  ulcer  is 
formed.  This  was  strong  evidence  for  the 
priest  as  to  the  true  leprous  nature  of  the 
disease.  There  was  no  need  for  isolation  for 
observation  (ver.  11)  ;  he  was  to  be  put  away 
at  once  as  unclean.  As  the  disease  progresses 
fresh  bright  spots  appear,  the  older  ones  pass- 
ing on  to  the  whitened  and  ulcerating  stages. 
So  that  it  is  not  usual  to  find  a  leper  covered  all 
over  with  the  whitened  spots  alone.  A  condi- 
tion of  the  skin  known  as  vitiligo  or  leucoderma 
is  that  which  most  simulates  the  whitened 
spots  in  leprosy.  This  condition  is  much 
feared  in  countries  where  leprosy  is  endemic, 
and  is  often  considered  a  form  of  that  ■disease. 
It  is,  however,  entirely  distinct  from  it.  In 
vitiligo  the  white  patches  which  are  at  first 
discrete,  coalesce  and  frequently  become  so 
extensive  as  to  involve  by  far  the  greater  part 
of  the  skin.  The  newest  and  the  oldest  patches 
have  exactly  the  same  appearance,  and  there  is 
no  swelling,  ulceration,  or  scabbing.  The  skin 
remains,  in  appearance  and  functionally,  nor- 
mal except  for  the  (lisa|)|icarance  of  the  pig- 
ment. When  the  priest  satisfied  himself  that 
the  whiteness  was  becoming  generalized  over 
the  whole  body,  he  pronounced  the  man  clean, 
and  no  isolation  or  ceremonial  cleansing  was 
required  (ver.  13).  Though  leprosy  is  rightly 
considered  an  almost  incurable  disease,  yet  it 
does,  though  very  rarely,  become  completely 
cured.  The  sores  heal  uj)  and  remain  soundly 
healed,  the  ])erson  ultimately  dying  from  some 
other  cause.  This  is  what  is  referred  to  in  vv. 
16  and  17.  Amongst  the  causes  of  the  spread 
of  leprosy  inoculation  was  mentioned.  That 
the  germ  of  leprosy  can  be  inoculated  is  gener- 
ally believed,  and  cases  have  been  recorded 
where  a  simple  sore  or  ulcer  was  most  probably 
the  portal  of  entrance.  The  sore  heals  up,  but 
at  a  later  period  (the  incubation  of  leprosy 
being  usually  very  jirolonged,  even  to  months 
or  years)  signs  of  le^irosy  appear  in  the  old 


LEPROSY 


LEVIATHAN 


473 


scar.  This  is  what  is  referred  to  in  vv.  18-23. 
In  certain  forms  of  acute  leprous  infection  the 
early  local  manifestations  are  of  a  more  intense 
nature  as  regards  the  redness,  sense  of  burning 
pain,  rapidity  of  spreading,  and  of  breaking 
down  into  ulcers.  In  ver.  24  we  have  this 
condition  referred  to  and  the  signs  by  which 
it  is  to  be  distinguished  from  such  conditions 
as  acute  erythema  or  erysipelas.  Baldness, 
either  general  or  in  patches,  or  that  produced, 
as  we  now  know,  by  parasitic  diseases,  was  to 
be  distinguished  from  the  loss  of  hair  that  is 
one  of  the  characteristics  of  true  leprosy.  The 
indications  for  this  are  given  in  vv.  29-37.  From 
the  remainder  of  ch.  13  and  the  latter  part  of  ch. 
14,  where  the  leprosy  of  garments  and  habita- 
tions is  referred  to,  it  is  evident  that  the  Heb. 
word  translated  "  leprosy"  had  a  wider  signifi- 
cation than  it  has  now.  There  is  no  evidence 
to  show  conclusively  what  was  the  nature  of 
the  leprosy  of  garments  and  habitations,  but  it 
seems  reasonable  to  assume  that  some  form  of 
fungus  or  other  parasite  attacked  these  things 
and  led  to  their  destruction  in  a  manner  soms- 
what  analogous  to  the  destruction  wrought 
by  true  leprosy  in  man.  The  "  dry  rot  "  may 
be  something  akin  to  this,  as  it  also  requires  to 
be  dealt  with  in  a  very  radical  way  to  prevent 
spreading  and  for  its  effectual  extirpation. 
From  what  has  been  said  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  a  careful  study  of  these  chapters  must  lead 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  leprosy  of  the  time 
of  Moses  was  essentially  the  same  disease  as 
theleprosyof  to-day,  andthe  fact  that  reference 
is  made  only  to  the  earlier  signs  of  the  disease 
must  not  be  taken  to  prove  that  the  severer 
forms  did  not  exist.  Perhaps  the  most  signi- 
ficant sign  of  early  leprosy  that  is  not  clearly 
referred  to  is  the  loss  of  sensation  in  the  skin  of 
the  affected  area.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for 
this,  but  it  is  to  be  remembered  that,  amongst 
the  class  of  people  most  prone  to  leprous  infec- 
tion, the  loss  of  sensation  over  a  limited  area 
may  not  be  observed  in  the  very  early  stages 
until  their  attention  is  called  to  it.  Objective 
signs  are  much  more  easily  observed  and  given 
greater  significance  than  those  that  are  sub- 
jective. In  the  case  of  Uzziah  (2Chr.26. 19-21) 
we  have  a  clear  reference  to  a  well-known  type 
of  leprosy  in  one  of  its  favourite  seats,  namely 
the  forehead.  Just  above  the  eyebrows  a 
number  of  reddish  nodules  appear,  and  pro- 
claim to  others  the  secret  which  the  leper  may 
have  kept  for  a  long  time  by  the  help  of  his 
garments  which  covered  the  affected  parts. 
As  in  the  case  of  Uzziah,  any  great  excitement 
or  violent  exertion  intensifies  the  redness  and 
makes  the  nodules  more  apparent.  In  none 
of  the  other  cases  of  leprosy  mentioned  in  O. 
or  N.T.  is  there  any  sign  or  symptom  character- 
istic of  leprosy  mentioned.  In  the  miraculous 
sign  given  by  the  Lord  to  Moses  (Ex. 4. 6,7)  it  is 
not  distinctly  stated  whether  true  leprosy  is 
referred  to  or  whether  it  was  a  condition  simu- 
lating in  an  exaggerated  degree — "  white  as 
snow  " — the  whitened  patches  of  true  leprosy. 
To  those  who  have  seen  the  terrible  mutila- 
tions and  disfigurements  wrought  by  leprosy 
and  the  horrible  conditions  in  which  lepers 
mostly  exist,  there  is  a  peculiar  aptness  in  the 
use  commonly  made  of  leprosy  as  a  type  of  sin. 
The  ceremonial  cleansing  of  the  leper  {Lev.l4) 


was  in  no  sense  part  of  the  treatment  of  the 
leper.  It  was  when  the  leper  thought  himself 
healed  that  he  showed  himself  to  the  priest. 
The  priest,  guided  by  the  rules  laid  down  in 
ch.  13,  pronounced  him  healed  or  not  as  the 
case  might  be.  If  he  was  found  to  have  been 
healed,  then  the  prescribed  cermonial  had  to 
be  gone  through  before  he  could  be  received 
back  into  the  camp.  In  this  ceremonial  cleans- 
ing, the  shedding  of  blood  plays  the  important 
part,  thus  typifying  the  shedding  of  the  blood 
of  Christ  for  the  cleansing  of  the  sinner  (Heb. 9. 
22ff.).  [Medicine;  Uncleanness.]    [w.l.s.] 

Le'shem,  a  variation  of  the  name  Laish, 
afterwards  Dan  (Jos. 19. 47  only). 

Letter.     [Writing  ;  Epistle.] 

Lett'us  (iEsd.8.29)  =  Hattush,  i. 

Letushim',  the  name  of  the  second  of  the 
sonsof  Dedan,  Gen. 25. 3  (and  iChr.l.32,  Vulg.). 
Fresnel  identifies  it  with  Tasm,  one  of  the 
ancient  and  extinct  tribes  of  Arabia. 

Leummiin'  (plur.  form),  descendants  of 
Abraham  and  Keturah  through  Dedan,  son  of 
Jokshan  (Gen. 25. 3).  A  similar  name  has  been 
found  in  a  Sabean  inscription.  In  Heb.  the 
word  would  mean  peoples,  and  not  be  neces- 
sarily a  proper  name  at  all.  [f-J-f.-j.] 

Levi,  explained  in  Gen. 29. 34  as  if  from 
Idwd,  "to  be  joined  "  ;  perhaps  "a  band." — 1. 
The  third  son  of  J  acob  by  Leah.  The  newborn 
child  was  to  be  a  fresh  link  between  his  parents. 
Levi  appears  prominently  only  in  34,  as  aveng- 
ing, with  Simeon,  the  wrong  done  by  Shechem 
to  their  own  sister  Dinah.  Itis  noteworthy  that 
Simeon,  Levi's  partner  in  this,  as  in  Jacob's 
blessing  (49-5),  is  a  prominent  agent  in  the 
plots  against  Joseph.  Levi  goes  down  to 
Egypt(46.8, 11),  withhis  sons  Gershon,  Kohath, 
and  Merari.  [Levites.] — 2,  3.  Two  ancestors 
of  Christ(Lu.3.24,29). — 4.  Mk.2.14  ;  Lu. 5. 27,29. 
[Matthew.]  [j.a.d.] 

Leviathan'  (levydthdn)  occurs  in  four 
passagesof  A.V.  (Job41.i ;  Ps.74. 14,104.26  ;  Is. 
27.1),  and  once  in  the  margin  of  Job  3.8,  where 
the  text  has  "mourning."  In  Job 3.8  the 
crocodile  is  clearly  denoted,  while  the  detailed 
description  in  Job 41  indisputably  belongs  to 
the  timsah,  or  Egyptian  crocodile  (Crocodilus 
niloticus),  which    is    found   in    the    Crocodile 


NILE  CROCODILE  {Crocodilus  nolotiats). 

River  S.W.  of  Carmel,  as  well  as  in  Egypt, 
and  is  the  animal  denoted  by  leviathan  in 
Ps.74. 14.  On  the  other  hand,  the  context  of 
Ps.104.26  seems  to  show  that  here  the  name  re- 
presents a  member  of  the  whale  tribe  [Whale]  ; 


474 


LEVIRATE  liAW 


but  there  has  been  some  uncertainty  with 
regard  to  the  leviathan  of  Is.27.i,  and  it  has 
been  suggested  that  it  is  one  of  the  African 
rock-snakes,  or  pythons,  such  as  Python 
sebae,  which,  although  now  restricted  to 
Central  and  S.  Africa,  is  represented  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments.  Certainly  such  a 
creature  suits  the  expression  "  crooked  "  or 
"  piercing  serpent  "  much  better  than  does 
the  crocodile  ;  but  the  fact  that  no  python 
is  found  in  Syria  may  be  urged  against  this. 
Possibly  crocodiles  may  have  inhabited  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates  in  Biblical  times  ;  and 
the  word  tannin,  translated  in  A.V.  "  dragon," 
certainly  seems  to  refer  in  some  cases  to  these 
reptiles,  especially  as  typifying  the  power  of 
Egypt.     [Dragon.]  [r.l.] 

Levipate  law  (Lat.  Levir,  "  brother-in- 
law  ").  Under  this  name  is  commonly  known 
the  regulation  of  Deut.25.5,  "  If  brethren 
dwell  together,  and  one  of  them  die,  and  have 
no  child,  the  wife  of  the  dead  shall  not  marry 
without  unto  a  stranger  :  her  husband's 
brother  shall  go  in  unto  her.  and  take  her  t<>  him 
t<}  wife,  and  perform  the  duty  of  a  husband's 
brother  unto  her."  Under  any  other  circurn- 
stances  the  marriage  of  a  man  with  his  brother's 
wife  was  strictly  barred  :  "  Thou  shalt  not 
uncover  the  nakedness  of  thy  brother's  wife  : 
it  is  thv  brother's  nakedness"  (Lev.l8.i6). 
The  bar'is  thus  stated  to  be  the  natural  bar  of 
near  affinity.  A  definite  penalty  is  assigned  or 
foretold  in  the  event  of  disobedience — "  they 
shall  be  childless  "  (20.21 ).  It  appears  there- 
fore that  the  levirate  law  sanctions  an  excep- 
tion to  a  general  rule  which  is  regarded  as 
based  on  the  law  of  nature,  and  is  ordinarily 
protected  by  penalty.  It  further  appears  that 
the  custom  was  not' introduced  by  the  legisla- 
tion of  Deuteronomy.  In  the  case  of  Tamar 
(Gen. 38),  the  wife  of  Er,  the  custom  required 
Onan,  as  the  next  brother,  to  raise  up  seed  to 
Er.  This  he  declined  to  do,  because  he  "  knew 
that  the  seed  should  not  be  his."  After  the 
death  of  Onan,  which  is  stated  to  have  been 
the  result  of  the  divine  displeasure,  Judah 
told  Tamar  to  remain  a  widow  at  her  father's 
house  till  Shelah,  his  next  son,  should  be 
grown.  The  narrative  thus  shows  the  levirate 
custom  as  in  binding  force  before  the  Egyptian 
sojourn,  and  apparently  as  more  binding  at  the 
earlier  than  at  the  later  period.  The  law  of 
Deuteronomy  permits  the  brother  or  next-of- 
kin  to  decline  the  union  in  the  presence  of 
judges  if  he  is  prepared  to  go  through  the 
ordeal  (i)  of  being  spit  upon,  (2)  of  having  his 
shoes  loosed  by  the  widow,  and  also  (3)  of 
being  named  in  Israel  the  "  unshod  "  (Deut. 
25.5,10).  Crave  as  the  resulting  disgrace 
would  be,  it  was  still  not  so  grave  but  that  a 
person  who  was  strongly  indisposed  to  effect 
the  union  would  dare  to  encounter  it.  In  the 
case  of  Tamar  it  does  not  appear  that  Onan 
had  any  right  at  all  to  decline  the  union,  and 
it  seems  to  be  imi)lied  that  when  Onan  was 
dead,  Judah  was  boimd  to  raise  up  seed  to  Er, 
if  not  bv  Shelah,  then  in  his  own  person.  It 
appears  then  that  the  law  of  Deuteronomy 
modifies  and  relaxes  an  obligation  which  had 
been  stricter  at  an  earlier  ])eriod.  F"or  the 
proper  understanding  of  the  levirate  law  it  is 
necessary  (o  notice  that  the  custoni  has  pre- 


L.EVITES,  THE 

vailed  widely  outside  the  Hebrew  limits.  In 
the  laws  of  Manu,  the  great  legal  code  of 
ancient  India,  we  find  the  custom  at  much  the 
same  stage  as  in  the  Pentateuch.  The  obliga- 
tion of  taking  the  widow  of  a  deceased  brother 
is  laid  down  ;  but,  as  among  the  Hebrews,  only 
where  the  deceased  has  left  no  son.  The  object 
is  stated  to  be  the  raising  up  of  issue  to  the 
deceased  brother.  The  custom  of  the  levirate 
is  said  to  exist  in  the  present  day  amongst  the 
South  African  tribes,  amongst  the  Arabians, 
amongst  the  Druzes.  and  amongst  the  tribes 
of  the  Caucasus.  So  widespread  a  custom 
points  to  some  cause  of  general  application. 
That  cause  may  not  necessarily  be  the  raising 
up  of  issue  to  the  deceased.  Some  writers 
find  the  origin  of  the  custom  in  the  practice  of 
polyandry,  once  widely  spread.  In  the  more 
limited  form  of  polyandry  as  practised,  e.g., 
in  Ladak,  the  brothers  of  a  family  have  one 
wife  among  them.  On  the  death  of  the  eldest 
brother  in  Ladak,  his  property,  authority,  and 
widow  devolve  upon  his  next  brother.  Here 
there  is  not  yet  any  purpose  of  raising  issue 
to  the  deceased.  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer,  de- 
clining the  polyandry  theory,  regarded  the 
custom  as  a  form  of  the  inheritance  of  chattels. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the 
j  custom,  certain  things  are  clear,  (i)  The 
i  custom  involves  a  union  of  near  kin,  which 
under  other  circumstances  is  regarded  as  in- 
herently sinful  ;  (2)  it  was  not  originated  by 
the  legislation  of  Deuteronomy,  but  was  in 
force  centuries  before  that  legislation  ;  (3)  it 
was  not  confined  to  the  Hebrew  people,  but 
was  practised  in  various  other  countries,  often 
under  circumstances  pointing  to  great  moral 
laxity  ;  (4)  it  was  at  no  time  permitted  to  the 
Hebrews,  except  for  the  continuance  of  fami- 
lies ;  (5)  its  compulsory  character  is  taken 
away  by  the  code  of  Deuteronomy,  which 
simply  visits  non-compliance  with  the  penalty 
of  a  marked  discredit.  It  is  reasonable  to 
infer  that  the  levirate  custom,  like  polygamy 
and  divorce,  was  a  custom  not  devoid  of  a  sin- 
ful character,  but  suffered  awhile  in  a  fallen 
race  for  the  hardness  of  men's  hearts,  and  that 
the  legislation  of  Deuteronomy  was  in  the 
direction  of  restraint  and  not  in  that  of  en- 
couragement. [Familv  ;  CrOEL.]  Redslob, 
Die  Leviratechc  bei  den  Hebrdern  (1836)  ; 
J.  F.  McLennan,  Primitive  Marriage,  also  art. 
"The  Levirate  and  Polyandry  "  in  Fortnightly 
Review,  1S77,  p.  604  ;  H.  Spencer,  Princi- 
ples of  Sociolngv  (1S85),  §302  ;  Watkins,  Holy 
.Matrimony  (1895).  [o.d.w.] 

Levis',  a  corruption  of  "  the  Levite  "  (see 
Ezr.lO.15),  given  as  a  proper  name  iniEsd.9.14. 

Levltes,  The,  appear  first  as  one  of  the 
twelve  tribes,  and  then  as  a  special  priestly  tribe 
in  Israel ;  and  it  is  not  very  clear  how  the  transi- 
tion from  a  merely  tribal  to  an  official  status 
took  place.  It  would  appear  from  Cien.34  that, 
in  conjunction  with  the  kindred  tribe  or  family 
of  Simeon  (for  vv.  2 iff., 30,  show  that  we  have 
here  to  deal  not  with  mere  individuals),  they 
committed  an  act  of  treachery  and  cruelty  on 
the  people  of  Shechem,  in  whicli  the  other 
tribes  did  not  participate,  but  which  they  se- 
verely reprobated.  In  consequence  of  this  they 
were  so  seriously  diminished  in  numbers  that 
they  failed  to  obtain  a  territorial  possession, 


LEVITES,  THE 

like  the  other  tribes,   Simeon  alone  receiving 
a  portion  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,    whUe  Levi 
was  dispersed  throughout  the  land  (Gen. 49. 5-7). 
At   the  early  occupation  of    Canaan,   neither 
Simeon  nor  Levi  is  mentioned  among  the  fight- 
ing tribes  in  the  song  of  Deborah  (Judg.5),  and 
we   find   the   Levites    already   regarded   as   a 
priestly  class  (Judg.17,18)  ;  so  that  we  natu- 
rally look  to  the  time  of  the  sojourn  in  Egypt 
(see  iSam.2.27ff. )  or  the  wilderness  period  for 
the  transition  to  this  dignity.     It  is  to  be  noted 
that  Moses  himself  was  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  and 
Aaron  his   brother  is   in  Ex.4. 14  called  "  the 
Levite,"  showing  the  beginning  of  an  official 
name.     It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  in  the 
struggle  with  Egypt  which  preceded  the  Exo- 
dus his  own  tribe   would  rally  round  the  na- 
tional leader,  and  that  in  arranging  for  the 
worship  of  the  people,  Moses  should  select  his 
own   tribe   for   the   performance   of  religious 
duties.     On   the  occasion  of    the   sin   of  the 
golden  calf,  when  Moses  said,  "  Who  is  on  the 
Lord's  side  ?  "    we  read  that  "  all  the  sons  of 
Levi  gathered  themselves  together  unto  him. 
And  he  said  unto  them,  .  .  .  Put  every  man  his 
sword  upon  his  thigh  and  go  to  and  fro  from 
gate  to  gate  throughout  the  camp,  and  slay 
every  man  his  brother,  and  every  man  his  com- 
panion, and  every  man  his  neighbour.     And 
the  sons  of  Levi  did  according  to  the  word  of 
Moses  "  (Ex. 32. 26-28).     To  this  very  probably 
reference  is  made  in  the  blessing  of  Moses  on  the 
tribe  "  who  said  of  his  father  and  of  his  mother, 
I  have  not  seen  him,  neither  did  he  acknow- 
ledge his  brethren  nor  knew  he  his  own  chil- 
dren "  (Deut.33.9).     The  separation  of  Levi  to 
be  a  priestly  tribe  is  thus  ascribed  to  Moses, 
and  the  duties  of  the  tribe  are  briefly  stated  in 
the  passage  last  quoted — to  consult  the   Lord 
by  Urim  and  Thummim,  to  teach  the  people 
the  law,  and  to  offer  incense  and  burnt-offering 
on  the  Lord's  altar.     The  picture  which  is  pre- 
sented of  the  Levites  immediately  after  the 
occupation  of  Canaan  is  characteristic  of  that 
rude  and  unsettled  age.     They  seem  to  have 
no  fixed  territory  (Judg.lT.g),  though  probably 
many  of  them  were  sojourners  in  Judah  (17.7, 
19.1).  They  are  recognized  as  peculiarly  qualified 
to  take  charge  of  a  local  sanctuary  (17. 10-13, 
18. 18-20)  and  to  consult  the  deity  by  means  of 
the  lot  (18. 5).     Although,  according  to  the  old 
patriarchal  practice,  the  head  of  a  family  or 
other  layman  might  offer  sacrifice  as  occasion 
required,  where  there  was  a  sanctuary  it  was 
considered  desirable  to  have  a  Levite  for  a  priest 
(17. 13),  and  no  doubt  many  of  the  Levites  be- 
came priests  of  those  places  which  the  Israelites 
adopted  on  their  possession  of  the  land.     Yet 
we  are  not  to  forget  that  at  the  sanctuary  of 
Shiloh  there  was  a  hereditary  priesthood  and 
the  observance  of  a  formal  ritual  (iSam.l.3 
etc.).     Not,  however,  till  the  erection  of  the 
temple  would  there  be  full  opportunity  for  the 
Levites  to  exercise  their  functions  in  an  or- 
ganized and  systematic  manner.     What  these 
functions   were   we    learn    from    the    priestly 
legislation  of  the  Pentateuch,  in  which  their 
ideal  position  and  appointment  are  described 
at  length.     In  the  view  of  the  legislator  the 
whole  of  Israel  is  a  "  kingdom  of  priests  and  an 
holy  nation  "  (Ex. 19. 6),  and  every  firstborn  is 
claimed,  by  the  Lord  (13.2),     Instead  of  the 


LEVITES,  THE 


475 


firstborn,  however,  the  tribe  of  Levi  is  accepted 
(Num.3. 12, 41),    the    whole    tribe    thus    being 
priestly.     Within  the  tribe,  again,  a  distinction 
is  drawn  between  the  ordinary   Levite     and 
those  of  the  family  of  Aaron,  who  are  consti- 
tuted a  hereditary  priestly  family  to  perform 
the  specific  priestly  duties  about  the  altar  and 
theholyplace  (Ex. 28. 1,30.7,8,20;  Lev.l.5,  etc., 
24.8  ;  Num.6.17,16.46).     The  ordinary  Levites, 
on  the  other  hand,  are  "  given  unto  Aaron  and 
to  his  sons  "  (Num.3.9),  i-^-  they  serve  as  minis- 
ters to  the  priest,   "  to  do  the  service  of  the 
tabernacle  "    (3.7,8.5-13),    the    service    being 
divided  among  the  three  branches  of  the  tribe, 
the    Kohathites,    the    Gershonites,     and    the 
Merarites  (4.4-16,22-28,29-33).     They  acted  as 
guards  of  the  sacred  tent  (1.51-53,18.22,23). 
They  might  not  sacrifice  nor  burn  incense  nor 
see  the  "  holy  things  "  till  they  were  covered 
(4.5,15,19).     Their  duties  are  somewhat  gene- 
rally   described  as   "  keeping  the  charge  "  of 
the  tabernacle  and  its  vessels  (I.53)  or  "  doing 
work"  about  the  tabernacle  (3.7,8).     To  com- 
pensate for  the  want  of  territory  the  legislation 
allows  the  Levites  a  tithe  (18.2i,24ff.),   from 
which  they  give  a  tithe  to  the  priests,  and  48 
cities  with  suburbs  are  assigned  to  them  in 
various    parts   of    the  land   (35.iff. ;   Jos.21). 
To  what  extent  an  ideal  like  this  was  carried 
out  on  the  occupation  of  Canaan  is  not  made 
very  clear.     The  situation  depicted  in  the  book 
of  Judges,  the  long  period  that  elapsed  before 
the  temple  was  erected,  the  schism  of  the  tribes 
with  all  the  irregularities  that  followed,  would 
lead  us  to  conclude  that  many  things  contem- 
plated by  the  legislator  could  not  be  carried 
out,  or  that  they  would  be  gradually  carried 
out  under  modified  conditions.     Of  the  actual 
exercise  by  the  Levites  of  the  functions  de- 
scribed, or  functions  corresponding  to  them  in 
the  service  of  the  temple,  the  books  of  SaVnuel 
and  Kings,  which  cover  the  period  of  the  mon- 
archy,  tell    us  nothing,   for    the   Levites  are 
only  incidentally  mentioned  four  times  therein 
(iSam.6.15  ;   2Sam.i5.24  ;    iK. 8. 4,12.31),    and 
the  first  mention  of  them  in  the  prophetical 
books  occurs    in  Je.33.i7ff.     We    must    not, 
however,  from  this  silence,  conclude  that  there 
was  no  priestly  Levitical  tribe,  or  that  a  dis- 
tinction did  not  exist  between  various  parts  of 
the  tribe,  for  the  priestly  class  is  frequently 
mentioned,   and  a  gradation  in  rank  of  some 
kind  is  taken  for  granted.     There  was  already 
a  hereditary  priesthood  in  Shiloh  (i Sam. 2. 11, 
12) ;  and  at  the  temple  the  multifarious  duties 
connected  with  the  ritual  demanded  a  large 
number  of  officials,  among  whom  there  must 
have  been  order  and  gradation,  according  to  the 
services  to  be  performed.     Thus  we  read  of  a 
"headpriest"  and  a  "  second  priest "  (2K.25.i8; 
cf.  Ezr.7.5;  Je.29.25, 52.24);  a  "high  priest" 
and  "priests  of  the  second  order"  (2K.I2.10, 
22.4,8,23.4).     There  are  also  "keepers  of  the 
threshold  "     (E.V.     door)     mentioned     along 
with    these    priests     (12.9,25. 18  ;     Je. 52.24). 
Though,  therefore,  the  historical  books  specially 
so  called  do  not  draw  a  distinction  between 
priests  and  Levites — for  they  had  little  occa- 
sion to  enter  into  matters  of  ritual — they  are 
not  inconsistent  with  such  a  distinction,  and 
leave  room  for  supposing  it  to  exist.    Deutero- 
nomy, which  contemplates  the  worship  of  a 


476 


LEVITES,  THE 


central  sanctuary,  '"  is  far  from  giving  a  com- 
plete picture  of  the  existing  priestly  relations 
or  of  those  to  be  established"  (Baudissin),  and 
we  cannot  with  certainty  fill  up  the  gaps  left  in 
its  arrangements.     It  seems  to  make  no  dis- 
tinction between  priests  and  Levites,  in  speak- 
ing constantly  of  "the  priests  the  Levites,"  a 
natural  enough  expression  in  a  code  which  is 
not  a  priests'  handbook  ;    but  though  every 
priest  is  a  Levite,  it  does  not  follow  that  every 
Levite  is  a  priest.     And  it  is  not  correct  to  say 
that  Deuteronomy  knows  no  priests  but  those 
officiating  at  the  central  sanctuary  ;  for  it  pro- 
vides (Deut.21.5)  that  priests  are  to  take  part 
in  the  atoning  ceremony  for  a  murder  com- 
mitted in  any  of  the  cities  of  Israel,  and  the 
treatment  of  leprosy  is  put  into  their  hands 
(24.8).     So   "  a   priest  "    or    "  the   priest  "    is 
mentioned  (10.6,17.12,26.3)  in  such  a  way  as 
to   imply   special   distinction.     On   the   other 
hand,  the  Levite  is  repeatedly  mentioned  as 
an    object   of  special   charity   (12. 12, 18, I*. 27, 
29.16.11.14,26.11,12).     And    when    it    is    or- 
dained that,  if  a  Levite  come  from  any  part  of 
the  country  and  desire  to  take  his  share  of  the 
service  of  the  sanctuary,  he  is  to  be  treated  like 
his  brethren,  this  does  not  necessarily  mean  that 
every  Levite  is  a  priest ;  it  may  simply  mean 
that  he  is  to  take  the  status,  whether  of  priest 
or  Levite,  that  belongs .t(j  him  by  birth.    In  the 
account  of  Josiah's  reformation  given  in  2K. 
22.23.  there  is  no  mention  of  Le\ites,  though 
the  idolatrous  priests  (k''marim,  23.5)  an<i  the 
priests  of  the  high-places  are  mentioned  (23.8,9, 
20).     On  the  other  hand,  Hzckiel.  living  in  the 
exile,  when  he  sets  himself  to  draw  out  a  scheme 
for  the  worship  of  the  future  temple,  shows,  as 
might  be  expected  from  a  priest-prophet,   a 
familiarity  with  the  various  details  of  the  ritual 
of  the  i)re-I"xilian  temple  (Ezk. 42. 13, 44. 29-31, 
45.17,46.20),   and  knows  also   the  distinction 
of  priests  and  Levites  (40. 46, 44. 10-16, 45. 4, 5). 
Although  Kzekiel  strictly  confines  the  priest- 
hood proper  to  the  family  of  Zadok,  in  whose 
line  the  high-priesthood  had  been  vested  since 
the  time  of  Solomon,  and  degrades  the  "  Le- 
vites that  are  gone  away  from  Me,  when  Israel 
went  astray  .  .  .  after  their  idols  "  (44. 10),  i.e. 
those  who  had  acted  as  priests  at  the  high- 
places,  making  tliem  for  the  future  "keepers  of 
the  charge  of   tiie  house"    (44.14),   "his  lan- 
guage," says  Haudissin,  "  by  no  means  excludes 
or  even   renders  improbable   the  suppositinn 
that  in  the  iire-lixilian  temple  there  were  other 
Levites  besides  these,  or  that  there  were,  be- 
sides the  foreign  temple-slaves,  other  temple- 
servants,  not  called  Levites,  or  priests  of  the 
second  rank  side  by  side  with  the  priests  pro- 
per, i.e.  the  Zadokitcs."     Lzekiel's  whole  man- 
ner of  treatment  of  the  ritual  service  suggests, 
not  that  he  is  excogitating  something  entirely 
new,  but  tliat  he  is  intent  on  reorganizing  and 
improving  what  had  already  existed.     And  we 
require,  in  fact,  to  postulate  a  very  consider- 
able development  and  organization  in  the  Levi- 
tical  tribe  before  tiie  Lxile,  in  order  to  account 
for  the  condition  of  things  which  confronts  us 
at  the  Return.    I-'or,  when  V./.va  and  Nehemiaii 
set  about  the  arrangement  of  the  new  temple 
service,  we  find  not  only  Levites  sharjily  dis- 
tinguished  from   priests  (lizr. 8.2,15-18  :  Ne.7. 
39i43ill. 10,15),  but  other  grades   of   temple- 


LEVITES,  THE 

officials  (Ezr.lO.23,24 ;  cf.  Ne.7. 73)  exercising 
functions  which  they  could  not  have  learned 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Exile,  and  suggesting  a 
considerable  activity  and  development  in  the 
pre-Exilian  period.  It  is  very  remarkable  that 
in  the  Pentateuch  there  is  no  prescription  or 
mention  of  musical  service,  which  is  so  con- 
spicuous apart  of  the  ritual  of  the  second  tem- 
ple (Ezr.7.7;  Ne.7.44ff.).  On  the  other  hand, 
the  "  keepers  of  the  threshold,"  officials  of 
pre-Exilian  time  (2 K. 12. g, 22.4).  arc  not  men- 
tioned in  the  second  temple.  It  is  noticeable 
that,  though  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
show  that  the  distinction  between  priests  and 
Levites  was  well  known,  the  book  of  Malachi, 
which  belongs  to  the  period  of  the  Return, 
makes  no  such  distinction  (.Mai. 2. 1,4,8)  al- 
though by  that  time  the  distinction  was  well 
marked.  From  all  this  it  is  reasonable  to 
conclude  that  a  distinction  and  gradation  had 
existed  all  along.  The  whole  Levitical  tribe 
would  rise  or  fall  in  estimation  and  importance 
according  as  the  worship  of  the  temple  was  ob- 
served in  greater  or  less  purity  under  the  differ- 
ent kings.  The  specific  distinctions  between 
priests  and  Levites  were  of  greater  concern  to 
these  officials  themselves  than  to  the  ordinary 
state  historians  or  to  the  mass  of  the  people ; 
and  we  learn  incidentally  (Ne.7. 64)  how  punc- 
tilious they  were  as  to  the  preservation  of  their 
genealogies.  But  after  the  Restoration,  when 
the  glory  of  the  monarchy  had  departed,  the 
temple,  round  which  gathered  the  national 
hopes,  obtained,  even  for  the  mass  of  the 
people,  an  interest  and  pre-eminence  it  had  not 
possessed  before,  .\ccordingly  the  Chronicler, 
writing  at  a  time  when  the  organized  worship 
of  the  second  temple  was  in  operation,  and  liv- 
ing in  an  atmosphere  of  priestly  tradition,  in 
his  acc(nmt  of  the  pre-Exilian  times  gives  to  the 
inner  ritual  arrangements  of  the  temple  a  pro- 
minence which  they  do  not  obtain  in  the  other 
histf)rians  of  those  times.  He  proceeds  on  the 
assumption  that  Levites  as  distinguished  from 
priests  had  their  special  functions  since  the 
time  of  David  (iChr.l5.2fT.) :  he  states  the  de- 
tails of  their  duties  (iChr.23. 24-32),  and  men- 
tions with  honour  their  services  in  the  interest 
of  the  religion  at  various  periods  under  the 
reforming  or  better-minded  kings  (2Chr.i3.10- 
12,19.8-10,23,24.5,29.12-15,30.22,34.8-13).  No 
doubt  in  so  doing  lie  unconsciously  and  un- 
avoidably allowed  his  accounts  of  past  time  to 
be  coloured  by  his  familiarity  with  things  as 
they  existed  in  his  own  day  ;  but  this  is  a  very 
different  thing  from  inventing  or  re-creating 
jiast  conditions  which  never  existed,  and  we 
have  sufficient  indication  that  the  author  of 
these  books  had  access  to  sources  of  informa- 
tion which  the  other  historical  writers  either 
did  not  possess  or  did  not  think  it  within  their 
province  to  emiiloy.  So  long  as  the  temple 
stood,  the  Levites  would  exercise  their  func- 
tions. Thev  are  onlv  incidentallv  mentioned 
in  N.T.  (Lu. 10.32  ;  Jn.l.19  ;  Ac:4.36).  .\nd 
there  is  a  sad  interest  in  the  fact  recorded 
by  Josephus  (20  Ant.  ix.  6)  that  when  the 
temple  had  received  its  final  completion  under 
■Agrippa  II.,  the  Levitical  singers  applied  for 
and  received  the  privilege  of  wearing  the  same 
linen  dress  as  the  priests  (r/.  2Chr.5.i2).  For, 
very  soon  after,  the  war  with  the  Romans  broke 


LEVITICUS 

out,  and  with  the  destruction  of  the  temple  the 
special  standing  of  the  Levites  came  to  an  end, 
they  became  merged  in  the  scattered  tribes,  and 
as  a  class  disappear  from  history.  [Deutero- 
nomy ;  Crimes;  Firstborn;  Judge;  Poor; 
Priest  in  O.T.]  A.  Van  Hoonacker,  Le  Sacer- 
doce  Levitique  dans  la  loi  et  dans  Vhistoire  des 
Hebreux  (1899);  Graf  W.  von  Baudissin,  art. 
"  Priests  and  Levites,"  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
(5  vols.  1904)-  [J-R-] 

Leviticus,  the  third  book  of  the  law.  In 
the  Heb.  Bible  it  bears  the  name  wayyiqrd, 
"And  he  called,"  from  its  opening  word.  Its 
Gk.  name,  "  Leviticus,"  suitably  describes  its 
character,  as  being  throughout  a  collection  of 
sacrificial  and  ritual  laws.  On  the  critical 
theory  [Pentateuch]  the  book  belongs  wholly 
to  the  document  P,  though  a  special  section  of 
it  (17-26)  presents  features  of  its  own,  and  is 
thought  to  have  originally  subsisted  as  a  code 
by  itself.  This  is  known  in  critical  nomencla- 
ture as  "  the  Law  of  Holiness."  The  contents 
of  the  book  may  be  thus  briefly  analysed:  (i) 
Ch.1-7  lay  down  the  fundamental  laws  of  sacri- 
fices and  offerings.  The  animal  sacrifices  are 
the  burnt -offering,  the  peace-offering,  the  sin- 
offering,  and  the  trespass-offering  (a  species  of 
sin-offering,  accompanied  by  a  money  compen- 
sation for  wrong  done,  6.15).  Of  a  bloodless 
(or  vegetable)  order  is  the  meal-offering  (ch. 
2).  The  laws  for  the  sacrifices  and  offerings 
are  addressed  partly  to  the  people  (1-6.7,7. 
22-38),    and  partly  to   the  priests   (6.8-7.21). 

(2)  Ch.  8-10  narrate  the  consecration  of  Aaron 
and  his  sons,  in  accordance  with  the  directions 
in  Ex. 28, 29,  and  (in  connexion  therewith)  the 
punishment  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  for  offering 
strange  fire  before  the  Lord.  This  leads  to  a 
law  forbidding  priests  to  drink  wine  while  offi- 
ciating (Lev.lO.8,9),  and  to  other  regulations. 

(3)  Ch.  11-15  are  a  series  of  important  laws  re- 
lating to  iincleanness  and  purification.  Ch.  11 
gives  the  laws  of  clean  and  unclean  in  animal 
food  (c/.  Deut.l4.i-2o),  and  respecting  pollu- 
tion contracted  from  contact  with  carcasses; 
Lev. 12  has  to  do  with  purification  after  child- 
birth ;  13,14  are  concerned  with  leprosy  ;  and 
15  relates  to  natural  secretions.  (4)  Ch.  16 
deserves  a  place  by  itself,  as  detailing  the 
solemn  ritual  of  the  annual  day  of  atonement. 
(5)  Ch.  17-26  form,  as  stated  above,  the  collec- 
tion of  laws  known  as  "  the  Law  of  Holiness  " 
— a  code  of  great  importance,  summarizing 
fundamental  laws.  Its  key-note  is  the  demand 
for  holiness  (19.2,20.7,8,26,21.6-8,15,23,22.9, 
16,32),  and  it  is  further  marked  by  its  recur- 
ring formula,  "  I  am  Jehovah  your  God  " 
(nearly  50  times),  and  its  references  to  deliver- 
ance from  the  bondage  in  Egypt  (22.33,23. 
43,25.38,55,26.45).  The  closing  ch.  (26)  is  hor- 
tatory, with  a  certain  Deuteronomic  elevation 
in  style.  This  remarkable  portion  of  Leviticus 
emphasizes  in  ch.  17  the  offering  of  sacrifices 
only  at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle,  and  pro- 
hibits the  eating  of  blood ;  deals  in  18  with  un- 
lawful marriages  and  unchastity  ;  in  19  brings 
together  miscellaneous  precepts  bearing  on 
moral  and  religious  life  ;  in  20  recites  the 
penalties  for  serious  offences  (giving  children 
to  Moloch,  resorting  to  wizards,  cursing  father 
and  mother,  adultery,  etc.);  in  21,22  gives 
laws  to  priests  ;   in  23  regulates  the  feasts  ;  in 


LEVITICtTS 


477 


24  deals  with  the  lamps  and  shewbread  of  the 
tabernacle,  and  with  blasphemy  (incident  of 
the  blasphemer,  vv.  10-14)  ;  in  25  legislates  for 
the  sabbatical  year  and  year  of  jubilee  ;  in  26 
concludes  with  an  eloquent  exhortation  ;  27 
being  an  appendix  on  vows.  This  code,  in  fact, 
may  justly  be  called  the  quintessence  of  the 
Levitical  law.  We  find  in  it  the  Aaronic  priest- 
hood, the  high -priest,  sin- and  trespass-offerings, 
the  day  of  atonement,  the  three  historical  feasts, 
the  sabbatical  year,  the  year  of  jubilee,  the 
Levitical  cities,  etc.  As  it  is  undoubtedly  of 
high  antiquity  (see  below),  the  importance  of 
its  testimony  to  the  above  laws  and  institu- 
tions cannot  be  over-estimated.  [Law  in  O.T.] 
It  is  claimed  to  be  one  of  the  "  settled  results  " 
of  the  modern  critical  school  that  the  Levitical 
legislation — at  least  in  its  written  and  codified 
form,  and  largely  also  in  substance — is  of  post- 
Exilian  date.  Leviticus,  therefore,  is  brought 
down  to  this  period.  This  is  opposed  (i)  To 
the  explicit  testimony  of  the  book  itself,  which 
uniformly  attributes  its  laws  to  Moses  (7.37, 
38,26.46,27.34).  (ii)To  the  character  of  the 
legislation,  which  bears  on  it,  from  its  first 
page  to  its  last,  the  stamp  of  the  wilderness, 
and  contains  not  a  single  glance  at  post- 
Exilic  conditions.  Bleek  justly  said  long  ago  : 
"  When  we  meet  with  laws  which  refer  in 
their  whole  tenor  to  a  state  of  things  utterly 
unknown  in  the  period  subsequent  to  Moses, 
and  to  circumstances  existing  in  the  Mosaic  age 
(and  in  that  only),  it  is  in  the  highest  degree 
likely  that  these  laws,  not  only  in  their  essential 
purport  proceeded  from  Moses,  but  also  that 
they  were  written  down  by  Moses,  or  at  least  in 
the  Mosaic  age."  (iii)  To  the  circumstances  of 
the  post-Exilian  community,  which,  as  shown 
elsewhere  [Pentateuch],  made  the  palming  off 
of  such  a  body  of  laws  upon  the  returned  exiles  a 
moral  and  historical  impossibility.  The  argu- 
ment for  the  post-Exilian  origin  of  the  law, 
based  on  the  silence  of  preceding  history,  is  now 
generally  coupled  with  the  admission  that  a 
large  part  of  the  law  was  de  facto  previously  in 
operation,  though  it  was  not  written,  and  a 
divine  character  was  not  ascribed  to  it.  There 
was  practice,  but  not  law.  It  needs  little  per- 
spicacity to  see  that  this  line  of  argument  is  es- 
sentially inconsistent.  Where  is  the  evidence 
that  the  practice  ever  existed  without  the  law  ? 
And  if  the  silence  is  compatible  with  practice, 
which  is  the  thing  that  obtrudes  itself  in  his- 
tory, it  necessarily  must  be  compatible  with 
the  law  regulating  the  practice.  In  fact,  how- 
ever, the  silence  is  neither  so  great  as  is  alleged 
nor  is  the  evidence  of  law  wanting.  Of 
weighty  import  here  is  the  testimony  of  the 
"  Law  of  Holiness,"  above  sketched.  That 
code  was  unquestionably  prior  to  Ezekiel  (the 
subterfuge  of  an  "  imitation  "  of  Ezekiel  may 
be  dismissed),  whose  chapters  are  saturated 
with  allusions  to  it.  It  has  been  seen  that  it 
covers  a  large  part  of  the  Levitical  legislation, 
and  many  of  the  most  distinctive  Mosaic  in- 
stitutions. Many  of  its  laws  are  clearly  very 
old,  and  it  is  (on  the  face  of  it ) itself  an  abstract 
— an  epitome  of  laws  which  presumably  ex- 
isted in  a  fuller  form.  It  claims  for  itself 
Mosaic  origin  and  authority.  The  same  is  true 
of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  This  is  a  work 
of  prophetic  spirit,  but  embodies  allusions  to 


478 


LEVITICTTS 


many  priestly  ordinances.  Such  is  the  repeti- 
tion of  the  law  of  clean  and  unclean  animals  in 
l)eut. 14.1-20  (cf.  Lev. 11).  Such  are  the  allu- 
sions in  Deuteronomy  to  laws  of  ceremonial 
impurity  (23.io,ii),  to  laws  of  leprosy  (24.8), 
to  eating  of  lilood  {12.16,23-25),  to  laws  of  in- 
cest (22.30),  to  provision  for  Levites  (18. 1,2  ;  cf. 
Num. 18. 20  ff.),  etc.  The  consensus  of  scholars, 
till  the  rise  of  the  (iraf  school,  was  that  the  Le- 
vitical  legislation  was  undeniably  implied  in 
Deuteronomy.  A  peculiarly  striking  instance 
of  an  ancient  law  is  that  in  Lev.i7.1-4,  ordain- 
ing that  all  sacrifices  were  to  be  offered  at  the 
door  of  the  tabernacle — this  from  the  motive 
of  preventing  sacrifice  beingoffered  to  "  devils" 
in  "  the  open  field  "  (vv.  5,7).  This  law  was 
obviously  inapplicable  after  the  settlement  in 
Canaan,  and  Deuteronomy  (accordingly)  pro- 
vides for  a  modification  of  it  (12.15, 20).  Gener- 
ally, Deuteronomy  presupposes  the  older  Le- 
vitical  laws,  while  Leviticus  cannot  be  shown 
in  any  degree  tf)  presuppose  Deuteronomy. 
One  point  sometimes  adduced  to  prove  the  op- 
posite is  the  less  differentiated  state  of  the 
priesthood  in  Deuteronomy.  The  Levitical 
law,  it  is  said,  lays  stress  on  the  distinction  of 
"  priests  and  Levites,"  Deuteronomy  speaks 
broadly  of  "  the  priests  the  Levites,"  and  ap- 
parently knows  no  separate  order  of  Levites. 
This  is  examined  elsewhere  [Deutero.ngmy]. 
Meanwhile  it  should  be  noted  as  an  in- 
teresting fact,  that  in  Leviticus  itself — the 
priestly  book  par  excellence — there  is,  with  the 
solitary  exception  of  25.32,33,  no  mention  of 
the  Levites.  It  has  already  been  stated  that, 
in  Leviticus,  the  whole  book  is  ascribed  by  the 
critics  to  P,  though  (in  their  analysis)  a  P ' 
(Law  of  Holiness)  and  a  P-,  sometimes  even  a 
P'  and  P ',  are  distinguished.  No  occasion 
arises  for  introducing  a  J,  or  E,  or  D.  All  the 
more  singular  and  instructive  is  the  fact  that, 
in  ch.  26,  this  admittedly  priestly  writer  is 
found  rising  to  something  like  a  Deuteronomic 
elevation  of  hortatory  and  admonitory  elo- 
quence (cf.  Deut.28).  Is  the  moral  of  this  that 
the  writer  in  Leviticus  "  imitates  "  Deutero- 
nomy ?  Or  is  it  that  various  styles  can  be  used 
by  the  same  writer  ?  That  the  "  Jehovistic- 
Deuteronomic  "  style  which  Delitzsch  attri- 
butes to  Moses  can  become,  on  occasion,  priest- 
ly ?  And  that  the  ]iriestly  style  can  become, 
on  occasion,  Deuteronomic  ?  If  so,  then  the 
difficulty  is  less  great  of  seeing  even  the  direct 
hand  of  Moses  in  the  drafting  of  the  priestly 
laws.  Undue  stress,  however,  need  not  be  laid 
on  this,  for  the  Mosaic  origin  is  essentially 
affected  whether  Moses  wrote  out  the  laws 
with  his  own  pen,  or  others  did  it  for,  or  after, 
him. — The  place  of  Leviticus  in  the  economy  of 
revelation  is  one  not  to  be  slightingly  regarded. 
Its  value,  indeed,  to  most  right-thinking  peo- 
ple, would  disappear,  if  it  could  be  proved  to 
be,  as  some  regard  it,  a  post-ICxilian  fabrication 
passed  off  on  Ezra's  generation  in  the  name  of 
Moses,  and  representing  a  legalistic  declension 
from  the  spiritual  teaching  of  the  prophets.  As 
belonging  to  an  earlier  and  more  elementary 
stage  of  religious  thought,  it  has  a  very  differ- 
ent significance.  Its  symbolical  and  typical 
value,  as  depicted  in  the  epistle  to  the  He- 
brews, is  restored.  It  resumes  its  character  as 
a  system  of  divine  appointment  in  which  great 


LIBNABC 

spiritual  ideas,  and  "  good  things  "  of  a  future 
and  better  dispensation,  are  adumbrated. 
The  main  design  of  the  laws  is  to  impress  on 
the  mind  of  the  worshipper  the  idea  of  holiness  ; 
to  deepen  within  him  the  consciousness  of  sin  ; 
to  provide  a  means  by  which,  after  his  sin,  his 
fellowship  with  (iod  can  be  restored;  to  fami- 
liarize him  with  the  thought  and  need  of  atone- 
ment, while  yet  reminding  him,  by  the  very 
nature  of  the  system  under  which  he  is  placed, 
that  the  way  into  the  holiest  of  all  is  not  yet 
manifest  (Heb.9.8).  This  is  the  lesson  drawn 
by  the  writer  to  the  Hebrews.  The  law  was 
"  a  shadow  of  good  things  to  come,"  but  not 
"  the  very  image  of  the  things  "  (10. i).  The 
sacrifices  were  a  reminder  that  without  shed- 
ding of  blood  there  was  no  remission  (9.22) ;  yet 
their  very  multiplicity  and  repetition,  the 
manifest  inadequacy  of  the  blood  of  bulls  and 
goats  to  take  away  sin,  the  sinfulness  of  the 
priestly  offerers,  and  the  fact  that  there  was 
only  the  most  limited  access  to  the  holiest  place 
(once  a  year,  by  the  high-priest  only,  even  then 
after  sacrifice  offered  for  himself),  showed  that 
more  was  needed  to  make  the  conscience  of 
the  worshippers  perfect  (9,10).  Jesus,  perfect 
Priest  and  perfect  Sacrifice,  brings  that  some- 
thing in  His  once  offering  of  Himself,  and  His 
passing  into  the  heavens  as  our  ever-living  In- 
tercessor. The  law  has  no  longer  any  glory  by 
reason  of  the  glory  that  excelleth  (2Cor.3.io). 
Leviticus,  in  Speaker's  Commentary  ;  Fair- 
bairn,  Typology  of  Scripture.  See  also 
Pentateuch.  [J-O-] 

Lib'anus,  Ok.  form  in  Apoc.  of  Lebanon. 

Libation.     [Sacrifice.] 

Libeptines.  These  are  mentioned  (Ac. 6. 
10)  as  members  of  a  synagogue  at  Jerusalem, 
and  opponents  of  St.  Stephen,  with  men  of 
"Cyrene  and  Alexandria,  and  Cilicia  and  Asia." 
It  is  uncertain  from  St.  Luke's  language  how 
many  synagogues  are  referred  to,  one  (Hort), 
two  (Sanday,  Wendt,  etc.),  three  (Page),  or  five 
(Schiirer).  The  Gk.,  if  pressed  to  its  exact 
meaning,  would  naturally  be  taken  as  implying 
two,  one  consisting  of  Libertini,  Cyrenians,  and 
Alexandrians,  the  (ther  of  Cilicians  and  men 
of  Asia.  The  word  differs  from  those  with 
which  it  is  associated  (and  this  may  be  marked 
by  St.  Luke's  use  of  Xeyoiu^i'-ni)  in  not  being  a 
place-name,  for  it  is  impossible  to  connect  it 
with  a  supposed  town — Libertum — in  N.Africa. 
There  is  no  definite  evidence  for  the  existence 
of  such  a  place,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  there 
would  have  been  Jews  from  it  in  sufficient 
numbers  to  be  mentioned.  The  name  no 
doubt  refers  to  descendants  of  Jews  who  had 
been  taken  captive  to  Rome  by  Pompey  in 
63  B.C.  Some  of  these  Jews  must  have  there 
received  their  freedom,  and  their  descendants 
subsequently  returned  to  Jerusalem,  where,  as 
possessing  rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  they 
would  be  likely  to  be  of  sufficient  importance 
as  a  class  to  receive  the  special  mention  which 
St.  Luke  makes.  Sec  further  Schiirer,  Hist,  of 
Jewish  People,  and  Comm.  ad  loc.    [ll.j.m.d.] 

Liibnah  .— 1.  One  of  the  stations  at  which 
thc[sraelites  encani])cd  between  the  wilderness 
of  Sinai  and  Kadesh  (Nuia.33.2(),2i ).  [Laban.] 
— 2.  A  royal  Caiiaanitc  city  (Jos.i2.15),  cap- 
tured after  Makkedah  and  before  Laciush 
(10.29-32,39),  in  the  S.W.  region  of  the  lot  of 


LlBNl 

Judah  (I5.42).  It  was  given  to  the  priests 
(21.13  ;  iChr.6.57).  It  revolted  against  the 
king  of  Judah  early  in  9th  cent.  b.c.  (2K.8.22  ; 
2Chr.2i.10),  and  it  was  attacked  by  Sen- 
nacherib in  702  B.C.,  after  the  submission  of 
Lachish  (2K.I9.8  ;  Is. 37. 8).  Hamutal,  mother 
of  king  Josiah,  apparently  came  from  this  city 
(2  K. 23. 31, 24.18  ;Je. 52.1).  The  site  is  uncertain. 
It  may  possibly  be  the  large  ruin  el-Bendwy, 
6  miles  S.E.  of  Lachish,  a  place  with  rock-cut 
cistern,  caves,  and  other  traces  of  an  ancient 
town  {Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  280).  The  vicinity  is 
a  region  of  "white"  chalky  hills.        [c.r.c] 

Libni',  eldest  son  of  Gershom,  son  of  Levi 
(Ex.6. 17  ;  Num.3. 18  :  iChr.6.17,20,  and  pro- 
bablv  [see  Mahli,  i]  6.29),  and  ancestor  of  the 
Libnites  (Num. 3.21, 26.58). 

Lib'ya.  occurs  only  in  Ac.2.io,  in  the  peri- 
phrasis "  the  parts  of  Libya  about  Cyrene," 
which  obviously  means  the  Cyrenaica.  The 
name  Libya  is  applied  by  Gk.  and  Lat. 
writers  to  the  African  continent,  generally 
excluding   Egypt. 

Lrice  (Heb.  kinnim,  kinndm).  This  word 
occiurs  in  A.V.  in  Ex.8. 16-18  andin  Ps.lO5.31  ; 
both  passages  bearing  reference  to  the  3rd 
great  plague  of  Egypt.  It  is  derived  from 
a  root  signifying  to  establish  or  fix  ;  and  al- 
though attempts  have  been  made  to  show 
that  it  indicates  gnats  or  mosquitoes  (probably 
included  under  the  general  term  for  flies),  the 
A.V.  translation  is  most  likely  correct.  Among 
the  Bedouin  and  other  Arabs  lice  abound, 
but  they  would  be  utterly  repugnant  to  the 
ancient  Egyptians,  who  were  noted  for  their 
personal  cleanliness.    [Plagues.]  [r.l.] 

Lieutenants  (Ezr.8.36 ;  Esth.3.12,8.9,9.3). 
The  same  Heb.  and  Aram,  word  is  rendered 
"princes"  in  A.V.  of  Dan. 3. 2, 3, 27,6. 2, 3, 4, 6  ; 
LXX.  ffaTpdwai,  (XTpaTijyoi,  SioiKrjTai  ;  R.V. 
satraps  everj'where,  rightly.  The  Heb. 
and  Aram,  word,  in  sing.  ' ahashdarpdn,  is 
the  Akhaem.  Pers.  khshatrapdvan  (Avestic, 
shoithropdn),  with  a  prosthetic  vowel  (c/.  es- 
piritu,  esprit,  especial),  in  Gk.  inscriptions, 
i^aTpaTrrjs.  e^aidpa-rrris  :  from  khshatram,  "  pro- 
vince "  (Skt.  kshatram),  from  the  root  pa,  "to 
protect."  Herodotus,  born  four  years  before 
Xerxes'  expedition  against  Greece,  says  that 
Darius  divided  the  empire  into  20  satrapies, 
the  fifth  of  which  was  made  up  of  Phoenicia, 
Palestine,  and  Cyprus  (Herod,  iii.  89,  90).  In 
Dan. 6. 1,  "Darius  the  Mede"(probablyGobryas) 
appoints  120  "satraps"  over  the  "whole  king- 
dom of  the  Chaldeans"  (Dan.9.i).  Evidently, 
therefore,  the  title  was  then  of  less  importance 
than  it  afterwards  became.  Cyrus'  "  Annal- 
istic  Tablet  "  mentions  that  Gubaru  (Go- 
bryas)  "  appointed  governors  in  Babylonia." 
Darius  mentions  23  provinces  (?  satrapies,  dah- 
ydva)  in  his  Behistan  Inscr.  I.,  vi.,  and  29  later 
(Persepolis  Inscr.  Nakhsh-i-Rustam,  Unes  22- 
30).  Spiegel,  Altpers.  Keilinschrift  ;  Beitrdge 
zur  Assyriolopie,ii.  1894.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Lig'ht.  The  alleged  difficulty  of  the  exist- 
ence of  light  before  the  creation  of  the  suns  now 
existing  in  the  universe  is  purely  imaginary. 
[Creation.]  Unless  the  theories  of  astrono- 
mers in  regard  to  the  gradual  formation  from 
nebulous  matter  of  the  countless  worlds  which 
we  call  stars  are  altogether  incorrect,  the  exist- 
ence of  light  mwit  have  preceded  that  of  the 


nin 


479 


bodies  which  now  give  off  light  from  the 
continual  combustion  of  their  inflammable 
material.  The  generally  accepted  nebular  hypo- 
thesis represents  illimitable  space  as  originally 
occupied  by  diffused  atoms  or  molecules  (or,  a  s 
perhaps  recent  discoveries  may  indicate,  by 
universally  diffused  ether,  of  which  the  com- 
ponent particles  are  indefinitely  small),  which 
were  organized  by  the  Primal  Force,  through 
the  action  of  forces  as  yet  by  no  means  suffici- 
ently known,  into  bodies  such  as  now  present 
themselves  to  our  gaze.  The  Spirit  of  God 
commimicated,  we  are  told  (Gen.l.i),  a 
vibratory  motion  to  the  particles  of  matter,  or 
of  the  diffused  ether  (as  the  case  may  be)  in  vari- 
ous ways  ;  one  of  which  was  the  light-produc- 
ing vibrations,  which  seem  at  first  to  have  dif- 
fused a  faint  light  through  the  nebulous  matter 
then  in  process  of  organization.  But  by  de- 
grees, just  asdry  land  and  water  were  separated 
by  one  form  of  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Primal 
Force,  so  light  and  darkness  were  separated 
(Gen. 1.2)  by  another — i.e.  there  were  portions 
of  matter  in  which  light -vibrations  were  opera- 
tive, and  portions  in  which  they  were  not  ;  i.e. 
substances  which  reflect  and  substances  which 
absorb  these  vibrations.  Thus,  ultimately,  the 
divine  Creator,  by  His  innate  power,  brought 
about  the  phenomena  of  light  and  darkness  as 
we  now  know  them.    [Cosmogony.]   [j.j.l.] 

Lig^n  aloes.     [Aloes.] 

Lig'upe  (Heb.  leshem),  a  precious  stone 
mentioned  in  Ex. 28. 19, 39. 12  (R.V.  jacinth)  as 
the  first  in  the  third  row  of  the  high-priest's 
breastplate.  The  LXX.  version,  the  Vulg. 
and  Josephus,  understand  by  the  Heb.  term 
the  lyncurium  or  liguritim  ;  but  it  is  difficult 
to  identify  the  ligurium  of  the  ancients.  The 
subject  is  very  fully  discussed  by  Mr.  King 
[Precious  Stones,  s.v.  "Lyncurium").  Theo- 
phrastus  (giving  an  absurd  story  about  its 
origin,  which  perhaps  caused  Phny  to  dismiss  it 
in  few  words)  states  that  it  is  hard,  but  can  be 
engraved,  transparent,  cold  to  the  touch,  and 
"  attracts  in  the  same  manner  as  amber."  It 
is  evident  that  lyncurium  and  ligurium  are  the 
same  stone.  For  this  (putting  aside  improba- 
bilities) some  have  suggested  rubellite,  a  red 
and  clear  variety  of  fourmaline.  But  it  is 
highly  probable  that  the  stone  intended  by 
Theophrastus,  and  in  later  times  (600  a.d.)  by 
Isidorus,  was  our  Jacinth,  the  yellow  jargoon 
(zircon),  which  was  much  used  by  the  ancients 
for  intagli,  and  afterwards  by  the  Romans  for 
camei.  It  "  resembles  amber  in  colour,  re- 
fraction, electricity,  and  levity,"  but  is  very 
much  harder.  Thus  it  is  highly  probable  that 
the  gem  which  LXX.  translators  identified 
with  leshem  was  the  jargoon.  [t.g.b.] 

Likhi',  a  Manassite,  son  of  Shemidah  (iChr. 
7.19). 

Lily  (Heb.  shiishdn,  shoshannd),  rendered 
"  rose  "  in  the  Chaldee  Targum,  and  by  Mai- 
monides  and  other  rabbinical  witers,  except 
Kimchi  and  Ben  Melech,  who  in  1K.7.19  trans- 
late it  "  violet."  But  Kpivov,  or  "  lily,"  is  the 
uniform  rendering  of  the  LXX.,  and  probably 
the  true  one,  as  it  is  supported  by  the  analogy  of 
the  Ass^T.  susanu,  and  Arab.  sUsan,  which  still 
means  "  lily,"  and  by  the  existence  of  this  word 
in  Syr.  and  Coptic.  But  it  is  uncertain  what 
individual  of  the  hly  species  it  especially  desig- 


480 


LILY 


nates.  Father  Souciet  argued  that  it  was  the 
"  crown-imperial,"  but  there  is  no  proof  that 
this  was  at  any  time  common  in  Palestine. 
Dioscorides  (i.  62)  speaks  of  the  beauty  of  the 
lilies  of  Syria  and  Pisidia,  from  which  the  best 
perfume  was  made.  If,  as  seems  to  be  the  case, 
the  shiishdn  or  shoshannd  of  O.T.  and  the  Kpivov 
of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  be  identical,  the 
plant  was  conspicuous  on  the  shores  of  the 
lake  of  Gennesaret  (Mt.6.28  ;  Lu.i2.27)  ;  it 
flourished  in  the  deep  broad  v-alleys  of  Pales- 
tine (Can. 2.1),  among  the  thorny  shrubs  (2. 
2)  and  pastures  of  the  desert  (2.16,4.5,6.3), 
and  was  remarkable  for  rapid  and  luxuriant 
growth  (Ho.14.5  ;  Eicclus. 39.14).  A  brilliant 
colour  for  its  flowers  seems  to  be  indicated  by 
the  comparison  with  the  gorgeous  robes  of 
Solomonin  Mt.6.28, 29  ;  and  that  this  colour  was 
scarlet  or  purple  is  implied  in  Can.5.13.  The 
species  of  lily  which  best  answers  all  these  re- 
quirements is  the  Lilium    chalcedonicum,   or 


LILIUM   CHALCEDONICUM. 

scarlet  mart  agon,  which  grows  in  profusion  in 
the  Levant.  But  as  a  native  plant,  despite 
Prof.  Henslow,  it  can  never  have  been  any- 
thing more  than  a  very  rare  sjiecies.  Col. 
Conder  says  he  has  never  seen  it  in  Palestine; 
and  Canon  Tristram  can  only  say  of  it,  "  non 
vidi,"  and  suggests  the  tulip  (Nat.  Hist,  of  B. 
p.  464).  Other  identifications  include  the 
white  lily,  since  (ic^senius  derives  the  word 
from  a  r(j(»t  signifying  "  to  be  white."  Dr. 
koyle  identified  the  "  lily  "  of  Canticles  with 
the  lotus  of  Lgypt,  in  spite  of  the  many  allusions 
to  "feeding  among  the  lilies."  The  purple 
flowers  of  the  kharsuf,  or  wild  artichoke,  which 
abounds  in  the  plain  N.  of  Tabor  and  in  the 
valley  of  lisdraelon,  have  been  suggested  as  the 
"lilies  of  the  field"  (Mt.6.2H).  and  a  plant, 
with  lilac  flowers  like  the  hyacinth,  and  called 
by  the  Arabs  usweih,  has  been  considered  to  be 
of  the  species  required.  Dr.  Stanley  suggested 
that  the  tcriu  might  "  include  the  numerous 
llowers  of  the  tuli|)  or  amaryllis  kind,  which  ap- 
pear in  the  early  summer,  or  the  autunm  of 
Palestine."  The  Phoeoiciaa  architects  of  Solo- 


LINEN 

mon's  temple  decorated  the  capitals  of  the 
columns  with  "  lily-work,"  i.e.  leaves  and 
flowers  of  the  lily  ( i  K. 7. 19 ),  corresponding  to  the 
lotus-headed  capitals  of  Egyptian  architecture. 
The  rim  of  the  "  brazen  sea  "  was  possibly 
wrought  in  the  form  of  the  recurved  margin  of  a 
lily  flower  (iK.7.26).  Canon  Tristram  must  be 
quoted  finally,  as  the  most  acceptable  of  all  ex- 
perienced commentators.  He  says  in  his  Land 
of  Israel,  "  There  have  been  many  claimants 
for  the  distinctive  honour  of  the  '  liUes  of  the 
field' ;  but  while  it  seems  most  natural  to  view 
the  term  as  a  generic  expression,  yet  if  one 
special  flower  was  more  likely  than  another  to 
catch  the  eye  of  the  Lord  as  He  spoke,  no  one 
familiar  with  the  flora  of  Palestine  in  spring- 
time can  hesitate  in  assigning  the  place  to  the 
anemone  {.A.  coronaria)."  [h.c.h.] 

Lime.  Noticed  onlv  thrice  in  the  Bible 
(Deut.27.2,4  (li.V.  plaister];  Is.33.i2  ;  Am.2.i). 

Linen.  Five  different  Heb.  words  are  thus 
rendered,  and  it  is  difficult  to  assign  to  each  its 
precise  significance.  In  the  Gk.  words  so 
translated  in  N.T.  there  is  little  ambiguity,  (i) 
It  is  in  connexion  with  Egypt,  the  great  centre 
of  linen  manufacture  of  antiquity,  that  we  find 
the  first  allusion  to  it  in  the  Bible.  Joseph, 
when  ■'  ruler  "  of  Egypt,  was  arrayed  "in  ves- 
tures of  fine  linen"  {shesh,  marg.  "silk,"  Gen. 41. 
42),  and  among  the  offerings  for  the  tabernacle 
of  articles  brought  out  of  Egypt  were  "  blue, 
and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and  fine  linen  "  (Ex. 
25.4,35.6).  (2)  In  Ex. 28. 42  and  Lev. 6.10  the 
drawers  of  the  jiriests  and  their  flowing  robes 
are  said  to  be  of  linen  (hadh) ;  and  the  tunic  of 
the  high-priest,  his  girdle  and  mitre,  which  he 
wore  on  the  day  of  atonement,  were  of  the  same 
material  (Lev.  16. 4).  The  making  of  linen  was 
one  of  the  occupations  of  women,  of  whose 
dress  it  formed  a  conspicuous  part  (Pr.31.22, 
A.V.  silk;  Ezk. 16.10,13;  cf.  Rev. 18. 16).  In 
Ezk.27.7  shi'sh  is  enumerated  among  the  pro- 
ducts of  Egypt,  which  the  Tyrians  imported 
and  used  for  the  sails  of  their  ships.  In  no 
case  is  badh  used  for  other  than  a  dress  worn  in 
religious  ceremonies,  though  the  other  terms 
rendered  "  linen  "  are  apjilied  to  the  ordinary 
dress  of  women  and  jiersons  in  high  rank.  (3) 
bur,  always  translated  "  fine  linen,"  except  in 
2Chr.5.i2,  is  apparently  a  late  word,  and  pro- 
bably =  the  Gk.  j-iv(T(Tos.  as  in  the  I..\X.  It 
was  used  for  the  dresses  of  the  Levite  choir  in 
the  temple  (2Chr.5.i2),  for  the  loose  up]ier  gar- 
ment worn  by  kings  over  the  close-fitting  gown 
(iChr.15.27).  and  for  the  vail  of  the  temple,  em- 
broidered bv  the  skill  of  the  Tvrian  artificers 
(2Chr.3.i4  ;  f/.  l':sth.8.i,S  :  Lu.l6.19)-  (a)  HiOt 
occurs  but  once  (Pr.7.i6),  and  there  in  con- 
nexion with  Egypt.  It  was  prt)bably  a  kind 
of  thread,  made  of  fine  Egyptian  flax,  and  used 
for  ornamenting  the  roverings  of  beds  with 
ta]iestry-work.  Srhultens  (ad  loc.)  suggests 
that  the  (ik.  cnvbilsv  is  deri\ed  from  the  Hel). 
sadhin,  used  of  the  thirty  linen  garments  which 
Samson  promised  to  his  comi)anioiis  (Judg.l4. 
12,13).  It  was  made  by  women  (Pr.3i.24), 
and  used  for  girdles  and  under-garnieiits  (Is. 3. 
23;  cf.  Mk.l4.,si).  Linen  was  used  for  the 
wiiuling-sliects  of  the  dead  bv  Hebrews  as  well 
as  bv  Greeks  (Mt.27.S9:  Mk.'l5.4();  Lu.23..S3  : 
Hom.  //.  xviii.  353,  xxiii.  254  ;  cf.  Eur.  liacch. 
819).  Towels  were  made  of  it  (Jn.13.4,5),  and 


LINTEL 

napkins  (11. 44),  like  the  coarse  linen  of  i  the 
Egyptians.  The  dress  of  the  poor  (Ecclus.40.4) 
was  probably  unbleached  flax,  such  as  was  used 
for  barbers'  towels.  (5)  The  general  term  which 
included  all  those  already  mentioned  was  pish- 
td,  used — like  our  "  cotton  " — not  only  for 
the  flax  (Judg.i5.14)  or  raw  material  from 
which  the  linen  was  made,  but  also  for  the 
plant  itself  (Jos. 2. 6),  and  the  manufacture  from 
it.  It  is  generally  opposed  to  wool,  as  a  veget- 
able product  to  an  animal  (Lev.13. 47,48, 52,59  ; 
Deut.22.ii  ;  Pr.3i.13  ;  Ho.2.5,9),  and  was 
used  for  nets  (Is. 19. 9),  girdles  (Je.lS.i),  and 
measuring-lines(Ezk.40.3),  and  for  the  dress  of 
the  priests  (44.17, 18).  Comparing  the  last- 
quoted  passages  with  Ex. 28. 42  and  Lev.6.10, 
16.4,23,  it  is  evident  that  badh  and  pishtd 
denote  the  same  material,  the  latter  being 
the  more  general  term.  Similarly  'Kivov  and 
§va<jivov  are  essentially  the  same  (cf.  Rev.15.6 
with  19.8,14).  (6)  The  Heb.  miqwS,  which 
A. v.,  following  Jimius  and  TremeUius,  has 
translated  "linen  yam"  (1K.IO.28 ;  2Chr. 
1.16),  brought  out  of  Egypt  by  Solomon's  mer- 
chants, is  explained  by  some  as  the  name  of  a 
place,  or  as  a  caravan.  From  time  immemorial 
Egypt  was  celebrated  for  its  linen  (Ezk.27.7). 
It  was  the  dress  of  the  Egyptian  priests  (Her. 
ii.  37,  81).  Panopolis  or  Chemmis  (the  modern 
Akhmim)  was  anciently  inhabited  by  linen- 
weavers  (Strabo,  xvii.  41,  p.  813).  According 
to  Herodotus  (ii.  86),  the  mummy-cloths  were  of 
byssus  ;  in  which  case  microscopic  examination 
shows  that  byssus  was  linen,  and  not  Cotton. 
[Silk  ;  Woollen.] 

Lintel,  a  flat  stone,  or  beam  over  a  door- 
way. [Gate.]  The  A.V.  so  renders  three  Heb. 
words,  (i)  'ayil,  "strong"  (iK. 6. 31),  rendered 
"  posts  "  in  plur.  in  17  cases  (Ezk.40.9-41.3). 
(2)  kaphior  (see  Knop  ;  Am.9.i  ;  Zeph.2.14). 
As  meaning  a  "  boss  "  or  "  ball  "  it  appears 
rather  to  refer  to  the  capital  of  a  pillar  (A.V. 
marg.,  R.V.  Chapiter).  (3)  mashqoph,  "laid 
over  "  (Ex. 12.22, 23),  rendered  "  upper  door 
post  "  by  A.V.  in  ver.  7.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  a  lintel  is  intended  by  this  word,  whereas 
'ayil  may  refer  to  either  of  the  beams  of  a  door 
frame.  [c.r.c] 

Li'nus,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  known  to 
SS.  Paul  and  Timothy  (2Tim. 4.21).  An  early 
bishop  of  Rome  was  named  Linus,  and  the 
testimony  of  Irenaeus,  confirmed  by  that  of 
Eusebius  and  Theodoret,  are  sufficient  to  prove 
his  identity  with  St.  Paul's  friend.  But  many 
points  connected  with  his  episcopate,  though 
much  discussed,  are  still  in  doubt.  Its  date 
has  been  variously  assigned  to  periods  ranging 
from  55-67  to  68-80  A.D.  Harnack  dates  it 
64-76.  Again,  the  questions  have  been  raised 
whether  or  no  Linus  held  his  bishopric  before 
St.  Peter's  death,  and  whether  his  jurisdiction 
may  have  extended  over  the  Gentile  Christians 
only,  while  another  bishop — perhaps  Clement 
— had  the  oversight  of  the  Jewish  Christians 
in  Rome.  At  present  it  is  impossible  to  give 
to  these  questions  a  definite  answer,    [a.c.d.] 

Lion.  By  the  Rabbinical  writers  7  Heb. 
words  in  the  O.T.  have  been  regarded  as  indi- 
cating the  lion,  and  have  been  assigned  to  the 
arumal  at  7  periods  of  its  life,  (i)  gtir,  or  gor, 
a  cub  (Gen.49.9;  Deut.33.22;  Je.51.38  ;  Na.2. 
12).    {2)k'phir,  a  young  lion  (Judg.14.5  ;  Job  4. 


LION 


48l 


10  ;  Ezk.19.2,  etc.).  (3)  ^dri,  or  'arye,  a  full- 
grown  lion  (Gen.49.9  ;  Judg.14.5, 8,  etc.).  (4) 
shahal,  a  lion  more  advanced  in  age  and 
strength  (Job  4.10;  Ps.9i.13,  etc.).  (5)  shahar, 
a  lion  in  full  vigour  (Job  28.8).  (6)  Idbht,  or 
l-bhiyyd,  an  old  lion  (Gen.49.9;  Job4.ii,  etc.). 
(7)  layish,  a  lion  decrepit  with  age  (Job  4. 11; 
Is. 30. 6,  etc.).  gwy  is,  however,  applied  to  the 
young  of  other  animals  besides  the  lion  ;  for 
instance,  the  sea-monsters  in  Lam.4.3 ; 
k'-'phir  differs  from  gur,  as  juvencus  from 
vitulus ;  'dri  or  'aryi  is  a  general  term, 
applied  to  all  lions  without  regard  to  age  ;  the 
meaning  of  shahal  is  uncertain  ;  and  shahar 
does  not  denote  a  lion  at  all.  Idbht  is  properly 
a  "  lioness,"  being  connected  with  the  Coptic 
labai,  which  has  the  same  signification. 
layish  is  another  poetic  name  ;  but,  so  far 
from  being  applied  to  a  lion  weak  with  age, 
denotes  one  in  full  vigour  (Job 4. 11  ;  Pr.30. 
30).  Lions  have  long  since  been  exterminated 
in  Palestine,  though  they  still  abound  on  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates  between  Bussorah 
and  Baghdad,  and  in  the  marshes  and  jungles 
near  the  rivers  of  Babylonia.  Some  of  these 
may  belong  to  the  Indian  race  [Felis  leo  guj- 
ratensis),  in  which  the  mane  is  tawny,  and  not 
very  profuse.  In  ancient  times  lions  were 
probably  numerous  in  Palestine  ;  the  names 
Lebaoth  (Jos.i5.32),  Beth-lebaoth  (Jos.19.6), 
Arieh  (2 K. 15. 25),  and  Laish  (Judg.18.7  ;  iSam. 
25.44),  referring  to  these  animals.  They  had 
their  lairs  in  forests  which,  like  them,  have 
vanished  (Je.5.6,12.8 ;  Am.3.4),  in  tangled 
brush-wood  (Je.4.7,25.38 ;  Job  38.40),  and  in 
caves  of  the  mountains  (Can.4.8 ;  Ezk.19.9 ;  Na. 
2.12).  The  cane-brake  on  the  banks  of  the 
Jordan  was  a  favourite  haunt  (Je.49. 19,50.44; 
Zech.11.3 ).  In  old  days  it  wouldseem  that  lions, 
when  driven  by  hunger,  not  only  ventured  to 
attack  flocks  in  the  desert  in  presence  of  the 
shepherds  (Is.31. 4;  iSam.l7.34),but  laid  waste 
towns  and  vUlages  (2K. 17.25, 26 ;  Pr.22.i3,26. 
13),  and  devoured  men  (iK.13. 24,20.36;  2K.I7. 
25 ;  Ezk.19.3,6).  The  shepherds  sometimes 
ventured  to  encounter  the  Hon  single-handed 
(iSam.17.34);  and  the  figure  employed  by  Amos 
(3.12),  the  herdsman  of  Tekoa,  is  probably  an 
account  of  scenes  actually  witnessed.  They  also 
pursued  lions  in  bands,  raising  shouts  to  intimi- 
date them  (Is.31. 4),  and  drive  them  into  nets  or 
pits  already  prepared(Ezk.l9.4, 8).  Benaiah,one 
of  David's  body-guard,  distinguished  himself 
by  slaying  a  lion  in  his  den  (2Sam.23.20).  The 
kings  of  Assyria  and  Persia  kept  lions  (Dan. 
6.7,  etc.),  which  when  captured  were  put  in  a 
cage(c/.  Ezk.19.6-9).  Thestrength(Judg.l4.i8; 
Pr.30. 30;  2Sam.l.23),courage(2Sam.l7.io;  Pr. 
28.1;  Na.2.ii),andferocity(Gen.49.9;  Num.24. 
9;  Is. 35-9,38. 13)  of  the  Uon  were  proverbial. 
The  "lion-like"  warriors  of  Gad  were  among 
David's  most  valiant  troops  (iChr.12.8) ;  and 
Judas  Maccabaeus  is  described  as  "  like  a  lion, 
and  like  a  lion's  whelp  roaring  for  his  prey  " 
(iMac.3.4).  Among  the  Hebrews,  and  through- 
out O.T.,  the  lion  was  the  emblem  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  ;  while  it  received  a  deeper  signifi- 
cance as  the  emblem  of  Him  Who  "  prevailed 
to  open  the  book  and  loose  the  seven  seals 
thereof"  (Rev.5.5).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
fierceness  and  cruelty  of  the  lion  made  it  an 
appropriate  metaphor  for  a  fierce  and  malignant 

31 


482  LITTER 

enemy  (Ps.7.2,22.2i,57.4  ;  2Tim.4.i7);  hence 
for  the  arch-fiend  himself  (iPe.5.8).       [r.l.] 

Littep.     [Chariot.] 

Lizard  (Hcb.  l'(d'd).  This  occurs  only  in 
Lev. 11. 30,  and  appears  to  be  correctly  trans- 
lated. There  are  a  great  number  of  species  of 
lizards  (inclusive  of  geckos)  inhabiting  Egypt, 


1  AN-l-()OTl-.I>  I. IZARD  [Ptyoilaclytiis  jr^t'to.) 

Palestine,  and  Arabia  ;  and  it  is  highly  prob- 
able that  the  Heb.  word  is  employed  in  a  wide 
and  general  sense  rather  than  as  denoting  one 
particular  species.  [Tortoise  ;  Ferret.]    [r.l.] 

Lo-ammi',  i.e.  "  not  my  people,"  the  name 
given  by  the  prophet  Hosea  to  his  second  son 
by  Gomcr,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim  (H0.I.9), 
to  denote  the  rejection  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
by  Jehovah.     Cf.  ver.  10.     [Ammi.] 

Loan,  (i)  Of  something  for  use  and  return, 
e.g.  an  ox  or  plough  ;  (a)  gratuitous,  Roman 
cotnmodatum  :  the  borrower  had  to  make  resti- 
tution for  death  or  injury  occurring  in  the 
owner's  absence,  but  not  in  his  presence  (Ex. 
22.i4f.[i3f.])  ;  (b)  for  hire,  Roman  locatio  con- 
duetto  rei :  here  the  risk  was  the  owner's  (Ex. 
22.i5[i4]).  (2)  Of  things  for  consumption,  the 
borrower  returning  a  like  amount,  e.g.  money, 
food  ;  Roman  nuttiiiiin  :  {a)  interest  was  for- 
bidden in  loans  to  Israelites,  l)ut  permitted  in 
other  cases  (Ex.22.2.'i[24]  ;  Lev.25.3f)f.  ;  Deut. 
23.i9f.[2of.]).  The  ])rohibition  was  frequently 
violated  (Ne.5.7  ;  I':zk.l8.i3  ;  Pr.28.8,  etc.). 
One  per  cent,  (probably  monthly)  was  some- 
times exacted  (Ne.S.ii).  Nehemiah  procured 
the  observance  of  the  law  (5.1-13).  {b) 
There  was  to  be  a  septennial  release  of  money 
debts  for  Israelites  (not  foreigners).  The  duty 
of  lending  to  the  poor  Israelite,  even  when  this 
year  was  approaching,  was  earnestly  enjoined 
(Deut.l5.i-ii).  This  release  entirely  extin- 
guished the  debts,  (c)  A  loan  was  frequently 
secured  by  I'LEDOE  and  Hand-clasp,  [d)  We 
meet  with  mortgage  of  immovables  to  secure 
loans  (Ne.5.3f.)  and  (e)  personal  execution. 
[Poor,  4.]  Parallels  in  Post,  Grundriss,  ii. 
638  ff.;   Driver,   Deut.   266,   267.        [ii.M.w.] 

In  connexion  with  this  subject  cf.  the  wide 
application  of  the  law  of  love  given  by  Christ 
(Lu.6.34,35)-  [H.H.] 

Lock,  l-lastern  locks  are  usually  of  wood, 
and  consist  of  a  ])artly  hollow  holt  from  14  in. 
to  2  ft.  long  for  external  dotirs  or  gates,  or 
from  7  to  9  in.  for  interior  doors.  The  holt 
passes  Ihroiigh  a  groove  in  a  piece  attached 
to  the  door  into  a  socket  in  the  door  post. 
In  the  groove-piece  are  from  4  to  9  small  iron 


LOCUST 

or  wooden  sliding-pins  or  wires,  which  drop 
into  corresponding  holes  in  the  bolt,  and  fix 
it  in  its  place.  [Key.]  The  gates  of  Jeru- 
salem set  up  under  Nehemiah's  direction  had 
both  bolts  and  locks  (Ne.3.3 ;  ^A  Judg.3.23, 
25,  Can. 5. 5,  etc.). 

Locust.  In  the  Bible  there  are  frequent 
allusions  to  locusts ;  and  there  are  nine  or  ten 
Heb.  words  supposed  to  denote  different  species 
of  the  group,  or  different  developmental  stages 
of  such  species.  In  Lev. 11. 21, 22  we  have  the 
Heb.  names  of  four  different  kinds  of  locusts 
and  grasshoppers  :  "  These  may  ye  eat  of  every 
flying  creeping  thing  that  goeth  upon  all  four, 
which  have  legs  above  their  f(>et  to  leap  withal 
upon  the  earth  ;  even  those  of  them  ye  may 
eat,  the  'arbc  after  his  kind,  and  the  sol'dm  after 
his  kind,  and  the  hargol  [wrongly  translated 
beetle  by  A.V.  (see  below)]  after  his  kind,  and 
the  hdghdbh  after  his  kind."  Besides  these 
four  names  there  occur  five  others — viz.  gobh, 
gdzdm,  Jidsil,  ycleq,  and  r'idfdl,  which  have 
been  regarded  as  rej^resenting  as  many  species 
or  developmental  phases  of  these  insects. 
(i)  The  word  'arbe,  which  is  the  most  common 
name  for  locust,  occurring  about  20  times  in 
the  Heb.  Bible,  is  derived  from  a  root  signify- 
ing "  to  be  numerous,"  and  is  probably  some- 
times used  in  a  wide  sense  to  express  any 
of  the  larger  devastating  species.  In  almost 
every  passage  where  the  'arb£  is  mentioned 
reference  is  made  to  its  terribly'  destructive 


nil.  .mii.;katokv  Lucusr. 

powers.  The  A.V.  has  grasshopper  in  Judg.6.5, 
7.12,  Job 39.20,  and  Jc.46.23,  in  all  the  other 
places  locust.  Both  the  migratory  locust 
(Pachytylus  cinerascens)  and  the  N.  African 
locust  (Acridium  peregrinum)  occur  in  Pales- 
tine, but  the   latter  appears   to  be  the  locust 


IHIC  N.   AI-KICAN   I.OCL'ST. 

of  the  Egyptian  plagues.  Of  this  species,  M. 
Olivier  (Voyage  dans  V Empire  Othoman,  ii.  424) 
writes  as  follows :  "  With  the  Inirning  S. 
winds  [of  Syria]  there  come  from  the  interior 
of  Arabia  and  from  the  most  s<iuthern  jiarts 
of  Persia  clouds  of  locusts  {Acridium  pere- 
grinum), whose  ravages  to  these  countries 
are  as  grievous  and  nearly  as  sudden  as  those 
of  the  heaviest  hail  in  Ivurope.  We  witnessed 
them  twice.  It  is  difficult  to  express  the 
effect  I'roduced  on  us  by  tlic  sight  of  the 
whole  atmosphere  filled  oti  all  sides  and  to  a 
great  height  by  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
these  insects,  whose  flight  was  slow  and 
uniform,  and  whose  noise  resembled  that  of 


liOCUST 

rain  :  the  sky  was  darkened,  and  the  light 
of  the  siin  considerably  weakened.  In  a 
moment  the  terraces  of  the  houses,  the 
streets,  and  all  the  fields  were  covered  by 
these  insects,  and  in  two  days  they  had 
nearly  devoured  all  the  leaves  of  the  plants. 
Happily  they  lived  but  a  short  time,  and 
seemed  to  have  migrated  only  to  reproduce 
themselves  and  die  ;  in  fact,  nearly  all  those 
we  saw  the  next  day  had  paired,  and  the  day 
following  the  fields  were  covered  with  their 
dead  bodies."  This  species  is  found  in  Arabia, 
Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  Persia,  and  India. 
(2)  hdghdbh  in  aChr.T.is  of  A.V.  is  translated 
"  locust,"  in  other  passages  "  grasshopper." 
In  the  Talmud  hdghdbh  is  a  collective  name 
for  members  of  the  locust  tribe,  no  less 
than  800  kinds  of  hdghdbhim  being  supposed 
to  exist  !  (3)  As  to  hargol,  A.V.  is  in  error 
in  translating  it  "  beetle  "  ;  it  occurs  only  in 
Lev. 11. 22,  where  it  clearly  denotes  some  kind 
of  winged  locust  or  grasshopper  which  the 
IsraeUtes  were  allowed  to  use  as  food,  which 
would  not  be  the  case  with  the  "  beetle." 
No  attempts  at  a  more  exact  identification 
have,  however,  sufficient  evidence.  (4) 
sol'dm  (A.V.  bald  locust)  occurs  only  in  Lev. 


THE  BALD(?)  LOCUS  1'. 

11.22,  as  one  of  the  four  edible  kinds  of  leaping 
insects.  In  the  Talmud  it  is  stated  to  have 
a  smooth  head  (whence  the  English  transla- 
tion) ;  and  this  suggests  that  it  may  be 
one  of  the  species  of  Truxalis,  such  as  T. 
nasitta,  shown  in  the  figure,  which  abound  in 
Palestine.  (5)  For  gdzdm,  see  Palmer-worm. 
(6)  gobh  (A.V.  in  Na.3.17,  great  grass- 
hoppers ;  grasshoppers,  marg.  green,  worms, 
in  Am. 7.1)  is  found  only  in  Is. 33. 4  and  in  the 
other  two  passages  cited,  but  there  is  nothing 
that  will  help  to  identify  the  species  denoted, 
or  whether  it  refers  to  adult  insects,  larvae,  or 
pupae  (which  are  active  among  locusts  and 
grasshoppers).  By  some  writers  it  has  been 
supposed  that  hdndmdl  (A.V.  frost),  which 
occurs  only  in  Ps.78.47,  denotes  some  kind  of 
locust  ;  but  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all 
the  old  versions,  which  interpret  the  word  as 
hail  or  frost,  forbids  the  conjecture.  (7)  ycleq 
is  rendered  by  the  A.V.  cankerworm  in  Ps. 
105.34,  Na.3.15,16,  Jl.l.4,2.25,  and  cater- 
piller  in  Je. 51. 14,27.  The  name  means 
"  that  which  licks  up,"  and  from  its  association 
with  the  epithet  "rough,"  some  have  thought 
that  true  lepidopterous  caterpillars  are  in- 
dicated, while  others,  who  regard  the  epithet 
as  equivalent  to  spiny,  have  suggested  cock- 
chafers and  certain  other  insects.  Tristram 
suggested  that  it  more  probably  indicates  the 
larvae  and  pupae  of  locusts,  which  follow  the 
adult  insects  and  consume  what  they  have  left; 


LORD  (ADON,  ADONAI)        483 

but  against  this  is  the  fact  that  the  "hoppers" 
of  Acridium  peregrinum  do  not  collect  in 
swarms.  (8)  For  hdsil,  see  Caterpillar. 
(9)  The  name  ('Mfa^  (ht.  tinkler;  Deut.28.42) 
apparently  refers  to  the  stridulating  sounds 
emitted  by  locusts.  In  the  other  passages 
where  the  word  occurs,  it  represents  some 
tinkling  musical  instrument,  and  is  generally 
translated  cymbals  in  A.V.  Locusts  occur  in 
great  numbers,  and  sometimes  obscure  the 
sun  (Ex. 10.15;  Judg.6.5,7.12;  Je.46.23  ;  Jl. 
2.10;  Na.3.15).  Their  voracity  is  alluded  to  in 
Ex.lO.12, 15  ;  Deut. 28.38;  Ps.78.46,105.34;  Is. 
33.4;  Jl.l.4,7,12,2.3.  They  are  compared  to 
horses  (Jl.2.4;  Rev.9.7).  They  make  a  fearful 
noise  in  their  flight  (Jl.2.5  ;  Rev. 9. 9).  They 
have  no  king  (Pr.3O.27).  Their  irresistible 
progress  is  referred  to  in  Jl.2.8,9.  They  enter 
dwellings,  and  devour  even  the  woodwork  of 
houses  (Ex. 10.6  ;  Jl.2.9,10).  They  do  not 
fly  in  the  night  (Na.3.i7).  The  sea  destroys 
the  greater  number  (Ex. 10. 19  ;  Jl.2.20).  Their 
dead  bodies  taint  the  air  (Jl.2.20).  They  are 
used  as  food  (Lev. 11. 21, 22,  and  perhaps  Mt.3.4, 
Mk.1.6).  There  are  different  ways  of  preparing 
locusts  for  food :  sometimes  they  are  ground 
and  pounded,  and  then  mixed  with  flour  and 
water  and  made  into  cakes,  or  they  are  salted 
and  then  eaten ;  sometimes  smoked  ;  boiled  or 
roasted  ;  stewed,  or  fried  in  butter.  As  they 
are  thus  commonly  used  as  food  in  the  E., 
the  suggestion  that  a  diet  of  locusts  and  wild 
honey  indicates  locust-beans  and  honey  is 
unnecessary.  It  may  be  added  that  locusts 
are  merely  large  grasshoppers  characterized 
by  the  habit  of  collecting,  either  regularly 
or  occasionally,  in  immense  migratory 
swarms.     [Fan.]  [r.l.] 

Lod,  a  town  of  Dan,  but  stated  to  have 
been  founded  by  Shamed  or  Shamer  (iChr.8. 
12  ;  Ezr.2.33  ;  Ne.7. 37,11. 35).  It  is  called 
Luten  in  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  64). 
[Lydda.]  [c.r.c] 

LfO-debap',  a  place  named  with  Mahanaim, 
Rogelim,  and  Rabbath-ammon  (2Sam.i7.27). 
It  was  the  native  place  of  Machir  ben-Ammiel 
(9.4,5).  The  name  means  "  without  pasture." 
The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Lodg'e.     [CucuMBEUs.] 
Log'.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 
Log-OS.     [John,  Gospel  of;  Philosophy.] 
Lo'is,  the  grandmother  of  Timothy,  and 
probably  the  mother  of  his  mother  Eunice 
(2Tim.l.5).     It   seems   likely   that   Lois   had 
resided  long  at  Lystra  ;    and  that  from  her, 
as   well   as   from   Eunice,   Timothy   had  ob- 
tained his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Jewish 
Scriptures    (2Tim.3.i5). 

Looking-glasses.  [Mirrors.] 
Lopd  (Adon',  Adonai').  Lord,  as  distinct 
from  Lord  which  represents  Jhvh,  stands  in 
E.V.  for  Adon  (master),  when  that  word  is 
used  as  a  name  of  the  Divine  Being,  and  also 
for  a  special  form  of  it,  Adonai — which  the 
Jews  have  called  sacred  (qddhosh),  and  distin- 
guished from  'ddhont,  my  master,  which  maybe 
common  (hoi).  Without  the  vowel  points  this 
distinction  would  not  be  discernible.  Adopt- 
ing it,  we  find  Adonai  by  itself  three  times  for 
the  Lord  in  O.T.  narrative  (1K.3.10  ;  2K.7.16  ; 
Dan.1.2).  As  a  title  of  God  in  the  vocative 
case,  Adonai  is  used  from  Abraham  to  Davi-l 


484 


LORD'S  DAY,  THE 


sometimes  with  Jhvh,  sometimes  alone. 
Afterwards  it  becomes  general,  more  so  in  the 
prophets  than  elsewhere,  and  is  most  frequent 
in  combination  with  Jhvh  in  Ezekiel.  The 
special  use  of  this  term  is  very  interesting,  but 
not  easily  followed,  because  it  partly  depends 
on  the  Heb.  pointing,  which  is  not  of  equal 
authority  with  the  original  text.  For  the 
application  of  the  title  "Lord"  to  Jesus 
Christ,  see  Paul,  II.  (3).  [c.h.w.] 

Lord's  day,  The  {rj  KvpiaKi]  ■r)iJ.ipa). 
The  observance  of  the  first  day  of  the  week  as 
the  holy  day  of  the  Church  is  one  of  those 
matters  where  most  clearly  may  be  observed 
the  fulfilment  of  our  Lord's  promise  that  the 
Holy  Spirit  would  guide  that  Church  into  all 
truth.  The  closed  shops  on  Sunday  are  a 
silent  proof  of  the  truth  of  our  religion  more 
eloquent  than  many  elaborate  arguments — a 
proof  made  more  convincing  by  the  fact  that 
there  is  no  direct  command  on  the  subject ;  in- 
deed the  expression  "the  Lord's  day"  only 
occurs  once  in  the  Bible  (Rev. 1. 10).  The  ob- 
servance of  the  Jewish  sabbath  faded  out  im- 
perceptibly from  the  life  of  the  Church  [Sab- 
bath] and  that  of  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
appropriately  called  the  day  of  the  sim,  as 
imperceptibly  dawned.  We  may  piously  be- 
lieve that  its  observance  was  one  of  the  things 
pertaining  to  the  kingdom  of  God  (Ac.l.3) 
about  which  the  apostles  received  definite  in- 
struction during  the  40  days,  though  there  is 
only  presumptive  evidence  for  that  belief.  We 
have,  however,  sufficient  evidence  in  N.T.  that 
the  first  day  was  from  the  beginning  recognized 
as  the  holy  day.  On  that  day  all  the  gospels 
state  that  our  Lord  rose  from  the  dead,  and  on 
it  He  was  seen  five  times.  On  the  following 
first  day  he  appeared  to  the  eleven  (there  is  no 
mention  of  any  appearance  between).  On  the 
7th  hebdomadal  recurrence  the  Holy  Spirit 
came  upon  the  Church  (the  mystic  number  is 
to  be  noticed).  We  have  evidence  that  the 
day  was  observed  in  N.T.  St.  Paul  speaks 
of  the  offertory  on  that  day  (iCor.16.2).  It  is 
mentioned  as  the  day  when  the  disciples  come 
together  to  break  bread  (Ac.20.7)  and  St.  John 
(Rev.l.io)  calls  it  the  Lord's  day.  Directly 
we  leave  Bible  times  evidence  of  the  fixed  and 
regular  observance  of  the  day  increases.  Pliny, 
in  his  celebrated  letter  to  Trajan  (112  a.d.), 
informs  the  emperor  that  the  Christians  were 
accustomed  to  meet  before  dawn  for  the  sacra- 
ment ("  quod  essent  soliti  stato  die  ante  lucem 
convenire,"  etc.,  Ep.  x.  96).  Justin  Martyr 
(148  A.D.)  writes  on  the  day  called  Sunday,  etc. 
(Ep.  i.  67),  in  his  description  of  the  Eucharist. 
In  the  Dtdache  (100-150  a.d.)  we  read  :  "  On 
the  Lord's  day  of  the  Lord  come  together  and 
break  bread  and  give  thanks,"  etc.  (xiv.  i). 
Ignatius  {Mag.  ix.)  directs  the  Lord's  day  to  be 
kept,  and  not  the  sabbath.  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria repeatedly  asserts  the  higher  sanctity  of 
the  Lord's  day  (Strom.  IV.  xvii.  109  ;  V.  vi.  36, 
etc.).  Other  references  to  writers  of  the  first 
5  centuries  are  quoted  by  Hesscy  (Bump.  Led., 
i860).  It  is  evident  that  the  Sunday  was  not 
looked  upon  as  the  continuation  of  the  sab- 
bath, either  in  the  Bible  (St.  Paul,  Col.2.i6f., 
mentions  the  sabbath  amongst  those  ordin- 
ances "which  are  a  shadow  of  things  to  come") 
nor  in  early  Christian  writings.     Indeed  there 


LORD'S  DAY,  THE 

is  in  those  writings  a  tendency  to  disconnect 
the  days  more  widely  than  St.  Paul  did  in  the 
above  passage,  which  was  only  natm-al  as  the 
cleavage  between  the  Jews  and  the  Holy 
Catholic  Church  became  deeper.  Had  the  Jew- 
ish sabbath  been  intended  by  the  Almighty  to 
pass  away,  our  Lord  would  not  have  explained 
the  Fourth  Commandment  so  frequently. 
Indeed  we  must  go  to  Him,  and  not  to  those 
who  immediately  followed  Him,  influenced  as 
they  could  not  help  being  by  the  growing 
hostility  between  Christian  and  Jew,  to  find 
the  true  connexion  between  sabbath  and  Sim- 
day — which  is  clearly  stated  in  His  emphatic 
declaration  that  He  is  the  Lord  of  the  sabbath 
day — a  statement  which  was  quite  as  conscious 
of  the  future  attitude  of  His  Church  to  the 
Fourth  Commandment  as  of  the  past  attitude 
of  the  Jews.  The  whole  subject  is  one  which 
shows  most  clearly  the  abiding  Presence  in  the 
Church.  For  1500  years,  however,  there  is 
found  no  warrant  for  the  assimilation  of  the 
two  days,  which  began  at  the  Reformation 
when  the  O.T.  was  much  more  considered  than 
the  N.T.  and  which  thenceforward  became 
the  popular  theory.  We  may  conclude  that 
the  observance  of  one  day  in  seven  is  of  divine 
institution,  as  binding  now  as  at  Sinai,  and 
that  the  Christian  Simday  is  a  day  of  greater 
sanctity  than  the  Jewish  sabbath,  and  that 
a  nation  will  suffer  morally  and  spiritually 
which  does  not  acknowledge  the  divine  claim 
to  its  observance  ;  but  there  is  no  authority  for 
calling  Sunday  the  sabbath,  or  for  the  idea 
that  rest  instead  of  worship  is  the  business  of 
the  holy  day.  The  present  writer  who  here 
revises  the  article  written  by  his  own  teacher 
( Dr.  Hessey ),  for  whom  he  h  as  a  filial  veneration, 
would  prefer  to  conclude  with  that  teacher's 
own  words  :  Sunday  "  was  not  an  institution 
of  severe  sabbatical  character,  but  a  day  of  joy 
and  cheerfulness,  rather  encouraging  than  for- 
bidding relaxation.  Religiously  regarded,  it 
was  a  day  of  solemn  meeting  for  the  Holy 
Eucharist,  for  united  prayer,  for  instruction, 
for  alms-giving  ;  and  though,  being  an  institu- 
tion under  the  law  of  liberty,  work  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  formally  interdicted,  or 
rest  formally  enjoined,  TertuUian  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  character  of  the  day  was 
opposed  to  worldly  business.  Finally,  what- 
ever analogy  may  be  supposed  to  exist  between 
the  Lord's  day  and  the  sabbath,  in  no  passage 
that  has  come  down  to  us  is  the  Fourth  Com- 
mandment appealed  to  as  the  ground  of  the 
obligation  to  observe  the  Lord's  day.  But 
on  whatever  grounds  '  the  Lord's  day '  may 
be  supposed  to  rest,  it  is  a  great  and  indisput- 
able fact  that,  four  years  before  the  Oecumeni- 
cal Council  of  Nicaea,  it  was  recognized  by 
Constant inc,  in  his  celebrated  edict,  as  '  the 
venerable  day  of  the  sun.'  The  terms  of  the 
document  are  these  : 

'  hnpcralor  Constaiitinus  .4«i'.  Helpidio. 
'  Omncs  judiccs  urbanacque  plebes  et  cunctaruni 
artium  ofTicia  vcncrabili  Die  Soils  quicscant.  Ruri 
taiiien  posUi  ngforum  culturac  libcre  licentcrquc 
inserviaiit,  (juoniani  frequenter  cvenit  ut  non  aptius 
alio  die  fruiiicnla  sulcis  aiit  vincae  scrobibus  man- 
dcntur,  lie  occijionc  momcnti  pcreat  commoditas 
coelesti  provisione  conccssa.' — Dat.  Non.  Mart. 
Crispo  II.  el  Constantino  II.  Coss. 
Some  have  endeavoured  to  explain  away  this 


liORD'S  PRAYER,  THE 

document  by  alleging :  (i )  that  '  Soils  Dies  ' 
is  not  the  Christian  name  of  the  Lord's  day  and 
that  Constantine  did  not  therefore  intend  to 
acknowledge  it  as  a  Christian  institution.  (2) 
That,  before  his  conversion,  Constantine  had 
professed  himself  to  be  especially  under  the 
guardianship  of  the  sun,  and  that,  at  the  very 
best,  he  intended  to  make  a  religious  com- 
promise between  sun-worshippers,  properly  so 
called,  and  the  worshippers  of  the  '  Sun  of 
Righteousness,'  i.e.  Christians.  (3)  That 
Constantine's  edict  was  purely  a  kalendarial 
one,  and  intended  to  reduce  the  number  of 
public  holidays.  (4)  That  Constantine  then 
instituted  Sunday  for  the  first  time  as  a  reli- 
gious day  for  Christians.  The  fourth  of  these 
statements  is  absolutely  refuted,  both  by  the 
.  .  .  writers  of  the  2nd  and  3rd  cents.,  and 
by  the  terms  of  the  edict  itself.  The  three 
other  statements  concern  themselves  rather 
with  what  Constantine  meant  than  with  what 
he  did.  But  with  such  considerations  we  have 
little  or  nothing  to  do.  It  is  a  fact  that  in  the 
year  321  a.d.,  in  a  public  edict,  which  was  to 
apply  to  Christians  as  well  as  to  pagans,  he 
put  especial  honour  upon  a  day  already  hon- 
oured by  the  former — judiciously  calling  it  by 
a  name  which  Christians  had  long  employed 
without  scruple,  and  to  which,  as  it  was  in 
ordinary  use,  the  pagans  could  scarcely  object. 
What  he  did  for  it  was  to  insist  that  worldly 
business,  whether  by  the  functionaries  of  the 
law  or  by  private  citizens,should  be  intermitted 
during  its  continuance.  Were  any  other  testi- 
mony wanting  to  the  existence  of  Sunday  as 
a  day  of  Christian  worship  at  this  period,  it 
might  be  supplied  by  the  Council  of  Nicaea, 
325  A.D.  The  Fathers  there  and  then  assem- 
bled assume  it  as  an  existing  fact,  and  only 
notice  it  incidentally  in  order  to  regulate  an 
indifferent  matter — the  posture  of  Christian 
worshippers  upon  it."  [b.r.] 

Lopd's  Ppayep,  The.  [Prayer.] 
Liopd's  Suppep.  [Eucharist.] 
Lo-puhamah'  (not  having  obtained  mercy), 
the  name  given  to  the  daughter  of  Hosea  the 
prophet  to  denote  how  utterly  ruined  and 
hopeless  the  kingdom  of  Israel  was  without 
the  mercy  of  Jehovah  (Ho.1.6). 

Lot,  son  of  Haran,  and  nephew  of  Abraham 
(Gen. 11. 27,31).  His  sisters  were  Milcah,  wife 
of  Nahor,  and  Iscah.  Haran  died  before  the 
emigration  of  Terah  and  his  family  from  Ur  of 
the  Chaldees  (11. 28),  and  Lot  was  therefore 
born  there.  He  removed  with  his  kindred 
to  the  land  of  Haran,  and  subsequently 
with  Abram  and  Sarai  to  Canaan  (12.4,5). 
With  them  he  took  refuge  in  Egypt  from  a 
famine,  and  with  them  returned,  first  to  the 
"  south,"  and  then  to  their  original  settlement 
between  Bethel  and  Ai  (12.io-20,13.i,3,4).  As 
their  herds  increased,  disputes  arose,  not  be- 
tween Abraham  and  Lot,  but  between  their 
herdmen,  and  a  parting  was  necessary.  From 
one  of  the  hills  around  Bethel — probably  that 
immediately  on  its  E. — the  two  Hebrews 
looked  over  the  land  towards  Sodom,  Gomor- 
rah, and  Zoar  (13. 10).  Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes 
towards  the  East,  and  beheld  the  well-watered 
and  fertile  plain  of  Jordan  [Sinai and  Palestine, 
218 ;  Hist.  Geog.  of  Holy  Land,  483  f.,  487,  489), 
aind  "  chose  all  the  precinct  of  the  Jordan,  and 


LOT 


485 


journeyed  east"  (11, r2).  [Cities  of  the 
Plain.]  The  next  notice  of  Lot  is  his  capture 
by  the  four  kings  of  the  East,  and  his  rescue 
by  Abram  (Gen. 14).  Later,  he  is  still  living  in 
Sodom  (ch.  19)  ;  but  in  the  midst  of  its  licen- 
tious corruption  he  preserves  some  of  the  de- 
lightful characteristics  of  his  wandering  life, 
his  fervent  and  chivalrous  hospitality  (19.2,8), 
the  unleavened  bread  of  the  tent  of  the  wilder- 
ness (ver.  3),  the  water  for  the  feet  of  the  way- 
farers (ver.  2),  affording  his  guests  a  reception 
identical  with  that  which  they  had  experienced 
that  very  morning  in  Abraham's  tent  on  the 
heights  of  Hebron  [cf.  18.3,6).  His  deliverance 
from  the  guilty  city  points  the  allusion  of  St. 
Peter  (2Pe.2.6-9).  [Zoar.]  The  value  and 
the  significance  of  the  story  of  Lot's  wife  are 
contained  in  the  allusion  of  Christ  (Lu.i7.32). 
(See  Grove,  in  Smith's  Did.  of  the  Bible ;  Robin- 
son, Bibh  Researches,  isted.  ii.  187-192.)  The 
story  of  the  origin  of  the  nations  of  Moab  and 
Ammon  from  the  incestuous  intercourse  be- 
tween Lot  and  his  two  daughters,  with  which 
his  history  abruptly  concludes,  has  been  con- 
sidered by  some  as  a  Heb.  legend  which 
owed  its  origin  partly  to  the  popular  meaning 
attached  to  the  names  Moab  and  Ammon  (see 
LXX.,  Gen.19.37,38)  and  partly  to  the  bitter 
hatred  that  existed  between  the  "  Children  of 
Lot  "  and  the  Children  of  Israel.  Modern 
critics,  however,  do  not  point  out  any  marks  of 
later  date  in  the  language,  and  the  writer 
undoubtedly  records  it  as  an  historical  fact. 
Lot's  character,  in  striking  contrast  to  Abra- 
ham's, is  essentially  weak.  It  erred  on  the 
side  of  kindness,  easiness,  gentleness,  lack  of 
severity. '':  He  loved  comfort,  wealth,  and 
worldly  possessions,  and  though  "  his  righ- 
teous soul  "  was  "  vexed  from  day'to  day  with 
the  lawless  deeds "  of  those  around  him, 
he  was  willing  to  dwell  in  Sodom  for  the 
sake  of  ease  and  worldly  prosperity  ;  and  his 
story  is  an  instance  of  the  extreme  forbearance 
of  the  Almighty  in  dealing  with  His  weak  and 
irresolute  servant.  [h.c.b.] 

Lot.  The  custom  of  deciding  doubtful  ques- 
tions by  lot  is  one  of  wide  extent  and  high  an- 
tiquity, as  well  as  of  great  variety  of  method. 
[Urim  ;  Divination.]  It  was  deemed  an  appeal 
to  the  Almighty,  without  passion  or  bias  (Pr. 
16-33),  and  prevailed  extensively  among  the 
Jews;  but  after  the  election  of  Matthias 
was  not  used  by  Christians  in  N.T.  times, 
because  at  Pentecost  the  Holy  Spirit  had  been 
given  to  "  guide  into  all  truth  "  (Jn.l6.13). 
Instances  of  it  are  for  the  (i)  choice  of 
men  for  an  invading  force  (Judg.l.1,20.9) ; 
(2)  partition  of  land  or  other  spoils  (Num. 
26.55  ;  Jos.18.io  ;  Ob.ir  ;  Ne.ll.i  ;  iMac.3. 
36;  Mt.27.35)  ;  (3)  settlement  of  doubtful 
questions  (Pr.l8.i8),  such  as  [a)  detection  of 
criminals  (Jos.7.14-18)  ;  (b)  appointment  to 
duties:  Saul (1Sam.lO.20),  Matthias  (Ac.l.24), 
Zacharias  (Lu.l.9) ;  (c)  selection  of  scapegoat 
on  the  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev.l6.8-io).  From 
the  use  of  lot  for  such  a  purpose  as  dividing 
the  land  comes  the  use  of  the  word  and  its 
cognates  in  both  Bible  languages  to  express 
inheritance  (Deut.9.29) ;  c/.  Jos. 18. 7  ("The 
priesthood  of  the  Lord  is  their  inheritance  "), 
Ps.16.5,6.  The  Scriptures  themselves  were 
used  in  the  Sortes  Biblica,e  to  obtain  guidance. 


486  LOTAN 

by  opening  a  Bible  at  random  and  drawing  in- 
ference from  the  first  passage  noticed  in  it. 
This  was  prohibited  by  early  Councils  of  the 
Church,  and  is  altogether  different  from  such  a 
reasonable  application  of  a  proper  passage  as 
led  to  St.  Augustine's  conversion,      [c.r.d.b.] 

Lotan',  an  Edomite  "  duke  "  ;  eldest  son  of 
Seir  the  Horite  (Gen. 36.20,22. 29  ;   iChr.l.38f.). 

Lothasu'bus  (ilisd.9.44),  a  corruption  of 
Hashim,  2,  in  No. 8. 4. 

Lots,  Feast  of.     [Purim.] 

Love.     [Charity.] 

Lo'zon  (iHsd.5.33)  —  Darkon. 

Lublm',  a  nation  which  contributed,  to- 
gether with  Cushites  and  Sukkiim,  to  Shishak's 
army  (2Chr.l2.3),  and  apparently  formed 
with  Cushites  the  bulk  of  Zcrah's  army  (16.8). 
Theyare  spoken  of  by  Nahum  (8.9)  with  Put  or 
Phut,  as  helping  No-Amon  (Thebes),  of  which 
Cush  and  Egypt  were  the  strength  ;  and  by 
Daniel  (11. 43)  as  paying  court  with  the  Cush- 
ites to  a  conqueror  of  Egypt.  They  are  the 
Lehabim  of  Gen. 10.13,  the  Lebu  or  "Libyans" 
of  the  Egyptian  monuments,  with  whom 
Menephtah  and  Ramses  III.,  in  the  13th  cent. 
B.C.,  waged  successful  wars.  The  sculptures 
of  the  great  temple  raised  by  Ramses  III.  at 
Thebes,  now  called  that  of  Medinet  Habu,  give 
us  representations  of  the  Lebu,  showing  that 
they  were  fair,  like  the  modern  Berbers  and 
Kabyles,  who  are  their  descendants,     [a.h.s.] 

Lu'cas  (Ph.24).     The  same  as  Luke. 

Lucifer  (R.V.  day  star;  Heb.  hMel  [lit. 
shining  one]  ;  LXX.  iuiacpdpos)  is  a  name  ap- 
plied to  the  planet  Venus,  when,  rising  before 
the  sun,  it  shines  conspicuously  as  the  morning 
star  (Heb.  son  of  dawn).  In  the  great  prophecy 
against  Babylon  (Is.l3.i-14.23)  it  is  poetically 
used  as  a  title  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  then  at 
the  height  of  his  power  (14.2).  In  the  pride  of 
his  heart  he  aspired  to  become  a  god  (I4.13), 
but  the  prophet  declares  that  he  will  be  miser- 
ably slain,  his  body  deprived  of  burial  (I4.19), 
his  empire  destroyed  by  the  Medes  (13. 17),  and 
his  soul  imiirisoiied  in  the  lowest  depths  of 
Shcol,  or  Hades  (I4.9-18).  St.  Jerome  wrongly 
identified  Lucifer  with  Satan  (c/.  Job  88.7  ; 
Rev.9.i),  and  regarded  Is.l4.i2ff.  as  a  descrip- 
tion of  his  fall  from  heaven.  [c.h.] 

Lu'cius,  a  Roman  consul,  said  to  have 
written  the  letter  to  Ptolemy  (Euergetes), 
which  assured  Simon  I.  of  the  protection  of 
Rome(c.  139-138  n.c. ;  i Mac.  15. 10, 13-24).  The 
whole  form  of  the  letter — the  mention  of  one 
consul  only,  the  description  of  the  consul  by 
the  praenomen,  the  omission  of  the  senate  and 
of  the  date — shows  that  it  cannot  be  an  exact 
copy  of  the  original  document  ;  but  there  is 
nothing  in  the  matter  of  the  letter  which  is 
open  to  just  suspicion.  The  imperfect  tran- 
scription of  the  name  has  led  to  the  varying 
identification  of  Lucius  with  (i)  Lucius 
Furius  Philus,  who  was  not  consul  till  136  B.C., 
and  is  therefore  ineligible.  (2)  Lucius  Caeci- 
lius  Mctelhis  Calvus,  consul  in  142  B.C.  (3) 
Lucius  Calpurnius  Piso,  consul  in  139  B.C.,  is 
most  probably  the  correct  identification. 

Lucius  is  kniiwn  to  us  from  K(i.l6.2i, 
where  he  joins  St.  Paul  in  sending  greetings 
to  the  Christians  of  Rome.  Togetlier  with 
Jason  and  Sosii>atcr,  ho  is  referred  to  by  St. 
Paul  as  his  "kinsman"  {ffvYYt"^^)-     ^'-  ^'"i"' 


LUKE 

is  writing  from  Corinth,  and  implies  that 
Lucius  was  known  to  the  Christians  at  Rome, 
whom  he  addresses.  He  is  by  some  identified 
with  Lucius  of  Cyrcne  {q.v.).  [j.a.n.] 

Lucius  of  Cypene  is  one  of  the  "  pro- 
phets and  teachers  "  of  the  Church  in  Antioch, 
who  laid  their  hands  upon  Barnabas  and  Saul 
and  set  them  apart  for  the  mission  to  the 
Gentiles  (Ac. 13. 1-3).  He  comes  third  on  the 
list,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been  one  of  the 
prophets.  [j.a.n.] 

Lud,  the  fourth  name  in  the  list  of  the 
children  of  Shem  (Gen.lO.22  ;  cf.  iChr.l.17), 
generally  identified  with  the  Lydians  ( Josephus, 
I  Ant.  vi.  4).  Some  scholars,  however,  hold 
the   reading  to  be  corrupt.  [Ludim.]     [a.h.s.] 

Ludim',  included  among  the  children  of 
Mizraim  (Gen.lO.13;  iChr.l.ii).  Lud  and  the 
Ludim  are  also  mentioned  in  3  passages  of 
the  prophets  (Is.66.19  ;  Je.46.9  ;  Ezk.27.io). 
In  the  first  of  these  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  is 
referred  to  ;  in  the  second  the  reference  seems 
to  be  to  the  Lydian  mercenaries  in  the  service 
of  Psammetichus  I.  and  his  successors  of  the 
26th  Egyptian  dynasty.  It  was  by  the  help 
of  the  Lydian,  Carian,  and  Ionian  troops  sent 
him  by  Gyges  of  Lydia  that  Psammetichus 
was  enabled  to  drive  the  Assyrians  out  of 
Egypt  and  make  it  once  more  an  independent 
kingdom.     [Races.]  [a.h.s.] 

Luhith',  an  "  ascent,"  noticed  with  the 
"  going  down  "  of  Horonaim  (Is. 15. 5  ;  Je.48. 
5)  ;  possibly  the  slope  now  called  Tal'at  el 
Heiihah,  with  a  path  leading  up  on  W.  side  of 
Nebo  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  228).  [c.r.c] 

Lulie.  Aoi'kSs,  or  Lucas,  is  a  Gk.  pet 
name  or  diminutive  for  the  Latin  Lucanus. 
It  suggests  the  probability  that  the  evangel- 
ist's father  was  a  Roman  and  his  mother 
a  Greek.  He  was  not  born  a  Jew,  as  in  Col. 
4.11,14  he  is  distinguished  from  "  those  of 
the  circumcision."  He  is  there  called  "  the 
beloved  physician  "  by  St.  Paul.  That  the 
writer  of  our  third  Gospel  and  Acts  was  really  a 
physician,  or  at  least  one  deeply  interested  in 
medicine,  is  absolutely  proved.  Both  books 
abound  in  medical  terms,  and  in  descriptions 
of  cures,  accurate  according  to  the  standard 
of  the  1st  cent,  of  the  Christian  era.  Not 
only  docs  the  author  use  technical  medical 
terms,  as  in  describing  the  sleep  of  Eutychus 
(Ac. 20.9)  and  the  viper  at  Mclita  (28.3ff.),  but 
he  actually  injects  medical  words  into  his 
description  of  undcrgirding  the  ship  in  27.17- 
In  the  stories  of  miraculous  cures  which  he 
borrows  from  St.  Mark,  St.  Luke  repeatedly 
gives  St.  Mark's  phrases  a  more  scientific 
medical  turn  [e.g.  Lu. 4.35, 38,5. 12,8.27,44). 
And  in  8.43  he  simply  leaves  out  St.  Mark's 
rather  sarcastic  allusion  to  physicians.  An 
ancient  Latin  biography  says  that  St.  Luke 
belonged  to  Antioch.  Acts  corroborates  this. 
It  is  remarkable  that  in  the  choice  of  the  Seven, 
the  native  place  of  one  only  is  mentioned, 
Nicolas  oi  Antioch  (6.5).  Again,  the  history  of 
St.  Stei)hen  leads  to  an  account  of  the  planting 
of  the  Ciuin  h  at  Antioch,  and  the  details  of  this 
are  of  fnst-rate  value  and  interest  (ll.igff.). 
Note,  too,  how  the  five  projihets  and  teachers 
at  Antioch  arc  mentioned  in  ch.  13,  and  the 
question  as  to  circumcision  comes  to  a  head 
at  'Antioch  (15.2).      St.    Luke's   books    show 


LUKE,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST. 

that  he  is  not  a  native  of  Palestine,  of  which 
he  knows  part  of  the  coast,  or  Jerusalem.  He 
knows  Asia  well.  St.  Luke  met  St.  Paul  at 
Troas  in  50  a.d.,  during  St.  Paul's  first  mis- 
sionary journey  (Ac.16.io,  17).  He  went  with 
him  to  Philippi,  where  he  remained  after  St. 
Paul  had  gone.  About  six  years  later  they  met 
again  at  Philippi  and  went  together  to  Jeru- 
salem (20.5-21.18).  He  was  with  the  apostle 
on  his  voyage  to  Rome,  was  shipwrecked  with 
him  at  Malta  (ch.  27).  He  was  with  him  in 
Rome,  and  was  his  beloved  friend  (Col. 4. 14;  Ph. 
24).  And  as  the  great  apostle  waits  for  death 
he  writes,  "  Only  Luke  is  with  me  "  {zTimA. 
11).  The  Latin  biography  says  that  St.  Luke 
died  in  Bithynia  at  the  age  of  74.  This  also  is 
probable.  It  is  plain  that  he  was  in  possession 
of  special  knowledge  obtained  from  St.  Philip, 
with  whom  he  stayed  at  Caesarea  (Ac. 9. 30,21. 
9).  And  it  is  probable  that  he  visited  St. 
Philip  and  his  daughters  after  they  had  re- 
moved to  Hierapolis  in  Asia  Minor,  where  they 
were  buried  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  31).  From 
them  he  may  have  derived  some  of  the  facts 
peculiar  to  his  gospel.  [l-P-] 

Luke,  Gospel  ace.  to  St.  We  are  left  to 
gather  the  name  of  the  author  from  tradition. 
The  Muratorian  Fragment,  c.  180  a.d.,  and 
Irenaeus,  c.  185  a.d.  (Adv.  Haer.  iii.  i),  first  call 
St.  Luke  the  author.  But  the  gospel  is  quoted 
earlier.  Justin  Martyr  (c.  140  a.d.)  records 
several  facts  found  in  this  gospel  only — e.g.  the 
coming  of  the  angel  to  the  B.V.  Mary,  and 
the  cry  on  the  cross,  "  Father,  into  Thy  hands 
I  commend  My  spirit."  Celsus,  a  celebrated 
pagan  philosopher  (c.  180  a.d.),  refers  to  the 
genealogy  which  says  that  Jesus  was  descended 
from  the  first  man.  The  Letter  of  the  churches 
of  Lyons  and  Vienne  (177  a.d.)  quotes  Lu. 
Marcion,  a  famous  teacher  who  mixed  a  pagan 
Gnosticism  with  Christianity  (144  a.d.),  is  an 
important  witness.  He  held  that  St.  Paul  was 
the  only  apostle  who  was  free  from  the  taint  of 
Judaism.  The  only  gospel  that  Marcion  kept 
was  Lu.,  because  he  held  that  it  agreed  with 
St.  Paul.  The  contents  of  Marcion's  gospel 
can  be  largely  discovered  quoted  in  the  book 
written  against  Marcion  by  Tertullian.  They 
prove  that  Marcion  used  our  present  third 
gospel,  simply  cutting  out  what  did  not  agree 
with  his  own  debased  doctrine.  Thus  he  left 
out  St.  Luke's  account  of  our  Lord's  birth  and 
infanc}^,  because  he  did  not  believe  that  His 
human  nature  was  strictly  real.  Tertullian 
and  his  contemporary,  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(c.  200  A.D.),  definitely  ascribe  the  gospel  to 
Lu.  The  internal  evidence  of  genuineness  is 
of  imique  interest.  It  consists  in  the  subtle 
and  strong  connexion  between  the  gospel  and 
Acts  in  style,  in  the  dedication  of  the  two 
books  to  Theophilus,  and  the  reference  in  Ac. 
l.i  to  a  "  former  treatise,"  which  can  only  be 
the  gospel.  The  two  books  fit  together,  both 
in  spirit  and  form.  It  is  well  known  that  Acts 
contains  certain  passages,  97  verses,  which  are 
commonly  called  the  "  we  sections,"  because 
the  writer  uses  the  first  person  plural,  implying 
that  he  was  personally  present  on  the  occasions 
described.  It  has  long  been  debated  whether 
the  rest  of  the  book  is  by  the  same  writer,  or  by 
a  later  author  who  inserted  these  sections  into 
a  less  trustworthy  and  much  later  book.     The 


LUKE,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST.     487 

question  may  be  regarded  as  no  longer  a  ques- 
tion. Acts  is  a  literary  unity.  There  are  about 
67  words  or  phrases  which  are  common  to  the 
"  we  sections  "  and  the  rest  of  Ac,  while  they 
are  absent  in  all  four  gospels.  There  are  also 
44  words  and  phrases  in  the  "  we  sections  " 
which  are  also  in  the  rest  of  Ac.  and  in  Lu.,  but 
not  in  Mt.,  Mk.,  Jn.  There  are  about  130  words 
or  phrases  in  the  97  verses  found  in  the  rest 
of  Ac,  or  Lu.,  or  both,  but  not  in  Mt.,  Mk.,  Jn. 
These  facts,  which  might  be  added  to,  lead 
irresistibly  to  the  conclusion  that  the  gospel 
and  all  Acts  are  by  one  writer,  the  author  of 
the  "  we  sections  " — St.  Luke,  the  companion 
of  St.  Paul.  [Acts.] — The  date  is  previous  to 
that  of  Ac.  It  is  later  than  Mk.  Lu.  and  Ac. 
cannot  confidently  be  dated  after  70  a.d.,  and 
are  probably  earlier  than  St.  Paul's  death  in 
65  a.d.  Few  arguments  can  be  found  for  a 
date  later  than  70  a.d.,  other  than  the  some- 
what sceptical  objection  that  the  prophecies 
about  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  are  too 
clear  to  have  been  written  until  the  destruction 
had  taken  place,  or  the  more  sceptical  objec- 
tion that  the  story  of  the  risen  Christ  and  the 
Ascension  is  necessarily  a  late  legend.  Ac, 
which  is  plainly  later  than  Lu.,  contains  no  hint 
of  St.  Paul's  death  or  of  St.  Peter's.  It  betrays 
no  use  of  St.  Paul's  epp.,  which  would  be  almost 
inconceivable  if  it  were  later  than  70  a.d.  The 
historian  who  in  Ac.ll.28  speaks  of  the  fulfil- 
ment of  a  Christian  prophecy,  never  mentions 
the  fulfilment  of  Christ's  prophecies  with  re- 
gard to  Jerusalem  and  the  temple.  The  Jews 
are  represented  as  in  a  privileged  position  in 
the  empire,  a  position  which  they  did  not  hold 
after  c.  68  a.d.  ;  and  our  Lord  is  called  "  the 
Christ,"  or  Messiah,  the  word  having  not  yet 
become  a  proper  name.  The  gospel  is,  there- 
fore, an  early  work,  probably  c.  63  a.d. — Style 
and  Character.  Lu.  is  the  most  literary  of  the 
gospels.  The  author's  name  and  profession 
imply  that  he  was  a  man  of  education  and 
versed  in  Gk.,  the  polite  language  of  the 
Roman  empire.  His  gospel  corroborates  this. 
We  have  already  noted  his  repeated  use  of 
medical  terms.  The  very  opening  verses  of 
the  gospel  not  only  recall  a  "  prologue  "  in 
Galen  (Theriac.  ad  Pis.  i.  xiv.  210),  but  at  once 
arrest  attention  by  their  classical  character. 
In  almost  every  narrative  which  Lu.  has 
in  common  with  Mt.  and  Mk.,  we  find  that 
there  is  a  slight  tendency  to  reject  non- 
classical  words  and  to  write  in  a  purer  style. 
No  less  than  319  words  are  peculiar  to  him  in 
N.T.  The  number  of  words  which  occur  here 
and  not  in  Mt.  and  Mk.  is  large  ;  St.  Luke  uses 
the  optative  mood,  which  is  rare  in  N.T.,  and 
is  fond  of  re  and  5^  Kai.  Though  able  to 
write  pure  Gk.,  he  uses  numerous  Hebraisms. 
This  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was 
imbued  with  both  the  style  and  the  vocabulary 
of  the  LXX.  The  Hebraisms  cannot  always 
be  derived  from  the  sources  which  he  used,  for 
they  recur  in  the  sentences  which  he  has 
himself  composed  to  link  the  narrative  to- 
gether, but  they  are  intentional.  The  effect 
is  unique.  It  is  archaic,  hieratic,  like  that 
of  early  Gk.  or  mediaeval  Italian  sculpture. 
With  a  true  Gk.  sense  of  form,  St.  Luke,  with- 
out artificiality  or  exaggeration,  introduced  a 
Heb.  element  into  a  gospel  for  the  Gentiles. 


488    LUKE,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST. 

It  is  a  prophecy  of  the  catholic  character 
of  the  Church  ;  and  the  Magnificat  (Lu.l. 
46-55),  the  Bcnedictus  (1. 68-79),  the  Gloria 
in  Hxcelsis  (2.14)  and  the  Nunc  Diniittis  (2.29- 
32),  have  become  for  ever  part  of  the  praises 
offered  by  the  Church  to  God.  Sympathy  is 
one  of  the  great  marks  of  St.  Luke.  As  a 
friend  of  St.  Paul,  ho  believes  that  the  Gospel  is 
free  to  all ;  it  is  universal.  As  St.  Paul  be- 
lieved that  even  himself,  the  chief  of  sinners, 
and  even  the  unclean  heathens  of  Corinth, 
had  been  given  the  offer  of  a  full  salvation, 
so  St.  Luke  has  room  for  every  outcast.  He 
alone  (3.6)  quotes  in  full  Is.52.i() — "all  flesh 
shall  see  the  salvation  of  God."  Christ's  first 
recorded  teaching  (Lu.4.24ff.)  tells  of  the  ad- 
mission of  Gentiles  to  privileges  at  tiie  hands 
of  Elijah  and  Elisha.  The  exquisite  narrative 
of  the  visit  to  Emmaus  tells  of  forgiveness 
to  be  preached  "  to  all  nations  "  (24.47).  It  is 
in  Lu.  that  we  read  of  the  jiublican  who  was 
justified  (18. 1 3),  of  the  good  Samaritan  who 
showed  a  pity  which  the  Jewish  priest  and 
Levite  withheld  (10.3off.),  of  the  prodigal 
welcomed  home  by  his  father  (15. 11  ff.),  of  the 
woman  in  the  city  who  had  been  a  sinner  (7. 
36ff.),  of  the  dying  robber  who  appealed  to  our 
Lord  on  the  cross  (23.39ff.).  Jesus,  in  this 
gospel,  is  especially  the  Refuge  of  sinners  and 
the  Consoler  of  the  afflicted,  the  "  Saviour  " 
and  Healer  of  the  sick  (4.4of.,6.i8f.,7.2i,13.32); 
Jesus  is  also  the  Father  of  the  poor.  The 
poverty  of  the  holy  family  (2.7,16,24),  the 
beatitude  on  the  poor  (6.20)  with  the  corre- 
sponding woes  pronounced  on  the  rich  (6.24ff.), 
the  parable  of  Dives  and  Lazarus  (16. 19),  the 
invitation  of  tlic  poor  to  the  supper  of  tlie  king, 
show  tills  sym]>atiiy.  St.  Luke  lias  been  ac- 
cused f)f  hfjlding  the  Ebionile  heresy,  held  by 
some  semi-Christian  Jews  in  the  2nd  cent,  a.d., 
because  he  strongly  condemns  the  rich.  The 
accusation  implies  an  anachronism.  The 
Ebionites  denied  both  the  divinity  and  virgin 
birth  of  our  Lord,  and  insisted  on  the  necessity 
of  circumcision.  Such  notions  would  have 
gained  scant  respect  from  St.  Luke.  There  is 
also  no  reason  for  doubting  that  his  severe 
words  against  the  rich  faithfully  preserve  our 
Lord's  teaching.  Christ's  words  were  often 
incisive,  and  in  outward  form  ]iaradoxical.  His 
strongest  words  against  wealth  are  in  Mk.lO. 
25,  and  are  followed  by  symbolic  words  which 
suggest  that  His  teaching  is  not  always  to  be 
interpreted  literally  (10.29,30).  It  by  no  means 
follows  from  this  that  we  interpret  our  Lord's 
severe  sayings  correctly  when  we  explain  them 
away.  Women  are  represented  in  Lu.  with  a 
new  dignity  and  grace.  St.  Luke  was  here 
relying  on  some  special  sources  of  great  value. 
Here  Mary  is  seen  as  "  highly  favoured,"  and 
her  place  in  the  i)lan  of  redemption  is  demon- 
strated. The  feminine  touch  about  the  story 
of  our  Lord's  infancy  can  most  reasonably  be 
traced  to  her  or  to  some  f)f  the  circle  of  holy 
women  around  her.  St.  Luke  probably  met 
tliein  wlien  staying  in  Jerusalem  in  56  a.d. 
Note  the  prophetess  Anna,  tlie  widow  of  Naiii 
and  the  woman  who  called  Mary  !)lcssed  (Lu. 
11.27).  Martha,  "  ruiiibcrcd  .ihout  iiiucii 
serving  "  (10. 40),  the  widow  witii  tlie  two  mites  I 
(21.2),  the  daughters  of  Jerusalem  weeping  on 
the  way  of  the   cross  (23.28),   Elisabeth  re-  | 


LUZ 

joicing  both  to  bear  a  son  in  her  old  age  and 
to  be  visited  by  the  mother  of  her  Lord,  breathe 
with  womanly  life.  Women  of  Galilee  were 
by  the  cross  (23.49),  ^^^  women  first  tell  of 
the  Resurrection  (24.io).  St.  Luke  reminds  us 
perpetually  that  the  Gospel  is  "  good  tidings 
of  gfeat  joy  "  (2. 10),  and  tells  of  joy  from  the 
birth  of  the  Baptist  (I.14)  to  the  bewildered 
joy  of  the  apostles  at  the  Resurrection  (24.4 1), 
and  of  their  return  with  great  joy  after  the 
Ascension  (24.52).  There  is  the  joy  of  the  70 
disciples  (10. 17),  of  the  people  over  the  works 
done  by  the  Lord  (13. 17),  of  Zacchaeus  (19.6), 
and  others.  Lu.  is  the  imperishable  proof  that 
Christianity  did  not  destroy,  but  fulfilled,  the 
joy  of  the  Circck  mind.  The  stress  laid  upon 
prayer  is  also  remarkable.  There  are  seven 
instances  in  which  St.  Luke  alone  tells  us  that 
Jesus  prayed  :  at  His  baptism  (3. 21)  ;  before 
His  first  encounter  with  the  Pharisees  (5. 16) ; 
before  choosing  the  Twelve  (6.12)  ;  before 
the  first  prediction  of  the  Passion  (9. 18)  ;  at 
His  Transfiguration  (9.29)  ;  before  teaching 
the  Lord's  Prayer  (11.  i)  ;  and  on  the  cross 
(23.34,46).  Prayer  is  one  of  the  truest  marks 
of  a  real  human  nature,  and  in  this  gospel, 
where  Jesus  is  so  often  represented  as  the 
divine  "  Lord,"  prayer  is  one  of  His  great 
characteristics.  The  duty  of  prayer  is  in- 
culcated in  two  parables  found  in  Lu.  only 
(11.5-8,18.1-8).  St.  Luke  alone  tells  us  that 
Jesus  said  that  He  had  made  supplication  for 
St.  Peter,  and  records  His  charge  to  the 
Twelve,  "  Pray  that  ye  enter  not  into  tempta- 
tion "  (22.32,40).  St.  Luke  also  manifests  a 
deep  interest  in  the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
The  whole  incarnate  life  of  Clirist  is  dominated 
by  the  Spirit.  It  not  only  begins  with  the 
direct  action  of  the  Spirit  in  Mary  (I.35),  but 
is  accompanied  by  other  manifestations,  as  in 
Elisabeth  (I.42)  and  Simeon  (2.25-27),  and  the 
birth  of  the  Baptist  (l.i5)-  By  the  Spirit  He 
was  baptized  (3.2  2),  led  to  the  wilderness  (4.i), 
returned  to  Galilee  (4.14).  With  the  Spirit 
upon  Him  He  began  His  preaching  (4. 18),  in 
the  Spirit  He  rejoiced  (10. 21).  It  is  for  the 
Holy  Spirit  that  we  should  pray,  for  the 
Father  will  give  Him  to  us  (11. 13).  At  the  end 
of  the  gospel  the  risen  Saviour  describes  this 
gift  of  the  Spirit  as  "  the  promise  of  My 
L'atlier,"  and  as  "  power  from  on  high  "  (24. 
49).  Perhaps  it  is  the  tenderness  of  St.  Luke 
that  causes  his  account  of  the  Twelve  to  differ 
considerably  from  that  of  St.  Mark.  Their 
dulness  and  their  weakness  are  set  in  a  sub- 
dued light.  He  does  not  tell  us  that  Clirist 
once  called  St.  Peter  "  Satan,"  or  that  St. 
Peter  cursed  when  he  denied  Christ.  He 
omits  the  rebuke  administered  to  the  disciples 
in  the  conversation  concerning  the  leaven 
(Mk.8.17),  and  the  ambitious  request  of  the 
two  sons  of  Zebedee.  And  when  he  speaks  of 
the  slumber  of  the  apostles  in  Gethscmanc,  he 
says  that  liicy  were  "  sleeping  for  sorrow  " 
(22.45).  The  gospel  of  the  physician  is  a 
gos|i(l  (if  pity  as  of  poetry.  [l.p.] 

Lunatics.     [Madnkss.] 

Luz  (  almond). — 1.  'I'lii;  old  name  of  llic 
town  afterwards  ealleil  Hi  rnia,  ((;cii.28.i<),35. 
(-.48.3;  Jos.l6.2,18.i3  :  Judg.l.23).  lying  W. 
of  Abraham's  altar  at  Betlicl. — 2.  A  town  in 
the    "land    of    the    Hittites "     (Judg.l.2(^), 


LYCAONIA 

named  after  the  preceding.  The  situation  is 
uncertain.  It  may  be  the  ruin  Lmveiziyeh, 
about  4  miles  W.  of  Banias,  at  the  sources  of 
Jordan  ;  since  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  in  early 
times,  extended  far  S.  in  Syria.  [c.r.c] 

Lycao'nia  (Ac.l4.6,ii),  the  bare  plateau 
W.  of  Cappadocia,  with  salt  lakes — a  region 
mainly  pastoral.  The  "  speech  of  Lycaonia  " 
may  have  been  a  Semitic  dialect,  since  a 
Semitic  clement  existed,  from  very  early  times, 
in  S.E.  part  of  Asia  Minor,  and  since  Paul  and 
Barnabas  seem  to  have  been  able  to  make 
themselves  understood  (vv.  io,i8).  There 
were  Pers.,  Gk.,  and  perhaps  even  Hittite,  ele- 
ments in  the  population,  as  well  as  Jews  and 
Phoenicians.  The  gods  adored  (ver.  12)  are 
given  Gk.  names  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  the 
rude  peasantry  who  desired  to  sacrifice  to  the 
apostles,  after  Paul  had  healed  the  cripple, 
thought  that  Barnabas  was  a  "  son  of  Nebo," 
and  Paul  himself  an  incarnation  of  Btil — a 
Semitic  deity  whose  name  occurs  in  Palmyrene 
texts.  If  so,  the  population  would  have  been 
Semitic.  [c.r.c] 

Lyeia  is  the  S.W.  region  of  the  peninsula 
of  Asia  Minor  opposite  the  island  of  Rhodes 
(Ac. 27. 5).  It  is  a  remarkable  district, 
both  physically  and  historically.  The  range 
of  Taurus  here  descends  in  majestic  masses 
to  the  sea,  forming  the  heights  of  Cragus 
and  Anticragus,  with  the  river  Xanthus 
winding  between  them,  and  ending  in  the 
series  of  promontories  called  by  modern 
sailors  the  "  seven  capes,"  among  which  arc 
deep  inlets  favoiurable  to  seafaring  and  piracy. 
The  Lycians  were  incorporated  in  the  Persian 
empire,  and  their  ships  were  conspicuous  in 
the  great  war  against  the  Greeks  (Herod,  vii. 
92).  After  the  death  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  Lycia  was  included  in  the  Gk. 
Sclcucid  kingdom,  and  was  a  part  of  the 
territory  which  the  Romans  forced  Antiochus 
to  cede.  It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Claudius 
that  Lycia  became  part  of  the  Roman  pro- 
vincial system.  At  first  it  was  combined 
with  Pamphylia.  At  a  later  period  of  the 
Roman  empire  it  was  a  separate  province, 
with  Myra  for  its  capital.  [The  language  of 
the  Lycian  inscriptions  of  the  5th  cent.  B.C.  at 
Xanthus, etc. ,isadialectakin  to  ancient  Persian. 
Some  texts  are  in  Lycian  and  Gk.       c.r.c] 

Lyd'da,  the  Gk.  form  of  the  Heb.  Lod, 
near  Joppa  (Ac. 9. 32, 35, 38).  Now  the  town 
Lndd  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  io|  miles  S.E. 
of  Joppa.  Lydda,  with  Gophna,  Emmaus, 
and  Thamna,  became  the  prey  of  the  insatiable 
Cassius  (c.  45  B.C.).  It  was  burnt  by  Cestius 
Gallus  (66  A.D.)  on  his  way  from  Caesarea  to 
Jerusalem.  In  68  a.d.  it  was  again  taken  by 
Vespasian.  In  the  time  of  Hadrian  it  received 
the  name  of  Diospolis.  When  Eusebius  wrote 
(320-330  A.D.),  Diospolis  was  a  well-known 
and  much-frequented  town.  In  Jerome's  time 
(404  A.D.)  it  was  an  episcopal  sec.  The  town 
has  now  a  population  of  about  7,000.  It 
includes  the  ruins  of  the  churches  of  St. 
George  and  St.  James,  built  about  1150  a.d.  ;  to 
the  former  a  minaret  was  added  before  1495  a.d. 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  252,  267,  268).  [c.r.c] 

Lyd'ia,  the  iirst  European  convert  of  St. 
Paul,  and  afterwards  his  hostess  during  his 
first  stay  at  Philippi  (Ac.l6. 14,15,   also  40). 


liYSIAS 


489 


She  was  a  Jewish  proselyte,  and  at  the  Jewish 
sabbath-worship  by  the  side  of  a  stream  (ver. 
13)  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  reached  her 
heart.  Her  native  place  was  Thyatira  (ver. 
14  ;  Rev.  2. 1 8),  a  city  famous  for  dyeing,  and 
Lydia  was  connected  with  this  trade.  She 
was  probably  a  person  of  position  and  wealth. 

Lyd'ia,  a  maritime  province  in  the  W.  of 
Asia  Minor,  bounded  by  Mysia  on  the  N., 
Phrygia  on  the  E.,  and  Caria  on  the  S.  The 
name  occurs  only  in  iMac.8.8  (the  rendering 
of  A.V.  in  Ezk.30.5  being  for  Ludira)  ;  it  is 
there  enumerated  among  the  districts  which 
the  Romans  took  awa^'  from  Antiochus  the 
Great  after  the  battle  of  Magnesia  in  190  b.c, 
and  transferred  to  Eumenes  II.,  king  of  Per- 
gamus.  For  the  connexion  between  Lydia 
and  the  Lud  and  Ludim  of  O.T.,  see  Ludim. 
Lydia  is  included  in  the  "  Asia  "  of  N.T. 

Lysanias,  mentioned  in  Lu.3.i  only, 
where  he  is  said  to  have  been  tetrarch  of 
Abilene  (in  Syria)  in  the  fifteenth  year  of 
Tiberius,  i.e.  (probably)  29  a.d.  Josephus 
(15  Ant.  iv.  r,  i  Wars  xxii.  3)  speaks  of  a  prince 
named  Lysanias,  son  of  Ptolemy,  who  ruled  over 
a  territory  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lebanon  in 
the  time  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  and  was 
killed  by  Antony  at  the  instigation  of  Cleo- 
patra in  36  B.C.,  or  more  than  sixty  years 
before  the  Lysanias  mentioned  by  St.  Luke. 
Several  scholars  have  identified  the  Lysanias 
of  St.  Luke  with  Lysanias  the  son  of  Ptolemy, 
thus  attributing  to  St.  Luke  the  gross  blunder 
of  supposing  that  the  latter  was  still  reigning 
sixty  years  after  his  death.  But  it  may  be 
urged  that  (i)  St.  Luke  (loc.  cit.)  is  engaged  in 
elaborately  fixing  the  date  of  a  great  event — 
viz.  the  beginning  of  the  Baptist's  ministry. 
It  seems  rash  to  assume  that  so  careful  an 
historian  has,  while  thus  engaged,  committed 
an  error  involving  some  sixty  years.  (2)  Ly- 
sanias son  of  Ptolemy  is  styled  king  (by  Dio 
Cassius).  The  Lysanias  of  St.  Luke  is  merely 
tetrarch.  (3)  An  inscription  (Corp.  Inscrip. 
Grec.  4523),  restored  with  probability  by  Re- 
nan,  shows  that  Lysanias  son  of  Ptolemy  left 
children  bearing  his  own  name.  (4)  In  37  a.d. 
(Josephus,  2  Wars  xi.  5)  the  emperor  Claudius 
bestowed  on  Agrippa  a  kingdom  called  that 
of  Lysanias  ("  Abila  of  Lysanias  "  in  19  Ant. 
V.  i),  and  in  20  Ant.  vii.  i  mention  is  made 
of  a  tctrarchy  of  Lysanias;  see  also  Corp. 
Inscrip.  Grec.  4521.  As  Lysanias  son  of 
Ptolemy  reigned  for  only  five  or  six  years,  it 
seems  probable  that  these  expressions  point  to 
a  ruler  named  Lysanias  less  distant  from  the 
time  of  Claudius  than  the  earlier  Lysanias. 
Hence  we  identify  the  tetrarch  Lysanias  of  St. 
Luke  with  this  later  Lysanias.  Plummer  on 
Lu.3.i  (Internat.  Crit.  Comm.)  ;  C.  H.  Prichard 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  iii.  178  ;  P.  W.  Schmiedel 
in  Encycl.  Bib.  iii.  2840.  [j.a.n.] 

Lysias,  a  nobleman  of  the  blood-royal 
(iMac.3.32  ;  2Mac.ll.i),  who  was  entrusted 
by  Antiochus  Epiphancs  (c.  166  b.c)  with  the 
government  of  southern  Syria,  and  the  guar- 
dianship of  his  son  Antiochus  Eupator  (iMac. 
3.32  ;  2Mac.lO.r1).  As  governor,  Lysias 
armed  a  very  considerable  force  against  Judas 
Maccabaeus.  Two  detachments  of  this  army 
under  Nicanor  (2Mac.8)  and  Gorgias  were  de- 
feated by  the  Jews  at  Emmaus  {iMac.4) ;  and 


490 


liYSIAS,  CLAUDIUS 


in  the  following  year  Lysias  himself  met  with  a 
serious  reverse  at  Beth-sura  (165  b.c.)-  After 
the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (164  b.c), 
Lysias  assumed  the  government  as  guardian  of 
his  son,  who  was  yet  a  child  (iMac.6.17).  The 
war  against  the  Jews  was  renewed  ;  and  Lysias 
was  besieging  Jerusalem  when  he  received 
tidings  of  the  approach  of  Philip,  to  whom 
Antiochus  had  transferred  the  guardiansliip  of 
the  prince.  He  defeated  Philip  (163  b.c),  and 
was  supported  at  Ixomc  ;  but  in  the  next  year, 
together  with  his  ward,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Demetrius  Sotcr,  who  put  them  both  to  death 
(iMac.7.2-4  ;   2Mac.l4.2).     [Antiochus  V.]. 

Ly'sias,  Clau'dius,  "  chief  captain  of  the 
band,"  i.e.  tribune  of  the  Roman  cohort,  who 
rescued  St.  Paul  from  the  infuriated  mob  at 
Jerusalem  (Ac. 23. 26,24.7). 

Lysim'achus. — 1.  "  A  son  of  Ptolemaeus 
of  Jerusalem,"  named,  in  the  I^XX.  subscrip- 
tion to  Esther,  as  the  Gk.  translator  of  the 
book. — 2.  A  brother  of  the  high-priest  Menc- 
laus,  who  left  him  as  his  deputy  during  his 
absence  at  the  court  of  Antiochus.  He  fell  a 
victim  to  the  fury  of  the  people,  c.  170  b.c. 
(2Mac.  4.29-42). 

Lys'tpa  has  two  points  of  extreme  interest 
in  connexion  respectively  with  St.  Paul's  ist 
and  2nd  missionary  journeys — (i)  as  the  place 
where  divine  honours  were  offered  to  him,  and 
where  he  was  presently  stoned  (Ac. 14)  ;  (2)  as 
the  home  of  his  chosen  companion  and  fellow- 
missionary  TiMOTHEUS  (Ac.16.1).  The  first 
settlement  of  Jews  in  Lystra,  including  possibly 
ancestors  of  Timotheus,  may  perhaps  be  traced 
to  the  establishment  of  Babylonian  Jews  in 
Phrygia  by  Antiochus  3  centuries  before.  Still 
it  is  evident  that  there  was  no  influential 
Jewish  population  at  Lystra  :  no  naention  is 
made  of  any  synagogue  ;  and  the  scene  de- 
scribed by  St.  Luke  (Ac.l4)  is  thoroughly 
heathen.  Lystra  was  undoubtedly  in  the  E. 
of  the  great  plain  of  Lycaonia  ;  and  there  are 
very  strong  reasons  for  identifying  its  site 
with  the  ruins  called  Bin-bir-Kilissch,  at  the 
baseof  a  conical  volcanic  mountain,  named  the 
Qara  Ddgh.  Pliny  places  this  town  in  Galatia, 
and  Ptolemy  in  Isauria  ;  but  these  state- 
ments are  quite  consistent  with  its  being 
placed  in  Lycaonia  by  St.  Luke,  as  it  is  by 
Hierocles. 


M 


Maacah'. — 1.  (2Sam.3.3)  —  Maachah,  5.— 
2.  A  region  near  Geshur  (Deut.3.14)  and 
Bashan  (Jos. 12. 5).  The  king  of  Maacah 
assisted  the  Bcne-Ammon  against  Joab  (2Sam. 
10.6,8  ;  iCh.19.7,  R.V.).  The  name  of  Abel 
Beth-maachah  (Ahil  Qiimh),  in  the  N.E. 
corner  of  the  land  of  Israel,  indicates  that  the 
small  kingdom  oi  Maachah  lay  near  Bdnids  and 
the  Jedt'ir  district.  [c.r.c] 

Ma'achah  (Maacah,  R.V.).— 1.  Son  (or 
daughter)  of  Nalu)r  by  his  concubine 
Kcumali  ((;on.22.24).— 2.  '|Mao(  11. 1— 3.  Tlio 
(laughter,  or  nion;  jirobably  graiidd.mghtcr, 
of  AI)saloni  (Abishalom  ini  K. 15. 2), named  after 
his  mother  ;  favourite  wife  of  Relmboam  and 
mot  her  of  Abijah(2Clir.l  1.20-22).    In2Sam.l4. 


MAASEIAH 

27  Absalom's  daughter  is  called  Tamar,  and  she 
became,  according  to  the  LXX.  and  Josephus 
(7  Ant.  X.  3),  the  wife  of  Rehoboam.  But  the 
mother  of  .\bijah  is  elsewhere  called  "  Michaiah, 
the  daughter  of  Uriel  of  Gibeah  "  (2Chr.l3.2). 
It  is  more  probable  that  "  Michaiah  "  is  the 
error  of  a  transcriber,  and  that  "  Maachah  " 
may  be  the  true  reading  in  all  cases.  During 
the  reign  of  her  grandson  Asa  she  occupied 
at  the  court  of  Jutlah  the  high  i)(isition  of 
"  king's  mother  "  (c/.  1K.2.19),  which  has  been 
compared  with  that  of  the  Sultana  Valide  in 
Turkey.  It  may  be  that  at  Abijah's  death, 
after  a  short  reign  of  three  years,  Asa  was  left  a 
minor,  and  Maachah  acted  as  regent.  If  this 
conjecture  be  correct,  it  would  serve  to  explain 
the  influence  by  which  she  promoted  the  prac- 
tice of  idolatrous  worship  (1K.I5.13  ;  2Chr.l5. 
16).— 4.  The  concubine  of  Caleb  the  son  of 
Hezron  (iChr.2.48). — 5.  The  daughter  of  Tal- 
mai  king  of  Geshur,  and  mother  of  Absalom  (3. 
2)  ;  also  called  Maacah  in  A.V.  of  2Sam.3.3. — 
6.  The  wife  of  Machir  the  Manassite  (iChr.7. 
15,16). — 7-  The  wife  of  J  ehicl,  father  or  founder 
of  Gibeon  (8.29,9.35 ). — 8.  The  father  of  Hanan, 
one  of  the  heroes  of  David's  body-guard  (11. 
43). — 9.  A  Simeonite,  father  of  Shephatiah, 
prince  of  his  tribe  in  the  reign  of  David  (27. 16). 
— 10.   (19.7)  =  Maacah,  2. 

Maachathi',  or  Maachathites,  The, 
the  inhabitants  of  the  small  kingdom  of 
Maachah  (Deut.3.14;  Jos.12.5,13.11,13).  In- 
dividual Maachathites  were  among  the  warriors 
of  Israel  (2Sam.23. 34  ;   2K.25.23  ;  Je.40.8). 

Maadai',  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.34). 

Maadiah',  one  of  the  priests,  or  families  of 
priests,  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ne. 
12.5) ;    called  Moadiah  in  ver.  17. 

Maai',  a  musician  of  the  Bene-Asaph  who 
took  part  in  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem after  its  rebuilding  (Ne.i2.36). 

Maaleh'-acpabbim'  (J0S.I5.3),  else- 
where in  A.V.,  as  here  in  R.V.,  rendered  "  the 
ascent  of,  or  the  going  up  to,  Akrabbim." 

Ma'ani  (iEsd.9.34  ;  cf.  Ezr.l0.34)=BANi,  4. 

Maarath',  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in 
the  Hebron  moimtains  (Jos. 15. 59).  Probably 
the  present  village  Beit  Ummdr,  6  miles  N.  of 
Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Maaseiah'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Jeshua 
the  priest  (Ezr.10.i8). — 2.  Apriest,  of  thesons 
of  Harim  (10. 21). — 3.  A  priest,  of  the  sons  of 
Pashur  (10. 22). — 4.  A  layman,  of  the  sons  of 
Pahath-moab(10.3o).  All  the  four  preceding  had 
married  foreign  wives. — 5.  Father  of  Azariah, 
i9(Ne.3.23). — 6.  Oneof  those  who  stood  on  the 
right  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the  law  to  the 
people  (Ne.8.4). — 7.  A  Lcvite  who  assisted  on 
the  same  occasion  (;7).). — 8.  -A.  chief  layman  who. 
or  whose  dcscciulants,  signed  the  covenant  with 
Nohemiah(10.25).— 9.  (11.5.)[.Asaiah,3.1— 10. 
A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Sallu  (11.7)- — 11-  Two 
priests  of  this  name  are  mentioned(12.4i,42)  as 
taking  part  in  the  musical  service  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  rebuilt  wall  of  Jerusalem.  One  of 
thorn  is  probably  the  same  as  6.— 12.  A  priest 
in  the  reign  of  /cdekiah  ;  father  of  /ki'iianiau, 
3  (Ie.21.i,29.2S,37.^).— 13.  Father  of  Zcdc- 
kiah  the  false  prophet  (J (■.29.2 1). — 14.  One  of 
the  Levites  of  the  second  rank,  ajipointcd  by 
David  to  sound  "  with  psalteries  on  Alamoth  " 


MAASIAI 

(iChr.15. 18,20). — 15.  Sonof  Adaiah,  5,and  one 
of  the  captains  of  hundreds  who  assisted  Je- 
hoiada  in  placing  J  cash  upon  the  throne  of  Ju- 
dah  (2Chr.23.i). — 16.  An  officer  of  high  rank 
{shofer)  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (2Chr.26.11).  He 
was  probably  a  Levite  (c/.  iChr.23.4),  and  en- 
gaged in  a  semi-military  capacity. — 17-  The 
"king's  son"  (perhaps  viceroy;  cf.  iK.22.26  ; 
2Chr.l8.25  ;  and  Malchiah,  8)  killed  by  Zichri 
the  Ephrairaite  hero  in  the  invasion  of  J  udah  by 
Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  during  the  reign  of  Ahaz 
(2Chr.28.7). — 18.  The  governor  of  Jerusalem 
appointed  by  Josiah  as  one  of  the  superintend- 
ents of  the  temple-repairs  (2Chr.24.8). — 19.  The 
son  of  Shallum,  8  ;  a  Levite  of  high  rank  in  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim  (Je.35.4  ;  cf.  iChr.9.19). — 
20.  A  priest;  ancestor  of  Baruch  and  Seraiah, 
the  sons  of  Neriah  (Je.32.i2,51.59). 

Maasiai',  a  priest  who  after  the  return 
from  Babylon  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  (iChr. 9. 12). 

Maasias  (Ba.l.i)  =  Maaseiah,  20. 

Ma'ath,  son  of  Mattathias  in  the  genealogy 
of  Jesus  Christ  (Lu.3.26). 

Maaz',  son  of  Ram  in  the  genealogy  of 
Caleb  (iChr.2.27). 

Maaziah',  a  priest  in  the  reign  of  David, 
head  of  the  24th  course  (iChr.24.i8).  The 
name  in  Ne.10.8,  given  as  that  of  one  who 
signed  the  covenant,  is  probably  that  of  this 
family,  rather  than  of  an  individual. 

Mabdai'  =  Benaiah,  8,  of  the  sons  of  Bani 
=  Maani  (iEsd.9.34  ;  cf.  Ezr. 10. 34,35). 

Mac'alon  (iEsd.5.2i),  apparently  an  error 

for  MiCHMASH. 

Maccabees,  The.  I.  The  name  Macca- 
bee  {MaKKajSaTos,  ''33D  or  ^3pD)  is  primarily 
the  distinctive  designation  of  the  third  son  of 
Mattathias,  though  afterwards  extended  first 
to  the  rest  of  his  family,  and  then  to  the  whole 
body  of  his  adherents,  who  maintained  their 
heroic  struggle  against  Syria  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.  The  title  has 
been  variously  explained  as  meaning  "  ham- 
merer," "  extinguisher  "  (sc.  of  his  enemies), 
or  as  being  formed  from  the  initial  letters  of  the 
sentence  '"•D''^X3  n3iD3  ''O  ("Who  is  like  un- 
to Thee,  among  the  gods,  O  Jehovah  ?  "),  a  de- 
vice supposed  to  have  been  borne  upon  their 
banners.  Mattathias  was  the  grandson  of  one 
Hashmon,  and  hence  the  more  accurate  family 
name  is  Hashmonean  or  Asmonean  (Hasmo- 
naean) ;  moreover,  it  is  possible  that  the  "  sur- 
names "  Gaddi,  Thassi,  etc.,  were  the  original 
names  of  the  five  sons  of  Mattathias,  and  that 
John,  Simon,  Judas,  Eleazar,  and  Jonathan 
were  added  when  they  became  princes  or 
leaders  of  the  Jewish  people. — II.  The  events 
which  culminated  in  the  Maccabaean  revolt 
may  be  briefly  summarized  as  follows  :  At 
Banias  in  198  Antiochus  the  Great  succeeded 
in  accomplishing  what  had  longbeen  a  cherished 
desire  of  the  Seleucidae — i.e.  in  wresting  Pales- 
tine from  the  power  of  the  Ptolemies.  After  an 
uneventful  reign,  his  successor,  Seleucus  IV., 
was  followed  in  175  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(iMac.l.io  ff.),  a  man  whose  curious  character 
offers  an  interesting  field  for  study.  Brought 
up  at  Rome,  he  freely  imbibed  the  fashionable 
Hellenism  of  the  day,  and  developed  a  super- 
ficial taste  for  Gk.  culture  and  religion,  so 
that  by  the  time  of  his  return  to    Antioch  he 


MACCABEES,  THE 


491 


had  conceived  the  idea  of  enforcing  throughout 
his  dominions  a  uniformity  of  manners,  cus- 
toms, and  religion  upon  a  Hellenistic  basis,  and 
this  purpose  he  forthwith  proceeded  to  put  in- 
to execution,  by  such  methods  as  amply  justi- 
fied his  receiving  the  title  "  Epimanes  "  as  a 
parody  on  Epiphanes.  Unfortunately,  there  were 
renegade  Jews  willing  to  abet  him.  The  high- 
priesthood  was  sold  to  Jason,  an  unscrupulous 
individual  who  purchased  it  by  compliance 
with  the  Hellenizing  policy  of  the  king,  and  the 
promise  of  a  large  tribute  ;  but  when  Menelaus 
offered  Epiphanes  the  adherence  of  an  even 
more  enthusiastic  Hellenism  and  the  payment 
of  a  still  higher  tribute,  Jason  was  promptly 
ejected  to  make  room  for  this  enterprising  per- 
son, who,  like  his  predecessor,  had  unfortunately 
no  small  following  of  sympathizers  among 
the  Jews  themselves  (2Mac.4.7-5o).  In  170, 
during  one  of  Antiochus'  campaigns  in  Egypt 
(iMac.l. 16-28),  a  rumour  spread  abroad  that 
the  king  was  dead,  which  not  only  led  to  Jason 
making  an  assault  upon  the  citadel  of  Jerusa- 
lem, but  by  the  time  it  reached  the  king's  ears 
was  coupled  with  a  report  that  the  Jews  were 
rejoicing  because  of  it.  Antiochus  returned  to 
Jerusalem,  gave  his  soldiers  a  free  hand  to 
massacre  and  pillage  in  the  city,  and  plundered 
the  temple,  polluting  the  holy  place  by  offering 
swine  upon  the  altar.  Again  in  168,  his  Egyp- 
tian campaigns  being  brought  to  an  abrupt  and 
undignified  conclusion  by  the  intervention  of 
Rome,  Epiphanes  turned  and  vented  his  spleen 
upon  the  hapless  Jews.  This  time  he  was 
determined  absolutely  to  eradicate  Jewish 
customs  and  religion  with  the  Mosaic  law,  or 
exterminate  the  race  itself.  The  streets  of  Jeru« 
salem  ran  with  blood,  and  all  kinds  of  barbar- 
ous punishments  and  tortures  were  inflicted 
upon  men  and  women  to  induce  them  to  pro- 
fane the  sabbath,  to  eat  swine's  flesh,  aban- 
don circumcision,  or  deliver  up  copies  of  the  law 
to  be  burnt  or  defaced  with  pagan  pictures. 
The  climax  was  reached  at  last  when,  on  De- 
cember 25,  168,  Jehovah  was  identified  with 
Zeus  Olympios,  and  a  heathen  altar  superim- 
posed upon  the  great  altar  of  burnt -offering — 
"  the  .abomination  of  desolation  "  of  Dan. 11. 31 
(DJDCJ*  )^-"lpK*,  ?  intentional  disfigurement  of 
WW  '7V2,  Nestle;  iMac.l. 29-64).  At  length 
passive  endurance  gave  way  to  active  resistance. 
At  the  little  town  of  Modin  an  aged  priest 
named  Mattathais,  when  called  upon  to  offer 
sacrifice  to  the  pagan  deities,  refused  to  do  so, 
slew  another  Jew  who  was  about  to  comply, 
struck  down  the  Syrian  officer,  levelled  the 
altar  with  the  ground,  and  fled  with  his  five 
sons  to  the  mountains  (iMac. 2).  Here  he  was 
joined  by  the  hasidhtm  (D''']''pn),  "the pious," 
those  who  till  now  had  endured  in  silence  and 
remained  faithful,  and  seeing  the  ghastly  result 
when  1,000  Jews  refused  to  handle  weapons  on 
the  sabbath,  the  little  band  of  patriots  deter- 
mined to  defend  themselves  even  on  that  day 
(2.38).  Mattathais  soon  died,  and  his  place 
was  taken  by  his  third  son,  Judas  the  Maccabee, 
and  the  success  which  attended  the  guerilla 
tactics  of  this  born  leader  soon  multiplied  the 
numbers  under  his  standard,  and  enalaled  him 
to  take  the  field  against  his  enemies  in  the  open. 
In  166  Judas  defeated   and   slew  Apollonius, 


492 


MACCABEES,  THE 


and  the  same  year  routed  a  second  army  under 
Seron,  governor  of  Coelosyria,  at  Beth-horon 
(8.1-26).  These  disasters  determined  the 
wrathful  king  to  send  a  huge  army  under 
Ptolemy,  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias  to  crush  the 
Jewish  revolt  once  for  all.  But  again,  by  bril- 
liant strategy  and  valiant  courage,  Judas 
emerged  victorious  at  Emmaus  in  166  ;  and  on 
the  glorious  field  of  Bethzur  in  the  following 
year  he  defeated  the  viceroy  Lysias  himself, 
and  so  gained  a  short  respite  in  which  to  re- 
establish the  worship  of  Jehovah  onZion(3.27- 
4-35 )•  On  Chislcu  25 — exactly  three  years 
after  its  profanation  by  Antiochus— the  sanc- 
tuary was  cleansed,  the  heathen  altar  thrown 
down,  and  the  stones  of  the  polluted  altar  of 
sacrifice  set  aside  "  till  a  prophet  should  arise  " 
to  direct  what  was  to  be  done  with  them,  and 
new  ones  dedicated  with  festivities  extending 
over  eight  days  (4.36-61).  Judas  now  occu- 
pied himself  in  repelling  and  punishing  the 
envious  attacks  of  surrounding  nations,  and  in 
rescuing  the  bands  of  Jews  who  had  settled 
among  them  (ch.  5).  In  164  Epiphanes  died 
suddenly,  and  Judas  considered  the  disorders 
which  followed  in  Syria  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity to  attack  the  citadel  of  J  erusalem,  which 
had  continued  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The 
garrison  appealed  to  S>Tia  for  help,  and  Judas 
had  to  face  an  army  of  120,000  men  under  Ly- 
sias. Against  such  odds  even  his  valour  was 
futile;  at  Bathzacharias  he  was  defeated  and 
his  brother  Eleazar  slain,  while  the  Syrians 
marched  on  Jerusalem.  Just  as  all  seemed 
lost,  Syrian  complications  at  the  capital  re- 
called Lysias  to  Antioch,  and  he  was  content 
to  make  terms  with  the  Jews,  who  wore  granted 
religious  liberty,  but  were  to  remain  politically 
subject  (6.17-63).  From  this  point  the  aspect 
of  the  contest  changes.  No  longer  is  the  struggle 
religious,  but  political — it  developed  into  an 
internecine  Jewish  war,  in  which  the  Hellcn- 
izing  party,  led  by  the  renegade  Alcimus  (Ja- 
kim),  a  worthy  successor  of  Menelaus,  had  the 
support  of  the  Syrians.  Moreover  (a  most  sig- 
nificant fact)  the  hasidhim  now  fell  away  from 
Judas  :  they  had  gained  all  they  wanted — re- 
ligious freedom — and  they  refused  to  follow 
him  in  a  purely  political  campaign.  Alcimus 
appealed  to  Syria,  Judas  appealed  to  Rome. 
In  two  battles,  at  Caphar-salama  and  at 
Adasa,  Nicanor,  the  Syrian  general,  was  de- 
feated, and  in  the  latter  he  fell  (ch.  7).  At 
length  Rome  interfered,  but  the  message 
reached  Antioch  too  late,  for  immediately  the 
news  of  Adasa  was  received,  Bacchides  was  sent 
with  a  great  army  into  J  udaea,  and  J  udas  Mac- 
cabacus  and  800  devoted  adherents  were  an- 
nihilated ncarEleasa,  the  Jewish  Thermopylae, 
in  161  (8.1-9.22).  This  sudden  blow  absolutely 
staggered  the  Maccabaean  party — it  became 
wholly  disorganized,  and  only  under  the  pres- 
sure of  the  greatest  persecution  by  Alcimus  did 
they  rouse  themselves  to  elect  Jonathan  to  fill 
tlie  place  of  his  brotlicr  (9.23-31).  The  eldest 
of  the  five  sons  of  Mattathias,  John,  liad  fallen 
a  I'rey  to  robber  bauds  while  endeavouring  to 
tUposit  the  baggage  for  safety  among  the 
friendly  Nabatheans,  and  Jonathan's  first  step 
was  to  avenge  his  death  (9.35-.t2).  In  160  Al- 
cimus died,  llacchides  returned  to  .Antioch,  and 
"  the  land  had  rest  two  years  "  (9.57).   During 


MACCABEES,  THE 

this  interval  of  peace  the  Maccabaean  party 
regained  its  strength  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
arouse  the  fears  of  the  Syrian  faction  and  lead 
them  once  more  to  invoke  the  aid  of  Bacchides. 
The  Syrian  general  again  marched  into  Judaea, 
but  the  strength  of  Jonathan's  entrenchments 
and  his  cunning  strategy  soon  made  him  heart- 
ily weary  of  the  whole  business,  so,  eagerly 
closing  with  Jonathan's  adroitly  timid  pro- 
posals of  peace,  he  finally  took  his  departure 
(9.58-73).  Jonathan's  opportunity,  however, 
was  afforded  by  the  constant  disputes  for  the 
Syrian  crown,  for  in  153  Demetrius  had  to  face 
a  claimant  for  his  throne  in  the  person  of  one 
Alexander  Balas,  a  pretended  son  of  Antiochus 
IV.  (Epiphanes)  (lO.i).  Both  parties  endea- 
voured to  secure  the  support  of  Jonathan,  since 
by  this  time  the  Maccabees  again  had  the  na- 
tion at  their  back.  Demetrius  offered  to  evacu- 
ate all  the  fortresses  of  Judaea  except  Bethzur 
and  the  Akra,  and  to  give  Jonathan  authority 
to  raise  an  army  (IO.3-6).  Jonathan  accepted. 
But  the  knowledge  that  Rome,  to  say  nothing 
of  other  allies,  was  behind  Alexander  soon  in- 
duced him  to  transfer  his  support  to  the  latter, 
who  not  only  sent  him  the  crown  and  purple, 
but  also  conferred  the  high-priesthood  upon 
him  (10. 1 5 -21).  Demetrius  now  made  mag- 
nificent offers,  too  good  indeed  to  be  true  (10. 
22-45),  and  Jonathan  wisely  adhered  to  Alex- 
ander, who  overthrew  his  rival  soon  after  ;  and 
not  until  Demetrius  II.  finally  crushed  Balas 
in  146  did  Jonathan  abandon  him  for  the  vic- 
tor, who  confirmed  him  in  the  high-priesthood 
and  showered  upon  him  all  the  privileges 
which  his  father  had  jireviously  offered  in  vain. 
But  even  the  wily  Jonathan  was  entrapped  at 
last.  Relying  upon  Demetrius'  promise  to 
put  the  Akra  into  his  possession,  he  furnished 
him  with  troops  to  assist  in  quelling  a  revolt  at 
Antioch  ;  but  when  Demetrius  refused  to  keep 
his  promise,  he  transferred  his  services  to  Try- 
pnoN,  who  was  endeavouring  to  place  the  son 
of  Alexander  Balas  upon  the  S)Tian  throne. 
He  served  him  loyally  and  well.  Tr3T)hon, 
however,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  rising 
power  of  the  Maccabaeans  was  becoming  dan- 
gerously great,  and  Jonathan,  having  been 
induced  to  meet  him  at  Ptolemais  with  only 
1,000  men,  speedily  found  his  bodyguard  cut 
down  and  himself  a  prisoner  (IO.46-I2.48). 
Simon,  the  last  and  in  some  respects  the  great- 
est, of  the  brothers,  immediately  stepped 
forward  to  take  the  vacant  leadership  in  143. 
Under  him  the  Mdccabees  reached  the  acme  of 
both  their  aspirations  and  their  attainments. 
Judas  had  striven  for  religious  freedom,  and 
when  that  was  gained,  fought  on  to  make  the 
patriotic  party  politically  supreme  in  Judaea. 
This  last  was  the  great  objective  of  Jonathan ; 
but  having  gained  it,  he  proceeded  to  take  the 
first  steps  towards  that  complete  emancipa- 
tion from  the  Syrian  suzerainty  which  was 
ultimately  reached  under  Simon,  in  143-142 
(?  141-140).  After  his  treachery  at  Ptolemais, 
Tryphon  invaded  Judaea,  but  was  checkmated 
at  every  move,  and,  taking  a  mean  revenge  by 
murdering  his  prisoner  Jonathan,  retired  (12. 
44-18. 24).  .'\fter  establishing  a  friendship 
with  Demetrius.  Simon  adojited  the  safer  policy 
of  holding  aloof  from  Syrian  internal  politicks 
i  altogether,    having   received    ffom   the    king 


MACCABEES,  THlil 

the  acknowledgment  of  Jewish  independence, 
which  the  high-priest  transformed  into  some- 
thing beyond  a  mere  name  by  captiu^ing  the 
Akra,  and  gaining  possession  of  Gazara  and 
Joppa.  Simon  now  devoted  himself  to  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  Judaea.  A  coinage  was  minted, 
law  and  order  became  established,  while  com- 
merce and  agriculture  began  to  flourish  as 
never  before  since  the  Exile.  In  spiritual  and 
material  prosperity  "  every  man  sat  under  his 
vine  and  his  fig-tree,  and  there  was  none  to 
fray  them."  The  high -priesthood,  by  popular 
consent,  was  confirmed  upon  Simon  and  his 
house  for  ever,  "  till  a  faithful  prophet  should 
arise "  (13,14).  But  nevertheless,  like  his 
brothers,  Simon  was  destined  to  end  his  days 
amid  stormy  violence  and  intrigue.  About 
142  Tryphon  assassinated  his  protege  Antiochus 
VI.,  and  had  himself  proclaimed  king;  and  since 
Demetrius  II.  was  a  prisoner  among  the  Par- 
thians,  his  brother  Antiochus  VII.  took  up  the 
struggle  and  at  length  succeeded  in  overthrow- 
ing Tryphon.  Immediately  his  attitude  to- 
wards the  Jews  radically  changed  :  instead  of 
courting  them  by  lavish  promises  and  profes- 
sions of  amity,  he  now  haughtily  returned  the 
presents  which  Simon  sent  him,  and  demanded 
tribute  to  the  extent  of  1,000  talents.  Simon 
offered  him  100  for  Gazara  and  Joppa,  and 
thereupon  the  king  sent  a  huge  army  against 
Judaea.  It  was,  however,  routed  near  Modin 
by  Judas  and  John,  the  sons  of  Simon,  who 
was  once  more  left  in  peace  by  Antiochus.  But 
his  own  son-in-law  Ptolemy  determined  to 
seize  the  supreme  power  in  Judaea  himself,  and 
with  this  object  invited  Simon  to  a  banquet, 
where  he  treacherously  slew  him,  together  with 
his  sons  Mattathias  and  Judas.  Simon's  other 
son,  John  Hyrcanus,  who  was  at  Gazara,  for- 
tunately received  warning  in  time  to  make 
good  his  escape  and  establish  himself  as  head 
of  the  Hasmonaean  house,  and  maintain  its 
position  (15,16).  So  perished  the  last  of  the 
five  heroic  sons  of  Mattathias.  Something 
has  been  said  above  as  to  the  gradual  develop- 
ment of  the  objects  for  which  they  fought ; 
there  remains  to  be  noticed  what  effect  the 
events  of  the  time  had  upon  the  moral  and  re- 
ligious development  of  the  nation  as  a  whole. 
The  Maccabaean  period  was  one  of  fierce  trial 
and  sifting,  which  forced  men  to  take  one  side 
or  the  other  in  the  struggle.  Those  who  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  law,  the  hdsidhim, 
bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath  to  preserve 
their  ancient  religious  rights  and  customs 
(iMac.1.62),  and  in  the  time  of  their  oppression 
they  found  comfort  in  writing  and  reading  the 
literatiure  of  which  the  book  of  Daniel  is  a  con- 
spicuous example — writings,  that  is,  which  in 
veiled  language  dwell  upon  the  evil  of  the  pre- 
sent time,  the  glorious  future  which  awaits  Is- 
rael, and  the  fearful  retribution  which  shall  be- 
fall its  enemies.  Many  modern  scholars  have 
found  in  the  book  of  Psalms  also  Maccabaean 
outbursts  of  righteous  indignation  against  the 
persecutors,  or  of  exultation  at  the  victories  of 
Judas  {e.g.  Ps.44,74,79,83).  One  conspicuous 
result  of  Jewish  experiences  under  Syrian  rule 
must  not  be  passed  over — viz.  the  dawn  of  a 
belief  in  the  resurrection  of  individuals  to  ever- 
lasting life  or  to  contempt  and  shame  of  those 
Israelites  who  had  been  pre-eminent  as  mar- 


MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF       493 

tyrs  or  apostates  respectively  (Dan.12.2). 
Schiirer,  Hist,  of  Jews  in  N.T.  Times  (Eng. 
tr.),  div.  i.  vol.  i. ;  Bevan,  Jerusalem  under  the 
High-priests  and  House  of  Seleucus.     [d.c.s.] 

Maccabees,  Books  of, — A.  iMaccabees. 
(i)  Versions,  {a)  Greek.  Most  MSS.  of  the 
LXX.  (including  A.  and  V.)  contain  the  book. 
But  B.  includes  none  of  the  Maccabees.  (6) 
Latin.  There  are  two  Latin  versions,  one  in 
the  Vulg.  and  the  other  (ch.  1-13  only)  in 
the  Sangermanensis  MS.  (c)  Syriac.  There 
are  also  two  Syriac  versions.  (2)  Title.  MaK\-a- 
jSaiVcd  or  MaKKa^alwp  j3ij3\ia.  Origen  (Eus. 
H.E.  vi.  25)  gives  i:,ap^Tid  Zap^avaieX,  which 
is  a  transliteration  of  an  original  Semitic  title 
— at  present  not  satisfactorily  identified.  (3) 
Original  Language.  The  book  is  almost  cer- 
tainly a  translation,  and  from  a  Hebrew  arche- 
type. For  this  we  have  the  witness  of  Origen 
and  the  explicit  testimony  of  Jerome,  who 
says  he  found  iMac.  in  Hebrew.  The  internal 
evidence  also  is  conclusive,  (a)  Hebraisms 
are  numerous  (e.g.  I.29),  and  even  translitera- 
tions occur  {e.g.  14.28).  (6)  If  the  original 
were  written  in  Gk.,  it  would  be  almost  im- 
possible to  explain  its  many  peculiarities  and 
obscurities  (2.8,5.8,65,6.37).  Moreover,  it  is 
a  priori  probable  that,  as  the  author  was  a 
Palestinian  {vide  infra),  he  would  write  in  He- 
brew, the  language  of  the  learned,  especially 
when  recounting  the  exploits  of  the  Maccabees. 
A  plausible  case  might,  however,  be  made  out 
for  Aramaic.  (4)  Contents.  The  period  cov- 
ered is  the  forty  years  between  the  accession 
of  Antiochus  IV.  {Epiphanes)  in  175  b.c.  and 
the  death  of  Simon  Maccabaeus  in  135.  Sum- 
mary :  {a)  Retrospect  of  Gk.  history,  bring- 
ing it  into  relation  with  Judaean  (I.1-9). 
{b)  Campaign  of  Epiphanes  and  the  Hellenists 
(1. 16-64).  (c)  Mattathias,  and  the  commence- 
ment of  revolt  (2).  {d)  Mattathias  dies  (2.69). 
Under  the  successive  leadership  of  Judas  (3. 
1-9.22),  Jonathan  (9.23-I2.53),  and  Simon 
(13.i-16.r8),  Israel  acquires  religious  and 
political  freedom,  {e)  Death  of  Simon  and 
escape  of  his  son  Hyrcanus  (I6.19-24).  (5) 
Unity.  This  seems  to  be  guaranteed  by  :  (a) 
The  systematic  chronology,  the  Seleucid  era 
(3r2  B.C.)  being  followed  throughout.  (6) 
The  uniformity  of  style  and  consistent 
omission  of  the  Divine  Name  (in  the  true 
text).  But  some  scholars  (e.g.  Destinon  and 
Wellhausen)  regard  14-16  as  no  part  of 
the  original  work,  arguing  that  they  were  not 
known  to  Josephus  (whom  Destinon  considers 
to  have  used  a  Heb.  iMac).  (6)  Author. 
The  minute  topographical  knowledge,  and  the 
insetting  of  picturesque  details  which  could 
have  no  interest  for  an  outsider  (e.g.  7.19), 
suggest  irresistibly  that  he  was  a  Palestinian, 
while  the  whole  spirit  of  the  book  proves  that 
it  was  written  by  a  pious  and  patriotic  Jew. 
To  his  mind  religious  and  political  freedom 
were  indissolubly  connected — -Judas  was  the 
saviom:  of  Israel  (cf.  9.2 1).  An  ardent  sup- 
porter of  the  Hasmonaean  house  and  the 
priesthood,  he  passes  over  in  silence  the  apos- 
tate priests  Jason  and  Menelaus.  He  may 
have  been  a  Sadducee  (Geiger).  (7)  Date, 
(a)  From  the  attitude  displayed  towards 
Rome  it  is  imiversally  admitted  that  iMac. 
cannot  have  been  written  after  63  b.c.  (when 


494       MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP 

Pompey  entered  Jerusalem),  (b)  16. 2 3  might 
seem  to  suggest  a  date  subsequent  to  the 
death  of'Hyrcanus  in  105  b.c.  (c)  But  this 
is  not  necessary,  since  16. 18-22  may  refer  to 
the  early  part  of  his  reign.  Otherwise  it  is 
difficult  to  explain  the  fragmentary  character 
of  this  section,  (d)  The  vividness  of  the  nar- 
rative points  to  a  date  not  long  subsequent  to 
the  events  recorded,  and  the  prosperous  reign 
of  Simon  would  give  an  impulse  to  literary 
activity.  It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  iMac. 
was  commenced  in  the  reign  of  Simon  and 
finished  during  the  early  years  of  his  successor 
(i.e.  from  140-120  b.c).  (8)  Sources.  The 
book  itself  makes  only  two  references  to  sources 
(9.22,16.24),  and  in  each  case  no  certain  in- 
ference can  be  drawn.  If  it  was  written  during 
the  early  years  of  the  ist  cent,  b.c,  one  must 
postulate  documentary  sources  to  account  for 
the  peculiar  freshness  of  its  style.  But  assum- 
ing an  earlier  date,  the  necessity  for  supposing 
documentary  sources  falls  into  the  back- 
ground. The  writer  would  draw  largely  on  his 
personal  recollections  and  the  witness  of  his 
contemporaries.  Some  scholars  have  regard- 
ed the  incorporated  official  documents  as  later 
interpolations.  But  a  later  hand  would  pro- 
bably have  arranged  them  more  artistically, 
and  could  hardly  have  avoided  discrepancies 
in  style  and  context.  Certain  documents  the 
author  calls  dvTiypa<pa  ["  copies,"  8.22,12. 
5,14.20).  These  were  probably  translations 
he  made  from  the  original  into  Heb.,  or  para- 
phrastic renderings  made  from  memory.  15. 
16a  has  been  identified  with  the  Roman  edict 
in  14  Ant.  viii.  5,  but  Mommsen  rejects  this. 
(9)  Characteristics.  In  contrast  to  most  O.T. 
historians,  the  writer  represents  the  success  of 
his  heroes  as  primarily  due  to  diplonaatic  skill 
rather  than  to  divine  intervention.  .  His  re- 
ligious restraint  is  remarkable.  CDtJ'  always 
takes  the  place  of  n"in\  and  has  acquired  an 
almost  personal  content.  Beyond  the  vague 
reference  to  the  "  faithful  prophet  "  (I4.41), 
there  is  no  hint  of  the  Messianic  hope.  The 
doctrine  of  the  resurrection  also  is  conspicu- 
ously absent  (contrast  2Mac.).  The  trust- 
worthy character  of  the  book  is  attested  by  : 
(a)  Its  careful  chronology,  in  substantial  agree- 
ment with  classical  writers.  (&)  The  intellec- 
tual restraint  and  absence  of  supernaturalism. 
(c)  The  faithful  record  of  defeat.  But  the 
author  shows  a  tendency  to  statistical  exag- 
geration (6.30  f.),  and  makes  occasional  mis- 
statements in  detail  when  dealing  with  general 
history  (1.6,8.15,12.6) — a  feature  which,  how- 
ever, does  not  invalidate  the  historical  char- 
acter of  the  work  as  a  whole. — B.  2Macca- 
BEES.  (i)  Texts.  The  same  as  for  iMac, 
except  that  t4  contains  the  latter  only.  (2) 
Contents,  (a)  Two  letters  of  invitation  to 
Egy^Hian  Jews,  urging  them  to  join  in  the 
Feast  of  Dedication  (1.-2. 18).  (h)  The  writer's 
preface  (2.19-22).  (c)  Heliodorus  is  miracu- 
lously prevented  from  robbing  the  temple  ; 
the  wickedness  of  Simon  (3.1-4.6).  (</)  j'er- 
secution  under  Epi])hanes  (4.7-7.42).  (<■) 
Progress  ol  Maccabaean  revolt  ;  defeat  of 
Nicanor  by  Judas  (8-15).  (/)  Epilogue  (15. 
37-39)'  (3)  Author.  A  comparison  with 
I  Mac.  seems  to  indicate  that  he  was  not  a 
Palestinian.     He  is  a  master  of  the  best  (Ik 


MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF 

style.  The  prefixed  letters  and  the  fact  that 
the  earliest  reference  to  2Mac.  is  in  Philo 
may  suggest  that  he  was  an  Alexandrian.  If 
so,  it  is  strange  that  his  work  shows  no  influence 
of  .■\lexandrine  philosophy.  His  religious 
sympathies  were  distinctly  Pharisaic  {vide  his 
depreciation  of  the  priesthood).  (4)  Date. 
As  the  work  was  known  to  Philo  and  the 
author  of  Hebrews,  it  must  have  been  written 
before  70  a.d.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  cha- 
racter of  the  work,  itsacceptancc  by  the  Church, 
and  the  fact  that  it  formed  the  basis  of  4Mac. 
(a  book  written  previous  to  70  a.d.),  and  espe- 
cially by  the  pre-supposition  that  Jerusalem 
and  the  temple  worship  are  still  in  existence. 
Arguing  from  16. 37,  it  has  been  alleged  that 
2 Mac.  must  have  been  written  prior  to  133 
B.C.  (when  Jerusalem  was  captured  by  An- 
tiochus  Sidetes).  The  general  tone  suggests 
that  the  author  was  far  removed  from  the 
scene  he  records.  His  strong  antipathy  to  the 
priests  and  his  hatred  of  the  Romans  might 
suggest  60-40  B.C.  as  a  possible  date.  (5) 
Sources.  The  author  says  his  work  is  an 
abridgment  {twLToix-q)  of  a  history  written  by 
J  ason  of  Cyrene  in  five  books.  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  he  drew  upon  any  other  authority. 
Jason  apparently  was  not  acquainted  with 
iMac.  This  is  clear  from  the  disagreements 
between  the  latter  and  the  iwiTo/jLi^  of  Jason,  in 
subject-matter  as  well  as  in  order  and  chron- 
ology— phenomena  which  are  equally  fatal  to 
the  supposition  of  a  common  documentary 
authority.  The  source  of  Jason's  information 
was  probably  oral  tradition.  It  should  be 
added  that  some  have  thought  to  distinguish 
5  divisions  in  2Mac.,  corresponding  to  the  5 
books  of  Jason.  (6)  Prefixed  Letters,  (i)  They 
are  almost  certainly  of  diverse  authorship, 
(ii)  The  style  and  phraseology  suggest  they 
were  not  written  by  Jason,  or  by  his  epitomist. 
(iii)  That  the  latter  inserted  them  is  unlikely. 
{a)  5i,  the  connecting  particle  (2.19),  need 
not  necessarily  imply  any  previous  narra- 
tive, {b)  If  we  attach  l.ioa  to  96,  thus 
dating  the  letter  124  b.c  ("  we  wrote,"  I.7, 
referring  to  a  previous  epistle,  144  B.C.),  the 
situation  contemplated  by  "  the  extreniity  " 
is  unhistorical  and  contradictory  to  15.37, 
which  relates  that  since  161  b.c  "  Jerusalem 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Hebrews."  (c) 
But  joining  l.ioa  to  10b  and  punctuating  I.7, 
"  We  wrote  unto  you.  In  the  extremity,"  etc. 
(yfyp6.(f>a.ix(v  being  epistolary  perfect),  we  might 
assume  that  the  letter  was  written  in  144  b.c. 
"  In  the  extremity  "  then  describes  trouble 
now  i^ast.  (d)  This  being  the  case,  the  first 
letter  may  have  been  added  by  the  author. 
But  the  contradiction  between  1.15,16  (man- 
ner of  Epiphanes'  death)  and  ch.  9  is  con- 
clusive against  the  second,  and  this  having 
been  subtracted,  it  seems  improbable  that  the 
author  would  have  added  a  letter  so  insignifi- 
cant in  contents  as  the  first.  This  result,  how- 
ever, must  be  regarded  as  tentative.  For  op- 
]iosing  v-iew,  see  Eitcyc.  Bibl.  vol.  iii.  col.  2875!. 
(7)  LanpiiaRe  and  Style.  2Mac.  was  certainly 
written  in  Gk. — so  Jerome  {Prologus  Galea- 
tus).  There  is  a  striking  absence  of  Hebraism. 
(Jerusalem  is  always 'lepocriXi'/ua,  never 'lepoi;- 
ffaXi^fi. )   The  style  is  generally  fluent  and  easy^ 


MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF 

though  sometimes  overloaded  ;  as  a  whole,  the 
work  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  contem- 
porary Gk.  literature.  (8)  Historicity,  Pur- 
pose, and  Religious  Character.  The  compara- 
tively later  date  of  2Mac.,  the  general  char- 
acter of  its  contents,  its  divergences  from 
iMac,  and  the  heightening  of  the  miraculous 
(3.24,10.29,12.22),  are  highly  prejudicial  to  its 
historical  value.  In  fact,  the  author  himself 
disclaims  the  responsibility  of  an  historian  (2. 
28).  He  is  primarily  concerned  with  edifica- 
tion, desirous  to  inspire  the  Jews  of  the  dia- 
spora with  reverence  for  their  religion  and  de- 
votion towards  the  central  sanctuary  (3.2-9. 
16).  Here  some  scholars  {e.g.  Rawlinson)  have 
discerned  a  latent  depreciation  of  the  temple 
at  Leontopolis.  In  contrast  to  iMac.  ob- 
serve :  {a)  The  strong  theocratic  feeling. 
(6)  The  emphasis  laid  on  divine  assistance  (c/. 
11.6,15.21).  (c)  Continuous  use  of  the  sacred 
name  and  the  doctrine  of  resurrection  and 
prayers  for  the  dead  (12. 43-45).  The  body  of 
the  work  contains  no  explicit  reference  to  the 
Messianic  hope  (but  its  resurrection  doctrine 
belongs  to  the  same  class  of  ideas).  In  2.i8  the 
writer  looks  forward  to  the  reunion  of  Israel 
round  the  Jerusalem  sanctuary. — Note  on  the 
Chronological  System  of  i  and  2  Maccabees. 
Both  books  fix  their  dates  in  terms  of  the  Se- 
leucid  era,  which  was  usually  reckoned  from 
the  autumn  of  312  B.C.  But  the  question 
arises,  Do  the  books  of  Maccabees  adopt  this 
more  usual  standard,  or  do  they  reckon  from 
the  spring,  and  if  so,  from  the  spring  of  312  or 

311  B.C.  ?  Arguing  from  the  fact  that  iMac. 
numbers  the  months  from  the  spring,  and  from 
the  evidence  of  iMac.7.i,10.i,  and  6.20,  most 
critics  decide  that  the  Maccabaean  Seleucid 
era  begins  in  the  spring.  Wernsdorff  and 
Clinton,  however,  hold  the  opposite  view.  And 

312  is  the  usually  accepted  year.  Some  of  the 
dates  in  2Mac.  are  reconcilable  with  iMac. 
only  if  we  assume  different  starting-points  for 
the  Seleucid  era  in  the  two  books.  One  must 
therefore  suppose  either  that  these  dates  are 
another  instance  of  the  chronological  inac- 
curacy of  2Mac.,  or  that  the  latter  used  a  dif- 
ferent Seleucid  era  to  iMac. — that  is,  probably 
the  era  prevailing  in  the  rest  of  Sjnria.  For  a 
full  discussion  of  the  problem,  vide  Schiirer, 
Hist,  of  Jewish  People  in  Time  of  J.  C.  div.  i. 
vol.  i. — C.  3MACCABEES.  (i)  Text  and  Title. 
3Mac.  is  found  in  most  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  and 
in  the  two  uncials  A  and  V.  As  it  was  not 
received  in  the  Western  Church,  there  is  no 
official  Latin  version.  (The  first  one  made 
was  specially  prepared  for  the  Complutensian 
Polyglot,  1 517  A.D.)  There  is  an  ancient,  but 
very  free,  Syriac  translation.  The  title, 
MaKKaftaiwv  rpia,  seems  to  be  due  to  the  sub- 
ject-matter of  the  book,  which  relates  the 
persecution  of  the  Jews  by  a  foreign  king  :  it  is 
a  peculiarly  unfortunate  one  for  a  work  which 
professes  to  describe  events  which  occurred 
during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  IV.  (Philopator) 
(222-204  B.C.).  (2)  Contents,  (a)  Ptolemy  IV. 
conquers  Antiochus  the  Great  at  Raphia 
(217  B.C.).  (b)  He  visits  Jerusalem  and 
desires  to  enter  the  temple,  but  is  struck 
with  paralysis  (1-2. 24).  (c)  In  revenge, 
Ptolemy  subjects  the  Alexandrine  Jews  to 
civil  disabilities,     (d)  Enraged  at  the  Jews' 


MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF       495 

devotion,  the  king  orders  a  universal  slaughter. 
After  the  scribes  had  worked  forty  days  to 
enrol  the  victims,  writing  materials  failed 
and  the  massacre  was  deferred  (2.30-4.21). 
(e)  Ptolemy  now  orders  elephants  to  be  made 
drunk  with  wine  and  incense,  and  the  Jews  to 
be  thrown  at  their  feet.  (/)  But  on  the  morn- 
ing appointed  the  king  over-sleeps,  and  the 
next  daj'  he  miraculously  forgets  his  design, 
(g)  On  the  third  day,  at  the  Jews'  prayer, 
angels  descend  from  heaven.  All  is  confusion, 
and  Ptolemy's  soldiers  are  trampled  down  (5. 
1-6.31).  {h)  The  king's  fear  of  the  Jews  ;  he 
permits  them  to  slay  the  apostates  ;  they  ever 
after  commemorate  the  deliverance.  (3)  In- 
tegrity and  Historical  Character.  The  abrupt 
beginning  of  the  book  with  ode  ^iXoiraTCjp,  the 
reference  to  "  the  "  plot  {t7]v  iTnj3ovXr)i'),  al- 
though none  has  yet  been  mentioned,  and  the 
expression  "  the  before-mentioned  com- 
panions "  in  2.25,  show  conclusively  that  the 
original  opening  has  been  lost.  Grimm  thinks 
that  simply  an  introductory  chapter  is  needed  ; 
but  Ewald  and  others  regard  3Mac.  as  a  mere 
fragment  of  a  large  historical  work.  The  evi- 
dence is  usually  regarded  as  insufficient  to 
warrant  this  last  hypothesis.  From  a  review 
of  the  contents  it  clearly  appears  that  3Mac. 
is  not  an  historical  record.  But  whether  it  has 
an^'  basis  of  fact  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 
Josephus  [Cont.  Ap.  ii.  5)  relates  an  occurrence 
similar  to  the  elephant  story  in  the  reign  of 
Ptolemy  VII.,  in  which  the  miraculous  element 
is  prominent,  but  not  so  exaggerated  as  in 
3Mac.  Doubtless  both  represent  two  differ- 
ent settings  of  a  common  tradition.  Ewald 
and  others  regard  this  as  originating  in  Cali- 
gula's attempted  sacrilege  and  the  painful 
consequences  of  the  Jews'  resistance.  But 
the  fact  that  in  3Mac.  Ptolemy  does  not  claim 
divine  honour  is  against  this.  (4)  Date, 
Author,  and  Style.  The  date  is  uncertain. 
Whether  or  not  the  author  was  acquainted 
with  2Mac.  cannot  be  accurately  determined 
(but  see  Grimm,  214-220).  He  knows,  how- 
ever, the  Gk.  version  of  Daniel  (6.6).  It  is 
therefore  improbable  that  he  wrote  before  ist 
cent.  B.C.  His  style,  phraseology,  and  know- 
ledge of  Egyptian  affairs  would  suggest  that  he 
was  an  Alexandrian.  He  has  a  large  vocabu- 
lary, and  shows  a  marked  preference  for  aira^ 
Xeyd/xeva  and  "rhetorical  word-painting." 
His  work  is  too  rich.  It  is  not  a  pleasing 
production,  as  the  style  is  "  bombastic  and 
involved."  Hebraisms  are  rare.  In  con- 
clusion, observe  the  author's  use  of  fieyKxros 
(1.4,4.r6)  and  vipiffTos  (6.2,7.4),  suggesting  the 
influence  of  Neoplatonism. — D.  4MACCABEES. 
(i)  Text  and  Title.  4Mac.  occurs  in  X,  A,  and 
V,  and  also  in  the  works  of  Josephus  (see  infra). 
There  is  an  old  Syriac  version.  Another 
"  4Mac.,"  still  extant  in  1566,  may  have  been 
a  Gk.  translation  of  the  "  Chronicles "  of 
John  Hyrcanus  referred  to  in  1Mac.l6.24. 
The  earliest  title,  Ma/c/ca/3aiwi/  5'  (LXX.  MSS.), 
is  really  a  misnomer,  arising  from  the  fact  that 
the  principal  part  of  the  work  deals  with  the 
subject-matter  of  2Mac.6  and  7.  As  the  book 
partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  treatise,  it  has  been 
referred  to  as  irepl  avTOKpdropos  X07W/X0O — i.e. 
On  the  Supreme  Power  of  Reason  (Eusebius  and 


49G        MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP 

Jerome).  (2)  Contents,  (i)  The  author  de- 
sires to  show  the  supremacy  of  pious  reason 
over  the  passions  (I.1-12).  (ii)  His  conception 
of  reason  is  moral  as  well  as  intellectual  (I.15). 
Wisdom  is  attained  by  study  of  the  Torah  (1. 
17).  It  manifests  itself  in  four  cardinal  virtues, 
(ppovTjcni,  diKaioai'vr],  avSpeia,  crtofppoffvvi]  (I.18). 
Then  follows  a  series  of  illustrations  to  3. 18. 
(iii)  Tyranny  of  Syrian  kings  over  the  Jews  (3. 
19-4.26).  (iv)  Power  of  reason  illustrated  by 
the  Jewish  martyrdoms  (5-16. 25).  (v)  Con- 
cluding reflections  (17-18.2).  Most  modern 
scholars  regard  18. 3-23  (or  18. 6-19,  Freuden- 
thal)  as  an  appendix  added  by  a  later  hand,  for 
these  reasons  :  {a)  18. 3-5  is  apparently  incon- 
sistent with  17.20-24.  (b)  Lack  of  connexion 
between  I8.1-5  and  I8.6-14.  But  the  evidence 
for  this  is  far  from  conclusive.  (3)  Author  and 
Date.  Early  Christian  tradition  assigns  this 
book  to  Josephus  (Eusebius  and  Jerome). 
Hence  4Mac.  is  often  appended  to  the  his- 
torian's works.  The  erroneous  character  of 
this  idea  is  clear  from  :  (i)  Literary  compari- 
son with  genuine  works  of  Josephus  and  the 
unhistorical  character  of  4.15, 26,5.1, 17.22ff. 
(ii)  The  fact  that  the  greater  part  of  4Mac. 
is  based  on  2Mac. — a  work  unknown  to  Jose- 
phus. Ewald  accounts  for  the  tradition  by 
assuming  that  4Mac.  was  originally  ascribed 
to  a  Josephus,  who  was  subsequently  confused 
with  the  historian.  The  question  of  date  is 
largely  dependent  on  that  of  2 Mac.  That 
Onias  is  stated  to  have  held  the  high-priest- 
hood for  life  (4.i)  suggests  a  period  subse- 
quent to  the  fall  of  the  house  of  Hashmon, 
when  the  life-tenure  was  abolished  (Grimm). 
14.9  seems  to  imply  that  the  Jews  in  Alexan- 
dria were  themselves  exempt  from  persecution, 
and  this  would  point  to  a  date  before  their  ex- 
periences under  Caligula  in  40  a.d.  If  there 
is  nothing  definitely  Alexandrian  in  the  book, 
yet  the  general  tone  and  spirit  of  the  writing 
would  suggest  Alexandria  as  its  i:)lace  of  origin. 
(4)  Style.  Although  the  book  is  of  no  value  as 
history,  its  literary  chracter  is  far  superior 
to  2  or  3Mac.  Classical  constructions  are 
frequent ;  Hebraisms  very  rare.  The  LXX. 
is  seldom  referred  to  (2.5,19,17.14).  Freu- 
dcnthal  suggests  that  4Mac.  is  a  specimen 
of  synagogue  preaching.  This  is  unlikely  ;  the 
work  is  too  ornate  for  the  purpose.  An  aca- 
demical lecture  would  be  more  apposite.  (5) 
Character  and  Purpose.  4Mac.  was  addressed 
to  Jews  (18.1),  but  its  affinities  arc  with 
Gk.  rather  than  with  Heb.  literature.  Its 
aim  is  primarily  religious  rather  than  philo- 
sophical. The  author  is  particularly  partial  to 
Stoicism  (c/.  the  four  cardinal  virtues,  I.18; 
vide  supra).  But  he  shows  himself  throughout 
a  devoted  patriot  and  champion  of  the  Jewish 
faith,  and  he  is  so  because  it  is  a  reasonable 
faith.  Wc  may,  however,  discern  an  en- 
croachment of  Gk.  philosophy  in  his  substitu- 
tion of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  for  the  doc- 
trine of  the  resurrection  of  the  body  (9.8-17. 
18).  He  seems  to  have  believed  in  everlasting 
torment  as  the  necessary  correlative  of  eternal 
life  (c/.  9.9-I2.12),  and  it  is  noteworthy  that 
he  regards  the  suffering  martyr  as  a  vicarious 
sacrifice  for  the  nation's  sin  (c/.  6. 24-17. 22). 
4Mac.  is  an  interesting  example  of  the  eclectic 
character  of  the  Philonic  school. — Ii.  sMacca- 


MACEDONIA 

BEES.  A  compilation  of  i  and  2  Mac.  and 
Josephus,  except  ch.  14,  where  the  author  is 
peculiarly  inaccurate  on  Roman  history.  Pro- 
bably originally  written  in  Gk.  (but  possibly  in 
a  Semitic  tongue),  the  work  only  exists  in  an 
Arabic  translation  to  be  found  in  the  London 
and  Paris  polyglots.  Tliere  is  a  Latin  render- 
ing at  the  side.  It  is  of  no  historical  value  ; 
probably  it  was  written  after  70  a.d. — F.  Re- 
lation OF  THE  Books  of  the  Maccabees  to 
THE  Canon.  Until  the  Council  of  Trent  (1546) 
I  and  2  Mac.  ranked  as  "  ecclesiastical  "  (so 
Jerome),  subsequently  as  "  canonical."  The 
Reformed  Churches  retained  the  old  classifi- 
cation. Books  iii.-v.  have  received  much 
less  recognition  from  the  Church. — For  the  Gk. 
text  of  1-4  Mac.  see  Swete,  Cambridge  LXX. 
(vol.  iii.).  An  English  version  of  i  and  zMac.  is 
published  by  the  revisers  in  their  edition  of  the 
Apocrypha.  For  books  iii.-v.  see  The  Five 
Books  of  Mace,  in  English,  by  Cotton  (Oxford, 
1832  :  N.B.  translation  of  book  v.  is  from  the 
Latin).  There  is  a  commentary  on  iMac.  in 
the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  (1897).  For 
general  introduction  see  Schiirer,  Hist,  of  Jew- 
ish People  in  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,     [d.c.s.] 

Macedonia,  the  first  part  of  Europe  to 
receive  the  Gospel  directly  from  St.  Paul,  and 
an  important  scene  of  the  subsequent  mission- 
ary labours  of  himself  and  his  companions.  It 
is  enough  to  say  here  that  Macedonia  is 
the  region  bounded  inland  by  the  range  of 
Haemus  or  the  Balkan  northwards,  and  the 
chain  of  Pindus  westwards,  beyond  which  the 
streams  flow  respectively  to  the  Danube  and  the 
Adriatic  ;  that  it  is  separated  from  Thessaly 
on  the  S.  by  the  Carabunian  Hills,  running  E. 
from  Pindus  to  Olympus  and  the  Aegean  ;  and 
that  it  is  divided  on  the  E.  from  Thrace  by  a 
less  definite  mountain-boundary  running  S. 
from  Haemus.  Of  the  space  thus  enclosed, 
the  most  remarkable  physical  features  are  2 
great  plains,  one  watered  by  the  Axius,  which 
comes  to  the  sea  at  the  Thermaic  Gulf,  not  far 
from  Thcssalonica  ;  the  other  by  the  Strymon, 
which,  after  passing  near  Philippi,  flows  out 
below  Amphipolis.  Between  the  mouths  of 
these  two  rivers  a  remarkable  peninsula  pro- 
jects, dividing  itself  into  three  points,  on  the 
farthest  of  which  mount  Athos  rises  nearly 
into  the  region  of  perpetual  snow.  Across  the 
neck  of  this  peninsula  St.  Paul  travelled  more 
than  once  with  his  companions.  This  general 
sketch  sufiicieutly  describes  the  Macedonia 
which  was  ruled  over  by  Philip  and  Alexander, 
and  which  the  Romans  conquered  from  Perseus. 
The  conquered  country  was  divided  by  Aemilius 
Paulus  into  four  districts.  This  division  was 
only  temporary.  The  whole  of  Macedonia, 
along  with  Thessaly  and  a  large  tract  along  the 
Adriatic,  were  made  one  province  and  cen- 
tralized under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  proconsul, 
who  resided  at  Thcssalonica.  This  corresponds 
with  the  usage  of  the  term  in  N.T.  (Ac.16.9,10, 
12,  etc.).  Three  Roman  provinces,  all  very 
familiar  to  us  in  the  ^vritings  of  St.  Paul,  di- 
vided the  whole  space  between  the  basin  of  tin- 
Danube  and  cape  Matapan.  The  border-town 
of  Illvkicum  was  Lissus  on  the  .\driatic. 
The  boundary-line  of  Achaia  nearly  coin- 
cided, except  in  the  W.  portion,  with  that  of 
the  kingdom  of  modern  Greece,  and  ran  in 


MACEDONIAN 

an  irregular  line  from  the  Acroceraunian  pro- 
montory to  the  bay  of  Thermopylae  and  the 
N.  of  Euboea.  By  subtracting  these  two 
provinces,  we  define  Macedonia.  The  history 
of  Macedonia  in  the  period  between  the 
Persian  wars  and  the  consolidation  of  the 
Roman  provinces  in  the  Levant  is  touched  in 
a  very  interesting  manner  by  passages  in  the 
Apocrypha.  In  Esth.l6.io  Haman  is  de- 
scribed as  a  Macedonian,  and  in  16. 14  is  said 
to  have  contrived  his  plot  for  the  purpose  of 
transferring  the  kingdom  of  the  Persians  to 
the  Macedonians.  This  sufficiently  betrays 
the  late  date  of  these  apocryphal  chapters  ; 
but  it  is  ciurious  thus  to  have  our  attention 
turned  to  the  early  struggle  of  Persia  and 
Greece.  The  account  of  St.  Paul's  first 
journey  through  Macedonia  (Ac.l6.io-17.i5) 
is  marked  by  copious  detail  and  well-defined 
incidents.  At  the  close  of  this  journey  he 
returned  from  Corinth  to  Syria  by  sea.  On 
the  next  occasion  of  visiting  Europe,  though 
he  both  went  and  returned  through  Macedonia 
(Ac.20.i-6),  the  narrative  is  a  very  sUght 
sketch,  and  the  route  is  left  uncertain,  except 
as  regards  Philippi.  The  character  of  the 
Macedonian  Christians  is  set  before  us  in 
Scripture  in  a  very  favourable  light.  The 
candour  of  the  Bereans  is  highly  commended 
( Ac. 17.1 1 )  ;  the  Thessalonians  were  evidently 
objects  of  St.  Paul's  peculiar  affection  (iTh.2. 
8,17-20,3.10) ;  and  the  Philippians,  besides 
their  general  freedom  from  blame,  are  noted 
as  remarkable  for  their  liberality  and  self- 
denial  (Ph.4.10,14-19  ;    see  2Cor.9.2,11.9). 

Macedo'nian  occurs  in  E.V.  only  in  Ac. 27. 
2;  Est.Apoc.16.10,14.  In  other  cases  (Ac.l6. 
9,19.29 ;  2Cor.9.2,4)  both  A.V.  and  R.V. 
render  it  "  of  Macedonia."     [Macedonia.] 

Machbanai',  a  Gadite  warrior  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (1Chr.i2.13). 

Machbenah'  (Maxa/x^i'a).  Sheva,  the 
father  of  Machbenah,  is  named  in  the  genealo- 
gical list  of  Judah  as  the  offspring  of  Maachah, 
the  concubine  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  (iChr.2. 
49).  He  was  also  "father  of  Gibea,"  probably 
GiBEAH  (Jos. 15. 57),  now  Jeb'a,  8  miles  W.  of 
Bethlehem  the  town  of  Caleb.  [c.r.c] 

Ma'ehi',  father  of  Geuel  (Num.13. 15). 
m.a,cM.v'  {salesman). — 1.  (Num.26.29.)  The 
son  of  Manasseh  by  an  Aramite  concubine 
(iChr.7.15).  His  children  were  born  on  Joseph's 
knees  (Gen.5O.23) — i.e.  while  Joseph  was  still 
alive.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  most  war- 
hke  clan  of  Manasseh,  who  became  possessed 
of  Gilead  (Num.32.39,40  ;  Deut.3.15).  The 
guess  of  Stade,  Budde,  Moore,  etc.,  that  the 
conquest  of  Gilead  was  subsequent  to  Deborah 
has  no  foundation  beyond  Judg.5.14  and  10. 
3-5.  [J AIR.]  The  word  "  Machtr  "  is  probably 
used  here  as  synonymous  with  Manasseh,  but 
the  Eastern  Manasseh  may  have  taken  part 
in  the  campaign.  We  know  Reuben  was 
summoned  (ver.  16).  Driver  ("  Manasseh," 
Hastings,  D.B.,  5  vols.  1904)  has  tabulated  the 
genealogies  :  Jos.l7.i,2  (J)  ;  Num. 26. 28-34 
(P)  ;  iChr.7. 14-29, 2. 21-23.  They  cannot  be 
reconciled,  but  provide  interesting  specula- 
tions as  to  the  relations  of  the  Machirites  with 
J  air  (Judah)  and  with  Benjamin  [cf.  Ishbo- 
sheth). — 2.  (2Sam.9.4,5,17.27,29.)  Son  of 
Amniel  of  Lodebar  (perhaps  Lidebir — Jos. 13. 


MADNESS 


497 


26,  R.V.  marg.),  the  principal  man  in  Gilead 
(Josephus,  7  Ant.  ix.  8).  He  was  loyal  to 
the  house  of  Saul  and  protected  Mephibosheth. 
He  was  afterwards  loyal  to  David,  and  came 
to  his  assistance  at  Mahanaim.  [h.m.S.] 

Machip'ites,  The.     [Machir,  i.] 
Mach'mas  (iMac.9.73).     [Michmash.] 
Maehnadebai',  a  son  of  Bani  who  put 
away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.40).     The  namd 
is  corrupted  into  "  of  the  sons  of  Ozora  "  in 
iEsd.9.34. 

Machpelah',  a  cave,  in  an  enclosed  field 
with  trees,  opposite  Mamre — probably  to  E. 
(Gen.23. 9, 17,19, 25.9,49.30,50.13).  [Hebron.] 
The  LXX.  always  renders  the  name  as  "  the 
double  cave  " — a  tomb  chamber  with  an  outer 
chamber.  Perhaps,  however,  it  meant  "  the 
locked-up  cave."  [c.r.c] 

Mae'pon  (2Mac.lO.12).     [Ptolemee,  r.] 
Madai'  (Gen.lO.2),  the  Heb.  name  of  the 
Medes.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Mad'iabun.  Sonsof  Madiabun,  according 
to  iEsd.5.58  only,  were  among  the  Levites  who 
superintended  the  restoration  of  the  temple 
under  Zerubbabel. 

Madian'  (Jth.2.26  ;  Ac.7.29),  for  Midian 
— a  general  name  for  the  E.  deserts.  It  per- 
haps preserves  the  real  vowel  sound,  suggesting 
the  Babylonian  Mad-yanu,  or  "  land  of  no 
one,"  an  "  empty  "  region,  corresponding  to 
the  modern  Belqa,  or  "  empty  "  land,  which  is 
the  name  for  Gilead  and  Moab.  [c.r.c] 

Madmannah',  one  of  the  towns  in  the  S. 
district  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 31).  Possibly  the 
ruin  Umm  Deimneh,  12  miles  N.E.  of  Beer- 
sheba.  [c.r.c] 

Madmen',  a  place  in  Moab,  threatened  with 
destruction  in  the  denunciations  of  Jeremiah 
(48.2),  but  not  elsewhere  named,  and  not  yet 
identified. 

Madmenah',  one  of  the  Benjamite  villages 
N.  of  Jerusalem,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
were  frightened  away  by  the  approach  of 
the  Assyrians  along  the  N.  road  (Is.lO.31). 

Madness.  Frequently  mentioned  in  both 
O.T.  and  N.T.  Probably  in  O.T.  times  mad- 
ness was  accounted  for  by  the  theory  of 
possession  ;  thus,  David  (1Sam.2i.13),  in  pre- 
tending madness,  hoped  to  win  the  regard  of 
the  Philistines.  In  Deut.28.34  madness  is 
regarded  as  the  direct  result  of  sin,  while  Is. 44. 
25  seems  to  suggest  the  derangement  of  in- 
tellect which  so  often  accompanies  those  who 
palter  with  false  magic.  An  accusation  of  this 
sort  was  made  against  Jeremiah  (J e. 29. 2 6), 
and  the  passage  suggests  a  somewhat  drastic 
method  of  dealing  with  these  people.  In  this 
connexion  it  must  be  remembered  that  religious 
enthusiasts  such  as  dervishes,  fakirs,  and  so 
on,  have  always  been  frequent  in  the  East. 
In  N.T.  occurs  the  only  case  where  madness 
is  deUberately  connected  with  Demoniacal 
Possession  (Jn.lO.20),  though  the  accusation 
by  the  J  ews  that  our  Lord  worked  His  miracles 
by  the  aid  of  evil  spirits  (Mt.9.34)  suggests 
much  the  same  thing.  The  word  "lunatic" 
occurs  twice  in  N.T.  (4.24,17.15),  and  in  both 
R.V.  reads  "  epileptic."  In  these  passages 
there  is  a  distinct  connexion  between  lunacy 
and  possession  ;  in  the  latter  we  are  distinctly 
told  of  a  "  devil"  who  "  departed  out  of"  the 
sufferer.     But  in  St.  Mark's  description  of  the 

32 


498 


MADON 


same  case  (Mk. 9. 17-26)  the  symptoms  are  re- 
markably like  those  of  epilepsy.  [f-J-] 

Madon',  one  of  the  royal  Canaanite  cities. 
Its  king  joined  Jabin  and  his  confederates  in 
their  attempt  against  Joshua  at  the  waters  of 
Merom  (Jos.ll. 1,12.19).  Probably  the  ruin 
Madin,  close  to  Ha(tin,  W.  of  the  sea  of 
Galilee.  It  is  the  Madna  of  the  list  of  Thoth- 
mcs  III.  (No.  20),  in  i6th  cent.  B.C.    [c.r.c] 

Mae'lus  (iEsd.9.26)  =  Miamin,  i. 

Mag-bish',  a  proper  name  in  Ezr.2.30, 
apparently,  like  others  (vv.  21-35),  the  name  of 
a  place.  Noticed  with  Nebo  and  Elam  in 
Judah.     The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Mag-dala.  In  the  received  Gk.  te.xt  of 
Mt. 15.39  only;  but  the  Sinai  and  Vat.  MSS. 
read  "  Magadan."  Into  the  limits  of  Magdala 
Christ  came  by  boat,  over  the  lake  of 
Gennesaret,  after  His  miracle  of  feeding 
the  4,000  on  the  mountain  of  the  N.E.  side. 
This  Magdala,  which  conferred  her  name 
on  "  Mary  the  Magdal-ene,"  was  probably 
the  place  mentioned  in  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud  (Eriibin  v.  i)  as  near  Tiberias,  and 
is  the  modern  el  Mejdel,  a  small  village,  3 
miles  N.  of  Tubariyeh,  lying  at  the  water's  edge 
at  the  S.W.  corner  of  the  plain  of  Genne- 
saret. In  Mk.8.10  Dalmanutha  stands  for 
Magdala.  This  is  probably  the  Aramaic  Dc 
Almanutha  (place  of  high  buildings),  equiva- 
lent to  the  Heb.  mighdol  or  "  tower,"  which  here 
barred  the  shore  road  at  a  point  where  the 
hills  are  close  to  the  lake.  [c.r.c] 

Mag-diel',  one  of  the  "  dukes  "  of  Edom, 
descended  from  Esau  (Gen. 86.43  ;   iChr.l.54). 

Magred  (iMac.5.36).     [Maked.] 

Magri.  I.  (i)  The  name  Magi  originally 
belonged,  according  to  Herodotus  (i.  loi ;  cf. 
Aeschylus,  Persae,  316),  to  one  of  the  Median 
tribes.  The  Magi  were  evidently,  from  the 
first,  famous  for  their  divinations,  and  mem- 
bers of  the  tribe  were  attached  to  the  Persian 
court  as  soothsayers  (Her.  i.  107,128).  In  fact, 
the  word  magus  comes  to  be  used  as  simply  = 
"soothsayer"  (vii.  19,  etc.),  and  this  is  its 
normal  meaning  in  classical  Gk.  (cf.  Soph. 
O.T.  387).  The  divinations  of  the  Magi  were 
especially  connected  with  astrology  (Her.  vii. 
37).  (2)  In  O.T.  we  meet  with  allusions  to 
them.  In  Je.39.3,13  the  title  Rab-mag  (formed 
on  the  analogy  of  "Rabsaris,"  "Rabshakeh") 
seems  to  =  "  chief  of  the  Magi."  Probably  this 
is  the  same  office  as  that  alluded  to  in  Dan. 
5.11  (dpxovra  iwaoidQv  fidyuv),  but  for  another 
view  see  Rab-mag.  Other  allusions  are  Dan. 
1-20,2.2,24,27.  In  N.T.,  besides  the  fidyoi  of 
Mt.2,  we  have  the  verb  fiayevw  in  Ac. 8. 9 
(used  in  abad  sense). — II.  (iJThe  Magi  of  Mt.2 
probably  came  from  Yemen  in  S.  Arabia.  The 
inhabitants  of  that  region  were  brought  much 
into  contact  with  the  Jews  by  trade,  and  were 
considerably  influenced  by  Judaism.  They 
seem,  in  fact,  to  have  ultimately  abandoned 
their  original  heathen  religion  for  Judaism  ;  for, 
while  Yemen  inscrijitions  of  270  A.n.  sjieak  of 
the  hcathendeities  of  tlie  land,  those  of  458  and 
467  A.D.  speak,  not  of  those  heathen  deities, 
but  of  one  RahmSndn — a  name  which  seems  to 
be  connected  with  the  Heb.  "Rahman"  =  "the 
compassionate"  (see  art.  "  Yemen,"  in  Encyc. 
Brit.).  (2)  The  following  facts  also  illustrate 
the  narrative   in  Mt.2: — (a)  The  old  heathen  1 


MAGIC,  MAGICIANS 

religion  of  Yemen,  which  was  at  this  time,  in 
spite  of  Jewish  influence,  the  national  religion, 
included  the  worship  of  the  sun  and  moon. 
Such  a  worship  might  very  well  be  connected 
with  astrology  (cf.  Mt. 2.2, 9, 10).  (b)  The  dis- 
trict was  rich  in  gold,  frankincense,  and  mvTrh 
(i6Straboiv.  4;  Je.6.20;  Ezk.27.22 :  Is.6b.6), 
and  an  inscription  of  Tiglath-pileser  II. 
(733  B.C.)  mentions  Saba  (which  was  part  of 
Yemen)  as  paying  tribute  in  gold,  silver,  and 
incense,  and  in  Annals  of  Sargon  (715  B.C.) 
Saba  is  mentioned  as  paying  gold  and  spices. 
Moreover,  incense  and  ingots  of  gold  were 
customary  offerings  to  the  deities  of  the  coun- 
try. (With  all  this,  cf.  Mt.2. 11.)  (c)  The  queen 
of  Saba  in  the  S.E.  of  the  district  actually 
visited  Solomon,  bringing  gifts  of  gold  and 
spices  (iK. 10.2, 10).  (3)  Moreover,  in  sup- 
port of  the  credibility  of  the  whole  story  in 
Mt.2,  there  are  the  following  facts: — (a)  An 
expectation  about  this  time  of  the  coming  of 
the  Messiah  (cf.  Mk.l.7;  Jn.l.igff.).  (b)  A 
widening  sympathy  which  showed  signs  of 
extending  the  Messianic  liope  to  the  Gentiles 
(cf.  Tob.14.6,7).  (c)  A  widespread  feeling  out- 
side Judaea  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  the 
coming  of  a  Deliverer  Who  should  rule  the 
world  in  peace.  This  feeling  was  moulded 
jiartly  by  Jewish  influence.  It  finds  expression 
in  Virgil's  fourth  Eclogue,  which  seems  sinai- 
larly  to  show  some  Jewish  influence.  See  a 
recent  volume  of  essays  by  Prof.  Mayor,  Mr. 
Warde  Fowler.and  Prof.Conway  onFi>gj7'sil/t's- 
sianic  Eclogue.  [Star  of  Wise  Men.]  [c.e.r.] 
Mag-ic,  IVIagricians.  The  belief  in 
magic  is  found  in  every  people  and  in  every 
stage  of  a  people's  development — in  its  sim- 
plest form  in  those  whose  social  evolution  has 
made  the  least  advance,  while  its  most  luxu- 
riant overgrowth  has  been  attained  in  places 
and  ages  in  the  past  where  civilization  has  been 
most  highly  develo]ied.  It  originates  in  the 
state  of  culture  known  as  animism,  with  the 
question,  Who  did  it  ?  rather  than  What 
caused  it  ?  Amongst  such  occurrences  are 
primarily  illness  and  death.  And  as,  in  fact, 
nobody  "  did  it,"  the  answer  is  necessarily  in- 
volved in  mystery.  What  is  clear  is  that  the 
person  to  be  accused  was  acting  from  a  dis- 
tance, and  in  secret,  and  must  have  had  a  mys- 
terious power  to  do  what  he  has  done  and  in 
the  way  in  which  he  has  done  it.  Now,  such 
mysterious  power  to  i^roduce,  secretly  and 
from  a  distance,  events  such  as  illness  and 
death,  or  other  similar  happenings,  which  to 
the  iirimitivc  mind  are  extraordinary,  un- 
natural, and  incomprehensible,  is  Magic.  The 
next  step,  and  a  very  important  one  if  the  ill- 
ness is  to  be  stopped  or  the  death  avenged,  is  to 
find  out  who  is  the  magician.  Now,  there  are 
people — hunchbacks,  dwarfs,  persons  with  a 
strange  look  in  their  eyes — whose  very  appear- 
ance causes  alarm  and  fright  ;  the  fear  which 
their  uncanny  aspect  inspires  is.  in  the  earliest 
stage,  the  best  e\idencc  that  they  have  the 
jx)wer  to  do  miscliief.  Later,  when  the  belief 
in  magic  has  developed  so  far  that  it  is  assumed 
that  it  is  practised  not  only  by  people  whose 
very  appearance  is  enough  to  render  thera  sus- 
pect, but  also  by  jiersons  who  contrive  to  keep 
it  secret,  the  services  of  a  witch-tinder  become 
necessary.     We  have,  however,  yet  to  under- 


MAGIC,  MAaiCIANS 

stand  how  any  person  thus  suspected  comes  to 
believe  that  he  possesses  this  power,  or  how  he 
contrives  to  exercise  it  when  he  is  convinced 
that  he  does  possess  it.  In  the  former  there  is 
little  difficulty  :  most  of  our  beliefs  are  "  sug- 
gested "  to  us,  and,  when  the  suggestion  is  that 
one  is  an  extraordinary  person,  to  be  respected, 
feared,  flattered,  and  courted  for  the  sake  of 
powers  genuinely  believed  to  be  possessed,  it  is 
not  in  human  nature,  as  a  rule,  to  resist  the 
flattering  imputation.  The  magician  finds, 
however,  at  times,  events  attributed  to  him 
of  which  he  is  totally  unconscious ;  and  while  he 
is  thus  sometimes  a  magician  malgre  lui,  on  the 
other  hand  he  finds  that  when  he  wants  to  ex- 
ercise his  powers  he  cannot  always  accomplish 
his  end.  To  infer  from  this,  as  is  sometimes 
done,  that  he  is  nothing  more,  at  any  time, 
than  a  conscious  impostor,  is  unjust  and  ab- 
surd ;  he  feels  assured  he  has  the  power,  but 
he  cannot  always  make  it  work  or  prevent  it 
from  working.  That  is  mysterious,  but  then 
magic  is  essentially  mysterious  ;  and  mystery, 
so  far  from  shaking  his  belief,  strengthens  it, 
and  merely  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  he 
must  pay  greater  attentionto  his  methods.  Cer- 
tain men  are  believed  to  possess  the  power  of 
sending  sickness  and  death,  and  they  come,  in 
consequence,  themselves  to  believe  that  they 
have  the  power  :  possunt  quia  posse  videntur. 
The  simplest  way  in  which  such  magicians  seek 
to  exercise  this  power  is  one  in  use  amongst  the 
Australian  black-fellows  :  the  magician  takes 
a  bone,  sharpens  it,  points  it  in  the  direction  of 
the  person  to  be  injured,  and  sings  the  name  of 
the  victim,  mentioning  the  deathwhich  he  is  to 
die.  He  may  not  die,  for  the  magician's  power 
is  not  completely  at  his  own  command  ;  but  if 
he  does,  and  sometimes  he  does,  the  magician's 
power  is  established  or  confirmed.  That  this 
early  form  of  magic  is  symbolical  seems  indi- 
cated by  the  way  in  which  illnesses  believed  to 
be  thus  caused  are  also  cured  by  a  magician. 
He  symbolically  takes  a  bone  of  this  kind  as  it 
were  from  the  body  of  the  invalid,  and  the  ill- 
ness is  removed.  A  natural  consequence  is 
that  it  comes  in  course  of  time  to  be  believed 
that  the  bone,  or  quartz-crystal,  or  whatever  it 
may  be,  is  actually  and  not  symbolically  pro- 
jected into  the  body  of  the  victim,  and  ex- 
tracted from  it.  The  next  stage  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  magic  occurs  when  the  meaning  of  the 
symbolical  action  has  disappeared  ;  the  fact 
that  the  action  symbolizes  something  comes  to 
be  forgotten  altogether,  and  it  is  believed  that 
the  action,  in  virtue  of  the  mysterious  power  of 
the  doer,  produces  the  result  magically.  The 
evolution  then  may  go  a  step  farther,  and  the 
thing  used  is  believed  to  produce  the  result  of 
itself ;  thus  it  becomes  a  charm  or  an  amulet. 
We  have  now  to  look  at  magic  objectively. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  the  sick  person  and 
his  friends,  the  magician  who  caused  the  illness 
or  death  was  a  malefactor,  and  as  such 
was  not  infrequently  killed  by  the  relatives  of 
the  deceased — not,  however,  because  he  was  a 
magician,  but  because  he  was  a  murderer.  The 
proof  of  this  is  the  fact  that  while  the  victim  is 
ill,  but  not  yet  dead,  his  relatives  call  in  the  as- 
sistance of  another  magician  to  cure  him  by  de- 
feating the  magic  which  is  producing  the  illness. 
The  community  as  a  community  has  no  feeling 


MAGIC,  MAGICIANS 


499 


against  magic  as  magic,  but  only  against  mur- 
der, whether  committed  by  a  magician  or  by 
any  one  else.  The  idea  that  "  thou  shalt  not 
suffer  a  witch  to  live  "  is  one  which  did  not, 
and  could  not,  arise  at  this  time  and  under 
these  circumstances  ;  the  idea  can  only  arise 
when  magic  or  witchcraft  is  condemned  by 
religion  as  a  deadly  offence  against  religion. 
When  so  condemned — as  it  is  in  O.T. — it  is 
because  magic  has  come  to  imply  dealings  with 
supernatmral  beings  other  than  God-  This 
introduces  us  to  a  fresh  stage  in  the  evolution 
of  magic.  The  magician  is  conceived  as  no 
longer  producing  his  results  directly,  but  as 
using  his  power  to  control  or  coerce  spirits  to 
do  his  will.  Such  spirits  must  be  those  that 
contemporary  public  opinion  believes  capable 
of  such  treatment,  i.e.  others  than  those  whom 
the  community  worships.  Magic  thus  comes 
to  be  in  avowed  opposition  to  religion  ;  it  can 
only  grow  at  the  cost  of  religion,  and  religion 
demands  its  suppression,  or,  rather,  should  de- 
mand it,  in  its  own  interests  and  those  of  th& 
community — in  its  own  interests,  because  the 
fundamental  condition,  without  which  religion 
cannot  continue  to  exist,  is  that  with  the  Lord 
God  alone  of  spiritual  beings  shall  His  wor- 
shippers have  to  do  ;  and  in  the  interests  of 
the  community,  because  those  interests  are 
under  the  exclusive  care  of  the  God  of  the  com- 
munity, to  which  exclusive  care  dealings  with 
any  other  spirits  are  derogatory.  Where  magic 
is  thus  practised  and  thus  condemned,  where 
no  witch  is  to  be  allowed  to  live,  the  reality  of 
magic  is  assumed  both  by  those  who  practise  it 
and  by  those  who  condemn  it.  Where,  on  the 
other  hand,  witchcraft  is  no  longer  a  capital 
offence,  and  where  it  is  only  as  obtaining  money 
under  false  pretences  that  the  witch  comes 
within  the  grasp  of  the  law,  it  is  evident  that 
the  community  as  a  whole  does  not  believe  in 
magic.  In  either  case,  whether  the  belief  in 
magic  is  impious  or  an  absurdity,  it  is  offensive 
to  and  condemned  by  religion.  At  first  magic 
is  believed — rightly  or  wrongly — to  be  real ; 
eventually  it  is  believed — rightly  or  wrongly 
— to  be  a  pure  delusion ;  and  the  method 
of  combating  it  is  necessarily  different  in  the 
two  cases.  Where  its  reality  is  believed  in,  re- 
ligious minds  must  and  do  believe  that  it  cannot 
stand  against  the  power  of  God  and  His  chosen 
agents.  Amongst  the  Jews  it  was  believed  in 
from  the  times  depicted  in  Exodus  to  those 
portrayed  in  the  Acts.  When  Aaron  cast  down 
his  rod  and  it  became  a  serpent,  the  Egyptian 
sorcerers  and  magicians  "  did  in  like  manner 
with  their  enchantments  [or,  secret  arts] "  ;  but 
Aaron's  rod  swallowed  up  theirs.  Daniel, 
when  put  to  the  test  with  the  magicians,  suc- 
ceeded where  they  utterly  failed.  When  SS. 
Barnabas  and  Paul  were  at  Paphos,  Elymas, 
a  Jewish  sorcerer,  withstood  them,  but  he  was 
struck  blind  for  a  time  at  the  word  of  St.  Paul 
(Ac.l3.6-i2).  At  Ephesus,  certain  Jewish 
exorcists  signally  failing,  both  Jews  and  Greeks 
were  afraid,  and  abandoned  their  practice  of 
magical  arts.  Whether  magic  be  a  reality  or  a 
mischievous  delusion,  it  cannot  stand  against 
the  power  of  God  ;  nor  can  it  be  tolerated  by 
religion,  for  it  sets  itself  up  as  a  rival  to  religion, 
and  is  incompatible  with  whole-hearted  service, 
or  service  of  any  real  kind,  to  God.     If  we  do 


500 


MAGIC,  MAGICIANS 


not  recognize  this  fact,  \vc  can  liiid  no  justifica- 
tion for  the  sternness  of  O.T.  towards  witch- 
craft ;  if  we  do  recognize  it,  we  shall  pause  be- 
fore we  venture  to  think  that  its  severity  was 
greater  than  was  needed.  The  magical  arts 
condemned  by  the  law  illustrate  the  growth  of 
magic  and  all  stages  of  its  evolution,  as  set 
forth  above.  Thus  a  magician  is  naturally 
called  "  a  worker  of  hidden  arts  "  {m''6nen,  one 
who  acts  covertly).  Again,  the  person  who 
produces  illness  and  death  must,  ipso  facto, 
know  how  to  do  so ;  he  is  a  wise  man  (yidd'oni 
— a  word  used  specially  of  "  a  wizard  "  and  of 
false  prophets),  because  he  knows  how  to  do 
these  things  which  are  secret  and  hidden  from 
ordinary  people.  Further,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  person  who  has  the  knowledge  and  the 
power  to  work  these  secret  arts,  when  he  comes 
to  work  them  by  sending  forth  his  power,  says 
that  he  does  so  ;  he  says  that  he  becomes  a 
wolf,  or  that  his  victim  is  to  die  such  and  such 
a  death.  His  words  are  thus  a  spell  or  en- 
chantment, and  he  is  condemned  by  the  law  as 
"an  enchanter"  (nvkhashsheph,  one  who  uses 
incantations).  In  these,  the  earliest,  forms  of 
magic,  the  mysterious  power  of  the  worker  of 
hidden  arts  operates  directly  on  the  victim.  It 
marks,  however,  a  later  stage  in  the  evolution 
of  magic  when  the  wizard,  instead  of  operating 
directly,  confers  upon  some  object  the  power  of 
causing  or  averting  death  or  illness  or  other 
misfortune.  In  such  cases  he  becomes  "  a  fab- 
ricator of  charms"  {hobher  hehher),  i.e.  of  ma- 
terial charms  or  amulets.  In  the  time  of  Ezekiel 
(13.i7fi.  )such  amulets  seem  to  have  been  made 
and  sold  by  women  for  a  low  price.  A  late 
stage  in  the  evolution  of  magic  has  also  been 
reached  when  the  magician  prefers  to  foretell 
future  events  rather  than  to  bring  them  about 
or  avert  them.  This  stage  is  in  all  probability 
late,  not  so  much  because  it  implies  that  the 
magician  has  become  aware  of  some  limitation 
to  his  power,  but  rather  because  it  involves  an 
idea  of  which  early  man,  whose  immediate 
needs  are  such  as  to  occupy  all  his  thoughts 
without  requiring  him  to  look  far  into  the 
future,  is  as  yet  hardly  conscious — viz.  that  the 
future  is  to  some  extent  fixed.  But  in  course 
of  time  his  interests  do  come  to  range  farther 
than  the  immediate  present,  and  the  desire  for 
knowledge  of  the  future  arises  and  is  not  at 
first  felt  to  be  in  any  way  irreligious,  nor  is  the 
attempt  to  obtain  it  condemned  at  first  by  re- 
ligious feeling.  This  is  shown  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  Joseph's  cup  ((len.44.5)  'IS  that  "in 
which  my  lord  drinketh  and  whereby  indeed 
he  divineth."  This  method  of  divination, 
which  was  in  use  in  the  Egypt  of  Joseph's  time, 
is  still  practised  in  the  Egypt  of  to-day  ;  in  the 
liquid,  now  generally  ink,  which  the  vessel  con- 
tains, those  who  have  the  power  to  do  so  descry 
scenes  which  are  taking  place  at  a  distance,  or 
events  which  will  take  place  in  the  future. 
"  Scrying  "  nowadays,  whether  done  by  means 
of  a  bowl  or  of  a  crystal-ball,  may  be,  as  it  is, 
generally  considered  futile  and  absurd,  but  it  is 
not  at  the  present  time  generally  realized  to  be 
anti-religious,  and  evidently  could  not  have 
been  felt  to  be  so  in  Joseph's  time.  But  it 
came  to  be  offensive  to  the  Hebrew  religious 
consciousness  ;  and  amongst  those  condemned 
by  the  law  wc  find  the  "  practiser  of  divina- 


MAGIC,  MAGICIANS 

tions  "  {qosem  q'sdmim).  This  transference  of 
divination  from  the  class  of  things  permitted  to 
the  class  of  things  forbidden  to  the  Jews  is  a 
point  of  great  significance  for  the  history  of  re- 
ligion generally.  As  amongst  the  Jews  divina- 
tion was  not  at  first  felt  to  be  forbidden  by  re- 
ligion, so  amongst  other  peoples  the  forms  of 
magic  just  enumerated — the  knowledge  and 
the  power  to  produce  wonderful  effects,  either 
directly  by  means  of  spells  or  indirectly  through 
amulets  or  charms — are  not  felt  to  be  in  them- 
selves inconsistent  with  religion ;  indeed, 
amongst  the  Australians,  the  medicine-man  is 
supposed,  in  some  cases,  to  have  received  his 
magical  power  from  such  supernatural  beings 
as  Baiame,  Daramulun,  or  Bunjil.  But  when 
the  medicine-man  is  supposed  to  obtain  his 
wonderful  power  from  the  god  of  the  com- 
munity, then,  as  the  community  is  under  the 
protection  of  its  god,  the  power  obtained  from 
this  source  cannot  be  used  against  the  welfare 
of  the  community  and  its  members,  but  only 
for  its  protection  and  its  promotion.  It  is  thus 
used  in  many  places  for  procuring  rain.  Or  it 
may  be  used  to  counteract  the  magic  of  evil- 
disposed  sorcerers  who  use  their  power  to  pro- 
duce sickness  :  thus  in  Babylonia  the  exorcist 
says  that  it  is  by  the  command  of  the  god 
Marduk  that  he,  by  magic,  undoes  the  magic 
of  the  sorcerer.  But  when  its  use  is  thus 
sanctioned  by  religion  and  practised  by 
priests,  the  tendency  is  to  run  to  such  extremes 
that,  e.g.  amongst  the  Hindoos,  the  gods  them- 
selves are  supposed  to  be  constrained  ;  while 
in  ancient  Egypt  the  magician  by  his  spells  be- 
came the  god  ("I  am  Amon,  I  am  the  prince,  the 
Lord  of  the  Sword"),  just  as  the  Cherokee  sings, 
"  I  become  a  real  wolf,"  and  then  gives  a  howl 
and  paws  the  ground  like  a  wolf.  A  religious 
system  which  has  not  strength  enough  to 
throw  off  magic  in  its  earliest  stages  becomes 
chronically  subject  to  it.  Now,  it  was  in  the 
form  of  Divination  that,  amongst  the  Jews, 
magic  effected  a  lodgment  for  a  time  in  religion 
itself ;  and  when  we  consider  the  consequences 
entailed  on  other  religions,  we  shall  not  be  in- 
clined to  think  that  divination  was  unreason- 
ably forbidden  to  the  Jews.  Of  the  forms  of 
magic  mentioned  in  the  Bible  and  already  dealt 
with  (those  of  the  "  worker  of  hidden  arts,"  the 
"  wizard,"  the  "  enchanter,"  the  "  fabricator 
of  charms,"  and  the  "practiser  of  divinations"), 
none  necessarily  imply  any  dealings  with 
spirits  ;  and  though  any  of  them  may  come  to 
be  carried  on  by  the  aid,  or  through  the  power, 
of  gods,  spirits,  or  ghosts,  the  probability  is  that 
in  their  origin  they  arc  all  worked  by  the  ma- 
gician himself  in  virtue  of  the  mysterious  power 
and  knowledge  which  is  ascribed  to  him  by 
popular  belief.  It  remains  to  describe  other 
forms  of  magic  mentioned  in  the  Bible  which 
by  their  very  nature  imply  communication 
with  ghosts  and  spirits.  They  are  three — those 
practised  by  "  a  consulter  of  the  dead,"  by  "an 
augurer,"  and  by  "  an  inquirer  by  a  familiar 
spirit  "  ;  and  it  should  be  noted  that  whereas 
the  worker  of  hidden  arts,  the  wizard,  and  the 
enchanter  undertook  to  do  things,  the  con- 
sulter of  the  dead,  the  augurer,  and  the  in- 
quirer by  a  familiar  spirit  only  undertook,  like 
the  practiser  of  divination,  to  ascertain  the 
future  or  the  unknown.     The  consulter  of  the 


MAaiC,  MAGICIANS 

dead  (doresh  el-hammethim)  is  a  necromancer  in 
the  literal  sense  of  the  term.     With  regard  to 
him  we  notice  (a)  that  amongst  the  Hebrews,  as 
amongst  other  peoples,  ghosts  appear  as  having 
a  knowledge  of  the  future  beyond  that  pos- 
sessed by  the  living  ;  (6)  that  the  power  of  con- 
sulting and  communicating  with  the  dead  is, 
like  divination  by  means  of  the  cup,  forbidden 
as    a  real,  and  not  as   an  unreal,  possibility. 
When  Saul  commanded  the  witch  of  En-dor  to 
call  up  the  shade  of  Samuel,  he  had  no  doubt  of 
her  power,  or  that  the  exercise  of  that  power 
was  forbidden.      The  Heb.  m^'nahesh,    trans- 
lated  "  an  augurer,"  is  from  ndhash,  lit.  "  he 
or  it  hissed  or  whispered."     Evidently,  there- 
fore, such  an  augurer  is  one  of  those  of  whom 
Isaiah  (8.19)  speaks  as  "  the  wizards  that  chirp 
and  that  mutter."    Such  hissing  and  chirping, 
muttering    and  whispering,  indicate  that  the 
augurer  or  wizard  was  the  instrument  through 
which  a  ghost  whispered  or  muttered  its  mes- 
sage, for  it  is  a  widespread  belief  that  ghosts 
gibber.     Spirits,  other  than  ghosts,  might  also 
take  possession  of  such  persons,  e.g.  the  "dam- 
sel having  a  spirit  of  divination,"  from  whom  St. 
Paul  cast  it  out  (Ac.l6. 16-18).     Thus  we  come 
to  the  last  class — those  who  come  under  the 
prohibition  of  the  law  (Deut.l8.io,ii) :   that 
"  there  shall  not  be  found  with  thee  an  in- 
quirer by  a  familiar  spirit  "  (sh&el  'obh).     If 
'obh  is  identical  with  the  Assyr.  ubi,  then  sho'el 
'obh  means  "divining  by  a  charm,"  and  this 
class  of  persons  must  belong  to  the  "practisers 
of  divination"  mentioned  above.     But  if  the 
traditional  interpretation  of  'obh  as  "a  bottle" 
be  adhered  to,  then  the  bottle  was,  of  course, 
made   of  skin,    and  belongs  to  the   class   of 
pouches,  medicine-bags,  etc.,  which  the  medi- 
cine-man,  amongst  peoples  in  the  animistic 
stage,  uses  as  the  receptacle  for  the  small  ob- 
jects which  he  employs  in  the  discharge  of  his 
functions.     These  small  objects  may  be  peb- 
bles, bones,  etc.,  and  are  believed  to  be  the 
abode  of,  or  to  be  animated  by,  a  spirit,  who 
may  be  consulted  by  and  may  assist  the  man 
who  possesses  them.     Only  the  owner  has  ac- 
cess to  the  spirit,  and  because  he  is  the  only 
person  who  becomes  familiar  with  the  spirit, 
the  spirit  becomes  his  "  familiar  spirit."     The 
mental  attitude  of  the  persoii  thus  brought  in- 
to relation  with  a  spirit  whom  he  consults  and 
to  whom  he  defers  bears  a  certain  analogy  to 
that  of  a  priest  or  worshipper  to  his  god  :  offer- 
ings may  be  made  and  requests  preferred  to  it. 
Amongst  many  peoples  it  is  probable  that  such 
spirits,  when,  or  if,  they  come  to  be  accessible 
to  other  persons  as  well  as  to  their  owner,  come 
to  have  a  congregation  of  worshippers,  and  so 
may  become  first  family  gods  and  then  perhaps 
tribal  gods.     The  possibilities  of  such  a  de- 
velopment amongst  the  Hebrews  was  effect- 
ually stopped  by  the  prohibition  of  the  law 
above    quoted,    and    by     the     fundamental 
principle,    "  The   Lord    thy  God  is  a  jealous 
God"  :   "Thou  shalt  have  none  other  god  but 
Me."      The    fundamental    fact    in    magic    is 
the  magician's  belief  in  his  power  to  impose  his 
will  on  nature  and  even  on  the  gods.     That  is 
the  reason  of  the  conflict  of  magic  both  with 
religion  and  with  science.     The  truth  is  that  it 
is  only  by  co-operating  with  nature  and  by 
doing  God's  will  that  man  can  realise  his  func- 


MAGIC,  MAGICIANS 


501 


tion.     The  attempt  of  man  to  impose  his  own 
will  in  either  case  simply  impedes  and  obstructs 
the  progress  of  both.      Religion,  therefore,  in 
its  war  with  magic  was  fighting  the  cause  of 
science  ;  and  religion  declared  war  upon  magic 
long   before  science  did.     Indeed,  until  com- 
paratively recent  times  (as,  for  instance,  in  the 
case    of    alchemy)    science    and    magic    have 
scarcely  been  conscious  of  their  fundamental 
antagonism  to  each  other  ;   while  even  at  the 
present  day,  outside  Christianity,  magic  has 
intertwined    itself    with    religion    even    more 
closely  than  it  did  with  chemistry.  Magic,  then, 
has    always    been    essentially    a    parasitical 
growth  :   it  clings  to  science  and  religion,  and 
as  it  tightens  its  hold  upon  them  it  chokes 
them.     The  fact  that  it  is  found  from  the  ear- 
liest times  growing  up  with  them  has  misled 
some  investigators  into  the  fallacy  of  imagin- 
ing   that  the  parasite  springs  from  the  same 
seed  as  the  tree  to  which  it  clings.     In  fact, 
however,    they   grow   from   different   roots — 
magic    from    an    overweening    confidence    in 
human  power,  the  belief  that  man  can  do  im- 
possibilities ;    religion   and  science  from  the 
humility  of  spirit  with  which  man  feels  that  he 
is  in  the  presence  of  God  and  of  the  works  of 
God.     We  may  indeed  avail  ourselves  of  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  the  grace  of  God  ;   but 
first  we  must  seek  them,  and  seek  them  for 
the  purpose  of  obeying  them.     Magic,  on  the 
other  hand,  seeks  to  impose  the  human  will 
on  nature  and  even  on  the  gods.     The  fact  that 
the  distinction  between  magic  and  science  is 
not  clearly  present  in  the  consciousness  of  the 
astrologist    or    the    alchemist    constitutes    no 
proof  that  magic  is  the  same  thing  as  science. 
By  their  fruits  they  are  known  ;    if  the  thorn 
does  not  bear  grapes,  it  is  because  the  thorn  is 
not  a  vine.     So,  too,  the  fact  that  in  low  reli- 
gions, or  in  the  lower  forms  of  high  religions, 
magic  flourishes  in  the  guise  of  religion,  con- 
stitutes no  presumption  that  magic  is  the  same 
thing  as  religion,  or  that  religion  is  but  a  varia- 
tion of  magic.     What  is  required  for  the  ulti- 
mate destruction  of  magic  is  a  recognition  of  the 
fact   that  the  magician  simply  has  not  the 
power  which  he  is  believed  both  by  himself  and 
by  others  to  possess.     But  the  discovery  and 
establishment  of  that  fact  is  retarded  for  ages 
by  what  we  may  term  the  "  protective  colour- 
ing "   of  magic,  by  the  aid  of  which  magic 
passes  itself  off  as  science  or  religion.     It  was 
by  simulating  science  that  magic  survived  in 
alchemy  and  astrology  ;   the  really  valuable, 
the  truly  scientific,  elements  in  alchemy  and 
astrology  were  truths  of  nature  which  were 
not  dependent  on  any  magical  power.     In  the 
same  way  magic  found  its  way  into  many 
forms  of   religion,   and   was   only  slowly — in 
some  cases  never — expelled.     But  even  into 
the  lower  forms  or  stages  of  religion  it  could 
only  find  its  way  by  divesting  itself  of  some  of 
its   characteristics — e.g.  its  anti-social  charac- 
ter.    The  beneficent  magician  might  be  ac- 
cepted, where  the  evil  one  was  banned.    When, 
however,  magic  thus  effected  its  entry  into  re- 
ligion, it  might  come  to  dominate  religion  or 
it  might  slowly  be  ejected  from  the  religious'sys- 
tem.     In  the  case  of  the  anti-social  magician, 
the  magical  rites  used  are  supposed  to  constrain 
the  gods  to  do  the  will  of  man,  or  to  enable  the 


502 


MAGIDDO 


person  using  them  to  become  agod,  as  in  ancient 
Egypt  and  amongst  some  African  tribes  at  the 
present  day.  In  the  case  of  the  beneficent 
magician,  the  power  of  the  exorcist  or  rain- 
maker, originally  peculiar  to  him  personally, 
came  to  be  regarded  as  exercised  by  the  sanc- 
tion and  under  the  authority  of  the  god 
whose  name  he  invoked,  e.g.  the  Babylo- 
nian exorcist  quoted  above.  Elsewhere,  rites 
for  producing  rain,  for  instance,  are  still 
performed  as  a  matter  of  tradition,  but  pro- 
bably without  any  clear  notion,  on  the  part  of 
those  who  perform  them,  that  they  once  were 
magical  when  accompanied  by  the  utterance 
of  a  prayer  to  the  god  who  is  to  send  the 
rain.  Where  such  is  the  nature  of  the  case, 
it  is  manifest  that  we  have  a  parallel  to  the 
process  by  which  magic  was  purged  out  of  al- 
chemy and  astrology.  In  the  case  both  of  re- 
ligion and  of  science,  the  idea  of  magical  power 
is  discarded;  it  is  by,  and  in,  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  nature  and  the  will  of  God  that  man 
must  act.  As  in  the  case  of  science,  so  in  the 
case  of  religion  ;  it  is  a  fallacy  to  identify  magic 
with  religion  merely  because  the  magic  which 
in  some  cases  has  succeeded  in  creeping  into 
it  is  only  slowly  expelled  from  it.       [f.b.j.] 

Magriddo  (iEsd.l.29).     [Megiddo.] 

Ma'g'og'  (Heb.  mdghdgh)  is  applied  to  a 
land  or  people.  In  Gen.10.2  Magog  appears 
as  the  2nd  son  of  Japheth  in  connexion 
with  Gomer  (the  Cimmerians)  and  IMadai  (the 
Medes) ;  in  Ezk.38.2,39.i,6  Magog  is  a  country 
or  people,  of  which  Gog  was  the  prinre,  noticed 
with  Meshech  (the  Moschi),  Tubal  (the 
Tibareni),  and  Rosh.  There  is  evidently  im- 
plied an  etymological  connexion  between  Gog 
and  Ma-gog,  the  Ma  being  regarded  by  Ezekiel 
as  a  prefix  significant  of  a  country.  In  the 
Akkadian  language  Ma  meant  "  land "  or 
"  abode."  The  notices  of  Magog  would  lead 
us  to  fix  a  N.  locality  ;  not  only  did  all  the 
tribes  mentioned  in  connexion  with  it  belong 
to  that  quarter,  but  it  is  expressly  stated  by 
Ezekiel  that  fiog  was  to  come  up  from  "the 
sides  of  the  N."  (39.2),  from  a  country  ad- 
jacent to  that  of  Togarmah  or  Armenia  (38.6), 
and  not  far  from  "  the  isles "  or  maritime 
regions  of  Asia  Minor  (39.6).  The  people  of 
Magog  further  appear  as  having  a  force  of 
cavalry  (38.15),  and  as  armed  with  the  bow 
(39.3).  From  the  above  data,  combined  with 
the  consideration  of  the  time  at  which  Ezekiel 
lived,  the  conclusion  has  been  drawn  that 
Magog  represents  the  land  of  the  Scythians, 
who  invaded  Palestine  about  620  b.c.  Gog 
has,  however,  also  been  connected  with  Gugu 
(Gyges),  king  of  Lydia,  who  fought  against 
Assur-bani-pal  about  660  b.c,  and  was  subse- 
quently slain  by  the  Scythians  ;  in  which  case 
Magog  was  in  Asia  Minor.  [c.r.c] 

Magrop'-inissabib'  (lit.  terror  on  every 
side),  the  name  given  by  Jeremiah  to  Pashur  the 
priest,  when  the  latter  smote  him  and  put  him 
in  the  stocks  for  projihesying  against  the  idol- 
atry of  Jerusalem  (Je.20.3  ;  c/.  4).  It  is  a  com- 
mon ])lirase  in  Je.  (6.25,20.io,46.5,49.20).  and 
only  fnnnd  besides  in  I, am. 2. 22  and  l's.31.i3. 

MagTpiash',  one  fif  the  heads  of  the  people 
who  sealed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.20). 

Mahalah',  a  child  (prob.  daughter)  of 
Uammoleketh,  Gilead's  sister  (iCbr.T.iS). 


MAHLI 

Mahalaleel'. — 1.  The  fourth  in  descent 
from  Adam,  in  the  line  of  Seth,  and  son  of  Cainan 
{Gen.5.i2ff.  ;  iChr.1.2). — 2.  A  descendant  of 
Perez,  or  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (Ne.ll.4). 

Mahalath'. — 1.  IBasiilmatii.] — 2.  One  of 
the  18  wives  of  Kohoboam,  apparently  his  first 
(2Chr.ll. 18) ;  and  daughter  of  David's  son 
Jerimoth. 

Mahalath,  Mahalath  -  Leannoth. 
[Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Mahali'  (Ex.6. 19  only)  =  Mahli,   i. 

Mahana'im  (=  two  camps).  It  is  said 
that  this  place  was  so  named  when  Jacob, 
camping  there,  saw  "  the  camp  of  Elohim  " 
(Gen. 32. 2)  ;  and,  if  Succoth  was  N.  of  the 
Jabbok  stream  (32.22,33.17),  Mahanaim  must 
have  been  S.  of  the  brook  :  which  agrees  with 
its  being  the  capital  of  S.  Gilead  in  the  time  of 
Solomon  (1K.4.14).  It  was  on  the  border 
between  Gad,  holding  the  W.  of  Gilead,  and 
Manasseh,  holding  the  E.  as  far  S.  as  this  city 
(Jos. 13. 26, 30).  It  was  given  to  the  Levites 
(21.38),  and  became  the  capital  of  Saul's  son 
Ishbosheth  (2Sam.2.8,i2,29).  David  fled  to 
Mahanaim,  and  it  was  then  a  city  with  walls 
and  gates  (17.24,27,18.24.33,19.32).  There 
was  a  region  called  kikkdr  (perhaps  the  Jordan 
valley)  on  the  way  to  the  town  (18. 23),  but  in 
which  direction  is  not  clear.  The  most  pro- 
bable site  is  Mukhmah,  a  large  ruin  N.E.  of 
Es  Salt,  and  on  W.  side  of  a  remarkable  plain 
or  basin  in  S.  Gilead.  The  term  mahanS  in 
Heb.  applies  to  such  plains,  which  were  fit 
camping-places  for  pastoral  tribes.  It  is 
sometimes  thought  that  there  is  an  allusion  to 
Mahanaim  in  Canticles  (6.13),  where  the  LXX. 
reads,  "  What  would  ye  see  in  the  Shunamite 
[for  Shulammite]  coming  as  the  dancers  of  the 
camps  "  ;  but  this  may  be  only  a  sarcastic 
allusion  to  camp-followers,  when  the  "  prince's 
daughter"  was  asked  to  turn  round,  that  her 
face  might  be  seen.  [c.r.c] 

Mahaneh'-dan'  {camping  place  of  Dan ; 
Judg.13,25,18.12).  This  was  a  flat  open 
valley,  near  Zorah  and  Eshtaol,  and  close 
to  Kirjath-jearim  on  the  W.  It  was  the 
open  valley  of  Sorek,  immediately  W.  of  the 
gorge  by  which  it  leaves  the  mountains  near 
'Erma.  The  gorge  in  question  is  perhaps  the 
"jaw"  of  Lehi.     [Ramath-lehi.]     [c.r.c] 

Maharai'  (2Sam.23.28  ;  iChr.ll. 30,27.13), 
an  inhabitant  of  Netophah  in  Judah;  of  the 
family  of  Zerah  ;   one  of  David's  captains. 

Ma'hath.— 1.  A  Kohathite  ;  ancestor  of 
Heman  (iChr.6.35).  [AniMOTir.] — 2.  Also  a 
Kohathite,  son  of  Amasai,  4,  wlio  assisted  in 
the  purification  of  the  temple  under  Hezekiah 
(2Chr.29.12).  He  was  apparently  the  same  as 
the  o\'erseer  of  the  tithes  (2Chr.3i.13). 

Mah'avite,  The,  the  designation  of  Eliel, 
5,  in  iC'lir.ll.)6.     The  meaning  is  uncertain. 

Mahazioth',  son  of  Heman,  and  head  of  the 
23rd  course  of  temple-musicians  (iChr.25.4,30). 

Mahep'-shalal'-hash-baz'  (prob.  the 
spoil  speedcth,  the  prey  hasteth),  son  of  Isaiah, 
whose  name  was  given  by  divine  direction  toiii- 
diratethat  Damascus  and  Samaria  were  soon  to 
be  |>liiii(ler<<l  by  the  king  of  Assyria  (Is. 8.1-4)- 

Mahlah  .theeldest  of  five  daughters  of  Zr- 
lophkuai)  (Mum. 26. 33, 27. 1, 36. ir  ;  Jos. 17-3). 

Mahli'. — 1.  Tlic  son  of  Merari,  the  son  of 
Levi    (Num. 3. 20  J     iChr.6.19,29,24.36  ;     Ezr. 


MAHLON 

8.18),  and  ancestor  of  the  Mahlites  (Num.3. 
33,26.58).  In  iChr.6.29  there  is  apparently  a 
gap  in  the  text,  Libni  and  Shimei  belonging  to 
the  family  of  Gershom  (cf.vv.  20,42),  and  Eleazar 
and  KiSH  being  afterwards  described  as  the 
sons  of  Mahli  (23.21,24.28). — 2.  Son  of  Mushi, 
and  grandson  of  Merari  (6.47,23.23,24.30). 

Mahlon',  the  first  husband  of  Ruth.  He 
and  Chilion  were  sons  of  Elimelech  and  Naomi, 
and  are  described  as  "  Ephrathites  of  Bethle- 
hem-judah"  (Ru. 1.2,5, 4.9,10;  cf.  iSam.l7.i2). 

Mahor,  the  father  of  Ethan  the  Ezrahite, 
and  of  Heman,  Chalcol,  and  Darda,  the  four  men 
most  famous  for  wisdom  next  to  Solomon  him- 
self (iK. 4.31),  who  in  iChr.2.6  are  the  sons  and 
immediate  descendants  of  Zerah.  "  Sons  of 
song  "  or  "of  the  dance  "  has  been  suggested 
as  an  alternative  translation  for  Mahol. 

Maia'neas  (iEsd.9.48)  =  Maaseiah,  7. 

Makaz',  a  place  named  once  only  (iK.4.9) 
in  the  specification  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
Solomon's  officer,  Ben-Dekar.  Makaz  has  not 
been  discovered,  but  the  district  was  in  the 
hills  of  Dan,  N.W.  of  Jerusalem.  [c.r.c] 

Ma'ked,  or  Ma'ged,  was  one  of  the 
"  strong  and  great "  cities  of  Gilead  into 
which  the  Jews  were  driven  by  the  Ammonites 
under  Timotheus  (iMac.5.26,36).  Apparently 
in  N.  Gilead,  not  far  from  Ashtaroth.  But 
it  may  be  the  ruin  el  Mejd,  N.  of  Rabbath- 
ammon.  [c.r.c] 

Makheloth'  (Num.33. 25  only),  a  desert 
encampment  of  the  Israelites;  named  second 
after  SHAPHER,and  thus  probably  some  20  miles 
N.E.  of  Tell  Asfar,  before  reaching  Tahath 
{low)  or  the  descent  to  the  Arabah.     [c.r.c] 

Makkedah'  (place  of  herdsman),  a  royal 
Canaanite  city  (Jos. 12. 16)  to  which  Israel 
pursued  the  Amorites  from  Ajalon,  and 
where  the  five  Amorite  kings,  hiding  in  a  cave, 
were  captiured  (10.io,i6ff.).  It  appears  to 
have  been  near  the  N.  border  of  Judah,  since 
it  is  mentioned  with  Beth-dagon  (15. 41)  ; 
and  the  probable  site  (Warren)  is  the  village 
el  Mughdr  (the  caves),  2J  miles  S.W.  of 
Ekron,  on  the  border  which  ran  along  the 
Ekron  ridge.  The  village  is  on  the  S.  slope 
of  the  ridge,  immediately  N.  of  the  Rubin 
stream,  which  is  a  fit  region  for  grazing.  The 
houses  are  built  in  front  of  caves  ;  and  a 
broken  Heb.  tomb,  cut  in  the  rock,  shows  the 
place  to  be  ancient.  The  site  is  14  miles  W.  of 
Ajalon  (Ydlo),  in  a  direct  line  with  Gibeon  (el 
Jib)  ;  so  that  Joshua,  standing  W.  of  Ajalon, 
would  have  seen  the  rising  sun  in  the  "  end  of 
the  heavens  "  (IO.13)  behind  Gibeon,  and  the 
new  moon  rising  behind  the  "  valley  of  Aj  alon ' ' 
(ver.  12).  After  Joshua's  time,  Makkedah  is 
not  again  noticed.  It  is  possibly  the  town 
called  Makida  in  the  Amarna  letters  (Berlin  72, 
113-115),  which  was  defended  by  Biridia,  and 
is  noticed  in  connexion  with  Gezer,  and  with 
a  fleet  on  the  sea  :  for  Makkedah  is  near  the 
sea,  and  Megiddo  seems  too  far  N.  and  too  far 
inland  to  be  meant.  This  applies  also  to  the 
Makidau  of  the  list  of  Shishak  (No.  27)  in  the 
loth  cent,  b.c,  since  it  is  noticed  (as  Maspero 
remarks)  with  places  in  the  Sharon  plain.  (See 
Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  411-413,  427.)     [c.r.c] 

Maktesh',  a  place,  evidently  in  Jerusalem, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  are  denounced  by 
Zephaniah    (l.ii).     The   meaning   of    "  Mak- 


MAL.ACHI 


503 


tesh  "  is  probably  a  deep  hollow,  literally  a 
"  mortar."  Perhaps  the  deep,  wide  valley 
separating  the  upper  city,  on  the  S.W.  hill, 
from  Akra  on  its  N.  [c.r.c] 

Malachi'.  A.  Title.  The  name  "Malachi" 
does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  as  it  is  identical 
in  form  with  the  Heb.  for  "  my  messenger," 
it  has  been  doubted  whether  it  is  a  proper 
name  at  all.  If  it  is,  it  may  mean  :  (i)  "  My 
{i.e.  Jehovah's]  messenger  "  ;  (2)  "Messenger 
of  J  ah  "  (a  contraction,  that  is,  of  Malachiah  ; 
but  again,  on  the  analogy  of  such  names  as 
Abijah,  this  might  mean  rather  "  J  ah  is 
messenger").  The  LXX.  countenances  both 
interpretations,  having  MaXa^tas  in  the  head 
title,  but  AyyiXov  avrov  in  l.i.  The  Targimi 
has  "  By  the  hand  of  my  messenger  whose  name 
is  called  Ezra  the  scribe"  a  tradition  which 
Jerome  accepts.  Ewald,  Wellhausen,  Stade, 
and  others  consider  the  title  is  due  to  the  com- 
piler of  the  book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  who 
took  the  name  from  3.i.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  Zech.9-11  and  12-14  commence  with 
the  same  phrase  as  Malachi  ("  Oracle  of  the 
wordof  Jehovah  "). — B.  Analysis.  (1)1.2-5, 
introduction  :  Jehovah's  love  for  Israel,  proved 
by  a  contrast  between  the  fortunes  of  the 
latter  with  those  of  Edom.  (2)  1. 6-2.9,  «  ^^^ 
biike  to  the  priests,  who  show  themselves  un- 
worthy of  their  spiritual  ancestry  by  bringing 
blemished  offerings  to  the  altar  of  Jehovah 
and  neglecting  the  temple  service.  (3)  2.io- 
4.3,  a  series  of  oracles:  (a)  2.10-16,  against 
foreign  marriages  (some  interpret  this  meta- 
phorically:  Judah  has  abandoned  the  religion 
of  his  youth),  (b)  2.17-3.6,  a  vindication 
of  Jehovah's  justice,  (c)  3.7-12,  a  digres- 
sion to  censure  the  people  for  not  paying  their 
tithes,  (d)  3.13-4.3,  similar  to  (b),  an  an- 
nouncement of  coming  judgment.  (4)  4.4-6, 
conclusion :  let  them  obey  the  Mosaic  law, 
and  Elijah  shall  come  to  heal  dissension  and  so 
avert  the  threatened  doom.  Quotations  in 
N.T.  :  1.2,3  in  R0.9.13;  3.1  in  Mt.ll.io  = 
Mk.1.2  =Lu.7.27.— C.  Date.  The  book  al- 
most undoubtedly  belongs  to  the  age  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah.  The  temple  has  been  com- 
pleted (1.10,3.1,10).  The  Persian  governor 
is  alluded  to  (1.8).  The  problems  referred  to 
are  those  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  had  to  face — 
neglect  of  Temple  service,  foreign  marriages, 
non-payment  of  tithes.  It  seems  impossible 
to  indicate  the  date  more  precisely.  Did  the 
prophet  "  prepare  the  way  for  Ezra's  reform  of 
458,  or  for  the  covenant  to  which  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  jointly  bound  the  people  in  444,  or 
for  the  reforms  instituted  by  Nehemiah  at  his 
second  visit  in  432  ?  "  (Driver). — D.  Charac- 
teristics, (i)  The  most  distinctive  point  of 
contrast  between  Malachi  and  the  other  pro- 
phets is  his  insistence  upon  the  importance  of 
ritual.  He  desires  correct  ritual  observance, 
however,  not  for  its  own  sake,  but  as  an 
expression  of  the  proper  attitude  towards 
spiritual  realities,  and  as  the  support  of  a  moral 
life.  (2)  The  literary  style  of  the  book  is  also 
peculiar.  It  assumes  a  dialectic  form — the 
prophet  states  his  proposition,  and  then  follows 
a  supposed  objection  to  it,  which  he  proceeds 
to  refute,  adding  an  elaboration  of  his  original 
statement.  (3)  As  contrasted  with  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  Malachi  is  more  severe  upon 


504 


MALACHY 


his  own  countrymen,  and  regards  the  impend- 
ing judgment  as  limited  to  Israel.  (For  biblio- 
graphy, see  Ha<;gai.)  [d.c.s.] 

Mal'achy,  the  prophet  Malachi  (aEsd.l. 
40). 

Malcham',  A.V.,  more  correctly  Malcam, 
K.V. — 1.  A  variant  of  Milcom,  god  of  Amnion. 
[MoLECH.] — 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Shaharaim, 
the  Benjainite,  and  his(Moabite)  wife  Hodesh. 
The  name  should  probably  be  some  compound 
of  Milcom,  and  is  given  in  a  shortened  form 

(lChr.8.9).  [W.ST.C.T.] 

Malchiah'. — 1.  A  Gershonito  I.evite,  an- 
cestor of  Asaph  the  minstrel  (iChr.6.40). — 2. 
One  of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.25),  as  had  also — 3.  A 
"son"  of  Harim  (IO.31).  [Malchijah,  4.] 
— 4.  Son  of  Rechab,  and  ruler  of  Beth- 
haccerem,  who  repaired  the  Dung  Gate  of  Jeru- 
salem (Ne.3.14). — 5.  "  The  goldsmith's  son  " 
(LXX.  "son  of  2Ca/5e0i,''  Pesh.-SjT.  "of  Zepha- 
niah"),  who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.31). — 6.  One  of 
the  priests  who  stood  at  the  left  hand  of  Ezra 
when  he  read  the  law  to  the  people  in  the  street 
before  the  Water  Gate  (Ne.8.4). — 7.  [Malchi- 
jah, I.] — 8.  The  son  of  Hammelech  (Je.38. 
6,  R.V.  "  the  king's  son  "  ;  cf.  A.V.  of  iK.22. 
26,  2Chr.28.7),  into  whose  dungeon  or  cistern 
Jeremiah  was  cast.  From  a  comparison  with 
iK.22.26,  2Chr.28.7,  and  Je.36.26,  it  would 
seem  that  the  title  "  king's  son  "  was  ofificial, 
like  that  of  "  king's  mother,"  and  appUed  to 
one  of  the  royal  family,  who  exercised  functions 
somewhat  similar  to  those  of  Potiphar  in  the 
court  of  Pliaraoh. 

Malchier(Gen.46.i7),thesonof  Beriah,son 
of  Asher,  and  ancestor  of  the  Malchielites 
(Num.26. 45).  In  iChr.7.31  he  is  called  the 
father,  i.e.  founder,  of  Birzavith. 

Malchijah'. — 1.  A  j^riest,  ancestor  of 
Adaiah  (iChr.9.i2),  =  Malchiah,  7  (Ne.ll.12  ; 
Je.38. i) and  Melchiah  (Je.21.i). — 2.  Apriest, 
chief  of  the  fifth  of  the  twenty-four  courses  ap- 
pointed by  David  (iChr.24.9). — 3.  A  layman  of 
the  sons  of  Parosh,  who  put  away  his  foreign 
wife(Ezr.l0.25). — 4-  "Son"  (=  "descendant") 
of  Harim,  who,  with  Hashub,  repaured  part  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  including  "  the  tower  of 
the  furnaces."  Perhaps  the  same  as  Malchiah, 
3  (Nc.3.ii). — 5.  A  priest  who  sealed  the  cove- 
nant (IO.3);  if  a  family  name  =  2. — 6.  One  of 
the  priests  who  assisted  in  the  dedication  of 
the  n^storcd  wall  of  Jerusalem  (I2.42). 

Malchipam',  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeconiah, 
i.e.  king  Jehoiachin  (iChr.3.i8). 

Malchi-shu'a,  a  son  of  Saul  (1Sam.i4.49, 
31.2  ;  iChr.8.33,9.39).  Nothing  is  known  of 
iiim  beyond  the  fact  that  he  fell,  with  his  two 
brothers  and  before  his  father,  in  the  early 
I)art  <if  tlic  battle  of  Gilboa. 

Malchus,  the  high-i>riest's  slave  whose 
right  ear  Simon  Peter  cut  off  with  his  sword  at 
the  arrest  in  the  garden  (J  n. 18. 10  ;  c/.  Mt.26. 
51;  Mk. 14.47;  Lu.22.49ff.).  One  of  his  kins- 
men afterwards  recognized  St.  Peter  in  the 
house  of  Caiaphas  (J n. 18. 26).  It  has  been 
noticed  that  only  "  Euke  the  physician  "  men- 
tions tlie  iiealing  of  the  ear.  Malchus  was  not 
an  uncommon  name  in  Syria,  being  a  Gk.  form 
from  a  Heb.  root,  mentioned  several  times  by 
Josephus  and  others.  [c.l.f.] 


MALLOWS 

Malefactors.  [Thieves,  Two  :  Law  in 
O.T.] 

Mal'eleel  (Lu.3.37),  the  Gk.  form  of  Ma- 
halaleel. 

Marios,  They  of,  who,  with  the  people 
of  Tarsus,  revolted  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
because  he  had  bestowed  them  on  one  of  his 
concubines  (2Mac.4.3o).  Mallos  was  an  im- 
portant city  of  Cilicia,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Pyramus  (Seihun),  on  the  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, N.E.  of  Cyprus,  and  about  20  miles 
from  Tarsus  (Tarsus). 

Mallothi',  a  Kohathite,  one  of  the  14  sons 
of  Heman  the  singer,  and  head  of  the  19th  course 
of  temple-musicians  (iChr.25.4,26). 

Mallows  (Job 30.4  only;  Heb.  malluah), 
i.e.  some  species  of  Orache,  probably  the 
Atriplex  halimus.  R.  Levi  (on  Job 30),  Luther, 
and  others,  with  the  Swedish  and  old  Danish 
versions,  hence  miderstood  "nettles."  Others 
suggest  some  species  of  "  mallow  "  (malva) ;  e.g. 
(Sprengel)  the  "  Jew's  mallow "  (Corchorus 
olitorins).  This  same  mallow  is  still  eaten  in 
Arabia  and  Palestine,  the  leaves  and  pods 
being  used  as  a  pot-herb.  But  the  Atriplex 
halimus  has  the  best  claim  to  represent  the 


AlKiri.IiX   1IAI.IMI>,. 

vialliiah.  The  Heb.  word  is  derived  from 
inelah,  salt  ;  and  the  Gk.  name  Halimus 
signifies  salt.  R.V.  reads  salt-u'ort.  Wyclif's 
"  erbis  "  (herbs)  has  simplicity  in  its  favour. 
Pliny  refers  to  the  Halimus  i^robably  when  he 
says  (xxii.  22):  "  Others  aflirin,  that  .'\limon  is 
a  sea-wort,  of  asalt  and  brackish  tast,  whereof 
it  had  the  name.  The  loaves  be  round  and 
yet  after  a  sort  long  wit  hall  :  and  tlic  whole 
hearbe  is  highly  commendable  for  the  pleasant 
tast,  and  good  to  be  eaten  "  (Holland's  trans- 
lation, i6or,  ii.  128,  129).  [H.C.H.] 


MALLTJCH 

Malluch'.-^l.  A  Merarite  Levite ;  an- 
cestor of  Ethan  the  singer  (iChr.6.44). — 2.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Bani  (Ezr.lO.29),  and — 3-  of  Ha- 
rim  (10.32),  who  had  married  foreign  wives. — 
4.  A  priest  or  family  of  priests  (Ne.lO.4),  and 
— 5.  One  of  the  "  heads  "  of  the  people  who 
signed  the  covenant  (IO.27). — 6-  One  of  the 
families  of  priests  who  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ne.12.2)  ;  probably  the  same  as  4. 

Mamai'as  (iEsd.8.44),  apparently  =  She- 
MAiAH,  12. 

Marn'mon  (Mt.6.24  ;  Lu.16.9,11),  a  word 
used  here  as  a  personification  of  riches,  and 
which  often  occurs  in  the  Aram.  Targums  of 
Onkelos  and  in  the  Syr.  version,  and  signifies 
"  riches  "  in  Aramaic  (Buxtorf)  ;  cf.  Assyr. 
minima  ("  all  ")  and  mamma  ("  everything  "). 

Mamnitanai'mus,  a  name  in  the  lists 
of  iEsd.9.34,  which  occupies  in  Ezr.lO.37  the 
place  of  "  Mattaniah,  Mattenai,"  of  which  it 
is  a  corruption. 

Mampe',  an  Amorite  of  Hebron,  in  alliance 
with  Abram  (Gen. 14.13,24).  Abraham  camped 
under  the  "  oaks  of  Mamre  "  (R.V.  Gen.l3.i8, 
14.13,18.1).  The  "  tree  "  (I8.4)  was  W.  of  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  (23.17),  which  was  in 
Hebron  (ver.  19),  and  was  near  the  city  (25.9,35. 
27,49.30,50.13).  T?he  oak  was  shown  in  4th  cent. 
A.D.  at  Rdmet  el Khalil {" Ahraham's  tank"),N. 
of  Hebron,  and  was  then  cut  down.  It  was  after- 
wards shown  W.  of  the  city,  like  the  present 
Ballutct  es  Sebta,  or  "  oak  of  rest."     [c.r.c] 

Mamu'chus  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Malluch,  2. 

Man  represents  (i)  'ddhdm,  i.e.  man  gene- 
rically,  including  both  sexes,  Gk.  Hvdponros, 
mostly  collectively,  the  human  race ;  as 
a  proper  name,  Gen.4.23,5.iff.,  iChr.l.i.  (2) 
'enosh,  of  similar  use,  but  chiefly  poetic.  (3) 
'ish,  man  as  distinguished  from  woman,  hence 
husband,  Gk.  dvrjp.  (4)  ba'al,  owner,  lord, 
hence  husband,  also  inhabitant.  (5)  zdkJidr,  a 
male,  Gk.  d^prju.  (6)mHMm  (onlyplur.),  pro- 
perly "  males,"  but  sometimes  men  generally. 
(7)  gebher.  gibbor,  mighty  man,  warrior.  [Soul  ; 
Spirit  ;  Future  Life  ;  Adam.]  [c.h.] 

Man,  Son  of.     [Son  of  Man.] 

Man  of  Sin.  [Thessalonians,  II. ;  Anti- 
christ ;   Paul.] 

Manaen  (Gk.  'Mava-qv,  Heb.  m'nahem), 
mentioned  (AclS.i)  as  one  of  the  "  prophets 
and  teachers"  at  Antioch  at  the  "separating" 
of  Saul  and  Barnabas.  The  name  signifies 
consoler,  and  implies  Jewish  descent.  There 
is  nothing  except  the  name  to  connect  him 
with  the  Manaem  {MavaTj/xo^)  mentioned  by 
Josephus  (15  Ant.  x.  5),  who  was  an  Essene  of 
great  repute,  enjoying  the  favour  of  Herod  the 
Great,  because  in  early  life  he  had  foretold  that 
prince's  greatness.  But  some  relationship  is 
possible.  What  is  the  exact  meaning  to  be 
attached  to  "Spudov  tou  rerpdpxov  (rvvrpocpos 
(Ac.13.1)  ?  The  Herod  must  be  Antipas, 
called  "  tetrarch  "  in  Luke  (3.1,19),  son  of 
Herod  the  Great.  The  word  crvi'Tpocpos  (A.V. 
which  had  been  brought  tip  with ;  A.V. 
marg.  and  R.V.  foster-brother)  is  capable  of 
two  interpretations,  "  foster-brother  "  (con- 
lactaneus)  or  "  school-mate."  The  frequent 
occurrence  of  the  name  in  inscriptions  and 
with  reference  to  kings  makes  it  improbable 
that  what  is  implied  in ' '  foster-brother ' '  should 


MANASSEH 


505 


be  taken  literally.  The  idea  of  "  companion 
in  education  "  is  simpler  and  more  frequently 
possible,  and  Josephus  states  (17  Ant.  i.  3) 
that  Antipas  and  Archelaus  were  brought  up 
in  a  private  house  at  Rome,  whither  Manaen 
may  have  accompanied  them.  But  there  is 
much  to  be  said  for  interpreting  the  phrase  as 
a  mere  court-title  (cf.  iChr.27.33  ;  iMac.1.6  ; 
2Mac.9.29)  from  which  the  literal  connotations 
had  disappeared  (cf.  Deissmann,  B.S.  p.  312). 
This  sense,  if  true,  would  add  to  Manaen's 
importance  as  a  Christian  convert,  and  as  the 
possible  source  of  St.  Luke's  special  knowledge 
of  the  Herodian  family  history.  [e.h.p.] 

Mana'hath,  son  of  Shobal,  and  descendant 
of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen.36.23  ;   iChr.l.40). 

Mana'hath.  The  Benjamites  of  Geba  re- 
moved toManahath  (iChr.8.6),  which  was  pro- 
bably in  the  lot  of  Benjamin  ;  but  "  half  the 
Manahethites  "  (2.52)  came  from  Kirjath- 
jearim,  so  that  the  town  would  lie  on  the 
border  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  S.W.  of  Jeru- 
salem. This  is  the  situation  of  the  town 
Manocho  in  the  verse  added  by  LXX.  to  Jos. 
15.59  [Eltekon],  and  it  answers  exactly  to 
Mdhlah,  3  miles  S.W.  of  Jerusalem,  on  the 
border  of  Judah  and  Benjamin.        [c.r.c] 

Manas'seas  (iEsd.9.31)  =  Manasseh,  3. 

Manasseh'  (making  to  forget).  The  name 
of  the  eldest  son  of  Joseph,  by  his  Egyptian 
wife  Asenath,  is  so  explained,  and  is  due  to 
Joseph's  exclamation  at  his  birth  (Gen. 41. 51). 
It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  the  name  of 
king  Manasseh,  son  of  Hezekiah,  as  spelt  (Me- 
na-si-i)  in  a  cuneiform  record  of  Esar-haddon, 
would  signify  "  exalted."  Though  Manasseh 
was  the  elder  brother  of  Ephraim  (46. 20), 
Jacob  is  related  (48.19)  to  have  foretold  that 
the  latter  would  be  the  greater  tribe — an  allu- 
sion no  doubt  to  Joshua,  the  great  leader  of 
Ephraim,  though  Manasseh  produced  the  great 
judge  Gideon  (Judg.6.15).  The  grandsons  of 
Manasseh  were  born  while  Joseph  still  lived 
(Gen.5O.23).  In  the  desert  the  tribe  marched 
in  rear  of  the  tabernacle  under  Gamaliel  (Num. 
1.10,34,7.54,10.23),  and  the  selected  spy  of  the 
tribe  was  Gaddi  (13. 11).  Its  numbers  in- 
creased greatly  [Palestine],  while  those  of 
Ephraim  decreased  (Num.1. 33, 35,26.34,37) ; 
yet  in  the  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.33.i7) 
Ephraim  appears  as  the  larger  tribe,  though  it 
possessed  the  smaller  territory ;  but  that  of 
Manasseh  E.  and  W.  of  Jordan  was  only  in 
part  wrested  from  the  Canaanites.  Half  the 
tribe  joined  Gad  and  Reuben  on  E.  of  Jordan 
on  account  of  their  cattle  (Num.32.33-41),  and 
its  warriors  settled  there  after  the  conquest 
of  the  W.  (Num.26. 29-34  ;  Jos.l.i2,4.i2,12.6, 
22.1,7-31).  They  were  famous  for  courage  and 
for  swiftness  in  war  against  the  Hagarites  to 
their  E.  (iChr.5.18,19),  but  were  wasted  by 
Hazael  of  Damascus  (2K.IO.33),  and  taken 
captive  by  Tiglath-pileser  in  734  b.c.  (iChr.5. 
26).  They  appear  to  have  inter-married  with 
.Axameans  (7. 14-19),  and  though  some  helped 
David  against  Saul  (12. 19-23),  and  others 
dwelt  in  Jerusalem  (9.3),  yet  in  the  time  of  Asa 
(2Chr.l5.9)  they  were  regarded  as  strangers, 
after  the  separation  of  the  kingdoms  of  Israel 
and  Judah,  and  on  account  of  idolatry  (34.6) 
even  in  Josiah's  time.  The  estrangement  is 
reflected  in  the  Psalms  (Ps.80.2;  c/.  60.7,108.8) ; 


506  IIANASSEH 

and  Isaiah  (9.2i)  speaks  of  their  quarrel  with 
Ephraim,  and  enmity  to  Judah.  They  are 
hist  noticed  in  Ezk.48,  Rev. 7. 6.  The  Tribal 
Lot  inchidcd  two  portions  (Jos.13. 29-31, 17. 
1-18),  the  first  being  E.  of  Jordan  in  Ba- 
siiAN  with  the  E.  "half"  (or  "  jiart ")  of 
GiLEAD,  as  far  as  Mahanaim  (Deut.3.13,14), 
where  Machir  and  J  air  conquered  towns  (Num. 
32.40,41),  included  in  Solomon's  si.\th  district 
(1K.4.13)  with  Arcob  and  Bashan  as  far  N.  as 
Hermon  (iChr.5.23).  W.  of  Jordan  the  tribal 
lot  corresponded  very  closely  to  the  province 
of  Samaria,  extending  from  Jordan  to  the 
Mediterranean,  and  touching  Ephraim  and 
Dan  on  S.,  with  Issachak  on  N.E.  and  Asher 
on  N.  It  was  a  mountain  region  (Jos. 17. 18), 
including  apparently  the  woods  (ver.  15)  of 
Carmel,  but  the  cities  held  by  the  tribe  within 
the  borders  of  Asher  and  of  Issachar  (Jos. 17. 10, 
11,12  ;  Judg.1.27)  were  not  taken  from  the 
Canaanitcs  till  late  times,  and  the  plains  of 
Manasseh  remained  probably  unoccupied  b}' 
the  early  Hebrews.  [c.r.c] 

Manasseh'. — 1.  The  thirteenth  king  of 
Judah,  who  reigned  longer  than  any  other 
king  of  the  house  of  David.  His  birth  is 
fixed  twelve  years  before  the  death  of 
Hezekiah,  710  B.C.  (2K.2I.1).  Hezekiah,  it 
would  seem,  recovering  from  his  sickness, 
anxious  to  avoid  the  danger  of  leaving 
his  kingdom  without  an  heir,  married,  at  or 
about  this  time,  Hcphzibah  (2K.2I.1),  the 
daughter  of  one  of  the  citizens  or  princes  of 
Jerusalem  (but  see  Is. 62. 4).  The  child  born 
from  this  union  was  called  Manasseh.  This 
name  is  significant  (see  Gen. 41. 51).  It  appears 
nowhere  else  in  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of 
Judah.  His  accession  appears  to  have  been 
the  signal  for  an  entire  change,  if  not  in  the 
foreign  policy,  at  any  rate  in  the  religious  ad- 
ministration of  the  kingdom.  The  result  was 
a  debasement  which  had  not  been  equalled 
even  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  uniting  in  one  centre 
the  abominations  which  elsewhere  existed 
separately.  Not  content  with  sanctioning 
their  presence  in  the  holy  city,  as  Solomon  and 
Rehoboam  had  done,  he  defiled  the  sanctuary 
itself  (2Chr.33.4).  The  worship  thus  intro- 
duced was  predominantly  Babylonian  in  char- 
acter. With  this,  however,  there  was  asso- 
ciated the  old  Molech-worsliip  of  the  Ammon- 
ites. The  fires  were  rekindled  in  the  valley  of 
Ben-Hinnom.  The  Baal  and  Ashtoreth  ritual, 
imported  under  Solomon  from  the  Phoenicians, 
was  revived  with  fresh  splendour ;  accom- 
panied by  extreme  moral  degradation.  Every 
faith  was  tolerated  except  the  original  faith 
of  Israel.  This  was  abandoned  and  pro- 
scribed. It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  bitter  grief 
and  burning  indignation  of  those  who  con- 
tinued faithful,  many  of  wliom  shed  tlicir  blond 
for  their  convictions  (2  K. 21. 10).  They  spoke 
out  in  words  of  corresponding  strengtli.  livij 
was  coming  on  Jerusahin  whicli  should  make 
the  cars  of  men  to  tingle  (2K.2I.12).  'i"he  line 
of  Samaria  and  the  plummet  of  the  liousc  of 
.Miab  would  bo  tlio  doom  of  the  holy  city. 
Like  a  vessel  that  liad  once  been  full  of  iirccious 
ointment,  but  had  afterwards  become  foul, 
Jerusalem  would  be  emptied,  wiped  out,  and 
turned  upside-down.  I-'oremost,  we  may  well 
believe,  among ^those  who  thus  bore  their  wit- 


MANASSEH 

ness  was  the  j^rophet  Isaiah,  now  bent  with  the 
weight  of  years,  who  had  in  his  earlier  days 
protested  with  equal  courage  against  the  crimes 
of  the  king's  grandfather.     Retribution  came 
soon  in  the  natural  sequence  of  events.     There 
are  indications  that  the  neighbouring  nations 
— Philistines,  Moabites,  Ammonites — who  had 
been  tributary  under  Hezekiah,   revolted  at 
some  period  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh,  and  as- 
serted their    independence  (Zeph.2.4-15  ;    Je. 
47,48,49).     Palestine  was  again  overrun  by  the 
Assyrian  armies,  and  the  city  apparently  was 
taken.  Manasseh  himself  was  made  prisoner  and 
carried  off  to  Babylon.   It  is  possible  that  Isaiah 
accompanied  him,  and  this  would  account  for 
the  Babylonian  clement  in  his  book.    It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  on  a  cylinder  of  Esar-haddon, 
Manasseh  is  referred  to  with  other  Syrian  kings, 
the  date  being  c.  680  b.c.    (See  Plate  xxix.). 
Later  Manasseh  repented,  and  his  prayer  was 
heard,  and  the  Lord  delivered  him   (2Chr.33. 
12,13).    It  is  singular  that  the  writer  of  Kings 
does  not  refer  to  this.  The  omission  is  in  part  ex- 
plained by  the  character  of  the  narrative  of 
2K.2I.  The  writer  deliberately  turns  away  from 
the  history  of  the  days  of  shame,  and  from  the 
personal  biography  of  the  king  ;  whilst  the  char- 
acter of  the  writer  of  2Chronic,les,  obviously  a 
Levite,  and  looking  at  the  facts  from  the  Lcvite 
point  of  view,  would  lead  him  to  attach  greater 
importance  to  a  partial  reinstatement  of  He- 
brew ritual  and  to  the  cessation  of  persecu- 
tion.    One  peculiarity  in  the  history,  in  some 
measure  of  the  nature  of  an  undesigned  cf)in- 
cidence,  testifies  to  the  extreme  accuracy  of 
the  sacred   historian,  viz.   the   fact  that  the 
captains  of  the  host   of  Assyria  take  Manas- 
seh   to    Babylon,  and   not    to  Nineveh.     The 
first  attempt  of  Babylon  to  assert   its   inde- 
pendence of  Nineveh  failed.     It  was  crushed 
by  Esar-haddon,  and  for  a  time  the  Assyrian 
king  held  his  court  at  Babylon,  so  as  to  effect 
more  completely  the  reduction  of  the  rebellious 
province.      In    course    of     time     Manasseh's 
release  was  granted,  and  he  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem.    The  old  faith  of  Israel  was  no  longer 
persecuted.     Foreign  idolatries  were  no  longer 
thrust,  in  all  their  foulness,  into  the  sanctuary 
itself.     The   altar  of  the   Lord  was  again  re- 
stored, and  peace-offerings  and  thank-offerings 
sacrificed    to    Jehovah    (2Chr.33.i5,i6).     But 
beyond  this  reformation  did  not  go.    The  Assy- 
rian monarchy  was  tottering  to  its  fall,  and  the 
king  of  Judah  seems  to  have  thought  that  it 
was  still  possible  for  him  to  rule  as  the  head  of  a 
strong  and  independent  kingdom.     He  fortified 
Jerusalem  (2Ciir.27.3),  and  jnit  captains  of  war 
in  all  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah.     There  was 
possibly  a  special  reason  for  this.     Egypt  had 
become  strong  and  aggressive  imder  Psamme- 
tichus,  and  the  thought  of  an  ligyptian  alliance 
began  to  gain'favour.     The  name  of  Manasseh's 
son,  Amon,  identical  in  form  and  sound  with 
that  of  the  great  sun-god  of  I'^gypt,  is  possibly 
an   indication   of   liow   gladly  the  alliance  of 
Psammetichus    was    welcomed.      There     arc 
reasons  for  bcljoving  that  there  existed,  at  some 
time  or   other,  a  fuller  history,   more  or  less 
legendary,    of    Manasseh    and   his   conversion, 
from  which  the  Prayer  in  the  Apocr.  may  pos- 
sibly be  taken.     Scattered  here  and  there,  we 
find  the  disjecta  membra  of  such  a  work. — 2. 


MANASSES 

One  of  the  descendants  of  Pahath-Moab  (Ezr. 
10.30),  and — 3.  A  layman  of  the  family  of 
Hashum,  who  both  put  away  their  foreign 
wives  at  Ezra's  command  (10. 33). — 4.  In  the 
Heb.  text  of  Judg.l8.30,  the  name  of  the  priest 
of  the  graven  image  of  the  Danites  is  given  as 
"  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Gershom,  the  son  of 
Manasseh,"  the  last  word  being  written  HE^^O, 
and  a  Massoretic  note  calling  attention  to 
the  "  nun  suspended."  Rashi's  note  upon  the 
passage  is  as  follows  :  "  On  account  of  the 
honour  of  Moses  he  wrote  nun  to  change 
the  name  ;  and  it  is  written  suspended  to 
signify  that  it  was  not  Manasseh  but  Moses." 
The  LXX.,  Pesh.-Syr.,  and  Chaldee  all  read 
"  Manasseh,"  but  the  Vulg.  retains  the  original 
and  undoubtedly  the  true  reading,  Moyses. 
Kennicott  attributes  the  nun  to  Jewish  tran- 
scribers. As  to  the  chronological  difficulty  of  a 
grandson  of  Moses  living  at  an  apparently  late 
period,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  last 
five  chapters  of  Judges  refer  to  earlier  events 
than  those  preceding.  In  2O.28  Phinehas,  the 
grandson  of  Aaron,  is  said  to  have  stood  before 
the  ark,  and  there  is  therefore  no  difficulty  in 
supposing  that  a  grandson  of  Moses  might  be 
alive  at  the  same  time,  which  was  not  long  after 
the  death  of  Joshua. 

Manas'ses. — 1.  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Manasseh, 
4. — 2.  (Mt. 1. 10)  =  Manasseh,  kingof  Judah. — 
3-  A  wealthy  inhabitant  of  Bethulia,  and  hus- 
band of  Judith.  He  died  from  sunstroke  (Jth. 
8.2,7,10.3,16.22ff.). — 4.  (Rev.7.6)  =  MANASSEH, 
son  of  Joseph. 

Manas'ses,  The  Prayep  of.  (i)  The 
repentance  and  restoration  of  Manasseh  (2Chr. 
33.  I2ff.)  furnished  the  subject  of  many  legends. 
"  His  prayer  unto  his  God  "  was  still  preserved 
"  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  "  when  the 
Chronicles  were  compiled  (2Chr.33.i8),  and, 
after  this  record  was  lost,  the  subject  was  likely 
to  attract  the  notice  of  later  writers.  "  The 
Prayer  of  Manasseh,"  which  is  found  in  some 
MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  is  the  work  of  one  who  has 
endeavoured  to  express,  not  without  true  feel- 
ing, the  thoughts  of  the  repentant  king.  (2) 
The  Gk.  text  is  thought  to  be  original,  and  not 
a  translation  from  the  Heb.  The  \vriter  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  LXX.  But  beyond 
this  there  is  nothing  to  determine  the  date 
or  place  at  which  he  lived.  The  allusion  to 
the  patriarchs  {vv.  1,8)  appears  to  fix  the 
authorship  on  a  Jew.  (3)  The  earliest  refer- 
ence to  the  Prayer  is  in  a  fragment  of  Julius 
Africanus  (c.  221  a.d.),  but  whether  to  our  pre- 
sent text  is  not  certain  (Jul.  Afric.  fr.  40). 
It  is,  however,  given  at  length  in  the  Aposto- 
lical Constitutions  (ii.  22)  in  the  Alexandrine 
MS.  (4)  The  Prayer  was  never  distinctly  re- 
cognized as  a  canonical  writing,  though  in- 
cluded in  many  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  and  of  the 
Lat.  version,  and  has  been  deservedly  retained 
among  the  Apocrypha  in  A.V.  The  Lat.  trans- 
lation in  the  Vulg.  MSS.  is  not  by  Jerome. 

Manass'ites,  The,  i.e.  members  of  the 
tribe  of  Manasseh  (Deut.4.43  ;  Judg.12.4  ;  2K. 
10.33)- 

Mandpakes.  The  dudha'im  —  "loves," 
hence  our  "love-apples"  (occurring  only  in 
plur.),  are  mentioned  in  Gen. 30. 14, 15, 16  and 
Can. 7. 13.  From  Gen.  I.e.  we  learn  that  they 
were  found  in  the  fields  of  Mesopotamia,  where 


MANDRAKES 


507 


Jacob  and  his  wives  were  at  one  time  living, 
and  that  the  fruit  was  gathered  "in  the  days 
of  wheat-harvest,"  i.e.  in  May;  from  Can.?.  13, 
that  the  plant  was  strong-scented,  and  grew  in 
Palestine.  The  most  satisfactory  identification 
of  the  dudhcVim  is  the  mandrake,  as  in  A.V. 
The  LXX.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  and  Arab,  versions,  the 
Targums,  the  most  learned  Rabbis,  and  many 
later  commentators,  favour  this  translation. 
The  mandrake  is  scarcely  odoriferous,  the 
plant  being  even  fetid  in  Eiuropean  estima- 
tion. But  Oedmann,  after  quoting  authorities 
to  show  that  the  mandrakes  were  prized  by 
the  Arabs  for  their  odour,  justly  remarks  : 
"It  is  known  that  Orientals  set  an  especial 
value  on  strongly  smelling  things  that  to  more 
delicate  European  senses  are  unpleasing.  .  .  . 
The  intoxicating  qualities  of  the  mandrake,  far 
from  lessening  its  value,  would  rather  add  to  it, 
for  every  one  knows  with  what  relish  the  Orien- 
tals use  all  kinds  of  preparations  to  produce 
intoxication."  That  the  fruit  was  fit  to  be 
gathered  at  the  time  of  wheat-harvest  is  clear, 
for  Schultze  found  mandrake-apples  on  May 
15th,  and  Hasselquist  found  flowers  and  fruit 
together  at  Nazareth  early  in  May.  Dr.  Thom- 
son found  mandrakes  ripe  on  the  lower  ranges 
of  Lebanon  and  Hermon  towards  the  end  of 


THE  MANDRAKE. 

April.  The  mandrake  {Mandragora  officina- 
lis) is  closely  allied  to  the  well-known  deadly 
nightshade  (Alropa  belladonna),  and  belongs  to 
the  order  Solanaceae.  Pliny  refers  to  the  smell 
(xxv.  13)  :  "  The  right  season  to  seeke  for  it  is 
about  Vintage  time  :  the  sent  thereof  is  strong, 
but  the  root  and  fruite  doe  smell  the  stronger." 
There  is  no  need  here  to  deal  with  the  multi- 
tude of  superstitions  accumulated  around  the 
mandrake  and  constantly  occurring  in  our  early 


508 


MANEH 


literature.  Prof.  Hcnslow,  who  overlooks  the 
passage  in  Solomon's  Song,  reproduces  an  illus- 
tration from  Dioscorides  of  his  receiving  a  root 
from  the  goddess  of  discovery.  Harris  (Nat. 
Hist,  of  B.,  1824)  refers  to  the  same  author 
(1.  iv.  c.  76),  with  the  words  "Among  the 
Greeks  and  Orientals  this  plant  was  held  in 
high  repute  as  being  of  a  nature  provocative 
of  amorous  inclinations."  [h.c.h.] 

Maneh.     [Weights.] 

Mangrei*  occurs  only  in  connexion  with  the 
birth  of  Christ,  in  Lu. 2. 7,12,16.  The  Gk.  is 
(paTfT],  which  is  found  but  once  besides  in  N.T. 
(13. 15),  and  rendered  "  stall."  In  classical 
Gk.  it  undoubtedly  means  a  manger,  crib,  or 
feeding-trough  ;  but,  according  to  Schleusner, 
its  real  signification  in  N.T.  is  the  open  court- 
yard, attached  to  the  inn  or  khan,  and  en- 
closed by  a  rough  fence  of  stones,  wattle,  or 
other  sUght  material,  into  which  the  cattle 
would  be  shut  at  night,  and  where  the  poorer 
travellers  might  unpack  their  animals  and 
take  up  their  lodging,  when  excluded  from 
the  house  by  want  of  room  or  of  means.  This 
interpretation  is  at  variance  with  the  tradition, 
which  Dean  Stanley  considered  to  be  destitute 
of  foimdation,  that  the  Nativity  took  place  in 
a  cave.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  Conder 
{Tent  Work  in  Pal.  x.  145)  and  others  think  the 
traditional  cave  has  much  to  be  said  for  it. 
The  tradition  dates  from  Justin  Martyr  (2nd 
cent.  A.D.).     [Bethlehem  ;  Crib.] 

Ma'ni  (iEsd.9.30 ;  cf.  Ezr.lO.29)  =  Bani,  4. 

Manifestation.     [Jesus  Christ  ;   Theo- 

PIIANIES.] 

Man'lius,  T.  In  the  account  of  the  con- 
clusion of  the  campaign  of  Lysias  (163  b.c.) 
against  the  Jews  given  in  2Mac.ll,  four  let- 
ters are  introduced,  of  which  the  last  purports 
to  be  from  "  Q.  Memmius  and  T.  Manlius,  am- 
bassadors of  the  Romans  "  {vv.  34-38),  con- 
firming the  concessions  made  by  Lj'sias.  No 
such  names  occur  among  the  legates  to  Syria 
noticed  by  Polybius  ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  ac- 
cept the  letter  as  genuine.  If  the  true  reading 
of  2Mac.ll.34  is  "  T.  Manius "  (not  "Man- 
lius "),  the  writer  is  probably  thinking  of  the 
mission  of  C.  Sulpicius  and  Manius  Sergius 
to  Syria  shortly  before  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Epiphancs.  [c.d.] 

r^an'na  (Hcb.  man)  occurs  in  O.T.  in 
lix.ie. 14-35  ;  Num. 11. 6-9;  Deut.8.3,16;  Jos.5. 
12  ;  Ne.9.20  ;  Ps. 78. 24, 25  ;  Wis. 16. 20, 21.  From 
these  we  learn  that  it  came  every  morning  ex- 
cept the  sabbath,  in  the  form  of  a  small  round 
thing  resembling  hoar  frost  ;  that  it  had  to 
be  gathered  each  day  early,  before  the  sun  was 
able  to  melt  it  ;  that  on  the  attempt  to  lay 
aside  for  a  succeeding  day,  excejit  on  the  day 
before  the  sabbath,  the  substance  became 
wormy  and  offensive  ;  that  it  was  prepared  by 
grinding  and  baking  ;  that  it  was  white  like 
coriander  seed,  and  that  its  taste  was  like 
fresh  oil,  or  wafers  made  witli  honey,  equally 
agreeable  to  all  palates  ;  lliat  the  whole  nation 
ate  it  forty  years  ;  that  tlic  supply  suddenly 
ceased  when  they  first  got  the  new  corn  of 
Canaan  ;  and  that  it  was  always  regarded  as  a 
miraculous  gift  from  God.  The  natural  ])ro- 
ducts  of  the  Arai)ian  deserts  and  other  Oriental 
regions  which  bear  the  name  of  manna,  liave 
not  the  qualities  or  uses  ascribed  to  the  manna 


MANNA 

of  Scripture.  But  as  regards  the  scriptural  food, 
Harris's  words  (Nat.  Hist,  of  B.,  Thos.  Tegg, 
1824),  "  Inshort,  the  whole  history  of  the  giving 
the  manna  is  miraculous,"  sum  up  the  position. 
That  excellent  writer  gives  an  ample  list  of  re- 
ferences to  authorities  on  this  subject.  Accord- 
ing to  the  LXX.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  and  Josephus, 
the  Heb.  man,  always  used  for  this  substance, 
is  the  interrogative  pronoun  (What  ?)  ;  and 
the  name  is  derived  from  the  inquiry  (man  hii. 
What  is  this  ?)  which  the  Hebrews  made  when 
they  first  saw  it  upon  the  ground.  The  Ara- 
bian physician  Avicenna  describes  the  manna, 
used  in  his  time  as  a  medicine,  thus:  "Manna 
is  a  dew  which  falls  on  stones  or  bushes,  be- 
comes thick  like  honey,  and  can  be  hardened  so 
as  to  be  like  grains  of  corn."  The  substance 
now  called  mann  in  the  Arabian  desert 
through  which  the  Israelites  passed  is  collected 
in  the  month  of  J  une  from  the  tarfd  or  tamarisk 


lAMARI.X   r.AI.I.ICA, 


shrub  (Tamarix  gallica).  Burckhardt  says 
that  it  drops  from  the  thorns  on  tiie  sticks  and 
leaves  which  cover  the  ground,  and  must  be 
gathered  early,  or  it  will  be  melted  by  the  sun. 
The  Arabs  cleanse  and  boil  it,  strain  it  through 
a  cloth,  and  put  it  in  leathern  bottles  ;  and  it 
can  be  thus  kept  for  years.     They  use  it  like 


iVtANOAH 

honey  or  butter  with  their  unleavened  bread, 
but  never  make  it  into  cakes  or  eat  it  by  itself. 
Rauwolf  and  others  have  compared  its  dried 
grains  to  coriander  seed.  Niebuhr  observed 
the  manna  at  Mardin  in  Mesopotamia  lying  like 
meal  on  the  leaves  of  a  species  of  oak,  called  in 
the  East  ballut  and  'afs  or  'as.  The  harvest  is 
in  July  and  August,  and  most  plentiful  in  wet 
seasons.  Near  the  Jordan  Valley  Burckhardt 
found  manna  like  gum  on  the  leaves  and 
branches  of  the  kharruh,  which  is  as  large  as  the 
olive-tree,  having  a  leaf  like  the  poplar,  though 
somewhat  broader.  Two  other  shrubs,  sug- 
gested as  yielding  the  manna  of  Scripture,  are 
the  Alhagi  maurorum,  or  Persian  manna,  and 
the  A  Ihagi  desertorum — thorny  plants  common 
in  Sjnria.  The  manna  of  European  commerce 
comes  mostly  from  Calabria  and  Sicily.  It  is 
gathered  during  June  and  July  from  some 
species  of  ash  {Ornns  europaea  and  Ornus  rotun- 
difolia),  from  which  it  drops  in  consequence 
of  puncture  by  an  insect  resembling  the  locust, 
but  having  a  sting  under  its  body.  It  is  fluid 
at  night,  and  resembles  the  dew,  but  begins  to 
harden  in  the  morning. 

Manoah'  (Judg.13),  a  Danite  living  be- 
tween Zorah  and  Eshtaol ;  the  father  of  Sam- 
son. He  was  evidently  a  monogamist,  and  the 
story  of  his  relations  with  his  wife  and  with  the 
angel,  who  foretold  the  birth  of  a  son,  are  ad- 
mirably described.  He  was  a  man  of  simple 
faith  and  devout  life.  Manoah  objected  to 
Samson's  marriage  with  a  Philistine,  and  ap- 
parently died  before  his  son  (16. 31).  [Sam- 
son.] [h.m.s.] 

Manslayep.     [Homicide  ;  Goel.] 

Mantle  is  employed  in  A.V.  to  translate 
four  Heb.  terms,  entirely  independent  both  in 
derivation  and  meaning,  (i)  s'mikhd,  once 
only  (Judg.4.i8).  (2)  nf'tl,  rendered  "  man- 
tle "  in  iSam.15.27,28.14 ;  Ezr.9.3,5  ;  Job  I.20, 
2.12  ;  and  Ps.lO9.29  ;  elsewhere  "  coat," 
"cloak,"  and  "robe."  In  one  case  only — 
that  of  Samuel — is  this  inconsistency  of  im- 
portance. The  garment  which  his  mother 
made  and  brought  to  her  child  was  a  miniature 
of  the  official  priestly  gown  or  robe  ;  such 
as  the  great  prophet  wore  in  mature  years 
{iSam.15.27),  and  by  which  he  was  on  one 
occasion  identified  (28.14).  (s)  ma'dtdphd  (Is. 
3.22  only),  apparently  some  article  of  a  lady's 
dress  ;  probably  an  exterior  gown,  longer  and 
ampler  than  the  internal  one.  (4)  'addereth 
(rendered  "mantle"  in  iK. 19. 13, 19,  2K.2.8, 
13,14;  elsewhere  "garment"  and  "robe"). 
By  this,  and  this  only,  is  denoted  the  coat  or 
wrapper  which,  with  the  exception  of  a  strip  of 
skin  or  leather  round  his  loins,  formed,  appar- 
ently, the  sole  garment  of  the  prophet  Elijah. 
It  was  probably  of  sheepskin,  such  as  is  worn 
by  the  modern  dervishes. 

Maoch',  father  of  Achish,  the  king  of  Gath 
with  whom  David  took  refuge  (iSam.27.2) ; 
called  in  Syr.  vers.  Maachah,  perhaps,  there- 
fore, identical  with  the  Maachah  who  was 
"father"  of  Achish,  king  of  Gath  at  the 
beginning  of  Solomon's  reign  (iK.2.39). 

Maon',  one  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  in  the  Hebron  mountains  ;  of  the 
same  group  with  Carmel  and  Ziph  (Jos. 15. 55  ; 
iSam.25.2).  Its  interest  for  us  lies  in  its 
connexion  with  David  (iSam.23.24,25).     Now 


MARBLE 


509 


M'atn,  a  ruin  with  a  tell  about  lOo  ft.  high, 
8  miles  S.  of  Hebron,  with  caves,  cisterns,  and 
a  mediaeval  tower  foundation.  It  is  close  to 
the  desert  or  "  wilderness  of  Maon."  In 
iChr.2.43-45  Maon  is  connected  with  Hebron 
and  Beth-zur.  The  Mehunim  or  Meunim 
(Ezr.2.50  ;  Ne.7.52)  may  have  belonged  to 
this  place.  [c.r.c] 

Ma'onites,  The,  a  people  mentioned  as 
having  oppressed  Israel  (Judg.lO.12).  Either 
inhabitants  of  Maon,  near  the  Amalekite 
country,  with  which  they  are  noticed,  or  of 
M'adn.  [Edom.]  The  LXX.,  however  (Vat. 
and  Alex.  MSS.),  reads  "  Midianites."   [c.r.c] 

Mara'.     [Naomi.] 

Mapah'  {bitter),  a  place  in  the  wilderness 
of  Shur  or  Etham,  3  days'  journey  distant 
(Ex. 15. 22-24  ;  Num.33. 8)  from  the  place  at 
which  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Red  Sea,  and 
where  was  a  spring  of  bitter  water,  sweetened 
subsequently  by  the  casting  in  of  a  tree  which 
"  the  Lord  showed  "  to  Moses.  Burckhardt  sug- 
gested that  Moses  made  use  of  the  berries  of  the 
plant  gharqad,  which,  however,  are  not  so  used 
by  Arabs.  'Ain  Huwdrah,  distant  16J  hours 
from  'Ayun  Musa,  has  been  identified  with 
Marah  by  Robinson,  Burckhardt,  Schubert, 
and  Wellsted,  because  of  its  bitter  water,  the 
distance  being  appropriate  for  3  days'  journey 
with  flocks,  women,  and  children.  [Exodus, 
The.] 

Mapalah'(Jos.l9.ii),  a  place  on  the  border 
of  Zebulun,  perhaps  the  S.  border.  It  may 
possibly  be  M'aliil,  a  village  which  is  3^  miles 
W.  of  Nazareth.  [c.r.c] 

Mapanatha',  an  expression  used  by  St. 
Paul  at  the  conclusion  of  iCor.  (I6.22).  It  is 
generally  supposed  to  be  a  Grecized  form  of 
the  Aram,  mdran  dthd,  "  our  Lord  cometh," 
or  "  our  Lord  is  come."  R.V.  thus  rightly 
inserts  a  period  after  the  preceding  "  ana- 
thema." St.  Paul  says  (Ph.4.5),  "  The  Lord 
is  at  hand  "  (or  "  nigh  "),  but  Christian  texts 
of  Syria  (c.  4th  cent.)  give  the  invocation 
eiselthe  Kurie  ("  Come,  O  Lord "),  which 
suggests  the  reading  m&csin-'ethd  {"  Come,  O 
our  Lord").  [Semitic  Languages.]  Another 
explanation  is  that  it  is  the  beginning  of  a 
cursing  formula,  muhrdn  'attd  =  "  cursed  art 
thou  "  ;  hence,  "  Let  him  be  [subject  to  the] 
anathema,"  muhrdn  'attd. 

Mapble.  Like  the  Gk.  /j.dp/iiapos,  the  Heb. 
shesh,  the  generic  term  for  marble  may  pro- 
bably be  taken  to  mean  almost  any  shining 
stone.  At  the  present  day  it  is  applied  by 
builders  to  any  limestone  that  will  take  a 
polish  ;  sometimes  even  to  rocks  of  quite  dif- 
ferent composition.  The  so-called  marble  of 
Solomon's  architectural  works,  which  Josephus 
calls  \idos  XevKds,  was  probably  the  pale- 
cream-coloured  limestone,  which  is  about  the 
age  of  the  English  chalk  and  is  quarried  in 
many  parts  of  Palestine.  It  was  very  likely 
obtained,  as  that  for  Herod's  temple  almost 
certainly  was,  from  the  great  excavations, 
called  the  Royal  Caverns,  which  run  beneath 
the  city  from  near  the  Damascus  Gate,  but  it 
is  possible  that  in  the  latter  building  some 
foreign  marbles  may  have  been  used  for  de- 
corative purposes.  A  compact,  pale-reddish 
limestone,  that  should  polish  well,  is  worked 
to  the  S.  of  J  erusalem.     The  marble  pillars  and 


510 


MARCHESVAN 


tesserae  of  various  colours  of  the  palace  at 
Susa  came  doubtless  from  Persia  itself  (Esth. 

1.6).  [T.G.B.] 

Mapchesvan.     [Months.] 

Map'cus  (Col.^.io  ;  Ph.24  ;  iPe.5.13) 
=  the  evangelist  Mark. 

Mapdoche'us,  the  Gk.  form  of — 1.  Mor- 
DECAi,  I  (Est.Apoc.l0.i,etc.  ;  2Mac.i5.36). — 2. 
{iEsd.5.8)  =  MoRDECAi,  2. 

Mapeshah'. — 1.  A  town  in  the  slfpheld 
region  of  Judah  (Jos.i5.44),  fortified  by  Re- 
hoboam  (2Chr.ll. 8).  It  was  in  the  valley  of 
Zephathah  (14.9,10),  evidently  therefore  the 
ruin  Mer'ash,  a  mile  S.W.  of  Beit  Jibrin.  The 
site  was  known  in  4th  cent.  a.d.  (Onomasti- 
con).  The  name  means  "  chief  town  "  ;  but 
in  Micah  (I.15)  there  is  a  play  on  the  word. 
See  also  iChr.2.42,4.21,  where  the  place-name 
occurs  as  if  a  personal  name,  and  2Chr.2O.37. 
It  is  noticed  as  Marisa  (2Mac.i2.35),  with 
Adullam,  and  was  burned  by  Judas  Macca- 
baeus  in  164  b.c.  (Josephus,  12  Ant.  viii.  6), 
and  taken  by  John  Hyrcanus  in  no  b.c.  (13 
Ant.  ix.  i).  [c.R.c] 

Map'imoth  (2Esd.l.2)  =  Meraiqth,  i. 

Ma'pisa  (2Mac.i2.35)  =  Mareshah. 

Maplsh  (Ezk. 47.11).  The  A.V.  so  renders 
Heb.  gebhi, "  a  deep  place,"  referring  to  marshes 
and  bogs  near  the  Dead  Sea.  The  word  is  an 
old  Eng.  form  of  the  word  "  marsh  "  (Skeat,  Ety. 
Diet.),  a  "  mere-ish,"  or  swampy,  place — Low 
Ger.  marsch,  Low  Lat.  mariscus.  Cf.  Marishes 
Road  Station  on  N.E.  Railway.  [c.r.c] 

Mapk  is  mentioned  in  nine  places  in 
N.T.  (Ac.l2.i2,25,13.5,i3,15.37ff.  ;  Col.4.io  ; 
2Tim.4.ii  ;  Ph.24;  iPe.5.13).  The  "John 
Mark  "  of  Ac.  is  the  same  as  the  "  Mark  " 
of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  as  proved  by  Col.4.io, 
where  he  is  called  the  cousin  of  Barnabas, 
and  Ac.l2.i2  shows  his  identity  with  the 
"  Mark "  of  iPe.5.13.  He  was  son  of  a 
Mary  who  was  an  influential  member  of  the 
church  at  Jerusalem,  the  church  meeting  in 
her  house.  Papias  (c.  130  a.d.),  says,  "  He 
neither  heard  the  Lord,  nor  accompanied 
Him."  He  was  at  Jerusalem  during  the 
famine  in  45  a.d.,  and  Barnabas  took  him  to 
Antioch  on  returning  thither  from  Jerusalem 
at  that  time.  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas  took 
him  with  them  on  St.  Paul's  first  missionary 
journey.  He  laboured  with  them  at  Salaniis,  in 
Cyprus  ;  but,  after  crossing  to  the  mainland 
and  arriving  at  Pcrga,  St.  Mark  would  go  no 
further.  Probably  he  was  not  yet  prepared 
for  so  great  a  work  as  the  conversion  of  the 
Gentiles,  or  for  the  substitution  of  the  leader- 
ship of  St.  Paul  for  that  of  St.  Barnabas.  He 
returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  probably  at 
Antioch  about  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  rebuke  of 
St.  Peter  (Ac.15.30,37).  Possibly  he  was  one 
of  those  who  lurged  SS.  Peter  and  Barnabas 
to  withdraw  from  full  fellowship  with  Gentile 
Christians.  Whether  he  did  so  or  not,  St.  Paul 
refused  to  take  St.  Mark  with  him  on  his  second 
missionary  journey  (49  a.d.  ).  St.  Barnabas  then 
wenthomctoCypruswithSt.Mark.  Wehearno 
more  until  c.  61  a.d.,  when  he  was  with  St.  Paul 
at  Rome.  The  two  arc  completely  reconciled. 
St.  Mark  is  St.  Paul's  "  fellow-worker  "  and 
his  "comfort"  (Col. 4.10, II ;  Ph.24).  The  way 
in  which  St.  Paul  urges  the  Colossians  to  re- 
ceive St.  Mark  kindly,  possibly  implies  that 


MARK,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST. 

wide  dissatisfaction  had  been  felt  at  his 
previous  desertion  of  St.  Paul.  Some  four 
years  later  St.  Paul,  in  writing,  shortly  before 
his  martyrdom,  to  Timothy,  requests  him  to 
come  to  Rome  and  to  take  up  St.  Mark  on  the 
way,  "  for  he  is  useful  to  me  for  ministering  " 
(2Tim.4.ii).  The  last  notice  in  N.T.  of  St. 
Mark  shows  how  completely  SS.  Peter  and 
Mark  had  widened  their  policy  in  harmony 
with  that  of  St.  Paul.  St.  Peter  refers  to 
"  Mark,  my  son,"  and  his  words  show  that  the 
two  were  then  together  at  "  Babylon  " — i.e. 
Rome.  St.  Mark  at  the  last  found  it  possible 
to  be  equally  loyal  to  both  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul.  From  Papias  we  learn  that  St.  Mark 
was  the  interpreter  of  St.  Peter  ;  probably 
because  St.  Mark,  who  was  of  some  social 
standing,  originally  knew  Gk.  better  than 
the  humbly-born  prince  of  the  apostles.  In 
the  4th  cent,  it  was  widely  believed  that  St. 
Mark  was  the  founder  of  Christianity  in  Alex- 
andria, and  therefore  in  all  EgN^pt,  and  the  first 
bishop  there.  This  is  quite  possible.  St. 
Mark  might  have  been  there  either  after  his 
first  separation  from  St.  Paul  or  after  the  death 
of  St.  Peter,  c.  65  a.d.  [l-p-] 

Mapk,  Gospel  ace.  to  St.  It  was  univer- 
sally believed  in  the  ancient  Church  that  this 
gospel  was  written  by  St.  Mark,  the  companion 
of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and  written  under  the 
influence  of  St.  Peter.  Eusebius,  the  great 
Church  historian  (c.  320  a.d.  ),  quotes  {Hist.  Eccl. 
iii.  39)  from  Papias,  who  lived  c.  130  a.d.,  the 
testimony  of  the  still  earlier  John  the  Pres- 
byter, that  St.  Mark,  the  interpreter  of  St. 
Peter,  wrote  down  what  he  remembered. 
Irenaeus  (c.  185  a.d..  Adv.  Haer.  iii.  i)  says 
that  the  gospel  was  written  after  the  deaths  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul.  Papias  says  that  St.  Mark 
"  wrote  down  accurately,"  but  "  without  re- 
cording in  order,  what  was  either  said  or  done 
by  Christ."  This  has  occasioned  some  diffi- 
culty. For  there  is  a  considerable  degree  of 
chronological  order  in  Mk.,  and  our  Lord's 
missionary  journeys  around  Capernaum  can  in 
Mk.  be  accurately  traced.  Probably  Papias 
was  contrasting  the  arrangement  of  Mk.  with 
that  of  Jn.,  where  the  dates  are  carefully  given 
in  due  order.  Justin  Martyr  (bom  c.  100  a.d.) 
says  (Dial.  106)  thatClirist  clianged  an  apostle's 
name  to  Peter,  and  that  this  is  written  "  in  his 
memoirs."  Sonxe  suppose  that  this  refers  to  a 
forged  gospel  of  "  Peter  "  written  in  the  2nd 
cent.  It  is  more  likely  that  it  refers  to  Mk., 
especially  as  Justin  certainly  called  the  gospels 
"  memoirs."  The  connexion  between  this 
gospel  and  St.  Peter  is  strongly  corroborated 
by  internal  evidence.  It  consists  almost  en- 
tirely of  things  which  St.  Peter  personally 
knew.  It  omits  things  which  reflect  credit  oa 
St.  Peter,  and  inserts  things  which  were  of  a 
nature  to  humble  him.  St.  Mark  records  the 
reprimand  that  St.  Peter  received  from  our 
Lord  (8.33)  and  his  fanciful  plan  of  erecting 
tabernacles  on  the  scene  of  the  Transfiguration 
(9.5).  It  was  St.  Peter  who  informed  Christ 
that  the  fig-tree  had  withered  after  His  curse 
(1 1.21),  St.  Peter  whom  Christ  awoke  in  Gcth- 
seniane  by  uttering  his  n.inie  "  Simon,"  and 
St.  Peter's  denial  appears  doubly  guilty  in 
this  gospel,  as  lie  did  not  repent  until  the  cock 
crew  twice   (14.68,72).     The  whole  gospel  is 


MARK,  GOSPEL,  ACC.  TO  ST. 

beyond  all  reasonable  question  by  St.  Mark, 
except  the  ending  (16. 9-20).     The  gospel  can- 
not have  originally  ended  at  16.8.     The  best 
solution  of  the  difficulty  is  that  the  last  page  of 
the  gospel  was  lost  soon  after  St.  Mark's  death, 
when  only  one  copy  was  in  existence.     A  new 
ending  was  written  by  some  person  of  author- 
ity.    An  Armenian  MS.  written  986  a.d.  attri- 
butes it  to  "  the  presbyter  Ariston,"  probably 
the  Aristion  mentioned  by  Papias  as  one  of  the 
Lord's  disciples. — The  date  is  proved  to  be  very 
early  by  internal  evidence,  and  by  the  use  of 
this  gospel  by  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke.     Clem- 
ent and  Origen  were  probably  right  in  thinking 
that  it  was  written  in  the  lifetime  of  St.  Peter 
— i.e.  before  66  a.d.     Papias,  however,  implies 
that  it  was  written  after  St.  Peter's  death.    If 
so,   it  must   have  been  almost  immediately 
after.     But  the  use  of  it  by  St.  Luke  is  in 
favour  of  a  date  previous  to  the  death  of  St. 
Paul,  probably  c.  61  a.d. — Style  and  Character. 
The  literary  style  is  distinct  and  peculiar.     It 
abounds    in    colloquial    expressions    such    as 
might  naturally  have  been  used  by  a  man  of 
Jewish  origin  who  had  never  received  a  Gk. 
education.     The  diminutives  are  frequent,  re- 
sembling words  such  as  "  lassie  "  and  "  dog- 
gie "  common  in  parts  of  Great  Britain  (see 
Mk.3.9,5.23,39,7.27).      Latin     words      which 
had   passed    into    colloquial    Gk.  are    found. 
Such    are    centurion,    speculator,    quadrans, 
census,  and  denarius.     There  are  10  peculiar 
words  not  found  elsewhere.     The  grammar  is 
rough,  and    there    are    several   Aram,  words 
transliterated  into  Gk.      Such  are  Boanerges 
(3.17),  Taleitha  koum  (5.41),  Ephphatha  (7. 
34),  Abba  (14.36):  and  the  words  Eloi,  Eloi, 
lama  sabachthanei  (15. 34),  represent  our  Lord 
using  a  Hebraized  form  of  the  Aram,  name 
for    God.       There  are    a  number  of    Aram, 
idioms  (6.7,39,40).     There  are  Aram,  phrases 
(3.28,5.43,16.2).     Prepositions    are    repeated 
after  compound  verbs,  and  the  participle  of 
verbs  is  used  with  the  imperfect  indicative  of 
"  to  be  "  or  "  to  become."     These  important 
irregularities  have  led  to  the  theory  that  this 
gospel  was  first  written   in  Aram,  and  then 
translated  into  Gk.     This  theory  is  not  im- 
possible ;    but  it  is  opposed  to  the  singular 
freshness  of  the  style,  and  also  to  the  most 
ancient  traditions  as  to  the  date  of  composition. 
If  St.  Mark  wrote  in  Rome  after  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul  had  gone  there,  it  is  most  unlikely  that  he 
would  have  written  in  any  language  but  Gk., 
which  was  the  common  language  of  Christians 
in  Rome  for  a  long  period.     All  we  can  affirm 
is  that  the  evangelist  had  learnt  to  think  in 
Aram,    before    he  could   think  and  write   in 
Gk.       Freshness    of    detail,  graphic    touches 
describing  the  looks,  gestures,  and  conduct  of 
our  Lord  and  the  feelings  of  those  who  sur- 
rormded  Him,  characterize  Mk.     It  is  the  most 
life-like  of  the  gospels.     Only  here  do  we  learn 
that  SS.  Simon  and  Andrew  lived  together  (1. 
29),  how  the  mud  roof  was  broken  to  let  the 
paralytic  through  it  (2.4),  that  there  was  a 
single  pillow  in  the  boat  in  which  Christ  slept 
(4.38),   that  the  five  thousand  on  the  grass 
looked  like  "  garden  beds  "  (6.40),  that  Jesus 
took  little  children  into  His  arms  (9.36,10.16), 
how  He  looked  at  the  rich  young  man  (lO.aif.), 
how  a  denarius,  a  Roman  coin,  was  brought 


MARK,  GOSPEL,  ACC.  TO  ST.     511 

into  the  temple,  where  only  Jewish  money  was 
current   (I2.15).     St.   Mark,    too,    knows   the 
names  of  Levi's  father  (Alphaeus,  2.14)  and  of 
the  sons  of  Simon  of  Cyxene  (Alexander  and 
Rufus,  probably  familiar  names  in  the  church 
at  Rome;  15. 21).     The  emotions  of  our  Lord 
are  far  more  often  described  by  St.  Mark  than 
by  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke.     Only  St.  Mark 
records  His  sternness  in  the  matter  recorded  in 
1.43  ;    His  grief  in  3.5  ;    His  wonder  at  the 
people's  unbelief  (6.6)  ;   His  indignation  at  the 
disciples    (10. 14) ;     the    amazement    mingled 
with  our  Lord's  grief  in  the  Agony  (14. 33). 
While  such  emotions  are  recorded  with  great 
simplicity  and  reverent  boldness,  there  is  no 
toning  down  of  the  truth  of  our  Lord's  divine 
origin    and    supernatural    authority.     He    is 
essentially  and  throughout  the  Son  of  God 
(1.1,3.11,5.7,  C/.I5.39).     He  is  "  the  Holy  One 
of  God  "   (I.24),   and  God's  "  beloved  Son  " 
(1.11,9.7).     His  death  has  an  atoning  power, 
only  possible  in  the  death  of  One  both  divine 
and  human  (10.45,14.24).     He  is  "  the  Son  of 
Man,"   the  supernatural  Messiah  and  repre- 
sentative of  mankind,  who  will  come  hereafter 
in  glory  (d.38,14.62).     He  has   authority  to 
forgive  sins   (2.5,10),    and   can   abrogate  the 
Jewish  law,  being  "  lord  of  the  sabbath  "  (2. 
28).     He  knows  the  thoughts  of  man  (2.8,8. 17, 
12.15),   and  knows  what  will  happen  in  the 
future  (2.20).     He  foretells  His  Passion  (8.31, 
9.31),   the  destruction  of  the  temple  (13.2), 
the  universal  Gospel  (13. 10).     He  is  not  with- 
out human  limitations — just  as  He  sleeps,  eats, 
and  drinks.  He  asks  for  information  (5.9,8.5, 
9.16),  and,  as  man,  says  that  He  is  ignorant  of 
the  day  of  judgment  (13. 32).     This  is  the  one 
authentic  instance  of  Christ  so  speaking,  and 
even  in  this  passage  He  puts  himself  apart  in 
the  matter  of  knowledge,  above  all  beings  ex- 
cept the  Father.     St.  Mark  records  numerous 
references  made  by  our  Lord  to  O.T.,  though 
fewer  than  SS.  Matthew  or  Luke,  but  the  only 
quotations  made  by  St.  Mark  himself  are  in 
1.2,3  (Mal.3.i  ;    Is.40.3)  and  15.28  (ls.53.i2). 
On  the  other  hand,  there  are  1 8  miracles,  only 
two  less  than  in  the  much  longer  gospel  of 
St.  Matthew.     The  two  peculiar  to  Mk.  are  the 
healing  of  the  deaf  stammerer  (7.3iff.)  and  of 
the  blind  man  at  Bethsaida  (8.22ff. ).   The  only 
parable  peculiar  to  Mk.  is  that  of  the  seed 
growing  secretly  (4.26ff).     One  of  the  most 
distinctive  features  of  Mk.  is  the  clearness  with 
which  it  shows  how  our  Lord  trained  His  dis- 
ciples, and  relates  the  dulness  of  His  friends 
and  apostles.     St.  Mark  relates  how  early  in 
Christ's  ministry  His  friends  (3.2 1)  said  that 
He  was  mad,  and  that  "  His  mother  and  His 
brethren"  (3.31)  sought  to  bring  Him  back. 
He  also  notices  Christ's  silence  at  the  disciples' 
obtrusive  remonstrance  (5.31,32),  His  care  in 
bidding  them  to  rest  (6.31),  His  rebuke  of  their 
childish  misinterpretation  of  His  words  (8.17), 
their  lack  of  intelligence  when  He  speaks  of  His 
Death  and  Resurrection   (9.32),  their  dispute 
about  their  own  precedence  (9.34),  their  hesita- 
tion in  following  Him  to  Jerusalem  (10. 32). 
St.  Mark  alone  tells  us  of  the  wonder  of  Pilate 
at  His  death,  and  his  inquiry  of  the  centurion 
(15. 44).     St.  Mark's  love  of  vividness  in  style 
leads  him  sometimes  to  a  use  of  redundant  ex- 
pressions, which  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  omit. 


512 


MARKET-PIiACE 


The  old  theory  that  he  "  abbreviated  "  their 
gospels  must  be  abandoned  for  the  theory  that 
they  frequently  abbreviated  Mk.,  even  omit- 
ting details  of  interest.  Great  caution  is 
necessary  in  accepting  the  theory  that  SS. 
Matthew  and  Luke  deliberately  removed 
possible  stumbling-blocks  which  the  "  can- 
dour "  of  St.  Mark  narrated  (e.g.  Mk. 1.32,34, 
cf.  Mt.8.i6  and  Lu.4.40  ;  Mk.l.45,  cf.  Mt.4.25 
and  Lu.5.15  ;  Mk.6.5f.,  cf.  Mt.i3.58  ;  Mk.7.24, 
cf.  Mt.l5.2i  ;  Mk. 10.35,  cf.  Mt.20.2O  ;  Mk.ll. 
20,  cf.  Mt.2i.19).  It  is  at  least  possible  that  in 
some  cases  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  are  follow- 
ing the  Logia  when  they  show  divergences 
from  Mk.  This  is  also  more  probable  than  the 
hypothesis  that  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  used  an 
older  version  of  Mk.  into  which  variations  were 
afterwards  inserted.  Our  Mk.  is,  with  the 
exception  of  its  ending,  the  Mk.  used  by  SS. 
Matthew  and  Luke.  It  is  highly  primitive, 
reaUstic,  historical,  and  practical.  Having 
fewer  Hebraisms  than  Mt.  and  fewer  Grecisms 
than  Lu.,  it  is  a  gospel  well  fitted  for  the  Chris- 
tians of  Rome  amongst  whom  St.  Peter 
preached.  [l-P-] 

Mapket-place.  The  Gk.  ayopd  signified 
any  open  space,  originally  used  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assembly.  Hence  it  suggests  any  open 
or  public  place,  in  contrast  with  what  goes  on 
in  privacy.  It  is  found  in  N.T.  in  connexion 
with  business  dealings  (Mt.20.3  ;  Mk.7.4),  with 
children's  games  (Mt.ll.i6  ;  Lu.7.32),  with  the 
greetings  of  passers-by  (Mt.23.7  ;  Lu.ll.43), 
with  trials  (Ac.l6.19),  and  (in  Athens)  with 
public  discussions  (Ac. 17. 17).  [t.a.m.] 

Map'moth  (iEsd.8.62)  =  Meremoth,  i. 
Mapoth'  (bitterness,   sadness),    one  of  the 
towns  of  the  W.  lowland  of  J  udah  whose  names 
are  played  upon  by  the  prophet  Micah  (l.r2). 
The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Mappiag-e.  The  institution  of  human 
marriage  is  commonly  regarded  from  one  or 
other  of  two  points  of  view.  Either  it  is  con- 
sidered as  the  merely  human  regulation  of  the 
sexual  relation  involved  in  human  nature  as  we 
find  it,  or  it  is  regarded  as  a  divine  institution, 
having  laws  and  regulations  imposed  by  God. 
The  second  of  these  standpoints  is  indicated 
by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  :  "What  therefore 
(lod  hath  joined  together,  let  no  man  put 
asunder"  (Mt.l9.G  ;  Mk.lO.9).  It  will  be 
adopted  in  this  article.  In  Holy  Scripture  the 
divine  laws  may  best  be  considered  under 
three  heads  :  (i)  marriage  as  instituted  in  the 
state  of  iimocence  ;  (2)  marriage  as  retained 
after  the  Fall  by  perverted  man  ;  (3)  Christian 
marriage. — I.  Marriage  in  the  State  of  Inno- 
cence. Such  indications  as  are  given  in  the  early 
chapters  of  Genesis  show  the  race  as  descended 
from  a  single  pair.  Polygamy  is  not  liere  con- 
templated (Gen.2.i8)  ;  nor  does  divorce  find 
place  in  the  primal  institution  (Mt.19.8). — II. 
Marriage  after  the  Fall.  If  neither  polygamy 
nor  divorce  found  place  in  marriage  as  God 
instituted  it,  both  are  very  generally  found  in 
the  marriage  usages  of  Asiatic  peoples  in  his- 
toric times.  The  narrative  of  Genesis  sliows 
polygamy  already  in  the  case  of  Laniech  (Gen. 
4.19),  polygamy  with  divorce  in  tliat  of  Ahrani 
(16.)  These  features  would  appear  to  have 
been  introduced  into  the  divine  institution  by 
perverted    man ;     and    both    polygamy    and 


MARRIAGE 

divorce  are  suffered  and  regulated  in  the  codes 
of  the  Pentateuch.  We  are  told  that  God 
suffered  these  declensions  for  a  time  "  for  the 
hardness  of  men's  hearts"  (Mt.19.8).  Man 
was  not  yet  reconciled  ;  and  in  the  time  of 
education  these  faults  could  be  left  alone.  If, 
however,  polygamy  and  divorce  are  found  to 
be  suffered,  there  is  ordinarily  no  sufferance  of 
the  marriage  of  near  kin,  which  is  esteemed  un- 
holy. It  is  probable  that  in  the  vast  majority 
of  cases  the  marriages  of  the  Israelites  would 
show  the  life-long  union  of  one  man  with 
one  woman,  as  is  the  case  with  poor  Moham- 
medans at  the  present  day.  The  addition  of 
one  servant-wife  would  be  the  most  usual 
form  of  polygamy.  Two  marriage  codes  may 
be  discriminated  in  the  Pentateuch.  The 
regulations  of  Deuteronomy  are  foimd  in 
ch.  21-24,  those  of  Leviticus  in  ch.  18, 
20.  There  are  also  other  regulations  in  Exodus 
(ch.  21).  A.  Polygamy.  The  Codes,  (i)  A 
woman  to  her  sister.  The  prohibition  of  "  a 
woman  to  her  sister  .  .  .  beside  the  other 
in  her  lifetime  "  (Lev.l8.i8)  seems  to  admit 
polygamy  in  cases  not  so  barred.  (2)  Slave 
wives.  The  provision  that  a  slave  wife  is  to 
retain  undiminished  her  food,  her  raiment,  and 
her  duty  of  marriage,  if  the  master  "  take  him 
another,"  is  clearly  a  toleration  of  polygamy 
(Ex. 21. 10).  (3)  Royal  polygamy.  The  pro- 
vision affecting  the  marriage  of  kings 
("  neither  shall  he  multiply  wives  to  himself, 
that  his  heart  turn  not  away  ")  must  be  un- 
derstood to  bar  only  the  unrestrained  licence 
of  Asiatic  monarchs,  of  which  Solomon  is  a 
notable  example  (Deut.l7.i7).  ^4)  Ceremonial 
checks.  The  ceremonial  uncleanness  following 
the  copula,  taken  together  with  the  right  of 
each  wife,  anxountsto  a  distinct  check  upon  the 
extent  of  the  polygamy  suffered  (Lev.l5.i8). 
(5)  Laws  of  inheritance.  The  law  governing 
the  distribution  of  property  as  between  the 
sons  of  two  wives  gives  a  certain  sanction  to 
such  marriages  with  two  wives  (Deut.21. 
15-17).  (6)  Captives  of  war.  The  permission  to 
take  as  wi\'es  the  women  captured  in  war 
clearly  admits  polygamy  (Deut.20.T3-i5).  But 
such  unions  are  restricted  :  (a)  the  woman  is 
to  be  free  from  solicitation  for  a  month  after 
cajiture  ;  (h)  she  is  then,  if  tlie  man  desire  it. 
to  be  his  'Wife  ;  (c)  if  he  tire  of  her,  he  is  not  to 
sell  lier,  but  to  let  her  go  whither  she  will, 
because  he  has  humbled  her  (Deut.21. 10-14). 
Summing  up  these  provisions  as  they  affect 
polygamy,  it  a])|H'ars  (a)  that  they  find  the 
practice  admitted,  {!>)  that  tliey  regulate  and 
restrict  it,  (f)  that  they  do  not  condenui  it. — 
Practice  of  the  Hebrew  people.  The  following 
instances  may  be  noted.  "  Gideon  had  three- 
score and  ten  sons  of  his  body  begotten  :  for  he 
had  many  wives"  (Judg.8.30);  Elkanah  hadtwo 
wives  (iSam.1.2)  ;  Saul  had  wives  which  were 
afterwards  given  into  David's  "  bosom  "  (2 
Sam. 12.8);  David  took  him  more  concubines 
and  wives  out  of  Jerusalem,  after  he  was  come 
frniu  Hebron  (5.13);  Solomon  "had  seven 
liundred  wives,  ]irincesses,  and  tliree  hundred 
ciiii(ul)ines  "  (1K.II.3)  ;  tlie  sons  of  Issachar 
"had  many  wives  and  sons"  (iChr.7.|)  : 
Husliim  and  Baara  were  wives  of  Shaharaini 
(8.8)  ;  Rehoboam  "  took  eighteen  wives  ami 
threescore  concubines  "  (2Chr.ll. 21) ;  Abijah 


MARRIAGE 

tnarried  fourteen  wives  (13. 21)  ;  Jehoiada  took 
for  Joash  two  wives  (24.3).  Polygamy  must  be 
inferred  from  the  30  sons  of  J  air  the  Gileadite 
(Judg.10.4) ;  from  the  30  sons  and  30  daughters 
of  Ibzan  of  Bethlehem  (I2.9)  ;  from  the  40  sons 
of  Abdon  (12. 14).  Holy  Scripture  contains 
no  instance  of  polygamy  in  the  post-Baby- 
lonian period.  The  practice  was  then  probably 
rare.  Josephus  states  that  Herod  the  Great 
had  nine  wives  at  one  time 
(17  Ant.  i.  3).  The  gospels 
have  no  mention  of  poly- 
gamy as  contemporaneously 
practised.  But  in  the 
Mishna,  treatise  Yebamoth 
(?  220  A.D.),  there  is  con- 
stant reference  to  the  two 
or  more  wives  of  one  man, 
the  appellation  used  being 
zaroth,  i.e.  adversaries  or 
rivals.  There  has  been  but 
little  practice  of  polygamy 
among  the  Jews  in  later 
times.  B.  Divorce.  The 
permission  to  divorce  a  wife, 
if  the  husband  have  "  found 
some  uncleanness  in  her," 
is  clearly  given  in  Deut.24. 
1-4.  He  is  to  "  write  her 
a  bill  of  divorcement,  and 
give  it  in  her  hand,  and  send 
her  out  of  his  house."  She 
is  then  free  to  marry  again. 
The  phrase  rendered  "some 
uncleanness"  (R.V.  "un- 
seemly thing  ")  is  literally 
the  "nakedness  of  a  thing  " 
{'erwath  dabhdr).  The  exact 
meaning  of  the  phrase  has  been  disputed 
[Divorce],  but  that  divorce  was  permitted 
for  the  ground  here  indicated  is  undeni- 
able. It  is  clear,  however,  that  although  the 
code  of  Deuteronomy  suffers  the  practice  of 
divorce,  it  neither  originated  the  practice  nor 
rendered  it  more  easy.  The  regulations  are  in 
the  direction  of  restraint,  not  in  that  of  en- 
couragement. Some  ground  of  uncleanness  is 
required,  and  a  formal  document,  the  bill  of 
divorcement,  must  be  given.  There  are  in- 
dications of  a  sense  of  unholiness  attaching 
to  divorce.  Priests  are  forbidden  to  marry 
divorced  women  (Lev. 21. 7).  The  prophet 
Malachi  writes,  "  The  Lord,  the  God  of  Israel, 
saith  that  He  hateth  putting  away  "  (Mal.2. 
16).  Our  Lord  confirms  this  attitude  (Mt. 
19.8).  Divorce  seems  to  have  been  freely 
practised.  The  tone  in  our  Lord's  time  may 
be  seen  in  the  opinion  of  the  disciples  that 
without  freedom  of  divorce  marriage  was  too 
hazardous  (Mt.l9. 10).  (See  also  Divorce.)  C. 
Forbidden  Degrees.  Next  may  be  noticed 
the  prohibitions  of  marriage  on  grounds  of 
kinship.  If  in  the  codes  of  the  Pentateuch 
concessions  are  admitted  in  the  matters  of 
polygamy  and  divorce,  there  is  no  tone  of  con- 
cession as  to  the  marriage  of  near  kin.  The 
prohibitions  are  introduced  (Lev. 18. 3)  with  a 
warning  that  the  children  of  Israel  are  not  to 
do  "  after  the  doings  of  the  land  of  Egypt,"  or 
"  after  the  doings  of  the  land  of  Canaan,"  and 
are  followed  by  a  warning  to  obey,  "  that  the 
land  whither  I  bring  you  to  dwell  therein,  spue 


kARRIAGE 


513 


you  not  out  "  (20.22).  We  infer  that  these 
prohibitions  are  held  to  be  binding  on  all  men 
by  the  law  of  nature,  at  least  in  a  fallen  state  in 
which  the  "  uncovering  of  the  nakedness  "  of 
near  kin  is  consciously  shameful.  The  list  of 
prohibited  degrees  includes  a  considerable 
number  of  relationships  of  affinity,  as  well  as  of 
consanguinity.  They  may  be  best  shown  in 
tabular  form  :^ 


Table   of   Marriages    forbidden    (to   the  Man) 


Consan- 

No. 

guinity 

or 
Affinity. 

Prohibitions  of  Lev. 18. 

Penalties  of  Lev. 20. 

I 

Con. 

Mother. 

2. 

Aff. 

Father's  wife.* 

Death  to  both. 

3- 

Con. 

Sister  (including  half- 
sister).* 

Cut  off. 

4. 

Con. 

Son's  daughter. 

5. 

Con. 

Daughter's  daughter. 

6. 

Con. 

Father's  sister. 

Bear  their  iniquity. 

7. 

Con. 

Mother's  sister. 

Bear  their  iniquity. 

8. 

Aff. 

Father's  brother's  wife. 

Die  childless. 

9- 

Aff. 

Son's  wife. 

Death  to  both. 

10. 

Aff. 

Brother's  wife. 

Childless. 

II. 

Aff 

Wife's    daughter          '^ 
("  woman    and   her  | 
daughter"). 

Wife's  mother.*            J 

All  three  to  be  burnt. 

12 

Aff. 

13- 

Aff. 

Wife's  son's  daughter. 

14. 

Aff. 

Wife's    daughter's 
daughter. 

15. 

(Aff.) 

(Wife's  sister  ?). 

A  curse  attached  to  these  in  Deut. 27. 20,22,23. 


In  such  an  enumeration  it  would  be  unreason- 
able to  expect  exhaustive  completeness  or 
analytical  arrangement.  There  is  (a)  a  pre- 
amble, (&)  a  general  enactment :  "  None  of  you 
shall  approach  to  any  that  is  near  of  kin  to  him 
to  uncover  their  nakedness  :  I  am  the  Lord  " 
(Lev.18.6) ;  (c)  a  number  of  representative 
cases.  The  cases  thus  expressed  are  defective 
on  any  possible  principle,  if  regarded  as  an 
exhaustive  statement  ;  while  there  is  some 
redundancy  (18. 11).  But  the  prohibitions 
appear  to  involve  certain  great  principles  :  (a) 
that  near  relationship  of  blood  is  a  bar,  involv- 
ing all  ascendants  and  descendants,  but  only  the 
nearer  cases  of  collaterals  ;  (b)  that  near  re- 
lationship of  affinity,  or  connexion  by  marriage, 
is  a  bar,  because  a  man  and  his  wife  are  one 
bdsdr,  flesh  or  kin  (of  the  14  relationships 
certainly  barred,  6  are  relationships  of  con- 
sanguinity and  8  of  affinity)  ;  (c)  that  re- 
lationship through  the  woman  is  precisely 
analogous  to  relationship  through  the  man. 
The  application  of  these  principles  will  be 
found  to  result  in  the  expanded  table  familiar 
to  English  Churchmen  in  the  pages  of  the 
Prayer  Book.  It  is  not  indeed  to  be  asserted 
that  such  logical  expansion  always  found  ac- 
ceptance among  the  Hebrew  people  ;  but  that 
principles  are  recognized  as  binding  outside 
the  actual  enumeration  may  be  gathered  from 
the  lament  of  Amos,  "A  man  and  his  father 
will  go  in  unto  the  same  maid,  to  profane 
My  holy  Name  "  (Am.2.7.)  The  case  of  the 
wife's   sister  has  been  the  occasion  of   much 


33 


514 


MARRIAGE 


controversy.  It  is  beyond  all  question  one  of 
the  nearest  of  the  relationships  of  affinity.  As 
such  it  must  be  held  to  be  barred  by  the  great 
scriptural  principle  of  marriage  unity,  that  a 
man  and  his  wife  arc  one  bdscir,  flesh  or  kin. 
This  principle,  unrecognized  by  other  ancient 
codes  (e.g.  Roman  and  Hindu  systems),  is  un- 
reservedly stated  in  the  account  of  the  Creation 
in  Genesis  (Gen. 2.24),  in  the  provisions  of  Levi- 
ticus (Lev. 18. 8, 16).  in  the  teaching  of  our  Lord 
(Mt.19.3  :  Mk.10.8),  and  in  that  of  St.  Paul 
(iCor.6.if)).  It  is  the  principle  which  governs 
the  prohibitions  of  marriage  in  cases  of  affinity. 
Thus,  "  the  nakedness  of  thy  father's  wife  shalt 
thou  not  uncover  :  it  is  thy  father's  nakedness  " 
(Lev. 18.8).  The  father  and  the  father's  wife 
are  one  bdsdr.  Similarly,  in  ordinary  cases 
marriage  with  a  husband's  brother  is  pro- 
hibited, the  penalty  of  childlessness  being  in- 
dicated. It  is  clear  that  if  the  principle  of 
one  bdsdr  is  to  be  applied  logically,  the  mar- 
riage of  a  man  with  his  deceased  wife's  sister 
is  not  permissible.  But  the  actual  prohibi- 
tion of  18. 18  is,  "  Neither  shalt  thou  take  a 
wife  to  her  sister,  to  vex  her,  to  uncover  her 
nakedness,  beside  the  other  in  her  lifetime." 
The  case  indicated  is  such  a  case  as  that  of 
Leah  and  Rachel,  the  wives  of  Jacob.  Its 
significance  lies  probably  in  the  emphasis  with 
which  it  is  insisted  that  even  the  honoured 
e.xample  of  Jacob  must  not  be  followed  in  this 
matter.  There  may  be  no  thought  of  other 
cases  of  marriage  with  a  wife's  sister.  But  the 
marriage  of  a  man  with  the  sister  of  his  de- 
ceased wife  is  not  in  this  verse  expressly  barred. 
And  in  history  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
Jewish  people  have  commonly  disallowed  such 
marriages,  but  Christian  practice  undoubtedly 
has.  The  levirate  law  is  considered  elsewhere. 
[Levirate  Law.]  If  the  prohibition  of  mar- 
riage with  a  brother's  wife  is  ordinarily  to  be 
insisted  on  because  of  the  nearness  of  kin, 
rendering  such  marriage  vmholy  and  involving 
the  penalty  of  childlessness,  the  levirate  law 
must  probably  be  regarded  as  a  temporary 
concession  to  established  practice,  analogous 
to  the  concessions  of  polygamy  and  divorce. 
Reference  may  here  be  made  to  the  strong  con- 
demnation by  St.  John  the  Baptist  of  Herod's 
marriage  with  Herodias,  his  brother  Philip's 
wife  (Mt. 14.3, 4  ;  Mk. 6.17,18  ;  Lu.3.19).  St. 
Mark  gives  the  words  of  the  BajHist  thus  : 
"  It  is  not  lawful  for  thee  to  have  thy  brother's 
wife."  Herodias  was  the  divorced  wife  of 
Philip,  who  was  still  living.  This  no  doubt 
was  felt  to  be  an  aggravation  of  the  offence. 
But  under  the  existing  law  and  jiractice  of  the 
Jews,  divorce  was  admissible,  while  the  mar- 
riage with  a  brother's  wife  was  no*^.  It  must 
therefore  be  understood  that  the  condemna- 
tion f>f  the  Baptist  had  to  do  mainly  with 
the  bar  of  affinity.  For  the  prohibition  of 
marriages  with  non-Israelites,  see  Mixed 
Makkiaoes. — III.  Christian  Marriage.  Our 
Lord,  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  asserted 
that  He  was  not  come  todestroy  the  law,  l)ut  to 
fulfil  ;  and  further,  that  unless  the  righteous- 
ness i>{  his  hearers  should  exceed  the  righteous- 
ness of  the  scribes  ami  Pharisees,  they  should 
in  no  case  enter  into  the  kingdom  f>f  heaven 
(Mt.6.20).  Among  the  instances  of  this 
principle  is  that  of  the  law  of  Divorce  (Mt.5. 


MARRIAOE 

32),  dealt  with  under  that  head.  The  Western 
Church  has  consistently  barred  all  remarriage 
after  divorce,  as  representing  the  true  mind  of 
our  Lord  ;  and  that  this  could  be  done  in  the 
face  of  the  laxity  of  consensual  divorce  pre- 
valent in  the  Roman  empire  is  sufficient 
evidence  of  the  strength  of  the  early  convic- 
tion. In  the  Eastern  Churches  divorce  is 
admitted  for  various  causes.  Polygamy  has 
never  been  suffered  among  Christians,  but  in 
apostolic  times  there  was  no  practical  diffi- 
culty with  regard  to  it.  .\t  the  time  of  our 
Lord  there  appears  to  have  been  no  practice  of 
polygamy  among  the  Jews;  and  as  regards 
the  Roman  empire,  the  law  of  Rome  did  not 
suffer  a  man  to  hold  two  women  as  in  any  sense 
his  wives  at  one  and  tiie  same  time.  Thus  by 
the  Roman  law,  if  a  man  had  a  legally  recog- 
nized concubine,  he  could  not  at  the  same  time 
have  a  legal  wife.  Polygamy  thus  nowhere 
confronted  the  Christian  in  apostolic  times. 
It  was  never  jiermitted  to  him  at  any  time. 
The  requirement  of  St.  Paul  in  iTim.3.2  that  a 
bishop  be  "  the  husband  of  one  wife  "  has  been 
generally  understood  to  bar  those  who  had 
married  more  than  once  in  successive  mar- 
riages. It  is  analogous  to  the  requirement 
that  a  widow  on  the  cliurch  roll  should  have 
been  the  wife  of  one  man  (iTim.5.9).  .As  re- 
gards prohibited  degrees,  the  two  codes  of  law 
with  which  the  first  Christians  had  to  do,  the 
Jewish  and  the  Roman,  were  agreed  in  con- 
demning most  near  unions,  alike  of  consan- 
guinity and  of  affinity.  Thus  St.  Paul  notices 
an  aggravation  of  the  sin  of  the  incestuous 
Corinthian  with  his  step-mother  that  it  was  a 
"  fornication  .  .  .  not  so  much  as  named 
among  the  Gentiles"  (iCor.S.i).  To  an 
obedient  Christian  no  question  could  arise, 
except  as  regards  relationships  outside  the 
consent  of  the  Jewish  and  the  Roman  codes. 
The  Christian  Cluirch  seems  to  have  accepted 
from  the  first  the  princiiile  of  the  Roman  law 
that  the  consent  of  the  parties  was  in  all  cases 
essential  tf)  a  valid  marriage.  This  principle 
had  not  been  recognized  by  the  Jewish  law. 
Christians  could  not,  however,  accept  the 
principle  of  the  Roman  law  that  marriage  was 
a  contract  pure  and  simple,  in  which  notiiing 
could  be  recognized  which  the  contract  had 
not  placed  there.  To  them  marriage  was  an 
"  honourable  estate  instituted  of  God,"  and 
accordingly  the  nature,  i)bligations,  and  privi- 
leges of  marriage  were  to  be  sought  not  only  or 
chiefly  in  the  terms  and  conditions  of  the  con- 
tract, but  in  the  institution  of  the  Founder 
(iCor.7;  Lph.5). — .Marriage  Procedure,  (a) 
Hehreiv  marriages.  In  O.T.  marriages  may  be 
distinguished  (i)  the  choice  of  the  bride,  (2) 
the  betrothal,  (3)  the  wedding,  (i)  In  pat- 
riarchal times  the  head  of  the  man's  family, 
usuallv  the  father,  chooses  the  bride  (Gen. 24. 
3,28.1,38.0).  Hagar  chooses  a  wife  for  Ishmael 
(21.2  1).  The  woman  is  regarded  as  subject  to 
her  father's  control  (29. n))-  Listances  occur 
of  direct  choice  bv  the  bridegroom — e.g.  Esau 
(26.34),  Jacob  (29.i8).  In  later  times,  as  in 
earlier,  marriages  seem  to  have  been  more 
usually  arranged  for  the  parties  than  by  them. 
(2)  Legallv  the  marriage  was  effected  by  the 
act  of  betrothal,  the  (-hief  feature  of  which  was 
the  pavmciit  bv  the  bridegroom  of  the  moliar 


MARRlAOfi 

to  the  parent  or  guardian  of  the  bride.  The 
mohar  was  not  a  dowry  which  the  bride  brought 
with  her,  nor  was  it  a  donatio  propter  nuptias, 
or  settlement  on  the  bride  by  the  bridegroom. 
It  was  an  exchange  or  purchase-money  paid 
by  the  bridegroom  to  the  parents  of  the  bride 
(Deut. 22.29).  The  bride's  consent  was  unne- 
cessary. The  law  has  no  reference  to  it.  Once 
the  mohar  was  paid,  the  betrothal  was  effected. 
The  bridegroom  was  then  at  liberty  to  take  his 
wife  home  when  it  was  convenient  to  him. 
(3)  The  actual  wedding  was  the  solemn  home- 
bringing  of  the  bride  to  her  husband's  house. 
The  bridegroom,  fitly  arrayed,  came  with  his 
companions  (Mt.9.15)  to  the  bride's  house  to 
fetch  her.  She,  in  wedding-attire,  and  veiled, 
came  forth  with  her  companions,  and  the 
marriage  procession  took  place.  It  was 
commonly  at  night,  and  by  torchlight.  It  was 
characterized  by  such  pomp  and  circum- 
stance as  were  available.  There  would  gener- 
ally be  music  and  singing  (Gen.3i.27  ;  Je.7. 
34).  On  the  way  the  procession  might  be 
joined  by  other*  companions  (Mt.25.6).  The 
marriage  feast  took  place  in  the  bridegroom's 
house  (22.4,25.10).  (b)  Christian  marriages. 
The  marriages  of  Gentile  Christians  in  the  Ro- 
man empire  in  apostolic  times  were  doubtless 
in  accordance  with  Roman  custom.  The  pro- 
cedure would  include  (i)  the  sponsalia,  and 
(2)  the  wedding.  These  might  be  separated  by 
an  interval  of  time,  or  the  marriage  might 
follow  the  sponsalia  directly,  (i)  At  the 
sponsalia  the  tables  were  signed  after  some  or 
all  of  the  subsidiary  ceremonies  of  (i)  the 
arrhae,  (ii)  the  ring,  (iii)  the  kiss,  (iv)  the 
joining  of  hands.  The  benediction  of  the 
Christian  bishop  or  priest  seems  to  have 
found  place  at  Christian  espousals  from  the 
earliest  times  probably,  as  a  rule  after  the 
signing  of  the  tables.  The  congratulations 
of  the  friends  followed.  (2)  The  actual  wed- 
ding was  by  Roman  custom,  as  by  Jewish, 
the  ceremonial  home-coming  of  the  bride. 
She  would  be  adorned  in  the  usual  way  with 
the  long  white  robe,  the  girdle,  and  the  yellow 
bridal  veil  and  shoes,  with  her  hair  loosed, 
or  bound  only  in  a  net,  and  crowned  with  a 
floral  wreath.  As  with  the  Jewish  marriages, 
there  would  be  the  torchlight  procession, 
the  supporters  and  friends  in  attendance,  and 
the  singing  by  the  way.  There  would  be, 
further,  the  ceremonial  salutation  of  the  door- 
posts, and  the  carrying  the  bride  across  the 
threshold  of  her  new  home.  The  husband 
would  be  ready  with  the  fire  and  water  to  wel- 
come her,  the  marriage  feast  would  be  set  out, 
the  lectus  genialis  solemnly  prepared.  It  was 
not  till  later  times  that  there  would  be  any 
religious  ceremonial  in  the  public  congregation, 
and  historically  the  Christian  practice  of  mar- 
riage in  church  appears  to  have  grown  out  of 
the  general  wish  for  the  celebration  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  on  the  occasion.  Such  celebration 
is  mentioned  in  the  2nd  cent,  (confirmat  abla- 
tio— Tertullian,  Ad  Uxorem  ii.  9).  [Crimes; 
Family  ;  Law  in  O.T.]  Selden,  Uxor 
Hebraica ;  Kalisch,  The  Matrimonial  Laws 
of  the  Hebrews  ;  Watkins,  Holy  Matrimony 
(1895)  ;  Thiersch,  Das  Verbot  der  Ehe  in- 
nerhalb  der  nahen  Verwandtschaft  (1869).  For 
Christian  canon    law  :    Freisen,    Canonisches 


MARTHA 


515 


Eherecht   (1888);      Zhishmann,    Eherecht     der 
Orientalischen  Kirche  (1864).  [o.d.w.] 

Maps'  Hill,  better  known  by  the  name 
Areopagus,  of  which  the  "  hill  of  Mars  "  or  Ares 
is  a  translation,  is  a  rocky  height  in  Athens, 
opposite  the  W.  end  of  the  Acropolis,  and 
separated  from  it  only  by  an  elevated  valley. 
It  is  memorable  as  the  place  of  meeting  of  the 
Council  of  Areopagus,  frequently  called  the 
Upper  Council  to  distinguish  it  from  the 
Council  of  Five  Hundred  which  held  its  sittings 
in  the  valley  below.  It  existed  as  a  criminal 
tribunal  before  the  time  of  Solon,  and  was  the 
most  ancient  and  venerable  of  all  the  Athenian 
courts.  It  consisted  of  all  persons  who  had 
held  the  office  of  Archon,  who  were  members  of 
it  for  life  unless  expelled  for  misconduct.  It 
enjoyed  a  high  reputation  throughout  Greece. 
Before  the  time  of  Solon  the  court  tried  only 
cases  of  wilful  murder,  wounding,  poison,  and 
arson  ;  but  he  gave  it  extensive  powers  of  a 
censorial  and  political  nature.  The  Council  con- 
tinued to  exist  even  under  the  Roman  emperors. 
Its  meetings  were  held  on  the  S.E.  summit  of 
the  rock.  There  are  still  16  stone  steps  cut  in 
the  rock,  leading  up  to  the  hill  from  the  valley 
of  the  Agora ;  and  immediately  above  the  steps 
is  a  bench  of  stones  excavated  in  the  rock, 
forming  3  sides  of  a  quadrangle,  and  facing 
the  S.  Here  the  Areopagites  sat  as  judges  in 
the  open  air.  On  the  E.  and  W.  sides  is  a  raised 
block.  The  Areopagus  possesses  peculiar  inter- 
est to  the  Christian,  as  the  place  from  which 
St.  Paul  delivered  his  memorable  address  to 
the  men  of  Athens  (Ac.17.22-31).  It  has  been 
supposed  by  some  that  St.  Paul  was  brought 
before  the  Council  of  Areopagus  ;  but  there  is 
no  trace  in  the  narrative  of  any  judicial  pro- 
ceedings. St.  Paul  "  disputed  daily  "  in  the 
"market"  or  Agora  (17. 17),  which  was 
situated  S.  of  the  Areopagus  in  the  valley 
between  this  hill  and  the  hills  of  the  Acropolis, 
the  Pnyx  and  the  Museum.  Attracting  more 
and  more  attention,  "  certain  philosophers  of 
the  Epicureans  and  Stoicks  "  brought  him  up 
from  the  valley,  probably  by  the  stone  steps 
already  mentioned,  to  the  Areopagus,  that 
they  might  listen  to  him  more  conveniently. 
Here  the  philosophers  possibly  took  their  seats 
on  the  stone  benches,  while  the  multitude 
stood  upon  the  steps  and  in  the  valley  below. 

Mapsena^  one  of  the  7  princes  of  Persia  and 
Media,  counsellors  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.l.14). 

Maptha.  The  only  person  of  this  name  in 
the  Bible  is  the  elder  sister  of  Mary  and  Lazarus, 
mentioned  in  Lu.lO.38ff.  and  Jn. 11. iff., 12.2. 
These  three  were  honoured  in  being  specially 
loved  by  our  Lord,  andat  their  home  in  Bethany 
He  spent  much  of  the  last  few  days  of  His  life  on 
earth.  In  all  three  passages  cited  above  Martha 
comes  before  us  as  the  busy,  active  house- 
keeper, anxious  to  entertain  her  guests  with  an 
almost  excessive  hospitality,  rather  than,  like 
her  sister,  to  profit  by  their  society  and  in- 
tercourse— this  characteristic  being  specially 
marked  when  her  guest  was  the  Son  of  Man, 
and  He  gently  rebuked  her  for  this  fault.  It 
has  been  conjectured  with  some  plausibility, 
in  order  to  reconcile  the  various  anointings,  that 
she  was  the  wife  of  Simon  the  leper  (Mt.26.6  ; 
Mk.14.3)  whose  house  was  at  Bethan}'.  [Simon, 
9 ;    Mary   of   Bethany.]      In  any  case,  she 


516 


MARY 


MARY  MAGDALENE 


AKL'J|■Al;^■-^.    UR    MAK^'    H1LI-,    AT    AriU-NS. 

(Showing  the  steps  that  led  from  the  Agora  lo  the  top  of  the  hill.)     See  art. 


and  her  sister  held  a  good  position  in  the  vil- 
lage where  they  lived  (Jn. 11, 19,30,33,45,46). 
In  the  account  of  the  raising  of  Lazarus  we 
find  further  signs  of  the  practical  nature  of  her 
affections  and  interests — even  her  confidence 
in  our  Lord  is  limited  by  considerations  of 
common  sense  and  reason  {vv.  11,12,28,39).  A 
somewhat  late  tradition  connects  Martha  as 
well  as  Mary  and  Lazarus  with  the  early  history 
of  the  church  in  S.  France.  Adeney's  art.  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  gives  the  best 
authorities  for  this.  [c.l.f.1 

Mapy  (Ro.16.6),  a  Roman  Christian  who 
ministered  to  St.  Paul. 

Mapy  Mag'dalene  (17  MaySaX-qv-q).  The 
best  explanation  of  the  name  is,  that  she 
came  from  tlie  town  of  Magdala,  or  Magadan, 
near  Tiberias.  Oheyne  (Encyc.  Bib.  1635)  sug- 
gests Migdal-nunia,  near  Tiberias.  Magdala 
was  famous  for  its  wealth,  but  its  citizens  had 
a  bad  character  for  licentiousness,  (i)  Mary 
was  one  of  the  company  of  women  (Lu.8.2) 
who  ministered  to  Christ  of  their  substance. 
It  is  said  that  "  seven  devils  went  out  of  licr." 
We  must  think  of  her  as  having  liad  "  in  their 
most  aggravated  forms  some  of  the  phenomena 
of  mental  and  spiritual  disease  which  we  meet 
with  in  other  demoniacs,  the  wretchedness  of 
despair,  the  divided  consciousness,  the  pre- 
ternatural frenzy,  the  long-continued  fits  of 
silence"  (Pluinptre).     At  the  Crucifixion  slu- 


was  one  who  "  stood  afar  off  "  (Lu.23.49;, 
and  then  followed  the  body  of  Jesus  to  the 
grave.  On  Easter  Day  she  came  with  the 
others  [Mary  of  Cleophas]  to  anoint  His 
body.  Hurrying  on,  she  found  the  stone  rolled 
away  and  rushed  ofT  to  fetch  SS.  Peter  and 
John  (Jn.20.2).  Again  returning  after  they 
had  left,  and  stooping  to  look  in,  she  saw  two 
angels,  and  repeated,  as  one  in  a  dream,  what 
she  had  said  to  the  apostles.  Turning  round, 
she  failed  to  recognize  the  risen  Lord,  sup- 
posing Him  to  be  the  gardener.  Her  name 
spoken  by  Him  brings  joyful  recognition  in 
the  cry  "  Rabboni."  This  was  a  title  of 
reverence,  but  she  must  be  taught  that  the  old 
life  of  companionship  was  at  an  end.  Touch 
Me  not.  When  Christ  had  ascended,  a  closer 
communion  in  the  spirit  would  be  granted. 
(2)  Mary  Magdalene  has  been  identified  with 
the  woman  who  was  a  sinner,  and  with  Mary 
of  Bethany.  Probably  these  were  two  distinct 
incidents.  Lu. 7. 36-50  describes  how  a  poor 
sinner  washed  the  Lord's  feet  in  the  house  of 
Simon  the  Pharisee.  Jn.i2.1-9  narrates  the 
anointing  of  His  head  with  precious  ointment 
in  the  house  of  Martha  and  Mary.  We  can 
only  say  that  the  identification  is  improbable 
in  either  case.  But  it  has  become  the  tradi- 
tion of  the  Western  Church,  e.g.  in  the  services 
for  the  Feast  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene.  The 
translators  of  R.V.  assumed  it,  as  did  Bishop 


MARY,  MOTHER  OF  MARK 

Andrewes,  Donne,  Jeremj^  Taylor,  Dr.  Pusey, 
and  other  Anglican  divines.  [a.e.b.] 

Mapy,  mothep  of  Mapk,  auni  to  Barna- 
bas (Col.^.io),  and  evidently  a  wealthy  widow, 
owned  a  house  at  Jerusalem  large  enough  to 
be  a  principal  meeting-place  of  the  local 
church  (Ac.i2.12).  St.  Peter  probably  lodged 
there  (12. 12),  and,  becoming  intimate  with  her 
son,  effected  his  conversion  (iPe.5.13).      [c.h.] 

Mapy  of  Bethany,  the  sister  of  Lazarus. 
All  that  is  certain  about  her  is  that  which  is  re- 
corded in  Lu.lO.38ff.,  Jn.ll.iff.,12.iff.  These 
three  passages  reveal  her  as  the  direct  contrast 
to  her  sister  Martha  in  character.  On  the  first 
occasion,  while  Martha  is  busy  in  preparing 
food  and  in  waiting  on  her  much-loved  Guest, 
Mary  sits  at  His  feet  and  listens  to  His 
gracious  talk,  being  exonerated  by  Him  from 
the  rebuke  which  Martha  asks  Him  to  join  her 
in  administering  for  her  idleness.  In  the  ac- 
count of  her  brother's  raising  from  the  dead, 
but  few  words  of  hers  are  recorded.  When  our 
Lord's  arrival  is  announced,  she  remains  in  the 
house  till  Martha  secretly  summons  her  to  Him. 
Thereupon  she  goes  out  quickly,  without  ex- 
planation, and  falUng  at  His  feet,  simply  echoes 
her  sister's  lament,  "  Lord,  if  Thou  hadst  been 
here,  my  brother  had  not  died."  It  is  perhaps 
significant  that  the  mourners  are,  three  times 
out  of  the  four,  said  to  have  come  to  Mary, 
not  to  Martha  (the  elder  sister) :  see  vv.  31,  33, 
and  45  compared  with  ver.  19.  At  the  supper 
in  their  house  six  days  before  the  Passover  at 
which  our  Lord  suffered,  Mary's  act  was  again 
characteristic.  From  the  worldly  point  of  view 
it  was  wasteful  and  unpractical  to  take  a  pound 
of  costly  ointment  in  order  to  anoint  her  Friend 
and  Master's  feet,  and  then  wipe  it  off  with  her 
hair  ;  but,  as  before,  she  was  exonerated  from 
blame  by  our  Lord  Himself,  Who  expressed 
His  approval  of  the  act  as  done  against  the  day 
of  His  burial.  Nothing  further  is  known  of 
this  Mary,  unless  the  identification  with  Mary 
Magdalene  is  correct.  For  mediaeval  legends 
about  her,  see  Martha.  [c.l.f.] 

Mapy  of  Cleophas  (.\.V.  marg.  and  R.V.; 
properly  Clopas)  is  mentioned  (Jn.19.25)  as 
standing  by  the  cross.  If,  as  a  reference  to 
the  parallels  (Mt. 27.56  ;  Mk.i5.40)  renders 
probable,  she  is  identical  with  "  Mary  the 
mother  of  James  and  Joseph  [Joses]"  [James  ; 
Alphaeus],  she  had  followed  Jesus  in  Galilee, 
and  ministered  to  Him  of  her  substance. 
She  and  Mary  Magdalene  watched  our  Lord's 
burial,  and  remained  sitting  disconsolately 
opposite  the  sepulchre  (Mt.27.6r  ;  Mk.i5.47). 
Very  early  on  Easter  morning  she  and  Salome 
and  Mary  Magdalene  went  to  the  sepulchre 
with  the  spices,  which  thev  had  prepared  on 
Friday  night  (Mt.28.i  ;  Mk.16.1  ;  Lu.23.56), 
and  heard  the  words  of  the  angel  announcing 
the  Resurrection.  As  they  returned,  they 
met  the  risen  Lord  (Mt.28.9).  Several  diffi- 
culties are  connected  with  Mary's  name. 
( I )  Was  Clopas  her  husband  or  her  father  ? 
R.V.  and  A.V.  translate  Mapta  17  rod  KXcottS, 
"  Mary  the  wife  of  Clopas."  But  (there  being 
no  indication  to  the  contrary  in  the  context) 
the  natural  translation  is,  "Mary  the  daughter 
of  Clopas."  (2)  Was  this  Mary  the  Virgin's 
sister?  A  cursory  reading  of  Jn.19.25  sug- 
gests it,  bitt  further  consideration  renders  it 


MARY,  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN    517 

doubtful.  From  Mk.i5.40,  Mt. 27.56,  we  learn 
that  besides  the  Virgin,  and  Mary  Magdalene, 
and  Mary  of  Clopas,  a  fourth  woman  stood 
by  the  cross.  Her  name  was  Salome,  and  she 
was  St.  John's  mother.  It  is  probable  there- 
fore, especially  as  St.  John  would  not  be  likely 
to  ignore  the  presence  of  his  own  mother,  that 
the  Virgin's  sister  of  J  n.  19. 2 5  is  not  Mary  of 
Clopas,  but  Salome.  The  omission  of  Kal  before 
Mapt'a  is  not  fatal  to  this  view  (see  Mt.lO.2-4). 
For  (3)  Was  Clopas  the  same  as  Alphaeus  ?  see 
Alphaeus  ;  (4)  Were  Mary's  sons  the  "  brethren 
of  the  Lord  "  ?  and  (5)  Was  her  son  James  an 
apostle?  see  James.  [c.h.] 

Mapy,  the  Blessed  Vipgin.  Holy 
Scriptxrre  tells  us  of  St.  Mary  only  in  so  far  as 
she  is  connected  with  our  Lord.  Consequently 
we  find  no  mention  whatever  of  her  before  the 
visit  of  the  archangel  Gabriel  or  after  the 
narration  of  the  descent  of  the  Paraclete.  But 
owing  to  her  unique  position  in  the  history  of 
our  Redemption,  the  passages  in  which  she 
is  mentioned,  and  even  those  which  only  in- 
directly refer  to  her,  are  of  immense  import- 
ance, bearing  as  they  do  so  closely  upon  the 
fact  of  the  Incarnation.  Of  Mary's  personal 
history  we  are  only  told  her  name,  her  lineage 
(though  even  this  is  not  quite  certain),  that  she 
lived  at  Nazareth,  that  she  had  a  sister,  that 
she  was  related  to  St.  EUsabeth,  the  mother  of 
St.  John  Baptist,  that  she  was  betrothed  to 
one  named  Joseph  who  was  a  carpenter,  and 
that  after  the  Death  and  Resurrection  of  her 
Son  (her  husband  presumably  being  dead  too), 
she  made  her  home  with  the  apostle  J  ohn. — Her 
name  was  the  common  Jewish  name  of  Mary, 
the  Gk.  MapLd/j.,  the  same  in  the  original  as 
that  of  the  sister  of  Moses  (Ex. 15. 20).  In  the 
gospel  St.  Elisabeth  speaks  of  her  as  "  the 
mother  of  my  Lord,"  17  ixr^r-qp  rod  Kvpiov  fiov 
(Lu.1.43)  ;  St.  John  once  only,  and  the  writer 
of  the  Acts  once  only,  calls  her  the  mother  of 
Jesus  (Jn.2.i  ;  Ac.l.14)  ;  most  commonly  she 
is  called  simply  "  His  mother  "  (nine  times)  or 
"  Mary  "  (eleven  times).  On  the  first  of  the 
three  occasions  on  which  our  Lord  is  recorded 
to  have  addressed  her,  He  uses  no  title,  though 
it  may  be  noticed  that  on  that  occasion  He 
seems  to  have  been  addressing  St.  Joseph  also 
(Lu.2.48)  ;  on  the  other  two  He  uses  the 
common  title  of  respect,  yvvai,  translated  in 
E.V.  "  woman  "  (Jn.2.4,19.26). — Her  Lineage- 
We  cannot  be  sure  that  St.  Mary  as  well  as 
St.  Joseph  belonged  to  the  house  of  David. 
The  genealogies  given  by  SS.  Matthew  and 
Luke  are  both  of  them  almost  certamly  the 
genealogies  of  St.  Joseph  and  not  of  St.  Mary  ; 
St.  Luke's  words  in  I.27  ("of  the  house  of 
David  ")  are  ambiguous  ;  they  may  belong  to 
either  Joseph  or  Mary.  In  2.4  St.  Luke  ex- 
pressly mentions  Joseph  only.  Still,  in  none 
of  these  passages  is  it  said  that  St.  Mary  was 
not  of  the  lineage  of  David.  Some  have 
thought  that  the  fact  of  her  being  related  to 
St.  Elisabeth,  whom  we  know  to  have  been 
descended  from  Aaron,  proves  that  St.  Mary 
was  not  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  On  the  other 
hand,  St.  Paul's  words  in  R0.I.3,  "  Who  was 
born  of  the  seed  of  David  according  to  the 
flesh,"  have  been  understood  as  referring  to 
our  Lord's  actual  birth  r^tijer  tjiaft  to  bis 


518    MARY,  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN 

birthright  as  the  legal  heir  of  Joseph,  in  which 
case,  of  course,  they  must  imply  that  His 
mother,  as  well  as  His  foster-father,  was  of 
Davidic  lineage.  St.  Mary  is  described  by 
SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  as  a  virgin  at  the 
time  of  the  conception  and  of  the  nativity  of 
her  Son,  and  as  such  she  has  been  regarded  by 
the  Catholic  Church  in  all  ages.  With  regard 
to  this  belief,  it  must  be  said  in  the  first  place 
that  some  such  mode  of  generation  as  that  of 
the  Virgin  Birth  is  required  by  the  necessity  of 
the  case.  The  necessity  of  the  case  was  that 
One  should  be  born  Who  could  become  the  new 
Head  of  the  human  race.  Who  should  become 
related,  not  to  one  human  personality,  but 
to  Human-kind  in  general.  Ordinary  birth 
results  inevitably  in  the  transmission  of  a 
tainted  human  nature  and  in  a  personality 
distinct  and  separate  from  all  other  persona- 
lities. Human-kind  needed  a  perfect  repre- 
sentative and  a  second  Head.  Granting  for  a 
moment  the  necessity  for  a  mode  of  generation 
which  should  cut  off  the  entail  of  sinfulness  and 
provide  for  mankind  a  second  Head,  from 
VVhose  human  nature  mankind  might  retrieve 
what  it  had  lost  in  Adam,  we  can  readily 
understand  the  fitness  of  the  birth  which  is 
described  in  the  first  and  third  gospels.  And 
we  can  go  on  to  consider  the  credibility  of  the 
account  there  given  with  reference  to  the  ob- 
jections urged  against  it.  With  regard  to  the 
objection  on  the  score  of  its  miraculous  nature 
the  Virgin  Birth  must  stand  or  fall  with  the 
whole  miraculous  element  of  the  gospel  narra- 
tive. H  we  refuse  to  accept  anything  which 
may  be  described,  to  use  the  term  commonly 
employed,  as  miraculous,  the  Virgin  Birth 
must  of  course  be  rejected.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  adopt  an  attitude  of  at  least  an  un- 
willingness to  dismiss  as  incredible  all  that  lies 
outside  our  complete  apprehension,  we  shall 
probably  feel  that  the  Virgin  Birth  and  the 
sujiernatural  element  of  the  gospels  generally 
is  but  the  natural  and  fitting  accompaniment 
of  the  manifestation  of  Him  Whose  glory  the 
evangelists  beheld  full  of  grace  and  truth. 
And  we  may  go  on  to  inquire  whether  the  ob- 
jections urged  against  the  narratives  of  SS. 
Matthew  and  Luke  are  really  valid  against 
them.  It  has  been  urged  that  the  silence  of 
the  other  evangelists  and  of  St.  Paul  are  fatal 
to  what  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  tell  us.  But 
it  may  be  said,  in  answer,  that  to  narrate  the 
birth  and  infancy  of  our  Lord  comes  within 
the  scope  of  neither  of  the  other  evangelists 
nor  of  St.  I'aul.  St.  Mark  sets  out  witli  tiie 
clear  intention  of  recording  tiie  public  ministry 
of  our  Lord,  and  obviously  the  narration  of  the 
birth  does  not  come  within  his  proper  scope. 
St.  John,  writing  after  the  other  gospels  were 
well  known  in  the  Church,  is  not  only  con- 
cerned with  a  different  portion  of  our  Lord's 
ministry,  but  is  largely  occupied  with  the  prin- 
ciples which  imderlie  the  facts  narrated  by  the 
Synoptists  rather  than  with  the  facts  them- 
selves; as  this  explains  his  omission  of  the  ac- 
count of  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist,  so  it 
may  also  explain  why  he  docs  not  narrate  the 
history  of  the  Lord's  birth.  So,  too,  St.  Paul — 
his  letters  are  written  with  a  wholly  different 
objei  t  from  that  of  supplying  the  facts  of  our 
l^ord'ii  life  i   stiil  less  dues  it  come  within  the 


MARY,  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN 

scope  of  his  writing  to  speak  in  any  detail  of 
those  facts.  Another  objection  has  been 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  evangelists  of  the 
Nativity  do  not  themselves  mention  it  after 
their  opening  chapters,  and  that  they  even 
speak  of  the  Lord  as  though  He  were  the  Son 
of  Joseph  (e.g.  Mt. 13.55  ;  Lu. 2. 48, 4.22;.  But 
clearly  the  Lord  must  have  passed  for  the  Son 
of  Joseph  during  His  earthly  life,  since  not  to 
have  done  so  would  have  been  to  bring  that 
very  shame  on  His  Mother  which  Josepli  was 
so  anxious  to  avoid  (Mt.Lig)  ;  and  He  would 
no  doubt  have  addressed  Joseph  as  "  father," 
as  being  the  obvious  title  for  one  who  was 
His  foster-father  and  the  natural  protector  of 
His  childhood.  And  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke 
do  but  prove  themselves  honest  and  true  his- 
torians by  narrating  the  actual  words  of  the 
contemporary  men  and  women,  from  whom 
the  miraculous  circumstances  of  the  birth  had 
been  concealed.  Again,  it  is  urged  that  there 
is  so  much  discrepancy  between  the  accounts 
of  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  themselves,  that 
it  casts  doubts  upon  their  credibility.  Against 
this  objection  it  may  be  urged  (i)  that  there  is 
no  discrepancy  between  them  as  to  the  main 
assertion  made  by  both  that  the  Lord's  Mother 
was  a  virgin  at  the  time  of  His  conception 
and  nativity,  and  that  she  was  enabled  to 
become  a  mother  whilst  retaining  her  virgin- 
ity by  the  power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  ;  (2)  that 
to  say  that  St.  Matthew  "  knew  nothing " 
of  a  previous  residence  of  St.  Mary  at 
Nazareth,  and  that  St.  Luke  "  knew  nothing  " 
of  the  flight  into  Egypt,  is  only  to  say  that  in 
the  documents  used  respectively  by  the  two 
evangelists  for  the  compilation  of  their  narra- 
tives those  particular  incidents  were  perhaps 
not  mentioned ;  and  (iii)  that  we  should 
naturally  expect  a  different  point  of  view  in 
narratives  which  bear  upon  them  so  plainly 
the  evidence  of  being  derived  from  such  differ- 
ent sources,  St.  Matthew  having  clearly  de- 
rived his  information,  whether  directly  or  not, 
from  St.  Joseph,  St.  Luke  even  more  clearly 
from  the  Lord's  Mother.  It  may,  therefore, 
be  said  that  the  virginity  of  St.  Mary  can  only 
be  denied  at  the  cost  of  the  repudiation  of  the 
belief  of  the  universal  Church  as  formulated  in 
the  Catholic  Creeds,  and  of  the  early  chapters 
of  the  first  and  third  gospels,,  and  it  may 
further  be  questioned  whether  the  birth  of  the 
Redeemer  as  the  natural  son  of  Josejih  and 
Mary  could  have  met  the  needs  which  His  be- 
coming man  was  intended,  in  the  counsels  of 
God,  to  supply.  A  furtiii-r  question  arises, 
namely,  whether  Holy  Scripture  warrants  us  in 
believing  that  the  Mother  of  the  Lord  was,  in 
the  words  of  Bisht)p  Pearson,  "  not  only  before 
and  after  His  Nativity,  but  also  for  ever,  the 
most  immaculate  and  blessed  virgin  "  (on  the 
Creed,  art.  iii.  3),  or  in  the  words  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, "  virgo  concipiens,  virgo  pariens,  virgo 
moriens  "  {De  Catech.  Rud.  §  70).  This  ques- 
tion arises,  in  any  consideration  of  the  Scrip- 
tural notices  of  the  I.ortl's  Mother,  out  of  the 
several  passages  in  which  the  Lord's  brethren 
are  mentioned  in  Ht)lv  Scripture  (Mt.i2.46  ; 
Mk.3.3i  ;  Lu.8.19;  Jii.7.3,20.17  :  I  Cor.  9. 5  ; 
(iai.l.ic)).  But,  as  shown  under  J  a.mes,  where 
the  subject  is  discussed  at  length,  they  were 
almost  certainly  not    children  of  Mary,  mid 


MARY,  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN 

most  probably  were  children  of  Joseph  by  an 
earlier  marriage.  Those  who  have  maintained 
the  view  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  bore  children 
to  St.  Joseph  after  she  had  become  by  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  the  mother  of  the 
Christ,  rely  upon  the  two  passages,  Lu.2.7  and 
Mt.1.25,  as  implying  subsequent  child-bearing; 
but  though  they  may  do  so,  they  do  not  do  so 
necessarily,  since  irpurdroKos  was  the  title 
given  to  the  eldest  even  if  he  were  the  only  son, 
and  the  ecus  ov  of  Mt.l.25,  whilst  safe-guarding 
the  truth  of  the  virginity  up  till  the  birth  of 
the  Lord,  does  not  necessarily  imply,  at  least 
in  Scriptural  usage,  that  there  was  any  change 
after  it.  In  accordance  with  this  belief  the 
title  given  to  St.  Mary  in  the  writings  of  the 
Greek  fathers  and  in  the  ancient  liturgies  was 
not  only  wapdivos  but  deiirapdevos.  It  is, 
however,  to  be  noted  that  this  title,  like  the 
title  QeordKos,  while  both  of  them  expressing 
her  unique  and  unapproachable  honour,  was 
not  given  to  her  primarily  out  of  honour  to  her, 
but  rather  to  the  Person  of  our  Lord,  though 
not  of  course  needed  in  the  way  that  OeordKos 
was  to  guard  the  One  and  indivisible  Personal- 
ity of  the  Word  incarnate.  This  later  title, 
the  watch-word  of  the  Faith  at  the  third 
General  Council  against  the  heresy  of  Nestori- 
us,  finds  its  Scriptural  justification  in  the 
teaching  of  Holy  Scripture  as  to  the  unity  of 
the  two  natures  of  our  Lord  in  the  One  Person. 
Holy  Scripture  predicates  of  the  two  natures 
united  in  the  One  Person  what  is  strictly  true 
of  only  one  of  them.  Birth  and  death,  strictly 
speaking,  are  properties  of  the  human  nature, 
but  because  the  human  nature  was  so  closely 
united  to  the  divine.  Holy  Scripture  predicates 
them  not  of  the  human  nature  only  but  of  the 
Divine,  speaking  of  the  Blood  of  God  (Ac. 20. 
28)  and  of  the  crucifixion  of  the  Lord  of  Glory 
( I  Cor.  2. 8).  In  the  same  way  the  Church 
spoke  of  the  Mother  of  God,  not  because  God 
could  be  born,  any  more  than  God  could  shed 
His  Blood,  but  because  so  closely  were  God- 
head and  manhood  united  that  she  who  bore 
the  manhood  bore  that  which  was  never,  from 
the  very  moment  of  conception,  separate  from 
the  Godhead.  The  Child  on  His  Mother's 
knees  was  God  ;  therefore,  as  the  Fathers  of 
Ephesus  rightly  argued,  the  Mother  of  the 
Child  was  BeoroKos,  Mother  of  God.  There  is, 
therefore,  it  may  be  said.  Scriptural  ground  for 
the  three  titles  given  to  St.  Mary  in  the  theo- 
logical and  liturgical  language  of  the  Church — 
wapdevos.  denrdpdevos,  QeordKos — though  again, 
it  must  be  said  that  the  second  is  not  needed  in 
the  same  way  as  the  other  two  are  for  the  safe- 
guarding of  the  great  doctrine  of  the  Incarna- 
tion. The  consideration  of  these  three  titles 
practically  exhausts  the  passages  of  Holy 
Scripture  which  have  reference  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin.  After  the  gospel  narrative  she  appears 
again  for  the  last  time  as  being  present  with 
the  little  Christian  company  in  the  upper 
room  after  the  Lord's  Ascension  (Ac.l.14). 
After  that  notice  she  is  withdrawn  from  the 
knowledge  of  the  Church,  dwelling  no  doubt  in 
the  home  of  the  apostle  John  until  the  time  of 
her  "  falling  asleep."  In  the  Apocalypse  (12. 
1-6,13-17)  the  "  great  sign  "  of  the  woman 
arrayed   in    light    and    crowned    with    stars, 


MASH 


519 


travailing  in  birth  with  the  Man-child  and 
persecuted  by  the  great  red  dragon,  may  be 
regarded,  as  Prof.  Milligan  regards  it,  as,  not 
indeed  the  actual  picture,  but  as  the  ideal  pre- 
ceding and  underlying  it,  of  the  Birth  of  Jesus. 
[Incarnation  ;  Immanuel.]  It  may  be  added 
in  conclusion  that  whilst  Holy  Scripture  gives 
no  encouragement  to  the  position  assigned  to 
St.  Mary  in  some  popular  devotions,  it  does 
represent  her,  not  alone  in  place  and  station, 
but  in  character,  as  worthy  of  the  highest 
honour  and  regard.  If  we  had  only  the  narra- 
tive of  the  Annunciation,  there  is  in  it  ample 
testimony  to  the  wonderful  faith  and  humility 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  She  is  there  pourtrayed 
to  us  as  accepting  in  simple  trust  a  message  and 
a  commission  which  required  a  consummate 
act  of  faith  in  the  power  of  God,  which  entailed 
upon  herself  great  suffering,  and  which  more 
than  any  call  that  has  ever  been  given  to  man 
demanded  a  readiness  to  accept  the  Will  of 
God  courageous  and  heroic  in  the  extreme  ;  yet 
in  all  that  is  told  us  of  her  we  recognize  nothing 
that  is  out  of  keeping  with  the  most  womanly 
and  most  tender  character.  It  is  doubtless  to 
her  way  of  pondering  (Lu.2.19)  over  the  say- 
ings and  doings  in  which  she  played  so  great  a 
part  that  we  owe  the  narrative  contained  in  the 
first  chapter  of  St.  Luke's  gospel,  a  narrative 
which  shows  throughout  the  pure  and  delicate 
colouring  of  a  true  woman's  thoughts.  In  the 
Mas^nificat  those  thoughts  find  an  expression 
which  for  all  ages  has  stood  as  the  highest 
example  of  exalted  rapture  and  of  lowly  self- 
abandonment.  In  what  we  are  told  of  St. 
Mary's  relationship  to  her  Divine  Son  we  seem 
to  see  a  readiness  to  accept  at  once  oiu:  Lord's 
own  estimate  of  that  relationship,  even  though 
something  of  a  reproof,  or  at  least  of  a  correc- 
tion, was  involved  in  it  (Lu.2.49  '>  Jii-2.4,5). 
We  may  say  that  in  all  that  is  said  about  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  and  in  all  that  is  impUed,  in 
Holy  Scripture,  her  own  prophecy  about  her- 
self, that  all  generations  should  call  her  blessed, 
is  more  than  justified  ;  and  we  may  find  an 
exact  expression  of  the  mind  of  the  Church  as 
to  her  unique  and  unapproachable  position  in 
the  eloquent  words  of  Bishop  Pearson  :  "  We 
cannot  bear  too  reverend  a  regard  unto  the 
Mother  of  our  Lord,  so  long  as  we  give  her  not 
that  worship  which  is  due  unto  the  Lord  Him- 
self. Let  us  keep  the  language  of  the  primitive 
Church  :  let  her  be  honoured  and  esteemed, 
let  Him  be  worshipped  and  adored."  [h.v.s.e.] 
Mas'aloth,  a  place  in  Arbela,  which 
Bacchides  and  Alcimus,  the  generals  of  Deme- 
trius, besieged  and  took  with  great  slaughter 
on  their  way  from  the  N.  to  Gilgal  (iMac.9.2). 
The  word  may,  as  Robinson  suggests,  have 
originally  signified  the  "  steps  "  or  "terraces  " 
of  the  ciiff  N.  of  Irbid.  [Arbela.] 
Maschil.  [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Mash,  son  of  Aram  (Gen. 10. 23).  In  iChr. 
1.17  the  name  appears  as  Meshech  (the  Moschi). 
Josephus  (i  Ant.  vi.  4)  connects  the  name  with 
Mesene  in  lower  Babylonia,  on  the  shores  of 
the  Persian  Gulf.  Bochart  and  others  think 
that  the  name  Mash  is  represented  by  the  Mons 
Masius  of  classical  writers,  a  range  which  forms 
the  N.  boundary  of  Mesopotamia,  between  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Kalisch  connects  the 
names  of  Mash  and  Mysia.    In  the  Amarna 


520 


MASHAL 


letters  (Berlin  42,  76  ;  Brit.  Mus.  44)  the  Mist 
are  noticed  as  aiding  the  king  of  Gebal,  in 
the  15th  cent.  B.C.,  with  ships,  against  the 
Amoritcs.  [c.R.c] 

Mashal'  (iChr.6.74).     [Misheal.] 

Masi'as,  one  of  Solomon's  servants,  whose 
descendants  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (lEsd. 
5.34  only). 

Mas'man  (R.V.  Maasmas)  occurs  for  She- 
MAiAH,  12,  in  iEsd.8.43,  3nd  is  a  corruption  of 
l"a/taias  (A.V.  Mamaias),  which  is  misplaced 
in  \er.  44. 

Mason.     [Handicrafts,  (3).] 

Mas  pha. — 1.  A  place  opposite  to  Jerusa- 
lem, at  which  Judas  Maccabaeus  and  his 
followers  assembled  to  bewail  the  desolation 
of  the  city  and  the  sanctuary  (iMac.3.46), 
and  where  "  they  prayed  aforetime  in  Israel." 
Clearly  Mizpeh  (Tell  en  Nasbeh). — 2.  One  of 
the  cities  which  were  taken  from  the  Am- 
monites by  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  his  campaign 
on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (iMac.5.35).  Probably 
Mizpeh  of  Gilead  (S'li/).  [c.r.c] 

Maspekah',  an  ancient  place,  the  native 
spot  of  Samlah,  one  of  the  old  kings  of  the 
Edomites  (Gen. 36. 36  ;  iChr.l.47).  The  site 
is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Massa',  a  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen. 25. 14  ; 
iChr.1.30),  or  a  tribe  at  a  place  so  called  near 
DuMAH.  Some  scholars  read  :  "  Words  of 
Lemuel  king  of  Massa  that  his  mother 
taught  him"  (Pr.Sl.i).  [c.r.c] 

Massah',  =  "  temptation  "  ;  the  "  rock  in 
Horeb  " — apparently  at  Rephidim  (Ex. 17. 7, 8) 
— stricken  by  Moses  for  water.  It  is  usually 
placed  at  the  fine  stream  of  Wddy  Feirdn  (the 
valley  of  Paran).  Horeb  (desert)  applying 
to  the  vicinity  of  Sinai.  The  name  occurs 
also  in  Deut. 6.16,9.22, 33. 8,  and  in  Heb.  and 
R.V.  of  Ps.95.8,  where  it  is  rendered  "  tempta- 
tion "  in  A.V.     [.VIeribah.]  [c.r.c] 

Massi'as  (iEsd.9.22)  =  Maaseiah,  3. 

Massopa,     [Old  Testament.] 

Mastick-tpee  (Sus.54  only;  A.V. marg. 
and  Geneva  text,  lentisk).     That  the  Gk.  word 


MASTICK  {Pi4(itaa  ltnliiciis\. 


MATTATHIAS 

is  correctly  rendered  is  evident  from  the  de- 
scriptions of  Theophrastus,  Pliny,  Dioscorides, 
and  other  writers.  The  fragrant  resin  known 
as  "mastick"  is  obtained  by  incisions  made,  in 
the  month  of  August,  in  the  trunk  of  the  Pista- 
chia  lentiscus,  order  Anacardiaceae,  which  is 
common  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  (Strand,  Flor.  Palaest.  No.  559)  has  been 
observed  at  Joppa,  both  by  Rauwolf  and 
Pococke.  It  is  used  with  us,  as  it  was  by  the 
ancients,  to  strengthen  the  teeth  and  gums,  and 
was  much  prized  for  its  many  supposed  medi- 
cal virtues.  Pliny  says,  "The  very  best  Mas- 
ticke  is  brought  out  of  the  Island  Chios  ...  it 
issueth  forth  as  a  gum  out  of  the  Lentiske  tree. 
Mingled  this  is  also,  like  as  Frankincense  with 
Rosin  "  (xii.  17).  See,  for  another  species, 
under  Nuts  ;  and  a  third,  under  Turpentine. 

Mathan'ias  (iEsd.9.31)  =  Mattaniah,  6. 

Mathu'sala  (Lu.3.37)  =  Methuselah. 

Matped',  a  daughter  of  Mezahab,  and 
motherof  Mehetabel  (Gen.36.39  ;  i  Chr.t.50). 

Matpi',  the  Benjamite  family  to  which  king 
Saul  belonged  (1Sam.lO.21). 

Mattan'. — 1.  The  priest  of  Baal  slain  be- 
fore his  altars  in  the  idol  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
when  the  usurpation  of  .\thaliah  was  over- 
thrown (2K.II.18  ;  2Chr.23.17)-— 2.  The  father 
of  Shephatiah,  5  (Je.38.i). 

Mattanah',  a  station  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites  (Num.21. 18, 
19).  It  lay  next  beyond  the  well,  or  Beer, 
and  between  it  and  Nahaliel  ;  Nahaliel  again 
being  but  i  day's  journey  from  the  ^amoth 
of  Moab.     The  site  is  doubtful.  [c.r'.c] 

Mattaniah'. — 1.  The  original  name  of 
Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah,  changed  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar when  he  placed  him  on  the  throne 
instead  of  his  nephew  Jehoiachin  (2K. 24.17).— 
2.  A  I.evite  singer  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  de- 
scribed as  the  son  of  Micah  (iChr.9.15),  >Iicha 
(Ne.ll.17),  or  Michaiah(12.35).  He  was  leader 
of  the  temple-choir  after  its  restoration  (11. 17, 
12.8),  and  one  of  the  "  keepers  of  the  thres- 
holds" (I2.25).  .•V  comparison  of  12.35  with4i, 
where  Zechariah  is  represented  as  a  priest's  son 
— Mattaniah  being  a  Levite — and  with  1 2.26  (cf. 
11.17  for  similar  association  with  Bakbukiah), 
which  represents  Mattaniah  as  a  contemporary 
of  Nehemicih.whichZedekiah (if  his  great-grand- 
son) could  scarcely  also  be,  seems  to  indicate 
that  12.35  is  corrupt,  and  that  the  latter  part  of 
it  belongs  to  ver.  36,  where  "  his  brethren  "  are 
mentioned  (cf.  ver.  8). — 3-  A  descendant  of 
Asaph,  and  ancestor  of  Jahaziel  the  Levite,  in 
thereignof  Jehoshaphat (2Chr.2O.14). — 4.  One 
of  the  sons  of  Elam  (Ezr.lO.26), — 5.  of  Zattu 
(10.27), — 8.  of  Pahath-Moab  (IO.30),  and— 7. 
of  Bani  (IO.37),  who,  like  the  three  preceding, 
put  away  his  foreign  wife. — 8.  A  Levite,  father 
of  Zaccur,  6,  and  ancestor  of  Hanan,  8  (Ne.13. 
13). — 9.  One  of  the  14  sons  of  Heman ;  ap- 
pointed bv  David  head  of  the  oth  course  of  the 
temple-choir  ( I  Chr. 25. 4, 16). — 10.  A  descendant 
of  Asaph,  who  assisted  in  the  purification  of 
the  temple  under  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.13). 

Mat'tatha,sonof  Nathan,  and  grandson  of 
David,  in  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord  (Lu.3.31). 

Mattathah',  a  descendant  of  Hashum,  who 
put  awav  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.33). 

Mattatht'as.  —  1.  (iEsd.9.43)  =  Matti- 
THiAii,  .). — 2-  The  father  of  the  Maccabees  (i 


MATTENAI 

Mac.2.i,etc.,14'-'29). — 3.  Son  of  Absalom,  and 
brother  of  Jonathan,  14;  one  of  two  captains 
who  stood  by  the  latter  in  the  panic  of  Nasor 
(iMac.ll. 70,13.11). — 4.  Son  of  Simon  the 
Hasmonaean,  treacherously  murdered,  with  his 
father  and  brother,  in  the  fortress  of  Docus,  by 
Ptolemeus,  son  of  Abubus  (16. 14). — 5.  One  of 
three  envoys  sent  by  Nicanor  to  treat  with 
Judas  Maccabaeus  (2Mac.l6.19). — 6.  Son  of 
Amos  (Lu.3.25),  and — 7-  Son  of  Semei  (8.26), 
in  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord. 

Mattenai'. — 1.  One  of  the  family  of 
Hashum  (Ezr.10.33),  and — 2.  A  descendant  of 
Bani  (ver.37),  who  put  away  their  foreign  wives 
at  Ezra's  command. — 3.  A  priest  in  the  days  of 
Joiakim,  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Ne.i2.19). 

Mat'than,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  grand- 
father of  Joseph  "  the  husband  of  Mary " 
(Mt.1.15).  He  occupies  the  same  place  in  the 
genealogy  as  Matthat  in  Lu.3.24,  with  whom 
indeed  he  is  probably  identical.  [Genealogy 
OF  Jesus  Christ.] 

Matthani'as  (iEsd.9.27)  =  Mattaniah,  4. 

Mat'that. — 1.  Son  of  Levi  and  grand- 
father of  Joseph  (Lu.3.24  ;  c/.  Matthan). — 2. 
Also  the  son  of  a  Levi,  and  ancestor  of  Joseph, 
midway  between  David  and  Salathiel  (3.29). 

Matthe'las  (iEsd.9.19)  =  Maaseiah,  i. 

Matthe^v.  We  know  but  little  of  this 
apostle.  He  is  called  Levi,  the  son  of  Al- 
phaeus.  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
identity,  for  the  Synoptists  agree  in  their  ac- 
count of  the  feast  associated  with  a  publican 
called  Levi  in  Mk.2. 14  and  Lu.5.29,  and 
Matthew  in  Mt.9.9.  Also  it  was  common  with 
Jews  at  that  time,  as  at  the  present,  to  have 
two  names,  one  strictly  Jewish  and  the  other 
not.  He  was  a  "  publican,"  or  collector  of 
customs,  in  the  service  of  Herod  Antipas  at 
Capernaum.  As  our  Lord  had  lived  at 
Capernaum  He  had  probably  noted  something 
in  the  man  which  made  him  fit  to  be  an 
apostle.  At  the  call  of  Christ  "  he  forsook 
all  and  rose  up  and  followed  Him."  He  then 
made  a  great  feast,  to  which  he  invited  many 
publicans  and  sinners,  doubtless  that  they  too 
might  come  under  the  Master's  influence.  It 
led  to  criticism  from  certain  scribes  and 
Pharisees,  and  our  Lord's  statement  that  He 
had  not  come  to  call  the  righteous,  but  sinners 
to  repentance.  The  call  was  thus  a  repudia- 
tion of  the  Pharisaic  principle  of  "  separation." 
After  the  appointment  of  the  apostles,  St. 
Matthew  was  put  in  the  second  of  the  three 
groups  of  apostles,  and  is  placed  seventh  in  the 
lists  in  Mk.  and  Lu.,  and  eighth  in  those  in 
Mt.  and  Ac.  The  N.T.  gives  us  no  further 
information.  St.  Paul  does  not  seem  to  have 
found  any  of  the  apostles  at  Jerusalem  when  he 
was  therein  56  a. d.  (Ac.2i.17ff.).  Accordingto 
Clement  of  Alexandria  (200  a.d.),  St.  Matthew 
led  a  strictly  ascetic  life,  such  as  is  recorded  of 
St.  James.  In  the  4th  and  5th  cents.  Parthia, 
Ethiopia,  and  India  were  believed  to  have  been 
visited  by  him.  Clement  says  (Strom,  iv.  9) 
that  he  did  not  suffer  mart^nrdom.  The  fact 
that  he  disappears  almost  completely  from  the 
realm  of  history  strengthens  the  tradition 
which  connects  our  first  gospel  with  his  name. 
A  false  tradition  would  have  connected  this 
favourite  book  of  the  primitive  Church  with  a 
more  popular  figure.  [l.p.] 


MATTHEW,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST.     521 

Matthew,  Gospel  ace.  to  St.  In  our  art. 
Gospels  we  have  already  noticed  that  our  first 
gospel  is  a  composite  work.  Its  main  elements 
are  Mk.  and  an  early  Gk.  version  of  the 
Logia  or  Oracles  of  our  Lord  which  St.  Matthew 
wrote  down  in  Aramaic,  then  popularly  called 
"  Hebrew."  The  Fathers  and  early  historians 
of  the  Church  repeatedly  say  that  St.  Matthew 
wrote  his  gospel  in  Hebrew.  Their  evidence 
is  all  the  stronger  because  it  is  doubtful 
whether  it  can  all  be  traced  to  Papias  (c.  130 
A.D.).  Irenaeus(c.  185  a.d.), seems  to  be  writing 
independently  of  Papias  when  he  says  that 
St.  Matthew  wrote  in  the  dialect  of  the  Heb- 
rews, "  while  Peter  and  Paul  were  preaching 
the  Gospel  in  Rome  "  [Adv.  Haer.  iii.  i).  That 
St.  Matthew  did  write  a  book  on  our  Lord's 
teaching  it  would  be  captious  to  deny.  Never- 
theless, our  first  gospel  is  not  a  mere  transla- 
tion of  that  work.  Its  coincidences  with  the 
other  gospels  and  its  divergences  from  them 
cannot  be  fully  explained  on  this  hypothesis. 
St.  Matthew's  original  work  disappeared, 
though  a  translation  of  it  is  embedded  in  the 
present  gospel.  In  392  a.d.  St.  Jerome,  one  of 
the  greatest  of  Biblical  scholars,  thought  that 
he  had  found  the  original  in  the  possession  of 
the  Jewish  Christian  sect  of  Nazarenes  at 
Beroea.  It  was  ordinarily  called  "  the  gospel 
according  to  the  Hebrews."  Jerome  trans- 
lated it  into  Greek  and  Latin.  But  he  found 
reason  to  doubt  his  first  opinions  about  it,  and 
modified  his  former  assertions.  The  frag- 
ments of  it  which  still  remain  tend  to  show 
that  it  was  a  forgery,  written  by  one  who  used 
our  first  and  third  gospels  and  mixed  them  with 
Jewish  Christian  traditions  and  superstitions. 
In  addition  to  the  matter  taken  from  Mk.andto 
sayings  drawn  from  St.  Matthew's  early  work, 
the  first  gospel  contains  a  considerable  amount 
of  important  primitive  tradition.  These  refer 
to  our  Lord's  birth  and  infancy  (1,2),  inci- 
dents connected  with  St.  Peter  (14.28-31,16. 
18,17.24-27),  and  details  of  Christ's  trial  and 
resurrection  (27. 3- 10, 19,24,25, 5 ia-53, 62-66,28. 
II- 1 5).  Many  of  the  quotations  were  pro- 
bably taken  from  a  list  of  O.T.  Messianic  pass- 
ages in  use  among  Jewish  Christians. — The 
date  is  almost  certainly  a  little  before  70  a.d. 
In  fact  the  struggle  with  Judaism  to  which  it 
bears  witness,  and  the  writer's  conception  of 
Christ's  second  advent  as  connected  with  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  cannot  be  later  than  70  a.d. 
And  there  is  no  reason  for  holding  that  the 
book  has  been  frequently  re-edited  and  al- 
tered. The  use  of  the  word  "  Church  "  (16. 18, 
I8.17)  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  implied 
in  certain  parables,  is  no  proof  of  a  late  date. 
Similarly  the  baptismal  formula  (28.19)  cannot 
be  called  a  mark  of  a  post-apostolic  age  if  we 
consider  the  Trinitarian  language  of  other 
parts  of  N.T.  In  view  of  this  early  date  we 
cannot  say  that  St.  Matthew  himself  did  not 
write  the  book.  But  it  may  be  the  work  of  a 
disciple  who  based  it  on  St.  Matthew's  collec- 
tion of  sayings.  In  either  case  it  is  fitly  called 
the  gospel  "  according  to  "  St.  Matthew. — 
Style  and  Character.  The  writer  is  a  Gk.- 
speaking  Jew  living  in  Jerusalem  or  Palestine. 
The  litersiry  style  of  St.  Matthew  is  halfway 
between  that  of  SS.  Mark  andiLuke."^  St.  Mark 
is  farthest  from  the  LXX.  because   he  is  by 


522    MATTHEW,  GOSPEL  ACC.  TO  ST. 

birth  a  J  c\v,  and  hisown  language  was  Aramaic; 
St.  Luke  nearest,  because  he  is  a  (lentile  who 
deeply  read  the  O.T.  in  Greek  after  his  con- 
version ;    St.  Matthew  is  a  Jew  long  familiar 
with  the  great  Gentile  language.     Of  the  112 
words  which  are  peculiar  in  the  N.T.  to  Mt.  76 
are  in  the  LX.X.,  and  18  are  unclassical  Greek. 
Mt.  was  probably  written  for  Christians  of  Heb. 
origin,  and  intended   to  strengthen  waverers 
in  the  great  crisis  of   68-70  a.d.     It  has  also 
a    directly   apologetic   purpose,    for   it    is   in- 
tended to  establish  the  truth  of  Christianity 
against  Jewish  assailants.     Hence  great  stress 
is  laid  upon  the  fact  that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah 
foretold  in  O.T. ;  hence  also  the  frequent  notice 
that  this  or  that  event  happened  so  as  to  fulfil 
a    prophecy,     and    the    contrast    repeatedly 
drawn  between  the  spiritual  ethical  teaching  of 
our  Lord  and  the  external  and  hypocritical 
doctrines  of  the  scribes  and  Pharisees.     It  is 
strongly     anti- Pharisaic     throughout.      The 
Pharisees  are  of  "  the  offspring  of  vipers  "  in 
the  Baptist's  sayings  (3.7).     In  the  Sermon  on 
the   Mount    our   Lord   points   out    that    their 
"  righteousness  "  will  not  bring  them  into  the 
kingdom  (5. 20).     They  are   "the  sons  of  the 
kingdom  "  who  will  be  cast  out  (8.12).    They 
ascribed   His  power  to  cast   out  demons  to 
Beelzebub    (12. 24).     They    accused    Him    of 
breaking  the  sabbath   (12.io).      They  plotted 
to  destroy  Him   (12.14,26.4).      They  tried  to 
entrap  Him  in  His  speech  (22.i5ff.).     Hence 
the  tremendous  indictment  of  the  scribes  and 
Pharisees  in  ch.23.    In  spite  of  its  direct  bearing 
on  Palestinian  Judaism,  Mt.  became  the  most 
popular    gospel    among    the    earliest    Gentile 
Christians.     The  reasons  arc  not  hard  to  see. 
The  Jews  prejudiced  the  heathen  against  Chris- 
tianity, and  the  heathen  soon  began  to  copy 
Jewish  criticism  of  the  claims  of  Christ  and  the 
Church.     The  gospel  which  answered  the  ob- 
jections f)f  the  Jew  answered  the  objections  of 
the    Gentile.     Hence    the    gospel    which    is 
furthest    from   the    Gk.   spirit   was   specially 
acceptable  to   the    Gk.  mind,  though   it   was 
soon  rivalled  by  St.  John's  Gospel,  also  the 
work  of  a  Jew  and  also  in  some  degree  a  work 
defending  Christianity.     Again,  like  Jn.,  Mt. 
is  doctrinal  and  didactic.     The  evangelist  is 
deeply  interested  in  our  Lord's  teaching,  and 
records  it  in  a  solemn  and  dignified  style.     He 
concerns  himself  but  little  with  chronological 
order.     He  groups  together  kindred  passages 
in  our   Lord's  teaching,  as  they  could  be  best 
adapted    to    purposes    of    instruction.     The 
Church     wanted     to     know     the     nature     of 
righteousness,     of    the    calling    of    the    dis- 
ciples, the  kingdom  of  God,  tiie  duties  of  the 
Church    as   a   sniiety,    the    true   character   of 
Pharisaism,   and  the  future  of  the  kingdom. 
The    answer  is    given    in   5-7,10,13,18,23-25. 
Jesus  is  shown  to  have  been  the  (li\inely  fore- 
ordained    Messiah,     miraculously    born,     the 
King  of  Israel,  the  "  Son  of  Man,"  or  the  Man 
Who  is  to  come  in  glory,  the  unique  Son  of 
(Jod.     He  was  legally  descended  from  David, 
and  through  liim  from  Abratiam  ;  in  Him  tlie 
family  of   David   had  risen   to  a  truer  royal 
jiower  (1. iff. ,2. 2).     As  King  He  was  born,  as 
King    He  entered  Jerusalem  (21. "i),  as    King 
He  died  on  the  Cross  (27.37,42).    He  was  born 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  of  a  virgin,  He  was  so  truly 


MATTHIAS 

divine  as  to  be  "God  with  us"  (l.iSff.). 
Ch.  1  and  2  contain  answers  to  three  Jewish 
questions  :  "  Granted  that  Joseph  treated 
Jesus  as  his  son  (which  according  to  Jewish 
law  would  ratify  legal  descent),  was  Joseph 
descended  from  David?"  "Was  God  likely 
to  let  the  Messiah  be  literally  the  son  of  a 
carpenter  ?  "  "  Was  there  not  a  scandal 
attached  to  the  birth  of  Jesus?"  These 
three  questions  are  answered  effectually.  St. 
Matthew  makes  his  reply  more  effective  by 
including  in  the  genealogy  four  women — 
Rachab,  Bathsheba,  Tharaar,  Ruth — which 
show  how  God  orders  circumstances  very  differ- 
ently from  man's  expectation.  The  authority 
of  Jesus  as  Son  of  Man  (9.6,16.28,24.30,26.64), 
and  His  unique  relation  to  the  Father  (11. 
27)  deserve  special  attention.  The  refer- 
ences to  Isaiah  (Mt. 1.22,3. 3, 12.17),  Hosea 
(Mt.2.15),  Micah  (Mt.2.5),  Jeremiah  (Mt.2.i7), 
Zechariah  (Mt.21.5),  etc.,  are  made  to  show 
how  all  the  course  of  the  humble  and 
suffering  life  of  Jesus  had  been  foreseen  and 
ordained  by  God  for  His  Son.  The  central 
subject  of  our  Lord's  teaching  is  represented 
as  "  the  kingdom  of  heaven,"  the  approach- 
ing reign  of  God  on  earth,  with  its  new 
demands  on  man  and  new  blessings  from 
above.  [Kingdom  of  God.]  The  kingdom 
was  inaugurated  by  the  Person  and  ministry  of 
Jesus,  but  is  to  be  consummated  when  He  shall 
finally  return  again  in  glory.  The  Gospel  is 
represented  as  universal ;  it  is  free  to  all  na- 
tions ;  the  Gentiles  will  replace  the  unfaithful 
Jews  (8.iif.,  21.28- 22.14,  24.14,  26.13,  28.19)- 
Besides  these  passages,  there  are  others  which 
are  said  to  manifest  a  Jewish  particularism, 
implying  that  the  Gospel  was  to  be  limited 
to  Jews  (5.17-20, 10.5f.,  15.24. 19.28,  23.2f.). 
Writers  who  hold  this  view  think  that  the  call 
of  the  Gentiles  to  salvation  is  merely  inserted 
as  an  after-thought.  This  is  a  misconception. 
Even  St.  Paul,  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  held 
that  the  Gospel  was  "  to  the  Jew  first  "  (Ro.l. 
16  ;  cf.  Lu.1.77).  The  same  principle  is  found 
in  Jn.,  a  gospel  of  completely  universalist 
character  (Jn.4.22).  Our  Lord  came  to  the 
Jews  and  offered  Himself  to  them  as  their 
Messiah.  He  always  recogni/ed  and  taught 
the  special  connexion  of  His  work  with 
Judaism.  It  was  from  the  Jews  that  He  deter- 
mined to  secure  a  group  of  absolutely  loyal 
apostles.  But,  as  the  fact  that  He  was  the 
Messiah  rested  on  the  still  greater  fact  that  He 
was  the  Son  of  God,  so  when  the  truth  that  He 
was  the  Son  of  God  was  proved  by  the  Resur- 
rection, the  mission  to  Judaism  expanded  by 
His  own  command  into  a  universal  mission. 
A  word  must  be  added  as  to  the  jiermanent 
obligation  of  the  Jewish  law,  which  some  find 
implied  here  (as  in  5. 18).  Except  the  probably 
corrupted  reference  to  our  Lord's  teaching 
about  divorce  (5.32,  cf.  19.Q,  where  see  R.V. 
marg.),  there  is  no  clear  trace  of  positive 
J  udaizing  influence  on  the  gospel.  The  whole 
iaw  is  regarded  as  spiritually  fulfilled  by  the 
law  of  lovc(22.37f.),  and  this  agrees  essentially 
with  the  Gospel  preached  by  St.  Paul  (Gal.5. 
6).  [L.P.] 

Matthias,  the  apostle  divinely  chosen  to 
fill  the  place  of  the  traitor  Judas  (Ac.l.26). 
Bcvond  this,  all  that  we  certainly  know  of  him 


MATTHIAS 

is  that  he  had  been  a  constant  attendant  upon 
our  Lord  throughout  His  ministry  ;  for  such 
was  declared  by  St.  Peter  to  be  the  necessary 
qualification  of  one  who  was  to  be  a  witness  of 
the  Resurrection.  There  is  a  tradition  that  he 
preached  and  suffered  martyrdom  in  Ethiopia. 

Matthi'as  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Mattathah. 

Mattlthiah'. — 1.  A  Levite,  the  first-born 
of  Shallum  the  Korhite,  who  presided  over  the 
offerings  made  in  the  pans  (iChr.9.31  ;  cf.  Lev. 
6.20  ff .). — 2.  A  Levite,  one  of  the  six  sons  of  J  edu- 
thun  (iChr.25.3) ;  appointed  by  David  head  of 
the  14th  division  of  the  temple-choir  (25. 21), 
under  Asaph  before  the  ark  (15.18,21,16.5), 
"  with  harps  upon  Sheminith." — 3.  One  of  the 
Bene-Nebo,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.10.43). — 4.  One,  probably  a  priest,  who 
stood  at  the  right  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read 
the  law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). 

Mattock  (Is. 7. 25).  The  tool  (ma'der)  used 
in  Palestine  for  digging,  answers  generally  to  our 
hoe.  The  ancient  Egyptian  hoe  was  of  wood, 
and  served  the  purpose  of  hoe,  spade,  and  pick. 


MEALS 


523 


EGYPTIAN  HOES.    (Wilkinson.) 

Another  word  (mahdreshd,  iSam.l3.2o)  ren- 
dered "mattock  "  refers  to  a  sharpened  instru- 
ment :  the  meaning  is  doubtful.  In  2Chr.34.6 
"mattocks"  is  a  clear  error  for  "ruins" 
(R.V.),  or  perhaps  for  "  villages."       [c.r.c] 

Maul.     [Arms.] 

Mauzzim'.  The  marg.  of  the  A.V.  of  Dan. 
11.38,  for  "the  God  of  forces'''  (R.V.  god  of  for- 
tresses), gives  "Mauzzim,  or  God's  protectors,  or 
munitions."  In  ver.  39  the  word  occurs  again 
CR.V.  fortresses  ;  raaiVg.  oi  A.W .  munitions).  In 
the  Gk.  version  it  is  treated  as  a  proper  name, 
as  in  the  Vulg.  See  ver.  19  (A.V.  fort;  R.V. 
fortresses).  The  opinion  of  Gesenius  is  that 
"  the  god  of  fortresses  "  was  Jupiter  Capito- 
linus,  for  whom  Antiochus  built  a  temple  at 
Antioch  (Liv.  xli.  20).  A  suggestion  made  by 
Layard  {Nin.  ii.  456,  note)  is  worth  recording. 
After  describing  the  Assyrian  Venus  as 
"  standing  erect  on  a  lion,  and  crowned  with 
a  tower  or  mural  coronet,  which,  we  learn 
from   Lucian,    was   peculiar   to   the   Semitic 


figure  of  the  goddess,"  he  adds,  "  May  she 
be  connected  with  the  '  El  Maozem,'  the  deity 
presiding  over  bulwarks  and  fortresses,  the 
'  god  of  forces  '  of  Dan. 11. 38  ?  " 

Maziti'as  (iEsd.9.35)  =  Mattithiah,  3. 

Mazzapoth'.  Job 88.32  (A.V.  marg.)  gives 
"  the  twelve  signs "  as  the  equivalent  of 
"  Mazzaroth,"  and  this  is  in  all  probability 
its  true  meaning.  The  Peshitta-Syriac  renders 
it  by  "the  Wain"  or  "Great  Bear."  Fiirst 
understands  by  Mazzaroth  the  planet  Jupiter, 
the  same  as  the  "  star  "  of  Am. 5. 26.  On 
referring  to  2K.23.5,  we  find  the  practically 
equivalent  word  mazzdloth  (A.V.  the  planets), 
rendered  in  the  margin  "  the  twelve  signs," 
as  in  the  Vulg.  In  later  Jewish  writings  maz- 
zdloth {houses)  are  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac. 

MeadoAV.  The  A.V.  so  renders  two  Heb. 
words,  (i)  'a/iM  (Gen. 41. 2,18).  The  LXX. 
renders  this  "Axet,  which  occurs  also  in 
Ecclus.40.i6  (E.V.  weed),  and  in  Is.19.7  for 
Heb.  'droth  (green  things  ;  A.V.  incorrectly 
paper  reeds,  by  the  Nile).  The  word  is  like 
the  Egyptian  akh  for  a  "plant."  In  Job  8. 11 
(A.V.  flag)  the  LXX.  understands  the  flower- 
ing rush  (Butomus  umbellatus)  ;  the  edible 
rush  (Cyperus  esculentus)  may  be  intended 
(Tristram,  Nat.  Hist,  of  Bible,  p.  435).  (2) 
ma' are  (meadows)  is  probably  for  m<^'drd 
(cave;  Judg.2O.33)  ;  it  was  a  place  where 
an  ambush  was  set — at  Gibeah,  a  site  where 
there  are  no  meadows.  Josephus  (5  Ant.  ii.  11) 
understands  a  "  hollow  place."  At  Gibeah 
(Jeb'a)  there  are  caves,  one  of  which  is  large 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  pp.  9,  94).  [c.r.c] 

Meah,  To^vep  of.     [Jerusalem.] 

Meal-offeping'.  [Sacrifice,  3,  i.  &  ;  3, 
V.  b.] 

Meals.  The  early  Hebrews  do  not  seem  to 
have  given  special  names  to  their  several  meals, 
for  the  terms  rendered  "dine  "  and  "  dinner  " 
in  A.V.  (Gen. 43. 16  ;  Pr.l5.i7)  are  general  ex- 
pressions which  might  more  correctly  be  ren- 
dered "  eat  "  and  "  portion  of  food."  In  N.T. 
the  Gk.  terms  Apiarov  and  delirvov,  are  rendered 
by  A.V.  "  dinner  "  and  "  supper  "  respectively 
(Lu.l4.i2  ;  Jn.2i.12),  but  are  more  properly 
"  breakfast  "  and  "  dinner."  The  ordinary 
meals  were  at  mid-day,  a  light  meal  (iK.20.i6  ; 
Ru.2.14),  and  at  even  (cf.  the  Passover  meal ; 
Ex.16. 12  ;  Judg.l9.2i).  The  posture  at  meals 
was  that  of  squatting  on  the  ground  on 
mats,  later,  on  chairs  (Gen.27.iq  ;  Judg.19. 
6  ;  I  Sam.  20.. 5, 2  4  ;  iK.13.2o  ;  Am. 3. 12, 6.4.). 
Tables  in  the  modern  sense  were  unknown  in 
early  Israel,  shulhdn  often  implies  no  more 
than  a  mat  spread  on  the  floor  ;  cf.  the  sufra 
(a  leathern  mat)  of  modern  Arabs.  Never- 
theless, tables  proper  are  ancient  (2K.4.10). 
[Table.]  In  N.T.  times  reclining  was  the 
universal  custom,  as  is  implied  in  the  terms  used 
for  "  sitting  at  meat,"  as  A.V.  incorrectly  has 
it.  The  couch  itself  is  only  once  mentioned 
(Mk.7.4  ;  A.V.  tables),  but  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  Roman  triclinium  had  been  in- 
troduced, and  that  the  arrangements  resembled 
those  described  by  classical  writers.  Generally 
speaking,  only  three  persons  reclined  on  each 
couch,  but  occasionally  four  or  even  five.  The 
couches  were  provided  with  cushions  on  which 
the  left  elbow  rested  in  support  of  the  upper 
part  of  the  body,  while  the  right  arm  remained 


524 


MEAL.S 


free ;  a  room  provided  with  these  was  described 
as  larpwuivov,  lit.  "spread"  (14.13;  A.V. 
furnished).  A  guest  might  thus  be  said  to 
"  lean  on  the  bosom  "  of  his  neighbour  (Jn.l3. 
23,21.20).  The  ordinary  arrangement  of  the 
couches  was  in  three  sides  of  a  square,  the  fourth 
being  left  open  for  the  servants  to  bring  the 
dishes.  Women  were  present  at  meals  (iSam. 
1.8;  Deut.l6.ii,i4  ;  Jobl.4;  Ru.2.14)  ;  the 
Israelites  differing  herein  from  the  present  cus- 
tom of  the  East.  Before  commencing  the  meal, 
the  guests  washed  their  hands.  Another  pre- 
liminary step  wasthe  grace  or  blessing,of  which 
we  have  but  one  instance  in  O.T.  (iSam.9.13), 
and  more  than  one  pronounced  bv  our  Lord 
Himself  (Mt.i5.36;  Lu.9.i6  ;  Jn.6.11).  The 
mode  of  taking  food  did  not  differ  materially 
from  modern  usages  of  the  East  ;  generally 
there  was  a  single  dish,  into  which  each  guest 


MEAT 

feet  (Lu.7.44)  ;  the  head,  beard,  feet,  and 
sometimes  the  clothes,  were  perfumed  with 
ointment  (Ps.23.5  ;  Am.6.6  ;  Lu.7.38  ;  Jn.12.3); 
on  special  occasions  robes  were  provided  (Mt. 
22.1  r);  and  the  head  was  decorated  with 
wreaths  (Is.28.i  ;  Wis.2.7,8  ;  Josephus,  19  Ant. 
ix.  i).  The  regulation  of  the  feast  was  the 
function  of  a  special  officer,  named  apxtrpiKKivos 
(Jn.2.8  ;  A.V.  governor  of  the  feast),  whose 
business  it  was  to  taste  the  food  and  the  liquors 
before  they  were  placed  on  the  table,  and  to 
settle  about  the  music  and  amusements  ;  he 
was  generally  one  of  the  guests  (Ecclus.32.i,2), 
and  might  therefore  take  part  in  the  conversa- 
tion. The  places  of  the  guests  were  settled 
according  to  their  respective  rank  (Gen. 43. 33  ; 
iSam.9.22  ;  Mk.i2.39  ;  Lu.14.8  ;  Jn.i3.23)  ; 
portions  of  food  were  placed  before  each  (2Sam. 
6.19  ;    iChr.16.3),   the   most   honoured  guests 


AN  ANCIENT  EGYl'lIAN  UlNNKR   PAR  I'V.      (Wilkinson.) 


i.  ft,  r.  Tables  with  various  dishes,  b,  p.  Figs.  d,  e,  q,  and  s.  Baskets  of  grapes.  Fig.  3  is  taking  a  wing  from  a  goose. 

Fig.  4  holds  a  joint  of  meat  {g).         Figs.  5  and  7  are  eating  fish  (k,  0).        Fig.  6  is  about  to  drink  water  from  an  earthen  vessel. 


dipped  his  hand  (Mt. 26.23);  occasionally  separ- 
ate portions  were  served  out  to  each  (Gen. 
43.34;  Ku.2.14;  iSam.1.4).  A  piece  of  bread 
was  held  between  the  thumb  and  two  fingers 
of  the  right  hand  (forks,  spoons,  and  table- 
knives  being,  of  course,  unknown),  and  was 
dipped  either  into  a  bowl  of  melted  grease  [Sop] 
or  into  the  dish  of  meat,  the  bread  being  folded 
round  a  piece  of  meat  to  convey  it  to  the  mouth. 
The  meal  being  ended,  grace  was  again  said 
in  conformity  with  Deut.8.10,  and  the  hands 
again  washed.  On  state  occasions  more  cere- 
mony was  used,  and  the  meal  was  enlivened 
in  various  ways.  Such  occasions  were  numer- 
ous, both  in  connexion  with  public  and  private  ! 
events.  A  sumptuous  repast  was  then  pre- 
jiared  ;  the  guests  were  previously  invited 
(Esth.5.8;  Mt.22.3),  and  on  the  day  of  the 
feast  a  second  invitation  was  issued  to  those  i 
that  were  bidden  (Esth.6.14  ;  Pr.9.3  ;  Mt.22.3). 
The  visitors  were  received  with  a  kiss  (Tob.7.6  ; 
J.,U.7.45) ;  w^ter  w^s  produced  to  w^b  their  1 


receiving  either  larger  (Gen. 43. 34;  cf.  Herod, 
vi.  57)  or  more  choice  (iSam.l.4,5,9.24  ;  cf. 
II.  vii.  321)  portions  than  the  rest.  The  meal 
was  enlivened  with  music,  singing,  and  dancing 
(2Sani. 19.35;  Ps.69.i2;  Is.5. 12;  Am. 6.5),  or  with 
riddles  (J  udg.  14.12);  and  the  festival  was  some- 
times prolonged  for  several  days  (Esth. 1.3,4). 

Me'ani.  The  same  as  Mehunim  (iEsd.5. 
31  ;   cf.  I';zr.2.5o). 

Meapah',  a  place  named,  in  Jos.13.4  only, 
as  "  Mearah,  which  is  to  tlie  Zidonians." 
The  word  vv'drd  means  in  Hcb.  "a  cave" — 
Arab,  maghdrah.  Probably  el  Mogheiriyeh 
{place  of  the  little  cave),  a  village  6  miles 
N.E.   of   Sidon.  [c.r.c] 

Measupes.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Meat.  Of  the  12  or  13  Heb.  words  which 
A.V.  renders  "  meat  "(nearly  90  times),  scarcely 
any  mean  "  meat "  in  its  modern  sense ;  thougli 
Gen. 27. 4,  Ps.44. 11,  are  exceptions.  All  refer  to 
"  food,"  which  only  in  the  rarest  instances  con- 
sisted of  n^eat.    Whea"me4t  "  in  tbe  restric^et} 


MEAT-OFFERING 

modern  sense  is  referred  to,  the  word  bdsdr  {flesh) 
is  used.  In  a  large  number  of  instances  A.V. 
renders  the  Heb.  minhd  "  meat -offering "  ;  it 
should  be  meal-offering,  as  always  in  R.  V.  (either 
text  or  marg.)-  In  O.T.  "meat"  is  never  used 
figuratively.  In  N.T.  also  "meat "  often  means 
"  food"  generally,  but  occurs  some  7  or  8  times 
with  the  modern  limitation.  In  the  gospels 
the  figurative  use  of  the  word  predominates. 
[Food.]  [w.o.e.c] 

Meat-ofTeping  (properly  Meal-offering). 
[Sacrifice,  3,  i.  6  ;   3,  v.  6.] 

Metaunnai'(2Sam.23.27only)  =  SiBBECHAi. 

[HUSHATHITE.] 

Meche'pathite,  The,  i.e.  the  inhabitant 
of  a  place  called  Mecherah  (1Chr.ll.36).  In 
2Sam.23  the  name  appears  as  "  the  Maacha- 
thite  "  (ver.  34) ;  Kennicott  concludes  that  this 
is  correct. 

Me'daba  (iMac.9.36),  the  Gk.  form  of 
Medeba. 

Medad.     [Eldad  and  Medad.] 

Medan'  (Gen.25.2,37.36  ;  iChr.l.32),  a  son 
of  Abraham  and  Keturah,  and  a  tribe  descended 
from  him.  Glaser  has  found  mention  of 
Medan  (if  the  reading  is  correct  ;  the  first 
character  is  not  certain)  in  a  Minean  temple- 
inscription,  where  a  slave-girl  of  that  tribe  is 
named  Mephhlat.  The  Massoretic  Heb.  text 
has  M edaniles  (not  "  Midianites,"  as  A.V.  and 
LXX.)  in  Gen. 37. 36,  where  (c/.  ver.  28)  they 
seem  to  be  identified  with  the  latter.  Has  the 
same  omission  of  yodh  in  25.2  led  to  the  repe- 
tition "  and  Medan  and  Midian,"  both  being 
the  same  name  ?  This  is  the  more  possible,  as 
nowhere  else  in  the  Bible  do  we  read  of  Medan 
(iChr.1.32  being  copied  from  Gen. 25. 2).  Glaser, 
Mittheilungen  ;  Hommel,  Die  altisraelitische 
Ueberlieferung.  [w.st.ct.] 

Medeba,  a  city  in  the  "plain"  (mishor,  or 
"plateau")  of  Moab  (Jos.13.9,16)  ;  first  no- 
ticed in  the  Amorite  song  of  triumph  (Num.21. 
30).  It  is  denounced  by  Isaiah  (15.2)  ;  and, 
according  to  iChr.19.7,  was  the  scene  of 
David's  victory  over  the  Ammonites  and 
Arameans.  [Helam.]  On  the  Moabite  Stone 
Mehdeba  is  noticed  as  possessed  by  Omri  and 
Ahab,  and  recovered,  in  9th  cent,  b.c,  by  king 
Mesha.  In  no  b.c  it  was  besieged  and  taken 
byJohnHyrcanus  (Josephus,  13  ^Mt  ix.  i).  It 
is  now  the  ruined  town  Mddeba,  on  the  high- 
road, 6  miles  S.  of  Heshbon,  on  the  Moab 
plateau.  The  ruins  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  178-183) 
are  those  of  the  Roman  city,  as  late  as  the  5th 
cent.  A.D.  Gk.  and  Lat.  inscriptions  have  been 
found,  with  others  in  Aramaic.  On  W.  are 
remains  of  a  cathedral,  on  the  S.  a  large  tank, 
and  on  N.E.  the  ruins  of  a  gate  and  street 
of  columns.  The  most  notable  discovery, 
however,  is  that  of  a  mosaic  pavement  in  the 
cathedral,  of  which  fragments  remain  (see  Die 
Mosaikkarte  von  Madeba,  P.  Palmer  and  Dr. 
Guthe,  1906) ;  for  it  represents  a  map  of  Pales- 
tine, with  Gk.  lettering,  dating  c.  440  a.d.,  and 
giving  a  valuable  representation  of  the  tradi- 
tional topography  of  that  age  and  of  the 
walls  and  buildings  of  Jerusalem.      [c.r.c] 

Medes  (Heb.  madhay,  Assyv.  Amadd,  Madd, 
Matd,  Akhaem.  Pers.  Mdda,  Gk.  MrjSoi  : 
first  mentioned  in  Gen.  10. 2  as  descended  from 
Japheth),  an  Aryan  tribe,  closely   connected 


MEDES 


525 


with  the  Persians  in  language  and  descent.  On 
the  Assyr.  tablets  the  Medes  (/I  wzarfa)  are  first 
spoken  of  by  Shalmaneser  II.  (Nimr.,  Obi.  1. 
121),  c.  840  B.C.,  as  dwelling  in  what  was  after- 
wards called  Media  Atropatene,  the  modern 
Azarbaijan.  From  the  E.  of  Assyria  their 
territory  stretched  to  the  Caspian  Sea.  Like 
the  Gks.  and  other  Aryans,  they  were  divided 
into  a  number  of  small  independent  states 
ruled  by  "  kings  "  [of.  Je.25.25).  Rammanu- 
nirari  HI.  of  Assyria  (810-781  or  812-783  b.c) 
boasts  of  having  conquered  the  "  land  of  the 
Medes"  and  the  "land  of  Parsua  "  (Persia), 
as  well  as  Mesopotamia,  Palestine,  etc.  (W. 
Asiatic  Inscriptions,  vol.  i.  p.  35).  Asshur- 
nirari  II.  in  749-748  b.c  made  an  expedition 
into  Namri  in  S.W.  Media  (W.A.I,  vol.  ii.  p. 
52).  Tiglath-pileser  II.  and  Sargon  also  warred 
with  the  Medes,  and  the  latter  king  added 
Kisheshin,  Kharkhar,  and  several  other  parts 
of  the  W.  of  Media  to  his  dominions  (716  b.c), 
transplanting  Israelite  captives  to  the  "  cities 
of  the  Medes  "  and  elsewhere  (2K.I7.6). 
Sargon  conquered  the  territory  of  a  prince 
called  Dayaukku  (probably  the  Deiokes  of 
Herodotus)  in  713,  having  captured  the  prince 
himself  in  715  b.c  According  to  Herodotus, 
Deiokes  founded  the  "  Median  "  empire,  and 
his  successor  Phraortes  conquered  Persis.  The 
inscriptions  of  Darius  seem  to  prove  that  the 
kings  of  Persis  were  then  subject  to  the 
sovereign  (of  the  Manda).  [Persians.]  Esar- 
haddon  I.  also  warred  in  Media  with  success. 
But  at  last  the  tide  turned.  Esar-haddon  II. 
(Sarakos)  mentions  the  "  lord  of  the  city  of 
the  Medes,"  one  Mamiti-arsu  (the  latter  word 
reminds  us  of  the  Pers.  Arsha,  Gk.  "A/jirijs), 
as  confederate  with  Kastarit  (Cyaxares  ?)  of 
Kar-Kassi  in  Ararat,  the  Kimmerians  and  the 
Minni  (Manna,  cf.  Fan)  against  him.  The  leader 
of  the  Kimmerians  {Gimirrd,  Gomer)  was 
Teushpa  (Teispes),  a  name  found  again  among 
the  ancestors  of  Cyrus.  But  the  chief  agents 
in  the  overthrow  of  Nineveh,  which  followed 
c.  606  B.C.,  were  the  Manda,  under  their  king 
Iriba-tukte,  in  alliance  with  Nabu-pal-usur  of 
Babylon,  father  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  These 
Manda  (more  commonly  Umman-Manda,  or 
"host  of  Manda  ")  were  a  number  of  Aryan 
tribes,  probably  the  Scythians  ;  but  are  by 
Herodotus  confounded  with  the  Medes  proper. 
The  Manda  are  first  mentioned  by  Esar-haddon 
I.  They  formed  a  confederacy,  which  ulti- 
mately became  a  kingdom,  having  as  its  capital 
Ecbatana  (Hamadan).  Being  closely  con- 
nected with  the  Medes  in  language,  it  is  not 
surprising  that,  when  they  formed  an  alliance 
with  them,  the  union  should  have  been  spoken 
of  by  the  Greeks  as  the  Median  empire,  though 
it  is  not  so  styled  by  the  Babylonians  and 
Persians.  Cyrus  compelled  Ishtuvegu  (Asty- 
ages,  Deiokes'  third  successor,  according  to 
Herodotus),  king  of  the  Manda,  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Haran.  He  defeated  Astyages,  cap- 
tured him,  plundered  his  capital,  and  carried 
the  spoil  to  Anshan  in  549  b.c  The  true 
Medes  seem  to  have  shortly  after  thrown  in 
their  lot  with  Cyrus,  and  advanced  with  him 
to  the  overthrow  of  Nabu-na'id  of  Babylon 
(Je. 51. II, 27,28).  As  Cyrus,  though  of  Per- 
sian descent,  did  not  take  possession  of  Persis, 
or  Persia  proper,  till  546  B.C.,  being  originally 


626 


MEDIA 


king  of  Anshan  in  Northern  Elam,  the  Medes 
are  at  first  spoken  of  before  the  Persians  as 
more  important  (Dan. 8. 20 ;  cf.  5.28,6.8,12).  So 
Thucydides  speaks  of  the  "  Medes  "  when  he 
means  the  Persian  empire.  Later  this  posi- 
tion was  reversed  (Esth. 1.3,14, 18, 19),  as  in  the 
Behistan  inscriptions.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
Mada  and  Manda  may  be  forms  of  the  same 
word,  whatever  its  meaning  may  be  ;  as  both 
in  Assyr.  and  in  Skt.  the  root  mad  has  another 
form  -/mand,  though  these  two  tongues  belong 
to  quite  different  families.  A  serious  revolt  in 
Media  occurred  under  Darius  I.  The  leader  of 
the  rebels,  Fravartish  (Phraortes),  claimed  the 
throne  of  Media,  as  descended  from  Cyaxares, 
and  fought  many  battles  before  being  captured 
at  Raga  ( Kei,  near  Tehran).  Darius  cut  off  his 
ears,  nose,  and  tongue,  put  out  his  eyes,  and 
crucified  him  finally  at  Ecbatana.  Henceforth 
the  history  of  Media  forms  part  of  that  of 
Persia.  The  religion  of  the  Medes  was  pro- 
bably very  similar  to  that  of  the  Pers.  Zoro- 
astrians.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  Avesta 
represents  their  language  in  various  stages, 
while  the  Akhaemenian  Persian  of  the  Inscrip- 
tions is  that  of  Persia  proper.  However  that 
may  be,  the  few  Median  words  mentioned  by 
Gk.  writers  (e.g.  s/)a^a,  Herod,  i.  no,  "bitch, "is 
the  .\ves.  svan  fnom.  spa],  cf.  Russ.  sohdka  :  and 
Tt>pis,  Eust.  ad  Dionys  —  raxvs  ws  ji^Xos,  M  jjSot 
yap  riypiv  KaXovcn  rb  r6^ev/j.a :  Aves.  iighra, 
"  sharp,"  tijihri,  "an arrow")  are  found  in  the 
Avest.i.  Darius  the  Mede  (Dan. 5. 31,  etc.) 
is  almost  certainly  the  Gitbaru,  or  Ugbant,  of  the 
Babylonian  Inscriptions,  where  the  latter  per- 
forms the  part  ascribed  to  Darius  the  Mede  in 
Dan. /.c.  [Media;  Persia;  Persians.]  Raw- 
linson's  W.  A.  Inscriptions,  etc. ;  Inscriptions  of 
Cyrus  and  Darius;  Pinches,  O-T.  in  the  Light 
of  Hist.;  Records  of  Assyr.  and  Bab.;  Sayce, 
Higher  Crit.  and  the  Mon.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Media.  The  meaning  of  this  term  varied 
at  different  times.  It  is  impossible  to  define 
the  limits  of  the  "  land  of  the  Medes  "  when  we 
first  meet  with  them  in  the  Assyrian  annals 
about  840  B.C.  When  Media  became  a  "  pro- 
vince "  of  the  Persian  empire  under  Darius  I., 
it  extended  from  somewhat  N.  of  Isfahan 
(Aspadana)  as  far  as  the  river  Araxes,  or 
even  to  the  Kur  (Cyrus),  to  the  VV.  and  S.W. 
of  the  Caspian.  Under  the  Parthians  it  was 
bounded  on  the  E.  by  the  Caspian.  Hyrcania, 
and  Parthia,  on  the  S.  by  Persis,  on  the  W.  by 
Assyria  and  Armenia,  on  the  N.  by  the,  Cyrus. 
Its  main  divisiims  were  Atropatene  (Azarbai- 
jan)  to  the  N.  and  Media  Magna  to  the  S.  Its 
capital  under  the  Manda  was  Ecbatana  (Hama- 
dan).  Another  famous  city  was  Raga  (Rhagae), 
now  represented  by  the  ruins  of  Ret,  near 
Tehran.  From  the  central  plateau  of  Persia, 
5,000  feet  above  the  sea,  where  the  soil  is 
mostly  unjiroductivc  through  want  of  water, 
the  ground  sinks  gradually  (though  broken  by 
mountain-chains)  to  the  Casjiian.  Beyond 
Tehran  the  rainfall  is  greater,  the  olive  grows 
wild,  and  grass  grows  on  the  gentler  hills. 
Along  the  shore  of  the  Caspian  the  land  is  low 
and  unhealthy.  The  Nisaean  plain,  to  the 
N.  of  licbatana,  was  of  old  celebrated  for  its 
hf>rses.  Atropatene  was  (as  its  name,  Atrpat- 
akan  in  .Armen.,  implies)  a  great  centre  of  fire- 
worship  in  the  past.     It  is,  generally  speaking. 


Medicine 

more    fertile    than    most    of    Media    Magna. 
[Medes;  Persia  ;  Persians.]        [w.st.c.t.] 

Me'dian.  Darius  "the  Mede"  (Dan.ll.i) 
is  thus  described  in  Dan. 5. 31. 

Mediator,  (i)  Gal.3. 19,20.  St.  Paul 
contrasts  the  elaborate  basis  of  contract  on 
which  the  legal  relationship  between  God  and 
Israel  was  founded  with  the  simplicity  and 
directness  of  "  the  promise."  The  law  is  an 
agreement  between  two  parties,  arranged  by  a 
mediator,  Moses  (not,  of  course,  Christ,  as 
Origen  supposed),  and  "  ordained  through 
angels"  (cf.  Deut.33.3,  LXX.).  "Now  a 
mediator  is  not  a  mediator  of  one,"  i.e.  the  idea 
of  mediation  implies  a  contract  to  which  there 
are  two  parties.  "  But  (iod  is  one  "  ;  to  the 
covenant  there  is  no  second  party  ;  God's 
promise  is  independent  ultimately  of  human 
wills,  however  much  for  a  time  they  mav 
thwart  it.  Thus  Christianity  implies  a  direct 
relationship  between  God  and  man,  and  in  this 
sense  mediation  is  a  thing  of  the  past.  (2) 
Nevertheless  St.  Paul's  epistles  are  full  of  a 
Christian  doctrine  of  mediation  ;  not,  however, 
a  mechanical  and  outward  mediation  like  that 
of  Moses,  but  one  that  rests  on  the  union  of  the 
divine  and  human  natures  in  Christ,  the  "one 
niediatf>r  between  God  and  men,  Himself  man" 
(iTim.2.5,  R.V.).  [Paul.]  (3)  One  of  the  central 
ideas  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews  is  that  Christ 
is  the  Mediator  of  the  "new  covenant"  fore- 
told in  Jc. 31. 31-34,  a  "better  covenant  enacted 
upon  better  promises  "  than  that  of  Moses 
(Heb.8.5.6).  But  this  mediation  is  the  antitype 
of  Aaron's  as  well  as  Moses'  (9. 13-13).  It  is 
the  priestly  mediation  of  the  unblemished  life 
devoted  in  sacrifice  to  God,  and  therefore  of 
cleansing  efficacy.  Christ  not  only  declares 
the  terms  of  a  contract  ;  He  enters  the  holy  of 
holies  "  through  His  own  blood,"  and  trans- 
forms the  relationship  of  man  to  Ciod.  The 
material  terrors  and  legal  code  of  Sinai  are  re- 
placed by  the  communion  of  saints  and  that 
new  covenant  whereof  Jesus  is  the  Mediator 
(12. 18-24).     [Hebrews,  Ep.  TO.]        [k.d.m.] 

Medicine.  Considering  what  a  high  pitch 
of  civilization  the  nations  of  the  O.T.  history 
reached,  it  is  astonishing  that  we  have  not 
more  evidence  of  their  knowledge  of  the  art  of 
healing.  That  the  Egyptians  had  a  very  con- 
siderable knowledge  of  the  matter  is  evident 
from  various  sources.  It  has  been  said  that 
their  acquaintance  with  anatomy  was  very 
deficient,  but  although  a  casual  observer  might 
deduce  this  from  the  lack  of  perspective  in 
their  descriptive  drawings  on  the  monuments, 
such  a  conclusion  is  unwarranted.  In  the 
British  Museum  are  portions  of  Egyptian 
sculpture,  which  in  themselves  are  sufficient 
evidence  of  very  considerable  anatomical  skill 
on  the  sculptor's  part.  Moreover,  the  better 
class  of  Embalming  was  not  carried  on  without 
much  knowledge  of  anatomy.  Doubtless,  there- 
fore, the  Jews  must  have  had  by  the  time  of  the 
Exodus  a  good  deal  of  such  knowledge.  Yet 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that,  with  the  exceptions 
of  circumcision  and  of  the  making  of  eunuchs, 
there  is  no  rclirence  in  either  the  O.T.  or  N.T. 
to  any  pra'tice  of  surgery,  though  mid-wifery 
seems  to  have  been  known  and  followed  as 
a  profession  among  the  very  earliest  peoples 
(Gen. 35.17;   Ex.1. 17;    iSam.4.2o).      It  is  in- 


Medicine 

teresting  to  note  that  the  Code  of  Hammurabi 
(c.  2100  B.C.)  includes  laws  concerning  the 
responsibihties  and  fees  of  doctors.  In  the 
present  article  we  deal  with  our  subject  under 
the  three  heads  of  disease,  treatment,  and 
hygiene,  (i)  Disease.  Many  diseases  are 
mentioned  in  O.T. — often,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
plagues  of  Egypt,  as  a  direct  punishment  for 
sin.  Indeed,  the  primary  idea  with  regard  to 
sickness  in  the  Jewish  mind  seems  always  to 
have  been  to  connect  it  with  wrong-doing, 
either  on  the  part  of  the  sufferer  himself  or  of 
those  intimately  related  to  him.  Thus,  when 
Abraham  denied  his  wife,  the  womenkind  of 
Abimelech  become  barren  (Gen. 20. 1 8),  dis- 
eases occur  among  the  plagues  of  Egypt  (Ex. 
9.9),  the  "  plague  "  is  the  direct  punishment  of 
the  evil  spies  (Num. 14. 37),  and  of  those  who 
followed  Korah  (16. 47),  and  so  throughout  the 
whole  of  O.T.  Even  in  N.T.  times  this  idea 
was  still  prevalent  among  the  Jews — e.g.  in 
St.  John  (9.2)  the  disciples  jump  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  a  man  born  blind  must  of  necessity 
be  either  himself  a  notorious  sinner  or  the  child 
of  such.  At  the  same  time  it  is  only  right  to 
remember  that  many  things  which  to  the  un- 
enlightened appear  to  be  abnormal  divine  in- 
terpositions are  really  the  simple  working  out 
of  the  divine  law  of  nature.  Thus  Dent. 28. 
i5ff.  might  well  be  taken  at  first  sight  to 
refer  to  some  miraculous  punishment  upon 
evildoers,  whereas  it  is  simply  a  statement  of 
the  natural  results  of  national  wrong-doing  in 
the  fields  of  economics,  justice,  and  morals.  To 
discuss  how  far  disease  miraculously  followed 
sin  in  the  case  of  the  Jewish  nation  is  outside 
our  scope,  though  the  cases  of  Korah  and  of  the 
evil  spies,  together  with  many  others,  seem 
fairly  conclusive  as  far  as  the  principle  is  con- 
cerned. To  turn  to  the  examination  of  dis- 
eases in  general.  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to 
identify  many  of  the  symptoms  mentioned  in 
the  Bible  with  special  modern  diseases.  Lep- 
rosy is  fully  treated  elsewhere,  but  we  may 
mention,  in  passing,  that  skin  diseases  of  one 
sort  and  another  are,  and  probably  always  have 
been,  exceedingly  common  in  the  East.  We 
therefore  find  many  references  to  such  :  to 
boils  (Ex.9.9  ;  Job  2.7  ;  Is.38.2i),  to  the 
"  botch  of  Egypt,"  coupled  with  the  scab  and 
itch  (Deut.28.27,35),  this  last  at  least  suggest- 
ing that  syphilis  was  present  then  as  now,  and 
to  gangrene  or  cancer  (whichever  interpreta- 
tion is  placed  upon  2Tim.2.i7).  Other  dis- 
eases mentioned  in  the  Scripture  are  as  follows. 
Emerods  were  the  punishment  of  the  Philis- 
tines who  profaned  the  ark  of  God  (iSam.5. 
6-12,6.4-11;  see  also  Deut.28.27).  These  were 
possibly  haemorrhoids  or  external  piles,  but 
more  probably  bubonic  plague.  [Plague.] 
Blindness  was  exceedingly  frequent  in  the 
East,  owing  to  various  local  conditions,  the 
dryness  of  the  atmosphere,  the  sand  and  glare, 
and  above  all  the  innumerable  foul-living  files, 
though  no  doubt  all  these  conditions  were 
ameliorated  by  the  exceedingly  careful  laws  of 
the  Jews  with  regard  to  cleanliness  and  sani- 
tation. Consumption  is  mentioned  in  Lev. 26. 
16  and  in  Deut. 28.22,  but  the  word  must  be 
regarded  as  purely  generic,  and  not  as  having 
necessarily  any  connexion  with  phthisis.  The 
withered  hand  of  1K.13.4-6  and  Mt.l2.io  is 


MEDICINE 


527 


either  paralysis  or  atrophy.  It  might  be  the 
result  of  disease  or  injury  to  nerve  or  artery. 
We  have  a  case  of  sunstroke  in  2K.4.19,  and 
possibly  of  dropsy  in  2Chr.l6.12.  Antiochus 
(2Mac.9.5-io)  and  Herod  Agrippa  I.  (Ac.l2. 
23)  are  said  to  have  been  "eaten  of  worms,"  and 
this  fate  is  also  ascribed  by  Josephus  to  Herod 
the  Great  (ijAnt.vi.).  Colic  is  specified  as  the 
direct  result  of  over-eating  (Ecclus.37.30),  and 
scurvy,  like  all  other  skin  affections,  is  a  bar  to 
a  descendant  of  Aaron  exercising  the  priest's 
office  (Lev. 21. 20).  Madness  is  frequently 
mentioned  or  implied.  Finally,  as  a  proof 
that,  however  deficient  the  medical  knowledge 
of  the  ancients  might  have  been,  they  were 
certainl}'  not  lacking  in  powers  of  observation, 
we  have  the  magnificent  description  of  old  age 
and  its  symptoms  in  Ec.l2.  (2)  Cures  and 
Treatment.  Here  Scripture  affords  us  very  little 
information.  We  find  throughout  Holy  Writ  a 
constant  mention  of  physicians,  but  few  indica- 
tions as  to  how  they  performed  their  office.  In 
all  probability  there  was,  at  least  in  the  earlier 
days,  a  great  deal  of  superstition  mixed  up 
with  their  ideas  of  treatment.  Thus,  the 
mandrake  is  supposed  to  correct  barrenness  in 
women  (Gen.3O.14),  and  according  to  the 
ancient  Jewish  legends,  Shem  and  Heber  are 
credited  with  power  to  work  magical  ciures,  and 
Abraham  has  a  talisman  the  touch  of  which 
will  cure  all  diseases.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  there  is  no  suggestion 
in  O.T.  of  the  healing  art  being  a  preserve  of 
the  priesthood,  as  is  usual  in  the  earlier 
development  of  a  nation.  The  priest  is  the 
proper  judge  of  leprosy,  but  this  is  apparently 
more  because  of  the  ceremonial  uncleanness  it 
involves  than  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
physician.  Indeed,  while  most  careful  direc- 
tions are  given  in  Lev.  13  as  to  the  diagnosis  of 
leprosy,  there  is  not  a  word  said  as  to  its  cure, 
apparently  intimating  that  the  priestly  work 
finished  with  the  pronouncement  of  clean  or 
unclean.  At  the  same  time  it  is  reasonable  to 
imagine  that  the  greater  dignity  and  leisure  of 
the  Levites  would  make  them  the  students, 
and  therefore  the  physicians,  of  the  nation. 
Healing  and  physicians  are  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible  (see  Ex. 21. 19  ;  2K.8.29  ; 
2Chr.l6.12  ;  Je.8.22,  etc.).  Solomon,  who 
"spake  of  trees"  (iK.4.33),  is  very  fond  of 
discussing  questions  of  disease  and  remedy  (Pr. 
3.8,6.15,12.18,17.22,20.30).  Elisha  has  know- 
ledge enough  to  heal  the  bitter  water  (2  K. 2.21) 
and  to  cure  the  poisonous  pottage  (4.39-41). 
[Poison.]  Hezekiah's  boil  is  treated  with  a 
compress  of  figs  (Is.38.2i),  and  Asa  is  blamed 
because  he  thinks  of  the  physicians  rather  than 
of  Him  from  Whom  their  skill  comes  (2Chr.l6. 
12).  The  Babylonish  Captivity  brought  the 
Jews  into  contact  with  new  methods  of  thought 
and  feeling,  and  no  doubt  increased  their 
knowledge  of  medicine  as  of  other  civilized 
arts.  Ecclesiasticus  shows,  by  its  repeated 
mention  of  physicians,  etc.,  the  increased  re- 
gard given  to  the  study  of  medicine,  as  is 
natural  in  a  book  probably  belonging  to  the 
period  of  the  Ptolemies.  The  wisdom  of  pre- 
vention is  recognized  in  18. 19.  Rank  and 
honour  are  said  to  be  the  portion  of  the  phy- 
sician, and  his  office  to  be  firom  the  Lord  (38. i, 
3,12).     The  repeated  allusions  to  sickness  (7. 


528 


MEDICINE 


35,30.17,31.22,37.30,88.9),  coupled  with  the 
former  recognition  of  merit,  have  caused  some 
to  speculate  that  the  author  was  himself  a 
phvsician,  but  of  this  there  is  no  evidence.  In 
Wis.  16. 1 2  plaister  is  spoken  of ;  anointing  in 
Tob.6.8  (see  also  Rev.3.i8).  In  the  period  of 
N.T.  St.  Luke,  "  the  beloved  physician,"  who 
had  practised  at  Antioch,  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  have  been  conversant  with  all  the 
leading  opinions  current  down  to  his  own 
time.  Situated  between  the  great  schools  of 
Alexandria  and  Cilicia,  within  an  easy  sea- 
transit  of  both,  as  well  as  of  the  Western  homes 
of  science,  Antioch  enjoyed  a  more  central 
position  than  any  great  city  of  the  ancient 
world,  and  in  it,  therefore,  all  the  streams 
of  contemporary  medical  learning  probably 
found  a  point  of  confluence.  The  medicine 
and  siurgery  of  St.  Luke  were  probably  not 
inferior  to  those  in  demand  among  educated 
Asiatic  Greeks,  and  must  have  been,  as  re- 
gards their  basis,  Greek  and  not  Jewish. 
(The  Greek  origin  of  Jewish  medicine  is  pro- 
bably indicated  by  a  number  of  words  for  drugs, 
doctors,  etc.,  in  the  Talmud,  all  of  which  are 
Greek.)  Hence  a  standard  Gk.  medical  writer, 
if  any  is  to  be  found  of  that  period,  would  best 
represent  the  profession  to  which  the  evangehst 
belonged.  Without  absolute  certainty  as  to 
date,  we  seem  to  have  such  a  writer  in  Aretaeus, 
commonly  called  "the  Cappadocian,"  who 
WTote  certainly  after  Nero's  reign  began, 
and  probably  floiurished  shortly  before  and 
after  the  decade  in  which  St.  Paul  reached 
Rome  and  Jerusalem  fell.  If  he  were  of  St. 
Luke's  age  it  is  striking  that  he  should  also  be 
perhaps  the  only  ancient  medical  authority  in 
favour  of  demoniacal  possession  as  a  possible 
account  of  epilepsy.  Assuming  the  date  above 
indicated,  he  may  be  taken  as  expounding  the 
medical  practice  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  ist  cent.  There  is,  however, 
much  strongly  marked  individuality  in  his 
work,  more  especially  in  the  minute  verbal 
portraiture  of  disease.  As  the  general  science 
of  medicine  and  surgery  of  this  period  may  be 
represented  by  Aretaeus,  so  we  have  near  that 
time  a  representative  of  Materia  medica  in 
Dioscorides.  He,  too,  was  of  the  same  general 
region,  a  Cilician  Greek,  and  his  first  lessons 
were  probably  learnt  at  Tarsus.  His  exact 
period  is  likewise  uncertain,  but  he  has  usually 
been  assigned  to  the  end  of  the  ist  or  the 
beginning  of  the  2nd  cent.  (3)  Hygiene.  In 
regard  to  this  aspect  of  the  treatment  or  avoid- 
ance of  disease,  we  find  much  more  advanced 
knowledge  than  in  the  branches  already 
treated.  The  tradition  of  personal  cleanliness 
among  the  Jews  was  pushed  to  an  extreme 
which  even  in  these  days  of  great  care  in  such 
matters  seems  at  first  to  be  unnecessary.  But 
further  consideration  shows  that  it  was  not  so. 
The  washing  of  hands  before  every  meal  (Mt. 
15.2  ;  Mk.7.3)  becomes  a  mere  axiom  of  clean- 
liness, when  we  remember  that  hands  were 
constantly  used  as  we  use  forks  (Mt. 26.23  >  J^- 
13.26)  ;  our  Lord  did  not  find  fault  with  the 
custom,  but  with  the  Pharisees  for  their  lack  of 
a  sense  of  proportion  (c/.  Mt. 23.23).  Again, 
in  Deut. 23.12, 13  we  have  a  direction  given 
professedly  for  ritual  reasons,  because  such 
reasons  would  appeal  to  the  Eastern  mind 


MEGIDDO 

more  than  mere  considerations  of  hygiene, 
but  which  contains  all  the  essentials  of  that 
most  recent  scientific  device,  the  "  earth- 
closet."  The  O.T.  rules  as  to  diet  and  the 
killing  of  animals  for  food  are  most  interesting. 
The  Talmudical  laws  of  "  Bediqah  "  elaborate 
these,  and,  if  carefully  observed,  are  said  to 
reduce  the  chance  of  infection  through  meat  to 
a  minimum.  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice  that 
in  a  country  where  dead  bodies  rapidly  putrefy 
and  infectious  flies  abound,  the  prohibitions 
as  to  touching  dead  bodies  (Num. 19. 11,  etc.  ; 
Lev. 17. 13-16)  become  absolutely  necessary  for 
health.  In  the  case  of  infectious  diseases, 
especially  of  leprosy,  most  elaborate  precau- 
tions are  enjoined  ;  all  of  which  are  amply 
justified  by  modern  research.  These  pre- 
cautions are  summed  up  by  Dr.  Adler,  the 
Chief  Rabbi,  as  follows  :  "  They  comprise  (i) 
complete  isolation  of  the  sick  from  his  family, 
friends,  and  the  general  community  till  the 
malady  had  disappeared  ;  (2)  a  thorough 
purification  of  the  patient  before  he  is  allowed 
to  re-enter  the  camp  ;  (3)  a  second  period  of 
quarantine  ;  (4)  lastly,  the  destruction  of  his 
clothes  and  other  effects."  To  compare  these 
directions  with  modem  ideas,  running  as  they 
do  on  almost  exactly  the  same  lines  of  pro- 
hibition, protection,  and  purification,  would  be 
a  fascinating  subject  for  further  investigation. 
The  precautions  as  to  "  leprous  houses  " 
[Leprosy]  have  called  forth  much  criticism, 
but  in  this  connexion  it  is  interesting  to  note 
the  comments  ol  Dr.  John  Sutherland.  "  When 
a  house,"  he  sa^'s,  "  has  been  built  in  a  locality 
where  the  air  is  moist  and  loaded  with  putre- 
scent matter,  or  where  a  house  has  been  over- 
crowded or  inhabited  an  undue  length  of  time, 
without  the  walls  having  been  cleansed,  the 
plaster  becomes  saturated  with  damp  and  with 
organic  matter,  etc.  Whenever  this  takes 
place  the  house  will  become  unhealthy  and  the 
colour  of  the  walls  will  be  changed.  A  green- 
ish or  reddish  tint  (these  are  the  very  colours 
of  the  house-leprosy  in  Deut.),  apparently 
arising  from  minute  lichens  or  fungi,  appears 
in  various  places,  and  it  is  in  houses  with  walls 
in  this  condition  that  cholera  and  other 
epidemics  usually  select  their  earUest  victims." 
In  view  of  these  and  many  more  instances  of 
the  near  approximation  of  ancient  and  modern 
hygiene,  is  it  very  far-fetched  to  say,  as  one 
writer  on  this  subject  has  done,  "  Still 
throughout  the  land,  in  this  twentieth  century, 
Moses  hath  in  every  city  them  that  preach 
him  "  ?  [F.J.] 

Me'eda  (iEsd.5.32)  =  Mehida. 

Megriddo'  (place  of  cutting.  The  ter- 
mination in  vail  shows  the  name  to  belong  to 
the  old  Canaanite  language,  which — like  the 
Babylonian — had  a  nominative  ending  in  u, 
as  in  Jericho,  etc.),  a  royal  Canaanite  city 
(J0S.I2.21),  noticed  between  Taanach  and 
Kedesh  (perhaps  of  Naphtali).  It  lay  in 
Issachar,  though  held  by  Manassch  (17.ii), 
being  one  of  "  three  countries "  (nephcth, 
"open  lands  "),  the  other  two  being  En- dor 
aiul  Taanach.  It  was  one  of  the  places  not 
taken  from  the  Canaanites  (Judg.l.27),  and  is 
noticed  in  this  passage  next  to  Ibleam.  The 
kings  of  Canaan  fought  "near  Taanach  unto  [or 
above]  the  waters  of  Megiddo  "  (5.19) ;  but 


MECUDDO 

the  battle  in  question  was  fought  near  En-dor. 
[KiSHON,  River.]  Megiddo  was  included  in 
Solomon's  fifth  district — answering  to  Issachar 
— which  reached  to  "  Taanach,  and  Megiddo, 
and  all  Beth-shean  "  (1K.4.12);  and  it  was 
fortified  by  him  (9.15).  Ahaziah  of  Judah  fled 
before  Jehu  from  Jezreel,  "  by  the  way  of 
Beth-hag-gan,"  to  Gur  by  Ibleam,  where  he 
was  wounded,  and  driven  thence  to  Megiddo 
(2K.9.27).  King  Josiah  met  the  Egyptians  at 
Megiddo,  and  was  there  slain  (23.29,30).  As 
Magiddo  (iEsd.l.29)  it  is  mentioned  as  having 
a  "  plain  "  near  it  ;  but  in  Zechariah  (12.ii) 
we  read  of  the  "valley  [biq'd]  of  Megiddon" 
—a  term  applying,  not  to  a  plain,  but  to  a 
wide  valley  between  mountain  chains.  The 
Armageddon  of  the  Apocalypse  (16. 16),  stated 
to  be  a  Heb.  word,  is  evidently  har-iwghid- 
don,  "  the  mountain  of  Megiddo,"  where  a 
future  triumph  is  represented  as  occurring,  on 
the  lield  where  Israel  lost  its  freedom  at  the 
death  of  Josiah.  None  of  these  notices  very 
clearly  indicate  the  position  of  Megiddo  ;  but 
it  was  a  strong  place,  well  watered,  in  or  near 
a  broad  valley,  on  the  highway  of  armies,  in 
the  lot  of  Issachar.  As  being  in  a  separate 
"  open  space,"  it  appears  not  to  have  been  in 
the  same  district  as  Taanach.  But  the  site 
was  unknown  in  the  4th  cent.,  and  the  Talmud 
does  not  notice  Megiddo.  Robinson's  sugges- 
tion that  it  lay  at  Lejjun  (the  Roman  Legio), 
4^  miles  N.W.  of  Taanach,  is  a  mere  conjec- 
ture, due  to  Megiddo  being  several  times 
noticed  next  to  Taanach,  and  to  the  site  being 
well  watered,  near  hills  and  plains,  and  evi- 
dently important.  Lejjun,  however,  is  not  on 
the  high-road  from  Egypt  to  Damascus,  which 
runs  on  E.  side  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon, 
whereas  that  on  the  W.  leads  to  Accho,  past 
Taanach.  There  is  no  highway  across  the 
plain  itself,  and  it  is  improbable  that  Ahaziah, 
even  if  he  fled  S.  to  Jenin,  would  then  have  fled 
again  to  N.W.  to  Lejjun.  Nor  is  it  likely  that 
two  royal  cities  (Megiddo  and  Taanach)  would 
have  been  within  five  miles  of  each  other, 
especially  as  they  were  in  different  "  coun- 
tries " — or  "  regions,"  according  to  the  Targum 
on  Joshua  (17. 11).  [Dor.]  The  monumental 
notices  are  rather  vague,  but  cast  some  light  on 
the  question.  About  1580  b.c.  Thothmes  III., 
on  his  first  campaign,  met  the  Hittites,  and 
other  Syrians,  at  Makitha  (or  Magida),  a  city 
which  appears  to  be  Megiddo,  since  Taanach  is 
noticed  in  the  account  of  his  advance.  He  was 
marching  on  Damascus,  and  the  account  of  his 
first  campaign,  on  the  walls  of  the  Karnak 
temple  (Brugsch,  Hist.  Egt.  i.  pp.  318-327), 
though  fragmentary,  is  valuable.  He  rejected 
the  N.  roads  near  Taanach,  and  apparently 
followed  the  more  open  trade  route  by  Do- 
THAN,  leading  to  Aaruna  (perhaps  'Arrdneh, 
near  Jezreel),  whence  he  entered  a  "  valley," 
and  invested  Megiddo  on  N.,  and  on  the  side  of 
the  "  southern  mountain."  The  enemy  fled 
into  the  fortress,  which  was  finally  taken,  and 
great  spoils  captured.  About  a  cent,  and  a 
half  later  an  Egyptian  traveller  (see  Brugsch, 
Hist.  Egt.  ii.  p.  106)  crossed  Lower  Galilee  to 
the  vicinity  of  Beth-shean  and  Rehobu  (Tell  er 
Rehab,  near  Beisdn),  and  speaks  next  of  the 
"  ford  of  J ordan "  and  the  "passage"  opposite 
Makitha  or  Megiddo.     This — like  the  notice  of 


ME-JAEJCON 


529 


Megiddo  with  Beth-shean  (iK.4.12) — suggests 
that  the  "  valley  "  of  Megiddo  was  near  the 
Jordan,  and  that  the  "  passage  "  was  the  broad 
vale  leading  W.  to  Jezreel.  If  so,  the  "  waters 
of  Megiddo  "maybethe  streams  near  the  large 
ruin  of  Mujedd'a,  which  lies  3  miles  S.W.  of 
Beisan,  with  a  mountain  to  its  S.,  where  the 
valley  of  Jezreel  enters  the  Jordan  Valley.  It 
commands  the  high-road  to  Damascus,  and  that 
down  the  Jordan  Valley,  which  reaches  Jerusa- 
lem by  the  Jericho  road — a  route  followed  by 
Pompey  and  Vespasian.  Thus  king  Josiah, 
marching  N.  up  the  valley,  would  be  on  the 
flank  of  the  Egyptian  advance  ;  and  Ahaziah, 
flying  to  Megiddo,  would  thence  be  carried  to 
Jerusalem  down  the  valley.  The  name 
Mujedd'a  (the  cut-off  place)  is  the  only  one 
known  in  this  region  recalling  Megiddo  (the 
place  of  cutting).  [c.r.c] 

Meg'iddon',  Valley  of,  the  extended 
form  of  Megiddo  (Zech.l2.ii  only). 

Mehetabeel'  (Mehetabel,  R.V.),  ancestor 
of  Shemaiah,  15  (Ne.6.io). 

Mehetabel',  daughter  of  Matred,  and  wife 
of  Hadad,  or  Hadar,  the  eighth  and  last-men- 
tioned king  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 39  ;    iChr.l.50). 

Mehida',  a  family  of  Nethinim  who  re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2. 
52  ;  Ne.7.54)- 

Mehip',  son  of  Chelub,  i  (iChr.4.ii). 

Mehol'athite,  The,  a  word  occurring 
once  only  (iSara.18. 19).  It  no  doubt  denotes 
that  Adriel  belonged  to  a  place  called  Meholah, 
but  whether  that  was  Abel-meholah,  afterwards 
the  native  place  of  Elisha,  is  uncertain. 

Mehujael',  son  of  Irad,  and  fourth  in  de- 
scent from  Cain  (Gen. 4. 18). 

Mehuman',  one  of  the  seven  eunuchs 
(A.V.  chamberlains)  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.l.io). 

Mehunim',  or  Meunim'  (plur.  forms). 
According  to  2Chr.26.7,  Uzziah,  king  of  Judah, 
gained  victories  over  the  Philistines,  Arabians  of 
Gurbaal,  and  the  Meunim.  These  are  apparently 
the  same  as  the  Maonites,  who  are  mentioned 
with  the  Zidonians  and  Amalekites  among  the 
oppressors  of  Israel  (Judg.lO.12),  though  the 
LXX.  reads  Midian  and  the  Vulg.  Chanaan.  In 
iChr.4.41  the  word  rendered  in  A.V.  by  "habita- 
tions" should  probably  be  "  Meunim,"  accord- 
ing to  the  q'-ri  reading  in  the  Massoretic  text  in 
the  LXX.  The  verse  refers  to  a  raid  by  the 
Simeonites  on  the  people  of  Ham  and  the  Meu- 
nim. In  2Chr.20.i  the  LXX.,  possibly  correctly, 
reads  "Meunim"  for  "Ammonites."  In  the 
lists  of  those  who  returned  from  captivity  the 
Meunim  are  reckoned  among  the  Nethinim 
or  temple-servants  (Ezr.2.50;  Ne.7.52).  The 
LXX.  renders  "  Meunim  "  in  all  three  passages 
of  Chronicles  by  MsLva'ioi,  and  in  Job  2.ii 
"  Zophar  the  Naamathite,"  the  third  friend  of 
the  patriarch,  is  called  Sw^dp  6  M  etrai  wv 
jSacriXevs,  evidently  an  attempt  to  connect  this 
people  with  the  Minean  Arabs,  who  were  well 
known  to  the  ancient  geographers.  Probably, 
however,  the  Meunim  (or  Maonites)  were  an 
Edomite  clan.     [Maon.]  [f-J.f.-j.] 

Me-jarkon'  (water  of  greenness,  Jos.  19. 
46),  mentioned  with  Rakkon  (Raqqeit)  and 
J  APHO  ( Ydfa),  as  in  the  lot  of  Dan.  Probably 
the  'Aujeh  stream,  flowing  from  Antipatris  to 
the  sea,  is  meant.     It  is  remarkable  for  the 

34 


530 


MEKONAH 


green  turf  by  its  head  springs  ;  and  there  are 
bushes  and  canes  along  its  course,    [c.r.c] 

Mekonah'  (R.V.  Meconah),  one  of  the 
towns  which  were  re-inhabited  after  the  Cap- 
tivity bythemenof Judah(Ne.ll.28).  Jerome 
(Onomasticon)  notices  Machamim  as  8  Roman 
miles  from  Eleutheropolis.  This  is  possibly  el 
Meqenn'a,  a  ruin  12  miles  N.W.  of  Beit  Jibrin. 
The  modern  name  means  "  veiled  one,"  but 
may  be  a  corruption  of  Mekonah.       [c.r.c] 

Melatiah',  a  Gibeonite,  who  assisted  in 
rebuilding  the  wadl  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.7). 

Mel'chl. — 1.  Son  of  Janna  (Lu.3.24),  and 
— 2-  Son  of  Addi  (3.28),  both  ancestors  of 
Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ. 

Melchiah'.     [Malchijah,  i.] 

Melchi'as. — 1.  {iEsd.9.26)  =  MALCHiAH,  2. 
— 2.  (9.32)  =  Malchijah,  4. — 3.  {9.44)  = 
Malchiaii,  6. 

Melchler,  father  of  Charmis  (Jth.8.15). 

Melchis'edec,  the  form  of  Melchizedek 
in  A.V.  of  N.T.  (Heb.5,6,7). 

Melchi-shu'a  (iSam.14.49,31.2).  Cor- 
rectly Malchishua. 

Melchizedek,  king  of  Salem  and  priest  of 
the  Most  High  God,  met  Abram  in  the  valley 
of  Shaveh  (the  king's  dale),  brought  out  bread 
and  wine,  blessed  Abram,  and  received  tithes 
from  him  (Gen.l4.i8-2o).  In  Ps.llO.4  the 
Messiah  is  described  as  a  priest  for  ever,  "  after 
the  order  of  Melchizedek,"  and  in  Heb.5,6,7, 
these  two  passages  of  O.T.  are  quoted,  and  the 
typical  relation  of  Melchizedek  to  our  Lord  is 
stated  at  great  length.  There  is  something 
surprising  and  mysterious  in  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Melchizedek,  and  in  the  subsequent 
reference  to  him.  Bearing  a  title  ("king  of 
righteousness ")  which  Jews  in  after  ages 
would  recognize  as  designating  their  own 
sovereign,  bearing  gifts  which  recall  to 
Christians  the  Lord's  Supper,  this  Canaanite 
crosses  for  a  moment  the  path  of  Abram,  and  is 
unhesitatingly  recognized  as  a  person  of  higher 
spiritual  rank  than  the  friend  of  God.  The 
faith  of  early  ages  invested  his  person  with 
superstitious  awe.  A  Jewish  tradition  pro- 
nounces Melchizedek  to  be  a  survivor  of  the 
Deluge — the  patriarch  Shem.  Equally  old, 
jierhaps,  but  less  widely  diffused,  is  the  suppo- 
sition, not  unknown  to  .\ugustine,  and  ascribed 
by  Jerome  to  Origen  and  Didymus,  that 
Melchizedek  was  an  angel.  The  Fathers  of  the 
4th  and  5th  cents,  record  with  reprobation  the 
tenet  of  the  Melchizedekians  that  he  was  a 
Power,  Virtue,  or  Influence  of  God,  and  the 
not  less  daring  conjecture  of  Hieracas  and 
his  followers  that  Melchizedek  was  the  Holy 
(ihost.  Epiphanius  mentions  the  erroneous 
opinion  of  some  Christians  that  Melchizedek 
was  the  Son  of  God  appearing  in  hmnan  form. 
Similar  to  this  was  a  Jewish  opinion  that  he 
was  the  Messiah.  The  context  in  Gen.  would 
lead  to  the  inference  that  Melchizedek  was  of 
one  blood  with  the  children  of  Shem,  among 
whom  he  lived,  chief  (like  the  king  of  Sodom) 
of  a  settled  Canaanitish  tribe.  As  Balaam  was 
a  prophet,  so  Melchizedek  was  a  priest,  among 
the  corrupted  heathen,  not  self-appointed,  but 
constituted  by  a  special  gift  from  God,  and 
recognized  as  such  by  Him.  The  "  order  of 
Melchizedek,"  in  Ps.llO.4,  means  likeness  in 
official  dignity  as  king  and  priest.    The  relation 


MELITA 

between  Melchizedek  and  Christ  as  type  and 
antitype  is  :  that  each  was  a  priest,  (i)  not  of 
the  Levitical  tribe  ;   (2)  superior  to  Abraham  ; 

(3)  whose  beginning  and  end  are  unknown  ; 

(4)  who  is  not  only  a  priest,  but  also  a  king  of 
righteousness  and  peace  (Heb.5,6,7).  [He- 
brews, Ep.  to.]  Salem  may  have  occupied 
in  Abraham's  time  the  ground  on  which  after- 
wards Jerusalem  stood:  and  Shaveh  was 
possibly  the  Kidron  Valley  E.  of  Jerusalem. 
Jerome,  Ep.  Ixxiii.  ad  Evangelum  ;  Aquinas,  3 
Summa,  xxii,  §6;  Turretinus,  Theologia,  ii.  pp. 
443-453  ;  Mozley,  Lectures  on  O.T.,  pp.  20,  21 ; 
and  for  a  parallel  story  from  the  monuments  as 
evidence  to  his  historical  character,  see  Sayce, 
Higher  Crit.  and  Man.  ch.  iv.  [c.r.d.b.] 

Mel'ea,  son  of  Menan,  and  ancestor  of 
Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of  our  Lord  (Lu.3.31). 

Mel'ech,  second  son  of  Micah  son  of 
Merib-baal,  or  Mephibosheth  (iChr.8.35,9.41). 

Melicu'  (Ne. 12.14)  =  Malluch,  6. 

Mel'ita,  the  modern  Malta.  This  island 
is  noted  in  Scripture  as  the  scene  of  that 
shipwreck  of  St.  Paul  which  is  described  so 
minutely  in  the  Acts,  (i)  We  find  St.  Paul's 
ship  about  a  day  after  she  left  Fair  Havens, 
i.e.  when  she  was  under  the  lee  of  Clauda 
(Ac. 27. 16),  laid-to  on  the  starboard  tack,  and 
strengthened  with  "  undergirders,"  the  boat 
being  just  taken  on  board,  and  the  gale  blow- 
ing hard  from  the  E.N. E.  (2)  Assuming  (what 
every  practised  sailor  would  allow)  that  the 
ship's  direction  of  drift  would  be  about  W. 
by  N.,  and  her  rate  of  drift  about  a  mile  and 
a  half  an  hour,  we  come  to  the  conclusion, 
by  measuring  the  distance  on  the  chart,  that 
she  would  be  brought  to  the  coast  of  Malta  on 
the  13th  day  (see  ver.  27).  13)  A  ship  drifting 
in  this  direction  to  the  place  traditionally 
known  as  St.  Paul's  Bay  would  come  there 
without  previously  touching  any  other  part  of 
the  island,  since  the  coast  trends  from  this  bay 
to  the  S.E.,  as  may  be  seen  in  any  chart  of 
Malta.  (4)  On  Koura  Point,  which  is  the  S.E. 
extremity  of  the  bay,  there  must  infallibly  have 
been  breakers  when  the  N.E.  wind  was  blowing. 
Now  the  alarm  wasjcertaiuly  caused  by  breakers, 
for  it  took  place  in  the  night  (ver.  27),  and  it 
does  not  appear  that  the  passengers  were  at 
first  aware  of  the  danger  which  the  quick  ear 
of  the  "  sailors  "  recognized.  (5)  Yet  the  vessel 
did  not  strike:  and  this  corresponds  with  the 
position  of  the  point,  which  would  be  some 
little  distance  on  the  port  side,  or  to  the  left, 
of  the  vessel.  (6)  Off  this  point  of  the  coast 
the  soundings  are  20  fathoms  (ver.  28),  and  a 
little  farther,  in  the  direction  of  the  supposed 
drift,  they  are  15  fathoms  (ib.).  (7)  Though 
the  danger  was  imminent,  we  find  from 
examining  the  chart  that  there  would  still  be 
time  to  anchor  (ver.  2<))  before  striking  on  the 
rocks  ahead.  (8)  With  bad  holding  ground 
there  would  have  been  great  risk  of  the  ship 
dragging  her  anchors.  The  bottom  of  St. 
Paul's  Bay  is  remarkably  tenacious.  (9)  The 
other  geological  characteristics  of  the  place 
are  in  harmony  with  the  narrative,  which 
describes  the  creek  as  having  in  one  place 
a  sandy  or  muddy  beach  (ver.  39),  and  which 
states  that  the  bow  of  the  ship  was  held  fast 
in  the  shore,  while  the  stern  was  exposed  to 
the  action  of  the  waves  (ver.  41).    (10)  Another 


point  of  local  detail  is  of  considerable  interest 
— viz.  that  as  the  ship  took  the  ground,  the 
place  was  observed  to  be  St^aXdcrcros,  i.e-  a 
connexion  was  noticed  between  two  currents. 
We  see  from  the  chart  that  this  is  the 
case.  [Sea.]  (ii)  Malta  is  in  the  track  of 
ships  between  Alexandria  and  Puteoli  ;  and 
this  corresponds  with  the  fact  that  the  Castor 
and  Pollux,  an  Alexandrian  vessel  which 
ultimately  conveyed  St.  Paul  to  Italy,  had 
wintered  in  the  island  (28. ii).  (12)  Finally, 
the  course  pursued  in  this  conclusion  of  the 
voyage,  first  to  Syracuse,  and  then  to  Rhegium, 
contributes  a  last  link  to  the  chain  of  argu- 
ments by  which  we  prove  that  Melita  is 
Malta.  The  question  has  been  set  at  rest 
for  ever  by  Mr.  Smith  of  Jordan  Hill,  in  his 
Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul,  the  first 
published  work  in  which  it  was  thoroughly 
investigated  from  a  sailor's  point  of  view. 
The  island  of  Malta,  when  St.  Paul  was  there, 
was  a  dependency  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Sicily.  Its  chief  officer  (under  the  governor 
of  Sicily)  appears  from  inscriptions  to  have 
had  the  title  of  irpujTos  MeXtraiw;',  or  Primus 
Melitensium,  and  this  is  the  very  phrase  which 
St.  Luke  uses  (Ac.28.7).  Malta,  from  its  position 
in  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  excellence  of  its 
harbours,  has  always  been  important  both  in 
commerce  and  war.  It  was  a  settlement  of  the 
Phoenicians  at  an  early  period,  and  their 
language,  in  a  corrupted  form,  continued  to  be 
spoken  there  in  St.  Paul's  day. 

Melons  (Num.11. 5  only).  The  Heb. 
'dbafjihim  probably  represents  both  the  melon 
(Cucumis  melo)  and  the  water-melon 
(Cucurbita  citrullus) ;  the  Arab,  noun  baffikhah 
is  identical  with  the  Heb.  The  water-melon 
is  by  some  considered  to  be  indigenous  to 
India,  whence  it  may  have  been  very  early 
introduced  into  Egypt.  The  common  melon 
{Cucumis  melo)  is  cultivated  in  the  same  places 
and  ripens  at  the  same  time  as  the  water-melon. 
The  water-melon,  now  extensively  cultivated 
in  all  hot  countries,  is  not  unlike  the  common 
melon,  but  the  leaves  are  deeply  lobed  and 
gashed,  the  flesh  is  pink  or  white,  and  contains 
a  large  quantity  of  cold  watery  juice  without 
much  flavour;  the  seeds  are  black.  [The  read- 
ing of  Wyclif  and  Geneva  versions  is  pepons  (or 
pumpkins).  Pliny  says  of  cucumbers  :  "  Now 
when  they  exceed  in  greatnes,  they  be  called 
Pepones,  i.e.  Melons  or  Pompons  . . .  with  meats 
they  are  not  unwholesome  :  and  yet  for  the 
most  part  swim  they  will  aloft,  and  ride  upon  a 
man's  stomacke  "  (Holland's  trans.),      h.c.h.] 

Melzap  (the  Melzar,  Dan.l.ii,i6  ;  the 
steward,  R.V.).  Not  a  proper  name,  as  in 
A. v.,  but  probably  the  Assyr.  word  massaru 
(masaru,  mazzaru),  "  a  guardian,"  "warden," 
\/nasdru,  "  to  guard  "  :  cf.  minzdr  in  Na.3. 
17.  (The  latter  form  retains  the  n  of  the  root, 
which  in  melsdr  is  softened  to  I,  and  in  Assyr. 
is  assimilated  to  the  s  following.)  In  Assyr. 
we  find  masar  sibitti,  "  guardian  of  the  prison," 
"  gaoler";  masar  6a&«,  "guardian  of  the  gate," 
etc.,  in  frequent  use.  But  see  Semitic 
Languages.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Mem'mius,  Quintus  (2Mac.ll. 34). 
[Manlius,  T.] 

Memphis,  a  city  of  ancient  Egypt  on  the 
W.  bank  of  the  Nile,   mentioned  by  Isaiah 


]yrEM:l»His 


5.31 


(I9.13),  Jeremiah  (2.16,46.14,19),  Ezekiel 
(30.13,16)  under  the  name  of  Noph  and  by 
Hosea  (9.6)  under  the  name  of  Moph;  but  the 
LXX.  everywhere  reads  Me'/x</)ts-  It  has 
various  names  in  old  Egyptian,  one  being 
Mennefert,  "  the  good  resting-place,"  of  which 
the  first  syllable  Men  is  the  name  of  Mena  or 
Menes,  said  by  the  Greeks  to  be  the  founder  of 
the  city.  Memphis  was  situate  near  the  head 
of  the  Delta,  not  very  far  from  the  present  city 
of  Cairo.  Its  ruins  are  marked  by  the  mounds 
in  the  villages  of  Bedreshein  and  Mitrahineh, 
which  show  that  its  extent  must  have  been 
considerable  ;  according  to  Diodorus,  the  cir- 
cuit of  the  city  was  150  stadia.  Herodotus 
says  that  Menes,  the  first  king  of  Egypt,  built 
Memphis  on  land  which  he  reclaimed  from  the 
river.  The  Nile  flowed,  before  his  time,  along 
the  Libyan  Desert.  He  banked  it  up,  and  dug 
a  new  course  half-way  between  the  two  lines  of 
hills.  In  the  new  city  he  erected  a  temple  to 
Hephaistos,  identified  by  the  Greeks  with 
Phtah.  Thus  Memphis  would  be  one  of  the 
oldest  cities  of  Egypt.  Linant  Pasha  thinks 
that  he  discovered  Mena's  work  in  the  em- 
bankment at  Kosheishe.  about  35  miles  above 
the  site  of  Memphis.  The  great  god  of  Mem- 
phis was  Phtah  ;  and  even  when  Memphis 
could  not  be  called  the  capital,  its  temple  was 
one  of  the  great  sanctuaries  of  the  country 
together  with  Thebes  and  Heliopolis.  The  triad 
of  Memphis  was  Phtah,  Sekhit  (a  lion-headed 
goddess),  and  Nef  ertum,  or  sometimes  Imhotep. 
Phtah  has  generally  a  human  appearance, 
mummy-shaped ;  his  legs  are  joined,  he  has  no 
head-dress,  and  he  holds  a  sceptre.  He  is  often 
styled  the  lord  of  truth  or  justice.  Nothing 
remains  of  his  temple,  except  a  few  statues. 
A  colossus  of  Ramses  II.,  now  prostrate,  pro- 
bably stood  in  the  dromos.  Memphis  was  also 
the  residence  of  Apis,  one  of  the  two  sacred 
bulls,  the  other  one,  Mnevis,  being  at  Helio- 
polis. The  cemetery  of  the  Apis  (the  Sera- 
peum)  has  been  discovered  by  Mariette.  It 
is  at  Saqqarah  in  the  desert,  a  short  distance 
from  Memphis.  It  consists  of  subterranean 
galleries,  on  which  open  the  niches  containing 
the  enormous  sarcophagi  of  the  sacred  animals. 
The  nome,  or  province,  of  Memphis  was  called 
"  the  white  wall  "  ;  it  was  also  the  name  of  the 
citadel.  The  Greeks  translated  it  Xsvkov  reixos. 
This  fortress  was  often  occupied  by  foreign 
garrisons,  e.g.  the  Persians.  Memphis  was  the 
most  important  city  of  the  kingdom  under  the 
great  dynasties  of  the  old  empire,  the  4th, 
the  5th,  and  the  6th,  as  we  can  see  from  the 
extent  of  the  necropolis.  The  whole  region 
now  called  Abu  Roash,  Ghizeh,  Saqqarah,  and 
even  farther  S.  is  the  cemetery  of  Memphis 
and  Heliopolis,  but  chiefly  of  the  former. 
Under  the  Memphite  kings  there  was  a  re- 
markable development  of  civilization,  and  art 
reached  a  perfection  not  afterwards  surpassed. 
This  was  the  time  when  the  kings  were  buried 
in  pyramids,  these  huge  buildings  being 
erected  for  that  purpose.  Under  the  great 
dynasties  of  the  new  empire  (the  i8th  to  the 
20th),  Memphis  was  superseded  by  Thebes,  but 
was  still  an  important  city.  With  the  decay 
of  Thebes  and  the  passing  of  political  powerto 
the  Delta,  it  again  increased  in  importance,  and 
for  this  reason  Memphis  is  often  mentioned  by 


532 


MEMtrCAN 


the  prophets  when  they  threaten  Egypt  with 
impending  calamities.  Later  still,  during  the 
wars  against  the  Persians,  the  political  life  of 
the  country  centred  in  Lower  Egypt,  and  the 
fate  of  the  kingdom  depended  on  that  of 
Memphis — for  instance,  when  Cambyses  con- 
quered the  city  in  525  B.C.  Memphis  was  the 
last  place  of  refuge  for  Nectanebo  IL  when 
Artaxerxes  Ochus  invaded  the  land.  Nectanebo 
dared  not  face  the  Persian  army,  but  gathered 
his  treasures  and  fled  to  Ethiopia.  This  was 
the  end  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy.  Ochus 
entered  the  city  and  pillaged  it,  and  Egypt 
became  a  Persian  satrapy  (350  b.c).  There  are 
Roman  imperial  coins  of  the  nome  of  Memphis, 
which  show  the  goddess  Isis  standing,  and  the 
Apis  l)ull.  We  do  not  know  exactly  when 
Meniphis  ceased  to  exist ;  but  the  foundation  of 
Fostat  (old  Cairo)  by  the  Caliphs  (638  a.u.)  on 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  certainly  contri- 
buted to  its  destruction.  The  materials  of  the 
I  lid  ( ity  were  used  for  the  new  capital,     [e.n.] 

Memucan',  one  of  the  seven  princes  of 
IVrsia  in  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus,  who  "  saw  the 
king's  face,"  and  sat  first  in  the  kingdom  (Esth. 
1.13-22).  They  were  "  wise  men  who  knew 
the  times  "  (skilled  in  the  planets,  according  to 
.•\ben  Ezra),  and  appear  to  have  formed  a  coun- 
cil of  state  ;  Josephus  says  that  one  of  their 
duties  was  to  interpret  the  laws  (11  Anl.  vi.  i). 

Menahem',  son  of  Cladi,  slew  the  usurper 
Shallum  and  seized  the  throne  of  Israel,  759 
B.C.,  and  reigned  ten  years  (2K. 15. 14-22). 
From  vcr.  14  it  has  been  inferred  that  Mena- 
hem was  a  general  under  Zechariah  stationed 
at  Tirzah,  and  that  he  brought  up  his  troops 
to  Samaria  and  avenged  the  murder  of  his 
master  by  Shallum.  He  maintained  the  calf- 
worship  of  Jeroboam.  The  contemporary  pro- 
phets, Hosea  and  Amos,  have  left  a  melancholy 
picture  of  the  ungodliness,  demoralization,  and 
feebleness  of  Israel.  In  the  brief  history  of 
Menahem,  his  ferocious  treatment  of  Tifusah 
occupies  a  conspicuous  i)lace.  The  time  of 
the  occurrence  and  the  site  of  the  town  are 
matters  of  uncertainty.  During  Menahem's 
reign  the  .\ssyrians  invaded  Israel  f(jr  the  first 
time  under  Pul  (identified  with  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.;  see  Kittel,  Hisl.  0/  the  Hebrews, 
bk.  iii.  oh.  v.).  Pul,  however,  withdrew, 
having  been  converted  from  an  enemy  into 
an  ally  by  a  gift  of  1,000  talents  of  silver. 

Men'an,  son  of  Mattatha,  and  ancestor  of 
Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lu.3.31). 

Mene'.mene  ,  tekel'  uphapsin'.  These 
words  (Dan. 5. 25-28)  were  written  on  the  wall 
of  Belshazzar's  palace,  apparently  in  Aram, 
letters.  The  Aramaic  language  was  exten- 
sively used  then,  and  even  previously,  as  the 
commercial  tongue  of  Western  Asia,  and  there 
could  be  no  difficulty  in  translating  these 
very  ordinary  Aram,  words,  nvni  m'ni 
t''qel  upharsin,  especially  as  the  change  of 
only  two  consonants  (/  into  i  and  the  omission 
of  the  final  n)  would  render  every  word 
Assyrian.  Their  meanitifi,  however,  was 
enough  to  cause  terror  to  Helshazzar,  besieged 
in  the  citadel  of  Babylon  by  the  Persians  : 
it     is,     "  Numbered,    numbered,    weighed,* 

"  I'lmctualinK /<•(/// for /•■</<"•/.  Vowel  points  were 
not  Ihtn  invented,  nor  weic  the  weak  letters  used 
instead. 


MENI 

and  divisions "'  (or,  "  they  are  dividing,"  if 
we  read  upharsin).  In  .A.ssyr.  the  verb  manu, 
"  to  number,  to  allot,"  often  means  "  to  hand 
over,"  especially  to  destruction  ;  and  pardsu  in 
Assyr.  means  not  only  "  to  divide  "  but  also 
"to  scatter,"  e.g.  to  the  four  winds,  "to  break 
in  pieces."  In  both  .Assyr.  and  Aram,  the 
final  word  would  mean  both  divisions  and 
Persians,  so  that  paranomasia  was  hardly 
needed  to  make  the  miraculously  written  words 
seem  ominous  under  the  circumstances.  The 
LXX.,  Vulg.,  and  Theodotion  wTongly  omit 
one  nfuS.  p'res  is  the  Aram,  singular  of 
parsin,  which  becomes  pharsin  when  the  fJ 
("  and ")  is  prefixed.  Contrary  views  are 
expressed  by  Sayce,  who  renders,  "  Reckon 
a  maneh,  a  shekel  and  (its)  parts "  (from 
Clermont-Ganneau  :  Sayce's  Higher  Criticism 
and  the  Monument';,  p.  530)  ;  and  by  Kamp- 
hausen,  "  There  has  been  counted  a  maneh,  a 
shekel  and  half-manehs"  ("  Hook  of  Daniel  in 
Hebrew,"  Polychrome  Bible).  [w.st.c.t.] 

Menela'us,  according  to  Josephus  {12  Ant. 
V.  i),  was  a  younger  brother  of  Jason  and 
Onias,  and,  like  Jason,  changed  his  name  Onias 
for  a  Gk.  one.  More  probably  he  was  a 
brother  of  Simon  the  Benjamite  (2Mac.4.23). 
In  this  case  he  was  not  of  priestly  descent.  He 
nevertheless  purchased  the  high-priesthood 
from  .Antiochus  Ei^ijihancs  (171  B.C.),  out- 
bidding Jason  (4.24).  Dilificulties  arising  as  to 
the  payment  of  the  bribe,  he  was  summoned 
to  Antioch,  where,  in  the  king's  absence,  he 
persuaded  .'\ndronicus,  the  governor,  to  murder 
Onias  (4.27-36)  ;  and  on  the  king's  return  he 
bribed  Ptolejnee  to  secure  from  E]iiphanes  his 
own  acquittal  and  the  punishment  of  his 
accusers  (4.30-50).  While  Epiphanes  was 
away  in  Egypt  (170  B.C.).  Jason,  to  regain  the 
high-priesthood,  fell  upon  Jerusalem  and  drove 
Menelaus     into      the     citadel.  Epiphanes 

promptly  returned,  and  plundered  both  city 
and  temple,  the  latter  with  the  help  of  Mene- 
laus, who  thus  regained  his  position  (8.5-16, 
23-26).  Nothing  more  is  heard  of  him  until 
he  fell  into  disfavour  with  Antiochus  V.  (162 
B.C.),  who  executed  him  at  Beroea  in  a  manner 
deserved  by  his  sacrilege  (13. 3-8).         fc.D.] 

Menes'theus,  father  of  Apollosius,  3 
(2Mac.4.2i). 

Menl'.  The  last  clause  of  Is.65.ii  is  rend- 
ered in  A.V.  "  and  that  furnish  the  drink- 
offering  unto  that  number."  with  the  marginal 
reading  for  the  last  word  "  Meni."  The  R.V. 
has  "  destiny,"  indicating  that  the  word  so 
rendered  is  the  name  of  an  object  of  idolatrous 
worship  by  the  Jews  at  Babylon.  Meni  has 
been  regarded  as  the  Moon-god  or  goddess 
(Deus  Lunus  or  Dea  Luna),  masculine  as  the 
illuminator  of  the  earth,  feminine  as  the  one 
who  receives  light  from  the  sun.  Rasbi, 
.'\branel,  and  others  understood  by  it  the 
"  number  "  of  the  priests  who  formed  the  com- 
pany of  revellers  at  the  feast.  Kimchi  says  of 
Meni  that  "  it  is  a  star,  and  some  interpret  of  it 
the  stars  which  are  numbered,"  i.e.  the  planets, 
(iesenius  connected  the  word  with  viandh  in 
the  sense  of  assigning  or  distributing,  to  which 
he  refers  Mandh.  one  of  the  three  idols  wor- 
shipped by  the  Arabs  before  the  time  of  Mo- 
hammed (Knrdn,  Sura  53  :  "  What  think  ye  of 
Allat,  and  Al-Uzzah,  and  Mandh,  that  other 


MEONENIM,  PLAIN  OF 

third  goddess  ?  ").  Mandh  was  adored  by  the 
tribes  of  Hitdheyl  and  Khuzd'ah,  and  the  idol 
was  a  large  stone,  ultimately  demolished  by  a 
man  named  Sa'ad.  Meni  would  therefore  be 
the  personification  of  fate  or  destiny — possibly, 
as  Gesenius  thought,  identified  with  the 
planet  Venus,  known  to  Arab  astrologers  as 
"  the  lesser  good  fortune  "  (the  planet  Jupiter 
— identified  by  Jewish  tradition  with  Gad — 
being  the  greater).  Lenormant  has  identified 
Meni  with  a  deity,  seemingly  masculine,  named 
Mann  Rabi't,  possibly  meaning  "  the  great  good 
fortune,"  who  was  worshipped  in  the  temple  of 
Uras  at  Assur,  the  capital  of  AssxTia.    [t.g.p.] 

Meonenim',  Plain  of,  "  the  plain  [other- 
wise "  oak,"  or  "  tree  "]  of  enchanters,"  near 
Shechem  (Judg.9.37).     [Pillar,  Plain  of.] 

Meonothai',  son  of  Othniel,  and  founder 
of  Ophrah  (iChr.4.14;  cf.  marg.  and  Vulg.). 

Mepha'ath  (beauty),  a  city  of  the  Reuben- 
ites  (Jos. 13. 18),  lying  in  the  Mishor  (cf.  17,  and 
Je.48.2i,  A.V.  plain),  or  plateau  of  Moab.  It 
was  allotted  to  the  Merarite  Levites  (Jos. 21. 37 ; 
iChr.6.79).  It  seems  to  have  been  not  far  from 
Heshbon,  but  the  site  is  unknown.       [c.r.c] 

Mephibo'sheth. — 1.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Saul  by  Rizpah,  surrendered  by  David  to  the 
Gibeonites,  and  by  them  put  to  death,  to  avert 
a  famine  from  which  the  country  was  suffer- 
ing.— 2-  The  son  of  Jonathan,  grandson  of 
Saul,  and  nephew  of  the  preceding.  His  origi- 
nal name,  Merib-baal,  is  preserved  in  iChr.8. 
34,9.40.  (i)  His  life  seems  to  have  been,  from 
beginning  to  end,  one  of  trial  and  discomfort. 
How,  at  5  years  of  age,  he  became  permanently 
lame,  owing  to  a  fall  in  the  hurried  flight  of  his 
nurse  on  the  news  of  Saul's  defeat  at  Gilboa, 
is  related  in  aSam. 4. 4.  (2)  After  this  accident, 
Mephibosheth  was  carried  with  the  rest  of  his 
family  beyond  Jordan  to  the  mountains  of 
Gilead,  where  he  found  a  refuge  in  the  house 
of  Machir  at  Lo-debar,  not  far  from  Mahanaim, 
which  during  the  reign  of  his  uncle  Ishbosheth 
was  the  headquarters  of  his  family.  By  Ma- 
chir he  was  brought  up,  there  he  married,  and 
was  living  there  when  David,  having  com- 
pleted the  subjugation  of  the  adversaries  of 
Israel  on  every  side,  had  leisure  to  turn  his  at- 
tention to  other  matters.  So  completely  had 
the  family  of  the  late  king  vanished  from  the 
W.  side  of  Jordan,  that  the  only  person  to  be 
met  with  in  any  way  related  to  them  was  one 
ZiBA,  from  whom  David  learnt  of  the  existence 
of  Mephibosheth.  Royal  messengers  were  sent 
to  the  house  of  Machfr  at  Lo-debar,  and  by 
them  the  prince  and  his  infant  son  Micha  were 
brought  to  Jerusalem.  The  interview  with 
David  was  marked  by  extreme  kindness  on  the 
part  of  the  king,  and  on  that  of  Mephibosheth 
by  characteristic  fear  and  humility.  David  re- 
stored all  the  property  of  his  grandfather  to 
him,  with  the  whole  family  and  establishment 
of  Ziba  as  his  slaves.  He  himself  was  to  be  a 
daily  guest  at  David's  table,  and  henceforward 
resided  at  Jerusalem.  (3)  An  interval  of  about 
seventeen  years  brings  us  to  the  crisis  of  Da- 
vid's life.  Of  Mephibosheth's  behaviour  on 
this  occasion  we  possess  his  own  account  (2 
Sam.19.24-30)  and  that  of  Ziba  (16. 1-4).  They 
are  naturally  at  ^variance.  Ziba  tells  his  story 
first,  and  is  given  the  possessions  of  his  master, 
thus  once  more  reinstating  him  in  the  position 


MERARI 


533 


he  had  lost  on  Mephibosheth's  arrival  in  Judah. 
Mephibosheth's  story,  told  several  days  later, 
when  he  met  David  returning  to  his  kingdom 
at  the  W.  bank  of  Jordan,  was  very  different. 
David  evidently  believed  it,  and  revoked  his 
previous  judgment,  but  allowed  Ziba  to  retain 
half  the  lands  of  Mephibosheth.  "  Shall  then 
any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day  ?  "  is  the 
key-note  of  the  whole  proceeding.  A  different 
view  of  Mephibosheth's  conduct  was  main- 
tained with  much  ingenuity  by  Prof.  Blunt  in 
his  Undesigned  Coincidences.  But  Mephibo- 
sheth could  have  had  nothing  to  hope  for 
from  the  revolution.  Ziba,  on  the  other  hand, 
had  everything  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose  by 
a  change  of  affairs.  The  absence  of  the  name  of 
Mephibosheth  from  the  dying  words  of  David 
is  the  main  occasion  of  Dr.  Blunt's  strictures  ; 
but  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that,  in  the  interval 
of  eight  years  between  David's  return  to  Jeru- 
salem and  his  death,  Mephibosheth's  painful 
life  had  come  to  an  end — possibly  he  did  not 
long  survive  the  anxieties  and  annoyances  con- 
sequent upon  Ziba's  treachery. 

Mepab',  the  elder  daughter  of  Saul  (iSam. 
14.49).  She  first  appears  after  the  victory  over 
Goliath,  when  David  had  become  an  inmate  in 
Saul's  house  (iSam.18.2)  and  a  friend  of  Jona- 
than. In  accordance  with  his  promise  (17. 25), 
Saul  betrothed  Merab  to  David  (18. 17).  David 
hesitated,  and  before  the  marriage  Merab's 
younger  sister  Michal  had  displayed  her  at- 
tachment for  David,  and  Merab  was  then  mar- 
ried to  Adriel  the  Meholathite  (18.18,19),  to 
whom  she  bore  five  sons  (2Sam.21.8,  see  R.V. 
marg.).  In  the  A.V.  of  the  last  passage  "Michal " 
is  clearly  a  transcriber's  mistake  for  "  Merab." 

Meraiah',  the  representative,  in  the  days 
of  Joiakim,  of  the  priestly  family  of  Seraiah 
(Ne.l2.i2). 

Mepaioth'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Eleazar 
the  son  of  Aaron,  and  head  of  a  priestly  house 
(iChr.6. 6,7,52  ;  Ezr.7.3),  perhaps  the  immedi- 
ate predecessorof  Eli  in  the  officeof  high-priest- 
It  is  apparently  another  Meraioth  who  comes 
between  Zadok  and  Ahitub  in  the  genealogy 
of  Azariah  (iChr.9.11  ;  Ne.ll.ii),  unless  the 
names  Ahitub  and  Meraioth  are  transposed. — 
2.  The  head  of  a  priestly  house  represented  in 
the  time  of  Joiakim  by  Helkai  (Ne.i2.13). 

Mepan  (Ba.3.23)."  The  "merchants  of 
Meran  "  are  here  associated  with  "  Theman  " 
and  "  the  Agarenes."  [Hagarenes.]  Meran  is 
a  mistake  for  Midian  or  Dedan  (cf.  Ezk.25.13). 
Teman  was  in  or  near  Edom,  as  was  Dedan ; 
while  Midian's  territory  stretched  "along  the 
E.  shore  of  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba,  its  N.  boundary 
touching  upon  Edom"  (Sayce,  Higher  Crit. 
and  the  Mon.).  [w.st.c.t.] 

Mepapi'. — 1.  Youngest  of  the  three  sons  of 
Levi.  He  was  born  in  Canaan,  and  went 
down  with  Jacob  into  Egypt  (Gen.46.ii).  He 
had  two  sons,  Mahli  and  Mushi  (Ex. 6.19).  The 
"  sons  of  Merari,"  as  a  branch  of  the  Levites, 
are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  priestly  writ- 
ings. The  least  numerous  of  the  three,  they 
had  charge  of  the  more  solid  parts  of  the  taber- 
nacle— the  boards,  pins,  cords,  etc.  (Num. 
3.36,4.31-33),  while  the  sons  of  Gershon  carried 
the  tent  itself  with  its  hangings,  and  the  Ko 
hathites  bore  the  sacred  vessels  and  furniture. 
They  encamped  on  the  N.  side  of  the  taber- 


534       MERATHAIM,  LAND  OF 

nade,  and  on  the  march  they  followed,  along 
with  tlie  Gershonitcs,  the  camp  of  Judah,  and 
l)reccded  that  of  Reuben,  thus  reaching  the 
camping-ground  and  having  the  tabernacle 
erected  before  the  arrival  of  the  Kohathites, 
who  followed  Reuben  (10.i7,2i).  At  the 
division  of  the  land,  twelve  cities  were  assigned 
to  them  (Jos. 21. 7).  They  are  mentioned  in 
the  time  of  David  as  assisting  in  the  bringing 
up  of  the  ark  (iChr.15.6),  and  in  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  as  associated  with  other  Levites  in 
the  purification  of  the  temple  (2Chr.29.12). 
At  Ezra's  return,  although  he  had  difficulty  in 
inducing  many  Levites  to  accompany  him,  the 
Merarite  branch  is  represented  (Ezr.8.18,19). — 
2.   Father  of  Judith  (Jth.8.i,16.7).         [j.R.] 

Meratha'im,  Land  of,  i.e.  "  of  double 
rebellion  "  (Gesenius,  Thes.  819  a,  etc.),  alluding 
to  the  Chaldeans,  and  the  double  captivity 
which  they  had  inflicted  on  Israel  (Je.I.21). 

Mepcupius  (in  Gk.  Hermes),  the  herald 
and  interpreter  of  the  gods,  inventor  of  music, 
letters,  and  arts.  When  SS.  Paul  and  Barna- 
bas were  at  Lystra,  the  people,  having  in 
mind  the  folklore  legend  which  Ovid  (Metam. 
viii.  620-724)  has  preserved  in  the  episode  of 
Baucis  and  Philemon,  and  which  represented 
the  gods  as  assuming  the  likeness  of  men  in 
order  to  mingle  with  them,  called  Barnabas 
Zeus,  and  Paul  Hermes  (Ac.l4.ii,i2),  "  because 
he  was  the  chief  speaker."  Hermes  was  the 
son  of  Zeus  and  Maia,  the  daughter  of  Atlas, 
and  was  his  father's  constant  attendant  on  his 
visits  to  the  earth.  Hence  the  curious  scene 
at  Lystra.     [Jupiter;  Lycaonia.]       [a.r.] 

Mepcy-seat  (kapporeth).  The  root  from 
which  this  word  comes  means  "  to  cover 
over,"  though  scholars  differ  as  to  whether  the 
"  covering  over  "  refers  to  the  face  of  God  or 
to  the  sin  committed.  The  kapporeth  (pro- 
perly speaking,  "  propitiatory"),  was  the  place 
where  the  act  of  "  covering  over  "  was  accom- 
plished ;  it  has  nothing  to  do — as  the  use  of  the 
root  so  clearly  shows — with  any  covering,  in 
the  sense  of  a  "  lid,"  to  the  Ark.  It  was  a 
golden  slab,  2  J  cubits  long  and  ij  broad  (its 
thickness  is  not  mentioned),  laid  on  the  top 
of  the  ark  ;  at  each  end  of  the  slab,  and 
forming  part  of  the  whole,  was  a  Cherub — a 
fact  which  betrays  Babylonian  influence — 
each  made  of  beaten  gold  ;  their  wings, 
which  were  spread  out  upwards,  met  over 
the  "  mercy-seat,"  and  their  faces  were  bowed 
down  towards  it.  On  the  Day  of  Atonement 
the  high-priest  entered  the  holy  of  holies, 
in  which  the  "  mercy-seat  "  stood,  and  after 
burning  incense  in  great  profusion  before  it, 
sprinkled  upon  it  and  before  it,  seven  times,  tha 
blood  of  the  sin-offering,  whereby  atonement 
{i.e.  the  "  covering  over  ")  was  accomplished. 
It  was  believed  that  upon  the  "mercy-seat," 
the  throne  of  Jehovah,  God  in  actual  presence 
appeared.  Its  great  holiness,  on  this  account, 
is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  temple 
proper  {i.e.  the  sanctuary)  was  called  after  it 
"  the  house  of  the  mercy-seat  "  {hfth  hakkap- 
poreth,  iChr.28.ii).  See,  on  the  whole  subject, 
r.x. 25. 17-22. 26. 1.1,30. 6, 37. 6-9  ;  I.ev.l6.2-I5  ; 
Nuiii.T.Ho  :  cl.  Ili-1).9..';.  fw.o.i'.o.l 

Me'ped,  a  Judahite  mentioned  in  a  frag- 
mentary genealogy  in  iChr.4.17,18.  [Bithiah  ; 
Pharaoh.] 


MERODACH-BALADAN 

Mepemoth'. — 1.  Son  of  Uriah,  or  Urijah, 
the  priest,  of  the  family  of  Koz,  or  Hakkoz.  He 
was  appointed  to  weigh  and  register  the  gold 
and  silver  vessels  of  the  temple  (Ezr.8.33).  He 
took  an  active  part  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  (Ne.3.4,21). — 2. 
A  layman  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  married 
a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.36). — 3.  A  priest,  or 
more  probably  a  family  of  priests,  who  sealed 
the  covenant  (Ne.lO.5).  Cf.  I2.3,  where  the 
name  is  among  the  cx^mpanions  of  Zerubbabel 
a  cent,  earlier. — 4.  (iEsd.8.2)  =  Meraioth,  i. 

Me'pes.  one  of  the  seven  counsellors  of  Aha- 
suerus  (Esth.l.14). 

Mepibah'  (  — strife;  Ex. 17. 7;  Num.2O.13, 
24,27.14  ;Deut. 32.51, 33. 8;  Ps.81.7.  andin  Heb. 
of  Ps.95.8,106.32  ;  Ezk.47.19,48.28).  The 
"  waters  of  strife  "  were  at  Kadesh  (Barnea), 
where  Moses  struck  the  rock.  J  ewish  tradition 
identifies  the  spot  with  the  gorge  of  Wc'idy 
Miisa  at  Petra.  In  Ex. 17. 7  the  words  "  and 
Meribah  "  seem  to  be  an  ancient  gloss,  since 
Massah  was  a  distinct  site  near  Horeb.  [c.r.c] 

Mepib-ba'al  (iChr.8.34,9.40)  =  Mephibo- 
sHETii.     [Baal.] 

Mepo'dach  is  mentioned  Je. 50.2  only,  with 
Bel,  from  which  they  would  seem  to  be  separate 
di\'inities,  but  the  Babylonian  inscriptions 
show  that  one  and  the  same  deity  is  probably 
intended.  It  was  Merodach  who,  in  Baby- 
lonian mythology,  overthrew  the  dragon 
Tiawath,  and  created  all  things  existing,  in- 
cluding mankind.  Many  of  the  other  gods  were 
identified  with  him,  thus  leading  to  a  kind  of 
monotheism  which,  although  it  never  became 
general,  may  have  led  the  Jews  to  see  in  him 
a  reflection  of  their  own  Jehovah,  as  is  sug- 
gested by  the  existence  of  the  name  Mordecai 
(better  Mardekai,  "  he  of  Merodach  ").  In 
Bel  and  the  Dragon  the  deity  intended  is 
Merodach.  [t.g.p.] 

Mepo'dach-baladan',  king  of  Babylon  in 
the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2 K. 20. 12,  where  Bero- 
dach-baladan  is  incoTTCct  ;  Is.39.i).  He  is  the 
Mar(u)duk-ablu-iddina  of  the  Assyro-Baby- 
lonian  inscriptions,  and  mounted  the  Baby- 
lonian throne  in  Nisan,  722  n.c,  4  months 
after  the  death  of  Shalmanescr  IV.  He  had 
probably  used  the  interval  to  take  possession 
of  Babylon,  aided  by  the  tribe  of  Bit-Yakin, 
of  which  he  was  chief,  and  the  Chaldeans  and 
.\rameans  of  the  district.  The  new  king  of 
Assyria,  Sargon,  did  not  succeed  in  disturbing 
his  sovereignty  of  Babylon,  which  he  retained 
for  12  years.  Within  this  period,  apparently, 
falls  the  date  of  the  14th  year  of  Hezekiah,  in 
which  he  sent  the  embassy  referred  to  in  2 1\.20. 
6  and  Is.38.5.  Many  allies  had  iiromiscd  to 
help  the  Jewish  king,  but  Sargon  compelled 
their  submission,  and  was  then  free  to  turn 
his  attention  to  Babylonia.  Merodach-bala- 
dan,  not  venturing  upon  a  battle,  fled,  and 
took  refuge  with  Sntur-nalnmdi,  king  of  Elam, 
asking  for  hclj).  Tlic  I'lan'iite  took  his  gift,  and 
not  only  declined  aid,  but  also  forbade  him  his 
country.  In  despair,  Merodach-baladan  pitched 
a  strongly  fortified  cam]>  at  Iribi-Bfil,  but 
l)('ing  unsiicr.cssful  in  resisting  the  Assyrian 
attark,  fled,  wnnndrd,  and  succeeded  in  escap- 
ing (709  n.c).  Sargon  died  in  705,  and 
Merodach-baladan  reigned  again  at  Babylon 
for    6    months,    when    he    was    attacked    by 


MEROM,  WATERS  OF 

Sennacherib,  and  defeated  at  Ki§,  Bel-ibni  (Beli- 
bus)  being  placed  on  the  throne.  The  Chaldean 
king  then  took  refuge  in  Nagitu,  an  Elamite 
city  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  This  city  was 
attacked  by  Sennacherib  in  695  b.c,  but  Mero- 
dach-baladan's  fate  is  unknown.  [t.g.p.] 

Mepom,  Waters  of  (Jos.ll.7).  These 
are  usually  identified  with  theHiileh  Lake,  but 
without  any  good  reason.  J  oshua  was  fighting 
a  league  of  petty  Galilean  kings,  allied  to  the 
king  of  Hazor.  Josephus  supposed  Hazor  to 
be  above  the  lake  Semechonitis,  which  is  the 
Huleh  (5  Ant.  v.  i,  3  Wars  x.  7,  4  Wars  i.  i)  ; 
but  of  Joshua's  battle  he  only  says  that  it  was 
fought  at  a  place  called  Beroth,  not  far  from 
Kadesh  in  Upper  Galilee  (5  Ant.  i.  18).  Beroth 
is  unknown,  and  may  be  a  clerical  error. 
The  term  for  the  Huleh  in  Heb.  would  be 
yam  {sea),  and  not  mayim  (waters),  usually 
applied  to  streams.  The  kings  who  fought  at 
the  waters  of  Merom  were  kings  of  Madon, 
Shimron,  Achshaph,  Chinneroth,  Dor,  and 
Hazor,  all  places  in  Lower  Galilee  and  the 
plains.  The  pursuit  was  to  Zidon  and  Hazor 
(vv.  8,  10).  It  is  very  unlikely  that  a  chariot 
force  ( ver.  6 )  could  have  been  assemblednear  the 
Huleh  Lake,  which  is  flanked  by  steep  moun- 
tains ;  and  the  swamps  would  have  made  their 
evolutions  impossible.  The  LXX.  reads  Ma- 
p(hv  (Maron),  and  the  site  might  possibly  be 
near  Shimron-meron  (Semunieh)  ;  in  which 
case  the  "  waters  of  Merom  "  would  be  the 
perennial  stream  of  Wddy  el  Melek,  which 
passes  W.  from  the  Buttauf  Plain  to  join  the 
KisHON.  This  stream  runs  3  miles  N.  of 
Semunieh,  and  the  flat  open  valley  is  the  easiest 
approach  to  the  plain  S.  of  Hazor  (HazzHr), 
where  chariots  could  be  used  easily,     [c.r.c] 

Mepo'nothite,  The,  i.e.  native  of  a  place 
probably  called  Meronoth,  perhaps  Marrina, 
a  ruin  7  miles  S.W.  of  Bethlehem.  Two 
Meronothites  are  named  in  the  Bible  : — 1. 
Jehdeiah,  who  had  charge  of  the  asses  of  David 
(iChr.27.30)  ;  and — 2.  Jadon,  also  described 
as  a  man  of  Gibeon,  who  assisted  in  repairing 
the  wall  after  the  Captivity  {Ne.3.7).  [c.r.c] 

Mepoz'  (refuge),  a  place  mentioned  only 
in  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Judg.5.23),  and  there 
denounced  because  its  inhabitants  had  refused 
to  take  any  part  in  the  struggle  with  Sisera. 
Meroz  must  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Kishon,  but  its  real  position  is  not 
known ;  possibly  it  was  destroyed  in  obedience 
to  the  curse.  No  modern  name  representing 
correctly  the  Heb.  word  is  known,      [c.r.c] 

Me'puth  (iEsd.5.24),  a  corruption  of  Im- 
mer,  I. 

Me'sech,  Me'shech,  a  son  of  Japheth 
(Gen.10.2  ;  iChr.l.5),  and  the  progenitor  of  a 
race  noticed  in  Scripture  in  connexion  with 
Tubal,  Magog,  and  other  northern  nations. 
They  appear  as  allies  of  Gog  (Ezk.38.2,3,39.i), 
and  as  supplying  the  Tyrians  with  copper  and 
slaves  (Ezk.27.13) ;  in  Ps.120.5  Mesech  is 
mentioned  with  Kedar.  Both  the  name  and 
the  associations  favour  the  identification  of 
Meshech  with  the  Moschi  ;  the  form  of  the 
name  adopted  by  the  LXX.  and  the  Vulg. 
approaches  most  nearly  to  the  classical 
designation.  The  position  of  the  Moschi  in 
the  age  of  Ezekiel  was  probably  that  described 
by    Herodotus    (iii.    94),    viz.     in    Armenia, 


MESHEZABEEL 


535 


where  a  mountain  chain  connecting  Anti- 
taurus  with  Caucasus  was  named  after  them 
the  Moschici  Montes,  and  where  was  also  a 
district  named  by  Strabo  (xi.  497-499 )  Moschice. 
In  the  Assyr.  inscriptions  the  name  appears 
as  Muskai — a  people  noticed  with  the  Tublai 
[Tubal],  N.  of  Cappadocia.  [c.r.c] 

Mesha'. — 1.  King  of  Moab  in  the  reigns  of 
Ahab,  Ahaziah,  and  Jehoram,  kings  of  Israel, 
and  tributary  to  the  first.  Upon  Ahab's 
death  at  Ramoth-gilead  and  the  accession  of 
Ahaziah,  Mesha  rebelled  and  refused  to  pay 
the  tribute  of  "  a  hundred  thousand  lambs  and 
a  hundred  thousand  rams,  with  the  wool"  (2K. 
3.4,5).  The  inscription  on  the  Moabite  Stone 
(lines  3-8),  however,  seems  to  imply  that  the 
deliverance  of  Mesha  from  the  yoke  of  Israel 
began  at  an  earlier  period — namely,  in  the 
middle  of  Ahab's  reign.  [Moab.  J  When  Jeho- 
ram became  king  of  Israel,  one  of  his  first  acts 
was  to  secure  the  assistance  of  Jehoshaphat, 
his  father's  ally,  in  reducing  the  Moabites  to 
their  former  condition  of  tributaries.  The 
united  armies  of  the  two  kings  marched  by  a 
circuitous  route  round  the  Dead  Sea,  and  were 
joined  by  the  forces  of  the  king  of  Edom.  The 
Moabites  were  defeated,  and  the  king  took 
refuge  in  his  last  stronghold  and  defended 
himself  with  the  energy  of  despair.  With  700 
fighting  men  he  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to 
cut  his  way  through  the  beleaguering  army, 
and  when  beaten  back,  withdrew  to  the  wall 
of  his  city,  and  there,  in  sight  of  the  allied 
host,  offered  his  first-born  son,  his  successor  in 
the  kingdom,  as  a  burnt -offering  to  Chemosh, 
the  god  of  Moab  (3.26,27).  His  bloody  sacrifice 
had  so  far  the  desired  effect  that  the  besiegers, 
shocked  thereat,  retired  to  their  own  land. — 
2.  The  eldest  son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  (iChr. 
2.42)  by  his  wife  Azubah,  as  Kimchi  conjec- 
tures.— 3.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Shaharaim,  by 
his  wife  Hodesh,  who  bare  him  in  the  land  of 
Moab  (8.9). 

Me'sha,  the  name  of  one  of  the  geo- 
graphical limits  of  the  Joktanites  when  they 
first  settled  in  Arabia  (Gen.lO.30).  If  Mesha 
was,  as  seems  indicat  ed  in  the  verse,  the  W.  limit 
of  the  Joktanites,  it  must  be  sought  in  Yemen. 
The  seaport  called  MoCcra  or  Moi;fa,  mentioned 
by  Ptolemy,  Pliny,  Arrian,  and  others,  perhaps 
presents  the  most  probable  site.  It  was  a 
town  of  note  in  classical  times,  but  has  since 
fallen  into  decay,  if  the  modern  Mousa  be  the 
same  place.  Gesenius,  from  the  latitude  given 
by  Ptolemy  (vi.  7),  places  Mesha  at  Manshid  on 
the  W.  coast  of  Yemen.  [c.r.c] 

Meshach',  the  Babylonian  name  given 
to  Mishael,  one  of  the  companions  of  Daniel 
(1-3).  It  probably  means,  "Who  is  as  Aku  [i.e. 
the  moon-god]  ?  "     [Shadrach.]      [h.a.r.] 

Meshech.     [Mesech.] 

Meshelemiah', a  Korhite,  "son"  of  Kore, 
of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  who  with  his  7  sons  and 
his  brethren,  "  sons  of  might,"  were  gate- 
keepers of  the  house  of  Jehovah  in  David's 
reign  (iChr.9.2i, 26.1,2,9).  [Meshullam,  20; 
Shallum.  8,  9.1 

Meshezabeel'. — 1.  Ancestor  of  Mesh- 
ullam, 13  (  Ne.3.4). — 2.  One  of  the  "  heads  of 
the  people,"  probably  a  family,  who  sealed  the 
covenant  (IO.21). — 3.  Father  of  Pethahiah, 
and  descendant  of  Zerah,  son  of  J  udah  (11. 24). 


536 


MESHILLEMITH 


MeshiUemith',  the  son  of  Immer,  a  priest 
(iChr.9.i^),  called  in  Ne.ll.13  Meshillemoth. 

Meshilleinoth'.->-l.  An  Ephrainiite,  an- 
cestor of  Berechiah,  5  {2Chr.28.12).— 2.  (Ne. 
11.13)=Meshillemith. 

Meshullam'. — 1.  Ancestor  of  Shaphan 
the  scribe  (2 K. 22.3). — 2.  The  son  of  Zerub- 
babel  (iChr.3.19). — 3.  A  Gadite  who  dwelt  in 
Bashan  in  the  reign  of  Jotham,  king  of  Judah 
(5.13). — 4,  5.  6.  ThreeBenjamites  (8.17,9.7,8). 
— 7.  The  father  of  Hilkiah  the  high-priest 
(iChr.9.ii  ;  Ne.ll.ii);  called  Shallum  in 
iChr.6.13. — 8.  A  priest,  son  of  Meshillemith 
(iChr.9.i2  ;  cf.  Ne.ll.13).— 9.  A  Kohathite 
in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2Chr.34.i2). — 10.  One 
of  the  "heads"  (A.V.  chief  men)  sent  by 
Ezra  to  Iddo  "  the  head,"  to  gather  together 
the  Levites  to  join  the  caravan  about  to  return 
to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.8.i6). — 11.  A  Levite  in  the 
time  of  Ezra  who  assisted  Jonathan  and  Jaha- 
ziah  in  annulling  the  marriages  with  foreign 
wives  (IO.15). — 12.  A  descendant  of  Bani  who 
had  married  a  foreign  wife  (10. 29). — 13.  The 
sin  of  Berechiah.  who  assisted  in  rebuilding 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.4),  as  well  as  the 
temple  wall,  adjoining  which  he  had  his 
"  chamber"  (8.30).  His  daughter  was  married 
to  Johanan,  son  of  Tobiahthe  Ammonite(6.i8). 
—14.  Son  of  Besodeiah  :  he  assisted  Jehoiada, 
son  of  Paseah,  in  restoring  the  old  gate  of  Jeru- 
salem (3.6). — 15.  One  of  those  who  stood  at 
the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the  law  to 
the  people  (8.4). — 16.  A  priest  (10. 7),  and — 17- 
One  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the 
covenant  (IO.20). — 18.  A  priest  in  the  days  of 
Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua,  and  representative  of 
the  house  of  Ezra  (I2.13). — 10.  Another  priest 
at  the  same  time  as  18,  and  head  of  the  family 
of  Ginnethon  (12.i6). — 20.  A  family  of  porters, 
descendants  of  Meshullam  (12. 25),  who  is  also 
called  Mesuelemiah  (iChr.26.i),  Shelemiah 
(26.14),  and  Shallum  (Ne.T.is). — 21.  One  of 
the  princes  of  Judah  at  the  dedication  of  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem  (I2.33). 

Meshulle'meth,  daughter  of  Haruz  of 
Jotbah,  wife  of  Manesseh,  king  of  Judah,  and 
mother  of  his  successor  Amon  (2K.2I.19). 

Meso'baite  (R.V.  Mezo'baite),  The,  a 
title  which  occurs  only  once,  attached  to  the 
name  of  Jasiel  (1Chr.ll.47). 

Mesopotamia,  the  ordinary  Gk.  rendering 
of  the  Heb.  Aram-naharaim,  or  "  Aram  of  the 
Two  Rivers,"  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
earlier  books  of  O.T.  (Gen. 24. 10  ;  Deut.23.4  ; 
Judg.3.8,io).  It  was  properly  the  tract  be- 
tween the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  measuring 
about  700  miles  in  length,  and  from  20  to  200 
in  breadth,  extending  in  a  south-easterlv 
direction  from  Telek  (lat.  38°  23',  long.  39°  18') 
to  Qurnah  (lat.  30°,  long.  47°  30').  The  Ara- 
bian geographers  call  it  "  the  island,"  a  name 
which  is  very  ai)pr(>priate,  as  only  a  few  miles 
intervene  between  the  sources  of  the  Tigris  and 
the  Euphrates  at  Telck.  The  greater  portion  is 
a  vast  plain,  but  it  is  crossed  in  its  upper  part 
by  the  Sinjar  hills,  running  nearlv  I':,  and  W. 
froni  about  Mosul  to  a  jioint  hvhtw  Rakkch;  and 
in  its  northern  portion  it  is  even  mountainous, 
the  Upper  Tigris  valley  lieing  separated 
from  the  Mesoi>otamian  j)lain  bv  an  important 
group,  which  includes  the  Mnns  Masius  of 
Strabo.     The  N.W.  district— ;.f.  the  country 


MESSIAH 

between  the  great  bend  of  the  Tigris  and  the 
Upper  Euphrates  (lat.  35°  to  37°  30') — is  that 
most  referred  to  in  O.T.  It  consists  of 
mountainous  country,  extending  from  Bircjik 
to  Jezireh  on  N.,  and  the  great  undulating 
plain  as  far  as  the  Sinjar  hills,  and  the  river 
Khabur  on  S.  From  the  N.  side  of  the 
northern  range  short  rivers  flow  into  the  Tigris, 
and  on  the  S.  side  into  the  Euphrates,  ultim- 
ately forming  the  Belik  (ancient  Belichus)  and 
the  Khabur  (Habor  or  Chaboras).  Besides 
Orfa  and  Harran,  the  chief  cities  of  modern 
-Mesopotamia  are  Mardin  and  Xisibin,  S.  of 
the  Jebel-tur,  and  Diarbekr,  N.  of  that  range, 
on  the  Tigris.  We  first  hear  of  Mesopotamia 
in  O.T.  as  the  country  where  Nahor  and  his 
family  settled  after  leaving  Ur  of  the  Chaldees 
(Gen. 24.10).  Bethuel  and  Laban  lived  there, 
and  thither  Abraham  sent  his  servant  to  fetch 
Isaac  a  wife  "  of  his  own  kindred  "  (ver.  38). 
Thither,  too,  Jacob  journeyed  a  century  later, 
returning  with  his  two  wives  after  an  absence 
of  21  years.  It  is  next  referred  to  after  the 
wanderings  in  the  wilderness  (Deut.23.4) ;  and 
half  a  century  later  appears  as  the  seat  of  a 
powerful  monarchy  (Judg.3.8).  Mesopotamia 
is  the  Nairi  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions 
and  the  Naharina  of  the  Amarna  tablets; 
the  non-Semitic  Mitanni  being  a  principal 
state,  of  which,  in  the  opinion  of  Sayce,  Chu- 
shan-rishathaim  was  king.  The  Nairi  of  the 
later  Assyrian  inscriptions  seems  to  have  been 
more  N.,  near  the  sources  of  the  two  great 
rivers,  and  Assyria  had  settlements  there, 
one  of  the  places  being  Tuiha,  whose  prince, 
Amme-ba'ala,  paid  tribute"  to  Assur-nasir- 
apli,  but  was  afterwards  slain  by  his  nobles 
(about  870  B.C.).  Indeed,  this  king  claims  to 
have  captured  no  less  than  250  strongly 
fortified  cities  of  "  the  lands  of  Nairi  "  during 
his  expeditions.  That  some  of  the  tribes  or 
petty  nationalities  of  Mesopotamia  were  very 
warlike  may  be  gathered  froni  the  fact  that 
the  Ammonites  hired  chariots  and  horsemen 
from  Mesopotamia,  Syria-maachah,  andZobah, 
in  their  war  against  David  (iChr.19.6).  The 
amount  of  spoil  taken  from  the  inhabitants  by 
the  Assyrian  kings  testifies  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  region.  On  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  em- 
pire, Mesopotamia  seems  to  have  been  divided 
between  the  Medes  and  the  Babylonians.  The 
conquests  of  Cyrus  brought  it  wholly  under  the 
Persian  yoke,  and  it  remained  thus  until  the 
time  of  Alexander.  [t.g.p.] 

Mess  (tnas'i'th,  lit.  something  lifted  up,  a 
burden),  used  of  a  "  portion  "  of  food  which  a 
superior  sends  to  a  guest,  during  a  feast,  as  a 
mark  of  honour  (Gen. 43. 31  ;  2Sain.ll.8)  ;  also 
of  any  portion  of  food  (Heb. 12. id),  [w.o.e.o.] 

Messiah.  The  expectation  of  the  Messiah 
may  be  said  to  be  the  characteristic  feature 
of  Jewish  belief,  just  as  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah  is  the  characteristic  feature  of  the 
Christian  religion.  Christianity  is  the  religion 
of  the  Christ,  but  the  name  Christ,  or  Messiah, 
and  its  meaning,  was  created  by  the  Jewish 
faith  and  experience.  In  O.T.  the  word  is 
generally  found  united  with  Jehovah,  and 
means  "the  Anointed  of  Jehovah."  David 
gives  the  title  to  Saul  in  iSam.24.6. 10,  where 
the  Vulg.  translation  is  "  (juia  C  hristus 
Domini  est."     The  high-priest  is  also  styled 


MESSIAH 

"the  anointed"  (Lev.4.3) ;  and  in  iK.19.i6 
Elijah  is  directed  to  anoint  Islisha  prophet  in 
his  room.  Anointing  to  an  office  in  God's 
name  implied  a  solemn  dedication  to  it,  and 
consequently  a  special  gift  of  God's  grace  for 
the  fulfilment  of  it.  For  the  most  part, 
however,  by  the  "  Lord's  anointed  "  is  meant 
the  ruling  king  of  the  Jewish  nation,  who  re- 
presented God  to  the  nation  and  the  nation  to 
God.  The  personal  relation  of  God  to  His 
people  was  regarded  as  embodied  in  a  personal 
ruler.  The  consequence  was  that  the  ideals 
which  were  planted  by  revelation  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  of  Israel  were  more  and  more  ex- 
pected to  find  their  reali/ation  in  a  perfect 
king.  Those  ideals  had  been  quickened  by  a 
peculiarly  vivid  experience.  Great  charac- 
ters arose  in  the  nation  who,  in  spite  of  their 
imperfections,  exhibited  in  singular  force  the 
great  offices  of  life.  Moses  was  an  ideal  law- 
giver and  deliverer  ;  Joshua  was  an  ideal 
leader  in  war  ;  Samuel  exhibits  the  highest 
type  of  a  judge.  Similarly,  as  soon  as  the 
kingly  office  was  called  into  existence,  David 
arose,  who,  notwithstanding  his  great  sin, 
nevertheless  exhibited  in  the  main  the  ideal 
character  of  a  righteous  king,  in  a  form  in 
which  it  fascinated  the  eyes  of  subsequent 
generations.  It  is  remarkable  that,  as  de- 
scribed in  Ps.72,  its  primary  characteristic  is 
not  warlike  success  or  power,  but  righteous- 
ness. "  Give  the  king  thy  judgments,  O  God, 
and  Thy  righteousness  unto  the  king's  son," 
is  the  keynote.  The  experience  of  the 
nation  had  taught  them  also  the  necessity 
to  their  national  well-being  of  a  Prophet  to 
declare  and  expound  to  them  the  laws  of  God, 
and  of  a  Priest  to  make  atonement  for  their 
violations  of  those  laws.  For  each  of  these 
offices  they  needed  an  anointed  person,  and 
the  three  functions  became  gradually  concen- 
trated in  one.  In  Ps.llO  the  king  is  "  a  priest 
for  ever,  after  the  order  of  Melchizedck  " :  and, 
in  the  person  of  Moses,  the  leader  of  the 
people  had  been  at  once  the  lawgiver  and  the 
prophet.  Revelation  and  national  experience 
thus  combined  to  fix  in  the  mind  of  the  people 
of  Israel  the  conception  of  the  dependence  of 
the  national  welfare  upon  an  ideal  King,  Priest, 
and  Prophet.  Later  on,  amidst  the  experience 
of  bitter  disappointment  and  suffering,  the 
conviction  seemed  to  be  forred  on  them  of  the 
need  of  an  expiation  for  their  sins  by  suffering 
borne  on  their  behalf  by  a  national  representa- 
tive, of  an  ideal  "  Servant  of  Jehovah  "  who 
should  bear  witness  to  His  will  by  patient  sub- 
mission to  misery  and  death.  This  conception 
also  attached  itself  naturally  to  the  typical 
national  representative,  the  Messiah.  So  the 
conception  arises,  not  artificially,  by  means  of 
isolated  and  mysterious  predictions,  but  natur- 
ally and  unconsciously,  through  a  living  ex- 
perience, of  the  realization  of  blessing,  national 
and  individual,  under  the  rule  and  guidance  oi 
a  perfect  King,  Priest,  and  Prophet.  This  is 
the  view  which,  in  our  Lord's  time,  fills  the 
mind  of  an  inspired  man  like  Zacharias  :  "  He 
hath  raised  up  an  horn  of  salvation  for  us  in  the 
house  of  His  servant  David,  .  .  .  that  we, 
being  delivered  from  the  hand  of  our  enemies, 
might  serve  Him  without  fear,  in  holiness  and 
righteousness  before  Him."     In  this  song  of 


MESSIAH 


537 


Zacharias  a  jioint  is  mentioned  which  became 
a  fixed  element  in  the  Messianic  hope.  The 
horn  of  salvation  was  to  be  raised  "  iti  the 
house  of  His  servant  David."  It  was  recorded 
from  the  time  of  David  onwards  that  a  promise 
had  been  made  to  him  that  his  descendants 
should  remain  the  royal  house  of  the  nation, 
however  they  might  be  for  a  time  obscured. 
In  David's  seed  the  Jewish  nation  was  to  find 
its  centre,  and  in  time  its  ideal  King.  Now,  it 
is  characteristic  of  the  Jewish  nation  that  it 
lived  on  these  promises,  and  it  is  characteristic 
of  the  Jewish  literature  that  it  was  perpetu- 
ally renewing  and  enforcing  them.  The  at- 
tachment of  the  vision  of  perfect  rule  to  the 
House  of  David  gave  to  the  promise  a  definite- 
ness  by  which  it  acquired  an  extraordinary 
solidity  in  the  national  mind.  Other  nations 
have  had  hopes  of  a  great  future,  but  none 
other  has  had  its  whole  hope  and  vitality 
based  on  a  specific  promise,  which  enabled  and 
compelled  it  to  look  forward  to  the  realization 
of  a  definite  deliverance,  rule,  and  guidance  by 
an  individual  king  of  an  historic  house.  When 
the  gospel  of  St.  Matthew  opens  with  the 
words,  "  The  book  of  the  generations  of  Jesus 
Christ,  the  son  of  David,  the  son  of  Abraham," 
it  summed  up  the  whole  of  Jewish  history,  and 
announced  the  fulfilment  of  all  Jewish  hopes. 
But  the  manner  in  which  i)rophetic  revelation 
kept  alive  this  hope  is  of  the  utmost  import- 
ance to  it.  The  history  of  the  natirm  after  the 
time  of  David  is  one  continuous  failure.  The 
people  fall  away  into  idolatry  and  moral  cor- 
ruption, and  are  conseqviently  left  to  be  the  vic- 
tims of  internal  dissension  or  external  violence. 
The  visions  which  had  been  held  before  them 
of  peace,  righteousness,  and  prosperity  are 
shattered  ;  at  length  the  nation  is  dispersed  ;  to 
all  human  appearance  there  is  an  end  to  it. 
But  throughout  these  disasters,  amidst  them, 
and  after  them,  the  prophets  maintain  the 
divine  assurances  of  a  reign  of  perfect  righ- 
teousness, justice,  and  peace,  and  generally  of 
its  realization  under  the  rule  of  the  House  of 
David.  Sometimes  the  predictions  or  pro- 
mises are  simply  of  the  establishment  of  a 
reign  of  righteousness  under  Jehovah  Himself  ; 
and  this  is  the  case  even  in  prophets  who  at 
other  times  associate  such  predictions  with  the 
House  of  David.  But  the  Messianic  hope  in 
this  double  sense  is  the  life  of  the  prophetic 
messages.  The  divine  rule  and  the  Messianic 
rule  are  indissolubly  associated,  and  the  figure 
of  the  Messiah  thus  assumes  more  and  more 
of  divine  attributes.  The  vision  is,  indeed, 
more  or  less  dim.  The  inspired  intimations 
given  to  the  prophet  combine  with  his  own  and 
the  national  experience  to  adumbrate  a  king, 
prophet,  and  priest  who  needs  divine  qualifica- 
tions for  his  office  ;  but  the  realization  in  the 
actual  Incarnation  itself  is  but  dimly  within 
his  ken.  The  rjlder  interpretation  of  the 
Messianic  prophecies  was,  therefore,  right  in 
substance  so  far  as  it  saw  in  the  prophetic 
utterances  promises  and  hopes  which  could 
only  be  fully  realized  in  an  incarnate  Son  of 
God  and  Son  of  man.  But  it  erred  in  over- 
straining the  literal  significance  of  particular 
passages  and  expressions.  Each  expression  by 
itself  may  be  capable  of  an  interpretation  short 
of  the^highest.     But  the  whole  strain  of  pro- 


.538    MESSIANIC  EXPECTATIONS 

phetic  hope,  and  the  combined  effect  of  all  the 
jiromises  and  intimations  in  the  prophets,  from 
first  to  last,  are  only  capable  of  realization  in 
the  true  Messiah.  The  further  course  of  such 
prediction  in  Jewish  literature  is  remarkable. 
In  the  apocryphal  writings  the  highest  pro- 
phetic and  national  ideals  are  comparatively 
in  abeyance,  and  consequently  the  Messianic 
hope  is  but  occasionally  and  partially  put 
forward.  Even  in  the  account  of  the  great 
national  movement  under  the  Maccabees  it 
rarely  appears.  It  would  seem  as  though  the 
hopes  of  the  people  were  then  too  much  ab- 
sorbed in  the  mere  temporal  triumph  of  the 
national  cause ;  and  the  very  success  of  the 
Maccabees  tended  to  produce  the  hardening  of 
Messianic  ideas  which  is  too  characteristic  of 
the  Jews  in  general  in  the  time  of  our  Lord. 
But  in  the  pseudepigraphic  writings,  and  in 
the  mass  of  apocalyptic  literature  which  arose 
shortly  before  our  Lord's  time  and  after  it,  the 
old  Messianic  hope  revives  with  the  greatest 
intensity.  The  disappointment  which  fol- 
lowed the  Maccabaean  period  had  perhaps  a 
similar  effect  in  this  respect  to  the  former  trials 
of  the  nation.  But  there  is  an  extraordinary 
contrast  in  the  form  in  which  the  hope  is  ex- 
pressed. In  the  ancient  prophets  the  office 
of  the  Messiah  is  sketched  only  in  the  grand 
outlines  of  righteousness,  truth,  justice,  and 
love.  They  do  not  condescend  to  details, 
except  in  the  few  points  (such  as  the  descent 
from  David  and  the  birth  at  Bethlehem)  which 
would  assist  in  the  recognition  of  the  Messiah 
on  His  appearance.  But  in  the  pseudepi- 
graphic writings  imagination  is  unrestrained  in 
dreams  and  predictions  of  the  future,  and  the 
higher  characteristics  of  the  conception  are 
consequently  lost.  In  our  Lord's  life  and 
ministry  the  ancient  prophetic  vision  is 
realized,  and  the  kingdom  of  God  is  revealed 
as  a  kingdom  of  perfect  righteousness  under  a 
divine  and  human  King.    [Prophecy.]     [h.w.] 

Messianic  expectations  of  the  Jevrs. 
[Messiah  ;  Jesus  Christ.] 

Messi'as,  the  Gk.  form  of  Messiah  (Jn.l. 

4I.4-25)- 

Metals.  The  Hebrews  were  acquainted 
with  nearly  all  the  metals  known  to  modern 
metallurgy,  whether  as  the  products  of  their 
own  soil  or  the  results  of  intercourse  with 
foreigners.  One  of  the  earliest  geographical 
definitions  is  that  which  describes  the  country 
of  Havilah  as  the  land  which  abounded  in  gold, 
and  the  gold  of  which  was  good  (Gen.2. 11,12). 
According  to  Genesis,  the  first  artist  in  metals 
was  Tubal-cain,  the  son  of  Lamech,  the  forger 
or  sharpener  of  every  instrument  of  copper 
(A.V.  brass)  and  iron  (4.22).  "  Abram  was 
very  rich  in  cattle,  in  stiver,  and  in  gold  "  (13. 
2)  ;  silver  being  the  medium  of  commerce, 
while  gold  existed  in  the  shape  of  ornaments, 
during  the  patriarchal  ages.  Tin  is  first  men- 
tioned among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites 
taken  when  Balaam  was  slain  (Num. 31. 22), 
and  lead  is  used  to  heighten  the  imagery  of 
Moses'  triumphal  song  (Ex.15. 10).  Whether 
the  ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with 
steel,  properly  so  railed,  is  uncertain  ;  the 
words  so  rendered  in  A.V.  (2Sam.22.35  ;  Job 
20.24  ;  Ps.l8.34  ;  Je.i5.12)  are  in  all  other 
passages  translated  brass,  and  would  be  more 


METALS 

correctly  copper  or  bronze.  Commentators  be- 
lieve the  "northern  iron"  of  Je.l5.i2  to  have 
been  iron  hardened  and  tempered  by  some 
peculiar  process,  so  as  more  nearly  to  corre- 
spond to  what  we  call  Steel  ;  and  the  "  flaming 
torches"  of  Na.2.3  (see  R.V.)  are  probably  the 
flashing  steel  of  the  war-chariots  which  should 
come  against  Nineveh.  The  Hebrews  must 
also  have  used  the  mixture  of  copper  and  tin 
known  as  bronze,  and  probably  in  all  cases  in 
which  copper  is  mentioned  as  in  any  way 
manufactured,  bronze  is  to  be  understood. 
Except  iron,  gold  is  the  most  widely  diffused 
of  all  metals.  Almost  every  country  in  the 
world  has  in  its  turn  yielded  a  certain  supply, 
but,  though  it  was  known  at  a  very  early 
period,  and  was  procured  with  little  difficulty, 
we  have  no  indications  of  its  occurrence  in 
Palestine.  The  Hebrews  obtained  their  prin- 
cipal supply  from  S.  Arabia  and  the  commerce 
of  the  Persian  Gulf.  It  was  probably  brought 
in  the  form  of  ingots  (Jos. 7.21  ;  A.V.  wedge, 
lit.  tongue),  and  was  rapidly  converted  into 
articles  of  ornament  and  use.  The  great 
abundance  of  gold  in  early  times  is  indicated 
by  its  entering  into  the  composition  of  every 
article  of  ornament  and  many  of  domestic  use. 
Among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  taken  by 
the  Israelites  when  Balaam  was  slain  were 
earrings  and  jewels  to  the  amount  of  16,750 
shekels  of  gold  (Num. 31. 48-54),  equal  to  more 
than  £30,000  of  our  present  money,  and  1,700 
shekels  of  gold  (worth  more  than  £3,000)  in 
"earrings"  alone  were  taken  by  Gideon's 
army  from  the  slaughtered  Midianites  (Judg. 
8.26)  ;  though  these  values  must  be  halved  if 
the  Bab.  "  light "  shekel  be  intended.  The 
numbers,  though  large,  are  not  incredibly 
great,  when  we  consider  that  the  country  of 
the  Midianites  was  then  perhaps  rich  in  gold- 
streams  since  exhausted,  and  that  like 
the  Malays  of  the  present  day,  and  the  Peru- 
vians of  the  time  of  Pizarro,  the  Midianites 
carried  most  of  their  wealth  about  them. 
But  the  amount  of  treasure  accumulated 
by  David  from  spoils  taken  in  war  is  so 
enormous,  that  we  are  tempted  to  conclude 
the  numbers  exaggerated.  Though  gold  was 
thus  common,  silver  appears  to  have  been  the 
ordinary  medium  of  commerce.  The  first  com- 
mercial transaction  of  which  we  possess  the 
details  was  the  purchase  of  Ephron's  field  by 
Abraham  for  400  shekels  of  silver  (Cien.23.i6) ; 
slaves  were  bought  with  silver  (17.12,  E.V. 
money)  ;  silver  was  the  money  paid  by  Abime- 
lech  as  a  compensation  to  Abraham  (20. 16)  ; 
Joseph  was  sold  to  the  Ishmaclite  merchants 
for  20  pieces  of  silver  (37.28)  ;  and  generally 
in  O.T.  the  "  money  "  of  A.V.  is  literally  silver. 
The  first  payment  in  gold  is  mentioned  in 
iChr.21.25,  where  David  buys  the  threshing- 
floor  of  Oman,  or  Araunah,  the  Jebusite,  for 
600  shekels  of  gold  by  weight.  But  in  the 
parallel  narrative  of  the  transaction  in  2Sam. 
24.24  the  price  paid  for  the  threshing-floor 
and  oxen  is  50  shekels  of  silver.  With  this  one 
exception  there  is  no  mention  in  O.T.  of  gold 
as  a  medium  of  commerce  ;  tiie  Heb.  coinage 
may  have  been  partly  gold,  but  we  have  no 
proof  of  it.  [Money  ;  Weu.hts,  Coins.] 
Silver  was  brought  into  Palestine  in  the  form 
of  plates  from  Tarsuish,  with  gold  and  ivory 


METERUS 

(iK. 10.22;  2Chr.9.2i  ;  Je.lO.9).  The  accu- 
mulation of  wealth  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  was 
so  great  that  silver  was  but  little  esteemed  ; 
"  the  king  made  silver  to  be  in  Jerusalem  as 
stones  "  (iK. 10. 21, 27).  With  the  treasures 
brought  out  of  Egypt,  not  only  the  ornaments 
but  the  ordinary  metal-work  of  the  tabernacle 
were  made.  From  a  comparison  of  the 
amounts  of  gold  and  silver  collected  by  David, 
it  appears  that  the  proportion  was  nearly  i  to  9. 
Brass,  or  more  properly  copper,  was  obtained 
in  Sinai  and  to  the  N.  of  Palestine  proper,  of 
which  it  was  hardly  correct  to  say  "  a  land 
whose  stones  are  iron,  and  out  of  whose  hills 
thou  mayest  dig  copper"  (Deut.8.9;  Job  28.2; 
A.V.  brass).  It  was  so  plentiful  in  the  days 
of  Solomon  that  the  quantity  employed  in  the 
temple  was  too  great  to  be  estimated  (iK. 7. 47). 
Tin  was  well  known,  and  the  process  of 
alloying  copper  with  it  was  early  discovered. 
[Copper.]  Arms  (2Sam.2i.16  ;  Job  2O.24  ; 
Ps.l8.34)  and  armour  (iSam.17.5,6,38)  were 
made  of  bronze,  which  was  capable  of  being  so 
wrought  as  to  admit  of  a  keen  and  hard  edge. 
The  Egyptians  employed  this  in  cutting  the 
hardest  granite.  The  "  iron  mountain  "  in  the 
trans-Jordanic  region  is  described  by  Josephus, 
and  iron-mines  are  still  worked  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Kefr  Huneh  N.  of  the  valley 
Zahardni.  [Iron.]  Tin  and  lead  were  both 
known  at  a  very  early  period,  though  there  is 
no  distinct  trace  of  them  in  Palestine.  The 
former  was  among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites 
(Num. 31. 22),  who  might  have  obtained  it  in 
their  intercourse  with  the  Phoenician  mer- 
chants [cf.  Gen. 37. 25, 36),  who  themselves  pro- 
cured it  from  Tarshish  (Ezk.27.i2)  and  the  tin 
countries  of  the  West.  Antimony  (2  K. 9.30;  Je. 
4.30  ;  A.V.  painting),  in  the  form  of  powder, 
was  used  by  the  Hebrew  women,  Like  the  kohl 
of  the  Arabs,  for  colouring  their  eyelids  and 
eyebrows.  Further  information  will  be  found 
in  the  articles  upon  the  several  metals,  and  the 
metallurgy  of  the  Hebrews  is  discussed  under 
Mines. 

Mete'pus.  "  The  sons  of  Meterus  "  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.i7  only). 

Me'thegr-ammah',  apparently  a  place 
which  David  took  from  the  Philistines  (2Sam. 
8.1).  In  the  parallel  passage  of  iChr.l8.i, 
"  Gath  and  her  (daughter-)towns "  is  sub- 
stituted for  Metheg  ha-ammah.  In  the  R.V. 
Ammah  is  taken  as  meaning  "  mother-city  " 
or  "  metropolis "  {cf.  2Sam.2O.19),  and 
Metheg  ha-ammah  is  "  the  bridle  of  the  mother- 
city  " — viz.  of  Gath,  the  chief  town  of  the 
Philistines.  With  other  points  (ummah)  the 
meaning  would  be  "  control  of  the  people." 
The    LXX.    (Vat.    MS.)    renders    the    word 

d(pO}pi(TfxivT]V.  [c.r.c] 

Methusael',  son  of  Mehujael,  in  the  line  of 
Cain,  and  father  of  Lamech,  i  (Gen.4.i8). 

Methuselah',  the  longest-lived  antedilu- 
vian [Patriarchs]  ;  son  of  Enoch  in  the  line 
of  Seth,  and  father  of  Lamech,  2  (Gen.5.2iff.). 

Meunim'.     [Mehunim.] 

Mezahab',  father  of  Matred  and  grand- 
father of  Mehetabel,  who  was  wife  of  Hadar  or 
Hadad,  the  last-named  king  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 
39  ;  iChr.1.50).  His  name  is  supposed  to 
mean  "  waters  of  gold " ;  more  probably 
"covered  with  gold." 


MICAH 


539 


Miamin'. — 1.  A  layman  of  the  sons  of 
Parosh,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 

10.25)-— 2.   (Ne.12.5.)      [MlJAMIN,   2.] 

Mlbhap'.  "  Mibhar  the  son  of  Haggeri  " 
is  the  name  of  one  of  David's  heroes  in  iChr.ll. 
38.  The  parallel  passage  in  2Sam.23.36  reads 
"  of  Zobah,  Bani  the  Gadite,"  which  is  pro- 
bably the  true  reading.  See  Driver,  Text  of 
Samuel,  284. 

Mibsatn'. — 1.  A  son  of  Ishmael(Gen.25.i3  ; 
iChr.1.29),  not  elsewhere  mentioned. — 2.  A 
Simeonite  (iChr.4.25). 

Mibzap',  a  phylarch  or  "  duke  "  of  Edom 
(Gen. 36. 42  ;  iChr.l.53). 

Micah'. — 1.  (Judg.17,18.)  This  story  was 
included  in  Judges  to  prove  how  idolatry  and 
lawlessness  prevailed  when  there  was  no  king 
(17.6,18.6).  The  story  refers  to  the  generation 
after  Joshua.  Critics  postulate  two  documents 
with  inconsistent  facts,  but  they  are  not  agreed 
as  to  the  analysis  or  as  to  the  inconsistencies. 
Micah  lived  in  Mt.  Ephraim.  He  stole  1,100 
shekels  of  silver  from  his  mother.  She  cursed 
the  thief  and  devoted  the  money,  if  restored, 
to  Jehovah.  To  escape  the  curse,  Micah  con- 
fessed ;  to  escape  from  her  vow,  the  mother 
besought  him  to  retain  the  money.  Micah, 
afraid  of  the  curse,  was  afraid  also  of  sacrilege, 
so  the  mother  compromised  with  her  conscience 
by  giving  a  silversmith  200  shekels  for  an 
image.  The  result  was  a  shrine  at  home.  The 
money  was  not  lost  altogether,  and  the  shrine 
no  doubt  was  profitable.  There  was  evidently 
only  one  idol,  for  the  worship  of  Jehovah  was 
intended  ;  in  consequence  "  a  graven  image  and 
a  molten  image  "  {pesel  and  massekhd)  raise 
diiiiculties.  The  words  may  mean  a  molten 
image  engraved,  or  a  carved  image  with  molten 
ornaments,  massekhd  in  18. 20  is  misplaced. 
The  idol  led  to  a  shrine.  The  shrine  necessi- 
tated an  ephod  and  teraphim.  They  in  turn 
required  a  priest  to  use  them.  The  ephod 
here  cannot  be  an  idol  or  the  teraphim  large. 
In  18.20  the  Levite  carries  all.  The  ephod 
(like  Aaron's)  was  probably  a  garment  with  a 
purse  containing  the  teraphim,  used,  like  the 
Urim  and  Thummim,  for  divining.  Micah  at 
first  made  his  son  priest,  but  afterwards  secured 
a  wandering  Levite  at  a  miserable  pittance. 
The  Levite  was  Jonathan,  the  grandson  of 
Moses,  and  later  Jews,  out  of  respect  for  the 
lawgiver,  inserted  an  "  n "  above  the  line 
and  read  Manasseh  (18. 30).  He  belonged  to 
Bethlehem,  and  was  "  of  the  family  of  Judah  " 
(I7.7).  These  words  are  not  sufficient  to  prove 
there  was  no  tribe  of  Levi,  or  to  overthrow  the 
witness  to  the  parentage  of  Moses.  Levites 
were  doubtless  affiliated  to  the  tribes  with 
which  they  lived.  Micah's  pleasure  and  Dan's 
subsequent  desire  to  secure  his  services  prove 
that  Levites  had  recognized  religious  functions. 
Micah  disobeyed  the  second  commandment, 
but  was  careful  as  to  ritual  propriety.  He  is 
typical  of  many  superstitious  men.  When  the 
Danites  were  driven  from  the  Maritime  Plain 
by  Amorites  (I.34),  they  sent  five  spies  to  find 
a  suitable  settlement  for  their  surplus  popula- 
tion. These  spies  passed  Micah's  house  and 
recognized  the  Levite  "  by  his  voice,"  perhaps 
by  his  southern  dialect.  At  their  request  he 
consulted  his  God  and  assured  them  of  success. 
They  found  Laish,  in  a  northern  valley,  pros- 


540  MICAH 

perous  and  uiiprotcctcci  by  alliances.  In  con- 
sequence 600  armed  Uaiiites  with  families  and 
cattle  marched  from  Mahaiieh-dan  and  came 
to  Micah's  house.  Jonathan  was  held  in  con- 
verse at  the  gate  while  the  spies  robbed  the 
shrine.  Jonathan  protested  a  little,  but  con- 
sulted his  own  interest  and  went  with  the 
Danites.  Micah,  discovering  his  loss,  collected 
his  neighbours  and  pursued.  The  Danites  had 
sent  on  their  impedimenta,  and  turned  on  him 
with  threats.  Micah  was  afraid,  and  returned 
home.  The  Danites  marched  to  I.aish,  sur- 
prised and  burnt  the  town,  and  settled  in  the 
country,  calling  it  Dan.  The  idol  was  set  up, 
Jonathan  and  his  sons  became  its  priests,  and 
the  worship  continued  "  all  the  time  the  house 
of  God  was  in  Shiloh,"  i.e.  "  until  the  captivity 
of  the  land,"  when  the  Philistines  captured  the 
ark.  The  narrative  is  vivid.  The  story  is  told 
throughout  with  grim  humour.  The  author, 
by  his  presentation  of  the  facts,  renders  com- 
ment on  his  part  superfluous.  Never  was  such 
an  exposure  of  superstition.  See  Judges,  op. 
cit. ;  Day,  Social  Life  of  Heb. ;  Robertson,  Early 
Rel.  of  isr. — 2.  (iChr.5.5.)  Son  of  Shimei,  a 
Reubenite. — 3.  (iChr.9.15)  =  Michaiah,  2: — 
4.(8.34,35.9.40,41;  cf.  2Sam.9.i2.)  The  son 
of  Merib-baal  (Mephibosheth)  and  grandson 
of  Jonathan.    He  lived  in  the  house  of  Ziba. — 

5.  (iChr.23.20.)   A  Kohathite,  son  of  Uzziel. — 

6.  (2Chr.34.20.)  "Abdon,  son  of  Micah,"  cf. 
2K. 22.12;  "Achbor,  the  son  of  Michaiah." 
—7.  The  prophet,  vide  ne.xt  art.        [h.m.s.] 

Micah',  the  writer  of  the  sixth  book  of 
the  minor  prophets  (third  in  LXX.),  is  called, 
to  distinguish  him  from  Micah  (li.V.  Micaiah) 
son  of  Imlah  (iK.22..S),  whose  message  he 
takes  up  {cf.  Mi.1.2  with  iK. 22.286),  "the 
Morashthite  "  (Mi.l.i,  R.V.)  from  the  city  of 
his  birth  in  Judaea  (I.14),  wherein  early  times 
his  grave  was  shown.  He  prophesied  in  the 
reigns  of  Jotham  (according  to  Kautzsch  740- 
736),  .4haz  (736-728),  and  Hezekiah  (727-690), 
and  was  therefore  a  yoimger  contemporary 
of  Hosea(l.i)  and  Isaiah  (l.i),  with  which  last 
prophet  he  is  often  in  touch  (cf.  Mi.l.io  ff.  with 
Is.lO.20ff.,  2. 1 1  with  Is.28.7.  B.sff-  with  Is.29. 
off.,  3.12  with  ls.32.13f.,  4. if.  with  Is.2.iff., 
5.2ff.  witli  Is.7.i4,9.5ff. ;  in  several  of  which 
passages  there  is  also  a  similarity  of  wording 
and  word-play,  especially  noticeable  in  the 
Hebrew).  Since  l.fif.  was  written  before  722, 
and  3.12  is  placed  by  Je.26.i8  in  Hezekiah's 
time,  and  since  the  whole  book  shows  the 
hand  of  an  artist  in  the  relation  of  its  parts, 
we  may  consider  the  book  to  have  been  com- 
pleted in  its  present  form  in  the  reign  oi 
Hezekiah,  before  722.  Even  6.16  does  not 
necessarily  give  us  a  later  date  than  this  {cf. 
1.5,5. 1  iff.,  2K.I6.3).  That  proclamations  of 
salvation  usually  follow  on  threatenings  of 
chastisement  is  no  reasrm  for  alleging  their 
spuriousness,  since  the  threatening  is  not  set 
on  one  side,  but  is  presupposed  in  the  very  sub- 
stance of  the  ])romise  itself.  To  understand 
aright  the  ])rophctical  writings,  we  must  bear 
in  mind  the  twofold  object  of  the  projihet's  mis- 
sion— to  rebuke  the  careless  and  ungodly,  and 
to  encourage  the  weak-hearted  and  troubled. 
As  in  Is. 7-12  and  in  Hosea,  so  also  in  Micah  a 
j>roniise  is  always  found  at  the  end  of  a  jiassage 
which  begins  with  the  customary  rhetorical 


MICAH 

"  Hear."  The  following  table  will  indicate 
this  principle  more  plainly  : 

Threatening.  Promise, 

(i)  1.2-2.II.  2.12,13. 

(2)  3.1-12.  4-5. 

(3)  6.1-7.6.  7.7-20. 

This  simple  consideration  forms  also  the  most 
serviceable  answer  to  the  onslaughts  of  critical 
caprice,  of  which  the  name  here  is  legion.  Fol- 
lowing Stade's  precedent,  it  is  customary  to 
regard  the  whole,  or  nearly  the  whole,  of  4-7 
as  not  genuine.  In  Marti's  hands  the  genuine 
book  shrinks  to  a  little  over  a  quarter  of  its 
original  bulk.  Volz  distinguishes  in  4—5  alone 
six  stages  of  revision.  The  inconsistency  fre- 
quently insisted  upon,  that  Jerusalem  in  ch.  4 
sometimes  appears  as  conquered,  sometimes  as 
set  free,  disappears  at  once  if  we  are  allowed 
to  regard  the  prophetic  insight  as  speaking  of 
events  yet  to  take  place  after  the  Exile  (see 
2.i2f., 5.3-5. 7f-, 14  A.V.  marg.,  7.i3ff.  ;  Ho.2. 
3ff. ;  Ezk.SSf.  ;  Zech. 12-14)  ;  whereas  to  re- 
move the  difficulty  by  a  forced  theory  of 
interpolation  is  excluded  by  any  reasonable 
view  of  the  context.  —  Contents.  Ch.  1. 
Jehovah  appears  in  judgment  on  account  of 
the  guilt  of  Samaria  and  Jerusalem.  Samaria 
is  to  become  a  waste.  To  Jerusalem  draw 
near  hostile  hosts  from  N.  and  S.,  and  their 
approach  is  delineated  with  great  poetic 
power.  Ch.  2  finds  the  reason  of  the  chastise- 
ment, which  has  its  climax  in  exile  (1. 16, 2.4, 
10)  in  the  covetousness  of  all  the  higher  ranks 
of  society ;  after  the  deepest  misery,  and  not 
before  the  punishment,  as  the  soothsayers 
pretend,  follow  the  times  of  happiness,  deliver- 
ance, enlargement,  and  victorious  exodus. 
Vv.  izi.  presuppose  the  judgment,  and  do  not 
give  the  words  of  the  lying  prophets  ;  ver.  11  is 
a  parenthesis.  Ch.  3-5.  The  leaders  by  cove- 
tousness, the  false  prophets  by  self-seeking 
predictions  of  health  and  wealth  without 
judgment,  the  priests  by  venality  and  carnal 
security  in  administering  their  office,  have 
greatly  led  the  people  astray  and  have  brought 
about  the  overthrow.  "  Therefore  for  your 
sakes  Zion  shall  be  ploughed  up  for  a  field,  Je- 
rusalem shall  become  a  rubbish  heap,  and  the 
temple  hill  as  the  forest  high  places."  This 
verse  (3.12)  the  princes  of  the  land  (Je.26.i6- 
iq)  used  to  show  that  Jeremiah  was  not  worthy 
of  death  simply  because  he  prophesied  evil, 
since  Hezekiah  had  not  considered  that  Micah 
should  be  so  punished.  But  again,  the  con- 
clusion that  Micah  could  not  have  therefore 
proclaimed  any  message  of  salvation  is  not 
justified,  since  such  a  message  does  not 
make  void  the  tlireatening,  but  on  the  con- 
trary makes  it  surer.  The  jiromise  of  Mi. 4.  iff., 
which  is  indirectly  attached  to  3.12,  sets  forth 
the  religious  significance  of  Zion,  vv.  8-14  its 
outward  fortunes.  5. iff.  introduces,  in  corre- 
spondence with  "  the  sovereignty  of  the  early 
days  "  which  4.8  mentions,  the  tiiought  of  the 
personal  ruler,  born  in  Bethlehem  of  a  virgin 
(clearly  referring  to  Is.7.14)  issuing  from 
eternity,  eijuipped  with  divine  power  and 
majesty;  and  5.6-14  shows  the  people  of  God 
of  the  future  greatly  blessed,  and  yet  fearing 
for  the  peoples  of  the  world,  and  at  the  same 
time    without    a    false    reliance  on   outward 


MICAIAH 

Ceremonial  or  on  the  worship  of  idols.  The 
well-known  prophecy  of  the  temple  hill  (4. iff.) 
meets  us  again  in  Is. 2. iff.  Since  from  chrono- 
logical reasons  Micah,  with  whom  the  passage 
fits  the  context  much  more  closely  than  in 
Isaiah,  could  not  have  taken  it  from  him,  and 
since,  moreover,  interpolations  in  both  pro- 
phets are  excluded  by  the  continuous  con- 
sistency of  their  work,  it  follows  that  both  have 
made  use  of  an  earlier  common  writing,  with 
which  also  Joel  (3.io  ff.),  Jeremiah  (31. 6f.),  and 
Zechariah  (8.10,8.20  ff.)  were  acquainted,  and 
after  which  Micah  shaped  the  imagery  of  8.12 
(see  the  unique  expression  "mountain  of 
the  house"  for  the  temple  hill).  That 
Babylon  is  named  as  the  place  of  the  Exile 
(4. 10) — and  the  word  coheres  to  its  context 
too  closely  to  be  abandoned — is  not  more 
remarkable  than  that  Isaiah  should  name  the 
annexation  of  Israel  by  Assyria  (7.i7ff.)  ;  or 
that  Zechariah  (9.13)  should  know  of  the 
rising  of  the  Greeks  (lonians)  amongst  the 
world-powers  hostile  to  the  Hebrews  or  that 
Isaiah  (89.6)  should  in  the  same  way  indicate 
Babylon  as  the  land  of  the  Exile,  or  Micah 
Bethlehem  as  the  Messiah's  birthplace. 
But  5. iff.  is  a  real  advance  in  the  Messianic 
expectation,  especially  as  stating  that  Christ 
comes  from  eternity;  in  other  respects  Micah 
agrees  closely  with  the  thoughts  of  Is.7.i4,9.5ff. 
Ch.  6,  in  a  third  part  of  the  book,  contains, 
with  bolder  expression,  God's  controversy  with 
His  people,  and  belongs  to  the  purest  regions  of 
religious  and  ethical  thought.  God  requires 
rectitude,  love,  and  a  humble  walk  ;  where 
these  are  wanting,  as  in  Israel,  the  greatest 
sacrifice  avails  nothing.  6.6ff.,  which  was  once 
used  as  a  principal  lever  in  support  of  the  view 
that  the  law  is  later  than  the  prophets,  is  now 
relegated  by  Marti  to  the  5th  cent.  B.C., leaving 
the  hypothesis  of  Wellhausen  to  take  care  of 
itself  !  The  first  part  of  ch.  7  expatiates  with 
a  bitter  cry  upon  the  lack  of  goodness  in  the 
people,  and  the  whole  book  ends  (ver.  7ff.)  with 
hopes  of  redemption  and  restoration,  and,  with 
a  confession  of  sin  indeed,  but  also  with  an 
unshaken  confidence  in  God's  forgiving  grace 
and  truth,  with  a  word-play  upon  the  prophet's 
name  in  ver.  18.  Ver.  12  does  not  refer  to 
the  return  from  Exile,  but  to  the  entrance  of 
the  heathen  into  the  kingdom  of  God  (c/.  4. iff., 
5. 6f., 7. 16,17).  Thus  Micah  makes  prominent 
throughout,  in  equal  proportions,  the  holiness 
of  God  and  the  love  of  God.  The  language  is 
powerful  and  bold,  with  frequent  similes,  es- 
pecially from  the  shepherd  life  (1.6-8,2.i2,4.3ff., 
5.3,7.1,14),  and  ch.  6  is  vividlv  dramatic.  Quo- 
tations in  N.T. :  5.2  in  Mt.2.'5ff.,  Jn.7.42;  7.6 
in  Mt.lO.35f.,  Mk. 13.12,  Lu.i2.53  ;  7.20  in 
Lu.l.72f.  Critical  views :  besides  commen- 
taries and  introductions,  see  Stade,  Zeitschr- 
fiir  die  A.T.  Wissenschaft,  i.  161,  iii.  iff.,  who 
first  started  the  criticism  of  Micah  ;  Volz 
(1897),  Die  vorexilische  Jahve-prophetie  und  der 
Messias,  pp.  63  ff.  Positive  views  :  Ryssel, 
1887,  Untersuchungen  iiher  die  Text-gestalt  und 
die  Echtheit  des  Buches  Micha.  The  present 
writer  has  thoroughly  examined  the  most 
modern  problems  of  the  book  in  his  Messian- 
ische  ErwarUtng  der  Vorexilischen  Propheten 
(1906),   pp.    233-282.  [w.M.] 

Micaiah '.    There  are  7  persons  of  this  name 


MICHAEL 


541 


in  O.T.  besides  Micah  the  Levite,  to  whom  the 
name  is  twice  given  in  the  Heb.  (Judg.l7.i,4), 
Micah  and  Micaiah  both  meaning,  "  Who  is 
like  Jehovah  ?  "  In  A.V.,  however,  the  name 
is  given  as  Michaiah  except  in  the  case  of  the 
son  of  Imlah,  a  prophet  of  Samaria,  who,  in  the 
last  year  of  the  reign  of  Ahab,  predicted  his  de- 
feat and  death.  Three  years  after  the  great 
battle  with  Benhadad,  Ahab  proposed  to  Je- 
hoshaphat  that  they  should  jointly  go  up  to 
battle  against  Ramoth-gilead.  Jehoshaphat 
assented,  but  suggested  that  they  should  first 
"  inquire  at  the  word  of  Jehovah."  Accord- 
ingly, Ahab  assembled  400  prophets,  who  un- 
animously gave  a  favourable  response  ;  and 
among  them,  Zedekiah  the  son  of  Chenaanah 
made  horns  of  iron  as  a  symbol,  and  announced 
that  with  those  horns  Ahab  would  push  the 
Assyrians  till  he  consumed  them.  Jehosha- 
phat was  not  satisfied,  and  asked  if  there  was  no 
other  prophet  of  Jehovah  at  Samaria.  Ahab 
replied  that  there  was  yet  one — Micaiah  the  son 
of  Imlah  ;  but  added,  "  I  hate  him,  for  he  does 
not  prophesy  good  concerning  me,  but  evil." 
Micaiah  was,  nevertheless,  sent  for  ;  and  after 
a  vain  attempt  to  tamper  with  him,  he  first  ex- 
pressed an  ironical  concurrence  with  the  400 
prophets,  and  then  openly  foretold  Ahab's  de- 
feat and  death.  In  opposition  to  the  other 
prophets,  he  said  that  he  had  seen  Jehovah 
sitting  on  His  throne,  with  all  the  host  of 
heaven  standing  by  Him,  and  that  Jehovah 
said.  Who  shall  persuade  Ahab  to  go  up  and 
fall  at  Ramoth-gilead?  that  a  spirit  came  forth 
and  said  that  he  would  be  a  lying  spirit  in  the 
mouth  of  all  the  prophets.  Irritated  by  this 
account  of  the  vision,  Zedekiah  struck  Micaiah 
on  the  cheek,  and  Ahab  ordered  Micaiah  to  be 
taken  to  prison,  and  fed  on  bread  and  water  till 
his  return  to  Samaria  (iK. 22. 1-35  ;  2Chr.l8). 
Josephus  adds  several  details,  not  all  of  which 
can  be  accepted  (8  Ant.  xiv.  5,  xv.  4). 

Micha'. — 1.  The  son  of  Mephibosheth  (2 
Sam.9.i2)=MicAH,  4. — 2.  A  Levite,  or  family 
of  Levites,  who  signed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO. 
11). — 3.  Father  of  Mattaniah,  a  Gershonite 
Levite  and  descendant  of  Asaph  (Ne. 11. 17, 22). 
[Michaiah,  2.] — 4.  A  Simeonite,  whose  son 
Ozias  was  one  of  the  three  governors  of  Bethulia 
in  the  time  of  Judith  (Jth.6.15). 

Michael  ("  who  is  like  God  ?  "  ;  cf.  Mi- 
caiah ;  cf.  Assyr.  mannu-ki-ilu-rabbu,  "  who  is 
like  the  great  God  "  ;  cf.  Mishael,  "who  is  what 
God  is  ?  ").  It  forms  a  claim  on  the  part  of  the 
person  who  bears  the  name  to  protection  by 
Him  Who  is  supreme.  It  thus  is  suitably  applied 
to  the  angel  who  represents  and  guards  Israel 
{vide  infra). — 1.  An  Asherite,  father  of  Sethur 
(Num.13. 13). — 2.  Son  of  Abihail,  a  Gadite 
dwelling  in  Bashan  (iChr.5.13). — 3-  Another 
Gadite,  ancestor  of  Abihail  (5.14). — 4.  A  Ger- 
shonite Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph  (6.4o[25]). — 
5.  One  of  the  five  sons  of  Izrahiah  of  the  tribe 
of  Issachar  (7.3). — 6.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons 
of  Beriah  (8.16). — 7-  One  of  the  captains  of  the 
"  thousands  "  of  Manasseh  who  joined  David 
at  Ziklag  (12. 20). — 8.  Father,  or  ancestor  of 
Omri,  4,  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  (27. 18). — 9-  A 
son  of  Jehoshaphat,  murdered  by  his  elder 
brother  Jehoram  (2Chr.21.2,4). — lO-  Father 
or  ancestor  of  Zebadiah  of  the  sons  of  Shepha- 
tiah  {Ezr.8.8;  iEsd.8.34).'^ll.  The  "prince  " 


542 


MICHAH 


or  patron-angel  of  Israel  (Dan. 10. 13,21,12.1). 
[Angel.]  Not  named  in  the  Apocrypha,  but 
often  in  the  Pseudepigrapha.  Slav.  Enoch 
xxii.  6,  Michael,  as  "  the  chief  captain,"  brings 
Enoch  before  the  Lord.  Eth.  Enoch  xx.  5, 
"  set  over  the  best  part  of  mankind  over  the 
people  "  {i.e.  Israel)  ;  xl.  9,  "  the  merciful  and 
long-suffering";  xl.  2,  one  of  the  four  presences; 
in  XX.  5,  one  of  the  six  "holy  angels  who  watch." 
Asc.  Isa.  iii.  16,  "  the  chief  of  the  holy  angels  " 
with  Gabriel  at  Christ's  sepulchre  ;  ix.  23  (Slav, 
ver.),  "the  great  archangel."  N.T.  :  (i)  Ju.9, 
"  the  archangel  "  contended  with  the  devil 
about  the  body  of  Moses.  Cf.  strife  of  the 
good  Ahura-Mazda  and  the  evil  Angra  Mainyu 
about  a  man's  soul ;  and  the  haggadah  in 
Midrash  Rabba  on  Deut.3i.14  for  a  similar 
strife  between  Samael  and  Michael  for  the  soul 
of  Moses.  (2)  Rev. 12. 7,  Michael  and  his  angels 
light  with  the  Dragon  (the  wording  of  the 
symbolism  rests  ultimately  on  the  myth  of 
Merodach's  fight  with  Tiamat).  For  Col.2.i8, 
seeAxGEL.  Lueken,  iU;c/jae/(i898);  E.  Boklen, 
Die  Verwandtschaft  d.  jiidisch-christl.  m.  d. 
parsischen  Eschat.  (1902),  pp.  50  ff. ;  Charles, 
Assumption  of  Moses  (1897),  pp.  106-110  ; 
and  Test.  xii.  Patriarchs  (1908)  on  Levi  v.  6, 
Dan.  vi.  2,  and  Benj.  vi.  i.  [a.l.w.] 

Michah'  (iChr.24.24,25)  =  Micah,   5. 

Mlchaiah'  (cf.  Micaiah). — 1.  Father  of 
AcHBOR,  2  (2K. 22.12).  [Micah,  6.] — 2.  Son  of 
Zaccur,  a  descendant  of  Asaph  (Ne.i2.35)  = 
Micah,  3,  son  of  Zichri  (iChr.9.i5):=  Micha,  3, 
son  of  Zabdi  (Ne.ll.17). — 3-  One  of  the  priests 
at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (12. 
41). — 4.  [Maachah,  3.] — 5.  A  prince  whom 
jehoshaphat  sent  to  teach  the  law  of  Jehovah 
in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2Chr.l7.7). — 6.  Son  of 
Gemariah,  I.  After  Baruch  had  read  to  the 
people  Jeremiah's  prophecies  of  imminent 
calamities,  Michaiah  reported  them  to  all  the 
princes  assembled  in  king  Jehoiakim's  house  ; 
whereupon  the  princes  sent  for  Baruch  to  read 
the  prophecies  to  them  (Je.36.11-14). 

Michar.theyoungerof  Saul's  two  daughters 
(iSam.14.49).  The  king  had  proposed  to  be- 
stow on  David  his  elder  daughter  Merab  ;  but 
before  the  marriage  could  be  arranged  Michal 
fell  in  love  with  the  young  hero.  Saul  eagerly 
caught  at  this  opportunity  of  exposing  his  rival 
to  the  risk  of  death.  The  dowry  demanded  for 
Michal  was  the  slaughter  of  a  hundred  Philis- 
tines. David  by  a  brilliant  feat  doubled  the 
tale  of  victims  and  Michal  became  his  wife  (18. 
17-28).  Soon  the  strength  of  her  affection  was 
put  to  the  proof.  They  seem  to  have  been  liv- 
ing at  Gibeah.  After  one  of  Saul's  attacks  of 
frenzy,  Michal  learned  that  the  house  was  being 
watched  by  the  myrmidons  of  Saul,  and  that  it 
was  intended  on  the  next  morning  to  attack  her 
husband  as  he  left  his  door.  She  met  strata- 
gem by  stratagem,  first  lowering  David  out  of 
the  window  and  then  arranging  the  bed  as  if 
still  occupied  by  him  :  the  Teraphim,  or 
"image,"  was  laid  therein,  its  head  envelo])ed 
with  a  "rug"  (Heb.  kebhir,  occurs  here  only) 
of  goat's  hair  [Pillow],  the  rest  of  the 
figure  covered  with  the  wide  bcghedh  or  cloth. 
Saul's  rage  when  his  messengers  discovered  the 
deception  was  such  that  Michal  in  her  fear 
fal)rif  atcd  a  story  that  David  had  attempted 
to  kill  her  (I9.11-17).     This  was  tlie  last  time 


MIDIAN 

she  saw  her  husband  for  many  years  ;  and 
when  the  rupture  between  Saul  and  David  had 
become  open  and  incurable,  Miclial  was 
married  to  another  man,  Phalti  or  Phaltiel  of 
Gallim  (iSam.25.44  ;  2Sam.3.i5).  After  the 
death  of  her  father  and  brothers  at  Gilboa, 
Michal  and  her  new  husband  appear  to  have 
gone  with  the  rest  of  the  family  of  Saul  to  the 
E.  side  of  Jordan,  whence  David  recovered  her. 
[PiiALTi.]  Fourteen  years  at  least  had  elapsed 
since  David  and  she  had  parted,  but  his  love 
for  his  absent  wife  had  clearly  undergone  no 
change.  The  meeting  took  place  at  Hebron. 
Subsequently,  on  the  day  of  David's  greatest 
triumph,  when  he  brought  the  ark  of  Jehovah 
from  its  temporary  resting-place  to  its  home  in 
the  newly  acquired  city,  Michal  watched  the 
procession  from  her  window,  and  the  "danc- 
ing "  of  her  husband  before  the  ark  seemed  to 
her  undignified  ;  "  she  despised  him  in  her 
heart."  The  king  was  received  by  his  wife 
with  a  bitter  taunt.  David  justified  himself 
and  separated  from  her  (2Sam.6.20-2  3).  Her 
name  appears  but  once  again  (21.8)  as  the 
mother  of  five  of  the  grandchildren  of  Saul ; 
but  Merab  should  doubtless  be  substituted 
for  Michal  here. 

Miche'as  (2Esd.l.39)  =  the  prophet  Micah. 

Michtnas',  a  variation,  probably  a  later 
form,  of  MiciiMASii  (Ezr.2.27  ;  Ne.7.31). 

Michmash',  a  town  noticed  in  connexion 
with  the  Philistine  war  of  Saul  and  Jonathan 
(iSam.13,14).  Now  Miikhmds,  7  miles  N.  of 
Jerusalem,  on  the  N.  edge  of  the  great  Wddy 
Suweinit..  [BozEZ.]  It  first  appears,  with 
Bethel  and  Gibeah,  as  one  of  the  chief  points  of 
Saul's  position  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  (i 
Sam. 13. 2).  It  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  (10. 28)  as 
lying  N.  of  the  "  passage  "  or  gorge.  After  the 
Captivity  the  men  of  the  place  returned,  122 
in  number  (Ezr.2.27;  Ne.7.31).  About  153  e.g. 
Machmas  became  the  residence  of  Jonathan  the 
Hasmoiiaean  (iMac.9.73).  In  the  time  of  Euse- 
biusand  Jerome (Ono was/icon,  "Machmas")  it 
was  "  a  large  village  shown  in  the  confines  of 
Aelia  [Jerusalem],  keeping  its  old  name, 
9  [Roman]  miles  distant  thence,  near  the 
town    Rainah  "    (now   er  Ram).  [c.r.c] 

Michmethah'  (Jos. 17. 7).  "  .'Vnd  the 
border  of  Mauasseh  was  from  'dshcr  ham- 
tnikhm'thdth,  which  is  in  front  of  Shechem." 
[Ashek.]  The  Heb.  words  may  perhaps  be 
rendered  "  the  going  forth  of  the  open  place," 
and  the  reference  appears  to  be  to  the  Mukhnah 
plain,  or  "  camping  ground,"  E.  and  S.E.  of 
Shechem,  included  in  Ephraim,  while  Gerizim 
lav  in  Manasseh.     [Shechem.]  [c.r.c] 

Michpi',  ancestor  of  Elah,  4  (iChr.9.8). 

Michtam.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

MIddin',  a  city  of  Judah  (Jos.l5.6i),  one 
of  tlie  six  specified  as  situated  in  the  district 
of  "  the  midbhdr  "  (A.V.  wilderness).  The  site 
is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Mldian'  (midhydn),  Midianltes  [mid- 
hydnim,  MaSiavirai,  ^\aStr]^>atol),  naiiu- of  a  son 
of  Abraham  and  Keturah  (Gen. 25- 2)  and  of 
a  tribe  descended  from  him.  Tiic  Midian- 
ltes first  appear  as  a  tribe  in  (;cn.37.25,28, 
where  they  are  closely  associated  in  trading 
with  their  kinsmen  the  Ishmaelites  ;  their  terri- 
tory extended  along  the  eastern  coast  of 
tlie    gulf    of    '.A(ial)a,    and   was    coterminous 


MIDWIFE 

with  Edom  to  the  N.  .  From  the  fact  that  in 
Judg.l0.i2  the  Heb.  \MSD  {md'on)  is  rendered 
"  Midian  "  by  the  LXX.,  the  Meonim  {m<^'6ntm) 
elsewhere  mentioned  seem  to  have  been  ulti- 
mately identified  with  the  Midianites.  If  so, 
the  latter  must  have  settled  in  their  territory, 
as  the  word  vid'on  is  the  Magan  of  very  ancient 
Akkadian  texts.  It  denoted  the  Sinaitic 
Peninsula  and  the  country  S.  of  it,  from 
which  diorite  and  other  articles  were  brought 
to  Babylonia  in  very  early  times.  The  name 
survives  in  that  of  the  port  of  Maknah,  near 
which  great  ruins  still  exist.  Classical  writers 
knew  the  Meonim  as  Mineans,  and  recent  ex- 
plorations show  that  the  latter  formed  a  king- 
dom of  great  antiquity.  In  Moses'  youth  the 
Midianites  proper — -who  may  have  in  some 
degree  become  intermingled  with  the  earlier 
inhabitants — appear  to  have  been  governed  by 
priests,  though  later  in  his  life  we  find  kings 
mentioned.  In  this  respect  they  resemble 
many  other  tribes  of  ancient  Arabia,  for  in  the 
S.  of  that  peninsula,  as  in  Assyria  and  in  the  S. 
of  Babylonia,  the  rulers  were  priests  before 
they  became  priest-ldngs,  and  finally  lay 
monarchs.  In  Sheba  we  find,  in  like  manner, 
that  the  earliest  rulers  were  priests  (called 
Maqdrib),  and  only  later  assumed  the  royal 
title.  The  name  of  Moses'  Midianite  father- 
in-law,  Jethro,  was  a  not  uncommon  one  in 
both  Northern  and  Southern  Arabia,  as  we 
learn  from  inscriptions.  The  Midianites  finally 
became,  probably  through  trade,  one  of  the 
most  powerful  tribes  in  Arabia.  We  find 
heir  elders  uniting  with  those  of  Moab  in 
aviting  Balaam  to  visit  Balak  (Num.22.4,7). 
The  Midianites  joined  with  the  Moabites  in 
tempting  Israel  to  sin  (Num.25),  and  in  conse- 
quence suffered  a  great  overthrow  (Num.31). 
They  were  among  the  cruellest  of  the  oppres- 
sors of  Israel  in  the  times  of  the  Judges, 
but  were  defeated  by  Gideon  (Judg.6,7,8),  and 
their  power  broken.  In  each  instance  we  find 
them  ruled  over  by  a  number  of  kings,  and  in 
Gideon's  time  in  alliance  with  the  Amalekites. 
Their  overthrow  at  Gideon's  hands  became 
proverbial  among  the  Israelites,  and  is  re- 
peatedly referred  to  as  an  instance  of  a  crush- 
ing defeat  (Ps.83.9  ;  Is.9.4, 10.26)  and  a  divinely 
wrought  deliverance  of  God's  people.  Sayce, 
Higher  Crit.  and  the  Mon.;  Hommel,  Alt- 
israelitische  Ueberlieferung;  Hilprecht,ii%^Z.  in 
Bible  Lands ;  and  for  other  views,  see  Arabia, 
Madian,  Maonites,  in  this  Diet,    [w.st.c.t.] 

Mid^vife.     [Family,  D.  iv.  (6);  Puah,  3.] 

Migrdal-el',  one  of  the  fortified  towns  of 
Naphtali  (Jos. 19. 38  only);  the  name  means 
"  tower  of  El,  or  God."  It  is  noticed  between 
Iron  {Ydriin)  and  Horem  (Hdrah),  being 
probably  the  present  village  Mujeidil,  6  miles 
N.W.  of  Harah.  [c.R.cl 

Migdar-gad'  (Jos. 15. 37),  a  town  in  the 
lowlands  of  Judah,  mentioned  with  Mizpeh 
{^dfieh)  and  Lachish  (Te/Z  el  Hesy).  It  appears 
to  be  the  ruin  Mejdeleh,  5  miles  S.  of  Beit 
Jibrin.  This  is  6  miles  S.S.W.  of  Mizpeh,  3, 
and  10  miles  E.  of  Laehish.  It  is  an  ancient 
ruin,  with  caves,  cisterns,  and  Heb.  rock-cut 
tombs  ;  evidently  an  important  town  {Surv. 
W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  284).  [c.R.c] 

Mig-dol',  the  proper  name  of  two  different 
places  on  the  E.  portion  of  Egypt,  both  in  the 


MlLETtJS 


543 


isthmus  of  Suez.  The  word  means  originally  a 
watch-tower. — 1.  Migdol  occurs  in  the  account 
of  the  Exodus  (Ex. 14.2  ;  Num.33.7).  The  camp 
of  the  Israelites  is  said  to  be  before  Pi-hahiroth, 
between  Migdol  and  the  sea.  It  is  evidently 
the  place  which  is  mentioned  in  the  papyri  with 
its  Semitic  name  of  Maktar,  or  Maktal,  of  Seti 
I.,  and  which  the  Sinaitic  Bedouin  had  to  pass 
when  they  came  to  graze  their  cattle  in  the  pas- 
tures of  Pithom.  We  locate  it  on  the  hill  which 
the  French  engineers  called  the  Serapeum, 
a  little  N.  of  the  Bitter  Lakes.  Darius  erected 
there  a  Persian  stele.  [Red  Sea,  Passage  of.] 
— 2.  The  N.  boundary  of  Egypt,  correspond- 
ing to  Syene  in  the  S.  (Ezk.29.io,30.6  marg.). 
The  same  place  is  spoken  of  by  Jeremiah 
(44.i)  as  being  inhabited  by  Jews.  It  is 
the  Magdolon  of  the  Itinerary  of  Antonine,  12 
miles  S.  of  Pelusium.  It  was  a  fortress  in  that 
region,  afterwards  superseded  by  Pelusium,  and 
was  the  first  city  reached  by  travellers  from 
Palestine  to  Egypt.  As  it  was  the  nearest  to 
their  country,  it  was  natural  that  J  ews  should 
settle  there,  and  that  the  name  of  Migdol 
should  come  first  in  the  threats  of  the  prophets 
against  Egypt.  [e.e.] 

MigTon'  {precipice),  a  place  near  Gi- 
beah  (iSam.14.2),  where  a  pomegranate  tree 
grew.  Here  the  Assyrians  crossed  the  Mich- 
mash  Valley  (Is.lO.28).  Probably  the  cliffs  E. 
of  Jeb'a  are  meant.     [Gibeah,  2.]      [c.r.c] 

Mijamin'. — 1.  The  chief  of  the  sixth  of  the 
24  courses  of  priests  established  by  David  ( iChr. 
24.9). — 2.  A  family  of  priests  who  signed  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.7) ;  probably  descendants  of  i ; 
identical  with  Miamin  (I2.5)  and  probably 
with  Miniamin  (I2.17). 

Mikloth'. — 1.  Son  of  Jehiel  by  his  wife 
Maachah,  and  father  of  Shimeah  or  Shimeam 
(iChr.8.32,9.37,38).— 2.  The  "ruler"  (ndgidh) 
of  the  second  division  of  David's  army  (27.4). 

Mikneiah',  a  Levite  of  the  second  rank, 
gatekeeper  of  the  ark ;  appointed  by  David  to 
play  in  the  temple-band  "  with  harps  upon 
Sheminith  "  (iChr.l5. 18,21). 

Milalai',  a  musician  at  the  dedication  of 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.i2.36);  probably  a 
Gershonite  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Asaph. 

Milcah'. — 1.  Daughter  of  Haran,  sister  of 
Lot,  grandmother  of  Rebekah,  and  wife  of 
her  own  uncle  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother,  to 
whom  she  bare  eight  children  (Gen.ll.29,22.20, 
23,24.15,24,47). — 2.  The  fourth  daughter  of 
Zelophehad  (Num.26.33,27.i,36.ii  ;  Jos. 17. 3). 

Milcom'.    [MoLECH.] 

Mile.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Miletus  (Ac.20.15,17),  less  correctly  called 
MiLETUM  in  2Tim.4.20.  In  the  context  of 
Ac.20.i6  we  have  the  geographical  relations  of 
Miletus  brought  out  as  distinctly  as  if  it  were 
St.  Luke's  purpose  to  state  them.  In  the  first 
place  it  lay  on  the  coast  to  the  S.  of  Ephesus. 
Next,  it  was  a  day's  sail  from  Trogyllium  (ver. 
15).  Moreover,  to  those  who  are  sailing  from 
the  N.,  it  is  in  the  direct  line  for  Cos.  All 
these  details  correspond  with  the  geographical 
facts  of  the  case.  The  site  of  Miletus  has  now- 
receded  10  miles  from  the  coast,  and  even  in 
the  apostle's  time  it  must  have  lost  its  strictly 
maritime  position.  The  passage  in  2Tim.4.20 
presents  a  very  serious  difficulty  to  the  theory 
that  there  was  only  one  Roman  imprisonment. 


544 


MILK 


Miletus  was  far  more  famous  five  cents,  before 
St.  Paul's  day  than  ever  afterwards.  lu^early 
times  it  was  the  most  flourishing  city  of  the 
Ionian  Greeks.  In  the  natural  order  of  events, 
it  was  absorbed  in  the  Persian  empire.  After  a 
brief  period  of  spirited  independence,  it  received 
a  blow  from  which  it  never  recovered,  in  the 
siege  conducted  by  Alexander,  when  on  his 
Eastern  campaign.  But  it  held,  even  through 
the  Roman  period,  the  rank  of  a  second-rate 
trading  town,  and  Strabo  mentions  its  four 
harbours.  At  this  time  it  was  politically 
in  the  province  of  Asia,  though  Caria  was 
the  old  ethnological  name  of  the  district  in 
which  it  was  situated. 

Milk.  In  the  East  milk  is  not  restricted 
to  the  use  of  the  young,  though  naturally 
the  characteristic  food  of  childhood  both  from 
its  simple  and  nutritive  qualities  (iPe.2.2), 
and  particularly  as  contrasted  with  meat  (iCor. 
3.2  ;  Heb.5.12)  ;  but  is  regarded  as  substantial 
food,  adapted  alike  to  all  ages  and  classes.  Not 
only  the  milk  of  cows,  but  of  sheep  (Deut.32. 
14),  camels  (Gen. 82.15),  and  goats  (Pr.27.27) 
was  used,  sometimes  {hdldbli)  in  its  natural 
and  sometimes  in  a  sour  coagulated  state 
(hem'd).  In  A.V.  the  latter  is  rendered 
"butter";  but  undoubtedly  in  every  case 
(e.\cept  perhaps  Pr.3O.33)  the  term  refers  to 
curdled  milk,  well  known  in  Eastern  countries 
under  the  name  of  leben.  The  refreshing 
draught  which  Jael  offered  "  in  a  lordly  dish  " 
to  Sisera  (Judg.5.25)  was  leben.  It  is  still 
offered  in  hospitality  to  the  passing  stranger, 
exactly  as  of  old  in  Abraham's  tent  (Gen. 18. 8). 

Mill.  The  hand-mills  (rchayim)  of  the  an- 
cient Hebrews  differed  but  little  from  those  still 
in  use  in  the  East.    These  consist  of  two  circu- 


MILL 

lar  stones,  about  18  to  24  in.  in  diameter,  the 
lower  of  which  is  fi.xed,  and  has  its  upper  sur- 
face slightly  convex,  fitting  into  a  correspond- 
ing concavity  in  the  upper  stone.  The  latter, 
called  by  the  Hebrews  rekhebh,  and  by  the 
Arabs  rekkab,  "  rider,"  has  a  hole  in  it,  through 
which  the  grain  passes,  immediately  above  a 
pivot  or  shaft,  which  rises  from  the  centre  of  the 
lower  stone,  and  about  which  the  upper  stone 
is  turned  by  means  of  an  upright  handle  fixed 
near  the  edge.  It  is  worked  by  women,  some- 
times singly  and  sometimes  two  together, 
facing  each  other.  The  one  whose  right  hand  is 
disengaged  throws  in  the  grain  as  occasion  re- 
quires through  the  hole  in  the  upper  stone. 
The  N.T.  reference  (Mt.24.4i)  is  true  to  life, 
for  women  only  grind.  The  labour  is  very 
hard,  and  the  task  of  grinding  was  in  conse- 
quence performed  only  by  the  lowest  servants 
(Ex. 11. 5)  and  captives  (Judg.l6.21  ;  JobSl. 
10  ;  Is. 47. 1,2  ;  Lam.5.13).  So  essential  were 
millstones  for  daily  domestic  use,  that  they 
were  forbidden  to  be  taken  in  pledge  (Dent. 24. 
6),  lest  a  family  might  be  deprived  of  the  means 
of  preparing  their  food.  The  hand-mills  of  the 
i  ancient  Egyptians  were  of  the  same  character 
:  as  those  of  their  descendants,  and  like  them 
t  were  worked  by  women.  Specimens  have  also 
1  been  found,  by  excavation  in  Palestine  itself, 
which  are  of  great  antiquity.  .-Vncient  oil  mills 
also  are  found,  with  cylindrical  rolling  stones 
:  (like  a  cheese  in  shape),  which  were  turned  in 
a  stone  trough  by  an  ass  or  an  ox.  These 
presses  are  noticed  in  the  Mishna  (Shebiith 
1  viii.  6).  A  nxillstone  of  this  kind  is  alluded  to 
in  Mt.l8.  6.  W'ith  the  movable  upper  millstone 
of  the  hand-mill  the  woman  of  Thebez  broke 
I  .-Vbimelech's  skull  (Judg.9.53).  [c.r.c] 


.  KfAN    WiiMAN 


MILLENNIUM 

Millennium.  [Coming,  Second.] 
Millet  (Heb.  dohan,  Arab,  dokhn),  the 
Paniciim  miliaceuni,  or  Sorghum  vulgare.  It  is 
probable  that  both  were  used  by  the  ancient 
Hebrews  and  Egyptians,  and  the  Heb.  dohan 
may  denote  either  of  these  species.  The  latter 
is  however  called  dhurah  in  Arab.  (Tristram, 
Nat.  Hist,  of  Bible,  p.  470).  Mention  of  millet 
occurs  only  in  Ezk.4.9.  It  is  still  grown  in 
Palestine.  [c.r.c] 

Millo',  a  place  connected  with  the  defences 
of  ancient  Jerusalem,  previous  to  its  capture 
by  king  David  (aSam.S.g),  "  And  David 
built  round  about  from  Millo  and  inward  "  (i 
Chr.11.8).  Solomon  also  built  Millo  as  part  of 
the  great  work  carried  out  by  his  levy  (1K.9.15, 
24,11.27).  King  Hezekiah  strengthened  Millo 
in  the  city  of  David,  on  the  approach  of  the 
Assjnrians  (2Chr.32.5).  Millo  is  now  conjec- 
tured to  be  an  archaic  Jebusite  word  borrowed 
by  the  Israelites,  but  the  Targums  derive  it 
from  a  Heb.  word  meaning  "  a  filling  up." 
There  is  nothing  to  show  what  Millo  really  was, 
but  the  inference  from  the  various  allusions  is 
that  it  was  a  mound,  keep,  or  citadel.  This  is 
evidently  the  view  of  the  LXX.,  as  they  render 
it  in  every  case  (except  2Chr.32.5)  as  77  ixKpa,  a 
word  which  they  employ  nowhere  else  in  O.T. 
Now,  ij&Kpa  means  "the  citadel,"  and  this  is  the 
word  used  throughout  the  books  of  Maccabees 
and  by  Josephus  for  the  fortress  overlooking 
the  temple.  The  position  of  Millo  is  discussed 
under  Jerusalem.  [c.w.] 

Millo',  The  house  of  (Beth-Millo).--l. 
(Judg.9.6,20.)  The  name  of  a  family  or  clan 
mentioned  with  Shechem. — 2.  The  place  where 
Joash  was  slain  by  his  servants  in  Jerusalem 
(2K. 12.20).     [Millo  ;  Silla.]  [c.w.] 

Mines,  Mining*.  "  Surely  there  is  a 
source  for  the  silver,  and  a  place  for  the  gold 
which  they  refine.  Iron  is  taken  out  of  the  i 
soil,  and  stone  man  melts  [for]  copper.  He  j 
hath  put  an  end  to  darkness,  and  to  all  per- 
fection [i.e.  most  thoroughly]  he  searcheth  the  | 
stone  of  thick  darkness  and  of  the  shadow  of 
death.  He  hath  sunk  a  shaft  far  from  the 
sojourner  ;  they  that  are  forgotten  of  the  foot 
hang  [stray],  away  from  man  they  flit  to 
and  fro.  [As  for]  the  earth,  from  her  cometh 
forth  bread,  yet  her  nethermost  parts  are  up- 
turned as  [by)  fire.  The  place  of  sapphire  [are] 
her  stones,  and  dust  of  gold  is  his.  A  track 
which  the  bird  of  prey  hath  not  known,  nor  the 
eye  of  the  falcon  glared  upon  ;  which  the  sons 
of  pride  [i.e.  wild  beasts]  have  not  trodden,  nor 
the  roaring  lion  gone  over  ;  in  the  flint  man 
hath  thrust  his  hand,  he  hath  overturned 
mountains  from  the  root ;  in  the  rocks  he  hath 
cleft  channels,  and  every  rare  thing  hath  his 
eye  seen  :  the  streams  hath  he  bound  that  they 
weep  not,  and  that  which  is  hid  he  bringeth 
forth  to  light"  (Job  28.i-ii;.  Such  is  the 
highly  poetical  description  given  by  the  author 
of  the  book  of  Job  of  the  operations  of  mining 
as  known  in  his  day,  the  only  record  of  the 
kind  which  we  inherit  from  the  ancient  Heb- 
rews. It  may  be  fairly  inferred  from  the 
description  that  a  distinction  is  made  between 
gold  obtained  in  the  manner  indicated,  and 
that  which  is  found  in  the  natural  state  in  the 
alluvial  soil,  among  the  debris  washed  down 
by  the  torrents.     This  appears  to  be  implied  in 


MINES,  MINING 


545 


the  expression  "  the  gold  they  refine,"  which 
presupposes  a  process  by  which  the  pure  gold 
is  separated  from  any  natural  alloy  of  silver  or 
copper,   or  may  refer  to  extracting  it  from 
veins    of    quartz.     Silver    also    is    associated 
with  gold  in  almost  every  allusion  to  refining. 
In  the  above-quoted  passage  of  Job,  so  far 
as  can  be  made  out  amid  the  obscurities  with 
which  it  is  beset,  the  natmral  order  of  mining 
operations  is  observed.     The  poet  might  have 
had  before  him  the  copper-mines  of  the  Sina- 
itic  Peninsula.     In  Wady  el-Magharah,   "  the 
Valley  of  the  Cave,"   are  still  traces  of  the 
Egyptian  colony  of  miners  who  settled  there 
for  the  purpose  of  extracting  copper  from  the 
sandstone  rocks,   and  left   their   hieroglyphic 
inscriptions  upon  the  face  of   the  cUff.     The 
ancient  furnaces  are  still  to  be  seen,  and  on  the 
coast  of  the  Red  Sea  are  found  the  piers  and 
wharves    whence    the    miners    shipped    their 
metal  in  the  harbour  of  Abu  Zelimeh.     The 
copper-mines  of  Phaeno  in  Idumaea,  according 
to  Jerome,  were  between  Zoar  and  Petra  ;    in 
the  persecution  of  Diocletian  the  Christians 
were  condemned  to  work  them.     The  gold- 
mines of  Egypt    in  the    Bishari  Desert,  the 
principal   station    of   which    was    Eshuranib, 
about    three    days'    joiurney    beyond    Wddy 
A  llaga,  were  discovered  by  M.  Linant  and  Mr. 
Bonomi.     Ruins  of  the  miners'  huts  still  re- 
main as  at  Surabit  el-Khadim.     According  to 
the  account  given 'by  Diodorus  Siculus  (iii.  12- 
14),  the  mines  were  worked  by  gangs  of  con- 
victs and  captives  in  fetters,  who  were  kept 
day  and  night  to  their  task  by  soldiers.     The 
work  was  superintended  by  an  engineer,  who 
selected  the  stone  to  be  worked.     The  harder 
rock  was  split  by  means  of  fire,  but  the  softer 
was  broken  up  with  picks  and  chisels.     The 
miners  were  quite  naked,  their  bodies  being 
painted  according  to  the  colour  of  the  rock 
they  were  working  ;  and  in  order  to  see  in  the 
dark  passages  of  the  mine,  they  carried  lamps 
upon  their  heads.     The  stone  as  it  fell  was 
carried  off  by  boys ;  it  was  then  pounded  in 
stone  mortars  with  iron  pestles  by  those  who 
were  over  30  years  of  age  till  it  was  reduced  to 
the  size  of  a  lentil.     The  women  and  old  men 
afterwards  ground  it  in  mills  to  a  fine  powder. 
The  final  process  of  separating  the  gold  from 
the  pounded  stone  was  entrusted  to  the  en- 
gineers who  superintended  the  work.     They 
spread  this  powder   upon   a  broad,   slightly 
inclined  table,  and  rubbed  it  gently  with  the 
hand,  pouring  water  upon  it  from  time  to  time 
so  as  to  carry  away  all  the  earthy  matter, 
leaving  the  heavier  particles  upon  the  board. 
This  was  repeated  several  times  ;   at  first  with 
the  hand  and  afterwards  with  fine  sponges 
gently  pressed  upon  the  earthy  substance,  till 
nothing  but  the  gold  was  left.     It  was  then 
collected  by  other  workmen,    and  placed  in 
earthen  crucibles  with  a  mixture  of  lead  and 
salt  in  certain  proportions,   together  with  a 
httle  tin  and  some  barley  bran.     The  crucibles 
were  covered  and  carefully  closed  with  clay, 
and  in  this  condition  baked  in  a  furnace  for 
five  days  and  nights  without  intermission.    Of 
the  three  methods  employed  for  refining  gold 
and  silver — (i)  by  exposing  the  fused  metal  to 
a  current  of  air  ;    (2)  by  keeping  the  alloy  in  a 
state  of  fusion  and  throwing  nitre  upon  it ;  and 

35 


646 


MINES,  MINING 


(3)  by  mixing  the  alloy  with  lead,  exposing  the 
whole  to  fusion  upon  a  vessel  of  bone-ashes  or 
earth,  and  blowing  upon  it  with  bellows  or 
other  blast — the  third  appears  most  nearly  to 
coincide  with  the  description  of  Diodorus.  To 
this,  known  as  the  cupelling  process,  there 
seems  to  be  a  reference  in  Ps.t2.6,  Je. 6. 28-30, 
Ezk. 22. 18-22.  Silver-mines  are  mentioned  by 
Diodorus  (i.  33),  with  those  of  gold,  iron, 
and  copper,  in  the  island  of  Meroe,  in  the 
Nile.  But  the  chief  supply  of  silver  in  the 
ancient  world  appears  to  have  been  brought 
from  Spain.  The  mines  there  were  celebrated 
(iMac.8.3).  Mt.  Orospeda,  from  which  the 
Guadalquivir,  the  ancient  Baltes,  takes  its  rise, 
was  formerly  called,  from  its  silver-mines, 
"  the  silver  mountain  "  (Strabo,  iii.  p.  148), 
but  the  largest  silver-mines  in  Spain  were  near 
Carthago  Nova.  The  process  of  separating 
silver  from  lead  is  abridged  by  Strabo  from 
Polybius.  The  lumps  of  ore  were  first  pounded, 
and  then  sifted  through  sieves  into  water. 
The  sediment  was  again  pounded,  and  again 
filtered,  and  after  this  process  had  been  re- 
peated five  times  the  water  was  drawn  off, 
the  remainder  of  the  ore  melted,  the  lead 
poured  away  and  the  silver  left  pure.  The 
metal  workers  of  Tarshish  must  have  pos- 
sessed the  art  of  hammering  silver  into  sheets 
(Jc.10.9).  VVe  have  no  means  of  knowing 
whether  the  gold  of  Ophir  was  obtained  from 
mines  or  from  the  washing  of  gold-streams. 
Its  great  abundance  seems  to  indicate  that  the 
larger  part  of  the  gold  which  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Hebrews  was 
obtained  from  streams.  As  gold  is  seldom  if 
ever  found  entirely  free  from  silver,  the 
quantity  of  the  latter  varying  from  2  per  cent, 
to  30  per  cent.,  it  has  been  supposed  that  the 
ancient  metallurgists  were  acquainted  with 
some  means  of  parting  them.  To  some  such 
process  it  has  been  imagined  that  Pr.17.3,  "The 
fuiinR-pot  is  for  silver,  and  the  furnace  for 
gold,"  and  27.21  refer.  A  strong  proof  of  the 
acquaintance  possessed  by  the  ancient  Heb- 
rews with  the  manipulation  of  metals  by  the 
7)rocess  known  in  modern  times  as  calcination 
is  found  by  some  in  the  destruction  of  the 
golden  calf  by  Moses.  "  And  he  took  the  calf 
which  they  had  made,  and  burnt  it  in  fire,  and 
ground  it  to  powder,  and  strawed  it  upon  the 
water,  and  made  the  children  of  Israel  drink  " 
(Ex. 32.20).  But  this  appears  to  have  arisen 
from  a  desire  to  find  too  much  in  the  text.  The 
main  object  of  the  destruction  of  the  calf  was 
U)  prove  its  worthlessncss  and  to  throw  con- 
tempt upon  idolatry,  and  this  might  have  been 
done  without  any  refined  chemical  process  like 
that  referred  to.  How  far  the  ancient  Hebrews 
were  acquainted  with  the  processes  at  present 
in  use  for  extracting  copper  from  the  ore  it  is 
impossible  to  assert,  as  there  are  no  references 
in  Scripture  to  anything  of  the  kind  except  in 
Job  (I.e.),  but  it  was  known  to  the  Egyptians 
not  a  few  centuries  before  the  Exodus.  Some 
means  of  toughening  the  metal  so  as  to  render 
it  fit  for  manufacture  must  have  been  known 
to  the  Hebrews  as  to  other  ancient  nations. 
The  Egyptians  evidently  possessed  the  art  of 
working  bronze  in  great  perfection  at  a  very 
early  time,  and  much  of  the  knowledge  of 
metals  which   the   Israelites  had  must   have 


MINISTER 

been  acquired  during  their  residence  among 
them.  Of  tin,  apparently,  there  is  no  trace 
in  Palestine.  That  the  Phoenicians  obtained 
their  supplies  from  the  mines  of  Spain  and 
Cornwall  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  lead- 
mines  of  Jebel  er  Rusas,  near  the  coast  of  the 
Red  Sea,  about  half-way  between  Berenice  and 
Kosseir,  may  have  supplied  the  Hebrews  with 
that  metal,  of  which  there  were  no  mines  in 
their  own  country,  or  it  may  have  been  ob- 
tained from  the  rocks  near  Sinai.  Iron  ore  is 
obtained  on  the  southern  base  of  the  Lebanon 
hills,  and  the  mines  are  still  worked  there, 
though  in  a  very  simple,  rude  manner,  like  that 
of  the  ancient  Samothracians  :  of  the  method 
employed  by  the  Egyptians  and  Hebrews  we 
have  no  certain  information.  It  may  have 
been  similar  to  that  in  use  throughout  India 
from  very  early  times,  which  is  thus  described 
by  Dr.  Ure  :  "  The  furnace  or  bloomery  in 
which  the  ore  is  smelted  is  from  4  to  5  ft. 
high  ;  it  is  somewhat  pear-shaped,  being  about 
5  ft.  wide  at  bottom  and  i  ft.  at  top.  It 
is  built  entirely  of  clay.  .  .  .  There  is  an 
opening  in  front  about  a  foot  or  more  in 
height,  which  is  built  up  with  clay  at  the  com- 
mencement and  broken  down  at  the  end  of 
each  smelting  operation.  The  bellows  are 
usually  made  of  goat's  skin.  .  .  .  The  bamboo 
nozzles  of  the  bellows  are  inserted  into  tubes  of 
clay,  which  pass  into  the  furnace.  .  .  .  The 
furnace  is  filled  with  charcoal,  and  a  lighted 
coal  being  introduced  before  the  nozzles,  the 
mass  in  the  interior  is  soon  kindled.  As  soon 
as  this  is  accomplished,  a  small  portion  of  the 
ore,  previously  moistened  with  water  to  pre- 
vent it  from  running  through  the  charcoal,  but 
without  any  flux  whatever,  is  laid  on  the  top 
of  the  coals  and  covered  with  charcoal  to  fill  up 
the  furnace.  In  this  manner  ore  and  fuel  are 
supplied,  and  the  bellows  are  urged  for  three  or 
four  hours.  When  the  process  is  stopped  and 
the  temporary  wall  in  front  broken  down,  the 
bloom  is  removed  with  a  pair  of  tongs  from  the 
bottom  of  the  furnace."  It  has  seemed  neces- 
sary to  give  this  account  of  a  very  ancient 
method  of  iron-smelting,  because,  from  the 
difficulties  which  attend  it,  and  the  intense 
heat  which  is  required  to  separate  the  metal 
from  the  ore,  it  has  been  asserted  that  the 
allusions  to  iron  and  iron  manufacture  in  O.T. 
are  anachronisms.  That,  however,  is  not  so 
[Iron],  and  it  might  well  have  been  known  to 
the  Hebrews,  who  may  have  acquired  their 
knowledge  by  working  as  slaves  in  the  iron- 
furnaces  of  Egypt  (c/.  Deut.4.2o). 

Ming'led  people.  In  tlu-  lleb.  of  Je.25. 
20,50.37  and  Ezk. 30. 5  wo  nuct  with  'crebh  (the 
same  as  'crehh  rendered  Mi.xkh  Mi'I-titude). 
The  same  Heb.  consonants  dilTcrently  i)ointed 
would  mean  "Arabia"  (1K.IO.15;  2(."hr.9.i4). 
The  vcri)  root  in  the  Hitlq^afl  voice  means  to 
"mingle  [with  the  heathen] "  (Ezr.9.2  ;  Ps. 
IO6.5).  [F.J.F.-J.] 

Mlns^led  seed.     [Agriculture.] 

Miniamin'. — 1.  .\  I.ovitc  in  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (::(  lir.31.is).— 2.  (\e.l2.i7)-  [MiJA- 
MiN.2.1 — 3-  Oneof  the  tninipctcr-iiricstsat  the 
dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (I2.41). 

Minister,  (i)  In  O.  T.  the  wi.rd  usu.illv  re- 
presents w^v/idr«/A,  the  Piel  i)artici|>leof.'i/tara//». 
m'shdrith  is  used  for  Joshua,  as  the  servant  of 


MINNt 

Moses  (Ex.24.13, 33.11  ;  Num.11. 28  ;  Jos.l.i)  ; 
Samuel,  as  ministering  to  the  Lord  (iSam.2.  ii, 
18,3.1)  ;  the  servant  of  Amnon  (2Sam.i3.17, 
18) ;  Abishag  the  Shunammite,  as  ministering 
to  David  (iK. 1.15) ;  the  officers  of  high  rank  of 
Solomon's  court  (IO.5);  the  servant  of  Elisha 
(2K. 4.43, 6. 15)  ;  those  who  ministered  in  the 
tabernacle  (iChr.6.32[i7]) ;  the  Levites  and 
priests (2Chr.l6.4;Ezr.8. 17;  Ne.l0.36,39[37,4o]; 
Is.61.6  ;  Je.33.2i,22  ;  Ezk.44.ii, 19,45.4,5, 46. 
24  ;  Jl. 1.9, 13, 2. 17)  ;  the  ministers  of  the  Lord, 
apparently  angels  (Ps.l03.2i,104.4),  etc.  The 
other  parts  of  the  verb  are  used  in  like  senses. 
In  Ezr.7.24  the  word  translated  "  ministers  " 
in  A.V.  and  "  servants  "  in  R.V.  is  pdl'he,  the 
participle  (plur.  masc.  constr.)  of  the  Aramaic 
verb  plah,  which  usually  means  to  serve,  or 
pay  reverence  to  the  deity.  In  2Sam.8.i8  and 
iK.4.5  the  word  translated  "  chief  ruler  "  and 
"  principal  officer  "  in  A.V.  and  "  priest  "  in 
R.V.  (marg.  "  chief  minister  ")  is  kohen,  the 
ordinary  word  for  priest.  (2)  In  N.T.  there 
are  three  distinct  words,  each  sometimes 
translated  "  minister  "  :  Xeirovpy'^s,  dicLKOvos, 
vTTTjpfT-qs.  AeiTovpyos  is  used  of  an  officer 
of  the  State  regarded  as  the  servant  of 
God,  in  Ro.13.6  ;  St.  Paul,  as  the  minister 
of  Christ  in  his  priestly  work  of  sacrifice 
in  the  offering  of  the  Gentiles,  in  15. 16  ; 
Epaphroditus,  as  ministering  to  the  needs  of 
St.  Paul,  in  Ph. 2. 25  ;  the  angels,  as  the  minis- 
ters of  God,  in  Heb.l.7;  and  of  Christ,  as  the 
Minister  of  the  heavenly  sanctuary,  in  8.2. 
AiaKovos  is  used  frequently  in  the  general  sense 
of  servant,  e.g.  Mt. 20.26  ;  sometimes  in  the 
special  sense  of  a  "  deacon  "  or  "  deaconess  " 
[Deacon  ;  Deaconess],  and  frequently  in  the 
senseof  a  minister  of  Christ, or  of  God,  without 
the  office  being  defined,  as  of  St.  Paul  and 
Apollos,  in.iCor.3.5  ;  Tychicus  (Eph.6.21  ;  Col. 
4.7)  ;  Epaphras  (C0I.I.7)  ;  and  St.  Timothy 
(iTh.3.2).  In  Ro.15.8  and  Gal.2.i7  diaKovos 
is  used  of  Christ.  'Ttttj/s^tt;?  is  used  frequently 
for  a  servant,  e.g.  Mt.26.58  ;  for  the  ministers  of 
the  word  (Lu.l.2)  ;  the  minister,  or  attendant 
in  the  Jewish  synagogue  (Lu.4.2o)  ;  St.  Mark, 
as  the  minister  or  attendant  on  St.  Paul 
and  Barnabas  (Ac.13.5)  ;  St.  Paul,  as  a  minister 
of  Christ  (Ac.26.i6 :  iCor.4.i).  [Church.] 
Bevan  in  Smith,  D.B.  ii.  371,  372  ;  Cheyne  in 
Encycl.  Bibl.  iii.  3099,  3100  ;  Hastings  and 
Massie  in  Hastings,  D.B.  iii.  376-378.    [d.s.] 

Minni',  a  country  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  Ararat  and  Ashchenaz  (Je.5i.27). 
[Armenia.]  The  Minni  were  a  people 
speaking  a  Mongolic  language  and  living  W. 
of  lake  Van.  They  are  noticed  in  15th  cent. 
B.C.  in  one  of  the  Amarna  letters  (Berlin  27), 
and  were  probably  the  Men,  a  people  of  the 
E.  near  Assyria,  according  to  the  tablet  of 
nations   at    Edfou.  [c.r.c] 

Minnith',  apparently  the  south  limit  of 
Jephthah's  pursuit  of  the  Ammonites,  who 
claimed  Moab  (Judg.ll.33).  It  is  perhaps  the 
place  whence  wheat  was  sent  by  Israel  to  Tyre 
(Ezk.27.17).  The  ruins  of  Minyeh,  above  the 
spring  of  the  same  name,  13  miles  S.W.  of 
Heshbon,  probably  represent  Minnith  (Siirv. 
E.  Pal.  pp.  10-13).  [c.r.c] 

Minstpel.  The  Heb.  menaggen  in  2K.3.15 
properly  signifies  a  player  upon  a  stringed  in- 
strument like  the  Harp,  or  kinnor,  on  which 


MIRACLES 


547 


David  played  before  Saul  (iSam.l6.i6,18.io, 
19.9),  and  which  the  harlots  of  the  great  cities 
used  to  attract  notice  (Is.23.i6).  Elisha,  con- 
sulted bv  Jehoram  as  to  the  issue  of  the  war 
with  Moab,  at  first  indignantly  refuses  to  an- 
swer, and  is  only  induced  to  do  so  by  the  pre- 
sence of  Jehoshaphat.  He  calls  for  a  harper, 
apparentlv  a  camp  follower  ;  "  and  it  came  to 
pass,  as  the  harper  harped,  that  the  hand  of 
Jehovah  was  on  him."  Other  instances  of  the 
same  divine  influence  or  impulse  connected 
with  music  are  seen  in  the  case  of  Saul  and  the 
young  prophets  in  iSam.lO.5, 6,10,11.  The 
reason  of  Elisha's  appeal  is  thus  explained  by 
Keil,  who  has  been  followed  by  later  commen- 
tators :  "  Elisha  calls  for  a  minstrel,  in  order  to 
gather  in  his  thoughts  by  the  soft  tones  of 
music  from  the  impression  of  the  outer  world 
and  by  repressing  the  life  of  self  and  of  the 
world  to  be  transferred  into  the  state  of  inter- 
nal vision,  by  which  his  spirit  would  be  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  divine  revelation."  This, 
in  effect,  is  the  view  also  of  Josephus,  and  of 
Maimonides  in  a  passage  which  embodies  the 
opinion  of  the  Jews  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
"  minstrels  "  in  Mt.9.23  were  flute-players, 
employed  as  professional  mourners  (cf.  Ec. 
12. -i  ;  2Chr.35.25  ;  Je.9.17-20). 

Mint  occurs  only  in  Mt.23.23  and  Lu.ll. 
42,  as  one  of  those  herbs,  the  tithe  of  which  the 
Jews  were  scrupulously  exact  in  paying.  All 
the  old  versions  understand  rjbvoffixou  as  some 
species  of  mint  (Mentha).  It  was  used  by 
Gks.  and  Romans  as  a  carminative  in  medicine 
and  as  a  condiment  in  cookery.  The  horse 
mint  (M.  svlvestris)  is  common  in  Syria,  and 
found  in  the  gardens  at  Aleppo  (Russell). 
This,  M.  sativa,  and  M.  arvensis  were  perhaps 
all  known  to  the  ancients.  The  mints  belong 
to  the  large  natural  order  Labiatae.  [Hyssop.] 
Miphkad,  The  gate.  [Jerusalem.] 
Miracles,  (i)  Definition.  The  word  "  mir- 
acle "  is  used  with  a  twofold  significance:  (a) 
in  the  scientific  sense,  as  a  portent  (ripas),  an 
abnormal  event,  not  explicable  by  known 
natural  laws  ;  (b)  in  the  religions  sense,  as  a 
sign  {(xri/j.e'iov),  an  event  suggesting  the  presence 
and  direct  action  of  God.  It  is  obvious  that 
with  every  advance  in  our  knowledge  of  natu- 
ral laws  the  sphere  of  miracle  in  the  scientific 
sense  is  proportionately  narrowed.  What  has 
once  seemed  miraculous  is  brought  within  the 
domain  of  science  and  seen  to  be  possibly 
unusual,  but  not  therefore  supernatural,  e.g.  a 
comet  or  an  earthquake  is  a  miracle  to  the  South 
Sea  islander,  but  to  us,  with  a  wider  knowledge 
and  a  more  complete  experience,  they  can  be 
scientifically  explained  and  thus  cease  to  be 
miracles.  This  is  possibly  the  case  with  some 
of  the  Biblical  miracles,  e.g.  the  dividing  of  the 
Red  Sea.  [Red  Sea,  Passage  of.]  And 
parallels  to  some  of  the  Gospel  miracles  may  be 
found  in  modern  cases  of  "  faith  healing." 
Thus,  at  the  display  of  the  "  Holy  Coat  "  at 
Treves,  in  1891,  eleven  such  miracles,  including 
the  cure  of  paralysis  of  the  arm,  lupus,  rheu- 
matic gout,  and  blindness  due  to  brain  fever, 
were  performed,  the  cures  being  effected,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  physicians  who 
were  present,  without  the  application  of  any 
ordinarv  phvsical  remedies.  It  is  possible  that 
manv  others  which,  in  the  light  of  our.present 


548 


MIRACLES 


knowledge,  we  cannot  understand,  will  be  ex- 
plained in  the  future,  though  it  is  probable  that 
there  will  always  remain  an  inexplicable  ele- 
ment.    But  it  is  important  to  notice  that  when 
an  event  ceases  to  be  a  miracle  in  the  scientific 
sense   it   does  not   necessarily  cease  to  be  a 
miracle  in  the  religious  sense.     For  in  this 
sense  of  the  word,  it  is  the  significance,  and  not 
the  mere  strangeness,  of  the  event  which  con- 
stitutes it   a  miracle.     The   event  is  still   a 
miracle,  in  the  religious  sense,  even  if  it  be 
explained  as  the  result  of  a  combination  of 
natural  causes,  provided  it  carries  with  it  the 
conviction  that  in  this  particular  case  natural 
forces  are  being  directed  to  a  given  end  and 
for  a  definite  purpose  by  God  Himself.     Thus 
the  dividing  of  the  Red  Sea  is  none  the  less 
a  miracle    in   the   religious   sense  if    in  view 
of  its  significant  occurrence  and  its  results  it 
suggests   a    special    Providence    guiding    and 
controlling  natural  forces  at  this  great  crisis  in 
Jewish  history.     So,  too,  Christ's  miracles  of 
healing.     They  are  still  miracles  in  the  reli- 
gious sense,  because  theyfulfilledthe  purpose  of 
miracle  by  marking  Him  out  to  the  men  of  His 
own  age  as  the  Agent  and  Representative  of 
God  and  served  as  credentials  of  His  divine 
mission.     And  the  religious  is  the  only  vital 
sense.     If    Matthew    Arnold    had    turned    his 
pen  into  a  pen-wiper,  it  would  have  been  a 
miracle  in  the  scientific  sense,  but  not  in  the 
religious  sense,  for  we  should  not  see  in  it  the 
hand  of  God,  and,  as  it  would  have  no  religious 
significance  for  us,  it  could  have  no  value  as 
merely  scientifically  inexplicable.     We  define 
a  miracle,  then,  as  a  "  special  providence  " — 
an  act  suggesting  either  in  itseit,  in  its  results, 
or  in  the  person  who  performs  it,  the  direct 
action  of  God,  revealing  His  will  and  His  pur- 
pose towards  mankind,  whether  or  not  it  can 
be  fitted  into  the  known  course  of  nature.    (2) 
Possibility.  There  is  no  just  ground  for  deny- 
ing the  a  priori  possibility  of  miracle,  either  in 
the  scientific  or  religious  sense.     No  conceiv- 
able event,  however  extraordinary — no  event, 
that  is,  which  is  not  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
thought  and  therefore  inconceivable,  e.g.  that 
A   should  be  the  same   as   not  A — is  impos- 
sible.    This  has,  of  course,  been  denied.  Hume 
asserted  that  miracles  were  impossible  because 
they  were  contrary  to  experience.   "  Nothing," 
he  says,   "  is  esteemed   a  miracle  if  it   ever 
happens  in  the  common  course  of  nature.   .   .   . 
There  must  therefore  be  an  uniform  experience 
against  every  miraculous  event,  otherwise  the 
event  would  not  merit  that  appellation.     And 
as  an  uniform  experience  amounts  to  a  proof, 
there  is  here  a  direct  and  full  proof  against  the 
existence  of  any  miracle."     Huxley,  however, 
exposed  the  "  naked  absurdity  "  of  this  argu- 
ment, "  if  by  the  term  miracle  we  mean  only 
'  extremely  wonderful  events.'  "     For  if  what- 
ever is  contrary  to  present  experience  is  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  nature  and  therefore  im- 
possible, no  new  fact  can  ever  be  proved.    New 
facts  are  constantly  discovered  and  are  not  dis- 
believed because  they  arc  contrary  to  previous 
experience — e.g.  the  Rontgen  rays.     A  "  uni- 
form experience  "  had  shown  and  had  there- 
fore, according  to  Hume,  conclusively  proved 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  photograph   the 
bones  through  the  flesh.     Nor  is  it  legitimate, 


MIRACLES 

except  on  a  materialistic  hypothesis,  to  say 
that  miracles,  viewed  as  "  acts  of  God,"  are 
impossible.     "  Once  admit  a  God,"  says  Mill, 
"  and  the  production  by  His  direct  volition  of 
an  effect  which  in  any  case  owed  its  origin  to 
His  creative  Will  is  no  longer  a  purely  arbitrary 
hypothesis  to  account  for  the  fact,  but  must  be 
reckoned  with  as  a  serious  possibility."     It  can 
scarcely  be  maintained  that  He  Who  created 
life  was  literally  unable  to  bring  back  to  life 
one  who  was  dead.     "  Denying  the  possibility 
of  miracles,"  says  Huxley,  "  seems  to  me  quite 
as  unjustifiable  as  speculative  atheism."     (3) 
Credibility.  Granted  that  miracles  are  possible, 
it  follows  that,  viewed  simply  as  "  wonderful 
events,"  they  are  subjects  of  testimony,  i.e.  that 
their  occurrence   can  be   proved  if  adequate 
evidence  in  their  support  is  produced.     This 
conclusion  seems  obvious,  but  it  also  has  been 
denied.       Hume    maintained    that    even  if    a 
miracle  happened  its  occurrence  could  not  be 
proved.     "  No  testimony,"  he  says,  "is  suflS- 
cient  to  establish  a  miracle,  unless  the  testi- 
mony be  of  such  a  kind  that  its  falsehood  would 
be    more  miraculous  than  the   fact   which  it 
endeavours  to  establish."     This  argument  is 
sometimes  found  in  a  somewhat  specious  form. 
If, it  is  contended,  a  man  in  whose  veracity  you 
have  the  utmost  confidence  were  solemnly  to 
assure  you  that  he  saw  one  of  the  lions  in 
Trafalgar  Square  come  down  from  its  pedestal 
and  drink  water  from  the  fountain,  you  would 
nf)t  believe  that  the  event  occurred,  and  if  fifty 
such  witnesses  were  to  support  his  testimony 
you  would  still  be  unconvinced  :   no  evidence, 
therefore,  can  prove  the  occurrence  of  a  miracle. 
But  a  fallacy  underlies  the  argument.     It  is 
based  upon   an  assumption  which  never  has 
been  and  never  could  be  verified — viz.  that  a 
large  number  of  honest  and  independent  wit- 
nesses can  be  found  to  testify  to  a  plain  matter 
of  fact   which   has  never  occurred — and  the 
answer  is  simple.     Either  the  event  occurred, 
or  it  did  not  :  if  it  occurred,   such  evidence 
would  prove  it  ;    if  it  did  not,  such  evidence 
could  not  exist.     It  is,   of  course,  perfectly 
legitimate  to  argue  that  the  evidence,  in  the 
case  of  a  particular  miracle,  is  not  adequate, 
and  that  it  is  more  probable  that  the  witnesses 
were  mistaken  than  that  the  event  occurred. 
But  a  sweeping  generalization  to  the  effect  that 
this  must  always  be  the  case  is  not  legitimate, 
nor  is  it  legitimate  to  argue,  as  Matthew  Arnold 
practically  does,   that  the  probability  of  the 
witnesses  being  deceived  is  so  great  that  it  is 
simply  waste  of  time  to  examine  their  evidence. 
It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  many  of  the  mir- 
acles recorded  by  the  ecclesiastical  historians 
and  by  secular  writers  are  fabulous,  but  this 
does  not  jirove  that  "  miracles  do  not  happen," 
and  that  tiierefore  the  evidence  in  favour  of 
any  particular  miracle    is   in    no   case   worth 
considering.      It    is   highly   illogical   to   argue 
that  because  some  documents  which  we  do  not 
trust  record  miracles  we  do  not  believe  there- 
fore any  document,  however  reliable  on  other 
grounds,  is  to  be  regarded  as   luitrustworthy 
simply  because  it  records  miracles.     If,  then, 
it  is  admitted  that  miracles,  viewed  simply  as 
"  wonderful  events,"  are  possible,  the  question 
of  their  occurrence  is  one  of  evidence.     Each 
alleged  miracle  must  be  examined  independ- 


MIRACLES 

ently,  and  the  character  and  amount  of  evi- 
dence in  its  support  considered.  To  accept  or 
reject  all  alike  on  a  priori  grounds  is  unscien- 
tific :  each  must  be  tested  by  the  ordinary 
canons  of  historical  criticism,  and  however 
extraordinary  it  may  be,  it  must  be  accepted  as 
historical  if  it  satisfies,  or  rejected  if  it  does 
not  satisfy,  the  conditions  of  that  test.  But 
though  miracles,  in  the  scientific  sense,  are 
subjects  of  testimony ;  in  the  religious  sense,  as 
"  acts  of  God,"  they  are  not.  Our  belief  in 
their  occurrence  will  ultimately  be  determined 
by  our  presuppositions.  The  fact  itself  may 
be  established  by  the  production  of  adequate 
evidence,  but  its  divine  character,  its  super- 
natural cause,  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
be  so  demonstrated.  "  The  evidence,"  says 
Huxley,  "  may  prove  that  the  event  occurred  : 
it  cannot  prove  that  it  was  the  effect  of  a  par- 
ticular volition  of  the  Deity  :  it  may  be  so,  but 
how  is  the  assertion  to  be  tested  ?  If  it  is  said 
that  the  event  exceeds  the  power  of  natural 
causes,  what  can  justify  such  a  saying  ?  The 
day-fly  has  better  grounds  for  calling  a  thunder- 
storm supernatural  than  has  man,  with  his 
infinitesimal  power  of  duration,  to  say  that  the 
most  astonishing  event  that  can  be  imagined  is 
beyond  the  scope  of  natural  causes."  That  is, 
unless  we  claim  for  ourselves  an  absolute  know- 
ledge of  the  working  of  natural  laws,  it  is  im- 
possible, on  purely  scientific  grounds,  to  argue 
that  any  event,  merely  because  it  is  inexplic- 
able, must  be,  in  a  special  sense,  an  act  of  God. 
The  unique  event  must  have  had  a  special 
cause,  or  combination  of  causes,  and  among 
other  possible  causes  we  may  include  a  special 
act  of  the  divine  volition,  but  whether  or  not  we 
ascribe  it  to  such  a  cause,  depends  ultimately 
upon  the  views  we  already  hold  as  to  the 
Being  of  God  and  His  relation  to  the  Universe  ; 
i.e.  our  ultimate  judgment  will  be  determined 
by  our  metaphysical  and  theological  presuppo- 
sitions, and  not  by  our  scientific  investigation 
of  the  evidence.  "  No  testimony,"  it  has  been 
said,  "  can  reach  to  the  supernatural  ;  testi- 
mony can  only  prove  an  extraordinary  and 
perhaps  inexplicable  occurrence  or  pheno- 
menon ;  that  it  is  due  to  a  supernatural 
cause  "  (or,  we  would  add,  that  it  is  not  due  to 
a  supernatural  cause)  "  is  entirely  dependent 
upon  the  previous  belief  andassumptions  of  the 
parties."  Thus,  while  the  historical  character 
of  an  alleged  miracle  must  and  can  only  be 
determined  by  historical  criticism,  once  its  oc- 
currence is  established,  our  belief  or  disbelief  in 
its  divine  character,  its  spiritual  significance, 
must  and  can  only  rest  upon  our  theological 
presuppositions.  Two  important  conclusions 
follow  :  {a)  The  man  of  science  who  refuses  to 
accept  a  miracle  as  an  "  act  of  God  "  cannot 
claim  that  his  view  is  more  scientific  than  that 
of  the  theologian  who  accepts  it  as  such,  for 
in  each  case  the  conclusions  are  based  upon 
presuppositions  which  it  does  not  fall  within 
the  sphere  of  science  to  criticize.  Science 
deals  only  with  phenomena  and  proximate 
causes,  which  in  reality  are  not  causes  at  all, 
only  means  or  instruments,  and  it  has  nothing 
to  do  with  ultimate  causes,  which  belong  to  the 
sphere  of  metaphysics.  (6)  It  also  follows  that 
the  Biblical  miracles,  however  well  attested 
ttiey  may  be,  cannot  be  regarded  as  proofs 


MIRACLES 


549 


either  of  the  existence  of  God  or  of  the  divine 
character  of  the  Christian  revelation,  because 
our  acceptance  of  them  as  miracles,  i.e.  acts  of 
God,  is  dependent  not  upon  the  evidence  pro- 
duced in  their  support  as  historical  events,  but 
upon  our  previous  belief  in  God  and  in  Chris- 
tianity.    We  do  not  believe  in  Christ   because 
we  believe  in  the  miracles,  but  we  believe  in 
the  miracles  because  we  first  believe  in  Christ. 
The   Christian   who   already   believes   in    the 
Incarnation  will  find  no  difficulty  in  accepting 
the  N.T.  miracles  as  acts  of  God,  provided  the 
evidence  in  their  support  will  justify  their  ac- 
ceptance   as   historical  events ;    but    the    un- 
believer, though  in  view  of    the  evidence  he 
might   accept  them  as  historical,  would  not, 
because    they     were     inexplicable,    therefore 
attribute  them  to  a  spiritual  cause  in  which  he 
did  not  previously  believe,  or  be  convinced  by 
them  of  the  divine  character  of  the  Christian  re- 
velation which  he  had  previously  denied.    This 
is  the  view  of  N.T.  :   "  spiritual  things  must 
be  spiritually  discerned  :  neither  will  they  be 
persuaded  if   one  rise  from  the  dead."     But 
though  miracles  cannot  be  regarded  as  proofs 
to  an  unbeliever,  they  are  of  some  evidential 
value  to  the  believer  as  providing  corrobora- 
tive if  not  demonstrative  evidence.      (4)  The 
Christian  Presuppositions,    {a)  Relation  of  God 
to    the    universe.      The    Christian    conception 
of  God  holds  a  middle  point  between  Deism 
and    Pantheism,  neither  of  which,  any  more 
than  materialism,  really  admits  of  miracles  as 
special  acts  of  God.     The  Deist  regards  God  as 
entirely  transcendent,  altogether  outside  the 
world.     The  universe  is  viewed  as  a  machine, 
automatic  and  self-regulating,  made  and  set  in 
motion  by  God  and  then  left  to  do  its  own  work. 
A  miracle,  then,  is  an  interference  with  the 
laws  of  nature — as  though  God  were  suddenly 
to  stop  the  machine,  or  set  it  working  in  a  new 
way — and,  on  the  deistic  theory,  is  inconsistent 
with   a  belief  in  His  omnipotence  and  omni- 
science,  and  attributes  arbitrary  if  not  irra- 
tional action  to  Him.     The  Pantheist  regards 
God  as  entirely  immanent  in  and  co-existent 
with  the  universe.     For  him,  also,  the  universe 
is  a  mechanism  ;  but  while  the  Deist  thinks  of 
God  as  simply  watching  the  working  of  His 
machine,  the  Pantheist  thinks  of  Him  as  iden- 
tical with  the  machine  itself,  and  therefore  as 
incapable  of  guiding  or  controlling  it.     The 
divine  activity  is  limited  to  the  order  of  nature, 
and  cannot  manifest  itself  independently  of 
that  order.     Consequently,  so  far  as  miracles 
are  concerned.  Pantheism  stands  on  precisely 
the    same    level    as  materialism ;    it    is    only 
"  materialism  grown   sentimental."     But   for 
the  Christian,  God  is  both  transcendent  and 
immanent.     Self-existent  behind  and  beyond 
the    universe.    He    yet    sustains     and    dwells 
within  it ;  though  manifested  in  the  order  of 
nature.  He  is  not  limited  by  it.     His  relation 
to  the  universe  has  been  compared  to  that  of 
spirit  to  matter  in  the  human  personality.    The 
comparison  must  not  be  unduly  pressed,  but 
may  serve  to  illustrate  the  Christian  concep- 
tion of  the  universe  as  an  organism  in  which 
the  divine  mind  is  ever  at  work,  as  the  human 
mind  in  the  human  body.     As  every  action  of 
ours  owes  its  origin  and  its  execution  to  the 
human    will,     acting    through    the    material 


550 


MIRACLES 


organism,  so  in  the  iinivorse  every  movement 
and  every  result  is  ultimately  to  be  traced  back 
to  the  operation  of  the  Divine  Will.  What  we 
term  the  laws  of  nature  are  (iod's  laws,  and  the 
force  behind  them  is  His  will.  It  is  thus  as 
much  an  act  of  God  when  the  trees  put  forth 
their  leaves  in  spring,  as  when  the  water  was 
turned  into  wine  at  Cana  of  Galilee,  the  only 
difference  being  tliat  in  the  case  of  the  miracle 
God  is  departing  from  the  customary  method 
of  His  action  as  revealed  in  nature.  Science, 
the  sphere  of  which  is  the  observation  of  pheno- 
mena, shows  lis  that  God's  method  is  one  of 
law  and  order,  of  evolution,  gradual  and  almost 
insensible,  by  fixed  and  unchanging  laws,  by 
which  His  purpose  is  gradually  realized  ;  that 
there  are  no  arbitrary  interferences  with  these 
laws,  and  that,  though  He  is  ever  at  work.  His 
hand  is  rarely  i)rominently  and  unmistakably 
thrust  before  our  eyes.  Thus  we  speak  of  the 
uniformity  of  nature,  which  simply  means  that 
God  acts  in  a  uniform  way.  "  The  uniformity 
of  nature  is  the  will  of  God  choosing  to  produce 
phenomena,  and  to  produce  them  in  a  certain 
order."  We  could  scarcely  expect,  and  cer- 
taiidy  not  desire,  that  it  should  be  otherwise. 
H  (iod  did  not  act  by  uniform  and  ascertain- 
able laws,  we  could  have  no  real  knowledge  of 
nature,  and  the  progress  of  civilization,  in 
so  far  as  it  is  due  to  man's  knowledge  of 
nature,  is  solely  dependent  upon  this  uni- 
formity, i.e.  upon  what  we  may  term  a  volun- 
tary self-limitation  on  the  part  of  Ciod.  This 
is  where  the  difficulty  of  miracles  lies.  There 
must  always  be  an  improbability  attaching  to 
those  phenomena  which  in  the  light  of  our 
present  knowledge  seem  to  imply  that  God  is 
deviating  from  His  normal  course  of  action  as 
revealed  in  nature,  unless  exceptional  circum- 
stances seem  to  demand  this  exceptional  action. 
But,  granted  an  adequate  motive,  the  difficulty 
in  great  part  disappears.  Uniformity  is  not 
the  only  criterion  f)f  rational  action,  and  there 
is  no  reason  why  we  should  deny  to  God  what 
we  allow  to  man.  "To  be  tied  to  the  normal 
and  habitual  when  something  exceptional  is 
needed  is  to  be  mechanical,  and  not  rational. 
It  is  the  highest  order  of  rational  action,  as  we 
know  it  in  the  world,  which  is  our  best  image 
of  God's  action,  and  not  mere  mechanical  uni- 
formity. Thus  the  more  fully  we  recf)gnize  in 
God  tlie  sui>remely  free  personality  acting  in 
the  world,  the  more  ready  we  shall  be  to  accept 
the  evidence  for  exceptional  or  abnormal 
action  on  (iod's  i>art,  when  the  situation  de- 
mands it "  (Gore,  A'<w  Jheolofiv,  p|).  112-113). 
And  tlie  Christian  believes  that  there  are  times 
when  something  exceptional  is  needed.  This 
leads  to  our  second  presupposition,  {b)  Re- 
lation of  God  to  man.  The  Christian  believes 
that  tlie  power  behind  the  universe  is  not 
merely  a  Force,  but  a  Person  who  is  in  touch 
with  hiunan  si)irits  and  human  wills,  and  that 
man  is  made  in  (lod's  image  and  destined  for 
communion  with  Him.  Hence  a  Revklation 
is  antecedently  jirobable.  "  The  God  who 
could  not  speak  would  n(»t  be  rational,  the  (iod 
who  would  nf)t  spe.ik  would  not  be  moral;"  but 
the  revelation  will  need  authentication.  Now 
different  ages  demand  different  jiroofs,  and  the 
Bible  shr)ws  plainly  enough  that  when  the  re- 
veUtJou  which  it  contains  was  given,  proof  of 


MIRACLES 

a  certain  sort  was  required.  Among  the  Jewish 
people  the  power  to  perform  miracles  was 
universally  believed  to  be  the  sign  or  proof  that 
the  prophet  spoke  in  the  name  of  God.  With 
us  it  is  different.  We  find  the  proof  of  the  in- 
spiration of  the  prophet  in  the  character  of  his 
teaching  ;  the  ancient  world  found  it  rather  in 
the  miracles  which  accompanied  it.  This  pro- 
vides an  answer  to  the  common  argument  that 
because  "  miracles  do  not  happen"  nowadays, 
it  follows  that  they  never  did  happen.  "  In 
one  age  'isolated  signs  '  can  be  seen  to  be  the 
most  appropriate  vehicle  for  conveying  a 
divine  message.  In  another  age  .  .  .  corre- 
sponding lessons  may  come  through  the  inves- 
tigation of  history,  or  of  nature,  which  was 
impossible  before.  In  each  case  God  speaks 
to  men  as  they  can  hear  Him,  and  according  to 
the  knowledge  which  theyhave  gained  of  Him" 
(Westcott).  We  do  not  ask  for  miracles, 
because  we  see  the  hand  of  God  in  the  order  of 
nature  rather  than  in  apparent  deviations  from 
it,  and  consecjuently  we  do  not  nowadays  ex- 
pect that  miracles  will  happen.  Hut  in  an  age 
which  demands  miracles  we  should  expect  that 
miracles  would  be  given,  because  it  is  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  Ciod's  self-revelation  will 
be  presented  in  such  a  form  that  its  character 
is  unmistakable.  It  now  remains  to  consider 
the  Biblical  miracles  in  the  light  of  these  pre- 
suppositions, and,  as  has  been  said  already, 
the  question  is  very  largely  one  of  cN'idencc. 
(5)  Evidence,  (a)  As  regards  the  O.T.  miracles 
the  evidence  is  of  unequal  value.  The  narra- 
tives are  sometimes  written  long  after  the 
alleged  events  are  supposed  to  have  occurred, 
and  the  stories  have  been  handed  down  by 
popular  tradition,  which  is  notoriously  un- 
trustworthy. In  such  cases  the  evidence 
scarcely  justifies  a  literal  acceptance  of  the 
miracle — e.g.  the  speaking  of  Balaam's  ass,  the 
standing  still  of  the  sun  at  (iibeon.  In  the 
books  of  Kings  and  the  writing  prophets  the 
evidence  is  much  more  nearly  contemporary, 
and  though  in  the  miracle  stories  of  lilijah  and 
Hlisiia  there  is  doubtless  a  large  element  of 
popular  tradition  which  makes  an  insistence 
upon  the  detailed  accuracy  of  the  narratives 
impossible,  it  seems  quite  certain  that  the  Heb. 
pro])hcts,  as  a  body,  were  endowed  with  excep- 
tional powers,  which  they  freely  useii  to  jirove 
their  divine  commission.  These  powers  would 
appear  to  be  mainly  dependent  upon  their 
unique  knowledge  of  the  Character,  andsot)f  the 
Will,  of  God,  and  coiise<iuently,  as  a  rule,  their 
miracles  are  of  the  nature  of  prophecy — the 
miracle  consisting  in  tiie  prediction  r.ither  than 
in  the  inexplicable  charactei"  of  tiie  events  — 
e.f^.  Micaiah's  pr()]>hecy  of  the  death  of  .-Miab, 
Isaiah's  pn)]>hecy  of  the  deliverance  of  Jeru- 
salem from  Sennacherib.  Such  incidents  arc 
miracles  in  the  religious,  if  not  the  scientific 
sense  of  the  word,  and  pro\ide  the  i)rophet 
with  his  credentials.  But  there  is  more  than 
this.  The  O.T.  makes  it  clear  that  the  history 
of  the  Jews  cannot  be  explained  unless  we 
allow  for  special  and  relocated  interventions  of 
Providence  in  the  great  crises  of  national  life. 
How  far  the  details  of  the  stories  may  be 
pressed  is  uncertain  ;  how  far  more  than  "  a 
providential  focussing  of  natur.il  processes 
upon  a  particular  point  and  for  a  porticulv 


MIRACLES 

end"  (Sanday)  is  implied, is  not  clear;  but  that 
the  Jews  were  right  in  seeing  the  hand  of  God 
guiding  and  controlling  the  destiny  of  the  na- 
tion, is  indubitable.  And  if  the  hand  of  God 
can  be  seen  in  the  historyof  the  Jewish  Church, 
much  more  is  this  true  of  the  history  of  the 
Christian  Church.  The  spread  of  Christianity 
in  the  ist  cent,  is  in  the  truest  sense  of  the 
word  "  miraculous,"  even  though  it  may  to 
some  extent  be  explained  by  the  exceptional 
condition  of  the  Greco-Roman  world,  (b)  In 
dealing  with  the  N.T.  miracles  we  are  on  more 
certain  ground,  for  here  the  evidence  is  fre- 
quently first-hand  and  always  of  considerable 
historical  value.  The  genuineness  of  most  of 
the  Pauline  epistles  is  universally  admitted, 
and,  this  granted,  it  is  quite  clear  that  St.  Paul 
believed  he  possessed,  and  was  believed  by 
others  to  possess,  miraculous  powers.  We  will 
take  one  illustration  only — from  aCorinthians. 
St.  Paul's  defence  of  his  apostolic  authority  in 
this  epistle  largely  rests  upon  an  appeal  to  the 
miracles  he  had  performed  during  his  visits  to 
Corinth.  "  Truly  the  signs  of  an  apostle  were 
wrought  among  you  in  all  patience,  by  signs, 
and  wonders,  and  mighty  works"  (2C0r.i2.12). 
There  must  have  been  many  among  those  to 
whom  the  epistle  was  addressed  who  remem- 
bered the  incidents  connected  with  St.  Paul's 
visits,  and,  had  there  been  no  miracles,  they 
could  have  contradicted  his  statement  and  so 
have  invalidated  his  argument.  This  passage, 
too,  illustrating  the  fact  that  miracles  were 
regarded  as  "  the  credentials  of  an  apostle," 
shows  that  from  the  very  first  the  performance 
of  miracles  by  the  apostles  was  accepted  as  a 
"  notorious  and  unquestioned  fact."  This 
conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  Acts,  written  by 
St.  Luke,  the  companion  of  St.  Paul.  The  per- 
formance of  miracles  is  assumed  throughout, 
and  some  of  those  recorded  must  have  taken 
place  in  St.  Luke's  presence.  Modern  criticism 
has  vindicated  the  honesty  and  general  trust- 
worthiness of  St. Luke,  and  it  is  therefore  quite 
certain  that  he  believed  that  the  apostles 
worked  miracles.  In  the  case  of  the  Gospels, 
even  when  the  evidence  is  not  first-hand,  the 
narratives  are  ultimately  based  upon  the  re- 
ports of  eye-witnesses,  and  the  miraculous 
element  cannot  be  eliminated  from  them  ; 
their  proved  early  date  will  not  allow  our 
regarding  the  miracle  narratives  as  simply  the 
legendary  additions  of  a  later  age.  Moreover 
we  find,  in  the  earliest  apostolic  preaching, 
constant  appeal  to  the  miracles  of  Christ  as  a 
proof  of  His  divine  commission  {e.g.  Ac. 2. 22). 
In  view  of  the  evidence  it  is  undeniable  that 
events  which  were  believed  to  be  miracles  took 
place  and  played  an  important  part  in  the 
development  of  Christianity.  Nothing  in  his- 
tory is  more  certain  than  that  the  apostles 
believed  that  Christ  rose  from  the  dead  ;  yet  it 
is  difi&cult  to  see  how  this  belief  could  have 
originated  had  it  not  been  for  the  empty  tomb  ; 
visions  alone  will  not  explain  it.  Nor,  indeed, 
can  we  see  how,  apart  from  miracle,  Jesus 
would  ever  have  been  accepted  as  Messiah,  so 
little  did  His  life  correspond  to  the  current 
Messianic  expectations.  And,  that  in  all  ages 
men  have  been  led  to]accept  Christ  as  Lord  and 
God  because  of  a  belief  in  His  miracles,  is 
simply  a  matter  of  history.     In  view  of  these 


MIRIAM 


551 


facts  it  is  difficult  for  the  Christian  not  to 
believe  that  the  purpose  which  these  miracles 
actually  fulfilled  was  the  purpose  which  was 
assigned  to  them  in  the  divine  economy.  (6) 
Conclusion.  The  conclusion  to  which  we 
have  come  is  briefly  this  :  (i)  Events  which 
were  believed  to  be  miracles  undoubtedly  hap- 
pened. (2)  These  events  served  the  purpose  of 
miracle,  for  they  revealed  the  will  of  God  and 
provided  credentials  for  His  appointed  messen- 
gers. That  is,  the  occurrence  of  miracles,  in  the 
religious  sense,  is  amply  proved.  And  we  need 
go  no  farther.  It  is  the  business  of  the  man  of 
science,  not  of  the  theologian,  to  ask  how  the 
events  happened,  whether,  that  is,  they  are  also 
miracles  in  the  scientific  sense.  Some  of  them, 
it  would  seem,  can  be  fitted  into  the  course  of 
nature  and  scientifically  explained.  Possibly, 
if  we  allow  for  slight  inaccuracies  in  tlie 
details  of  the  stories,  others  also,  as  we  under- 
stand more  of  the  laws  of  nature,  may  be  thus 
explained,  but  if  we  attribute  to  the  Synoptic 
Gospels  that  historical  value  which  modern 
criticism  justifies,  it  would  appear  that  there 
must  always  remain  an  inexplicable  element ; 
and  even  if  all  the  miracles  were  explained,  this 
would  not  materially  affect  the  Christian  posi- 
tion. It  would  simply  mean  that  God,  by  His 
complete  knowledge  and  control  of  natural 
laws,  is  able  to  reveal  Himself  and  fulfil  His 
purpose  in  the  universe,  without  interference 
with  those  laws  ;  that  He  controls  nature  by 
obeying  her  laws,  which  are  His  own  laws.  It 
would  vindicate  Augustine's  definition — 
"  Portentum  fit  non  contra  naturam  sed  contra 
quamest  nota  natura"  (DeCivit.  xxi.  8) — and 
show  us  that  God  so  controls  the  laws  He  Him- 
self has  made  that  through  them  He  may  in 
each  age  speak  to  men  as  they  are  most  capable 
of  hearing  Him.  Primitive  man  demanded 
miracle,  and  he  received  miracle — or,  at  any 
rate,  what  he  believed  to  be  miracle,  and 
what  served  the  purpose  of  miracle,  probably 
Tepara  {wonders),  certainly  arj/uieia  {signs). 
Bruce,  M iraculous  Element  in  the  Gospels  ; 
Trench,  Notes  on  Miracles  ;  Mozley  and  Tem- 
ple, Bampton  Led.  ;  Gore,  Bampton  Led.  and 
New  Theology  and  the  Old  Religion  ;  Sanday, 
Life  of  Christ  in  Recent  Research  ;  Illingworth, 
Divine  Immanence  ;  Westcott,  Gospel  of  the 
Resurrection  ;  Matthew  Arnold,  God  and  the 
Bible  and  Lit.  and  Dogma ;  Swete,  Camb.  Theol. 
Essays  ;  Mill,  Essays  on  Religion.  [r.b.] 

Mipiam'.  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  name 
(like  Aaron  and  Phinehas — -cf.  also  Moses) 
has  no  recognized  Heb.  etymology.  It  has 
been  thought  to  be  an  Egyptian  name;  per- 
haps =  mcri-am,  "  the  beloved  of  the  home." 
— 1.  The  sister  of  Aaron  and  Moses,  and 
probably  the  eldest  of  the  three.  She  first 
appears  as  watching  her  infant  brother's  cradle 
in  the  Nile,  and  suggesting  her  mother  as  a 
nurse  (Ex.2.4ff.).  In  Num.12,  i  she  is  placed 
before  Aaron  ;  and  in  Mi. 6. 4  reckoned  as  one  of 
the  three  deliverers.  She  is  called  "  the  pro- 
phetess, the  sister  of  Aaron,"  and  she  led  the 
choir  of  women  in  the  song  of  thanksgiving 
after  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.l5.2o,2i). 
At  Hazeroth  Miriam  took  the  lead,  with  Aaron, 
in  the  complaint  against  Moses  for  his  marriage 
with  a  Cushite.  "  Hath  Jehovah  indeed 
spoken  only  by  Moses  ?     Hath  He  not  spoken 


552 


MIRMA 


also  by  us  ?  "  A  stern  rebuke  was  adminis- 
tered in  front  of  the  sacred  tent  to  both  offen- 
ders, but  the  chief  punishment  fell  on  Miriam, 
who  "  became  leprous,  white  as  snow."  How 
great  was  her  position,  and  how  heavy  the 
blow,  is  implied  in  the  cry  of  anguish  which 
goes  up  from  both  her  brothers  ;  and  it  is  no 
less  evident  in  the  silent  grief  of  the  nation 
(Num.l2.i-i6).  According  to  Josephus(3  Ant. 
ii.  4),  shcwasthe  wifeof  HuK,  and  grandmother 
of  Bazaleel.  She  died  towards  the  close  of 
the  wanderings  at  Kadesh,  and  was  buried 
there  (20. i).  It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  in 
her  name  {^\apld^x,  LXX.  and  N.T.),  as  well  as 
in  her  prophetic  gift  and  her  care  for  the 
saviour  of  Israel,  she  is  a  type  of  the  Virgin 
Mary. — 2.  A  man  (or  woman)  in  the  genealogy 
of  Judah  in  iChr.4.17.  [h.c.b.] 

Mirma',  a  Benjamite,  "  chief  of  the  fath- 
ers," son  of  Shaharaim  by  Hodesh  (iChr.8.10). 

Mippop.  Two  words,  mar\i  (Ex. 38. 8)  and 
r'i  (Job  37.18),  are  rendered  "looking  glass"  in 
A. v.,  but  from  the  context  evidently  denote  a 
mirror  of  polished  metal.  The  Hebrew  women 
on  coming  out  of  Egypt  probably  brought  with 
them  mirrors  like  those  used  by  the  Egyptians, 
made  of  a  mixed  metal,  chiefly  copper,  and,  says 
Sir  G.  Wilkinson  {Anc.  Eg.  iii.  384),  "suscep- 
tible of  a  lustre,  which  has  even  been  partially 
revived  at  the  present  day,  ia  some  of  those 


EGYPTIAN  MIRR 


Mr.  Sail's  collection.) 


discovered  at  Thebes,  though  buried  in  the 
earth  for  many  centuries.  The  mirror  itself 
was  nearly  round,  inserted  into  a  handle  of 
wood,  stone,  or  metal,  whose  form  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  taste  of  the  owm^r."  Tlic  metal, 
being  liable  to  rust  and  tarnish,  required  to 
be  constantly  kept  bright  (Wis. 7. 26 ;  Ivcclus. 
12.11).  This  was  done  by  means  of  pounded 
pumice-stone,  rubbed  on  with  a  sponge  which 
was  generally  suspended  from  the  mirror.  The 
obscure  image  produced  by  a  tarnished  or  im- 
perfect mirror  appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  iCor. 
18.12.  The  gilyonim  (Is. 3. 23),  rendered 
"  glasses  "  in  A.V..  after  the  Vulg.  specula,  were 
hand-mirrors  used  by  women. 


MITHREDATH 

Mis'ael. — 1.  (iEsd.9.44)  =  Mishael,  2. — 2. 
(Song  3  Chil.  66)  =  Mishael,  3. 

Misgra^b',  a  place  in  Moab  named  with 
Nebo  and  Kiriathaim  in  the  denunciation  of 
Jeremiah  (48. i).  It  appears  to  be  mentioned 
also  in  Is. 25. 12,  though  there  rendered  in  A.V. 
"high  fort."    The  site  is  unknown,     [c.r.c] 

Mishael'. — 1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Uzziel, 
the  uncle  of  Aaron  and  Moses  (Ex. 6. 22). 
When  Nadab  and  Abihu  were  struck  dead 
for  offering  strange  fire,  Mishael  and  his 
brother  Elzaphan,  at  the  command  of  Moses, 
removed  their  bodies  "  in  their  coats  "  from 
the  sanctuary,  and  buried  them  without  the 
camp  (Lev. id. 4, 5). — 2.  One  of  those  who  stood 
at  Ezra's  left  hand  when  he  read  the  law  to 
the  people  (Ne.8.4). — 3.  One  of  Daniel's  3  com- 
panions in  captivity,  and  of  the  blood-royal  of 
Judah  (Dan. 1.6, 7, II, 19, 2.17)- — 4.  [Mishal.] 

IVIishar  (Jos.2i.30),  Misheal' (Jos. 19.26  ; 
R.V.  Mishal),  a  town  of  Asher.  It  is  probably 
theMashalaof  thelist  of  ThothmesIII.  (No.  39) 
in  i6th  cent.  e.g.  There  is  a  valley  called 
M'aisleh,  8  miles  N.E.  of  Accho,  which  may 
represent  a  corruption  of  this  name,     [c.r.c] 

Misham',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Elphaal 
(iChr.8.12). 

Mish'ma. — 1.  A  son  of  Ishmael  and  brother 
of  MiBSAM,  I  (Gen. 25.14  ;  iChr.l.30).  The 
Masamani  of  Ptolemy  may  represent  the  tribe 
of  Mishma. — 2.  A  Simeonite  (iChr.4.25). 

Mishmannah'.a  Gadite  warrior  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.l2.io).- 

Mish'paites,  The,  the  fourth  of  the  four 
"  families  of  Kirjath-jearim,"  i.e.  colonies 
proceeding  therefrom  and  founding  Zorah 
and  Eshtaol  (iChr.2.53). 

Mlspe  reth,  one  of  those  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon  (Ne.7.7). 

Mispephoth'-maim'  {the  smelting  places 
by  the  waters;  Jos.11.8,13.6),  near  Zidon. 
Probably  the  same  as  Zarephath,  the  N.T. 
Sarepta  {Siirafend).  [c.r.c] 

Mite  \\iirTbv),  a  copper  coin,  the  least 
valuable  of  any  that  existed  in  Palestine  (Mk. 
12.41-44  ;  Lu.2i.1-4),  two  of  which  were  equal 
to  a  Farthing  (Ko^pavT-r}s).  Some  very  small 
Jewish  copper  coins  have  been  found,  among 
them  one  belonging  to  Herod  I.,  one  to 
Agrippa  II.  (bearing  the  inscription  xa^'^'oCs  : 
see  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews.  pp.  in.  146), 
and  several  pieces  belonging  to  the  time  of 
Christ,  which  were  issued  by  the  different 
procurators.  There  is  some  justification  for 
the  belief  that  one  or  other  of  these  coins  re- 
presents the  mite,  for  they  were  of  extremely 
small  value,  the  xaX^'oPs,  which  there  is  reason 
to  believe  =  the  XcirTbv,  being  ^,;  of  a  denarius 
{i.e.  about  Vli  of  q'ld.).  As  a  rule,  these  coins 
of  such  small  worth  bear  no  inscription  of  value, 
but  the  xaXfof's  is  an  exception,     [w.o.e.o.] 

Mithcah',  the  name  of  an  unknown  desert 
encampment  of  the  Israelites,  meaning, 
perhaps,  "place of  sweetness"  (Num.33. 28,29). 

Mith'nlte,  The,  the  designation  in  iChr.ll. 
43  of  Joshaphat,  one  of  David's  guard.  The 
LXX.  has  Hethanitc  or  Matthanite.    [r.b.g.] 

MIth'pedath,  or  Mlthpidatos. — 1.  The 
treasurer  of  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia  (Ezr.1.8  ;  i 
Esd.2.ii). — 2.  One  of  the  Persian  officers  at 
Samaria  who  persuaded  Artaxerxes  to  hinder 


MITRE 

the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (Ezr.4.7  ;  iEsd.2. 
16). 
Mitre.  [Crown  ;  High-priest.] 
Mityle'ne,  the  chief  town  of  Lesbos, 
situated  on  the  E.  coast  of  the  island.  St. 
Paul  stopped  for  the  night  between  Assos  and 
Chios  at  Mitylene  (Ac.2O.14, 15)..  It  may  be 
gathered  from  the  circumstances  of  this  voyage 
that  the  wind  was  blowing  from  the  N.  W.  ;  and 
in  the  harbour  or  in  the  roadstead  of  Mitylene 
the  ship  would  be  sheltered  from  that  wind. 
The  town  itself  was  celebrated  in  Roman  times 
for  the  beauty  of  its  buildings.  In  St.  Paul's 
day  it  had  the  privileges  of  a  free  city.  It  is 
one  of  the  few  cities  of  the  Aegean  which  have 
continued  without  intermission  to  flourish  till 
the  present  day.  It  has  given  its  name  to 
the  whole  island,  and  is  itself  now  called 
sometimes  Castro,  sometimes  Mitylen. 

Mixed  mappiag-es.  The  code  of  Deutero- 
nomy, while  it  allows  marriage  with  foreign 
women  captured  in  war  (Deut.20.14,21.10-14), 
forbids  marriage  with  the  women  of  the  Can- 
aanite  peoples  under  other  circumstances 
(Deut.7.3  ;  Jos. 23. 12).  The  motive  of  the 
prohibition  is  stated  in  Deut.7.4  (see  also  Ex. 
34. 1 5).  Marriage  with  the  heathen  would  lead 
to  idolatry.  It  would  appear  from  Judg.3.5ff. 
that  mixed  marriages  with  the  Canaanite 
peoples  occiurred  largely  in  the  period  of  the 
Judges,  and  that  idolatrous  practices  in  fact 
followed.  The  prohibition  of  Deut.  covers  only 
the  Canaanites,  and  the  marriages  of  Israelitish 
men  with  Moabite  and  Ammonite  women,  or 
again  with  Edomites  and  Egyptians,  were  not 
only  practised  but  justified.  After  the  return 
from  the  Captivity  it  appears  that  there  had 
been  much  marrying  with  foreign  women, 
presumably  of  the  nations  who  had  been 
brought  into  the  Holy  Land  by  the  Assyrian 
and  Chaldean  conquerors,  and  these  are  de- 
scribed under  a  sort  of  formula  as  "  the  Canaan- 
ites, the  Hittites,  the  Perizzites,  the  Jebusites, 
the  Ammonites,  the  Moabites,  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  Amorites  "  (Ezr.9.i).  Separation  was 
called  for  in  the  case  of  all  these  marriages,  and 
the  closing  chapters  of  Ezra  narrate  a  striking 
act  of  repudiation.  Particular  instances  of 
mixed  marriages  may  be  noticed.  Ruth,  the 
Moabitess,  finds  aplace  in  the  line  of  David  and 
of  Christ  (Ru.4.2i  ;  Mt.l.g).  David  married 
a  daughter  of  the  king  of  the  Geshurites  (zSam. 
3.3).  Solomon  married  a  daughter  of  Pharaoh, 
and  also  princesses  of  Moab  and  Ammon  (iK. 
ll.i).  Ahab  married  Jezebel,  a  Phoenician 
(1K.I6.31).  For  Christian  regulations  as  to 
marriages  with  non-Christians  certain  passages 
in  N.T.  are  cited.  Such  marriages  may  be  con- 
templated by  St.  Paul  in  2Cor.6.i4,  "  Be  not 
unequally  yoked  together  with  unbelievers," 
where  erepo^vyovvTes  seems  to  mean  "  yoked 
with  the  wrong  yoke-fellow."  The  permission 
to  widows  to  marry  again  "  only  in  the  Lord  " 
(fj-dvov  iv  Kvplqi,  iCor.7.39)  has  been  very  gener- 
ally understood  to  be  equivalent  to  "  only  with 
a  Christian."  In  Church  history  the  marriage 
of  baptized  persons  with  the  unbaptized  came 
to  be  barred.  In  iCor.7. 12-16,  St.  Paul  con- 
siders the  case  of  the  converted  partner  in  a 
marriage  entered  into  before  conversion.  If 
the  unconverted  partner  is  "  well  content  to 
abide  "  {(Tvvevdoi^el  qlK(iy),  the  Christian  part- 


MIZPAH 


553 


ner  is  counselled  to  maintain  the  union.  "  If 
the  unbelieving  depart  (xcopt'j'erai),  let  him  de- 
part (xwptfeVi^w).  A  brother  or  a  sister  is  not 
under  bondage  {dedouXurai.)  in  such  cases " 
(iCor.7.15).  Much  here  depends  on  the 
meaning  of  each  of  the  two  words  deSouXwrai 
and  x'^P'-i^<^6o:.  The  "  bondage  "  would  seem 
to  apply  not  merely  to  living  together,  but  to 
the  vinculum  of  marriage.  In  that  case  the 
brother  or  the  sister  who  is  "  not  bound  "  is 
free  to  marry  again.  The  verb  xt^P'Tecr^at  is 
translated  in  E.V.  by  depart,  and  in  Vulg.  by 
disccdere  (Quod  si  infidelis  discedit,  discedat). 
But  the  Gk.  commentators  do  not  confine  the 
word  to  the  meaning  of  departure.  St.  Chrysos- 
tom  comments  :  "  But  what  does  that  mean  ? 
Et  5e  6  airiaros  x^P'-^^Tai.  For  instance,  if  he 
command  thee  to  sacrifice,  and  to  commtmicate 
with  him  in  impiety  by  reason  of  the  marriage, 
or  to  retire,  it  is  better  that  the  marriage  rather 
than  that  piety  should  be  torn  asunder."  Here 
the  meaning  of  x'^pi-^^'^So-i-  is  taken  as  to  cause 
to  separate.  If,  then,  the  unbelieving  partner 
give  adequate  cause  for  separation,  it  would 
appear  that  the  believing  partner  is  permitted 
to  marry  again.  And  in  Christian  history  this 
concession,  often  spoken  of  as  the  Pauline 
privilege  (privilegium  Paulinum),  has  been 
commonly  allowed.  Selden,  De  Jure  Naturali  et 
Gentium,  juxta  Disciplinam  Ebraeorum  (1640); 
Watkins,  Holy  Matrimony  (1895).     [o.d.w.] 

Mixed  multitude.  When  the  Israelites 
went  up  out  of  Egypt  they  were  accompanied  by 
amixed  multitude  (Heb.  'erebh,  LXX.  e-n-ifj-iKTos, 
Ex. 12. 38).  This  is  in  accordance  with  the 
tradition  given  by  Manetho,  that  the  Exodus  of 
the  Israelites  was  joined  by  some  Egyptians. 
In  Num.11. 4  we  are  led  to  infer  both  in  A.V., 
and  strangely  enough  in  R.V.  also,  that  this 
non-Israelite  element  was  the  cause  of  a  mur- 
muring against  Moses.  The  Heb.,  however, 
has  a  totally  different  word,  which  Tyndale, 
true  to  the  spirit  of  the  i6th  cent.,  renders  "the 
rascall  people."  The  same  word  occurs  in 
Ne.13.3,  when  all  the  "  mixed  multitude " 
were  separated  from  the  true  Jews,  when 
the  people  had  heard  the  law  about  the  ad- 
mission of  Ammonites  and  Moabites  to  the 
congregation.  [f-J-f.-J-] 

Mizap',  Hill  (Ps.42.6).  The  word  means 
"  small,"  and  is  so  rendered  by  the  LXX. 
The  verse  (see  R.V.)  in  Heb.  may  read  : 
"  I  will  remember  Thee  from  the  land  of 
Jordan  and  Hermons,  from  the  little  hill," 
representing  the  lowest,  highest,  and  inter- 
mediate regions  of  Palestine.  [c.r.c] 

Mizpah',  or  Mizpeh'  {place  of  view),  a 
name  applying  to  sites  on  heights,  or  to  a 
"  watch-tower." — 1.  Mizpah  of  Gilead  (Gen. 
31.49  ;  Judg.lO.17,11.11,29,34),  a  town  by  the 
Galeed,  or  "  heap  of  witness,"  erected  by 
Jacob  and  Laban.  It  was  the  home  of  Jeph- 
thah,  where  his  daughter  was  sacrificed.  It 
is  perhaps  the  same  as  Ramath-mizpeh 
(height  of  the  view),  near  Betonim  (the 
Biifein  district),  towards  N.  border  of  Gad. 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  in  164  b.c.  "  turned  aside  " 
to  Maspha  (iMac.5.35)  from  Bosora  (ver.  28), 
and  proceeded  thence  to  Casphon.  The  re- 
quirements are  met  by  the  position  of  the  vil- 
lage of  Suf,  about  6  miles  N,  of  Gerasa,  and  30 


554  MIZPAH 

miles  W.  of  Bostra,  standing  on  the  Gilead 
plateau.  It  is  remarkable  that  numerous  rude 
dolmens,  apparently  representing  ancient 
altars,  occur  in  the  vicinity.— 2.  Mi/.veu  of 
MoAH  {iSaiii.22.3),  au  uukuDwu  royal  city  to 
which  l)avid  sent  his  parents  for  safety. — 3. 
MizPEii  OF  JuDAii  (Jos. 15. 38),  a  town  in  the 
S.W.  lowlands.  It  is  probably  connected  with 
the  valley  of  Zephathah  (2Chr.l4. 10),  and 
mav  thus  be  placed  at  Sdfwh,  a  ruin  ai  miles 
N.1'2.  of  Mareshah,  and  ou  the  N.  side  of  the 
broad  valley  loading  up  to  Hebron. — 4.  The 
Land  of  Mizpeh  (Jos. 11. 3)  is  described  as 
"  under  Hermon "  ;  and  the  Valley  of 
Mizpeh  (11.8)  was  E.  of  Zidon.  The  term 
biq'a,  used  for  the  latter,  means  a  broad 
valley  like  the  Buqd'ah,  or  valley  of  the  Orontes. 
The  region  intended  appears  to  be  the  high 
land  N.W.  of  Hermon. — 5.  Mizpeh  of  Ben- 
jamin was  an  early  centre  of  assembly  for  the 
Hebrews.  It  is  mentioned  (Jos. 18. 26)  with 
Beekoth  and  Chephirah,  near  C.ibeon  and 
Ramah.  At  Mizpeh  of  Benjamin  Israel  ga- 
thered to  attack  Gibeah,  and  arc  said  to  have 
"  gone  up,"  and  to  have  gathered  "  unto  the 
Lord,"  and  to  have  "  sworn  "  there  the  oath 
against  Benjamin.  It  was  apparently  near 
BiniiKi.  (JiRlg.20.1,3,21.1,5,8)  ;  and  here  also, 
in  Samuel's  time,  prayer  was  offered  by  the 
assembly,  and  libations  poured  out  (iSam.7. 
4-16),  while  Samuel  offered  a  burnt -offering. 
Here  also  he  judged  Israel  annually  (ver.  16), 
and  here  Saul  was  made  king,  when  the  will  of 
Jehovah  was  declared  by  the  casting  of  lots 
(10.17,20-25).  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that 
the  tabernacle  was  removed  to  Mizpeh,  after 
the  loss  of  the  ark,  and  the  consequent  aban- 
donment of  Shiloh.  Hence  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  Nob  was  close  to  this  town. 
King  Asa  of  Judah  (iK.15.22  ;  2Chr.l6.6)  re- 
built Mizpeh  with  stones  from  Kamaii,  when 
he  built  (iEHA  close  to  Ramah  on  its  V.. 
After  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  in  588  B.C., 
Mizpeh  was  made  the  centre  of  government 
by  the  Babylonians  (2K. 25. 23, 23  ;  Je.41),  and 
it  was  apparently  the  centre  of  a  district  in 
Nehemiah's  time  (Ne. 3. 7, 15, 19).  Here  Gedc- 
liah,  the  Babylonian  nominee,  was  murdered  by 
Ishmael,  who  slew  also  the  Samaritans,  whom 
he  buried  in  "  the  pit  "  made  by  king  Asa 
(Je.41. 7, 9).  Hosea  (5.i)  regards  worship  at 
.Mizpah  as  a  "  snare  "  ;  but,  when  the  temple 
was  again  desecrated  in  168  b.c,  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus  (iMac.3.46)  assembled  Israel  "at 
Masjiha over  against  Jerusalem:  forinMaspha 
was  the  place  where  they  prayed  aforetime  in 
Israel."  All  these  requirements  are  met  by 
the  high  hill  called  Tell  en  Nasbch  (mound  of 
the  erected  stone),  which — since  Mizpeh  is  a 
word  not  found  in  Arab. — may  be  a  eorru|>- 
tion  of  the  old  name.  This  hill  rises  2,790  ft. 
above  sea-level,  and  coumiands  a  fine  view, 
though  Jerusalem  (7  miles  to  S.)  is  not  seen. 
It  is  3  miles  N.IC.  of  Gibeon,  3  miles  N.W.  of 
(iibeali  ((icba),  3  miles  S.W.  of  Bethel,  i  mile 
S.  of  Beeroth,  and  about  3  miles  E.  of  Che- 
phirah. On  the  S.  side  is  the  ruin  'A((dra, 
with  cisterns,  ancient  rock-cut  tombs,  and 
two  n-s(;rvoirs,  tlie  largest  being  rock-hewn, 
and  measuring  78  ft.  by  37  ft.  This  may 
be  king  Asa's  "  pit "  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii. 
p.  82).  [c.R.c] 


MOAB 

raizpap'    (Ezr.2.2),    properly    Mispar     as 

R.V.  ;   =   MiSPERETH. 

Mizpeh.     [Mizpah.] 

Mizra'iin  hrst  occurs  in  O.T.  in  Gen.  10.6, 

"  Tlie  sons  nf  Ham;  Cush,  and  Mizraim,  and 
IMiut,  and  Canaan."  .Again  (Gen. 10. 13,1.)), 
"  Mizraim  begat  Ludim,  and  Anamim,  and 
Lehabim,  and  Naphtuhim,  and  Pathrusim, 
and  Casluhim,  (out  of  whom  came  Philistim,) 
and  Caphtorim."  The  Vulg.  gives  "  Mes- 
raim  genuit  Ludim,  et  Anamim,"  etc.  In 
Gen. 10. 12,  however,  where  the  Heb.  has 
mirrayim,  the  Vulg.  translates  "  descenditque 
Abram  in  Aegyptum,"  and  in  the  same  pas- 
sage Mizraim  becomes  in  A.V.  Egypt,  which 
use  is  afterwards  always  followed.  Thus  the 
name  Egypt  becomes  the  usual  equivalent  for 
the  Heb.  mifrayim.  The  origin  of  the  name 
is  exceedingly  obscure.  It  has  been  thought 
that  the  use  oi  the  two  words  mdfor  and 
mifrayini,  the  latter  being  presumed  to  express 
the  dual,  refers  to  the  two  districts  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt,  which  are  divisions  of 
extreme  antiquity.  Vet  this  ex])lanation  fails  if, 
as  is  now  vigorously  asserted,  Mizraim  is  not  a 
dual,  ntdror  has  been  variously  interpreted  to 
mean  "  a  fort,"  "  a  mound,"  "  a  bulwark,"  or, 
as  is  also  suggested,  "  distress."  There  is  no 
great  helpfulness  in  these  derivations.  Pro- 
bably a  nearer  suggestion  may  be  Misr,  as  in 
the  cuneiform  texts.  Misr,  translated  "  red 
earth,"  or  "  dark-colourect  earth,"  may  give 
the  clue  as  corresponding  to  the  old  word  kem 
or  kim,  indicating  darkness  of  colour.  Hero- 
dotus and  Plutarch  connect  the  w-ord  with  the 
dark-coloured  appearance  of  the  alluvial  soil, 
which  stood  out  in  contrast  to  the  lighter- 
coloured  sandy  red  land  of  the  desert.  Another 
poetic  name  for  Egypt  is  "  the  land  of  Ham  " 
(Ps.105.23,27).  It  has  been  alleged  that  the 
word  kem  or  kim  cannot  bo  connected  witii 
the  name  Ham.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
advanced  that  the  chief  priapic  Egyptian  deity 
was  named  Menu,  or  sometimes  Khem.  This 
Khem  might  correspond  to  the  progenitor  < if 
the  Hamite  races.  Certainly  the  tlistinctive 
features  of  the  worship  of  Menu  or  Khem 
approximated  tc)  what  is  recorded  in  Gen. 9. 
20-24.  Mizraim  indicates  a  land  whence  great 
hordes  of  migrants  went  forth  to  ]icople  other 
regions  ((len. 10.13,1.}),  even  as  Ham,  the  de- 
scendant of  Noah,  was  the  founder  of  the  four 
nationsof  which  the  Mizraites  were  one.  [a. 11. p.  | 
Mizzah'.  a  "duke "of  Edom  ;  son  of  Kenel. 
and  descended  from  both  Esau  and  Ishmael 
(Gen. 36. 13. 17  :  iChr.l.37). 

Mna'son,  described  as  "  an  early  dis- 
ciple "  (.Ac. 21. 16),  ))(>ssibly  implying  that  his 
conversion  dated  from  Pentecust.  St.  Paul 
lodged  with  him  when  visiting  Jerusalem  for 
the  last  time.  Mnason,  like  Barnabas,  was  a 
native  of   Cyprus.  [a.c.d.] 

Moab.  'iliough  this  name,  given  to  theson 
of  Lot's  .id.st  d.ui^htcr,  the  progenitor  of  the 
Moabites,  is  often  sui)|iose(i  to  mean  "that 
which  comes  from  a  father  "  (in  allusion  to 
Gen.19.37),  no  such  statement  occurs  in  the 
passage  cited.  As  a  geographical  term  m6'dl>h 
appears  to  mean  a  "  wide  tract,"  which  applies 
to  the  general  char.acter  of  the  region.  Moab 
extended  N.  and  S.  from  Jaazer  to  the  brook 
Zered,  a  distance  of  about  55  miles.     On  the 


MOAB 

W.  it  was  bounded  by  the  whole  length  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  and  by  the  lower  Jordan  as  far  N.  as 
NiMRAH.  On  the  E.  it  merged  into  the  Syrian 
desert  of  Midian  ;  but  the  old  trade  route,  30 
miles  E.  of  Jordan,  may  be  regarded  as  the 
boundary.  The  area  was  thus  about  1,600 
square  miles,  divided  into  N.  and  S.  districts 
by  the  Arnon  River,  25  miles  S.  of  Jaazer.  At 
the  time  of  the  Heb.  conquest  the  Moabites  had 
been  driven  into  the  S.  district,  the  better 
lands  N.  of  the  Arnon  having  been  conquered 
by  the  Amorites  (Num. 21. 13).  Moab  con- 
tained four  natural  regions,  which  bear  dis- 
tinct names  in  O.T.  The  Jordan  Valley  near 
the  Dead  Sea — with  a  width  of  5  miles — con- 
stituted the  'drdbhoth  of  Moab  [Arabah],  ren- 
dered "  plains  "  in  A.V.  (Num.22.i,26.3,63,31. 
12,33.48,49,50,35.1,36.13  ;  Deut.34.i,8  ;  Jos. 
13.32),  these  being  at  a  level  of  1,000  ft.  or 
more  below  the  Mediterranean.  E.  of  the 
Dead  Scathe  steep  slopes  and  precipices  rise  to 
a  hilly  plateau  2,500  feet  higher  than  the  lake, 
and  5  miles  broad,  answering  to  the  similar 
step  called  the  Jeshimon  on  W.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  This  desert  region  is  perhaps  described 
by  the  peculiar  term  "  mount  of  the  valley  " 
(hdr  hd'emeq)  in  Jos. 13. 19.  Above  this 
again  the  mountain  spurs  run  out  from  the 
plateau  above  them,  which  has  an  average 
level  1,500  ft.  higher,  or  2,700  ft.  above  the 
Mediterranean.  This  plateau  is  the  "  field 
[sddhi]  of  Moab  "  (Gen. 36. 35),  rendered 
also  "  country  "  in  A.V.  (Num. 21. 20  ; 
Ru.l.i,2,6,22,2.'6,4.3  ;  iChr.8.8),  the  word 
occurring  also  generally  of  pasture  land. 
[Field.]  This  region  is  moreover  described 
as  the  mishor,  or  "  plateau,"  of  Medeba 
(Deut.3.io  ;  Jos. 13. 9, 16,17).  The  fourth  re- 
gion was  the  "  wilderness  of  Moab  "  (midhbdr), 
including  the  barren  lands  between  the  Arnon 
and  the  brook  Zered,  through  which  Israel 
passedtoreachthe  Jordan  Valley  (Deut.2.8,i8). 
The  lower  slopes — as  in  Gilead — are  composed 
of  Nubian  sandstone  (Green-sand  period), 
above  which  lies  a  hard  limestone  ;  while  the 
plateau  consists  of  soft  pervious  Eocene  lime- 
stone. Hence  the  springs  all  issue  on  the  W. 
slopes,  some  500  ft.  below  the  plateau,  which 
has  no  water  on  the  surface.  It  is,  however, 
fit  for  the  growth  of  corn  ;  and  in  spring  it  is 
covered  with  grass,  supporting  large  herds  of 
camels,  and  a  few  goats.  The  hillsides  are 
very  bare  and  rocky,  with  scattered  bushes  of 
the  white  broom  (Heb.  rothem,  Arab,  retm), 
the  "  juniper  "  of  the  A.V.  The  streams  at 
Heshbon,  Baal-meon,  and  Callirrhoe  (Zerqa- 
Md'ain)  are  perennial,  and  flow  with  the  Arnon 
and  Zered  brooks  into  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead 
Sea.  Though  now  inhabited  by  nomads,  the 
ruins  show  that  Moab  had  a  settled  population 
down  to  c.  700  A.D.,  and  remains  of  wine-presses 
at  Shebam  prove  the  culture  of  the  vine.  The 
palm  still  grows  in  the  gorges  near  the  Dead 
Sea  (especially  in  the  Zf^-^a-Mi'flZM  ravine).  The 
lion  is  no  longer  found  (see  Is.lS.g),  but  the 
wild  ass  and  the  ostrich,  known  to  Job,  still 
range  in  the  desert  to  the  E.,  with  the  addax 
and  the  bubale  antelopes — the  latter  called  the 
Baqarel  Wahsh,  or  "wild  cow,"  by  the  Arabs — 
thev  mav  represent  the  Pygarg  and  the  ^''d, 
or  Wild  Bull,  of  the  O.T.  (See  Tristram,  Nat. 
Hist.  Qf  Bible,  pp.  S7.  136.) — Jnhfibitctnts.  The 


MOAB 


555 


original  inhabitants,  called  Emims  (supposed  to 
mean  "frightful,"  Deut.2. 11),  were  succeeded 
by  the  desceudants  of  Lot,  who  were  cousins  of 
the  Hebrews,  a  relationship  fully  acknowledged 
down  to  David's  time.  Hebrews  and  Moabites 
intermarried  at  times  (Ru.l.4  ;  2Chr.24.26), 
though  the  law  forbade  the  adoption  of  a 
Moabite  into  the  congregation  of  Israel,  even  in 
the  tenth  generation  (Dent. 23. 3),  or,  as  under- 
stood in  later  times, "for  ever  "  (Ne.l3.i).  By 
the  time  of  Nehemiah,  however,  the  Moabite 
population  was  mingled  with  both  Jewish  and 
Nabathean  elements.  Solomon  had  married 
Moabite  wives  (iK.ll.i),  and  many  of  the 
Hebrews  who  fled  to  Moab  after  588  B.C.  (Je. 
40. 11)  had  also  married  there  (Ezr.9.i  ;  Ne.l3. 
23),  to  the  horror  of  their  stricter  brethren. 
The  language  of  Moab  in  9th  cent.  b.c.  is  known 
to  us,  from  the  Moabite  Stone,  to  have  been  a 
dialect  closely  akin  to  Heb.,  but  with  some 
Aram,  affinities.  [Semitic  Languages.]  It 
probably,  however — like  the  Canaanite — in- 
cluded a  few  old  words  borrowed  from  the 
Akkadian  ;  for  'Astar,  the  name  of  a  deity  on 
the  Moabite  Stone,  is  the  Akkadian  Istar 
{light-maker)  for  the  moon.  The  word 
Ariel  {2Sam.23.20  ;  iChr.ll. 22),  for  a  champion 
(A.V.  lion-like),  seems  to  be  peculiarly 
Moabite,  and  occurs  on  the  Moabite  Stone  with 
the  same  meaning ;  yet  it  has  no  evident 
Semitic  derivation,  but  might  be  the  Akkadian 
Ar-el,  a  "fierce"  or  "brave"  man.  Sub- 
stantially, however,  Moabite  was  a  language  of 
the  Heb.  group,  and  hence  we  find  no  mention 
of  any  difficulty  in  understanding  one  another 
as  between  Hebrews  and  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
Edomites,  or  even  Amorites. — History.  Moab 
is  mentioned  in  60  chapters  of  O.T.  and  Moab- 
ites in  10  chapters,  yet  the  historic  episodes 
are  few.  The  defeat  of  Midian,  on  the  plateau 
of  Moab,  by  Hadad,  kingof  Edom,  is  the  event 
first  mentioned,  but  it  probably  occurred  after 
Joshua's  time  (Gen.36.35).  In  15th  cent. 
B.C.  the  Hebrews  found  king  Balak  ruling 
Midian  and  Moab,  between  Edom  and  the 
Amorites  ;  and  after  the  defeat  of  the  latter, 
Israel  descended  to  the  'drdbhoth  of  Moab  before 
attacking  Gilead,  and  before  the  Reubenites 
had  decided  to  retain  the  mishor,  N.  of  the 
Arnon,  as  a  fine  pasture  region.  Under  this 
king,  the  Moabites  and  Midianites  were  organ- 
ized under  "  princes,"  or  "  chiefs  "  {sdrim, 
Num.22.8,23.6,17),  and  elders  (22.7)-  Israel 
respected  the  actual  possessions  of  Moab,  but 
finally  took  possession  of  the  N.  district,  con- 
quered by  SiHON  the  Amorite  perhaps  only  a 
few  years  before  the  Heb.  invasion.  [Damas- 
cus.] King  Balak,  however,  when  the  Amo- 
rites were  destroyed,  and  Israel  had  passed  on, 
seems  to  have  claimed  the  old  N.  province  even 
as  far  as  Nebo,  though  O.T.  confines  his  rights 
to  the  region  round  Ar  (A.V.  a  city,  Num. 
22.36  :  see  Deut.2.9),  between  Arnon  and 
Zered  :  for,  with  Balaam,  he  looked  down  on 
the  Heb.  tents  from  the  heights  to  the  S.E. 
(Num.22. 41, 23. 14,28).  Moabite  idolatry  cor- 
rupted the  Hebrews,  through  the  influence  of 
Moabite  and  Midianite  women,  even  under 
Moses  (Num.25. 1,6)  ;  but  the  extermination 
of  the  Midianites  followed  (31),  and  then  the 
colonization  of  Moab  by  Reuben  (32.37,38) 
from  Arnon  to  Jaazer   (Jos,13.i5-25).      The 


55G  MOAB 

Moabites  remained  enemies  of  Israel  hereafter, 
and  about  a  century  later  Eglon,  king  of  Moab, 
ruled  even  in  Jericho  for  i8  years  (Judg.S.ia- 
30),  by  aid  of  the  kindred  Ammonites  and 
Amalekites.  A  later  king  of  Moab  (probably 
S.  of  Arnon)  was  friendly  to  David  (iSam.22. 
3,4),  perhaps  on  account  of  his  ancestress  Ruth 
the  Moabitess  (Ru.4.21,22) ;  but  in  later  years 
David  smote  Moab,  which  became  tributary 
(2Sain.8.2,i2).  Ahab  (and  Omri  his  father, 
according  to  the  Moabite  Stone)  ruled  Moab, 
exacting  tribute  of  sheep,  but  king  Mesha 
rebelled  successfully  after  Ahab's  death  (2K. 
1.1,3.4,5),  for  the  attack  on  Kiu-haraseth 
from  the  S.,  by  the  kings  of  Judah,  Israel,  and 
Edom,  failed  (3.6-27),  though  the  towns  of 
Moab  were  destroyed.  Perhaps,  even  before 
Ahab's  death,  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites 
attacked  Judah  from  the  S.E.,  and  were  de- 
feated near  Tekoa  (2Chr.2O.1-25).  Moabite 
"  bands  "  continued  to  raid  W.  of  Jordan  yet 
later  (2 K. 13. 20),  and  aided  the  Babylonians 
against  Jerusalem  (24.2).  At  some  early 
period,  perhaps  in  David's  time,  men  of 
Chozkba  dominated  Moab  (iChr.4.22),  and 
Benjamites  spread  over  the  sadM,  or  plateau 
(8.8).  David's  triumph  is  recorded  in  the 
Psalms  (60.8,108.9),  but  the  confederacy  of  the 
population  of  Moab,  which  seems  to  have  been 
nomadic,  with  Assyria  (88.5-8),  probably  dated 
after  734  b.c,  when  the  Heb.  tribes  E.  of  Jor- 
dan were  carried  captive  by  Tiglath-pileser  III. 
(2K.I5.29  ;  iChr.5.26).  Isaiah,  a  few  years 
later  (15. 1-9),  speaks  of  the  "  fate  "  of  Moab, 
then  subjected  by  Assyria,  and  mentions  six- 
teen places,  many  of  which  are  noticed  on  the 
Moabite  Stone  a  cent,  and  a  half  earlier.  The 
ruin  of  the  country  was  lamented  at  its  shrines 
by  Moabites,  who  shaved  head  and  beard  as  a 
sign  of  woe  (w.  2,3).  They  fled  again  over 
Arnon  (16. 2),  and  the  "pride"  of  Moab  (a 
name  which  might  itself  be  rendered  "  proud") 
was  abased  (ver.  6).  Jeremiah,  who  speaks  of  a 
"  king  "  of  .Moab  as  late  as  609  b.c.  (Je.27.3), 
predicts  that  the  Moabites  will  drink  the  cup  of 
wrath  with  others  (25.21  ;  see  9.26).  He  appears 
to  paraphrase  not  only  the  older  prophecy  of 
Isaiah  (J  e. 48. 1-44  ;  cf.  Is.  15, 16),  but  even — with 
a  new  application — the  old  Amorite  song  (J  e. 
48.45,46  ;  Num. 21. 28, 29) ;  predicting  a  restora- 
tion of  Moabite  captives  (Je.48.47),  which  C>TUS 
may  have  allowed.  Ezekicl  (25. 8-11)  predicts 
troubles  for  the  hated  Moabites,  who  had  said 
that  "  Judah  is  like  any  other  nation."  Daniel 
(11. 41)  speaks  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in 
Moab.  The  older  prophets  (.•\m.2.i,2  ;  Mi. 6. 
5  ;  Zeph.2.8,9)  refer  to  its  past  history.  Ezra 
refers  to  a  "  governor  "  of  Moab  (pehah  ;  2.6,8.4  ; 
Ne.3.11),  using  a  word  of  official  signification 
among  the  I3abylonians  (pehu).  In  later 
times  the  name  of  Moab  occurs  only  in  Judith 
(I.12),  the  population  being  included  in  the 
Nabathean  kingdom.  [Nebaiotii.1  In  Ro- 
man times,  and  under  the  early  Khalifs  of 
Damascus  (whose  buildings  at  Rabbath- 
Ammon,  and  at  Mashita — the  "  vviut(;r-house  " 
— in  Mf)ab  itself,  remain  in  ruins),  tlie  jilateau 
of  Moab  still  supported  a  considerable  settled 
population.  [Heshuon  ;  Medeba.]  In  the 
Middle  Ages  the  region  was  mainly  pastoral, 
and  after  tiic  i^tli  cent,  was  entirely  given  over 
to  i4vadin(j  Arabs  fr()iu  the  Hejaz,  fresh  tribes 


MOAB 

having  arrived  thence  only  a  few  centuries 
ago.— Monumental  Notices.  The  earliest  Moab- 
ite monumental  record  is  that  of  king  Mesha 
[Dibon],  written  perhaps  after  Ahab's  death, 
but  silent  as  to  the  troubles  that  followed.  He 
relates  (c.  888  B.C.)  that  he  succeeded  his  father 
Chemosh-melek,  who  ruled  for  30  years,  when 
Omri  seized  Medeba,  which  Ahab  held  for  half 
his  reign — "  for  Chemosh  was  wroth  with  the 
land."  Mesha  recovered  it,  and  built  up  Baal- 
MEo^f  and  Kirjathaim.  He  took  Ataroth, 
which  "  men  of  Gad  "  held  "  from  of  old  " 
{cf.  Num. 32.34),  and  which  the  "king  of 
Israel  "  had  built  up.  He  slaughtered  the  in- 
habitants "  in  the  sight  of  Chemosh  and  Moab, 
and  took  thence  the  champion  [ard]  Dodah, 
and  dragged  him  before  Chemosh  in  Kerioth." 
He  took  captive  the  "people  of  the  plain" 
{saron),  and  slew  7,000  persons  in  the  town  of 
Nebo — "  sacrificed  to  Chemosh."  Here  also 
he  carried  off  the  "  champions  [ardli]  of 
Jehovah,  and  dragged  them  before  Chemosh." 
He  took  Jahaz  from  Israel,  and  annexed  it  to 
Dibon.  He  fortified  Qirhah  [Cities],  and 
made  scarps  there,  "  as  a  defence  against 
Israel."  He  rebuilt  Aroer,  and  the  "  ascent 
at  Arnon,"  with  Bamoth-baal,  "  which  was 
ruined "  (no  doubt  by  Israel),  and  Bosor. 
Finally,  he  "  went  down  "  and  fought  at  Horo- 
NAiM.  This  single  monument  thus  includes 
the  names  of  12  places  in  Moab  noticed  in  O.T., 
and  the  succession  of  the  names  shows  a  gra- 
dual spread  of  Moabite  power  from  Dibon 
northwards.  Within  two  cents.,  however,  Moab 
was  subjected  (in  734  b.c.)  by  Tiglath-pileser 
III.  of  Assyria,  and  became  the  base  of  opera- 
tions against  Edom  and  Arabia.  In  727  b.c. 
the  same  conqueror  mentions  Solomon  of  Moab 
(Salamanu)  as  a  tributary.  Sennacherib 
speaks  of  Qos-nadbi  (otherwise  read  Kamus- 
nadbi),  king  of  Moab,  as  a  tributary,  and  Esar- 
haddon  of  Muzuri  of  Moab.  The  Moabites 
remained  faithful  to  Assj-ria  under  Assur- 
bani-pal ;  and  Kamus-halta,  king  of  Moab,  de- 
feated Animuladin,  king  of  Kedar  (c.  640  b.c), 
and  sent  him  as  a  prisoner  in  chains  to  Nineveh, 
after  the  repulse  of  the  Arab  attack  on  Damas- 
cus. [Arabia.]  Naturally,  therefore,  Moab 
joined  the  enemies  of  Judah  under  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (2K.24.2).  The  later  monuments — 
Gk.,  Rom.,  and  Nabathean  —  are  noticed 
under  the  names  of  towns,  but  are  of  small  im- 
portance. Nabathean  texts  occur  at  Betii- 
GAMUL  and  elsewhere,  and  Christian  remains 
especially  at  Medeba. — Religion.  The  Moab- 
ites are  called  "  the  people  of  Chemosh  " 
(Num. 21. 29  ;  Jc.48.46),  a  deity  whose  name 
has  no  recognized  Semitic  derivation,  though 
occurring  on  the  Moabite  Stone.  In  Ass>t. 
texts  it  is  sjielt  Kam-us,  which  as  an  Akkadian 
word  would  mean  "  Lord  of  Conquest."  The 
Moabites  also  worshipped  Baal-peor,  a  licen- 
tious deity  ;  and  a  third  deity  ('Astar)  is 
coupled  with  Chemosh,  in  the  title  *Astar- 
Chemosh,  on  the  Moabite  Stone.  Whether 
female  (like  'Ashtoreth),  or  male  (like  the  Arab 
'Atlitar),  this  deity  also  was  of  .\kkadian  origin. 
The  three  may  have  formed  a  triad — father, 
mother,  and  son — as  in  other  pantheons  ;  but 
Chemosh  was  the  chief  Elohim  of  Moab^Judg. 
10.6  ;  I  K. 11. 7.33  ;  2  K. 23.13  ;  Je.48.7.i3)-  The 
barbarous  ri^e,  comuioi^  to  earl^  Semitic  races, 


MOADIAH 

of  sacrificing  the  firstborn  son  in  times  of 
trouble,  was  also  practised  in  Moab  (2K.3.27). 
Mesha's  account  agrees  in  making  Ciiemosh 
the  chief  god,  and  in  recording  extensive 
slaughterings  of  women  and  children,  as  well 
as  of  men,  in  his  honour. — Antiquities.  In 
addition  to  the  monuments  already  noticed, 
Moab  is  remarkable  for  the  number  of  rude 
stone  structmres  which  occur  on  the  hill  slopes, 
and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Jordan  Valley  (as 
described  in  detail,  Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  11,  98- 
100,  125-133,  159-171,  184-190,  198-203, 
226,  227,  229-236, 255-274,  277).  They  include 
dolmens,  like  those  of  Britain,  varying  from 
little  monuments  a  few  inches  high  to  others 
under  which  a  man  may  stand.  Of  these  as 
many  as  150  are  found  on  a  single  hill  slope. 
They  are  accompanied  by  standing  stones, 
and  stone  circles  varying  from  20  ft.  to  200  ft. 
in  diameter.  The  most  remarkable  case  is 
the  circle  of  el  Mareighdt  {Surv.  p.  187),  12 
miles  S.  of  Heshbon,  where  three  rude  pillars 
(6  ft.  high)  stand  on  a  knoll,  in  a  circle  300  ft. 
in  diameter.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these 
stones  were  sacred,  like  those  still  erected  by 
Indian  hill  tribes  in  circles.  This  circle  has 
also  a  dolmen  altar  on  N.W.  ;  and  the  Moab 
dolmens  are  often  marked  on  the  capstone  with 
cup-hollows,  and  channels  for  libations.  This 
monument  may  explain  the  allusion  to  a  place 
called  'Eglath-shelishiyah  (R.V.  Is.15.5  ;  Je. 
48.34),  noticed  with  Zoar  and  Horonaim. 
The  A.V.  follows  the  LXX.  in  rendering  the 
words  "  a  heifer  of  three  years,"  which  makes 
no  sense  at  all.  Probably  it  means  "  the 
round  place  of  the  triad,"  or  a  circle  with  three 
erect  stones  representing  three  deities  [Gezer]  ; 
for  the  passages  refer  to  Moabite  worship. 
Such  a  circle  occurs  at  el  Mareighdt,  and  a 
small  one,  22  ft.  in  diameter,  with  fallen  cen- 
tral stones,  was  found  not  far  from  Zoar,  at 
Tell  el  Matdb'a  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  233).  [c.r.c] 
Moadiah'  (Ne.i2.17)  =  Maadiah. 
Moehmup',  Brook  (Jth.7.i8),  near 
Chusi  (Kuzah)  and  Ekrebel  ('Aqrabeh).  This 
is  apparently  the  great  valley  Wddy  el  Htiinr, 
which  rises  N.  of  'Aqrabeh,  and  runs  into  the 
Jordan.  [c.r.c] 

Modin'  (MwSeiV,  Mw5eet>,  Mw5aei»,  the 
home  of  the  Hasmonaean  family,  where  the 
great  revolt  of  168  b.c.  began,  and  where 
Mattathias,  father  of  Judas  Maccabaeus,  was 
buried  (iMac.2. 1,15,23,70),  and  afterwards 
Judas  himself  (9.19)  and  his  brother  Jonathan 
(13. 25-30)  ;  over  whom  Simon — the  second  of 
the  five  brethren — built  a  monument  of  hewn 
stone,  raised  above  the  surface,  with  seven 
p^Tramids  for  the  father,  mother,  and  five  sons. 
It  had  "  designs  "  on  great  sUlai,  representing 
"  panoplies  "  and  "  ships,"  the  monument 
being  visible  from  the  sea.  Thus  the  adorn- 
ment did  not  break  the  law  against  the  repre- 
sentation of  living  beings.  Simon  camped  at 
Modin  when — after  140  b.c— he  was  about  to 
meet  the  Gks.  "  in  the  plain,"  near  Cedron 
(Qatrah) — see  16.4,5,9  ;  2Mac.i3.14.  Josephus 
repeats  this  account  12  Ant.  vi.  i,  2,  xi.  2,  13 
Ant.  vi.  6).  Eusebius  and  Jerome  (Onomasti- 
con),  in  4th  cent,  a.d.,  place  "  Modeim  "  near 
Lydda.  The  Mishna  speaks  of  Modi'aim 
(Pesakhim  ix.  2)  as  a  long  distance  from  Jeru- 
salem, which  is  explained  (Tal.  Bab.  Pesakh. 


MOLECS 


557 


3  6)  to  mean  15  miles  ;  while  from  another  pas- 
sage (Hagigah  iii.  5)  it  appears  that  Modi'aith 
was  near  the  borders  of  Judaea  and  Samaria. 
The  true  site  (Guerin)  is  the  village  el  Midieh, 
on  a  hill  spur  17  miles  from  Jerusalem,  6  miles 
E.  of  Lydda.  The  sea  is  visible  from  this  site, 
which  is  15  miles  N.E.  of  Qatrah.  S.  of  the 
village  is  a  high  conical  mound  (er  Rds),  with 
cisterns  and  rock-cut  tombs  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii. 
pp.  297,  298,  341-352).  On  a  hill  to  W.  there 
are  Christian  tombs,  and  remains  of  atesselated 
pavement  with  a  cross  on  it.  The  mound  may 
cover  the  monument  of  Simon  ;  and  Jerome 
states  that  the  "  tombs  of  the  Maccabees  " 
were  visible  in  his  time.  They  were,  however, 
shown  later  at  quite  another  site,  7  miles  S., 
near  Latron,  which  is  not  "  near  Lydda,"  as  the 
Onomasticon  states  ;  and  even  at  Soba  (Bel- 
mont), only  6  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem,  in  13th 
cent.  A.D.  [c.r.c] 

Mo'eth.  In  iEsd.8.63,  "  Moeththe  son  of 
Sabban  "  takes  the  place  of  "  Noadiah  the  son 
of  Binnui"  (Ezr.8.33). 

Moladah'  (  =  birthplace  ;  Jos. 15. 26, 19. 2  ; 
iChr.4.28  ;  Ne.11.26),  a  town  of  Judah  in 
the  far  S.  It  was  given  up  to  Simeon,  and 
abandoned,  with  other  towns,  by  that  tribe  in 
David's  time,  but  re-inhabited  by  men  of 
Judah  after  the  Captivity.  The  site  is  un- 
known, for  the  Malatha  of  the  Onomasticon 
(Tell  el  Milh)  appears  to  have  been  really  the 
"  city  of  salt."     [Salt.]  [cr.c] 

Mole.  Two  words  are  thus  translated, 
(i)  tinshemeth,  which  occurs  in  the  list  of 
unclean  birds  in  Lev. 11. 18,  Deut.l4.i6  (A.V. 
swan),  and  in  Lev. 11. 30  (A.V.  mole).  There 
seems  considerable  probability  that  tinshemeth 
refers  to  the  Chameleon.  (2)  h^'phor  peroth, 
rendered  "  moles  "  by  the  A.V.  in  Is. 2. 20. 
Although  this  word  clearly  indicates  some 
kind  of  burrowing  creature,  nothing  definite 
can  be  predicated  as  to  its  nature.  Apparently 
true  moles  (Talpa)  are  absent  from  Syria  and 
Palestine  ;  and  even  if  such  were  present, 
they  do  not  haunt  ruins,  which  were  the 
resorts  of  the  animal  referred  to.  It  has 
accordingly  been  suggested  that  one  of  the 
species  of  mole-rats,  a  group  typified  by 
Spalax  typhlus  of  E.  Europe  and  Egypt, 
may  be  the  animal  intended.  These  mole- 
rats,  which  are  members  of  the  rodent  order, 
and  are  stated  to  burrow  at  times  under 
rubbish  heaps,  are  blind,  grey  animals  of  the 
size  of  a  rat,  with  curiously  flattened  heads 
and  rudimentary  tails.     [Weasel.]      [r.l.] 

Mo'lech.  This  deity  is  the  same  (cf. 
iK.11.7  with  ver.  5)  as  Milcom,  Malcam,  and 
the  MoXox  of  the  LXX.  (once  erroneously  so 
spelled  in  A.V.  in  Am.5.26,  and  hence  in  Ac.7. 
43).  m6lekh\v\.\ieb.  has  always  the  article  pre- 
fixed, and  should  be  read  hammelekh,  literally 
"  the  king."  The  change  of  the  vowels  into 
those  of  bosheth  (shame;  cf.  iChr.8.34  with 
2Sam.4.4,  Meribbaal  ==  Mephibosheth)  is  due 
to  Jewish  objection  to  pronounce  idol-names 
(cf.  Ex. 23. 13b).  Molech  is  the  Malku  (king) 
of  the  Assyr.  texts.  A  tablet  (K.  2100) 
in  the  British  Museum  states  that  Malku 
was,  among  the  Shuhites  on  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  in  Syria,  identified  with  Ram- 
manu  (Rimmon),  god  of  the  atmosphere,  and 
hence  of  the  storm.    Though  Malku  occurs  as 


558 


MOLI 


an  element  in  Babylonian  personal  names  c. 
2000  B.C.  his  worshippers  seem  even  then 
to  be  of  Canaanite  or  Syrian  descent,  and  a 
Canaanite  king  Uru-Maiik  is  mentioned  by 
Naram-Sin,  3800  B.C.  His  worship  is  there- 
fore very  ancient  in  Palestine,  where  he 
probablv  represented  the  sun,  as  he  certainly 
did  in  Babylonia,  where  he  is  the  2nd  member 
of  the  triad  Samas,  Malik,  Bunene,  the  latter 
becoming  his  consort  there.  The  god  Molech 
was  the  chief  deity  of  Ammon,  as  Chemosh  was 
of  Moab.  The  form  Milcom  (milkom)  is  the 
wordtnelekh  with  the  mimmation,  this  termina- 
tion (properly  -um,  as  in  Assyr.)  marking  the 
nominatival  form  in  the  older  language,  Just 
as  -dm  in  yomdm  does  the  old  accusative. 
"  Malcam  "  (malkdm)  in  Je.49.i,3,  Am.l.15, 
Zeph.1.5,  though  the  rendering  "  their  king  " 
is  supported  by  the  Targum  and  Qimhi 
(Kimchi),  is  a  mistake  for  Milcom,  as  Kashi 
perceived,  the  misspelling  being  occasioned  by 
misunderstanding  the  sense,  though  compari- 
son with  iK.11.33  and  2K.23.13  makes  the 
latter  clear.  It  was  Milconi's  and  not  "  their 
king's  "  crown  that  weighed  a  talent  (aSam. 
12.30  ;  iChr.20.2).  Molech  is  first  mentioned 
in  Lev. 18. 2 1,  where  the  Israelites  are  warned 
not  to  imitate  the  Canaanite  practice  of  burn- 
ing their  children  as  offerings  to  him.  Aben 
Ezra  says  that  children  were  passed  "over  "  the 
fire,  and  that  some  survived  and  others  died  ; 
Rashi  that  they  passed  between  two  burning 
piles  of  wood.  That  they  were  actuallv  ft"/""/ 
is  clear  from  Deut.i2.31,  Ps.l06.37.3«.  Je.7.31, 
19.5  ;  and  this  became  customary  among 
the  Israelite  idolaters  after  Solomon's  time. 
ToPHET  was  especially  noted  for  this  terrible 
rite.  Similar  scenes  marked  the  cuUus  of 
Chemosh  in  Moab  and  Baal  at  T>Te  and 
elsewhere.  Qimhi's  detailed  description  of  the 
idol  and  worship  of  Molech  at  Tophet  (comm. 
on  2  K. 23. 10)  is  unreliable.  It  is  probable  that 
the  children  were  placed  in  the  fire  as  a  way 
of  offering  them  to  the  Sun-god  (Molech),  fire 
being  his  most  natural  emblem.  The  offering 
was  propitiatory,  as  human  sacrifices  seem 
everywhere  to  have  been.  But  these  and  other 
"abominations"  necessitated  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  Canaanites  (Deut.i2.31),  and 
afterwards  the  captivity  of  Israel  and  Judah. 
Ravvlinson's  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of  Western 
Asia;  Pinches's  O.T.  in  Light  of  Hist.  Records 
of  Ass.  and  Bab. ;  Sayce's  Kel.  of  Anc.  Egypt  and 
Babvlnnia,  and  his  Hibbert  Lectures  :  Hommel's 
Dieallisraelitische  VberUeferung;  Swete's  ed. 
of  the  LXX.;  G.  Hoffmann  in  Zeitschrift  fiir 
alttest.  Wissenschatl,  vol.  iii.  ;  Targum,  Qimhi, 
and  Rashi  in  Miqrdoth  Gedoloth.      [w.st.c.t.] 

Mo'li  (iEsd.8.4/)  =  Mahli,  i. 

Molid',  son  of  Abishur  by  his  wife  Abihail, 
and  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (iChr.2.29). 

Moloch  ("Tabernacle  of  your  Moloch"  in 
Am. 5. 26)  is  a  mistranslation  of  the  Heb. 
words  sikkuth  malkkhem,  rightly  rendered 
"  Siccuth  your  King"  in  the  R.V.  [Rempiian.] 
The  form  Mf)loch  instea  1  "'f  the  usual  Molech  is 
borrowed  from  the  LXX.  ^\o\6x  in  this  passage 
and  in  .^0.7.43  only.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Mom'dis  (il':sd.9.34)  =  Maadai. 

Money.  I.  Uncoined  Money.  Ancient 
nations  that  were  without  a  coinage  weighed 
the  precious  metals,  a  practice  represented  on 


MONEY 

the  Egyptian  monuments,  where  we  see  that 
gold  and  silver  were  kept  in  the  form  of  rings. 
The  gold  rings  found  in  Celtic  countries  have 
been  held  to  have  had  the  same  use.  We 
have  no  certain  record  of  the  use  of  ring- 
money  or  other  uncoined  money  in  antiquity 
excepting  among  the  Egyptians.  There  is  no 
distinct  mention  of  coined  money  in  the  books 
of  O.T.  before  the  return  from  Babylon. 
Abimelech  gave  Abraham  "  a  thousand  [pieces] 
of  silver  "  (Gen. 20. 16).  [Piece  of  Silver.] 
For  Gen. 23. 3, 9, 16, 33. 18, 19,  see  Weights. 
Throughout  the  history  of  J  oseph  we  constantly 
find  money  used  in  preference  to  barter  (Gen. 
43.21,47.13-16).  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus 
money  seems  to  have  been  still  weighed  (Ex. 
30.13).  Here  the  shekel  is  evidently  a  weight, 
of  which  the  standard  examples  were  probably 
kept  by  the  priests.  Balances  and  weights 
were  carried  in  a  bag  (Deut. 25. 13-16  ;  Pr.l6. 
II;  Is. 46. 6).  Throughout  the  Law  money  is 
spoken  of  as  in  ordinary  use  ;  but  only  silver 
money,  gold  being  mentioned  as  valuable,  but 
not  clearly  as  used  in  the  same  manner.  We 
find  no  evidence  in  the  Bible  of  the  use  of 
coined  money  by  the  Jews  before  the  time  of 
Ezra. — II.  Coined  Money,  (i)  The  Antiquity 
of  Coined  Money.  Respecting  the  origin  of 
coinage  there  are  two  accounts  seemingly  at 
variance  :  some  saying  that  Phidon  king  of 
Argos  first  struck  money,  and  according  to 
Ephorus,  in  Aegina  (Strabo,  viii.  6);  while 
Herodotus  (i.  94)  ascribes  its  invention  to  the 
Lydlans.  The  former  statement  probably 
refers  to  the  origin  of  the  coinage  of  European 
Greece,  the  latter  to  that  of  Asiatic  Greece. 
On  the  whole,  it  seems  reasonable  to  carry  up 
Gk.  coinage  to  the  8th  cent.  B.C.  (2)  Coined 
Money  fnentioncd  in  the  Bible.  The  earliest 
mention  of  coins  in  the  Bible  refers  to  Persian 
money.  In  Ezr.2.69,8.27  and  Ne.7. 70-72  cur- 
rent gold  coins  are  spoken  of  under  the  name 
dark'mdnim,  which  only  occurs  in  the  plur., 
and  appears  to  correspond  to  the  Daric.  The 
.\p()crypha  contains  the  earliest  distinct  allusion 
to  the  coining  of  Jewish  money,  where  we  read 
(iMac.15.6)  that  Antiochus  VII.  granted  to 
Simon  permission  to  coin  money  with  his  own 
stamp.  This  was  in  the  fourth  year  of  Simon's 
pontificate  (139  B.C.).  The  average  weight  of 
the  coined  shekel  is  about  220  grs.  troy. 
The  Shekel  corresponds  almost  exactly  to 
the  tetradrachm  or  didrachm  of  the  earlier 
Phoenician  talent  in  use  under  Persian  rule, 
and,  after  Alexander's  time,  at  Tyre,  Sidon, 
and  Berytus,  as  well  as  in  Egypt.  It  is  repre- 
sented in  the  LXX.  by  didrachm.  The  fabric 
of  the  earliest  Jewish  silver  coins  is  so  different 
from  that  of  any  t)ther  ancient  money,  that 
it  is  extremely  unsafe  to  base  any  argument 
on  it  alone,  as  the  cases  of  otiier  special 
classes,  e.g.  the  ancient  money  of  Cyjirus, 
have  shown.  Some  have  been  disposed  to 
consider  that  it  proves  that  these  coins  can- 
not be  later  than  the  time  of  Nehemiah, 
others  will  not  admit  it  to  be  later  than 
.Mexander's  time,  while  some  still  hold 
that  it  is  not  too  iixchaic  for  the  Maccabean 
period.  Tin"  inscriptions  of  these  coins,  and 
all  the  other  Heb.  inscriptions  of  Jewish  coins, 
are  in  the  old  character  of  Israel.  Their  nature 
would  indicate  a  period  of  Jewish  freedom  from 


PLATE    XXII 


Persian  Gold  Daric  (iCbr.29.7,  etc.R.V.). 


Jerusalem  Silver  Shekel. 


Silver  Half  Shekel. 


Silver  Tetradrachm  of  Antioch;  =  "Piece  of  Money" 
{Stater.  iMt.24.2  7). 


Silver  Denarius  ("Penny";  Mt.20.2)  of  Tiberius.  Copper  Assarion  (Mt.lO.29;  Lu.12.6). 


Copper  '  Farthing"  (Mk.i2.42)  of» 
Pontius  Pilate. 


Coin  of  Titus,  commemorating  the  Capture 
of  Jerusalem. 


p.  558] 


MONEY.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


MONEY 

Gk.  influence,  and  the  use  of  an  era  dating  from 
its  commencement.  The  old  explanation  of 
the  meaning  of  the  types  of  the  shekels  and 
half-shekels,  that  they  represent  the  pot  of 
manna  and  Aaron's  rod  that  budded,  seems 
remarkably  consistent  with  the  inscriptions 
and  with  what  we  should  expect.  Cavedoni 
has  suggested  that  the  one  type  is  simply 
a  vase  of  the  temple,  and  the  other  a  lily, 
arguing  that  the  pot  of  manna  had  a  cover, 
which  this  vase  has  not.  The  copper  coins 
form  an  important  guide  in  judging  of  the 
age  of  the  silver,  as  they  undoubtedly  belong 
to  the  same  age.  We  thus  find  that :  (i)  The 
shekels,  half -shekels,  and  corresponding  copper 
coins,  may  be  on  the  evidence  of  fabric  and 
inscriptions  of  any  age  from  Alexander's  time 
until  the  earlier  period  of  the  Maccabees,  (ii) 
They  must  belong  to  a  time  when  Gk.  influ- 
ence was  excluded,  (iii)  They  date  from  an  era 
of  Jewish  independence.  M.  de  Saulcy,  struck 
by  the  ancient  appearance  of  the  silver  coins, 
and  disregarding  the  difference  in  style  of  the 
copper,  has  conjectured  that  the  whole  class 
was  struck  at  some  early  period  of  prosperity, 
such  as  the  pontificate  of  Jaddua,  and  he 
supposes  them  to  have  been  first  issued  when 
Alexander  granted  great  privileges  to  the  Jews ; 
but  there  are  many  difficulties  in  the  way  of  this 
supposition.  The  basis  we  have  laid  down  is 
in  entire  accordance  with  the  old  theory,  that 
this  class  of  coins  was  issued  by  Simon  the 
Hasmonaean  (Maccabee).  The  small  copper 
coins  have  for  the  main  part  of  their  reverse- 
type  a  Gk.  symbol,  the  united  cornua  copiae, 
and  they  therefore  distinctly  belong  to  a  period 
of  Gk.  influence.  Is  it  possible  that  Judas 
Maccabaeus,  the  restorer  of  the  Jewish  worship, 
and  the  sworn  enemy  of  all  heathen  customs, 
could  have  struck  money  with  a  type  derived 
from  the  heathen  ?  The  use  of  such  a  type 
seems  rather  to  point  to  the  time  when 
prosperity  had  corrupted  the  ruling  family, 
and  Gk.  usages  were  once  more  powerful. 
This  period  may  be  considered  to  commence 
in  the  rule  of  John  Hyrcanus.  Thus  M.  de 
Saulcy's  attributions  before  John  Hyrcanus 
seem  extremely  doubtful.  On  these  and 
other  grounds  we  maintain  Bayer's  opinion 
that  the  Jewish  coinage  begins  with  Simon, 
we  ascribe  the  coins  of  Jonathan  the  high- 
priest  to  Alexander  Jannaeus,  and  propose 
the  following  arrangement  of  the  known 
money  of  the  princes  of  the  period  under 
consideration  :  John  Hyrcanus,  135-106  B.C. 
—  Copper  coins,  with  Heb.  inscription, 
"  John  the  high-priest  "  ;  on  some  a  Gk.  A, 
marking  alliance  with  Antiochus  VII.,  Sidetes. 
— Judas-Aristobulus  and  Antigonus,  106-105 
B.C.  (probable  attribution)  —  Copper  coins 
with  Heb.  inscription,  "Judah  the  high  [?] 
priest." — Alexander  Jannaeus,  105-78  B.C. 
First  coinage :  copper  coins  with  bilingual  in- 
scriptions— Gk.,  "Alexander  the  king"  ;  Heb., 

"  Jonathan  the  king."  Second  coinage :  copper 
coins  with  Heb.  inscription,  "  Jonathan  the 
high-priest "  ;  and  copper  coins  with  Gk. 
inscription,  "Alexander  the  king."  (The  as- 
signing of  these  latter  two  to  the  same  ruler 
is  confirmed  by  the  occiurrence  of  Heb.  coins 
of  "  Judah  the  high-priest,"  and  Gk.  ones  of 

"  Judas  the  king,"  which  there  is  good  reason 


MONEY-CHANGERS 


559 


to  attribute  to  one  and  the  same  person.) — 
Alexandra,  78-69  b.c.  The  coin  assigned  to 
Alexandra  by  M.  de  Saulcy  may  be  of  this 
sovereign,  but  those  of  Alexander  Jannaeus 
are  so  frequently  blundered  that  we  are  not 
certain  that  it  was  not  struck  by  him. — 
Hyrcanus  II.,  69-66  B.C.  (no  coins).  Aristo- 
bulus  II.,  66-63  B.C.  (no  coins).  Hyrcanus 
restored,  63-57  b.c.  (no  coins).  Oligarchy, 
57-47  B.C.  (no  coins).  Aristobulus  II.  and 
Alexander  II.,  49  B.C.  (no  coins).  Hyrcanus 
again,  47-40  b.c.  (no  coins).  Antigonus,  40-37 
B.C. — Copper  coins  with  bilingual  inscriptions. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  describe  in  detail  the 
money  of  the  time  commencing  with  the 
reign  of  Herod  and  closing  under  Hadrian. 
The  money  of  Herod  is  abundant,  but  of 
inferior  interest  to  the  earlier  coinage, 
from  its  generally  having  a  thoroughly  Gk. 
character.  It  is  of  copper  only,  and  seems  to 
be  of  three  denominations,  the  smallest  being 
apparently  a  piece  of  18  grs.,  the  next  larger 
its  double,  and  the  largest  its  triple,  as  M.  de 
Saulcy  has  ingeniously  suggested.  The  smallest 
is  the  commonest,  and  appears  to  be  the 
farthing  of  N.T.  The  money  of  Herod 
Archelaus,  and  of  the  similar  coinage  of  the 
Gk.  Imperial  class,  of  Roman  rulers  with 
Gk.  inscriptions,  present  no  remarkable 
peculiarities.  There  are  several  passages  in 
the  Gospels  which  throw  light  upon  the 
coinage  of  the  time.  When  the  twelve  were 
sent  forth,  our  Lord  thus  commanded  them, 
"  Provide  neither  gold,  nor  silver,  nor  brass 
in  your  purses"  (lit.  girdles),  Mt.lO  9.  In 
the  parallel  passage  in  St.  Mark  (6.8),  copper 
alone  is  mentioned  for  money,  the  Palestinian 
currency  being  mainly  of  this  metal,  although 
silver  was  coined  by  some  cities  of  Phoenicia 
and  Syria,  and  gold  and  silver  Roman  money 
was  also  in  use.  St.  Luke,  however,  uses  the 
term  "  money  "  (8.3),  which  may  be  accounted 
for  by  his  less  Hebraistic  style.  The  coins 
mentioned  by  the  Evangelists  are  the  follow- 
ing :  First,  of  silver :  the  stater  is  spoken  of 
in  the  account  of  the  miracle  of  the  tribute- 
money.  The  receivers  of  didrachms  demanded 
the  tribute,  but  St.  Peter  found  in  the  fish  a 
stater,  which  he  paid  for  our  Lord  and  himself 
(Mt. 17. 24-27).  This  stater  was  therefore  a 
tetradrachm,  and  it  is  very  noteworthy  that 
at  this  period  almost  the  only  Gk.  Imperial 
silver  coin  in  the  E.  was  a  tetradrachm,  the 
didrachm  being  probably  unknown,  or  very 
little  coined.  The  didrachm  is  mentioned  as 
a  money  of  account  in  the  passage  above 
cited,  as  the  equivalent  of  the  Heb.  shekel. 
The  denarius,  or  Roman  penny,  as  well  as  the 
Gk.  drachm,  then  of  about  the  same  weight, 
are  spoken  of  as  current  coins  (Mt. 22. 15-21  ; 
Lu. 20. 19-25).  Of  copper  coins  the  farthing 
and  its  half,  the  mite,  are'spoken  of,  and  these 
probably  formed  the  chief  native  currency. 
The  proper  Jewish  series  closes  with  the 
money  of  the  famous  Bar-cochab,  who  headed 
the  revolt  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  His  most 
important  coins  are  shekels ;  but  for  the  oppo- 
site view,  see  Weights,  Coins. 

Money-changers.  There  are  3  names  in 
N.T.  for  the  money-changer:  KfptxaTiarqs  (Jn. 
2.14),  KoWv^KXTrji  (Mt.2i.12;  Mk.ll.15;  Jn.2. 
i5),TpaTre^iTr]s  (Mt.25.27).    Their  interest  from 


560 


MONTHS 


the  N.T.  point  of  view  is  that  they  exchanged 
money  of  all  kinds  into  that  which  was 
lawful  for  the  temple.  Every  adult  Jew 
(male)  had  to  pay  annually  the  half-shekel  or 
didrachm  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple 
services  ;  it  was  the  money-changer  who 
exchanged  other  coin  for  the  half-shekel. 
Jews  came  from  all  parts  of  the  civilized  world 
to  Jerusalem,  so  that  there  was,  at  the  time 
of  the  feasts  especially,  a  constant  demand 
for  the  half-shekel.  The  practice  of  the 
money-changers  sitting  in  the  Court  of  the 
Gentiles — i.e.  within  the  temple  precincts — 
had  gradually  grown  up,  and  the  disputes  in- 
cidental to  changing  money  must  have  been 
most  unseemly  there  ;  besides,  the  temptation 
to  be  dishonest,  with  which  the  money-changer 
was  constantly  confronted,  was  evidently  not 
always  resisted  (Mt.2i.13,  etc.).      [w.o.e.o.] 

Months.  The  Heb.  words  rendered 
"month"  are  (i)  hodhesh  =  new  moon,  and 
(2)  yerah,  of  doubtful  etymology  (Aram,  yrah, 
"  new  moon  ").  The  Heb.  month,  like  that  of 
the  Babylonians  and  other  ancients  [Year], 
was  lunar,  and  commenced  in  the  evening  with 
the  appearingof  the  new  moon.  Since  the  moon 
passes  through  all  her  phases  in  29  days,  12 
hours,  793  parts  (i.e.  of  an  hour  of  1,080  parts), 
the  month  was  either  29  or  30  days.  In  the 
flood  story  150  days  are  equal  to  five  months 
(Gen. 7. II, 24, 8. 4),  and  the  30  days  of  mourning 
(Deut.34.8)  are  said  to  be  a  month  (21. 13). 
The  Egyptian  month  was  30  days.  The 
Heb.  months  are  designated  by  numbers  and 
names. — I.  Numbers.  This  was  the  earlier 
method  of  identifying  the  months,  the  month 
of  the  Exodus  being  taken  as  the  first  and 
the  others  reckoned  from  it  (Ex.1 2.2  ;  cf. 
Deut.l8.i  ;  also  Gen. 7. 11, 8. 4, 5, 13, 14,  where 
the  months  are  counted  as  parts  of  the  year  of 
Noah's  life).  The  same  system  was  the  pre- 
valent one  during  the  Exilic  period  (Je.39.i  ; 
Ezk.40.i  ;  Hag.l.i  ;  Zech.l.i,7,7.i).— II. 
Names,  (i)  Only  four  of  the  ancient  (Canaan- 
ite)  names  have  been  handed  down,  (a)  Abib 
(post-l-^xilic  Nisan),  the  month  of  "  ripening 
ears  "  (Ex. 13.4, 23.15,34.18  ;  Deut.lB.i).  (b) 
Zif  (post-Iix.  lyyar),  month  of  "  flowers,"  the 
"  second  month  "  (iK.B.i).  (c)  Ethanim  (post- 
Ex.  Tishri);  8.2,  the  month  of  "perennial 
streams,"the  "seventh month"  (Lev.23.34).  It 
occurs  in  a  Phoenician  inscription  from  Cyprus, 
4th  cent.  B.C.  {d)  Bui  (post-l^x.  Marchesvan), 
month  of  "  produce,"  the  "  eighth  month  " 
(iK.6.38).  This  occurs  on  the  Eshmunazar 
tablet  (Corl^.  Inscrif^.  Sem.  i.  3),  in  aninscription 
from  Cyprus  (ib.  i.  10),  and  in  one  from  Idalium 
{ib.  i.  90).  (2)  Babylonian  names.  According 
to  a  statement  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud 
(Rosh  hu'ih-ShaHah  i.  2),  the  names  current  in 
post-ExiUc  times  were  borrowed  from  the 
Babylonians.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
this  assertion,  as  there  are  no  traces  of  these 
names  before  the  Exile.  Only  seven  of  the 
twelve  names  occur  in  O.T. — viz.  the  ist,  3rd, 
6th,  9th,  loth,  nth,  andi2th.  (a)  Nisan  (Abib, 
Ex. 13.4);  Nc.2.i  ;  Bab.  Nisannu.  The  ist 
ecclesiastical  and  7th  civil  month.  The  As- 
syrian sacred  year  also  commenced  at  the 
vernal  equinox  (Nisan  corresponds  approx.  to 
March  21-April  20).  (ft)  lyyar  (Zif,  1K.6.1). 
Not  in  O.T.  ;    occurs  in  the  Targ.   (aChr.SO. 


MOON 

2);  Sab.  Atru,  from  a  root  meaning  "to  bd 
bright,"  or  another  "  to  send  forth  "  (flowers), 
thus  answering  to  the  Heb.  ziv  (April-May), 
(c)  Sivan  (the  "third  month," Ex. 19.i) ;  Esth. 
8.9;  Bab.  Sinianu  (May-June),  (rf)  Tammuz 
(the  "  fourth  month,"  Je.39.2).  Not  in  O.T.  ; 
in  Taan.  iv.  5.  Bab.  Duzu  and  Du-mu-zi.  Cf. 
Ezk.8.14,  where  Tammuz  is  the  god  Adonis 
(June-July),  (e)  Ab  ("  fifth  month,"  Je.1.3). 
Not  in  O.T.  ;  Pesach.iv.s.  Bab.  .^6i<  (July- 
Aug.).  (/)  Elul  ("sixth  month,"  Hag.l.i); 
Ne.6.15.  Bab.  t//!</i«  (Aug.-Sept.).  (g)  Tishri 
(Ethanim,  iK.8.2  ;  "  seventh  month,"  Lev. 23. 
34).  Not  in  O.T.  ;  Shek.  iii.  i.  The  first 
month  of  the  civil  year.  The  Assyrians,  like 
the  Jews,  had  two  beginnings  of  the  year — the 
sacred  in  Nisan,  and  the  civil  in  Tishri  (Sept.- 
Oct.).  {h)  Marchesvan  (Bui,  iK.6.38).  Not 
in  O.T.  ;  Taan.  i.  3.  Bab.  Arahsamnu  = 
eighth  month.  This  name  is  probably  a  sur- 
vival of  an  early  system  of  designating  the 
months  by  numbers  (Oct.-Nov.).  (?)  Kislev 
("ninth  month,"  Je.36.22) ;  Zech.7.i  ;  Ne. 
l.i  (A.V.  Chish-u,  R.V.  Chislev).  It  occurs 
(iMac.1.54)  in  the  Gk.  form,  XaaeXfv.  Bab. 
Kislimu  and  Kislivu  (Nov. -Dec).  (/)  Tebeth 
("  tenth  month,"  Ezr.l0.i6)  ;  Esth.2.i6. 
Bab.  Tebetum,  from  (ebu  =  "  to  sink  "  ;  the 
month '  of  sinking  in,  or  the  muddy  month 
in  which  the  heavy  rains  occur  (Dec- 
Jan.),  {k)  Sebat  ("  eleventh  month,"  Deut. 
1.3)  ;  Zech.1.7.  Bab.  Shabafu,  perhaps  the 
month  of  "  destroying  rain,"  the  period  of 
heavy  rains  (J an. -Feb.).  (/)  Adar  ("  twelfth 
month,"  1Chr.27.15)  ;  Ezr.6.15  ;  Esth. 3. 7,13, 8. 
12,9.1,  etc.  Bab.  A(d)-daru,  perhaps  "to  be 
darkened  or  eclipsed  "  (Feb. -March),  (w) 
Ve-Adar,  the  second  Adar,  the  Hebrew  and 
Babylonian  intercalary  month  {Meg.  i.  4).  It 
was  introduced  to  prevent  the  agricultural 
festivals  falling  in  other  than  the  prescribed 
months.  Schwarz,  Der  Jud.  Kalendar.  [h.h.] 
Moon  (Hob.  yari'ah,  "  pale "  or  "  yel- 
low," and  I'bhdnd,  "wliite").  That  the  moon 
held  an  important  place  in  nature  was  known 
to  the  Hebrews.  In  the  history  of  creation 
(Gen.l. 14-16)  it  appears  simultaneously  with 
the  sun,  and,  conjointly  with  it,  was  appointed 
"  for  signs  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days  and 
years  "  ;  though  in  this  respect  it  exercised  the 
more  important  influence,  if  by  the  "  seasons  " 
we  understand  tlie  great  religious  festivals  of 
the  Jews  (see  Ecclus.43.6,7).  Besides  this, 
it  had  its  special  office  in  the  distribution  of 
hght  ;  it  was  appointed  "  to  rule  over  the 
night,"  as  the  sun  over  the  day.  The  in- 
fcrioritv  of  its  light  is  occasionally  noticed 
(C;en.l.'i6  ;  Can. 6.10  ;  Is.30.26).  Ps.i21.6  may 
have  reference  to  the  idea  of  a  supposed 
injurious  effect  of  moonlight  on  sleeping 
persons  which  was  at  one  time  generally  held, 
and  gave  rise  to  the  expressions  vwoH' 
struck,  lunatique,  nioitdsiichtig,  etc.  The  wor- 
sliip  of  the  moon  was  extensively  practised 
by  the  nations  of  the  E.  under  a  variety  of 
aspects.  In  Egypt  it  was  honoured  under  the 
form  of  .-Vah.  In  Syria  and  Babylonia  it  was 
rejircsented  by  'Aslitoreth,  surnamed  "  Kar- 
iiaini,"  from  the  horns  of  tlic  crescent  moon. 
Job  31.26,27  and  the  warning  of  Moses 
(Dent. 4.19)  an^  directed  against  nature- 
worship.     At    a    later   period,    however,    the 


MOON,  NEW 

worship  of  the  moon  in  its  grosser  form  of 
idol-worship  was  introduced  from  Syria.  In 
the  figurative  language  of  Scripture  the  moon 
is  frequently  noticed  as  presaging  events 
of  the  greatest  importance  through  the  tem- 
porary or  permanent  withdrawal  of  its  light 
(Is.13.io  ;    Jl.  2,31  ;    Mt.24.29  ;    Mk.i3.24). 

Moon,  New^.     [New  Moon.] 

Moosi'as  (iEsd.9.31).  Apparently  =  Maa- 

SEIAH,   4. 

Moph.     [NoPH.] 

Mopasthite,  The,  i.e.  native  of  a  place 
named  Moresheth  [not  Mareshah,  as  Targ.). 
It  only  occurs  as  the  description  of  the  prophet 
MicAH  (Je.26.i8  ;  Mi.l.i).  [Moresheth-gath.] 

Mopdecai'. — 1.  The  agent  employed  by 
God  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Jews  from  ex- 
termination at  the  hands  of  Ahasuerus'  grand 
vizier,  Haman.  Mordecai's  cousin  and 
adopted  daughter,  Esther,  being  chosen  queen, 
he  remained  in  close  communication  with  her, 
though  forbidding  her  to  disclose  her  nation- 
ality. Unrewarded  through  inadvertence  for 
the  discovery  of  a  plot  against  the  king's  life, 
he  incurs  Haman's  hostility  by  refusing  to  do 
him  homage  when  passing  the  palace  gates, 
probably  as  considering  him  the  hereditary 
enemy  of  Israel  [Haman]  rather  than  from 
viewing  such  action  as  equivalent  to  idolatry 
(for  cf.  2Sam.l4.4,18.28  ;  1K.I.16).  Haman 
obtains  from  the  king,  as  vengeance  for  this 
slight,  a  decree  for  the  destruction  of  all  Jews. 
This  is  the  more  readily  obtained  through 
the  promise  that  by  the  seizure  of  the  victims' 
property  the  royal  treasury  will  be  greatly  en- 
riched. Soon  Ahasuerus,  passing  a  sleepless 
night  in  hearing  the  chronicles  of  the  kingdom 
read,  is  reminded  of  Mordecai's  claims.  Haman, 
arriving  early  at  the  palace  to  obtain  per- 
mission to  hang  his  enemy,  and  thinking  that 
the  king's  question  as  to  the  fitting  meed  to  be 
bestowed  upon  a  worthy  recipient  has  to  do 
with  himself,  is  involved  in  the  necessity  of 
conferring  the  honours  he  suggests  upon  the 
hated  Mordecai.  Meanwhile  the  decree  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  Jews  has  been  communicated 
by  the  latter  to  Esther,  with  the  warning  that 
its  reversal  through  her  instrumentality  is  the 
sole  hope  for  her  nation  and  herself.  After 
Haman's  overthrow  Mordecai  becomes  vizier, 
and,  receiving  the  king's  seal,  writes  an  au- 
thorization to  the  Jews  to  defend  themselves. 
He  and  Esther  accordingly  send  two  letters 
to  their  countrymen,  prescribing  the  com- 
memorative feast  of  Purim  with  a  preceding 
fast.  The  apocryphal  additions  to  the  book 
of  Esther  set  forth  in  ampler  form  the  glory 
and  dignity  of  Mordecai,  and  as  time  went  on 
his  traditional  fame  increased.  He  was  re- 
puted to  have  known  70  languages,  and  his 
age  to  have  exceeded  400  years.  His  name 
is  probably  derived  from  Marduk  (Merodach). 
That  the  name  of  a  Babylonian  should  be  given 
to  a  Jew  (see  Sayce,  The  Higher  Crit.  and  the 
Mon.,  p.  470,  for  instances),  though  strange 
at  first  sight,  may  have  no  real  significance 
from  the  religious  point  of  view,  just  as  in  later 
times  the  name  Martin  is  devoid  of  association 
with  its  etymological  source,  Mars.  Mordecai 
has,  however,  been  by  some  identified  with 
Matacas,  a  eunuch  and  favourite  of  Xerxes, 
mentioned  by  the  historian  Ctesias  (Persica, 


MORIAH 


561 


27).  According  to  him  Xerxes,  on  returning 
from  his  ill-starred  expedition  against  Greece, 
sent  Matacas  to  the  temple  of  Apollo  at 
Delphi  to  plunder  the  property  of  the  god. 
This  commission  Matacas  duly  carried  out.  A 
Jew  would  not,  as  such,  be  an  unnatural  person 
for  Xerxes,  himself  a  foe  to  idolatry,  to  employ 
on  a  like  errand.  Moreover,  that  Mordecai 
should  have  been  a  eunuch  harmonizes  with 
several  details  of  the  narrative  in  Esther,  such 
as  his  possessing  neither  wife  nor  child,  and 
having  apparently  unrestricted  access  to  the 
court  of  the  harem.  Further,  a  position  of 
great  influence  was  not  unfrequently  obtained 
by  eunuchs  in  Persia.  We  must,  however, 
bear  in  mind  that  Ctesias  is  by  no  means  trust- 
worthy as  an  historian.  Mordecai  is  described 
(Esth.2.5)  a  "  son  of  Jair,  the  son  of  Shimei, 
the  son  of  Kish."  It  is  best  (with  Jewish 
tradition  and  Josephus)  to  consider  the  two  last 
to  be  the  well-known  members  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (2Sam.l6.5ff.;  iSam.Q.i).  Fre- 
quently it  is  only  the  more  prominent  links 
in  a  descent  that  are  expressed.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  take  Kish  to  be  Mordecai's 
great-grandfather,  and  consider  him  and  not 
Mordecai  to  have  been  one  of  Jehoiachin's 
fellow-captives  in  598  b.c.  (see  Esth.2.6) — 
a  construction  nevertheless  which  is  contrary 
to  the  ordinary  syntactical  usage  of  Hebrew — 
there  is  no  difficulty  in  accepting  Mordecai 
as  flourishing  in  the  days  of  Xerxes.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  in  deference  to  Heb.  grammar, 
we  make  Mordecai  the  subject  of  the  relative, 
the  statement  is  a  loose  mode  of  indicating 
that  he  was  member  of  a  family  which  three 
generations  previously  had  been  included 
among  the  exiles  of  that  date. — 2.  One  of  the 
leaders  of  the  returning  exiles  under  Zerubbabel 
and  Jeshua  (Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7).  [a.w.s.] 

Mopeh',  translated  "  high  "  in  LXX. — 
perhaps  an  Aram,  word,  like  Mar,  an  "  ex- 
alted "  person  or  "  lord."  The  Plain  of 
Moreh  [Pillar,  Plain  of],  otherwise  the 
"  oak  "  or  "  tree  "  of  Moreh,  was  near  Shechem 
(Gen.12.6);  and  these  "oaks"  or  "plains" 
(Deut.ll.30)  were  close  to  Gerizim,  and  per- 
haps connected  with  Moriah.  The  Hill  of 
Moreh  {gib'ath  hammori)  was  on  N.  side  of 
the  valley  of  Jezreel  (Judg.T.i),  and  this 
"  high  "  hill  was  no  doubt  the  volcanic  peak 
of  Jebel  en  Neby  Duhy,  so  called  from  a  com- 
panion of  Muhammad,  whose  shrine  is  on  the 
summit,  with  a  legend  attached.  In  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  this  hill,  1,690  ft.  above  sea-level,  and 
about  1,400  above  the  plain,  was  called  "  little 
Hermon  "  (see  Ps.89.i2),  because  it  was  near 
Tabor.  [c.r.c] 

Mope'sheth-gath',  a  place  named  by 
Micah  only  (I.14),  with  Lachish,  Achzib,  Mare 
shah,  and  other  towns  of  the  lowland  district 
of  Judah.  Micah  was  himself  the  native  of  a 
place  called  Moresheth  (ver.  i).  [Morasthite.] 
The  word  means  "  a  possession."  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Moplah.  This  name  is  spelt  in  two  ways, 
and  the  two  sites  may  be  distinct. — 1.  n*"!10. 

the  temple  hill  at  Jerusalem  (2Chr.3.i) ; 
perhaps  "  the  mount  of  the  vision  \_hdr 
hammoriyva]  where  the  Lord  appeared  unto 
David."— 2.    nnb.    a    "land"     (Gen.22.2), 

36 


562 


MORTAR 


which  LXX.  renders  "  the  high  land,"  perhaps 
"conspicuous,"  or  a  "  place  of  view,"  and  con- 
nected with  rd'd,  "  to  see,"  in  the  narrative 
( ver.  14).  Abraham,  travelling  from  Beer-sheba 
to  sacrifice  Isaac,  and  riding  an  ass,  saw  the 
place  "  afar  off  "  on  the  third  day  (Gen.2i.33, 
22.4).  Josephus  (i  Ant.  xiii.  i,  2)  identifies 
this  Moriah  with  the  temple  hill.  The 
Samaritans  hold  it  to  be  Gerizim,  which  is 
75  miles  from  Beer-sheba,  but  visible  10  miles 
t)ff  ;  thus  entailing  a  daily  journey  of  22  miles 
—which  is  not  impossible.  The  temple  hill 
cannot  be  seen  till  within  a  mile  or  two  from  S., 
entailing  a  daily  journey  of  15  miles.  The 
temple  site  is  certainly  not  "  high  "  or  "  con- 
spicuous," if  that  be  the  true  rendering  of 
Moriah  ;  but  there  arc  no  other  allusions  to 
enable  us  to  decide  between  the  traditions, 
unless  Moriah  is  the  same  as  Morkh.  [c.r.c] 

Moptap.  The  simplest  (and  probably  most 
ancient)  method  of  preparing  corn  for  food  was 
that  described  under  Mill.  The  pestle  and 
mortar  must  have  existed  from  a  very  early 
period.  The  Israelites  in  the  desert  appear  to 
have  possessed  mortars  and  handmills.  When 
the  manna  fell,  they  gathered  it  and  either 
ground  it  in  the  mill  or  pounded  it  in  the 
mortar  (Heb.  tivdhokhd  ;  Num. 11. 8).  So  in  the 
present  day,  stone  mortars  are  used  by  the 
Arabs  to  pound  wheat  for  their  national  dish 
kibbeh.  Another  word,  makhtesh  (Pr.27.22), 
probably  denotes  a  mortar  of  a  larger  kind, 
in  which  com  was  pounded.  "Though  thou 
sliouldest  bray  the  fool  in  the  mortar  [among 
the  bruised  corn  with  the  pestle],  yet  will  not 
his  folly  depart  from  him." 

Moptep  (Gen.11.3;  Ex. 1.14;  Lev.14.42,45; 
Is.41.25  ;  J!:zk. 13.10,11, 14,15, 22.28  ;  Na.3.14). 
The  various  compacting  substances  used  in 
Oriental  buildings  were  :  (i)  bitumen,  as  in  the 
Babylonian  structures;  (2)  common  mud  or 
moistened  clay  ;  (3)  a  very  firm  cement  com- 
pounded of  sand,  ashes,  and  lime,  in  the  pro- 
portions respectively  of  i,  2,  3,  well  pounded, 
sometimes  mixed  and  sometimes  coated  with 
oil,  so  as  to  form  a  surface  almost  impenetrable 
to  wet  or  the  weather.  In  Assvrian,  and  also 
1-gyptian  brick  buildings,  stubble  or  straw  (as 
hair  or  wool  among  ourselves)  was  added  to 
increase  the  tenacity,  and  is  still  used  for  bricks. 
[Plalstkk.] 

IVIo'sepa  (Deut.10.6),  apparently  the  same 
as  Mosepoth  (Num. 33.30),  its  plur.  form, 
the  name  of  a  place  near  mount  Hor.  The 
word  means  "  bonds  " — perhaps  in  the  sense  of 
"  bounds  " — and  stands  for  mount  Hor  (which 
was  on  the  border  of  Edom)  in  the  later  passage, 
as  the  place  where  Aaron  died.  [c.r.c] 

Moses.  The  exact  signification  and  de- 
rivation of  the  name  is  by  no  means  clear.  The 
narrative  leads  naturally  to  the  conclusion  that 
tlie  name  must  have  been  originally  Egyptian. 
Jvbers  connects  it  with  the  J'^gyptian  word 
signifying  child,  son.  The  older  scholars  de- 
nvedthe  word  from  the  Heb.  TMl'D,  as  if  "  drawn 
out,"  misunderstanding  the  real  meaning  of  the 
remark  in  i';x.2.io.  Eor  the  Heb.  is  active,  not 
passive  as  would  be  required  by  the  traditional 
explanation.  Several  other  Egyptian  deriva- 
tions have  been  proposed  for  the  word  (e.g. 
mes-a  =  child  of  water).  All  these,  however, 
are  more  or   less  uncertain.     The  variety  of  I 


MOSES 

spelling  presented  by  the  LXX.  and  Gk. 
versions  [e.g.  Mwca^s,  Mwj^j,  etc.)  creates  a 
difficulty  as  to  the  original  form.  The  children 
of  Anuram,  son  of  Kohath,  son  of  Levi,  by 
Jochebed,  consisted  of  the  eldest — a  daughter, 
Miriam  or  Hur — and  two  sons,  Aaron,  the 
elder,  and  Moses,  the  younger.  The  account  of 
Moses'  birth  and  early  life  given  in  the  Penta- 
teuch is  simple  and  sober.  In  the  later  ac- 
counts even  the  earliest  parts  of  the  history 
abound  with  marvels.  Josephus,  for  mani- 
fest reasons,  adds  considerably  to  the  Biblical 
narrative  ;  according  to  him,  one  of  the  "sacred 
scribes  "  of  Egypt  foretold  that  a  child  of  the 
Hebrews  would  be  born  who  would  overthrow 
Pharaoh,  and  exalt  the  Hebrew  nation  above 
the  Egyptian."  This  he  narrates  as  the  cause 
why  the  king  of  Egypt  commanded  the  male 
children  of  the  Hebrews  to  be  put  to  death.  It 
is  scarcely  necessary  to  point  out  that  this  does 
not  strictly  agree  with  the  account  in  the  book 
of  Exodus.  Again,  prior  to  the  birth  of  Moses, 
Amram  is  said  to  have  dreamed  a  remarkable 
dream,  in  which  God  assured  him  that  divine 
protection  would  secure  the  child's  safety. 
These  legends  have  been  considerably  added 
to  in  the  Koran,  and  still  more  copiously  by 
Muslim  writers.  (See,  for  a  popular  account, 
Weil's  Biblische  Legenden  der  Muselmdnner.) 
Josephus  added  new  elements  to  the  story  of 
.Moses  in  the  ark  of  bulrushes,  which  were 
again  largely  increased  by  the  Arabic  writers 
and  in  the  Jewish  Midrash.  Earlier  legends 
exist  in  the  book  of  J  ubilees,  which  is  as  old  as 
135-105  B.C.  (see  Charles's  Introduction  to  his 
edition  of  that  work).  In  it  we  are  informed 
that  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh  was  named 
Tharmuth,  which  name  Josephus  gives  in  his 
Antiquities  H^^pfiovdis)  at  least  200  years  later. 
Josephus  also  adds  legends  of  Moses'  campaign 
against  the  lithiopians  as  general  ol  tlie 
Egyptian  armies.  These  legends  are,  in  not 
a  few  cases,  evidence  of  the  great  antiquity  of 
the  Pentateuch,  which  has  no  reference  what- 
ever to  such  histories,  while  its  simple  account 
of  the  early  days  of  Moses  is  strongly  confirmed 
by  the  copicjus  reference  to  the  events  of  those 
early  days  in  the  N.T.  writings.  The  Biblical 
records  leave  unfilled  a  considerable  gap  in 
Moses'  history.  Stephen  (Ac. 7),  however, 
observes  that  Moses  was  educated  in  all  the 
wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,  and  was  mighty  in 
words  and  works.  There  may  be  some  his- 
torical truth  underlying  the  story  that  Moses 
was  educated  in  Heliopolis.  There  he  seems  to 
have  been  known  under  the  name  of  Osarsiph, 
probably  =  Asrasif,  "  the  young  Osiris,"  an 
Egyptian  nanie.  As  a  priest  he  seems  to  have 
kept  himself  alot)f  from  idolatry,  and  he  is  re- 
presented in  the  ligyptian  tradition  as  offering 
up  his  jirayers  under  tlie  open  firmament  of 
heaven,  towards  the  sun-rising  (Josephus,  Cont. 
Apian,  ii.  2).  He  was  also,  according  to  the 
same  traditit)n,  rennwned  as  a  mathematician 
and  granunarian,  and  Philo-J  udaeus  represents 
him  as  well  acquainted  with  the  litirature  of 
Chaldeans,  Assyrians,  and  Greeks.  It  is  not  un- 
likely that  he  may  Jiave  been  employed  in  war- 
fare by  the  king  of  Egypt.  One  of  the  Egyptian 
traditions  states  that  his  success  in  an  Ethi- 
opian campaign  was  partially  owing  to  the  ad- 
miration felt  for  him  by  an  Ethiopian  princess. 


The  combination  of  incidents  given  in  Wiede- 
mann's ^egy/>/KcAenGesc/j/c/i<e(pt.  ii.  p.  494  ff.) 
is,  however,  open  to  serious  criticism.  Moses 
may  also  have  occupied  a  portion  of  his  time  in 
writing  the  earlier  memorials  of  his  people,  and 
it  is  possible  that  St.  Stephen  may  have  re- 
ferred to  some  such  writing  in  Ac.7.2.=i.  On  the 
connexion  of  Moses  and  Osarsiph,  see  the  art. 
of  Dr.  Lauth  in  the  Zeitschrift  der  D.M.G., 
Band  xxv.  139-148  (1871 ).  After  the  killing  of 
the  Egyptian  who  was  caught  in  an  act  of  cruel 
oppression  towards  an  Israelite,  Moses  fled  into 
Midian,  where  he  appears  to  have  spent  the  next 
forty  years  in  pastoral  employment.  However 
occupied,  it  was  in  reality  a  time  of  prepara- 
tion for  the  great  work,  to  which  he  had  been 
called  by  the  revelation  of  the  significance  of 
the  name  of  God  made  to  him  in  connexion 
with  the  divine  appearance  in  the  burning 
bush  {Ex.3).  After  the  stay  in  Midian,  Moses, 
accompanied  by  his  wife  Zipporah  and  his  two 
sons,  set  out  for  Egypt,  but  at  their  first  resting- 
place  he  received  a  severe  reminder  that  he  who 
was  sent  to  be  a  lawgiver  must  himself  learn 
the  duty  of  obedience  to  the  law.  He  was 
severely  attacked  by  some  illness,  and  no  hope 
of  recovery  was  given  unless  he  fulfilled  the 
divine  enactment  of  circumcising  his  second 
son,  Eliezer,  who  for  some  reason  had  been  left 
without  that  mark.  Zipporah,  most  probably 
instructed  by  her  husband,  at  once  performed 
the  sacred  act,  saying,  as  she  placed  the  fore- 
skinof  her  new-born  babe  at  the  feet  of  her  hus- 
band, in  reference  to  the  child  just  circumcised, 
"  A  bridegroom  of  blood  thou  art  to  me,  be- 
cause of  the  circumcision."  Hebrew  children 
were  consecrated  to  the  Lord  by  the  ceremony 
of  circumcision,  and  seem  to  have  been  called 
"  bridegrooms,"  as  by  that  sign  united  to  God. 
But  Eliezer  deserved  the  appellation  in  a 
peculiar  sense,  because  his  blood  had  purchased 
his  father's  life.  This  is  Kalisch's  view  of  the 
passage,  and  is,  perhaps,  the  simplest  inter- 
pretation of  its  obscure  phraseology.  The 
miracles  performed  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  cul- 
minating in  the  exodus  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
and  their  journeys  until  they  arrived  at  the 
borders  of  the  promised  land  and  were  put  in 
possession  of  the  land  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  fill 
up  the  third  great  portion  of  the  life  of  Moses. 
Appearing  before  Pharaoh,  attended  by  his 
brother  Aaron  as  his  prophet  or  spokesman, 
Moses  required  that  monarch  to  send  the  Israel- 
ites out  of  the  land.  The  refusal  on  the  part  of 
Pharaoh  led  to  the  outpouring  of  ten  plagues 
upon  Egypt  and  its  people.  [Plagues,  Ten.] 
The  departure  from  Egypt  immediately  fol- 
lowed the  last  of  these,  the  death  of  the  first- 
born. The  Israelites  were  commanded  to 
"  spoil  "  the  Egyptians  by  "  demanding  "  of 
them  on  the  day  when  they  went  out  of  Egypt 
gold  and  silver  and  raiment  as  their  lawful  pay- 
ment in  compensation  for  their  long  servitude. 
In  none  of  the  passages  in  which  the  command 
is  recorded  or  the  fulfilment  of  it  narrated 
is  there  any  mention  made  of  borrowing  or 
lending  ;  the  Heb.  word  used  being  one  often 
employed  to  signify  "to  demand  with  author- 
ity "  [e.g.  Ps.2.8,  and  many  other  passages). 
Pharaoh  collected  his  army,  and  pursued  the 
Israelites  towards  the  Red  Sea,  the  way  through 
which  was  wondrously  opened  for  the  Israel- 


M6S£g 


663 


ites,  while  the  Egyptians  were  overwhelmed  by 
the  waters.  [Red  Sea,  Passage  of.]  The 
feast  of  the  Passover,  inaugurated  on  the 
great  night  of  deliverance,  is  discussed  in 
a  separate  article.  The  triumphal  song  over 
Pharaoh  and  his  army,  composed  by  Moses,  was 
recited  by  Miriam  his  sister,  the  prophetess, 
accompanied  by  the  women  with  timbrels 
and  dances.  The  supply  of  water  at  Marah 
at  their  first  encampment  was  found  to  be 
bitter,  but  the  waters  were  healed  by  the 
intervention  of  Moses.  The  Amalekites  made 
a  treacherous  attack  at  Rephidim,  but  were 
repulsed  after  a  severe  battle  by  the  enduring 
intercession  of  Moses.  Jethro,  hearing  of 
Moses'  success,  brought  back  to  him  his  wife 
and  family,  while  Jethro  gave  wise  instructions 
as  to  the  organization  of  the  people  by  judges 
appointed  by  Moses.  The  grandest  portion  of 
the  narrative  in  Exodus  contains  the  account 
of  the  giving  of  the  law  from  mount  Sinai. 
That  greatest  event  in  Israel's  history  was, 
however,  associated  with  Israel's  deepest  de- 
gradation. Moses  was  commanded  to  ascend 
the  mountain,  accompanied  by  Aaron,  Nadab 
and  Abihu  (Aaron's  eldest  sons),  and  by  70 
elders  of  the  people.  Moses  alone  was  per- 
mitted to  approach  the  thick  darkness,  while 
the  other  selected  persons  were  to  worship  afar 
off.  An  altar  was  specially  erected  for  God, 
and  twelve  pillars  were  set  up  as  symbols  of  the 
tribes  of  Israel.  On  that  altar  were  offered 
sacrifices  by  "  the  young  men  "  who  then  dis- 
charged the  ofiice  of  priests,  while  Moses  him- 
self, as  a  kind  of  high-priest,  performed  the 
most  important  portion  of  this  last  distinctly 
recorded  act  of  the  old  patriarchal  ritual  (Ex. 
24.4-8).  Israel's  apostasy  in  making  and  wor- 
shipping the  golden  calf,  when  Moses,  in  their 
vain  imagination,  appeared  to  have  been  lost 
upon  mount  Sinai,  led  to  the  bringing  in  of 
another  ritual  by  which  the  people  were 
excluded  from  sacerdotal  functions.  When 
the  first  tables  of  stone  were  broken,  and  the 
Israelites  had  been  severely  punished  for  their 
sin  by  the  Levites  at  Moses'  command,  the 
simpler  patriarchal  ritual  appears  to  have 
been  almost  entirely  abolished.  A  portion 
of  the  plan  of  the  tabernacle  which  was  to  be 
erected  had  been  given  before  this  to  Moses 
(Ex. 26. 10-31)  ;  but  new  elements  were  now 
added.  The  "young  men"  are  no  more 
spoken  of,  the  Levites  take  their  place  and 
perform  the  lesser  duties  connected  with  sacri- 
fice. The  Tabernacle  itself,  fully  adapted 
to  the  new  ritual,  was  constructed  later  from 
the  gifts  of  the  people  by  the  mechanical 
skill  of  Bezaleel  and  Aholiab  ;  Aaron  and  his 
sons  were  specially  consecrated  for  the  priest- 
hood; while  the  service  of  the  Levites  in  general 
was  restricted  to  the  performance  of  the  other 
numerous  duties  connected  with  the  taber- 
nacle. The  possession  of  the  prophetic  gift 
led  Miriam  and  Aaron  to  rebel  against  Moses. 
The  attempt,  however,  was  severely  punished 
(Num.12)  ;  Miriam  was  stricken  with  lep- 
rosy, and  only  healed  at  the  intercession  of 
Moses.  From  Rimmon-parez,  which  seems  to 
have  been  close  to  Kadesh,  though  nearer  to 
Sinai,  Moses  dispatched  twelve  spies  to  go 
through  the  land  of  Canaan,  on  the  borders  of 
which   the   people  had  now   arrived.     These 


664 


MOSES 


spies  went  first  to  Kadesh  (Barnea),  then 
N.W.  to  Hebron.  Thus  Israel  afterwards 
followed  "  the  way  of  the  spies  "  (Num. 21. i), 
who  rejoined  the  people  at  Kadesh  (13.26). 
The  spies  agreed  in  speaking  highly  of  the 
country,  but  ten  of  them  considered  that  the 
people  of  the  land  were  so  powerful  and  so 
well  ft>rtifted  that  it  was  impossible  to  overcome 
them  ;  and  notwithstanding  Clod's  coniniand, 
communicated  by  Moses,  that  they  should  at 
once  advance  and  take  possession  of  the  coun- 
try, the  ten  cowardly-minded  spies  stirred  up 
a  rebellion  and  provided  captains  to  return  to 
the  land  of  Egypt.  For  this  rebellion,  the  ten 
spies  were  punished  by  deatli  "  before  the 
Lord,"  Joshua  and  Caleb,  who  had  encouraged 
the  people  to  go  forward,  alone  being  excepted. 
The  people  were  punished  by  being  com- 
manded at  once  to  march  backward  into  the 
wilderness,  in  which  they  had  to  wander  for  37 
or  38- years  longer.  A  full  list  of  the  wander- 
ings of  the  children  of  Israel  is  given  in  Num. 
33.  Only  a  few'of  those  places  have  been  dis- 
covered. [Exodus,  Tue.J  The  rebellion  of 
Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram  (16)  probably 
took  place  shortly  after  the  people  returned 
into  the  wilderness.  The  head  of  the  rebellion 
was  a  first  cousin  of  Moses.  The  object  of 
Korah  was  to  obtain  admission  into  the  rank 
of  the  priesthood,  which,  by  God's  commands, 
was  occupied  exclusively  by  Aaron  and  his 
sons.  This  second  rebellion  in  Moses'  own 
family  was  put  an  end  to  by  a  fire  which 
destroyed  Korah  and  his  followers,  and  by  a 
sudden  earthquake,  in  which  the  other  rebels 
were  swallowed  up  alive.  God's  will  was 
then  decisively  made  known  by  the  trial  of  the 
twelve  rods.  No  other  incidents  are  recorded 
until  near  the  expiry  of  the  40  years.  Another 
wonderful  miracle,  resulting  a  second  time  in 
an  outburst  of  water  from  the  rock  at  Meribah, 
is  narrated  in  2O.1-13.  and  on  that  occasion 
Moses  and  Aaron  failed  to  honour  (iod  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people.  Tlie  people  had  to 
journey  from  Kadesh,  and  to  compass  the 
whole  land  of  Edom,  because  the  king  of  that 
country  and  his  people  refused  to  let  them 
pass  quietly  through  it  (2O.14-21).  Aaron  died 
shortly  after  on  mount  Hor,  and  Eleazar  suc- 
ceeded to  the  priesthood.  The  king  of  Arad 
fought  against  Israel,  but  was  this  time  de- 
feated and  he  and  his  cities  were  utterly  de- 
stroyed. The  episode  of  "  the  fiery  serpents  " 
and  the  serpent  of  brass  (21. 4-9),  the  digging  of 
wells  (21. 1 5 -2 1 ),  thecon(iuestofSihon(  which  he 
brought  on  himself)  and  that  of  Og  the  king  of 
Bashan  followed;  and  about  this  time  happened 
the  events  concerning  Balak  and  Balaam 
(22-24),  and  the  efforts  to  entangle  the  Israelites 
in  the  sin  of  Peor  (25),  afterwards  so  severely 
avenged  cm  all  the  tempters  (31 ).  The  children 
of  Reuben  and  (iad  with  a  ]3art  of  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh  received  their  portion  in  the  terri- 
tories on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (32),  under  definite 
conditions  ;  and  Moses  appointed  three  cities  of 
refuge  E.  of  the  Jordan,  to  which  three  otliers 
were  afterwards  added  by  J  oshua.  After  several 
solemn  addresses  on  the  borders  of  the  pro- 
mised land  (which  are  recounted  in  the  book  61 
Deuteronomy),  the  work  of  the  great  deliverer, 
lawgiver,  priest,  and  captain  was  finally  accom- 
plished ;  and  as  his  transgression  at  the  waters 


MOtTNT,  MOUNTAIN 

of  Meribah  had  precluded  him  from  entering 
the  land,  (iod  gave  him  a  sight  of  that  land 
from  mount  Ncbo  in  Moab  before  he  died  there 
in  solitude.  It  has  too  often  been  taken  for 
granted  that  it  is  distinctly  stated  in  Dent. 34.6 
tliat  the  Lord  buried  Moses.  The  Heb.  verb 
certainly  can  bear  such  a  signification,  but  as 
there  is  no  emphatic  pronoun  in  the  sentence, 
it  would  just  as  naturally  be  translated  as  the 
indeterminate  third  pers.  sing.,  signifying  that 
"  one  buried  him,"  equivalent  to  "  and  he  was 
buried  "  (see  Kautzsch-Gesenius,  Heb.  Gram., 
edited  by  A.  E.  Cowley,  §1443).  The  strong 
statements  by  Canon  Cook  in  tlie  Speakfr's 
Comnii'nlary  in  favour  of  the  popular  idea  can- 
not be  justified.  If  tlie  Lord  had  indeed  buried 
Moses,  some  reference  to  that  extraordinary 
fact  might  have  been  expected  in  some  of  the 
later  passages  of  the  sacred  Scriptures,  but  none 
can  be  cited  even  from  tlie  long  list  of  apocry- 
phal writings  given  by  Professor  Charles.  We 
might  even  go  further,  and  maintain  that  there 
is  no  reference  in  that  literature  to  any  dispute 
between  Michael  the  archangel  and  Satan  as 
regards  "  the  body  of  Moses."  The  Asaump- 
tion  of  Moses,  as  far  as  it  is  in  our  hands, 
contains  no  sucii  reference,  wliich  is  entirely 
founded  ujion  the  assertion  of  Origen.  We  may 
regard  the  passage  in  J  ude  as  speaking  of  Israel 
as  figuratively  "the  body  of  Moses,"  the  O.T. 
Church  having  been  described  in  Hebrews  as 
"tlie  house  of  Moses"  (Heb. 3. 2-6).    [r.n.u.w.] 

Mosol'lam  (iEsd.9.14)  =  MEsm'LL.\M,  11. 

Mosoriamon  (iEsd.8.44)  =  Meshullam, 
10. 

Moth  (Heb.  'ash).  The  Heb.  word  cer- 
tainly indicates  in  most  cases  some  species  of 
clothes-moth  {Tinea).  Reference  to  the  de- 
structive habits  of  the  clothes-moth  is  made 
injob4.i0.13.28;  Ps.39.ii,  etc.  InJob27.i8. 
"  He  buildetli  his  house  as  a  moth,"  tiie  allusion 
may  be  to  some  of  the  leaf-rolling  cater- 
pillars; unless  it  refers  to  tlie  cases  of  tlic 
pupae  of  the  clothes-moth.    [Worm.]      [r.l.] 

Mother,  (i)  Motherhood  was  most  fer- 
ventlv  desired  and  higlilv  lionoured — I'.s-  Gen. 
30;  I'Sam.l;  Pr.31.2  ;  Ps.113.9.  For  position, 
etc.,  see  I"".\milv.  (2)  The  king's  mother  was 
treated  with  exceptional  honour,  and  usually 
had  great  influence — e.e..  iK. 2. 13-20;  2Chr. 
22.2 f.  Indeed,  her  position  amounted  almost  to 
an  office  (Je.t3. 18,  Heb.  and  E.V.  ;  cf.  29.2) 
from  whicli  she  could  be  deposed  (iK.15.i3  ; 
2Chr.l5.i()).     She  had  a  technical  title,   n"in3, 

[MaACHAU,    3;    (JUEEN.]  [II.M.W.]      '       ' 

Mount  Ephpaim.  [Ephkaim.] 
Mount  Oilead.  [Gilead,  Mou.vt.] 
Mount,  Mountain.  In  O.T.  this  word 
is  used  to  represent  llie  following  terms  only 
of  the  original,  (i)  Heb. /w;-,  witli  its  deriva- 
tive or  kindred  hi'irtir.  (2)  The  .Aram,  tor, 
in  I)an.2.3.'5,45  ;  the  .Arab,  (or  for  an  isolated 
summit.  In  N.T.  "  mountain  "  is  usually  the 
Gk.  «po5.  The  Heb.  har,  like  the  Eng. 
"  mountain,"  is  employed  both  for  single 
eminences  more  or  less  isolatetl,  such  as  Sinai, 
and  for  ranges,  sucii  as  Lebanon.  It  is  also 
applied  to  a  mountainous  country  or  district. 
The  various  eminences  or  mountain-districts  to 
which  it  is  applied  in  O.T.  arc  as  follow  : 
Aharim  ;  Amana  ;  of  the  Amalekites  ;  oh 
THE  Amorites  ;    Ararat  ;   Baalah  ;    Baal- 


MOUNT,  SEKMON  ON 

Hermon  ;  Bashan  ;  Bethel ;  Bether  ; 
Carmel  ;  Ebal ;  Ephraim  ;  Ephron  ;  Esau  ; 
Gaash  ;  Gerizim  ;  Gilboa  ;  Gilead  ;  Halak  ; 
Heres  ;  Hermon  ;  Hor  (2) ;  Horeb  ;  of  Israel ; 
Jearim  ;Judah  ;  Olivet,  or  of  Olives  ;  Mizar; 
iVIoRiAH  ;  Naphtali  ;  Nebo  ;  Paran  ;  Pera- 
7AM  ;  Samaria  ;  Seir  ;  Sephar  ;  Sinai  ; 
Sion,  SiRiON,  or  Shenir  (three  names  for 
Hermon)  ;  Sharker ;  Tabor ;  Zalmon  ; 
Zemaraim  ;  Zion.  The  Mount  of  the  Valley 
was  a  district  allotted  to  Reuben  (Jos. 13. 19), 
being  the  lower  plateau  above  the  Dead 
Sea  on  E.,  but  below  the  Moab  plateau — a 
terrace  of  desert  land.  The  following  are,  it  is 
believed,  all  the  words  used  of  features  in  rela- 
tion to  mountains  or  hills  :  (i)  Head,  rosh, 
Gen.8.5,  Ex.19.20,  Deut.34.i,  1K.I8.42  (A.V. 
"top";  Arab,  rds,  "headland"  or  "top"), 
(2)  Ears,  'aznoth,  Aznoth-tabor,  Jos. 19. 34  : 
possibly  in  allusion  to  some  projection  of  the 
mountain.  (3)  Shoulder,  kdtheph,  Deut.33. 12, 
Jos. 15. 8  and  I8.16  ("  side  ").  (4)  Side,  fadh, 
Assyr.  sadu,  Arab,  sadeh,  a  "  range"  :  used  in 
reference  to  a  mountain  in  iSam.23.26,  2Sam. 
13.34.  (5)  Loins  or  Flanks,  kislSth,  Chisloth- 
tabor,  Jos.l9.i2,i8.  (6)  Rib,  ffZa' :  once  only, 
viz.  of  the  mount  of  Olives,  2Sam.l6.13,  and 
there  translated  "side."  (7)  Back,  slfkhem  : 
possibly  the  root  of  the  name  of  the  town 
Shechem,  which  may  be  derived  from  its  situa- 
tion on  a  water-shed.  (8)  Thigh,  yrekhd  ■ 
applied  to  mount  Ephraim,  Judg.l9.i,i8,  and 
to  Lebanon.  2 K. 19. 23.  Is. 37. 24  ;  used  also  for 
the  "  sides  "  of  a  cave  (iSam.24.3).  (9)  The 
word  translated  "  covert  "  in  iSam.25.2o  is 
sether,  from  sdthar,  "  to  hide,"  and  probably 
refers  to  the  thicket  through  which  Abigail's 
path  lay.  [c.r.c] 

Mount,  Sepmon  on.  [Sermon  on  the 
Mount.] 

Mountain  of  the  Amopites  (Deut.l.19, 
20).  The  Amorites  were  a  (Semitic)  race  of 
highlanders  (Num. 13. 29),  living  in  Lebanon, 
Gilead,  and  the  Hebron  mountains.  The 
"  mountain  region  [hdr]  of  the  Amorites,"  in 
the  passage  cited,  was  apparently  the  plateau 
of  Moab,  which  confronted  the  Hebrews  at 
Kadesh-barnea,  rather  than  the  more  distant 
Hebron  mountains.  [c.r.c] 

Moupning".  The  numerous  expressions 
in  Scripture  for  the  various  actions  characteris- 
tic of  mourning  show  in  a  great  degree  the 
nature  of  the  Israelite  customs  in  this  respect. 
These  customs  appear  to  have  been  chiefly  :  (i) 
Beating  the  breast  or  other  parts  of  the  body. 
(2)  Weeping  and  screaming  in  an  excessive  de- 
gree. (3)  Wearing  sad-coloured  garments.  (4) 
Songs  of  lamentation,  (g)  Funeral  feasts.  A 
marked  feature  of  Oriental  mourning  is  what 
may  be  called  its  studied  publicity,  and  the 
careful  observance  of  the  prescribed  ceremonies 
(Gen. 23.2  ;  Job  1.20,2.8  ;  Is.15.3,  etc.).  Among 
the  particular  forms  observed  were  the  follow- 
ing :  (a)  Rending  the  clothes  (Gen. 37. 29, 34, 
44.13,  etc.).  {b)  Dressing  in  sackcloth  (Gen. 
37.34  ;  2Sam.3.3i,21.io,  etc.).  (c)  Ashes,  dust, 
or  earth  sprinkled  on  the  person  (2Sam.l3. 
19,15.32,  etc.).  (d)  Black  or  sad-coloured 
garments  (2Sam.l4.2  ;  Je.8.21,  etc.).  {e)  Re- 
moval of  ornaments  or  neglect  of  person  (Dent. 
21.12,13,  etc.).  (/)  Shaving  the  head,  plucking 
out  the  hair  of  the  head  or  beard  (Lev.l0.6_; 


MOURNING 


565 


2Sam.i9.24,  etc.).  (g)  Laying  bare  some  part 
of  the  body  (Is.20. 2, 47.2,  etc.).  (h)  Fasting  or 
abstinence  in  meat  and  drink  (2Sam. 1.12,3.35, 
12.16,22,  etc.).  (i)  On  the  same  principle, 
temporary  abstinence  from  sacrificial  food 
(Lev.7.2o  ;  Deut.26.14).  {k)  Covering  the 
"  upper  lip,"  i.e.  the  lower  part  of  the  face,  and 
sometimes  the  head,  in  token  of  silence  (Lev. 
13.45  ;  2Sam.l5.30,19.4).  (/)  Cutting  the  flesh 
(Je.16.6,7,41.5).  Beating  the  body  (Ezk.21. 
12  ;  Je.3i.19).  (w)  Employment  of  hired 
persons  to  lament  (Ec.12.5  ;  Je.9.i7  ;  Am. 5. 
r6  ;  Mt.9.23).  (n)  Akin  to  this  usage  the 
custom  that  friends  or  passers-by  join  in  the 
lamentations  of  bereaved  or  afflicted  persons 
(Gen.50.3  ;  Judg.11.40;  Job  2.11,30.25,  etc.). 
(o)  The  sitting  or  lying  posture  in  silence  indica- 
tive of  grief  (Gen. 23.3  ;  Judg.2O.26,  etc.).  (p) 
Mourning  feast  and  cup  of  consolation  (Je.l6. 
7,8).  The  period  of  mourning  varied.  Simi- 
lar practices  are  noticed  in  the  Apocryphal 
books.  In  Jewish  writings  not  Scriptural, 
these  notices  are  in  the  main  confirmed,  and  in 
some  cases  enlarged.  Other  points  to  be  noted 
are  :  (a)  The  idolatrous  "  mourning  for  Tam- 
Muz  "  (Ezk.8.14)  indicates  identity  of  practice 
in  certain  cases  among  Hebrews  and  heathens  ; 
as  does  the  custom  of  offering  food  at  graves 
(Ecclus.30.i8).  (h)  The  high-priest  and  the  Na- 
zarites  are  forbidden  to  go  into  mourning  even 
for  a  father  or  mother  (Lev. 21. 10, 11;  Num. 6. 7). 
The  inferior  priests  might  mourn  only  for  near 
relatives  (Lev. 21. 1,2, 4).  (c)  The  food  eaten 
during  mourning  was  regarded  as  impure 
(Deut.26.14;  Je.16.5,7;  Ezk.24.i7  ;  Ho.9.4). 
Heathen  writers  refer  to  similar  usages,  which 
are  in  accordance  with  general  Oriental  cus- 
toms, both  ancient  and  modern.  D'Arvieux 
says  Arab  men  are  silent  in  grief,  but  the 
women  scream,  tear  their  hair,  hands,  and 
face,  and  throw  earth  or  sand  on  their  heads. 
The  older  women  wear  a  blue  veil  and  an  old 
abba  as  mourning  garments.  They  also  sing 
the  praises  of  the  deceased.  Niebuhr  says  both 
Mohammedans  and  Christians  in  Egypt  hire 
wailing  women,  and  wail  at  stated  times. 
Burckhardt  says  the  women  of  Atbara  in 
Nubia  shave  their  heads  on  the  death  of  their 
nearest  relatives — a  custom  prevalent  also 
among  several  of  the  peasant  tribes  of  Upper 
Egypt.  He  also  mentions  wailing  women,  and 
a  man  in  distress  besmearing  his  face  with  dirt 
and  dust  in  token  of  grief.  Lane,  speaking  of 
the  modern  Egyptians,  says  :  "  After  death 
the  women  of  the  family  raise  cries  of  lamenta- 
tion called  welweleh  or  wilwdl,  uttering  the 
most  piercing  shrieks,  and  calling  upon  the 
name  of  the  deceased,  '  Oh  my  master  !  Oh  my 
resource  !  Oh  my  misfortune  !  Oh  my  glory  !  ' 
(see  J  e. 22. 1 8).  The  females  of  the  neighbour- 
hood come  to  join  with  them  in  this  conclama- 
tion  :  generally,  also,  the  family  send  for  two 
or  more  nedddbehs,  or  public  wailing  women. 
Each  brings  a  tambourine,  and  beating  them 
they  exclaim,  '  Alas  for  him  ! '  The  female 
relatives,  domestics,  and  friends,  with  their 
hair  dishevelled,  and  sometimes  with  rent 
clothes,  beating  their  faces,  cry  in  like  manner, 
'  Alas  for  him  ! '  These  make  no  alteration  in 
dress,  but  women,  in  some  cases,  dye  their 
shirts,  head-veils,  and  handkerchiefs  of  a  dark- 
blue  colour.     They  visit  the  tombs  at  stated 


56G 


MOUSE 


pt'riods  "  (Mo<i.  Kg.  iii.  152,  171,  105).  The 
Arab  women  in  Mt)ab,  when  a  husband  or 
father  dies,  cut  off  the  plaits  of  hair  which 
they  wear  and  suspend  them  by  a  cord  over 
the  graves.  Col.  Conder  speaks  of  having 
seen  a  dozen  or  more  plaits  over  one  tomb. 

Mouse  (Hcb.  'akhbdr)  occurs  in  Lev. 11. 29  ; 
iSani.6.4,5  ;  Is. 66. 17.  The  Hcb.  word  is  in 
all  iirobability  used  in  a  wide  sense  for  murine 
rodents  generally,  and  is  not  intended  to 
denote  any  particular  species  of  mouse. 
Etymologically  it  denotes  a  field-ravager. 
In  iSam.6.5,  "  the  mice  that  mar  the  land  " 
may  more  particularly  refer  to  the  continental 
short-tailed  field-mouse,  or  "  vole  "  (Microtus 
agrestis),  which  causes  great  damage  to  corn- 
lands  in  Syria.  [r.l.] 

Mo\ving'<  Grass  is  not  mown  in  the  East. 
[Hay.]  The  Heb.  gez  (fleece;  Deut.18.4,  Job 
31.20)  means  what  is  "shorn":  in  Ps.72.6 
the  I.XX.  understands  "fleece"  (A.V.  mown 
grass),  recalling  Judg.6. 37-40.  In  Am.T.i 
"  the  king's  mowings  "  means  apparently  the 
season  when  his  flocks  were  shorn,     [c.r.c] 

Moza'. — 1.  Son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  by  his 
concubine  Ephah  (iChr.2.46). — 2-  Son  of  Zim- 
ri,  and  descendant  of  Saul  (8.36,37,9.42,43). 

Mozah'  (Heb.  mocd,  "spring"),  a  town 
of  Benjamin  (Jos. 18. 26),  mentioned  with  Che- 
PHiRAH  and  Irpeel.  The  site  is  uncertain:  it 
is  sometimes  supposed  to  be  Qolonia,  4  miles 
W.  of  Jerusalem  and  2  miles  W.  of  Eleph 
(Lifta),  with  which  Mozah  is  noticed,  while  it  is 
about  5  \  miles  S.  of  Irpeel  (Rd-fdt).  There  is  a 
fine  brook  at  Qolonia,  which  may  answer  to 
the  mofd,  or  "  source  "  ;  and  a  ruin  at  the 
spring,  a  mile  N.Ii.  of  the  village,  is  called 
Beit  Mizzeh  {house  of  hard  stone),  which  may 
represent  a  corruption  ot  the  Heb.  name. 
The  ruins  appear  to  be  ancient  {Surv.  W.  Pal. 
iii.  p.  108).  [c.r.c] 

Mufflep.     [Veil.] 

Mulberpy-tpees  (Hcb.  b'iihd'im  ;  2Sam.5. 
23.24  ;  1Chr.i4.14).  It  is  quite  uncertain 
what  kind  of  tree  is  denoted  by  the  Heb.  bdkhd. 
The  Jewish  Rabbis,  with  several  modern  ver- 
sions, understand  the  mulberry-tree.  It  is 
difficult  to  see  any  foundation  for  such  an 
interpretation.  Celsius  (Hieroh.  i.  335)  iden- 
tifies it  with  a  tree  of  similar  name  in  a  MS.  of 
the  Arab,  botanical  writer  Abu  el  Fudli,  viz. 
some  species  of  Amyris  or  Balsamodendron, 
but  the  Amvridaceae  are  tropical  shrubs, 
and  never  could  have  grown  in  the  valley 
f)f  Rephaim.  Rosenmiillcr  follows  the 
I.XX.  of  1Chr.i4.14,  and  accepts  "pear- 
trees."  Dr.  Royle  refers  the  Heb.  bdkhd  to 
the  .Arab.  Shajrat-al-baqq,  "the  great-tree," 
which  he  identifies  with  some  species  of 
pojilar  ;  but  this  is  open  to  objection,  for 
the  Hcb.  bdkhd  and  Arab,  baqa  are  clearly 
distinct  both  in  form  and  signification,  the 
second  radical  letter  being  different  ;  and  the 
jioiilar  is  only  foimd  in  Palestine,  near  Hanifls — 
though  common  near  Damascus— and  only 
occurs  beside  rivers.  Canon  Tristram's  sug- 
gestion, that  through  the  quivering  foliage  of 
the  jioplar  (P.cuphratica)  the  promised  march- 
ing of  the  winds  gave  audible  signal  to  the 
king  of  Israel  and  his  soldiers,  as  they  stood  on 
the  heights  beyond  the  "valley  of  the  giants" 
(2Sani.8.24  ;  cf.  Jos. 15. 8),  is  to  be  remembered 


MUSIC 

in  connexion  with  Royle's  remark.  Rut  it  is 
probable  that  b'khd'im  is  a  place-name,  and  the 
phrase  =  the  hill-tops  of  Becaim.  Though  it 
is  thus  not  clear  that  the  mulberry-treo  occurs 
in  the  Heb.  Bible,  its  fruit  is  mentioned  in 
rMac.6.34.  Mulberry-trees  (.Arab,  itit)  are 
found  in  Palestine,  and  appear  to  be  noted 
even  in  the  .Amarna  letters  (15th  cent,  b.c), 
but  they  are  not  common.  [h.c.h.] 

Mule,  the  translation  in  A.V.  of  the  follow- 
ing Heb.  words  :  (i)  peredh,  pirdd,  masculine 
and  feminine  nouns  rightly  denoting  the 
mule,  the  first  occurring  in  numerous  passages, 
the  latter  only  in  iK. 1.33,38, 44.  No  mention 
is  made  of  mules  till  the  time  of  David,  when 
the  Israelites  were  becoming  well  acquainted 
with  horses.  After  this  time  horses  and 
mules  are  often  mentioned  together.  Mi- 
chaclis  conjectured  that  the  Israelites  first 
became  acquainted  with  mules  in  the  war  of 
David  with  the  king  of  Zobah  (2Sam.8.3,4). 
In  Solomon's  time  it  is  possible  that  mules 
from  Egypt  occasionally  accompanied  the 
horses  which  the  king  of  Israel  obtained  from 
that  country  ;  for  although  mules  are  not 
frequently  represented  in  the  monuments 
of  Egypt,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
Egyptians  were  unacquainted  with  them,  and 
they  appear  on  Assyrian  bas-reliefs  in  the 
British  !VIuseum.  It  would  appear  that  only 
kings  and  great  men  rode  on  mules.  As  no 
mention  is  made  of  mules  in  the  N.T.,  they  had 
perhaps  ceased  to  be  imported.  (2)  rekhesh. 
[Dromedary.]  (3)  yanim  is  found  only  in 
Gen. 36. 24,  where  it  is  rendered  in  A.V.  mules. 
The  passage  is  one  concerning  which  various 
explanations  have  been  attempted;  but  what- 
ever maybe  the  proper  translation,  it  is  certain 
that  the  A.V.  is  incorrect.  The  most  probable 
explanation  is  that  ycmhn  means  "warm 
springs,"  as  in  Vulg.    [Anah  ;  Camel.]    [r.l.] 

Muppim',  a  Bonjamite  (Gen.46.2i).  In 
Num.26.39  the  name  is  Shupham  (Shephupham, 
R.V.).  In  iChr.7.i2,i5,26.i6  it  is  Shuppim, 
and  in  8.5  Shephuphan. 

Murder.     [Homicide.] 

Mushi',  the  son  of  Merari,  son  of  Levi 
(Ex. 6. 19;  Num.3.20  ;  iChr.6.19,47,23.21,23, 
24.26,30).     [Mahli.] 

Music.  That  the  Hebrews  were  enthusiastic 
musicians  is  apparent  from  the  most  cursory 
glance  at  the  O.T.  Though  the  invention  of 
musical  instruments  was  attributed  to  Jubal, 
a  Cainite,  and  therefore  an  alien,  it  was  culti- 
vated zealously  by  the  chosen  ]>eo]ile.  It  was 
associated  with  o\-ery  phase  of  life,  private  and 
jiublic.  The  parting  guest  was  sped  "  with 
songs,  with  tabret,  and  with  harp  "  (Gen. 31. 
27)  ;  the  householder  enjoyed  in  his  leisure 
hours  the  sound  of  the  timbrel,  the  harp,  and 
the  organ  (Job  21. 12);  at  the  wine-press  or 
in  the  vineyard  work  was  lightened  by  songs, 
of  which  we  have  traces  in  the  titles  of  some 
psalms  and  in  Is.65.8.  Of  love  songs  we  have 
a  collection  in  Canticles,  and  there  is  at  least 
one  nuptial  ode  in  Pss.  Prominent  mention  is 
made  of  music  in  connexion  with  national 
victories  (I'^x. 15.1, 20  ;  Judg.5.2;  iSam.18.6). 
It  was  cultivated  by  "the  early  prophets  to 
]iromote  an  access  of  insiiiration,  or  t<i  calm 
the  mind  and  prepare  it  to  receive  the  divine 
message    (2K.3.15).     [Minstrel.]     Naturally 


PLATE   XXIII 


HARP.     (Brit.  ?^Ius 


ASSYRIAN  DULCIMERS. 


p.  566] 


PROCESSION   OF   ELAMITE   HARPISTS. 
(From  a  moaumeat  in  the  Brit.  Mus. 


SISTRUM.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


MUSIC 

it  was  employed  at  royal  coronations  (iK.l. 
3gf.)  and  at  state  and  private  banquets  (Am. 
6.5).  Very  striking  is  its  application  to  mental 
disorder  in  the  case  of  Saul,  who  obtained  relief 
from  David's  playing  on  the  kinnor.  Lastly, 
the  presence  of  musicians  was  general  at 
funerals  (Je.9.i7,i8),  and  the  memory  of  the 
dead  was  often  celebrated  in  the  wailing  song, 
of  which  David's  laments  over  Saul  and  Jona- 
than (2Sam.l.i7)  and  over  Abner  (3.33)  are 
conspicuous  examples.  Music  thus  entered 
into  the  whole  life  of  a  Hebrew,  and  we  see  how 
seriously  it  was  taken  by  him  from  Ps.l37. 
The  exiles,  brought  together  by  their  home- 
sickness, could  not  play  on  their  harps,  yet 
could  not  part  with  them,  and  so,  weeping,  they 
hung  them  on  the  willows.  It  was  its  intro- 
duction into  the  worship  of  the  temple,  how- 
ever, that  gave  music  its  chief  importance  and 
promoted  its  greatest  development.  The  union 
of  music  with  the  litiu^gy  took  place  on  an 
elaborate  scale  and  under  official  sanction  at 
a  comparatively  late  date.  Apart  from  the 
directions  as  to  the  blowing  of  the  trumpets 
{Mi-ofroth  and  shophdr),  the  law  says  nothing 
about  the  use  of  musicin  the  worship  of  J  ehovah. 
It  is  not  likely,  indeed,  that  even  in  earlier  times 
it  was  altogether  wanting  in  public  worship ; 
and  in  Wis.lS.g  we  read  that  at  the  first  Pas- 
chal feast  the  fathers  led  "the  sacred  songs  of 
praise"  (R.V.),  and  this  at  least  points  to  belief 
in  the  antiquity  of  the  practice.  But  accord- 
ing to  O.T.,  it  was  David  who  first  established 
and  regulated  the  musical  service  in  its  final 
form.  We  are  told  (iChr.15.16-24)  that  when 
the  ark  was  transferred  from  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  to  Jerusalem,  David  directed  the  Levites 
to  choose  from  their  number  singers  who  were 
expert  instrumentalists.  Singers  and  players 
were  divided  into  two  grades.  In  the  first  are 
named  especially  the  three  conductors,  Heman, 
Asaph,  and  Ethan.  In  the  second  class  14 
Levites  are  mentioned.  These  are  divided  into 
three  choirs,  according  to  the  instruments 
played.  Heman,  Asaph,  and  Ethan  played 
cymbals  of  brass,  the  second  choir,  psalteries 
on  'aldmoth,  and  the  third,  harps  on  the 
sh^'minith  (see  Psalms,  Titles  of).  In 
23.5  we  are  told  that  4,000  Levites  were  se- 
lected to  praise  the  Lord  with  instruments 
"  which  I  made,  said  David,  to  praise  there- 
with." The  whole  body  of  the  singers  were 
divided  into  24  classes.  Over  these  were  set 
(ch.  25)  the  sons  of  David's  conductors.  Each  of 
these  24  leaders  had  11  trained  singers  to  assist 
him,  the  rest  were  the  pupils ;  and  a  choir  con- 
sisted therefore  of  12  experts  and  154  scholars, 
i.e.  166  members.  Although  many  details  in 
Chr.  are  probably  derived  from  the  practice  of 
later  times,  and  apply  strictly  to  the  second 
temple,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  David 
and  Solomon  had  already  made  some  such 
arrangements  as  those  described  above.  The 
proportion  of  experienced  teachers  to  pupils 
would  be  especially  necessary  in  choirs  depen- 
dent entirely  on  tradition  for  their  knowledge 
of  the  notes  sung.  The  services  of  the  temple 
thus  instituted  were  sometimes  disarranged 
or  suspended  by  renegade  kings,  and  then 
restored  by  their  faithful  successors.  Such  a 
restoration  was  effected  by  Hezekiah,  and  the 
terms  in  which  it  is  described  (2Chr.29.25f.) 


MUSIC 


567 


emphasize  once  more  the  importance  attached 
by  the  Hebrews  to  music.  David  had  com- 
manded the  use  of  instruments  and  song  in  asso- 
ciation with  the»  prophets  Gad  and  Nathan. 
Similarly  J osiah  (35. 15)  included  in  his  reforms 
a  return  to  the  ordinances  of  David  regarding 
sacred  music.  After  the  Captivity  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem  was  dedicated  with  great  ceremony, 
in  which  music  played  an  important  part  (Ne. 
12.27).  The  "  sons  of  the  singers  "  were 
brought  together,  and  two  large  choirs  were 
formed  which  sang  thanksgivings  and  praises 
to  the  accompaniments  of ' '  cymbals,  psalteries, 
and  harps."  At  the  close  of  Ne.l2  it  is  noted 
that  the  musical  service  was  now  put  on  a  per- 
manent footing,  and  that  the  people  contri- 
buted regularly  to  the  support  of  the  musi- 
cians. We  know  nothing  directly  as  to  the 
nature  of  Heb.  music.  No  theoretical  treatises 
have  been  handed  down,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Greeks.  The  ancient  instruments  preserved  are 
not  in  a  state  to  give  any  definite  results.  It 
has  been  found  possible  to  produce  sounds 
from  flutes,  but  no  two  have  given  the  same 
tones.  We  therefore  are  completely  in  the 
dark  even  as  to  the  scales  employed,  and  it 
adds  little  to  our  knowledge  that  Clement  of 
Alexandria  and  Augustine  warned  the  early 
Christians  against  the  chromatic  music  of  the 
heathen,  directing  them  to  adhere  to  the  pure 
diatonic  music  of  the  Ps.  of  David.  It  is  not 
even  probable  that  there  was  any  musical 
notation.  The  accents,  which  in  any  case  are 
of  late  origin,  could  not  have  been  used  for  that 
purpose,  as  they  are  too  regular  in  their  se- 
quence. They  are  evidently  grammatical,  and 
at  most  suggest  a  fixed  system  of  cantillation. 
We  are  therefore  limited  to  a  few  inferences 
of  a  general  or  negative  kind.  It  is  certain 
that  the  music  was  unisonal.  Harmony  or 
counterpoint  was  not  known  to  the  ancient 
world,  and  is  not  yet  employed  in  native  East- 
ern music.  Nature  would  suggest  or  even 
compel  the  performance  of  a  melody  in  octaves, 
and  perhaps  even  parts  of  it  at  lesser  intervals, 
but  the  only  other  tone  coloiuring  was  derived 
from  the  difference  of  instruments  or  the  char- 
acter of  the  voices.  Variety  was  obtained, 
however,  by  means  of  antiphonal  singing, 
which  was  employed  both  in  secular  songs 
(iSam.l8.6f.)  and  in  many  psalms;  cf.  Rev.4.8, 
I  iff.  Generally  speaking,  to  judge  from  the 
nature  of  the  instrumentsas  well  as  of  modern 
Eastern  music,  ancient  Heb.  music  was  loud 
and  strident,  and  the  rhythm  was  strongly 
marked.  Drums,  triangles,  castanets,  sistra, 
and  cymbals,  frequently  mentioned  in  O.T., 
not  only  in  connexion  with  dances  but  even  in 
Pss.,  show  this.  Strongly  rhythmical  also  was 
the  singing,  as  it  is  in  most  simple,  inartistic 
forms.  Leyrer  (and  others  who  have  adopted 
his  words)  says  that  in  estimating  Heb.  music 
the  Rabbis  and  the  moderns  have  erred  in  two 
opposite  directions.  The  former  held  it  to  have 
reached  the  highest  degree  of  excellence,  the 
latter  consider  it  barbarous  and  uninteresting, 
It  is  impossible  for  us  to  agree  with  the  Rab- 
bis, but  we  may  admit  that  strongly  marked 
rhythm  and  simple  melody  may  produce  strong 
emotional  effects,  quite  in  keeping  with  the 
lofty  sentiments  and  the  impassioned  utter- 
ances of  the  poetry  of  a  nation  to  which  be- 


568      MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS 

longed  the  greatest  lyric-writers  of  all  time. 
Leyrer,  art.  "  Musik  "  in  Hertzog,  Real-encyr  ; 
Riehm,  Handworterbuch  des  bibl.  Alterthums  ; 
Ambros,  Fetis,  Naumann,  and  Chappell's 
Histories  of  Music ;  Stainer,  Music  of  the 
Bible  ;  Edersheim,  The  Temple  ;  Wellhausen, 
The  Psalms  in  Polychrome  Bible  ;  Benzinger, 
Heb.  Archaeologie ;  Nowack,  Heb.  Archdo- 
logie ;  J.  Weiss,  JDie  musikalischen  Instru- 
mente  in  den  heiligen  Schriften  des  A.T.; 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904)  ;  Cheyne, 
Encyc.  Bibl.;  F.  Vigoureux,  Les  instruments 
de  la  musique  de  la  Bible  ;  Driver,  Joel  and 
Amos.  [j-M.] 

Musical  instruments.  In  addition  to 
the  instruments  of  music,  represented  in  A.V. 
by  some  modern  name  which  are  treated  imder 
their  respective  titles,  tliere  are  other  terms 
vaguely  or  generally  rendered.  These  are  :  (i ) 
dahdwdn,  Chald.,  rendered  "  instruments  of 
musick  "  in  Dan.6.i8.  The  margin  gives  ''  or 
table,  perhaps  lit.  concubines."  The  last- 
mentioned  rendering  was  approved  by  Gese- 
nius,  and  is  now  generally  adopted.  (2)  min- 
nim,  rendered  "  stringed  instruments "  in 
Ps. 150.4  (lit.  strings,  and  so  rendered  in  LXX., 
in  Arab,  vers.,  and  Aquila).  It  occurs  also  in 
Ps.45.8  in  Apoc.  form,  minni  (A.V.  whereby; 
R.V.  stringed  instruments).  (3)  'dsor,  "  an 
instrument  of  ten  strings"  (Ps.92.3).  The  full 
phrase  is  nebhel  'dsor,  "  a  ten-stringed  nebhel," 
as  in  Ps.33.2,144.9  ;  and  the  true  rendering  of 
the  first -mentioned  passage  would  be  "  upon 
an  instrument  of  ten  strings,  even  upon  the 
nebhel."  [Psaltery.]  {4)  shiddd,  in  Ec.2.S  only, 
"  I  gat  me  men-singers  and  women-singers,  and 
the  delights  of  the  sons  of  men,  musical  instru- 
ments, and  that  of  all  sorts."  R.V.  gives  "con- 
cubines very  many."  (5)  shdlishlm,  rendered 
"  instruments  of  musick  "  in  A.V.  of  iSam. 
18.6,  and  in  marg.  "  three-stringed  instru- 
ments"  (R.V.  marg.  "or,  triangles,  or,  three- 
stringed  instruments  "  ;  LXX.  KVfMfSaXa).  It 
was  almost  certainly  a  triangle,  such  as  is  used 
in  our  orchestras,  or  a  sistrum,  i.e.  an  instru- 
ment formed  of  two  thin  metal  plates  bent 
together  towards  the  top,  through  holes  in 
which  were  passed  one  or  more  small  metal 
rods.  On  these  rings  were  set  loosclv.  [j-m.] 
Mustapd  (Mt. 13. 31, 17. 20  ;  Mk.4.31  ;  Lu. 
13.19,17.6).  The  common  mustard-plant  has 
been  supposed  not  to  fulfil  the  demands  of 
the  Biblical  allusif(n,  and  a  theory  that  the 
Salvadora  persica  is  the  tree  in  question  was 
first  put  forward  by  Irby  and  Mangles,  and 
supported  by  Canon  Tristram,  but  this  is 
shown  to  be  incorrect  in  Some  Account  of  the 
Fauna  and  Flora  of  Sinai,  Petra,  and  Wddy 
'Arabah  (Palestine  Exp.  Fund,  1891).  The 
common  objection  to  any  Sinapis  (mustard) 
being  the  plant  of  the  parable  is,  that  the 
seed  grew  into  "  a  tree "  (St.  Luke,  "  a 
great  tree"),  in  the  branches  of  which  the 
fowls  of  the  air  lodged.  But  the  expression 
is  figurative  and  Oriental,  and  in  a  proverbial 
simile  no  literal  accuracy  is  to  be  expected.  It 
is  an  error,  for  which  the  language  of  Scripture 
is  not  accountable,  to  assert  that  birds  "built 
their  nests  "  in  the  tree.  The  (ik.  merely  means 
"  to  settle  or  rc^st  upon"  ;  and  the  "  fowls  of 
the  air  "  need  not  denote  any  other  than  the 
smaller  insessorial  kinds — linnets,  finches,  etc. 


MYRRH 

Hiller's  probably  correct  explanation  is,  that 
the  birds  settled  on  the  mustard-plant  for  the 
sake  of  the  seed,  of  which  they  are  very  fond. 
.'\gain,  the  "  mustard  "  is  expressly  said  to  be 
a  herb,  or  more  properly  "  a  garden  herb." 
Irby  and  Mangles  mention  the  large  size 
attained  by  the  mustard-plant  in  Palestine, 
which,  in  their  journey  from  Beisan  to  'Ajliin 
in  the  Jordan  Valley, reached  as  high  as  their 
horses'  heads.  Dr.  Thomson,  speaking  of  the 
wild  mustard  on  the  rich  plain  of  Akkar,  corro- 
borates this.  If  then,  the  wild  plant  grows  so 
high,  it  might  attain  the  same  or  a  greater  height 
when  cultivated.  The  expression  "  which  is 
indeed  the  least  of  all  seeds,"  is  hyperbolical, 
to  denote  a  very  small  seed  indeed,  as  many 
seeds  are  smaller  than  mustard.  "  The  Lord 
in  His  popular  teaching,"  says  Trench  {Notes 
on  Parables,  108),  "  adhered  to  the  popular  lan- 
guage "  ;  and  the  mustard-seed  was  used  pro- 
verbially for  anything  very  minute,  [h.c.h.] 
Muth-labben.  [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Myn'dus,  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Caria, 
between  Miletus  and  Halicarnassus.  It 
was  the  residence  of  a  Jewish  population 
(iMac.15.23).  The  name  still  lingers  in  the 
modern  Mentesche,  though  the  remains  of 
the  city  are  probably  at  Gamushli. 

My 'pa,  an  important  town  in  Lvcia,  where 
St.  Paul,  on  his  voyage  to  Rome  (Ac. 27. 5),  was 
removed  from  the  Adramyttian  ship  which 
had  brought  him  from  Caesarca,  and  em- 
barked in  the  Alexandrian  ship  which  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta.  Myra  (called 
Dembra  by  the  Greeks)  is  still  remarkable  for 
its  remains  of  various  periods  of  history.  The 
tombs,  enriched  with  ornament,  and  many  of 
them  having  inscriptions  in  the  ancient 
Lycian  character,  show  that  it  must  have 
been  wealthy  in  early  times.  Its  enormous 
theatre  attests  its  considerable  population  in 
what  may  be  called  its  Gk.  age.  In  the  deep 
gorge  which  leads  into  the  mountains  is  a  large 
Byzantine  church,  a  relic  of  the  Christianity 
which  may  have  begun  with  St.  Paul's  visit. 

Myppli  represents  in  A.V.  two  Heb.  words, 
(i)  maris  mentioned  in  Ex. 30. 23  as  an  ingre- 
dient of  the  "  oil  of  holy  ointment  "  ;  in  Esth.2. 
12  as  one  of  the  substances  used  in  the  purifi- 
cation of  women  ;  in  Ps.45.8,  Pr.7.17,  and  in 
Can. 1.13,  etc.  as  a  perfume.  The  Gk.  occurs  in 
Mt.2.ii  amongst  the  gifts  of  the  wise  men  to 
the  infant  Jesus,  and  in  Mk.i5.23  we  read  that 
"  wine  mingled  with  myrrh  "  [Gall]  was 
offered  to,  but  refused( because  it  would  stupefy) 
by,  our  Lord  on  the  Cross.  M>Trli  was  also 
used  for  embalming  (see  J  n. 19. 39,  and  Herod,  ii. 
86).  Various  conjectures  have  been  made  as  to 
what  mor  really  is  (see  Celsius, //(Vro6.  i.  522), 
and  what  the  countries  of  its  origin  are  has 
been  questioned.  According  ,to  Herodotus 
(iii.  107),  Dioscorides  (i.  77),  Theophrastus (ix.  4, 
§  i),  Diodorus  Siculus  (ii.  49),  Strabo,  Pliny, 
etc.,  the  myrrh-producing  tree  grows  in  .Arabia. 
Forskal  mentions  two  kinds  (.Imyris  kataf  and 
.Amyris  kafal)  near  Haes,  in  Arabia  Felix.  The 
myrrh-tree  which  Ehrenberg  and  Hemprich 
found  in  the  borders  of  Arabia  Felix,  and  Mr. 
Johnson  in  Abyssinia,  is  the  Bahamodcndron 
myrrha,  order  Tercbinthaceae.  "a  low  thorny 
ragged-looking  tree,  with  bright  trifoliate 
l?avc§.  "     It  is  probably  the  murr  of  Abu  cl 


PLATE   XXIV 


RAMS'    HORNS. 

Of  these  examples,  the  lower  one  is  an  unique  specimen,  the  property  of  George  A. 
Cohen,  Esq.  The  upper  example  belongs  to  the  Great  Synagogue.  They  are  reproduced  by 
kind  permission  of  the  owners. 


FLUTES.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


CYMBALS,     (Brit.  Mus 


p.  563] 


HORN.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


MYRTLE 

Fu(Jli,  who  says,  "  Murr  is  the  Arabic  name  of  a 
thorny  tree  like  an  acacia,  from  which  flows  a 
white  liquid,  which  thickens  and  becomes  a 
gmn."  It  is  this  tree  which  produces  the 
myrrh  of  commerce  ;   it  has  a  wood  and  bark 


NAAMAH 


569 


BALSAMODENDRON  MYRRHA. 

which  emit  a  strong  odour.  The  gum  which 
exudes  from  the  bark  is  at  first  oily,  but  be- 
comes hard  by  exposure  to  the  air.  (2)  lot 
(Gen. 37. 25, 43. II  only),  erroneously  translated 
"myrrh"  in  A.V.  (R.V.  marg.  ladanum, 
a  rendering  originally  established  by  Celsius), 
is  generally  understood  as  the  odorous 
resin  which  exudes  from  the  branches  of 
the  Cistus  creticus  {ladanum,  or  labdanum). 
Clearly  lot  cannot  signify  "  myrrh,"  which  is  not 
produced  in  Palestine,  for  Gen.  {ll.c.)  speaks 
of  it  as  being  exported  from  Gilead  to  Egypt. 
There  are  several  species  of  Cistus,  all  be- 
lieved to  yield  the  gum  ladanum  ;  but  that  of 
Dioscorides  is  probably  identical  with  the  one 
found  in  Palestine,  viz.  the  Cistus  creticus 
(order  Cistaceae,  the  Rock-rose  family).  The 
Heb.  lot,  Arab.  Iddhan,  Gk.  \ridavov,  Lat.  and 
Eng.  ladanum,  are  undoubtedly  identical. 

Myrtle  (Heb.  hadas;  Ne.8.15  ;  Is.4i.19, 
55.13  ;  Zech.l.8,io,ii).  All  the  old  versions 
agree  with  A.V.  in  this  identification,  and 
the  identical  noun  occurs  in  Arab,  as  the 
"  myrtle."  Modern  Jews  still  adorn  with 
myrtle  the  booths  and  sheds  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles.  Formerly  (Ne.8.15),  myrtles 
grew  on  the  hills  about  Jerusalem.  "  On 
Olivet,"  says  Dean  Stanley,  "  nothing  is  now 
to  be  seen  but  the  olive  and  the  fig-tree."  On 
some  of  the  hills,  however,  near  Jerusalem, 
Hasselquist  observed  the  myrtle.  Dr.  Hooker 
says  it  is  not  uncommon  in  Samaria  and 
Galilee.  There  are  several  species  of  the  genus 
Myrtus,  but  the  Myrtus  communis  (order  Myr- 
taceae)  is  the  only  kind  denoted  by  the  Heb. 
hadas.  It  is  too  well  known  to  need  descrip- 
tion.    The  myrtle-tree  is  mentioned  also  in 


Sus.58  as  the  alternative  hiding-place  of  the 
other  elder  ;  the  first  one  being  the  lentisk, 
or  mastick.  In  the  Geneva  version  the  reading 
is,  "prime  tree  "  (privet  ?),  with  "  mirtle-tree" 
in  marg.  Pliny  has  an  important  chapter 
on  the  m\Ttle,  of  which  he  says  there  are  eleven 
kinds.  He  states  truly  that  it  was  a  stranger 
in  Europe,  and  introduced  before  his  time. 
It  is  native  in  W.  Asia  and  Palestine,  [h.c.h.] 

My'sia.  The  exact  limits  of  this  N.W. 
district  of  Asia  Minor  are  disputed,  but  it  is 
mentioned  only  once  in  the  N.T.  (Ac.16.7,8), 
and  that  cursorily  and  in  reference  to  a  passing 
journey,  and  the  term  is  evidently  used  in  an 
ethnological,  not  a  political  sense.  Hence  the 
best  description  that  can  be  given  of  Mysia  at 
this  time  is  that  it  was  the  region  about  the 
frontier  of  the  provinces  of  Asia  and  Bithynia. 
Mystepy  (lit.  that  which  is  kept  closed  or 
secret),  a  characteristic  N.T.  word  adopted  from 
contemporary  Gk.  usage,  by  which  it  was  ap- 
plied to  such  sacred  ceremonies  of  heathenism, 
as  those  at  Eleusis,  which  were  kept  inviolably 
secret,  and  only  revealed  to  the  initiated.  In 
N.T.  use,  especially  in  St.  Paul's  writings,  it  is 
applied  to  any  important  Christian  truth 
which,  while  beyond  or  above  the  world's  under- 
standing, is  revealed  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  the 
believer.  It  is  indeed  the  new  knowledge  of  the 
initiated  rather  than  the  ignorance  of  the  out- 
sider which  is  the  prominent  thought  in  N.T. 
Thus  our  Lord  speaks  of  "  the  mysteries  of 
the  kingdom"  revealed  to  His  disciples  (Mt. 
13.11,  etc.).  To  St.  Paul  the  whole  Gospel 
dispensation  is  a  "mystery"  (R0.I6.25); 
while  other  typical  mysteries  are  the  calling 
of  the  Gentiles  into  the  Church  (Eph.3),  the 
union  of  Christ  with  the  believer  (Col. 1. 27), 
the  new  life  of  holiness  based  on  the  In- 
carnation (iTim.3.i6).  Answering  to  the 
Gospel  mystery  there  is  also  a  "  mystery 
of  iniquity"  (cf.  2Th.2.7  with  Rev.17.5).  A 
later  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word,  common 
from  the  4th  cent,  onwards,  is  in  reference  to 
the  Christian  sacraments.  The  nearest  N.T. 
parallel  to  this  is  perhaps  iCor.4.i.  Lightfoot, 
Epistle  to  the  Colossians  (note  on  Col. 1. 26) 
(7th  ed.  1884);  Suicer,  Thesaurus,  /xvcrTripLov ; 
Thayer- Grimm's  Lexicon ;  Cheetham,  The 
Mysteries,  Pagan  and  Christian.         [a.r.w.] 


N 

Na'am,  one  of  the  sons  of  Caleb  the  son 
of  Jephunneh  (iChr.4.15). 

Naamah'. — 1.  One  of  the  four  women 
whose  names  are  preserved  in  the  records  of 
the  world  before  the  Flood.  She  was  daughter 
of  Lamech  by  his  wife  Zillah  and  sister  to 
Tubal-cain  (Gen.4.22). — 2.  Mother  of  king 
Rehoboam  (iK. 14.21, 31  ;  2Chr.i2.13).  In 
each  passage  she  is  distinguished  by  the  title 
"the  [not  "an,"  as  A.V.]  Ammonitess."  She 
was  therefore  one  of  the  foreign  wives  of  Solo- 
mon (iK. 11. i  ;  Ne.13.23).  IntheLXX.  (iK. 
12.24[14.3i])  she  is  described  as  "  daughter 
of  Ana  [i.e.  Hanun]  the  son  of  Nahash." 

Naamah',  a  town  of  J  udah  in  the  Shephelah 
(Jos. 15. 41).  Now  the  village  Nd'aneh,  6  miles 
S.  of  Lydda.  [c.r.c] 


570 


NAAMAN 


Naaman'. — 1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Ben- 
jamin who  came  down  to  Egypt  with  Jacob. 
According  to  the  LXX.,  he  was  the  son  of 
Bela  (Gen.46.2i;  cf.  Nmn.26.38,40 ;  iChr.8. 
34). 2.  A  Syrian  warrior,  a  remarkable  in- 
cident in  whose  life  is  recorded  in  2K.5,  and 
referred  to  by  our  Lord  in  Lu.4.27.  A  Jewish 
tradition,  preserved  by  Josephus  (8  Ant. 
XV.  5),  identifies  him  with  the  archer  who 
''  drew'  his  bow  at  a  venture,"  and  struck 
Ahab  with  his  mortal  wound,  and  thus  "  gave 
deliverance  to  Svria."  The  expression  is  re- 
markable— "because  that  by  him  Jehovah  had 
given  deliverance  to  S\Tia."  The  explanation 
may  be  that  Naaman,  in  delivering  his  country, 
had  killed  one  who  was  the  enemy  of  Jehovah 
not  less  than  he  was  of  Syria.  Whatever  the 
exploit  referred  to  was,  it  had  given  Naaman  a 
great  position  at  the  court  of  Benhadad.  He 
was  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and 
was  nearest  to  the  person  of  the  king,  whom  he 
accompanied  officially,  and  supported,  when 
he  went  to  worship  in  the  temple  of  Rimmon 
(ver.  18).  He  was  afflicted  with  a  leprosy  of 
the  white  kind  (ver.  27).  which  had  hitherto 
defied  cure.  The  circumstances  of  his  visit  to 
the  prophet  are  related  under  Elisha.  His 
request  for  two  mules'  burthen  of  earth  is  not 
easy  to  understand.  The  natural  explanation 
is  that,  with  a  feeling  akin  to  that  which 
prompted  the  Pisan  invaders  to  take  away  the 
earth  of  Aceldama  for  the  Campo  Santo  at 
Pisa,  the  grateful  convert  to  Jehovah  wished 
to  take  awav  some  of  the  earth  of  His  country 
w-herewith  to  form  an  altar.     [Opuel,  3.] 

Naam'athite,  the  gentilic  name  of  Job's 
friend  Zophar  (Job  2.ii,ll.i,20.i.42.9).  The 
town  whence  it  is  derived  is  unknown.  Pro- 
bably in  or  near  Edom.  [c.r.c] 

Na'amites,  The,  descendants  of  Naaman, 
grandson  of  Benjamin  (Num. 26.40). 

Na'apah,  second  wife  of  Ashur,  the  "  father 
of  Tekoa"  (iChr.4.5,6). 

Naapai',  son  of  Ezbai ;  one  of  David  s 
mighty  men  (iChr.11.37)-     [Paarai.] 

Naapan'(iChr.7.28),Naapath  (J0S.I6.7), 
a  town  on  E.  border  of  Ephraim  N.  of  Jericho. 
The  name  probably  signifies  "  irrigation." 
Josephus  (17  Ant.  xiii.  i)  says  that  Archelaus, 
when  building  a  palace  at  Jericho,  diverted 
half  the  water  which  watered  the  village  Neara 
to  irrigate  his  palm-trees  in  the  plain.  Euse- 
bius  makes  Naarath  "  a  little  village  of  Jews 
5  miles  from  Jericho."  These  notices  apply 
to  the  ruin  called  el  'Aujeh,  5  miles  N.  of 
ancient  Jericho.  An  aqueduct  runs  E.,  from 
'Ain  el  'Aujeh,  for  5  miles  to  Khurbet  el  'Aujeh 
et  Tahtdni  (ruin  of  the  Lower  'Aujeh),  and 
bends  N.,  with  several  irrigation  channels  lead- 
ing out  of  it  eastwards.  There  are  still  a  few 
dwarf  palms  in  the  plain  close  by.      [c.r.c] 

Naashon.     [Nahshon.] 

Naasson',  the  (ik.  form  of  the  name 
Nahshon   (Mt.l.4  ;  Lu.3.32). 

Na'athus,  one  of  the  family  of  Addi  who 
put  away  his  foreign  wife  (iEsd.9.31  only). 

Nabal',  a  rich  sheep-master,  of  the  house 
of  Caleb,  dw<lling  on  the  plateau  or  "  liill- 
conntry  "  of  Judaea.  His  shepherds  were 
accustomed,  at  the  suitable  season,  to  drive 
his  flocks  into  the  wild  downs  in  the  desert 
of  Cakmel  (iSain.25.2,3).    On  one  of  these  cx- 


NADAB 

cursions  they  met  a  band  of  outlaws,  who 
showed  them  unexpected  kindness,  protecting 
them  by  day  and  night,  and  never  themselves 
committing  any  depredations  (vv.  7,15,16). 
Hearing  that  Nabal  was  about  to  shear  his 
sheep — a  time  of  great  festivity  (vv.  2,4,36) — 
David  sent  ten  of  his  young  men  to  demand 
from  the  sheep-master  some  reward  for  his  ser- 
vices. This  Nabal  churlishly  refused  :  "Who 
is  David  ?  and  who  is  the  son  of  Jesse  ?  there 
be  many  servants  nowadays  that  break  away 
every  man  from  his  master  "  (ver.  10).  In- 
formed of  her  husband's  conduct,  .Abigail, 
with  a  long  train  of  asses  loaded  with  pro- 
visions, set  forth  to  meet  Da\id,  who  had 
already  determined  upon  vengeance  (ver.  22). 
He  accepted  her  present,  laid  aside  his  anger, 
and  thanked  her  for  saving  him  from  a  crime 
(vv.  18-35).  Abigail  returned,  and  found  Nabal 
at  the  height  of  his  revelry.  The  next  morn- 
ing she  told  him  of  the  risk  he  had  run,  and  the 
heart  of  Nabal  "  died  within  him,  and  he 
became  as  a  stone."  It  was  as  if  a  stroke  of 
apoplexy  or  paralysis  had  fallen  upon  him. 
Ten  days  he  lingered,  "  and  the  Lord  smote 
Nabal,  and  he  died"  (vv.  37,38).       [h.c.b.] 

Nabapi'as.  Apparently  a  corruption  of 
Zechariah  (iEsd.9.44  ;   cf.  Ne.8.4). 

Na'bathites,  The  (iMac.5.25,9.35).   [Ne- 

BAIOTH.] 

Naboth',  victim  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  He 
was  a  native  of  Jezreel,  and  the  owner  of  a 
vineyard,  which  was  close  to  the  palace  (Heb.) 
or  threshing-floor  (LXX.)  of  Ahab  (iK.21.i). 
According  to  both  texts,  the  royal  palace  was 
near  the  city  wall,  and  immediately  adjoined 
thevineyard(iK.21.i,2,  Heb.  ;iK.2i.2,  LXX.; 
2 K. 9.30,36),  and  it  thus  became  an  object  of 
desire  to  the  king,  who  proposed  to  its  owner  to 
purchase  it,  or  give  him  in  exchange  another 
and  better  vineyard.  This  Naboth  refused  to 
do  :  "  Jehovah  forbid  it  to  me  that  I  should 
give  the  inheritance  of  mv  fathers  unto  thee  " 
(iK.21.4  ;  cf.  Lev.25.23;  Num.36.8).  Ahab  was 
cowed  by  this  reply  ;  but  the  proud  spirit  of 
Jezebel  was  roused.  She  took  the  matter  into 
her  own  hands.  A  solemn  fast  was  proclaimed ; 
Naboth  was  "  set  on  high  "  in  the  public  place 
of  Jezreel:  two  suborned  witnesses  accused 
him  of  having  "  cursed  God  and  the  king."  He 
and  his  children  (2K.9.26)  were  dragged  out  of 
the  city  and  slain  the  same  night  by  stoning, 
the  usual  punishment  for  blasphemy.  The 
doom  pronounced  upon  Ahab  and  Jezebel 
is  recorded  in  iK. 21. 17-24  ;  its  fulfilment  in 
iK. 22.38,  2K. 9.25, 26,36.    [Burial.]    [ii.c.n.] 

Nabuchodono'sop  (iEsd.l.4off.  ;  Tob. 
14.15  ;  Jth.l.i,  etc.)  =  Nebi'chadnezzar. 

Nachon's  thpeshing--floop,  the  place 
at  which  Uzzah  lost  his  life  in  his  too  hasty  zeal 
for  the  safety  of  the  ark  on  its  way  from  Kir- 
jath-jearim  to  Jerusalem  (2Sam.6.6).  [Gui- 
don ;  Perfz-uzza.] 

Nachop'. — 1.  (Jos.24.2)  =  Naiior,  i. — 2. 
(Lu.3.3.t)  =  Nahor,  2. 

Nadab'. — 1.  Eldest  son  of  Aaron  and  Eli- 
shcba  (Ex. 6.23, 24.1  ;  Num.3. 2).  Nadab  and 
his  brother  Abihu  were  slain  before  the  sanc- 
tuary by  fire  from  the  L'ird,  for  kindling  the 
incense  in  their  censers  with  "  strange  "  fire — 
i.e.  not  taken  from  that  which  burned  perpetu- 
ally {Lev.6.13)  on  the  altar  (lO.i  ;  cf.  Ex.80. 


NADABATHA 

9). — 2.  King  Jeroboam's  son,  who  succeeded 
to  the  throne  of  Israel  926  B.C.,  and  reigned  2 
years(iK. 15. 25-31).  Atthesiegeof  Gibbethon 
a  conspiracy  broke  out  in  the  army,  the  king 
was  slain  by  Baasha,  a  man  of  Issachar  (I5.25- 
31),  and  the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite 
(I4.10)  fuliilled. — 3.  Son  of  Shammai  (iChr.2. 
28)  of  the  tribe  of  Judah. — 4.  Son  of  Jehiel 
(8.30,9.36)  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 

Nadab'atha,  a  place  from  which  the 
bride  was  being  conducted  by  the  children 
of  Jambri  when  Jonathan  and  Simon  attacked 
them  (iMac.9.37).  See  Nodab,  with  which 
it  is  perhaps  connected.  [c.r.c] 

Nag-'g-e  (Naggai,  R.V.),  an  ancestor  of 
Christ  {Lu.3.25).  It  represents  the  Heb.  nogah 
(iChr.3.7). 

Nahalal'  (Jos.2i.35),  Nahallal'  (I9.15), 
Nahalol'  (Judg.l.30),  a  town  of  Zebulun, 
given  to  the  Levites,  but  in  which  Canaanites 
remained  as  tributaries.  The  site  is  uncertain. 
According  to  the  Talmud  (Tal.  ]eT.  Megillai.  i) 
the  later  name  was  Mahliil,  which  might  be 
M'alul  3  miles  W.  of'  Nazareth,  or  more 
probably  'Ain  Mdhil  3  miles  N.E.  of  Nazareth, 
both  still  inhabited  villages.  [c.r.c] 

Nahaliel'  (the  valley  of  God;  Num.21. 19). 
Israel,  entering  Moab  from  Iim  and  the  brook 
Zered,  marched  W.  of  the  mtshor  [Moab]  to 
Nebo  and  Shittim.  Passing  through  desert 
lands,  the  camps  must  have  been  placed  at  the 
streams  which  flow  into  the  Dead  Sea,  between 
which  there  is  no  water.  The  tribes  appear 
(Num.21. 12, 13, 33. 45)  to  have  made  a  forced 
march  of  30  miles  from  Iim  and  Zered  to 
Aroer  and  Dibon,  through  the  midhbdr  actu- 
ally possessed  by  the  king  of  Moab.  The 
camps  of  the  twelve  tribes  were  no  doubt  spread 
over  several  miles,  so  that  the  stages  are  vari- 
ously described.  After  crossing  the  Arnon,  the 
progress  was  more  leisurely  in  the  20  miles  be- 
tween that  stream  and  Nebo  or  Pisgah  (21. 16- 
19,33.46,47),  where  water  was  found  at  Ash- 
DOTH-pisGAH.  The  Valley  Nahaliel  is  the 
central  station  on  this  part  of  the  route,  and 
appears  therefore  to  have  been  the  great  gorge 
now  called  Zerqa  Md'ain  {Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp. 
277,  278).  It  is  2,000  feet  deep  at  the  'Ain  ez 
Zerqa  (blue  spring),  which  is  thermal  ;  but 
the  high-road  to  Nebo  crosses  higher  up  8  miles 
to  E. .  The  hammdtn,  or  "  hot  bath,"  2  miles 
W.  of  the  spring,  and  3  miles  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  lies  in  a  wonderful  gorge  full  of  palms, 
with  hot  streams  fringed  with  sulphur.  This 
is  the  hot  bath  of  Callirrhoe  (Josephus,  17 
Ant.  vi.  5,  I  Wars  xxxiii.  5),  where  the  dying 
Herod  was  bathed,  being  brought  from  Ma- 
choerus  (Mekhaur,  on  S.  side  of  the  valley), 
where  John  the  Baptist  was  afterwards  be- 
headed (Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  15,  102).  It  is 
possible  that  this  "valley  of  God  "  may  be  in- 
tended as  that  "  over  against  Beth-peor  "  (if 
at  el  Mareighdt,  on  N.  side  of  the  gorge),  where 
Moses  was  buried  (Deut.34.6).  [c.r.c] 

Nahallal,  Nahalol.     [Nahalal.] 
Naham',  brother  of   Hodiah  (iChr.4.19). 
Nahamani',   a  leader  of  those  who   re- 
turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ne.7.7). 
Nahapai'  or  Nahari',  a  native  of  Beeroth 
who  was  Joab's  armour-bearer  (2Sam.23.37  ; 
iChr.11.39)- 

Nahash'  (serpent).     Probably  all  the  pas- 


NAHUM 


571 


sages  in  which  this  name  is  found  relate  to  the 
same  person.  He  was  king  of  the  "  children  of 
Ammon  "  at  the  time  of  Saul's  election,  and 
survived  David's  accession  for  some  years.  It 
was  about  the  former  date  that  he  threatened 
the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh-gilead  with  the  loss 
of  their  right  eyes  (iSam.ll.2).  The  crisis 
thus  produced  seems,  according  to  Samuel's 
address  at  Gilgal  (i Sam.  12. 12),  to  have  formed 
the  main  incentive  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Israelitish  monarchy.  As,  however,  Nahash's 
menace  is  stated  to  have  occurred  after  Saul's 
election  at  Mizpah  (iSam.l0.i7-ll.i),  it  is 
possible  that  Samuel's  words  may  have  refer- 
ence to  earlier  attacks  on  the  part  of  Ammon. 
The  attempt  on  Jabesh-gilead  was  signally  de- 
feated, the  Ammonites  suffering  severe  loss 
(iSam.ll.ii).  Josephus  indeed  asserts  (6  Ant. 
v.  3),  but  apparently  without  historical  sup- 
port, that  Nahash  was  himself  slain.  Some 
service  was  evidently  rendered  by  Nahash  to 
David,  probably  after  the  latter  left  Achish 
(1Sam.2i.15),  while  later  "  Shobi  the  son  of 
Nahash  "  gave  David  substantial  assistance  in 
his  flight  from  Absalom  (2Sam.i7.27ff.).  Some 
light  seems  thrown  on  the  cause  of  the  friendly 
relations  between  David  and  the  Ammonite 
ruler  in  2Sam.i7.25.  Amasa,  commander-in- 
chief  of  Absalom's  army,  is  there  said  to  be  son 
of  Ithra  by  "  Abigail,  daughter  of  Nahash, 
sister  to  Zeruiah,  Joab's  mother."  It  is  true 
that  Abigail  and  Zeruiah  elsewhere  (iChr.2.i6) 
appear  as  sisters  of  David,  and  thus  presum- 
ably daughters  of  Jesse,  although,  it  may  be 
observed,  he  is  not  there  directly  called  their 
father.  The  apparent  discrepancy,  however, 
disappears,  if  we  consider  that  the  woman  who 
had  been  Nahash's  wife  or  concubine  had,  after 
bearing  him  Abigail  and  Zeruiah,  been  given  in 
marriage  to  Jesse.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
words  "  daughter  of  Nahash  "  have  been  taken 
(e.g.  by  Wellhausen,  Text  d.  BB.  Sam.  p.  201  ; 
G.  B.  Gray,  Heb.  Proper  Names,  p.  91)  to  be 
an  interpolation  in  the  Heb.  text.      [a.w.s.] 

Na'hath. — 1.  A  "  duke  "  or  phylarch  of 
Edom,  eldest  son  of  Reuel  son  of  Esau  (Gen. 36. 
13,17;  iChr.1.37). — 2.  A  Kohathite  Levite, 
son  of  Zophai  (iChr.6.26). — 3.  A  Levite  ;  one 
of  the  overseers  of  the  tithes  in  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (2Chr.3i.13). 

Nahbi',  the  Naphtalite  spy ;  son  of 
Vophsi   (Num.13. 14). 

Nahop'.  This  name  occurs  twice  in  the 
genealogy  of  Abraham's  stock  (Gen. 11. 22 
and  26). — 1.  The  grandfather  of  Abraham. — 
2.  One  of  Abraham's  two  brothers.  The  lat- 
ter remained  behind  in  the  country  from  which 
Abraham  sojourned,  and  (by  his  wife  Milcah) 
became  the  grandfather  of  Rebekah.  The  two 
lines  were  thus  connected  again  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Isaac,  and  also  by  that  of  Jacob,  wKo 
married  the  daughter  of  Laban,  another 
grandchild  of  Nahor.  [b.f.s.] 

Nahshon',  or  Naashon',  son  of  Ammina- 
dab  (Ru.4.20),  father-in-law  to  Aaron  (Ex.6. 
23),  and  prince  of  the  children  of  Judah  (iChr. 
2.10)  at  the  time  of  the  first  numbering  in  the 
wilderness  (Num.1. 7,  etc.).  In  the  encamp- 
ment, in  the  offerings,  and  in  the  order  of 
march,  the  first  place  is  assigned  to  him. 

Nahum  (nahum,  "comfort"  ;  NaofV)-  the 
1  prophet,  was  a  native  of  Elkosh,  the  situation 


57-. 


NAIDUS 


of  which,  hi)\ve\cr,  is  \ery  doubtful.  It  has 
been  placed  in  (lalilee,  and  on  the  E.  of  the 
Jordan  near  Bethabara  ;  it  has  been  thought 
to  be  an  earlier  name  for  Capernaum ;  and  by 
mediaeval  Jews  it  has  been  placed  in  Assyria,  on 
the  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris.  It  has  been  urged 
that  the  vividness  of  the  description  can  only 
be  due  to  local  knowledge,  but  there  is  no  real 
evidence  that  the  prophecy  was  written  in 
Assyria,  and  tlie  special  colouring  might  have 
been  got  in  various  ways. — Date.  The  (jucstion 
of  the  date  is  simple.  The  prophei'y  has  but 
one  thought — Woe  to  Ninkveh,  the  bloody 
city.  Nineveh  fell  before  the  joint  attacks  of 
Babylonians  and  Medes  in  607-606  B.C.  On 
the  other  hand,  we  have  a  highly  suggestive 
warning  that  no  city  must  think  itself  secure 
since  No-amon,  or  Thebes,  had  been  taken  and 
sacked  by  a  conqueror.  It  seems  clear  that 
the  reference  is  to  the  capture  of  Thebes  by 
Assur-bani-pal  in  or  about  663  b.c.  At  what 
point  between  these  limits  we  must  place  Na- 
hum  must  be  a  matter  of  opinion.  Yet  it  is 
clear  that  the  very  force  of  the  appeal  to  Thebes 
suggests  that  the  event  thus  vividly  dwelt  on 
was  a  recent  one,  and  fresh  in  the  memories  of 
all  men,  as  it  would  not  have  been  a  generation 
later.  Thus  Dr.  Schradcr  (Cuneiform  Inscrip. 
and  O.T.  ii.  152,  Eng.  trans.)  takes  660  B.C.  as 
the  appro.ximate  date  of  the  utterance.— S^y/e. 
The  contents  of  the  book  are  singularly  homo- 
geneous, being  concerned  only  with  the  down- 
fall of  Nineveh,  which  is  set  forth  in  vividly 
picturesque  style.  So  fiercely  wrought  is  the 
prophet,  that  there  is  no  room  for  one  word  of 
thankfulness  to  (iod  for  the  deliverance.  The 
style  is  one  of  great  force  and  power,  and  the 
overthrow  of  Nineveh  is  pictured  in  a  manner 
hardly  anywhere  equalled  in  the  Bible.  Not  a 
few  words  and  forms  arc  more  or  less  peculiar 
to  Nahum,  and  the  word  rendered  "  captains  " 
(marshals,  R.V.)is  undoubtedlyAssyrian(3.i7)- 
— Integrity.  Until  recently  the  integrity  and 
unity  of  the  book  have  been  taken  for  granted. 
Of  late,  however,  a  theory  (see  Gunkcl's  art. 
in  Stade'sZ«/xc/j/-!7<  fiir  die  A.T.  Wissenscha/t. 
1893,  p.  223f.)has  been  broached  that  1.2-2.2[3] 
is  an  alphabetic  psalm.  The  kind  of  handling 
Gunkel  indulges  in  might  lead  to  any  results, 
and  Dr.  Driver  puts  the  matter  wisely  when  he 
attributes  the  phenomena  of  the  text  to  "  the 
fact  that  the  author  allowed  himself  here  and 
there,  and  perhaps  half  accidentally,  to  follow 
the  alphabetic  order."  Again,  if  the  alpha- 
betic arrangement  were  lost,  could  there  be  the 
least  chance  of  restf)ringit  ?  If  the  thef)ry  be 
accepted,  we  have  in  ch.  1  a  poem  of  cjuite  late 
date,  which  has  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  the 
fall  of  Nineveh.  The  genuine  work  of  Nahmn 
is  in  that  case  ch.  2,3,  which  is  simply  a 
description  of  the  fall  of  the  tyrant-city,  or  a 
declaration  of  the  fall  when  imminent.  lilwald, 
Prnfyftets  of  O.T.  (Kng.  trans.);  Pusey  in  his 
Minor  Profiliets  ;  Orelli  (Eng.  trans.)  ;  .\.  B. 
Davidson  in  Camb.  liihle  for  Schools  ;  G.  A. 
Snnth,    The   Tjcelvc  Prophets,  vol.  ii.   [r.s.] 

Na  idus  =  Hi  NAiAH,  8,  of  the  sons  of 
Pahath-moal)     .Addi  (il"sd.9.3i  ;  f/.Ezr.l0.3o). 

Nail,  (i)  Of  finger  (Ifph'ar).  This  sense 
occurs  otdy  once  (I)eut.21.i2).  The  reference 
is  to  the  cutting  away  of  a  part  of  the  body  to 
which  impurity  clings;  the  sanic  idea  exists 


NAMES 

among  Arabs.  I'phar  is  used  of  eagles'  nails 
(Dan. 4.33).  (2)  ydlhedh  is  used  of  a  tent-peg 
(Judg.4.2i),  as  a  peg  to  hang  things  on  (in  a 
figurative  sense.  Is. 22.23).  (3)  Another  word 
(masmcr),  more  in  the  modern  sense,  occurs  in 
Je. 10. 4,  etc.  In  N.T.  the  word  only  occurs  in 
J  n. 20. 25  of  "the  print  of  the  nails."   [w.o.e.c] 

Na'in  (Lu.T.ii).  Eusebius  places  it  cor- 
rectly about  2  miles  from  Tabor  (0«o»ias//coH). 
Now  Nein,  a  village  W.  of  Endor  and  6  miles 
S.S.E.  of  Nazareth,  situate  on  a  small  plateau 
on  the  N.  side  of  the  hill  of  A'cfty  Dtiljy.  There 
arc  rock-cut  tombs  near  a  spring  on  W.,  which 
may  mark  the  cemetery  to  which  the  widow's 
son  was  being  taken.  A  path  ascends  from 
the  valley  on  the  N.W.  [c.r.c] 

Naioth',  or  more  fully,  Naioth  In 
Ramah,  a  place  in  which  Samuel  and  David 
took  refuge  together,  after  the  latter  had  made 
his  escape  from  Saul  (iSam. 19. 18, 19, 22, 23, 20. 
i).  Josephus  (5  Ant.  xi.  5)  thinks  it  was 
not  actually  in  Ramah.  The  name  signifies 
"habitations,"  and  from  an  early  date  has 
been  interpreted  to  mean  the  dwellings  of  the 
school  of  prophets  over  which  Samuel  presided. 

Names.  The  origin  and  significance  of 
names  have  always  been  matters  of  interest, 
sometimes  of  strife.  Nowhere,  however,  does 
the  study  of  names  approach  the  importance 
that  it  has  in  religious  matters,  where  it  touches 
the  most  vital  doctrines,  pervades  worship,  and 
influences  personal  life.  A  name  is  the  sign  of 
something  or  of  an  idea  of  something.  The 
giving  of  names  is  the  jircrogative  of  man,  a 
prerogative  which  he  shares  with  God.  What- 
ever may  be  our  opinion  of  the  narrative  of  the 
Creation,  the  account  of  the  giving  of  names  in 
Gen. 2.19,20  represents  the  truth.  The  names 
that  Adam  gave  were  the  expression  of  man's 
mental  insight  into  the  nature  of  the  beasts. 
In  Rev.2.i7,19.i2  the  divine  mystery  of 
names  receives  its  highest  expression  (cf.  Gen. 
32.29).  The  significance  of  names  consists  in 
the  fact  that  they  recall  the  individual  with  his 
characteristics,  etc.  More  than  this,  it  was  an 
early  belief  of  the  Israelites,  as  of  other  races, 
that  a  spirit  or  demon  was  bound  to  come  if  his 
name  was  correctly  invoked.  Hence  the  Jews 
ascribed  our  Lord's  miracles  to  His  having 
learnt  the  correct  pronunciation  of  the  name 
of  Jehovah.  The  importance  of  names  is 
not  a  matter  of  fancy  but  of  divine  purpose. 
God  gave  names  (Isaac,  Jesus,  John)  and 
changed  them  (Israel),  as  our  Lord  did  (Peter). 
The  meaning  of  the  change  in  "  Abraham  "  and 
"  Sarah  "  is  that  He  introduced  into  both  of 
them  a  letter  of  His  own  name  (n),  and  it 
was  the  sign  of  the  co\enant  made  with  them 
(Sarah  is  the  only  woman  whose  name  was 
changed),  just  as  Joshua's  name  was  changed 
at  the  renewal  of  the  covenant  also  by  the  in- 
sertion of  one  of  the  sacred  consonants.  The 
religiousness  of  the  Hebrews  is  well  exemplified 
in  their  names  :  the  majority  of  them  are  com- 
liounds  of  the  name  of  God,  and  of  the  one  God. 
In  earlier  names  the  word  I^l  ]iredominates; 
later  compounds  of  J  ah  are  more  common; 
others  are  compounded  of  titles  (e.g.  Baal  = 
Lord,  Melech  =  king),  originally  applicable  to 
Jehovah,  though  afterwards  associated  more 
exclusively  with  individual  heathen  gods  (see 
Robertson,  Early  Kelision  of  Israel,  p.  176). 


NANEA 


NAOMI 


573 


NAIN.     See  art.  "  Nain." 


Few,  if  any,  show  signs  of  totemism,  and  those 
chiefly  of  females :  Deborah  (bee),  Rachel 
(ewe),  Huldah  (mole-rat),  Nahash  (serpent). 
The  interpretations  found  in  the  Bible  are 
often  later  glosses,  and  show  attempts  to  in- 
terpret foreign  words  by  Heb.  sounds,  e.g. 
Moses  (Ex.2.io).  It  is  unlikely  that 
Pharaoh's  daughter  would  have  given,  or 
even  known,  a  Heb.  name  ;  the  word  may  be 
Egyptian,  and  means  "  son  of  water  "  {mes-a). 
Jerusalem  is  probably  not  a  Heb.  word,  being 
found  on  the  Amarna  tablets.  It  is  remarkable 
how  seldom  the  great  names  of  history  were 
repeated,  e.g.  Abraham  and  David  never. 
Names  generally  expressed  some  pious  wish  or 
prayer,  or,  in  the  case  of  women,  an  expression 
of  gracefulness  or  beauty:  Tamar  (palm-tree), 
Ruth  (beauty),  Tabitha  (gazelle).  The  divine 
intervention  with  regard  to  names,  so  different 
from  the  case  in  the  majority  of  races,  is  a 
matter  of  marked  importance.  The  Almighty 
has  pronounced  judgment  on  those  who  take  His 
Name  in  vain  ;  the  Lord's  Prayer  bids  us  pray, 
"  Hallowed  be  Thy  Name"  ;  and  in  the  "  Te 
Deum"  devotion  is  summed  up  in  the  words 
"  We  worship  Thy  Name,"  for  the  Name  repre- 
sents all  the  attributes  of  the  Almighty ;  hence 
too  miracles  were  worked  in  the  Name  of  Jesus 
Christ.     [Family.]  [b.r.] 

Nanea  {'Ndvaia,  2Mac.l.i3, 15  ;  cf.  iMac. 
6.1-4),  originally  an  old  Akkadian  goddess 
Nana  or  Nind  ("  the  lady  "  ;  cf.  Ninua  =  Nine- 
veh), mentioned  in  very  early  days  on  cylinders 
of  Gudea,  and  afterwards  called  the  consort  of 
Nebo  and  associated  as  such  with  Tasmetu. 
Assur-bani-pal  states  that  he  brought  back  to 
her  temple  at  Erech  a  statue  of  Nana  which 


had  been  carried  off  to  Elam  1635  vears  before. 
She  was  the  Ishtar  (Ashtoreth)  of  Erech  and 
had  many  titles,  such  as  "  lady  of  Agade," 
"  lady  of  Babel,"  and  "  associate  of  the  Sun- 
god."  Later  she  was  identified  with  the  Ana- 
hita  of  Persia.  This  word  means  "  the  Un- 
dcfiled,"  and  was  originally  an  attribute  and 
then  a  name  of  Aredvi  Sijra,  a  sacred  river,  the 
celestial  source  of  waters  and  of  the  goddess 
presiding  over  them,  and  hence  over  genera- 
tion. Artaxerxes  Mnemon  in  one  of  his  in- 
scriptions is  the  first  to  mention  her  (in 
Akhaem.  Pers.  Anahata),  together  with  Aura- 
mazda  and  Mithra,  as  his  guardians.  After- 
wards she  was  very  widely  worshipped  and  had 
many  temples  in  her  honour  throughout  Per- 
sia. In  Armenia  until  long  after  she  was  one 
of  the  most  popular  deities.  Her  images  were 
often  of  the  precious  metals,  and  hence  she 
was  styled  "  the  Golden."  The  treasures  of 
the  State  were  generally'  placed  under  her 
protection  in  her  temple.  This  probably  ex- 
plains why  the  Seleucidae  more  than  once  tried 
to  pillage  such  temples.  Strabo  is  right  in 
identifying  Nanaea  with  Anaitis,  the  Gk.  form 
of  Anahita,  and  Anaitis  is  the  Ephesian  (as 
distinct  from  the  Gk.  virgin  huntress)  or 
Asian  Artemis  (Ac.i9.35  ;  see  R.V.  marg.), 
who  was  the  same  nature-goddess  that  was 
elsewhere  styled  Aphrodite  and  Mylitta 
(=  genitrix).  Nanaea  is  probably  the  deity 
called  "  the  Desire  of  Women  "  in  Dan. 11. 37. 
Rawlinson,  W.  A.  Inscriptions,      [w.st.c.t.] 

Naomi',  wife  of  Elimeiech,  and  mother-in- 
law  of  Ruth  (Ru.1.2,  etc.).  The  name  is  derived 
from  a  root  signifying  sweetness,  or  pleasant- 
ness, and  this  contributes  to  the  point  of  the 


574 


NAPHISS 


paronomasia  in  1.20,21,  though  there  is  also  a 
play  on  the  mere  sound  of  the  name  :  "  Call 
me  not  Naomi  [pleasant],  call  mc  Mara  [bitter] : 
for  Shaddal  hath  dealt-very-bitterly  [hemdr] 
with  me.  .  .  .  Why  call  ye  me  Naomi  when 
Jehovah  hath  testified  ['and]  against  me  ?  " 

Naphish',  the  last  but  one  of  the  sons  of 
Islunacl  (Gen. 25. 15  ;  iChr.l.31)  ;  or  Nephish 
(iChr.5.19;  cf.  K.V.).  It  apparently  applies  to 
a  tribe  E.  of  Gilead  or  of  Moab.  [c.r.c] 

Naph'isi  (iEsd.5.31)  =  Nephishesim. 

Naphtali(=  my  struggle),  Jacob's  fifth  son, 
the  second  child  of  Bilhah  and  own  brother 
of  Dan,  whom  Rachel  adopted  as  the  son  of 
her  slave-woman,  according  to  a  custom 
noticed  in  the  laws  of  Hammurabi,  in 
Abraham's  age.  Hence  Rachel's  exclamation, 
"  In  struggles  with  God  I  have  struggled  with 
my  sister  and  I  have  prevailed  "  (Gen. 30. 8). 
Naphtali  and  his  descendants  are  noticed  in 
37  chapters  of  O.T.,  and  there  is  an  allusion  to 
Nephthalim  in  Mt.4.13.  There  were  four 
families  descended  from  the  four  sons  of  Naph- 
tali (Gen. 46.24;  Num. 26. 48-50;  iChr.7.13),  the 


"V^' 


MAP  or  TMt 

NAPHTALI 


L-3J 


chief  of  the  tribe  in  the  desert  being  Ahira, 
and  the  spy  selected  from  it  Nahbi.  In  the 
bhtssing  of  Jacob  tlu:  LXX.  rendering  of  the 
Heb.  (Gen.49.2i)  seems  to  be  the  best :  "Naph- 
tali is  a  free  growing  stock,  good  in  giving 


NAPHTHAS, 

produce."  In  the  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.33. 
23)  the  Heb.  reads  :  "  Possess  thou  both  sea 
[or  "lake,"  yam]  and  dry  land"  [durom),  in 
evident  allusion  to  the  tribal  lot,  including  the 
Hiileh  and  Gennesaret  Lakes,  and  the  dry 
plateau  W.  of  the  latter,  as  well  as  Mount 
Naphtali  (Jos. 20.7),  or  the  mountains  of 
Upper  Galilee.  The  tribe  at  first  failed  to 
occupy  places  in  the  lowlands  held  by  Canaan- 
ites  (Judg.1.33),  like  Beth-anath  and  Beth- 
SHEMESH.  Barak  belonged  to  this  tribe,  which, 
aided  by  Zebulun,  defeated  the  king  of  Hazor, 
and  the  sdr,  or  "  chief,"  of  his  army,  Sisera — 
perhaps  an  Egyptian  resident  (Ses-Ka, 
"  servant  of  Ra  "),  for  Ramses  II.,  some 
little  time  before,  had  taken  Tabor,  as  well  as 
Beth-anath,  Merom,  and  other  towns  in 
Galilee,  according  to  his  own  records  (see  J  udg. 
4.6,10,5.18).  The  tribe  of  Naphtali  aided 
Gideon  (6.33,7.23),  and  became  organized  as  the 
eighth  of  Solomon's  districts  (1K.4.15).  Their 
lands  were  invaded  by  the  Syrians  in  loth  cent. 
B.C.  (iK.15.2o;  2Chr.l6.4),  and  by  the  As- 
syrians in  734-732  B.C.  (2 K. 15. 29),  when  the 
northern  tribes,  with  those  E.  of  Jordan,  were 
carried  captives  to  .Assyria.  The  idols  of  Naph- 
tali (whether  of  the  Hebrews,  or  of  strangers 
introduced  by  the  Assyrians)  were  destroyed 
by  king  Josiah  (2Chr.34.6)  in  the  cities  "  with 
their  villages  round  about."  In  earlier  times 
the  "  princes  "  of  Naphtali  and  Zebulun  had 
worshipped  in  Jerusalem  (Ps.68.27).  Isaiah 
(9.1)  refers  to  the  Assyrian  attack;  and  to  a 
future  glory  (see  R.V.)  for  the  land  of  Zebulun 
and  Naphtali  (see  also  Ezk.48.3,4,34  ;  Mt.4. 
13). — The  Tribal  Lot  (J0S.I9.32-39)  included 
about  800  square  miles  of  country,  embracing 
the  mountains  of  Upper  Galilee,  the  Upper 
Jordan  valley  to  the  river,  and  the  plateau  of 
volcanic  soil  above  the  sea  of  Galilee  to  W. 
The  W.  border,  between  Naphtali  and  Asher, 
is  defined  by  the  towns  Migdal-el,  Edrei, 
Heleph,  and  Dabbasheth,  in  Naphtali  and 
on  N.  of  Zebulun,  and  by  Kanah  and  Ramaii 
in  Asher.  At  Dabbasheth  the  border  turned 
E.  and,  including  Ramah  of  Naphtali,  ran  to 
Hannatho.v,  being  the  N.  border  of  Zebulun. 
It  then  ran  S.,  leaving  Hukkok  and  .•Vuami 
in  Naphtali,  along  E.  border  of  Zebulun,  till, 
at  Daberath,  mount  Tabor  formed  the  point 
of  contact  with  Issachar.  The  S.  border  of 
Naphtali  then  ran  E.  along  a  deep  ravine, 
leaving  J  abneel  and  Adamah  in  Naphtali,  and 
Anaharath  in  Issachar.  On  the  N.  Naphtali 
reached  to  Dan  and  Ijon,  or  to  the  sources  of 
Jordan.  The  mountain  region — though  well 
watered  and  producing  trees  and  vines — is 
very  rugged  ;  but  the  corn  plateau  W.  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee  and  the  fertile  vale  of  Genne- 
saret were  richer  lands.  [c.r.c] 

Naph  than,  the  name  given  by  Nche- 
miah  to  the  substance  which  after  the  return 
from  Babylon  was  discovered  in  the  dry  pit 
in  which  at  the  destruction  of  tjie  temple  the 
sacred  fire  of  the  altar  had  been  hidden  (2Mac. 
1.19-36).  The  place  from  which  this  "thick 
water"  (ver.  20)  was  taken  was  encli)sed  by  the 
"  king  of  Persia  "  (Artaxer.xcs  I.ongimanus), 
and  made  a  holy  place  (1.33.34)-  This  legend 
(connected  with  Persian  fire-worship  such  as 
that  of  tiie  old  tein|)le  at  Baku— still  served 
in  1879 — where   petroleum  furnished  the  holy 


NAPHTtTHlM 

fire  stream)  was  attached  in  the  Middle  Ages  to 
the  Bir  EyiXb  outside  Jerusalem  on  the  S.E. 
The  word  "  naphthar  "  is  explained  (I.36)  as 
'Se(p6a€i  or  "naphtha"  (A.V.  Nephi).    [c.r.c] 

Naphtuhlm'.  Save  from  ingenious  de- 
duction, scarcely  anything  has  been  brought  to 
light  concerning  any  tribe,  race,  or  locality 
bearing  this  name.  Amongst  the  descendants 
of  Noah  (Gen. 10.13  ;  iChr.l.ii)  "  Mizraim 
begat  Ludim,  and  Anamim,  and  Lehabim,  and 
Naphtuhim,"  with  others.  It  has  been  at- 
tempted, though  hardly  with  success,  to  connect 
the  district  near  to  Memphis,  where  the  Egyp- 
tian god  Phtah  was  venerated,  with  a  race  (they 
of  Phtah)  who  followed  this  worship.  The 
name  Napata  in  Nubia,  which  was  a  centre  of 
Amen-Ra  worship,  offers  also  a  tempting  solu- 
tion, though  lacking  confirmation.  Beyond 
being  of  Mizraite  descent,  little  can  be  as- 
serted of  the  Naphtuhim.  [a.h.p.] 

Napkin.     [Handkerchief.] 

Napcis'sus,  a  dweller  at  Rome  (R0.I6. 
11),  some  members  of  whose  household  were 
known  as  Christians  to  St.  Paul.  Lightfoot 
and  others  have  identified  him  with  Narcissus, 
the  favourite  of  the  emperor  Claudius,  put  to 
death  54  a.d.  But  the  name  is  so  common 
that  this  must  be  deemed  no  more  than  an  in- 
teresting conjecture.  [a.c.d.] 

Napd.     [Spikenard.] 

Nas'bas,  the  nephew  of  Tobit  who  came 
to  the  wedding  of  Tobias  (Tob.ll.i8). 

Na'slth  (iEsd.5.32)  =  Neziah. 

Na'sop,  Plain  of,  the  scene  of  an  action 
between  Jonathan  the  Hasmonaean  and  the 
forces  of  Demetrius  (1Mac.ll.67).     [Hazor.] 

Nathan'. — 1.  A  Hebrew  prophet  who  first 
appears  as  approving  David's  project  of  build- 
ing the  temple  (2Sam.7.3),  but  that  very  night 
was  charged  with  Jehovah's  message  to  David 
forbidding  it.  The  refusal,  however,  was  ac- 
companied by  a  promise  that  a  son  of  David 
should  carry  out  the  work,  and  his  throne 
should  be  established  for  ever,  "  I  will  be  his 
father,  and  he  shall  be  My  son  " — assuredly 
one  of  the  most  notable  Messianic  prophecies  in 
the  O.T.  (2Sam.7.i2-i7  ;  iChr.l7.ii-i5  ;  cf. 
iChr.28.2,3,6,7).  Nathan  next  appears  as  re- 
proving David  for  the  sin  with  Bathsheba,  by 
his  famous  apologue  on  the  rich  man  and  the 
ewe  lamb  (2Sam.i2.1-12).  On  the  birth  of  Solo- 
mon he  was  either  specially  charged  with  giv- 
ing him  his  name,  Jedidiah,  or  else  with  his 
education  (2Sam.i2.25).  In  the  last  years  of 
David  he  advised  Bathsheba  in  the  matter  of 
Solomon's  accession  ;  he  entered  the  royal  pre- 
sence to  remonstrate  against  the  king's  apathy  ; 
and  at  David's  request  assisted  in  the  inaugura- 
tion of  Solomon  (iK.l.Sff.).  He  left  two  works 
behind  him — a  history  of  David  (iChr.29.29) 
and  a  history  of  Solomon  (2Chr.9.29). — 2. 
One  of  the  four  sons  of  David  by  Bathsheba 
(iChr.3.5  ;  cf.  14.4  and  2Sam.5.i4).  He  ap- 
pears as  one  of  the  forefathers  of  Joseph  in 
the  genealogy  of  St.  Luke  (8.31). — 3.  Son  or 
brother  of  one  of  the  members  of  David's  guard 
(2Sam.23.36  ;  iChr.11.38).— 4.  One  of  the 
head  men  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Ezra  on  his  secondexpedition  (Ezr.8.i6  ;  1  Esd. 
8.44).  He  may  be  the  same  with  the  "  son  of 
Bani  "    (Ezr.lO.39).  [h.c.b.] 

Nathanael. — 1.  (iEsd.1.9)  =  Nethaneel, 


ktazareth: 


575 


7. 2.  (9.22)  =  Nethaneel,  8. — 3.  An  an- 
cestor of  Judith  (Jth.8.1). — 4.  A  man  of  Cana 
brought  to  Christ  by  Philip  (Jn.l.45).  He  is 
welcomed  by  Christ  as  a  type  of  the  true 
Israelite,  reproducing  the  character  of  Jacob, 
without  his  guile,  and  this  leads  to  the  promise 
that  he  and  the  other  disciples  shall  see,  as 
Jacob  did  at  Bethel,  a  vision  of  the  open  hea- 
vens, and  the  ministry  of  angels  (Jn.l.51).  It 
can  hardly  be  doubted  that  one  who  made  so 
early  and  so  remarkable  a  confession  of  his 
faith  (Jn.1.49)  was  included  in  the  number  of 
the  Twelve,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  posi- 
tion in  which  the  narrative  of  his  conversion 
occurs,  and  by  his  being  enumerated  among 
the  disciples  present  at  the  sea  of  Tiberias  (Jn. 
21.2).  Several  of  the'Twelvebore  two  names,  but 
the  most  probable  identification  is  with  Bar- 
tholomew, which  is  a  patronymic  form  (son  of 
Tolmai).  That  Bartholomew  is  placed  next  to 
Philip  in  three  of  the  four  lists  seems  to  point 
to  a  special  intimacy  {cf.  Jn.l.45)  that  favours 
this  identification,  which,  however,  does  not 
appear  in  early  writers,  nor  is  it  recognized  in 
the  choice  of  the  Epistle  and  Gospel  for  St. 
Bartholomew's  Day.  [e.r.b.] 

Nathani'as  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Nathan,   4. 

Nathan-me'leeh,  a  eunuch  (A.V.  cham- 
berlain) in  the  court  of  Josiah  (2K.23.ii). 

Naum',  son  of  Esli  and  father  of  Amos,  in 
the  genealogy  of  Christ  (Lu.3.25),  about  con- 
temporary with  the  high-priesthood  of  Jason 
and  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

Na've,  the  LXX.  form  of  Nun,  father  of 
Joshua,  retained  in  Ecclus.^B.i. 

Nave.  The  Heb.  gabh  conveys  the  idea  of 
convexity  or  protuberance.  It  is  used  in  A.V. 
of  the  boss  of  a  shield.  Job  I5.26 ;  the  eye- 
brow, Lev.14.9 ;  and  of  an  "eminent  place," 
Ezk.l6.31;  once  only  in  plur.  naves,  iK.7.33, 
mearung  the  rim  of  a  wheel;  but  in  Ezk.l.18 
twice,  A.V.  "rings,"  marg.  "  strakes "  ;  and 
"breast-works"  in  Job  13. 12  (R.V.  defences, 
A.V.  bodies). 

Nazapene,  a  native  of  Nazareth.  The 
word  has  no  connexion  with  Nazarite  {sep- 
arated), but  is  connected  in  Mt.2.23  with  the 
Heb.  nicer,  from  the  same  root  {to  be  ver- 
dant) referring  to  the  prophecy  of  the 
"branch"  of  the  house  of  David  (Is.ll.i). 
The  word  (f£wa/i)  used  in  Zech.3.8is  different 
(see  6.12).  The  Christians  were  called  Nazar- 
enes  by  the  Jews  (Ac.24.5),  as  followers  of 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  ;  and  this  remains  the  usual 
term  {Nasrdni,  m. ;  Nasrdniyah,  fem. ;  Nasdrah, 
collective  plur.)  for  Christians  in  Asia  to  the 
present    day.  [c.r.c] 

Nazapeth  (Heb.  ndfdrd,  probably 
verdant  from  its  spring),  the  home  of  Joseph 
and  Mary  (Mt.2.23  ;  Lu.l.26,2.39),  which  our 
Lord  left  to  go  to  Capernaum  (Mt.4.13), 
passing  thus  from  Zebulun  to  Naphtali  (the 
gospel  referring  in  this  passage  to  Is.Q.i). 
He  was,  however,  still  regarded  by  the  Jews  as 
the  "  prophet  of  Nazareth  "  (Mt.21.ii),  which 
lay  in  Galilee  (Mk.1.9  ;  Lu.2.4),  and  where 
Jesus  was  brought  up  (Lu.2.51).  In  its  syna- 
gogue He  read  the  lesson  for  the  day  (4. 16), 
when  He  was  thrust  out  and  led  to  the  "  brow 
of  the  hill  on  which  the  city  was  built  that  they 
might  cast  Him  down  headlong  "  (4.29  ;  see 
also    Lu.l8.37  ;     Jn.l. 45, 46,18.5).      Nazareth 


576 


NAZARlTfi 


was  apparently  a  small  place  ;  and,  as  it  did 
not  lie  on  any  main  route,  but  in  a  mountain 
plateau,  it  is  unnoticed  in  O.T.,  Josephus,  and 
the  Talmud  ;  but  it  retains  its  old  name  as  en 
Ndsrah  to  the  present  day.  Nathaniel  could 
not'believe  that  "  any  good  thing  "  could  come 
from  such  a  little  country  place  (Jn.l.46)  ;  and 
the  Jews  remarked  that  no  former  prophet  is 
said,  in  O.T.,  to  have  come  from  Galilee  (Jn.7. 
■12).  Jerome  [Onomasticon)  calls  Nazareth  a 
little  village  (viculus)  in  Galilee,  15  miles  E.  of 
Legio  (Lejjiin),  near  mount  Tabor.  He  gives  a 
fanciful  rendering  ("flower")  for  the  name 
(Paula  cl  Eiistochium,  8)  ;  but  mentions  no 
sacred  sites  or  church  at  Nazareth.  The  town 
lies  12  English  miles  N.E.  of  Legio,  and  5  miles 
W.  of  Tabor,  on  a  plateau  1,300  ft.  above  the 
sea,  and  1,000  ft.  above  the  plain  to  the  S.  A 
hill  rising  300  ft.  higher  overlooks  the  site  on 


ITAZARITE 

God(Lev.22.2  ;  Ezk.14.7).  ANazirite  is,  conse- 
quently, one  who  separates  himself  or  is  separ- 
ated for  a  religious  reason  from  the  rest  of  the 
people.  In  the  law  of  the  Nazirite  a  man  or 
woman  who  had  taken  a  vow  of  separation  unto 
Jehovah  was  bound  to  avoid  all  possible  cere- 
monial defilement  throughout  the  whole  period, 
and  was  subject  to  some  of  the  same  restrictions 
as  the  high-priest  himself  (c/.  Num.6. i -21, 
with  Lev.21. 10-12,  "  the  Law  of  Holiness"). 
Modern  criticism  supposes  these  laws  to  be  of 
comparatively  late  date,  but  Naziritism,  or 
self-consecration  by  vow,  was  probably  of  great 
antiquity,  and  played  a  considerable  part  m 
the  life  of  the  Israelites.  The  Nazirite  was  to  ab- 
stain from  wine,  grapes,  and  all  possible  produce 
of  the  vine  (Num. 6.3, 4)  ;  and  no  razor  was  to 
come  upon  his  head,  but  his  hair  was  to  be 
allowed  to  grow.     .Above  all  things,  whilst  the 


THE  ".VIKC.IN'S  KOUNrAIN,"  NAZARKIU. 


N.  and  a  precipice,  overlooking  the  plain  2 
miles  S.  of  Nazareth,  is  called  Jebcl  Qafsy 
(mountain  of  the  leap),  being  the  traditional 
"  Leap  of  our  Lord  "  (Lu.4.29)  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  spring  in  the  Gk.  church  (whence 
a  channel  runs  to  a  public  fountain  of  modern 
date  on  S.)  is  the  traditicmal  site  of  the  Annun- 
ciation. The  mediaeval  Latin  cathedral  is 
built  over  caves  ("  the  Holy  House  "),  which 
seem  to  be  ancient  cisterns.  The  sites  of 
Joseph's  workshop,  and  of  the  synagogue,  are 
yet  more  recent.  Nazareth  is  a  flourishing 
Christian  town,  with  a  large  orphanage,  and  an 
Anglican  church  with  a  spire.  The  popula- 
tion is  about  6,000,  including  2,000  Moslems. 
H(;brew  rock-cut  tombs  are  found  on  the  N.W. 
(Siirv.  W.  /'rt/.i.  pp.  275-270.  328).    [c.R.c] 

Nazaplte  or  Nazirite.  The  word  ndztr 
is  derived  from  a  root  meaning  "  to  separate." 
used  in  the  Bible  of  religious  separation 
(Zech.7.3;  H0.9.10),    also  of  separation  from 


consecration  of  God  (nczcr  Wlohim)  was  on  his 
head,  he  was  not  to  defile  himself  by  contact 
with  a  dead  bodv,  even  of  his  nearest  relative 
—his  wife  and  child  are  not.  however,  men- 
tioned ;  and  even  if  a  man  fell  down  dead  near 
him  he  had  to  go  through  an  elaborate  punh- 
cation  (Num.l9.iilf.),  olTer  a  sin-offering,  and 
begin  again  the  period  of  his  vow.  W  hen  the 
davs  of  his  vows  were  fulfilled,  he  was  brought 
by'the  priest  to  the  door  of  the  sanctuary,  and 
a  burnt  Co/,/),  sin  (hattdth),  and  peace  (sliclew) 
offering,  together  with  the  meal  and  drink 
offering  were  made,  showing  the  importance 
of  the  ceremonv.  He  was  then  to  olfer  the 
hair  of  his  separation  in  the  sacrificial  fire,  the 
prescribed  portions  of  the  sacrifice  were  to  be 
put  bv  the  priest  on  his  hands,  the  wave  .and 
heave  offerings  were  soleniiilv  made,  and  "  after 
that  the  Nazarite  mav  drink  wine  "  (6.20). 
There  are  no  specific  instances  of  such  Nazirites 
as  those   described  in  the   Pentateuch  in   the 


NEAH 

O.T.  ;  but  the  name  is  applied  to  Samson,  who 
is  commanded  by  the  angel  to  be  "  a  Nazirite  of 
God  from  the  womb."     Neither  in  the  case  of 
Samson  or  Samuel  (who  was  devoted  to  God's 
service  by  his  mother)  is  there  any  mention  of 
abstinence    from    wine.      The    unshorn    locks 
alone  denote  the  Nazirite,  though  in  the  case 
of  Samson  his  mother  is  to  drink  no  wine  nor 
strong  drink  during  her  pregnancy  (Judg.13. 
3-7  ;     iSam.l.ii).     In  the  case  of  John  the 
Baptist  nothing  is  said  of  anything   but  life- 
long abstinence  from  wine.     He  lived,  however, 
the   life   of   an   ascetic  (Mt. 3. 4, 11. 18,    etc.) — • 
a  circumstance  which  may  be  illustrated  from 
Am. 2. II, 12,    where    the    Nazirites,    who    ab- 
stained from  wine,  are  joined  with  the  prophets 
in  being  raised  up  by  divine  inspiration.     The 
position  of  a  Nazirite  was  evidently  honourable, 
as  is   shown  by  the  elaborate   sacrifices,  the 
similarity  of  his   consecration  to  that  of  the 
high-priest  (the  crown  of  the  anointing  oil — 
Lev. 21. 12 — is  rendered  nezer,  the  same  as  con- 
secration   in   Num. 6. 7),   and  the  name    ndzir, 
which  is  used  twice  of  Joseph  in   the  sense  of 
"prince"  (Gen. 49. 26;  Dent. 33. 16;  cf.  Lam.4.7, 
8).  There  is  one  allusion  to  Nazirites  in  the  Apoc. 
(iMac.3.49);  and  inN.T.  we  have  the  case  of 
St.  Paul,  at  the  request  of  the  Jewish  Christians 
of  Jerusalem,  assisting  the  four  brethren  who 
had  a  vow  in  the  temple  (Ac. 21. 23, 24).   It  is  dis- 
puted whether  St.  Paul  had  taken  a  Nazirite 
vow  when  he  is  said  to  have  shorn  his  head  at 
Cenchreae  (Ac.l8.i8).     In  Josephus,  Nazirites 
are  mentioned  in  2  Wars  xv.  i,  19  Ant.  vi.  i. 
The    Rabbis  made  a  distinction  between  the 
"  Nazirite  of  days  "    and  the    "  Nazirite  for 
life,"  and  prescribed  30  or  even  60  days  for 
the  period  during  which  the  vow  was  to  last. 
The  objects  of  the  three  features  of  the  Nazirite 
vow — ( I )  the  abstinence  from  wine,  (2 )  the  grow- 
ing of  the  hair,  and  (3)  the  avoidance  of  pollu- 
tion— have  to  be  considered,  (i )  It  is  a  question 
whether  wine  was  rejected  for  an  ascetic  rea- 
son.   It  is  noteworthy,  however,  that  not  only 
wine  as  an  intoxicant  was  shunned — as  in  the 
case  of  the  priests  during  their  ministrations 
(Lev. 10. 9) — but  all  the  fruit  of  the  vine.     For 
this  reason  it  seems  probable  that  the  Nazirites, 
like  the  Rechabites,  rejected  wine,  as  Robertson 
Smith  says,  "  as  a  religious  protest  against  the 
Canaanite  civilization  in  favour  of  the  simple 
life  of  ancient  times."     (2)  The  hair  is  regarded 
by  many  primitive  people  as  the  special  seat 
of  life  and  strength,  and  therefore  the  inviola- 
bility of  the  Nazirite's  hair  was  a  sign  of  his 
consecration  to  Jehovah.    (3)  All  Israelites  had 
to  observe  a  law  of  ceremonial  holiness,  but  it 
was  peculiarly  binding  on  those   under  this 
vow.  [f.J-f.-j.] 

Neah',  a  place  which  was  one  of  the  land- 
marks on  the  N.E.  boundary  of  Zebulun  (Jos. 
19.13  only).     The  site  is  unknown,      [c.r.c] 

Neap'olis  is  the  place  in  N.  Greece  where 
Paul  and  his  associates  first  landed  in  Europe 
(Ac.l6.11),  where,  no  doubt,  he  landed  also 
on  his  second  visit  to  Macedonia  (Ac.20.i), 
and  whence  certainly  he  embarked  on  his 
last  journey  through  that  province  to  Troas 
and  Jerusalem  (Ac.20.6).  It  was  the  port  of 
Philippi.  It  has  been  questioned  whether 
the  harbour  occupied  the  site  of  the  present 
Kavalla,    a   Turkish   town    on    the  coast   of 


NEBAIOTH 


577 


Roumelia,  or  should  be  sought  at  some  other 
place.  CousineryandTafel  maintain,  against  the 
common  opinion,  that  Luke's  Neapolis  was  not 
at   Kavalla,  the  inhabited  town  of  that  name, 
but  at  a  deserted  harbour  10  or  12  miles  farther 
W.,   known   as    Eski    (or   Old)   Kavalla.     In 
favour,   however,  of  the  claim  of  Kavalla  to 
be  regarded  as  the  ancient  Neapolis  we  may 
mention    that,    first,    the  Rom.  and  Gk.  ruins 
at  Kavalla  prove  that  a  port  existed  there  in 
ancient  times.    Neapolis,    wherever    it     was, 
formed  the  point  of  contact  between  N.Greece 
and   Asia   Minor,  at  a  period  of   great    com- 
mercial activity,  and    would  be  expected  to 
have  left  vestiges  of  its   former  importance. 
The    antiquities  found  still   at   Kavalla  fulfil 
entirely  that  presumption.    On  the  contrary,  no 
ruins  have  been    found  at  Eski   Kavalla,  or 
Paleopoli,  as  it  is  also  called,  which  can  be 
pronounced  unmistakably  ancient.  No  remains 
of  walls,  no  inscriptions,  and  no  indications  of 
any  thoroughfare    leading  thence  to  Philippi 
are  reported  to  exist  there.        Secondly,  the 
advantages  of  the  position  render  Kavalla  the 
probable  site  of  Neapolis.    It  is  the  first  con- 
venient harbour  S.  of  the  Hellespont,  on  coming 
from  the  E.     It  lies  somewhat    open  to  the 
S.  and  S.W.,  but  is  otherwise  well  sheltered. 
Thirdly,  the  facility    of  intercourse  between 
this  port  and  Philippi.    The  distance  is  10  miles, 
and  hence  not  greater  than  Corinth  was  from 
Cenchreae,  and  Ostia  from  Rome.  The  distance 
between   Philippi  and    Eski  Kavalla  must  be 
nearly  twice  as  great.     Fourthly,  the  notices  of 
the  ancient  writers  lead  us  to  adopt  the  same 
view.     Thus  Dio  Cassius  says  that  Neapolis  was 
opposite  Thasos,  and  that  is  the  situation  of 
Kavalla.     Finally,  the  ancient  Itineraries  sup- 
port  entirely  the   identification   in    question. 
Both  the  Antonine  and  the  J  erusalem  Itineraries 
show  that  the  Egnatian  Way  passed  through 
Philippi.    They  mention  Philippi  and  Neapolis 
as  next  to  each  other  in  the  order  of  succession  ; 
and    since    the    line    of    travel    which    these 
Itineraries  sketch  was  the  one  which  led  from 
the  W.  to  Byzantium,  or  Constantinople,  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  road,  after  leav- 
ing Philippi,  would  pursue  the  most  convenient 
and  direct  course  to  the  E.  which  the  nature  of 
the  country  allows.  If  the  road  was  constructed 
on  this  obvious  principle,  it  would  follow  the 
track  of  the  present  Turkish  road,  and  the  next 
station,   consequently,  would  be   Neapolis,  or 
Kavalla,  on  thecoast,  at  the  termination  of  the 
only  natural  defile  across  the  intervening  moun- 
tains.    Neapolis,   therefore,   like   the  present 
Kavalla,   was   on    a  high  rocky  promontory 
which     juts     out     into     the     Aegean.       The 
harbour,  a  mile  and  a  half  wide  at  the  entrance, 
and  half  a  mile  broad,  lies  on  the  W.  side. 

Neapiah'. — 1.  One  of  the  six  sonsof  She- 
maiah  in  the  royal  line  of  Judah  after  the  Cap- 
tivity (iChr.3.22,23). — 2.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Ishi,  who  were  captains  of  the  500  Simeonites 
who,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  drove  out  the 
Amalekites  from  mount  Seir  (iChr.4.42). 

Nebai',  a  family  of  the  heads  of  the  people 
who  signed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.19). 

Nebaioth,'  or  Nebajoth'  (R.V.  always 
Nebawth).  The  word  means  "  heights  "  in 
the  plur.  The  eldest  Ishmaelite  tribe,  men- 
tioned with  Kedar,  and  Dumah,  named  ac- 

37 


578 


NEfiALLAT 


cording  to  "their  towns  and  forts"  (Gen.25.i3, 
i6).  The  population  was  mingled  with  that  of 
Hebrew  Edoinites  (28.9,86.3  ;  iChr.l.29)  ;  in 
later  times  Nebaioth  and  Kedar  were  celebrated 
for  their  flocks  (Is.60. 7).  These  Nabatheans,  or 
'■  highlanders,"  dwelt  in  the  plateau  S.E.  of 
Edom,  and  first  appear  in  history  in  the  As- 
syrian accounts.  [Akauia  ;  Damascus.]  They 
were  naturally  friendly  later — as  Nabathites 
— to  Judas  Maccabaeus  when,  in  164  B.C.,  he 
marched  into  the  deserts  E.  of  Gilead  to  attack 
Bostra  [Bosora]  ;  for  they  strove  for  freedom 
against  the  Gk.  Seleucidae  monarchs,  as  he 
did  (iMac.5.25,  see  8.35).  Having  allied 
themselves  with  the  Assyrian  invaders  of 
Edom,  after  734  b.c,  they  had  gradually 
spread  over  all  E.  Palestine,  and  had  a  capital 
at  Petra,  where  Aretas  (Harith)  was  kingc.  166 
B.C.  (2Mac.5.8).  Other  kings  so  named,  or 
called  Obodas  (as  in  93  b.c),  followed  him 
(Josephus,  13  Ant.  xiii.  5,  xv.  i,  2  ;  14  Ant.  v. 
I  ;  15  Ant.  vi.  2  ;  I  Wars  iv.  4,  vi.  2).  A  later 
Obodas,  24  B.C.  (16  Ant.  vii.  6),  treacherously 
thwarted  Aelius  Gallus  in  his  attack  on 
Arabia  ;  and  a  later  Aretas  ruled  c.  38  a.d. 
(2C0r.ll.32).  The  dynasty  opposed  Herod  the 
(ireat,  Herod  Antipas,  and  the  Romans  down 
to  105  A.D.,  and  prospered  as  traders  between 
Egypt  and  Mesopotamia.  [Edom.]  The  race 
appears  in  Arab  histories  as  Nabi(  or  Nabaf 
(plur.  AnbciO,  and  was  regarded  as  an  ancient 
nation.  Josephus  (i  Ant.  xii.  4),  speaking  of 
the  twelve  sons  of  Ishmael,  says  that  they 
"  inhabited  all  the  country  from  the  Euphrates 
to  the  Red  Sea  and  called  it  Nabatene,"  such 
being  the  conditions  of  his  age.  Diodorus 
Siculus  (ii.  4,  iii.  3,  xix.  6)  mentions 
Nabatheans  at  Petra  and  near  the  Dead  Sea 
shortly  before  the  Christian  era.  They  lived 
in  villages,  and  were  rich  in  cattle,  but  were 
dreaded  as  pirates  in  the  Red  Sea,  though 
famous  for  justice  and  honesty.  They  held  a 
market  at  Petra,  and  traded  in  myrrh,  frankin- 
cense and  silver.  They  massacred  Gk.  forces 
sent  against  them  c.  310  b.c  The  so-called 
Book  of  Nabathean  .4griciilture  is  a  work  not 
older  than  900  A.D. ,  based  on  Jewish  and  Baby- 
lonian sources,  and  it  has  no  value  for  Biblical 
studies.  Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  ii.  pp.  159-161  ; 
Reland,  Pal.  Illustr.  i.  pp.  90-95.       [c.r.c] 

Neballat',  a  town  of  Benjamin,  which 
the  Benjamitesreoccupied  after  the  Captivity 
(Ne.11.34).  It  is  named  with  Lod  and  Ono. 
Now  Beit  Nebdla,  a  village  3  J  miles  N.E.  of 
Lydda.  [c.r.c] 

Nebat',  father  of  Jeroboam  I.  (1K.ll.26, 
etc.,  ;  2K.3.3,  etc. ;  2Chr.9.29,  etc.);  an  Ephra- 
thite — /.('.  liphraimite — of  Zereda. 

Nebo'  ( Is.46.  i ;  J  (■.48.  i )  is  the  Heb.  form  of 
the  name  of  the  well-known  Assyro-Babylo- 
riian  Nabiu"*  or  Nabii.  He  was  the  god  of 
learning  and  letters,  corresponding  with  the 
I'^gyptian  Thoth,  the  Gk.  Hermes,  and  the 
Koin.  Mercury.  Astronomically  he  was  iden- 
tified with  Mercury,  who  was  likewise  called 
Nebo  by  the  Mandcans,  and  Tir  by  the  ancient 
Persians.  In  the  text,  which  identifies  the 
tieities  with  Merodach,  he  seems  to  be  called 
'■  Merodach  of  trading,"  and  he  occupied  a 
prominent  place  in  Babylonian  mythology 
from  the  earliest  times.  The  great  centre  of 
bis  worship  was  the  temple-tower  now  called 


NEBO 

the  Birs-Nimrud,  in  the  ancient  city  of  Boir- 
sippa.  Statues  of  Nebo  were  set  up  for  the 
preservation  of  the  life  of  the  Assyrian  king 
Adad-nirari  at  Calah  [NimrHd),  and  two  are 
now  in  the  British  Museum.  In  late  Baby- 
lonian names  Nabu  probably  appears  as  a 
component  part  more  frequently  than  does  the 
name  of  any  other  god  (cf.  Nebuchadnezzar, 
Nabonidus,  Neboshazban,  etc.).  His  consort 
was  named  Tasmitw",  "  she  who  hears."  See 
Pinches,  Religion  of  Bab.  and  Assyr.  (Con- 
stable), [t.g.p.] 

Nebo'  (=  swelling). — 1.  A  mountain  in 
Moab  w'here  the  Israelites  camped  (at  the 
AsHDOTH-pisGAH  or  Streams  N.  of  the  sum- 
mit), before  descending  to  Shittim  (Num.33. 
47  ;  see  21.20).  It  "looks  towards  Jeshimon  "  ; 
and  is  described  as  "  in  the  mountain  region  of 
the  places  beyond  "  {'dbhdriin,  or  lands  E.  of 
Jordan)  "over  against  Jericho"  (Deut.32. 
49).  It  is  again  so  described,  and  identified 
with  the  "top  of  Pisgah"  (34.1-3) ;  and  Moses' 
view  thence  is  said  to  include  "  all  the  land 
of  Gilead  unto  Dan,  and  all  Naphtali,  and  the 
land  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  and  all  the 
land  of  Judah  to  the  western  sea,  and  the 
negebh  [A.V.  south],  and  the  kikkdr  of  the 
biq'ath  yreho,  the  city  of  palm  trees,  to 
Zoar."  The  site  is  well  known  at  Jebel  Neba, 
4  miles  S.VV.  of  Heshbon.  The  ridge  runs  2 
miles  W.  to  Rds  Sidghah  (Pisgah),  which  is 
2,390  ft.  above  the  Mediterranean,  iV<;!)a being 
2,640  ft.  above  the  same.  The  view  em- 
braces the  Jeshimon,  and  N.  part  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  w'ith  part  of  the  ncgcbh  mountains  S.  of 
Hebron,  and  all  the  watershed  of  Judah,  Beth- 
lehem, and  Olivet,  with  mount  Ephraim,  Ebal, 
and  Cierizim  in  Manasseh,  the  chain  of  mount 
Gilboa,  and  Tabor  in  Naphtali.  The  Jordan 
Valley — including  Jericho  and  Zoar — lies 
below  in  full  view,  and  the  only  points  in  the 
description  which  are  not  fully  satisfied  are 
the  expressions  "  unto  Dan  "  and  "  unto  the 
west  [or,  utmost]  sea."  For,  though  Gilead 
is  in  full  view,  the  high  ridge  of  Jebel  Osh'a 
(3,397  ft.  above  sea  le\'el)  shuts  out  the  sea  of 
(ialiloe  and  Hcrmon,  while  the  Mediterranean 
is  hidden  by  the  watershed  of  W.  Palestine. 
The  site  is,  however,  the  only  one  satisfying  the 
conditions,  and  we  may  therefore  read  "  to- 
wards "  ('al)  for  "  unto  "  ('adh)  in  the  cases 
noticed.  The  situation  is  further  defined 
by  the  notice  of  the  "  field  of  Zophim  "  as  be- 
side the  "  top  of  Pisgah  "  (Num. 23. 14),  the 
name  surviving  in  Tal'at  es.'^ufa  close  to  Neba. 
The  mountain  was'  known  in  the  4th  cent. 
{Onomasticon),  and  identified  in  recent  times 
by  de  Luynes.  The  lilllo  "  swelling  "  knoll, 
to  which  the  name  applies,  lies  \V.  of  the 
Heshbon  plateau,  which  shuts  out  the  view  E., 
being  nearly  100  ft.  higher.  On  the  knoll  is  a 
cairn,  and  to  N.W.,  on  the  flat  ridge,  tliere  are 
four  dolmens,  and  another  on  the  S.  slope, 
where  also  there  is  a  stone  circle,  500  yds. 
froni  the  cairn,  towards  S.W.  It  appears 
therefore  that  Nebo  was  a  sacred  mountain, 
surrounded  by  Canaanite  altars — as  we  learn 
also  from  O.T.  The  \icw  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  in  Palestine  {Surv.  I-'.  Pal.  pp. 
198-203).  [Pisgah.] — 2.  A  town  of  Moab 
(Num.32.3,38  ;  iChr.5.8  ;  Jc.48.i,22),  rebuilt 
by   the    Reubenites,   who   changed   the   name 


NEBtrCHADNEZZA!^ 

(perhaps  toTisgah) .  It  was  probably  on  mount 
Nebo,  where  the  Moabites  assembled  to  "  howl" 
to  their  gods  (Is. 15. 2),  no  doubt  at  the  sacred 
centre  already  described.  On  the  Moabite 
Stone  it  also  appears  as  a  town,  taken  early  in 
9th  cent.  B.C.  from  Israel  by  king  Mesha,  who 
says  :  "  I  went  up  by  night,  and  I  fought 
against  it  from  break  of  dawn  till  noon,  and 
took  it,  and  slew  all,  7,000,  men  and  boys, 
women  and  girls  and  females  ;  for  to  'Astar- 
Chemosh  I  doomed  them  ;  and  I  took  thence 
the  champions  [ArMi]  of  Jehovah,  and  dragged 
them  [or,  tore  them  in  pieces  ]  before  Che- 
mosh." — 3.  (Ezr.2.29.)  Noticed  with  Bethel 
and  Ai,  and  called  "  the  other "  (or, 
"  western  ")  Nebo  (Ne.7.33),  is  thought  to  be 
Nob,  which  is  noticed  as  an  inhabited  place  in 
the  same  age  (11. 32).  The  name  Nebo 
(blowing  or  swelling)  was  that  of  a  Babylonian 
deity  (q.v.),  messenger  of  the  gods — probably 
representing  the  wind — which  was  why  the 
town  name  was  changed  (Num. 32. 38).  [c.r.c] 
Nebuchadnez'zap,  or  Nebuchadrez- 
zap  (Je.21.7,  etc.),  one  of  the  greatest  of 
Babylonian  kings,  was  the  son  and  successor 
of  Nabopolassar,  and  reigned  from  604  to 
561  B.C.  His  name,  in  the  Babylonian  tongue, 
is  N abu-kudurn-usur,  "  Nebo,  protect  the 
landmark."  A  younger  brother,  Nabu-sum- 
lisir,  is  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions.  Whilst 
still  young,  they  both  assisted,  with  their 
father,  in  bringing  with  their  own  hands 
material  for  the  restoration  of  E-temen-an-ki, 
which  the  Babylonians  called  "  the  Tower 
of  Babylon."  He  is  said  to  have  married 
Amytis,  daughter  of  Astyages,  king  oi  Media, 
before  the  attack  of  Nabopolassar  and  the 
allies  which  resulted  in  the  downfall  of 
Nineveh  (606  b.c).  It  issuspected  that  he  was 
leader  of  a  Babylonian  contingent  which  ac- 
companied Cyaxares  in  his  Lydian  war,  by 
whose  interposition,  on  the  occasion  of  an 
eclipse,  that  war  was  brought  to  a  close  in  610 
B.C.  When  Pharaoh  Necho  (whom  Nabo- 
polassar apparently  regarded  as  his  governor 
in  Egypt,  Coelosyria,  and  Phoenicia)  revolted, 
Nabopolassar,  being  advanced  in  years,  sent  his 
son  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  result  being  that  the 
Egyptian  king  was  defeated  in  a  great  battle  at 
Carchemish  (J  c. 46. 2-12),  and  the  Babylonian 
army  overran  the  whole  district,  took  Jerusa- 
lem (Dan. 1.1,2),  and  was  pressing  forward  to 
Egypt,  when  the  news  reached  Nebuchadnez- 
zar that  his  father  had  died,  after  a  reign  of  21 
years.  In  some  alarm  as  to  the  succession, 
he  hmried  back  to  Babylon,  accompanied  by 
his  light  troops,  and  finding  everything  still 
tranquil,  mounted  the  throne  without  opposi- 
tion (604  B.C.).  Disaffection  again  showed 
itself  in  Syria  and  Palestine  in  601  on  account 
of  Jehoiakim's  rebellion,  that  king  trusting, 
apparently,  to  support  from  Egypt.  He  was 
again  reduced  to  subjection  (2K.24.1ff.). 
According  to  J  osephus,  who  is  here  our  chief 
authority,  Nebuchadnezzar  punished  Jehoia- 
kim  with  death  (10  Ant.  vi.  3  ;  cf.  Je. 22. 18,19 
and  36.30),  and  placed  his  son  Jehoiachin  on 
the  throne.  The  latter  reigned  only  3  months. 
Nebuchadnezzar,  having  in  his  seventh  year 
decided  to  besiege  Tyre,  apparently  sent  an 
army  against  Jerusalem  at  the  same  time, 
and  afterwards  conducted  the  operations  in 


NEBIJOHAlDNEZZAR 


h1^ 


person,  whereupon  the  Jewish  king  submitted 
at  once  (2K.24.6ff.),  and  was  carried  captive  to 
Babylon,  together  with  his  court,  10,000  of  the 
people,  and  the  chief  of  the  temple  treasures. 
Mattaniah  was  now  made  king  of  Judah  under 
the  name  of  Zedekiah,  but  he,  too,  proved 
faithless  to  his  suzerain.  Disregarding  the 
warnings  of  Jeremiah,  he  made  a  treaty  with 
Apries  (Hophra),  king  of  Egypt  (Ezk.17.i2ff.), 
renouncing  his  allegiance  to  Babylon.  Nebu- 
chadnezzar now  commenced  his  final  siege  of 
Jerusalem  (58S  b.c),  and  took  the  city  in  586, 
after  defeating  Apries  (who  had  come  with  a 
large  army),  apparently  within  Jewish  terri- 
tory. Je.37.5-8  seems  to  imply  that  the  Egyp- 
tians retreated  without  fighting.  When,  after 
an  eighteen  months'  siege,  Jerusalem  fell, 
Zedekiah  escaped,  but  was  captured  near 
Jericho  (Je.39.5),  and  broujght  to  Nebuchad- 
nezzar at  Riblah  in  Hamathite  territory,  where 
his  sons  were  slain  (by  the  Babylonian  king's 
order)  before  his  face,  after  which  his  eyes  were 
put  out,  and,  bound  with  chains,  he  was  taken 
to  Babylon.  After  the  destruction  of  the  city, 
the  inhabitants  were  carried  away  captive  by 
Nabu-zar-adan  {NabCi-zer-iddma),  the  captain 
of  the  guard,  to  Babylon.  Gedaliah,  a  Jew, 
was  made  governor,  but  was  shortly  afterwards 
murdered  by  his  own  countrymen,  thus  put- 
ting an  end  to  Jewish  rule.  Tyre,  which  was 
still  under  siege,  fell  in  586  b.c,  and  Phoe- 
nicia then  submitted  (Ezk. 26-27  ;  Josephus, 
Contra  A  p.  i.  21).  Proof  of  the  Babylonian  oc- 
cupation of  Tyre  is  contained  in  a  contract-tab- 
let dated  in  Nebuchadnezzar's  40th  year,  from 
which  it  would  seem  that  Babylonian  influence 
was  supreme  in  that  city.  After  this  Nebu- 
chadnezzar sent  an  army  into  Egypt  (582  B.C.), 
attacking  Coelosyria  and  other  tracts  on  the 
way.  The  inscriptions  of  this  king  at  Wady 
Brissa,  whither  he  went  to  get  wood  for  the 
temples  of  Babylon,  were  carved  on  this  or 
some  similar  occasion.  He  had  gone  thither, 
he  states,  because  a  "  foreign  enemy  "  had 
taken  possession  of  the  district.  A  mutilated 
figure  of  Nebuchadnezzar  in  low  relief  accom- 
panies the  inscriptions.  From  an  historical 
fragment  we  gather  that  Nebuchadnezzar 
made  an  expedition  against  Amasis,  king  of 
Egypt,  in  his  37th  year.  This  inscription  has 
a  reference  to  the  city  of  Pu{u  Ydwan,  or 
Ionian  Phut,  and  "  a  distant  district,  which  is 
within  [across]  the  sea,"  pointing  to  other 
western  conquests.  Under  the  rule  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar Babylon  became  one  of  the  won- 
ders of  the  world.  He  adorned  the  temple  of 
Belus  (E-sagila)  magnificently,  likewise  the 
temple-tower  of  Babylon,  E-temen-an-ki,  in 
connexion  with  it.  Josephus  also  relates  that 
he  added  another  city  to  that  which  was  there 
of  old,  and  surrounded  both  the  inner  city  and 
the  outer  one  each  with  three  walls.  This, 
however,  receives  no  confirmation  from  the 
German  excavations  on  the  site.  [Babel, 
Babylon.]  After  he  had  thus  becomingly 
walled  the  city,  and  adorned  its  gates  gloriously 
(10  Ant.  xi.  i),  he  built  another  palace  joined 
with  that  of  his  father,  as  he  himself  states,  in 
15  days  (so  also  Josephus  and  Berosus).  He 
likewise  made  elevated  places  for  walking,  and 
built  the  celebrated  hanging  gardens,  on  ac- 
count of  his  Median  wife  desiring  to  have  things 


580 


NEBUSHASBAN 


as  they  were  iu  her  own  country.  A  slab 
regarded  as  showing  a  part  of  Babylon  has  a 
representation  of  something  similar  in  the 
reign  of  Assur-bani-apli,  c.  645  b.c.  (British 
Museum,  Assyrian  Saloon).  Besides  Babylon, 
he  built  or  restored  the  temples  ^in  many  other 
cities,  mcluding  that  of  Nebo  (E-zida)  at  Bor- 
sippa,  Samas  (^-babbara)  at  Sippar  and  at  Larsa 
(lillasar),  Istar  (E-anna)  at  Ercch,  Sin  (k-gil- 
nuf^al)  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  with  others  at  Baz, 
Nippur[CALNEH],  etc.etc.  As  may  be  expected, 
the  inscriptions  furnish  us  with  no  indication  of 
the  madness  which,  in  the  book  of  Daniel,  is  said 
to  have  overtaken  him;  but  that  he  suffered 
from  such  a  malady,  which  the  Greeks 
called  "  lycanthropy,"  wherein  the  sufferer 
imagines  himself  a  beast  (Dan. 4. 33),  is  by  no 
means  impossible.  It  has  often  been  remarked 
that  Herodotus  ascribes  to  a  queen,  Nitocris, 
several  of  the  important  works  which  other 
writers  (Berosus,  Abydenus)  assign  to  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, and  which  he  also,  in  his  inscrip- 
tions, claims  for  liiniself.  The  conjecture 
naturally  arises  that  Nitocris  was  one  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's queens,  who  may  have  carried  on 
his  constructions  during  some  period  of  inca- 
pacity. The  great  glory  and  honour  attributed 
to  him  after  his  recovery  (Dan. 4. 36)  are  re- 
flected in  his  inscriptions,  and  the  fact  that  he 
reigned  43  years  testifies  to  his  having  at- 
tained to  a  fairly  advanced  age.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Evil-merouacii,  in  561  b.c. 
Two  other  sons  are  apparently  mentioned  in 
the  inscriptions — Marduk-§um-usur  and  Mar- 
duk-nadin-ahi,  who,  as  their  names  occur 
OTily  in  his  40th  and  41st  years,  were  probably 
nuK  h   younger.  [t.g.p.J 

Nebushas'ban  {Nebu-shaz-bani=0  Nebo, 
free  me),  a  rabsaris  of  Nebuchadnezzar  at  the 
time  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  (J e. 39. 13). 
kabsaris  is  literally  the  chief  eunuch  (cf. 
Kab-shakeh,  the  chief  cup-bearer,  2K.I8.17), 
but  probably  is  here  the  Heb.  equivalent 
fif  the  Assyr.  rabu-sa-ri\u,  i.e.  chief  captain, 
the  name  of  a  certain  rank  in  the  Babylonian 
army.     [Kahsauis.J  [h.f.s.] 

Nebuzapadan'  {Nebo  has  given  a  seed),  the 
Rab-tabbachim,  i.e.  chief  of  the  executioners 
(A.V.  captain  oj  the  guard),  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's commander-iu-chief.  Absent  appar- 
ently during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  he  arrived 
immediately  on  its  capture,  and  from  that 
moment  everything  was  completely  directed 
by  him,  save  the  appointment  of  the  governor 
of  the  coiupiered  district  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
himself.  All  this  Nebuzaradan  appears  to 
have  carried  out  with  wisdom  and  moderation. 
He  seems  to  have  left  J  udaea  for  the  time  when 
he  brought  the  chief  i)eople  of  Jerusalem  to 
his  master  at  Kiblah  (2K.25.i8-2q).  Five 
years  later  he  further  deported    745  captives 

(Je.52.30).  [A.W.S.] 

Necho'.     ( I'liAKAOii,   9.]. 

Neco  dan  (i  i:s(1.5.37) -=  Nf.koda,  2. 

Necpomancep     (beut.l8.11).      [Magic; 

DlVI.NATION.J 

Nedablah'  (iChr.8.i8),  a  son  of  Jeconiah 
:ni(l   (li'scctidant  rtf  David. 

Neeml'as  (lie  this. 49.13  ;  2Mac.l.i8ff., 
2.13)        Xi  in  MiAii,  I. 

Nei^lnah,   Neerlnoth.     [Psalms,  Titles 

OK.] 


NEHEMIAH 

Nehelamite,  The,  the  designation  of  A 
man  named  Shemaiah,  a  false  prophet,  who 
went  with  the  Captivity  to  Babylon  (Je.29.24, 
31,32).  Whether  the  name  is  formed  from  that 
of  Shemaiah's  native  place  or  from  the  pro- 
genitor of  his  family  is  uncertain. 

Nehemiah'. — 1.  Son  of  Hachaliah,  and 
apparently  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  since  his 
fathers  were  buried  at  Jerusalem,  and  Hanani 
his  kinsman  seems  to  have  been  of  that  tribe 
(1.2,2.3,7.2).  All  that  we  know  certainly  con- 
cerning him  is  contained  in  the  book  which 
bears  liis  name,  and  which  is  to  a  large  extent 
autobiographical.  He  is  first  at  Shushan,  the 
winter  residence  of  the  kings  of  Persia,  in  high 
office  as  the  cupbearer  of  king  Artaxerxes  Lon- 
gimanus.  In  the  20th  year  of  the  king's  reign 
(i.e.  445  B.C.)  certain  Jews,  one  being  a  near 
kinsman  of  Nehemiah,  arrived  from  Judaea, 
and  gave  a  deplorable  account  of  the  state 
of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  residents  in  Judaea. 
Nehemiah  immediately  conceived  the  idea  of 
going  to  Jerusalem  to  endeavour  to  better  their 
state.  After  three  or  four  months  (from  Chis- 
leu  to  Nisan),  an  opportunity  presented  itself 
of  obtaining  the  king's  consent  to  his  mission. 
He  was  appointed  pasha  of  Judaea,  and  started 
under  the  protection  of  a  troop  of  cavalry, 
with  letters  from  the  king  to  the  different 
satraps  through  whose  provinces  he  was  to 
pass,  as  well  as  to  Asaph  the  keeper  of  the 
king's  forests,  to  supply  him  with  timber.  His 
great  work  was  the  rebuilding  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  to  which  he  directed  his  whole 
energies  without  an  hour's  unnecessary  delay. 
In  a  wonderfully  short  time  the  walls  emerged 
from  the  heaps  of  burnt  rubbish,  and  encircled 
the  city  as  in  the  days  of  old.  The  gateways 
also  were  rebuilt,  and  made  ready  for  their  doors 
to  be  hung.  It  soon  became  apparent  how 
wisely  Nehemiah  had  acted  in  hastening  on  the 
task.  On  his  arrival  as  governor,  Sanballat, 
Tobiah,  andGeshem  had  shown  their  mortifica- 
tion at  his  work  ;  and  when  the  restoration  was 
seen  to  be  rapidly  progressing,  they  planned  an 
armed  attack  upon  the  builders  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  undertaking.  The  project  was  defeated 
by  the  vigilance  and  prudence  of  Nehemiah. 
This  armed  opposition  continued.  Various 
devices  were  attempted  to  get  Nehemiah  away 
from  Jerusalem,  and  if  possible  to  take  his  life, 
but  in  vain.  Having  accomplished  his  great 
task  of  rebuilding  and  peopling  the  city,  after 
12  years, Nehemiah  returned  to  Babylon,  where 
the  king  stayed  for  part  of  the  year.  But  after 
a  delay,  perhaps  of  several  yeiu-s,  he  was  per- 
mitted to  return  to  Jerusalem.  Much  had  to 
be  done,  for  tiu:  Jews  had  relapsed  into  evil 
ways.  He  had  to  [Uirge  the  temple,  to  repress 
the  exactions  of  the  nobles  and  tlie  usury  of  the 
rich,  and  to  rescue  the  poor  J  ews  from  spi  >liation 
and  slavery.  He  made  careful  provision  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  ministering  priests  and 
Levites,  and  for  the  ilue  and  constant  celebra- 
tion of  divine  worship.  He  expelled  from  all 
sacred  functions  those  of  the  high-priest's 
family  who  had  contracted  heathen  marriages, 
and  rebuked  and  punished  all  inter-inarriage, 
even  of  laymen,  with  foreigners  ;  and  he  pro- 
vided for  kee])ing  holy  the  sabbath  day,  which 
wasshaniefully  profaned  by  many,  both  Jews 
and  foreign  merchants.     Probably  in  many  of 


NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 

these  tasks  he  was  assisted  by  the  prophet 
Malachi.  The  autobiography  closes  shortly 
after  the  32nd  year  of  Artaxerxes.  Nehemiah 
presents  to  us  the  picture  of  a  shrewd,  devout, 
upright  statesman.  He  sacrificed  his  own  in- 
terests and  ran  endless  risks  for  the  welfare  of 
his  people.  He  was  a  man  of  action,  prompt 
and  vigorous,  and  he  was  a  man  of  prayer,  con- 
stantly and  confidently  looking  up  to  God,  and 
pleading  with  great  power  God's  promise 
spoken  to  Moses  hundreds  of  vears  before 
(cf.  1.8,9  with  Deut.30.3,4).— 2.  A  leader  of  the 
first  expedition  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem 
under  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7). — 3-  Son 
of  Azbuk,and  ruler  of  the  half  part  of  Beth-zur, 
who  helped  to  repair  the  wall  (Ne.3.i6). 

Nehemiah,  Book  of.  The  latest  of  the 
historical  books  of  canonical  Scripture. — 
Contents.  The  main  history  contained  in  the 
book  covers  about  12  years — viz.  from  the  20th 
to  the  32nd  year  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus, 
i.e.  from  445  to  433  B.C.  It  gives  us  a  graphic 
account  of  the  state  of  Jerusalem  and  the  re- 
turned captives  in  the  writer's  time,  and,  in- 
cidentally, of  the  nature  of  the  Persian  govern- 
ment and  the  condition  of  its  remote  provinces. 
The  documents  appended  continue  the  genea- 
logical registers  and  the  succession  of  the  high- 
priesthood  almost  to  the  close  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire. The  view  given  of  the  rise  of  two  factions 
among  the  Jews — the  one  the  strict  religious 
party,  the  other  the  gentilizing  party — sets 
before  us  the  germ  of  much  that  we  meet  with 
in  a  more  developed  state  in  later  Jewish  his- 
tory. The  book  also  throws  light  upon  the 
bitter  enmity  between  the  Jews  and  Samari- 
tans, and  upon  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
Jews,  (a)  The  account  of  the  building  and 
dedication  of  the  wall  (3,12)  contains  valuable 
materials  for  settling  the  topography  of  Jeru- 
salem, (b)  The  list  of  captives  (ch.  7)  who 
returned  under  different  leaders  from  Zerub- 
babel to  Nehemiah  (amounting  in  all  to 
only  42,360  adult  males  and  7,337  servants) 
conveys  a  faithful  picture  of  the  political 
weakness  of  the  Jewish  nation  as  compared 
with  the  times  when  Judah  alone  numbered 
470,000  fighting  men  (iChr.21.5).  (c)  The 
lists  of  leaders,  priests,  Levites,  and  of  those 
who  signed  the  covenant  reveal  incidentally 
much  of  the  national  spirit  as  well  as  of  the 
social  habits  of  the  captives,  derived  from  older 
times.  Thus  the  fact  that  twelve  leaders  are 
named  in  Ne.7.7  indicates  the  feeling  of  the 
captives  that  they  represented  the  twelve  tribes, 
a  feeling  further  evidenced  in  the  expression 
"the  men  of  the  people  of  Israel."  The  fact 
that  nine  of  the  chief  priests  (10.  i  -8,12.  i  -7)  bear 
the  names  of  those  who  were  heads  of  coiurses 
in  David's  time  (iChr.24)  shows  how,  even  in 
their  wasted  numbers,  they  struggled  to  preserve 
their  ancient  institutions.  Taken  in  conjunction 
with  the  list  of  those  who  sealed  (Ne. 10. 1-27), 
it  proves  the  existence  of  a  social  custom,  the 
knowledge  of  which  explains  certain  chrono- 
logical difficulties,  e.g.  that  of  calling  chiefs 
by  the  name  of  their  clan  or  house,  (d)  Other 
miscellaneous  information  includes  the  heredi- 
tary crafts  practised  by  certain  priestly  fami- 
lies— e.g.  the^apothecaries,  or  makers  of  the 
sacred  ointments  and  incense  (3.8),  and  the 
goldsniiths,  whose  business  probably  was  to 


NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 


581 


repair  the  sacred  vessels  (3.8)— and  statistics, 
reminding  one  of  Domesday  Book.     The  only 
real  historical  difficulty  in  the  narrative  is  to 
determine  whether  the  dedication  of  the  wall 
took  place  in  or  before  the  32nd  year  of  Arta- 
xerxes.    The  expression  in  Ne.l3.i,  "  On  that 
day,"  if  interpreted  literally  (which,  however, 
is  not  necessary),  seems  to  fix  the  reading  of  the 
law  to  the  same  day  as  the  dedication  (see  12. 
43)-     If  so,    the   dedication    must   have  been 
after  Nehemiah's  return  from  Babylon  (men- 
tioned 13.7).     But  as  the  wall  only  took   52 
days  to    complete  (Ne.6.15),    and  was  begun 
as    soon    as     Nehemiah     entered    upon     his 
government,  how  came   the  dedication  to  be 
deferred  till   12   years  afterwards  ?      On  the 
whole,  it  is  best  therefore  not  to  press  the  words 
in   their  strictest  sense.     During  Nehemiah's 
absence  (13.6)  the  gentilizing  partv  recovered 
strength,  and  the  intrigues  with  Tobiah  (6.17), 
which  had  already  begun  before  his  first  depar- 
ture, were  more  actively  carried  on,  and  led  so 
far  that  Eliashib  the  high-priest  actually  as- 
signed one  of  the  store-chambers  in  the  temple 
to  Tobiah's  use.     Josephus  does  not  follow  the 
book  of  Nehemiah.     He    detaches  Ne.8  from 
its  context,  and  appends  its  narratives  to  the 
times   of   Ezra.     He  makes   Ezra   die  before 
Nehemiah  comes  to  Jerusalem  as  governor,  and 
consequently  ignores  any  part  taken  by  him 
in    conjunction    with    Nehemiah.      He    also 
makes  no  mention  whatever  of  Sanballat  in  the 
events  of  Nehemiah's  government,  but  places 
him  in  the  time  of  Jaddua  and  Alexander  the 
Great.     The   cause   of   Josephus's   variations 
was   the  use  of  the  apocr3T5hal  lEsdras,  and 
probably   other   apocryphal    versions   of   the 
story  of  Nehemiah. — Authorship.  As  regards 
the  authorship  of  the  book,  it  is  admitted  by 
most  critics  that  it  is,  as  to  its  main  parts,  the 
genuine  work  of  Nehemiah,  with  extracts  from 
various  chronicles  and  registers.     Interpola- 
tions and  additions  have,  however,  been  made 
in  it  since  his  time  ;  and  there  is  considerable 
diversity  of  opinion  as  to  what  are  the  portions 
which  have  been  so  added.    The  first  ten  chap- 
ters are  fairly  continuous,  as  is  the  portion  from 
12.31  to  the  end  (except  I2.44-47)  in  which  the 
use  of   the    first   pers.  sing,  is   constant  (12. 
30,38,40,13.6,7,  etc.).     It  is  therefore  only  in 
the  intermediate  sections  that  we  have  to  in- 
quire into  the  question  of  authorship,  though  a 
difficulty  has  been  felt  by  some  with  regard  to 
the  extract  from  the  register  in  ch.  7.     This  is 
manifestly  the  same  document  as  that  con- 
tained in  Ezr.2,  but  there  seems  no  reason  for 
its    reproduction    by    Nehemiah.     Probably, 
however,   he  took  it  as    forming  a    basis  for 
later  statistical  arrangement.     It  is  highly  im- 
probable that  it  was  borrowed  by  the  writer  of 
Ezr.2  from  the  document  of  Nehemiah  some  90 
years  later.     The  variations  in  figures  show 
that  copyists  were  not  always  very  accurate  in 
their  work.     The  same  is  the  case  with  the 
offerings  (Ezr.2.68),  which  were  intended  "to 
set  up  the  house  of  God  in  His  place."     Ne. 
8-1 1.3    is   supposed    by   some   to   be   written 
by  Ezra.     Ch.  11. 3-36  contains  a  list  of  the 
families  of  Judah,  Benjamin,  and  Levi  (priests 
and  Levites)  who  took  up  their  abode  at  Jeru- 
salem, in  accordance  with  the  resolution  of  the 
volunteers,  and  the  decision  of  the  lot,  mei^- 


582         NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 

tioned  in  11. 1,2.     This  list  forms  a  supplement 
to  that  in  7.8-60.     It  is  an  e.xtract  from  the 
ofiBcial  roll  preserved  in  the  national  archives, 
somewhat  abbreviated  as  appears  by  a  com- 
parison with  iChr.9.     The  nature  of  the  infor- 
mation in  this  section,  and  the  parallel  passage 
in  iChr.,  would  indicate  a  Levitical  hand.     It 
might  or  might  not  have  been  the  same  which 
inserted    the    preceding   section.     If   \vritten 
later,  it  is  perhaps  the  work  of  the  same  person 
who  inserted  Ne.l2.i-30,44-47-     Ch.  I2.1-26  is 
certainly   an  abstract    from   the    official    lists 
inserted  here,  as  some  think,  long  after  Nehe- 
miah's  time,  and  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Persian  dynasty  by  Alexander  the  Great.    This 
(it  is  thought)  is  indicated  by  the  expression 
I3arius  the  Persian,  as  well  as  by  the  mention 
of  Jaddua.     The  allusion  to  Jeshua,   and  to 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  in  ver.  26,  is  also  such  as 
would  be  made  posterior  to  their  lifetime.    Ch. 
12.44-47  is  also  thought  to  be  an  interpolation, 
made  in  later  times,  probably  by  the  last  re- 
viser of  the  book.     It  seems  to  describe  the 
identical  transaction  described  in  13. 10-13  by 
Neliemiah    himself.     Though,    however,    it    is 
not  difficult  to  point  out  those  passages  of  the 
book  which  might  not  be  part  of  Nehemiah's 
original  work,  it  is  not  easy,  by  cutting  them 
out,  to  restore  that  work  to  its  integrity.     It 
would  seem  that  we  have  only  the  first  and  last 
parts  of  Nehemiah's  work,  and  that  some  inter- 
mediate   portion    has    been    displaced.      The 
passage  in  2 Mac. 2. 13  lends  considerable  support 
to  this  theory.     Almost   all  the  documents, 
as     the    book    stands,    may    have    received 
Nehemiah's  authorization.    As  regards  the  time 
when  the  latest  additions  were  put  to  the  book, 
ojiinions  differ  considerably.     The  latest  high- 
priest  mentioned,  Jaddua,  was  probably  still 
alive  when  his  name  was  added.    The  descrip- 
tive addition  to  the  name  of  Darius  (Ne.12.22), 
"the  Persian,"  is  thought  to  indicate  that  the 
Persian  rule  had  ceased  and  the  Gk.  rule  had 
begun.     But   this  is  only  a   surniise.     It    ap- 
pears that  the  registers  of  the  Levites,  entered 
into  the  Chronicles,  did  not  come  down  lower 
than  the  time  of  Johanan(ver.  23).    So  that  the 
close  of  the  Persian  dominion,  if  not  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Gk.,  is  the  time  clearly  indicated 
when    the    latest    additions   were   made. — In 
language  and  style  this  book  is  very  similar  to 
Chronicles   and   Ezra.     Nehemiah   has,    it   is 
true,  quite  his  own  manner,  and  certain  jihrascs 
and  modes  of  expression  peculiar  to  himself, 
also  some  few  words  and  forms  not  ff)und  else- 
where in  Scripture  ;  but  the  general  Heb.  style 
is  exactly  that  of  the  books  purporting  to  be  of 
the  same  age.     Some  words  occur  in  Ciir.,  Ezr., 
and  Nc.  which  are  found  nowhere  else.     The 
text  of  Nehemiah  is  generally  pure  and  free 
from  corruption,  except  in  numerals  and  in  the 
proper  names,  in  which  there  is  considerable 
fluctuation  in  the  orthography,  both  as  com- 
pared with  othfT  parts  of  the  same  book  and 
with  other  books.     Manv  varif)us  readings  are 
also  indicated  by  the  I,.\X.  version. — Canon- 
icily.  The  book  of  Nehemiah  has  always  had  an 
undisputed  place  in  the  Canon,  being  included 
by  the  Hebrews  under  the  general  head  of  the 
book  of  Ezra,  and  by  the  (ireeks  and  Latins 
(lerome.    Prolog.  Gal.)  as  the  second  book  of 
lizr^.     There  js  no  quot^^tion  ffom  it  in  N.T. — 


NEHUSHTAN 

Recent  Discoveries.  Much  interesting  light  has 
been  thrown  on  the  book  and  on  the  condition 
of  the  Jews  at  the  time  when  it  was  wTitten  by 
the  discovery  of  certain  Aramaic  papyri  near 
Assouan  (Syene)  in  1906-1907.  From  these  it 
appears  that  there  was  a  Jewish  colony  settled 
in  that  place  before  the  time  of  Cambyses,  and 
that  they  had  a  house  of  the  Lord  ( Yahu),  with 
regular  worship  ;  that  Cambyses,  though 
strongly  opposed  to  Egvptian  idolatry,  re- 
spected the  Jewish  cult  ;  that  a  local  authority 
sacked  the  house  of  Yahu  on  his  own  account  ; 
and  that  an  appeal  was  made  to  Darius  in  his 
17th  year  (408  b.c),  and  was  backed  by  peti- 
tions to  Bagohi  (Bagoses),  and  to  Jehohanan 
the  high-priest  (see  Ne.i2.22,  where  he  is 
mentioned),  also  to  Dclaiah  and  Shelemiah  the 
sons  of  Sanballat,  the  governor  of  Samaria.  At 
first  this  appeal  was  not  attended  to.but  subse- 
quently Darius  gave  orders  for  the  restoration 
of  this  sacred  place.  References  to  Sanballat 
are  frequent  in  Ne.2, 4,6,8,  and  a  daughter  of 
his  was  wife  to  a  brother  of  Jehohanan  (Ne. 
13.28).  For  Bagoas,  see  Josephus,  11  Ant.  vii. 
I  ;  and  for  the  sons  of  Sanballat,  cf.  Ne.6.10. 
The  whole  narrative  thus  brought  to  light  illus- 
trates the  condition  of  things  in  the  age  of 
Nehemiah,  who  possibly  was  alive  when  this 
business  was  being  transacted,  for  the  papers 
were  wTitten  only  24  years  after  Nehemiah's 
second  visit  to  Jerusalem  and  16  years  after 
the  death  of  his  patron  Artaxerxes.  We  also 
learn  from  them  that  the  Jewish  dispersion  was 
not  altogether  a  calamity,  for  here  we  find  a 
branch  of  the  scattered  people  in  the  island  of 
Elephantine  opposite  Syene,  some  800  miles  up 
the  Nile,  busy  in  commerce  and  not  forgetful 
of  the  worship  of  God.  [r.b.c] 

Nehemi'as. — 1.   (iEsd.5.8)  =  Nehemiah, 
2. — 2.  (iEsd.5.40)  =  Nehemiah,  i. 
Nehiloth.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Nehum'  (Ne.7.7)  =  Rehum,  i. 
Nehushta',    daughter     of     Elnathan    of 
Jerusalem,  wife  of    Jehoiakim  and  mother  of 
Jehoiachin,  kings  of  Judah  (2 K. 24.8). 

Nehushtan' occurs  only  in  2K. 18. 4,  which 
states  that  Hezekiah  broke  up  the  bronze 
serpent  which  Moses  had  made  (Num. 21. 9), 
and  to  which  the  Israelites  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  burning  incense.  [Serpent,  Brazen.] 
Nehushtan  was  the  name  given  to  it  either  by 
Hezekiah  (so  LXX.  iKiXecreu,  the  Vulg.  and 
A.V.)  or  by  the  people  (so  Lucian's  recension 
of  LXX.  Kal  eKa.\((Tav  avrbv  ^(fffOdv)-  The 
Heb.  admits  either  rendering.  The  stem  from 
which  the  name  is  derived  may  mean  cither 
a  serpent,  or  bronze  (cojiper),  or  to  be  ill- 
omened,  or  to  use  omens  for  divination  ;  and 
the  ending  an  is  equivalent  to  Kar  f^oxv", 
as  in  "leviathan."  Hence  Nehushtan  would  be 
a  popular  name  meaning  "  the  great  serpent," 
or  a  name  given  by  Hezekiah,  "  the  thing  of 
bronze  "  or  "  copper,"  or  "  the  ill-omened 
one "  ;  cf.  the  name  Naliash,  2Sam.i7.25. 
Noldeke  derived  the  name  from  nShdsh  and  Ian 
(s.  of  tannim),  each  meaning  "serpent''; 
Klostermann  as  a  contraction  oinahdsh  ydthan 
(old  serpent).  It  should  be  mentioned  that 
tlu!  language  of  the  whole  verse  is  peculiar 
and  late  ;  but  no  one  questions  the  historicity 
of  the  l.ist   clause,  [t.h.w.] 


NEIEL 

Neiel',  a  place  on  the  borders  of  Asher  and 
Zebulun  (Jos. 19. 27)  which  went  out  "  north  of 
Cabul."  It  seems  clearly  to  be  the  present 
ruin  Y'anln,  2  miles  N.  of  Kabul,  and  9  pailes 
E.  of  AccHO.  The  border  ran  E.  from  near 
Beth-dagon  (Tell  D'auk)  along  Wddy  el 
Halzun  (valley  of  the  shell — whence  purple 
dye  was  made),  which  is  the  main  affluent 
of  the  river  Belus.  At  Neiel  the  border 
turned  N.  to  Dabbasheth.  [c.r.c] 

Ne'keb  (hollow),  a  term  applied  to  a  hollow 
road  (Arab.  Nuqb)  leading  up  a  pass.  The 
R.V.  (Jos. 19. 33)  joins  the  name  to  that 
preceding  it,  making  it  descriptive — Heb. 
Adami-han-neqeb.  The  Rabbis,  however  (Tal. 
Jer.  Megilla  i.  i),  distinguish  the  two  places, 
and  state  that  the  later  name  of  Nekeb  was 
Ciadatha.  This  is  the  ruin  Seiyddeh,  in  the 
broad  valley  up  which  a  road  leads  from  a  pass 
to  S.E.,  and  on  W.  of  which  lies  Adami  (ed 
Ddmieh),  4  miles  N.W.  of  Seiyadeh.     [c.r.c] 

Nekoda'. — 1.  The  ancestor  of  some  Neth- 
inim  who  returned  after  the  Captivity  (Ezr.2. 
48  ;  Ne.7.50). — 2.  Children  of  Nekoda  were 
among  those  who  went  up  after  the  Captivity 
from  Tel-melah,  Tel-harsa,  and  other  places, 
but  were  unable  to  prove  their  descent  from 
Israel  (Ezr.2.6o  ;  Ne.7.62). 

Nemuel'. — 1.  A  Reubenite,  eldest  son  of 
Eliab,  and  brother  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  (Num. 
26.9). — 2.  Eldest  son  of  Simeon  (Num.26. 12  ; 
iChr.4.24),  and  ancestor  of  the  Nemuelites. 

Na'pheg-. — 1.  Son  of  Izhar  the  son  of 
Kohath  (Ex. 6. 21) — 2.  One  of  David's  sons 
born  in  Jerusalem  (2Sam.5.i5  ;   iChr.3.7,14.6). 

Nephew,  obsolete  for  "grandchild,"  or 
"kindred."  So  A.V.  in  Judg.i2.14;  Job  I8.19  ; 
Is. 14. 22  ;  iTim.5.4.  R-V.  modernizes  these 
passages.  [h.m.w.] 

Ne'phi  (2Mac.l.36)  =  Naphthar. 

Nephilim.     [Giants  ;    Sons  of  God.] 

Ne'phis  (iEsd.5.2i),  apparently  for  Nebo 
(Nuba)  ;  Ezr.2. 29.  [c.r.c] 

Nephish'  (iChr.5.19),  properly  Naphish. 

Nephishesim'  (Ne.7.52).  Members  of  this 
family  were  among  the  Nethinim  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel.     [Nephusim.] 

Neph'thali  (Tob. 1.1,2,4,5,  as  Vulg.), 
Nephthalim  (Tob. 7.3  ;  Mt.4.13,15  ;  Rev. 
7.6)  =  Naphtali. 

Nephtoah',  ^Vaters  of  (Jos. 15. 9, 18. 
15).  These  are  identified  (Tal.  Bab.  Yoma  31  a) 
with  'Ain  'Atdn,  S.W.  of  Bethlehem.  [Etam, 
2;  JuDAH,  I.]  [c.r.c] 

Nephusim,  the  proper  form  (Ezr.2.50),  ac- 
cording to  Gesenius,of  Nephishesim  (Ne.7.52). 

Nep,  son  of  Jehiel,  and  (according  to  iChr.S. 
33)  father  of  Kish  and  Abner,  and  grandfather 
of  king  Saul.  Abner  was,  therefore,  uncle  to 
Saul,  as  is  expressly  stated  1Sam.i4.50;  but  cf. 
iChr.9.36,whichmakes  Ner  the  brother  of  Kish, 
and  therefore  Saul  and  Abner  first  cousins.  From 
this  apparent  discrepancy  it  has  been  suggested 
that  the  names  Kish  and  Ner  (see  "  son  of 
Abiel,"  iSam. 9. 1,14.51)  may  have  both  been 
repeated  in  different  generations  of  the  family. 

Ne'peus,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by 
St.  Paul  (R0.I6.15).  Origen  conjectures  that 
he  belonged  to  the  household  of  Philologus  and 
Julia.  Legendary  accounts  of  Nereus  are 
given  in  Ada  Sanctorum  and  in  the  (apocry- 
phal) Acts  of  Nereus  and  Achilleus. 


NET 


583 


Nepgal',  whose  name  occurs  only  in  2K.I7. 
30,  was  the  chief  Assyro-Babylonian  god  of 
war,  disease,  and  death.  His  name  is  Sumero- 
Akkadian,  and  means  "  lord  of  the  great  re- 
gion," meaning  the  abode  of  the  dead.  His 
spouse  was  Eres-ki-gal,  the  queen  of  the  under- 
world, or  Hades,  and  a  curious  legend  exists 
dealing  with  the  courtship  of  these  two  deities. 
The  centre  of  his  worship  was  Cuthah,  now 
represented  by  the  mounds  of  Tel-Ibrahim, 
N.E.  of  Babylon.  [t.g.p.] 

Nepgal'-shape'zep,  the  Nergal-sarru-usur 
of  the  inscriptions,  is  mentioned  only  in  Je.39. 
3,13.  There  appear  to  have  been  two  persons 
of  this  name  among  "  the  princes  of  the  king  of 
Babylon,"  who  accompanied  Nebuchadnezzar 
on  his  last  expedition  against  Jerusalem.  One 
of  these  seems  not  to  be  distinguished  by  any 
title  (unless  Shamgar-nebo,  which  follows,  may 
be  so  regarded),  but  the  other  has  the  honour- 
able distinction  of  Rab-mag,  which  is  possibly 
the  Babylonian  rab-niugi,  "  chief  of  the  com- 
manders." In  Je.,  I.e.,  he  appears  among  the 
persons  who,  by  command  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
released  that  prophet  from  prison.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  it  was  this  Nergal-sharezer 
who  afterwards  became  king  of  Babylon. 
Nebuchadnezzar  had  been  succeeded  by  his 
son,  Evil-merodach,  but  as  he  "  governed  pub- 
lic affairs  after  an  illegal  and  impure  manner," 
a  plot  was  laid  against  him  by  Neriglissar,  his 
sister's  husband,  who  killed  him,  and  mounted 
the  throne  (Josephus,  Contra  Ap.  i.  20).  He 
reigned  four  years,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Labasi-Marduk  (Laborosoarchod),  who 
was  killed  after  a  reign  of  nine  months.  Neri- 
glissar calls  himself  son  of  Bel-sum-i5kun,  and 
states  that  he  restored  the  temples  of  E-sagila 
at  Babylon  and  E-zida  at  Borsippa.  His 
daughter  Gigitum  married  the  priest  of  Nebo 
at  the  latter  sanctuary.  See  Pinches,  O.T.  in 
the  Light  of  the  Records,  pp.  408,  438  ff.  [t.g.p.] 
Ne'pi,  son  of  Melchi,  was  of  the  line  of  Na- 
than ;  but  his  son  Salathiel  (Lu.3.27)  became 
Solomon's  heir  on  the  failure  of  Solomon's  line 
in  king  Jeconiah,  and  was  therefore  reckoned 
in  the  royal  genealogy  among  the  sons  of  Je- 
coniah (Mt.1.12). 

Nepiah'  or  Nepias  (Ba.l.i),  son  of 
Maaseiah,  and  father  of  Baruch  (Je.32.i2, 
36.4.43.3)  and  Seraiah  (51. 59). 

Net.  Various  terms  are  applied  by  the 
Hebrews  to  nets,  and  these  again  are  variously 
rendered  in  A.V.     The  net  was  used  for  the 


EGYPTIAN  LANDTNG-NET.    (Wilkinson.) 


purposes  of  fishing  and  hunting.  The  Egyp- 
tians constructed  their  nets  of  flax -string  :  the 
netting-needle  was  made  of  wood,  and  in  shape 
closely  resembled  our  own  (Wilkinson,  ii.  95). 


584 


NETHANEEL 


The  nets  of  Egypt  were  known  to  the  early 
Hebrews  (Is.19.8),  and  probably  the  material 
and  form  was  the  same  in  each  country.  [Fish  ; 
Hunting.]  Metaphorically,  the  net  is  used  of 
the  subtle  devices  of  the  enemies  of  God  (Ps. 
9.15,25.15,31.4),  or  of  the  certain  vengeance 
of  God  (Lam.1.13  ;  Ezk.i2.13;  H0.7.12). 
s'bhakh  (A.V.  net)  is  used  of  the  open  ornamen- 
tal work  of  the  capital  of  a  pillar  (1K.7.17). 

Nethaneel'. — 1.  Son  of  Zuar,  and  prince 
of  the  tribe  of  Issacheu:  at  the  time  of  the  Ex- 
odus (Num.1. 8,2.5,7.18,23, 10.15).— 2.  Fourth 
son  of  Jesse  and  brother  of  David  (iChr.2.14). 
•^3.  A  priest  who  blew  a  trumpet  before  the 
ark  when  it  was  brought  from  the  house  of 
Obed-edom  (15. 24). — 4.  A  Levite,  father  of 
Shemaiah  the  scribe  (24.6). — 5.  The  fifth  son 
of  Obed-edom,  2  (26.4). — 6.  One  of  the  princes 
of  Judah,  commanded  by  Jehoshaphat  to 
teach  the  law  (2Chr.l7.7).— 7.  A  chief  Levite 
who  made  passover-oflerings  in  the  reign  of 
Josiah  (35.9). — 8.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of 
l'ashu'',who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO. 
22). — 9.  The  representative  of  the  priestly 
family  of  Jedaiah  in  the  time  of  Joiakim  (Ne. 
12.21). — 10.  A  Levite-musician,  of  the  sons  of 
Asaph,  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem (I2.36). 

Nethanlah'. — 1.  Son  of  Elishama,  and 
father  of  Isii.mael,  6  (2K. 25. 23, 25  ;  Je.40.8, 
14, 15, 41. iff.),  and  of  the  royal  line  of  Judah. 
— 2.  One  of  4  sons  of  Asaph  the  minstrel,  and 
head  of  the  fifth  course  of  the  temple-choir  (i 
Chr.25.2,i2). — 3.  A  Levite  sent  by  Jehoshaphat 
to  teach  the  law  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2Chr. 
17.8).— 4.   Father  of  Jehudi  (Je.36.14). 

Nethinim',  a  class  of  temple  servants, 
mentioned  several  times  in  Ezr.  and  Ne.,  only 
once  in  Chr.  (iChr.9.2),  and  in  no  other  book  of 
O.T.  Though  the  earlier  books  had  no  occa- 
sion to  mention  them,  their  origin  must  be 
traced  to  pre-Exilian  times,  since  they  returned 
as  an  official  class  from  the  Exile.  The  name, 
at  whatever  time  first  bestowed,  simply  means 
"  given  ones "  ;  and  as  the  Levites  were 
"  given  "  to  the  priests  for  ritual  service  (Num. 
3.9),  so  we  are  expressly  told  of  "  Nethinim 
whom  David  and  the  princes  had  given  for  the 
service  of  the  Levites  "  (Ezr.8.20,  R.V.).  The 
"  children  of  Solomon's  servants,"  who  are 
only  mentioned  along  with  them  (2.58  ;  Ne.7. 
60,11.3),  apparently  belong  to  the  same  cate- 
gory. Their  names  have  a  foreign  look  {cf. 
Ezr.2.50  with  2Chr.26.7,  Gen. 25.15)  I  and  they 
were  probably  prisoners  taken  in  war  and 
their  descendants.  Temple  slaves  were  com- 
mon among  other  ancient  peoples  ;  ev^en  as 
early  as  the  wilderness  period  the  captives  of 
the  Midianites  were  in  certain  proportions 
"  given  "  to  the  priests  and  to  the  Levites 
(Num. 31. 40, 41, 47),  and  in  Joshua's  time  the 
Gibconites  were  made  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  for  the  sanctuary  (Jos.9.20- 
27).  When  the  temple  was  built  and  its  ser- 
vice organized,  there  would  be  a  greater  de- 
mand for  such  menials  to  perform  duties  which 
the  Levites  were  unable  or  not  disposed  to 
undertake.  Ezekiel  complains  that  uncir- 
cumcised  aliens  had  been  brought  into  the 
service  of  the  sanctuary  (Ezk.44.6,7)  ;  but  if 
his  words  refer  to  all  or  any  of  the  Nethinim, 
no  stigma  attached  to  them  in  Ezra's  time. 


NEW  MOON 

Both  under  Zerubbabel  and  under  Ezra  they 
returned  in  even  greater  numbers  than  the 
Levites  (Ezr.2.40,58,8.15-20)  ;  they  shared  in 
the  immunities  conferred  by  the  Persian  king 
on  the  official  class  (7.24);  and  they  are 
numbered  among  those  who  took  the  covenant 
"  to  walk  in  God's  law  which  was  given  by 
Moses,"  etc.  (Ne.lO.29).  Benzingcr,  Hebraische 
Archaeologie  ;  Kyle,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (in 
Cambridge  Bible),  Introd.  §  7,  iv.,  E.     [j.R.] 

Netophah'  (Ezr.2.22  ;  Ne.7. 26  ;  iEsd.5. 
18),  a  town  inhabited  by  men  of  Judah  after 
the  Captivity,  and  mentioned  between  Beth- 
lehem and  Anathoth.  It  apparently  cannot 
therefore  be  the  present  Beit  Nettlf,  which  lies 
far  W.  in  the  lowlands  of  Judah.  Toblcr  pro- 
poses to  place  it  at  the  ruin  Unim  Toba,  near 
Sur-bdhir,  half-way  between  Jerusalem  and 
Bethelem,  E.  of  the  main  road,  which  is  a  suit- 
able position.  [c.R.c] 

Netophathi'  (Ne.i2.28),  Neto'phathite, 
the  (2Sam.23.28,29  ;  2K.25.23  ;  1Chr.ll.30, 
27.13,15  ;  Je.40.8),  Netophathites,  the 
(iChr.2.54,9.16),  inhabitants  of  Netophaii. 
The  Heb.  is  the  same  word  throughout. 

Nettle.  The  representative  in  A.V.  of  two 
Heb.  words,  (i)  hdriU  occurs  in  Job30.7; 
Pr.24.31  ;  Zeph.2.9.  Its  meaning  is  very  un- 
certain, and  many  identifications  have  been 
suggested,  including  brambles,  sea-orache, 
butchers'  broom,  wild  mustard  (Royle),  the 
Christ-thorn  (Celsius),  wild  vetches  (R.V. 
marg.),  and  thistles.  Most  writers  and  some 
modern  versions  favour  the  nettle.  The  com- 
monest and,  on  account  of  its  height,  the  most 
remarkable  species  in  the  lower  parts  of  Pales- 
tine is  the  Roman  nettle  (Urtica  pilulifera).  It 
abounds  in  ruins  and  stony  waste  places  near 
cultivation  (cf.  II. c).  The  word  hdrul  is 
probably  derived  from  a  root  signifying  to 
burn,  from  the  stinging  of  the  nettle.  The 
passage  in  Job  is  to  be  taken  in  a  metaphori- 
cal sense.  (2)  qimmosh  or  qhnosh  occurs  in 
Is. 34. 13  and  Ho. 9. 6.  Another  form  of  the 
same  word,  qimnv'shdnim  {thorns,  A.V. ),  occurs 
in  Pr.24.31.  Modern  commentators  are  gener- 
ally agreed  that  this  term  also  denotes  some 
species  of  nettle  (Urtica).  [h.c.h.] 

New^  moon.  It  is  not  known  by  what 
means  the  first  day  of  the  lunar  month  was 
determined  in  Mosaic  and  later  pre-Exilic 
times,  but  it  was  probably  by  the  somewhat 
uncertain  method  of  direct  observation.  After 
the  Exile  observation  and  calculation  were 
both  employed.  The  ancient  Babylonians, 
with  their  astronomical  science,  were  able  to 
draw  up  almanacs  in  which  the  times  of 
new  moon  were  predicted.  Though  the  Jews 
adopted  the  Babylonian  names  of  the  months, 
they  do  not  seem  to  have  acquired  during  the 
I'^xile  the  astronomical  knowledge  of  the  Baby- 
lonians. By  the  end  of  2nd  cent.  A.n.  astro- 
nomical calculations  were  mainly  relied  on, 
and  entirely  so  at  the  beginning  of  the  4th  cent. 
During  the  second  temple  the  Sanhedrin, 
or  a  court  of  not  less  than  three,  presided 
over  by  the  iiresidcnt  (nasi),  decided  the  date 
of  the  new  moon.  It  was  known  that  the  new 
moon  could  not  appear  till  after  an  interval  of 
29!  days,  so  on  the  29th  or  30th  day  witnesses 
were  posted  on  the  heights  around  Jerusalem 
to  make  observations.     When  one  saw  the  new 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

moon  he  hastened  to  the  council,  who  were 
assembled  throughout  that  day,  and  made  his 
report.  His  evidence  was  carefully  tested,  and 
if  corroborated  the  news  was  flashed  to  all 
parts  by  means  of  beacon  fires,  the  first  being 
on  the  mount  of  Olives.  Owing  to  the  action 
of  the  Samaritans  in  setting  alight  false  signals 
in  order  to  lead  the  Jews  astray,  messengers 
were  substituted  for  signals.  As  it  took  some 
time  to  carry  the  information,  the  Jews  living 
far  from  Jerusalem  observed  two  days,  being 
uncertain  whether  the  29th  or  the  30th  was 
the  correct  one.  This  was  the  usage  in  Asia 
Minor,  Greece,  and  Egypt,  in  the  earlier  times 
also.  The  new  moon  was  observed  as  a  festi- 
val, and  was  inaugurated  by  the  president 
(in  earlier  times  the  high-priest)  pronouncing 
the  word  rrfqiidddsh,  "consecrated."  Special 
sacrifices  were  offered,  with  blowing  of  trum- 
pets (Num.l0.io,28.ii-i5  ;  2Chr.2.4,8.i3  ; 
Ezr.3.5  ;  Ne.10.33).  The  new  moon  of  the 
7th  month,  the  first  day  of  the  civil  new  year, 
was  a  special  sabbath  and  holy  convocation 
(Lev.23. 24,25).  The  prophets  often  mention 
the  new  moon  festival  in  connexion  with  the 
sabbath  (Is.l. 13, 66.23;  Ezk.45.i7,46.3  ;  Ho.2. 
11;  Am.8.5).  On  these  days  especially  religious 
instruction  was  given  (2K.4.23),  family  feasts 
were  held  and  sacrifices  offered  (i Sam. 20. 5, 6, 
18,27,29).  There  seems  to  be  a  trace  of  a 
two-day  observance  in  ver.  27.  Work  was 
prohibited  (Am.8.5).  [h.h.] 

Ne^v  Testament,  Text  of.  Few 
branches  of  theological  science  have  been  more 
profoundly  affected,  both  by  the  accession  of 
new  material  and  by  more  thorough  investiga- 
tion of  existing  material,  during  the  last  40 
years,  than  the  science  of  the  textual  criticism 
of  N.T.  The  admirable  article  which  Bp. 
Westcott  contributed  to  Smith's  Concise  D.B. 
was  a  model  of  the  work  which  at  once  sum- 
marizes an  existing  state  of  scholarship  and 
assists  its  further  progress  ;  but  modifications 
of  a  fundamental  character  are  rendered  neces- 
sary by  newer  knowledge.  It  is  one  principal 
purpose  of  the  present  article  to  bring  out  these 
changed  conditions  into  bold  relief :  and  in 
enumerating  our  principal  authorities  for  the 
N.T.  text,  according  to  the  time-honoured 
division  into  the  three  classes  of  manuscripts, 
versions,  patristic  quotations,  distinction  will 
be  made,  under  each  head,  of  the  new  material 
of  the  last  half-century.  But  it  must  be  re- 
membered, atthe  outset, that  these  threeclasses 
of  evidence  were  not  all  brought  into  equal 
play  at  the  same  moment.  The  first  writer  to 
make  any  use  of  all  three  was  probably  Lucas 
of  Bruges,  in  his  brief  Notae  ad  P'arias  Lectiones 
Editionis  Graecae  Evangeliorum(x()o6).  And  the 
scientific  foundations  of  N.T.  textual  criticism 
were  not  really  laid  till  the  end  of  the  17th 
cent.,  when  Richard  Simon,  in  three  moment- 
ous works — full  of  acute  observation  and 
reasoning,  anticipatory  in  detail  of  many  of 
the  conclusions  of  igth-cent.  scholars — ex- 
plored successively  the  three  departments  of 
the  critic's  laboratory :  Hist,  critique  du  texte 
du  N.T.,  Hist.  crit.  des  versions  du  N.T., 
Hist.  crit.  des  principaux  commentateurs  du 
N.T.  (Rotterdam,  1689,  1690,  1693  ;  to  which 
add  Nouvelles  observations  sur  le  texte  et  les 
versions  du  N.T.,  Paris,  1695).     Simon  was  a 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF     585 

French  Oratorian  ;  but  the  interest  which 
England  took  in  these  studies — an  interest 
reaching  from  the  middle  of  the  17th  cent,  to 
the  present  day — was  signalized  by  contem- 
porary translations  of  the  two  books  first  men- 
tioned, Crit.  Hist,  of  Text  of  N.T.  (two  parts, 
London,  1689)  and  Crit.  Hist,  of  Versions  of 
N.T.  (London,  1692  :  licensed  already  in 
1689).  We  must  distinguish,  therefore,  under 
each  head,  the  work  subsequent  to  1689,  as 

well  as  the  work  subsequent  to  1863. 

I.  GREEK  MSS.    The  natural  starting-point, 
in  constituting  the  text  of  the  Gk.  Testament, 
had  been  from  the   Gk.    MSS.  ;     unlike   the 
quotations  in  the  Fathers,  they  give  us  a  con- 
tinuous text ;    unlike  the  versions,  their  con- 
tinuous text  is  in  the  original  language.    These 
MSS.,  though  it  must  be  remembered  that  not 
many  of  them  contain  the  whole  N.T.,   are 
extant  in  very  large  numbers  ;   and  in  order  to 
discriminate  in  some  way  among  so  vast  a 
mass,   critics  have  made  use  of  an  external 
difference  in  the  character  of  their  handwriting. 
About  the  9th  cent,  uncial  writing  began  to 
be  superseded  by  cursive  writing  ;    and  MSS. 
written  in  uncials  are  denominated  by  capital 
letters  of  the  alphabet,  MSS.  written  in  cursive 
hand  by  Arabic  numerals.     Numerals  admit, 
of   comrse,    of  indefinite  extension  ;     but   the 
alphabet  suffices  for  26  uncials  only,  and  with 
the  discovery  of  more  uncials  recourse  was  had 
first  to  such  Gk.  letters  as  differ  from  the  Latin 
forms  (FA,  etc.),  and,  now  that  these  too  are  ex- 
hausted, to  the  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet. 
The  distinction  thus  made  has  the  advantages 
of  a  rule  of  thumb  :   it  marks  off  the  body  of 
older  MSS.  from  the  body  of  later  ones,  but  it 
is  not  even  chronologically  a  wholly  accurate 
division,    since    cursive    MSS.    began    to    be 
written  before  uncial  writing  ceased.     Indeed, 
one  MS.  of  the  Gospels  consists  of  an  uncial  and 
a  cursive  part  :   A,  an  uncial  copy  in  the  Bod- 
leian (gr.  Misc.  310),  of  Lu.  and  Jn.,  forms  one 
MS.    with    566,    a   ciursive   at   St.    Petersbmrg 
(Miuralt  54)  of  Mt.   and  Mk.      It   is  a  more 
serious  matter  that  any  such  distinction  as  that 
between  uncials  and  cursives  tends  to  obscure 
the  truth  that  the  value  of  a  MS.  depends,  not 
so  much  on  its  own  age,  as  on  the  age  of  the 
text  reproduced  in  it  ;    and  if  value  in  this 
sense  is  difficult  to  mete  by  any  external  test, 
we  may  at  any  rate  say  that  a  MS.  becomes 
certainly  interesting,  and  potentially  valuable, 
in  proportion  to  the  rarity  of  its  type  of  text. 
Thus  a  cursive  may  be  weighty  as  witnessing 
to  an  ancient  text  which  was  perhaps  never 
widely  spread,  or  of  which,  at  any  rate,  few 
representatives  have  come  down  to  us.     The 
cursive  MS.  of  the  Gospels  called  33,  for  in- 
stance, though  probably  written  in  loth  cent., 
ranks  in  importance  with  all  but  the  most  im- 
portant uncials.     Or  again,  a  group  of  closely 
related  cursives  may  take  us  back  to  a  com- 
mon ancestor,  which  may  be  presumed  to  have 
been  itself  an  uncial ;  examples  are,  among  the 
cursive  MSS.  of  the  Gospels  :     (i)   the  group 
I,  118, 131,  and  209 ;  (2)  the  group  (called,  after 
the  scholar  who  first  investigated  it,  the  Ferrar 
group)  13,  69, 124  and  346,  to  which  must  now  be 
added  543,  826,  828,  and  perhaps  709.     On  the 
other  hand,  uncial  MSS.  even  of  the  6th  cent, 
may  be  relatively  uninteresting,  in  §0  far  as 


586    NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

they  only  give  us  again  a  form  of  text  which  we 
already  knew  existed,  and  was  largely  accepted 
as  authoritative,  as  early  as  the  5th  cent.  Of 
the  great  mass  of  later  MSS.  (cents,  xiii.-xv.) 
this  is  still  more  true  :  a  late  MS.  is  not  neces- 
sarily a  worthless  MS.,  but  the  mere  multipli- 
cation in  the  Middle  Ages  of  copies  of  the  same 
general  type  of  text  proves  by  itself  little  or 
nothing  as  to  the  prevalence  of  that  text  in 
early  times.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  most  late 
MSS.  come  to  us  from  the  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction of  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople — 
Constantinople  itself  and  the  monasteries  on 
Mt.  Athos  were  probably  then  the  principal 
centres  of  the  reproduction  of  Gk.  MSS. — and 
represent  admittedly  the  same  type  of  text,  a 
text  which  in  that  part  of  the  world  was  un- 
doubtedly prevalent  from  5th  cent,  onwards. 
The  mere  repetition  of  this  text  in  mediaeval 
MSS.  gives  us  no  help  in  tracing  the  history  of 
the  N.T.  documents  back  from  the  5th  cent, 
towards  the  days  of  the  apostles.  But  it  was 
natural  that  this  text,  as  received  and  kept 
in  living  use  by  the  Gk.  Church  of  the  day, 
should  have  formed  the  basis  of  the  first  edi- 
tions of  N.T.  in  the  original  language  by  the 
scholars  of  the  Renaissance,  from  Erasmus 
(Basle,  1516)  onwards.  In  proportion,  how- 
ever, as  more  MSS.,  and  especially  older  MSS., 
began  to  be  consulted,  the  divergences  accu- 
mulated until  they  were  too  serious  to  be  left 
out  of  account.  An  afyf>araius  criiicus,  record- 
ing variae  lectiones  in  the  margin  of  the  text, 
appeared  for  the  first  time  in  the  third  edition 
of  "Stephanus"  (R.  Estienne:  Paris,  1550). 
But  the  great  MSS.  whose  names  are  so  familiar 
to  us  nowadays  came  only  very  gradually  into 
use.  Some  of  them,  of  course,  were  not  brought 
till  a  later  date  from  the  East  ;  but  this  is 
only  a  partial  explanation,  for  the  libraries 
of  Europe  were  already  filled  with  Gk.  MSS., 
brought  by  refugees  whom  the  conquests  of  the 
Turks  and  the  fall  of  Constantinople  in  1453 
had  driven  westwards.  The  great  4th-cent. 
Codex  Vaticanus  of  the  Gk.  Bible,  B  (Vat.  gr. 
1209  :  its  N.T.  is  unfortunately  imperfect,  for 
it  has  lost  half  Hebrews,  the  pastoral  epistles, 
and — if  it  was  ever  there — the  Apocalypse),  is 
already  mentioned  in  the  earliest  catalogue, 
1475,  of  the  Vatican  library.  Another  MS., 
which  has  been  in  the  West  for  some  400  years 
and  at  Paris  since  the  time  of  Catharine  de 
Medici,  is  Codex  C  (Paris,  gr.  9),  the  remnants 
of  what  was  once  a  comjilete  Gk.  Bible  of  5  th 
cent.  Itach  of  these  two  MSS.  illustrates 
some  one  principal  cause  which  has  retarded 
important  evidence  from  becoming  easily 
available.  Cc)dex  B  belongs  to  a  library  which, 
until  the  pontificate  of  Leo  XIII.  (1878-1903), 
was  not  fully  open  to  all  comers.  Codex  C  is 
a  palimpsest — the  upper  writing  contains 
(ik.  versions  of  the  treatises  of  E])hrem  of 
I'-dessa — and  the  value  of  the  under- writing  was 
not  detected  till  the  beginning  of  i8th  cent. 
— Of  all  the  early  uncials  now  accessible  to 
scholars,  the  16th  cent,  editors  used  none  save 
two — which  still  remain  the  earliest  known 
examples  of  Greco-Latin  MSS. — Codex  Bezae 
(D  :  cents,  v.-vi.)  of  the  (iospcls  and  Acts,  pre- 
sented by  the  reformer  Theodore  Beza  to  the 
University  of  Cambridge  in  isSi,  and  Codex 
(^laromontanus  (D.^ :    cent,  vi.)  of  the  Pauline 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

epistles,  said  to  have  been  found  at  Clermont, 
near  Beauvais,  and  now  in  the  National  Library 
(gr.  107)  at  Paris.  Next  to  be  used  was  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus  (A,  cent,  v.)  of  the  whole 
Cik.  Bible,  which  was  sent  to  Charles  I.  in 
1628  by  Cyril  Lucar,  patriarch  first  of  Alex- 
andria and  then  of  Constantinople.  Readings 
from  it  were  incorporated  in  the  edition  which 
formed  the  first  great  contribution  of  England 
to  N.T.  textual  science,  the  Polyglot  of  Brian 
Walton,  afterwards  Bp.  of  Chester  (N.T.  in 
vol.  v.),  1657.  In  1636  Abp.  Laud  had  given 
to  the  Bodleian — he  had  probably  acquired 
it  from  Wiirzburg  —  the  Greco-Latin  Codex 
Laudianus  of  the  Acts  (E._, :  cents,  vi.-vii.  : 
Bodl.  Laud  35),  and  it  was  used  in  the  N.T.  of 
Bp.   Fell   (Oxford,   1675).  But  it  was   not 

till  the  i8th  cent.,  after  the  publications  of 
Simon,  that  real  progress  was  made  in  the  sys- 
tematic examination  of  the  MS.  material  that 
had  been  brought  together  in  the  libraries  of 
Europe.  The  most  epoch-making  editions  in 
this  respect  are  those  of  Mill  (Oxford,  1707  : 
MSS.  especially  of  Oxford  and  Paris) — Bent- 
ley  procured  many  collations,  but  never  got 
beyond  the  publication  of  a  specimen  (1720)  — 
Bengel  (Tubingen  1734  :  MSS.  of  South 
Germany),  Wetstein  (Amsterdam,  1751-1752: 
who  introduced  our  present  notation  of  Gk. 
MSS.);  Matthaei  (Riga,  1782-1788:  2nd  ed. 
1803-1807  :  MSS.  of  Moscow) ;  Birch  (Copen- 
hagen, 1788-180 1:  MSS.  of  Italy,  Vienna,  and  the 
Escurial)  ;  and  Griesbach  (Halle,  ist  ed.  1774- 
1777,  2nd  ed.  1796-1806).  But  this  work,  too, 
in  its  earlier  stages  was  necessarily  haphazard  ; 
many  MSS.  of  various  ages  and  in  different 
localities  had  to  be  examined  before  just  dis- 
tinction could  be  drawn  between  the  signi- 
ficant and  the  insignificant,  and  some  libraries, 
like  the  Vatican,  remained  difficult  of  general 
access.  Small  blame,  then,  to  the  scholars  of 
the  1 8th  cent,  that  so  much  of  the  most  im- 
portant part  of  the  work  remained  still  to  be 
done  after  them.  No  one  had  yet  drawn 
systematically  on  the  Biblical  treasures  of  the 
East.  Only  in  isolated  cases  had  the  due  pre- 
eminence of  the  older  MSS.  been  signalized  by 
separate  editions  of  them.  The  three  great 
MSS.  in  England  were,  indeed,  made  public  by 
Hcarne's  edition  of  Codex  E._„  at  the  beginning 
of  the  century  (Oxford,  1715),  and  by  Woide's 
edition  of  Codex  A  (Loudon,  1786)  and  Kip- 
ling's of  Codex  D  (Cambridge,  1793)  at  the 
end  of  the  century  ;  but  on  continental  MSS. 
hardly  anything  had  been  dt)ne.  A  beginning 
was  made  in  the  ]irncess  of  deciphering  the 
palimpsests  :  Knittel  published  in  1762  as 
much  as  he  could  read  of  the  fragments  of  two 
early  MSS.  of  the  Gospels  (P,  cent.  vi. ;  y,  cent. 
V.)  used  in  a  Bobbio  codex  at  Wolfenbuttel, 
while  Barrett  in  1801  printed  the  still  more 
valuable  Dublin  fragments  of  St.  Matthew 
known  as  Z  (cent,  v.-vi. ;  between  200  and  300 
verses)  ;  but  both  editions  were  imperfect,  and 
have  been  superseded,  the  former  by  Tisrhen- 
dorf  (see  below),  the  latter  by  T.  K.  Abbott 
(Dublin,  1880).  For  more  than  40  years  after 
Barrett  there  is  little  to  record,  though  men- 
tion may  be  made  of  Rettig's  edition  of  the 
Greco-Latin  Gospels  of  St.  Gall  known  as  A 
(Sangall.  48,  cent,  ix.-x.  :  specially  important 
in   St.   Mark),  Zurich,  1836.         In  filling  up 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

the  gaps  in  both  respects  a  unique  place  must 
always  belong  to  Constantine  Tischendorf. 
During  three  joiurneys  to  the  East,  in  1844, 
1853,  1859,  this  indefatigable  scholar  explored 
many  libraries,  especially  those  of  Patmos  and 
Sinai ;  among  the  MSS.  that  came  to  Europe 
through  his  means  (apart  from  several  very 
early  fragments  now  at  Petersburg)  were  three 
of  the  Gospels,  r,  A-566 — both  cent,  ix.-x.  : 
of  both  he  sold  part  to  the  Bodleian,  and 
part  to  Petersburg — and  n  (Petersburg, 
Muralt  xxxiv. :  cent,  ix.),  and  one,  the  recovery 
of  which  will  ever  be  associated  with  his  name, 
of  the  Gk.  Bible  (O.T.  imperfect),  the  famous 
Codex  Sinaiticus  (X),  written  in  4th  cent. 
Forty-three  leaves  from  the  O.T.  he  had  al- 
ready obtained  on  his  first  visit  to  the  monas- 
tery of  St.  Catharine  on  Mt.  Sinai  in  1844,  and 
these  are  now  at  Dresden  ;  but  the  great  bulk 
of  the  MS.,  including  the  N.T.  (to  which  are 
attached  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas),  was  dis- 
covered by  him  only  on  his  third  visit,  and  this 
portion  found  its  way  to  St.  Petersburg. 
Hardly  less  epoch-making  were  Tischendorf's 
labours  in  editing  a  number  of  the  leading 
uncial  MSS.,  Latin  as  well  as  Greek  :  the 
palimpsest  fragments  of  5th  cent.,  C  (Paris, 
gr.  9),  were  published  in  1843  (O.T.  of  the  same 
MS.  in  1845)  ;  the  Palatine  Gospels  of  the  Old 
Latin  known  as  e  (Vienna,  lat.  1185  :  cent,  v.) 
in  1847 ;  the  N.T.  of  the  great  Codex  Amiatinus 
of  the  Vulgate  (Florence,  Laurent,  i  :  cent, 
vii.-viii.)  in  1850 ;  the  Greco-Latin  Codex 
Claromontanus  of  St.  Paul,  D.,,  in  1852  ;  the 
Codex  Sinaiticus  (the  Dresden  leaves  had  been 
published  in  1846)  in  1 862-1 863  ;  the  Codex 
Vaticanus,  B  (Vatic,  gr.  1209),  in  1867  ;  the 
Codex  Vaticanus  of  the  Apocalypse,  B.^  (Vatic, 
gr.  2066,  cent,  viii.),  in  his  Appendix  N.T.  Vati- 
cani  in  1869.  Besides  these  separate  publica- 
tions, the  various  volumes  of  his  Monumenta 
Sacra  Inedita  contain  many  N.T.  fragments, 
such  as  the  improved  edition  of  the  palimpsests 
Q  in  vol.  iii.  (i860)  and  P  in  vol.  vi.  (1869),  and 
one  or  two  more  substantial  MSS.  ;  thus  the 
whole  of  the  palimpsest  Codex  Porfirianus  of 
the  Acts,  Epp.,  and  Apocalypse,  P  (in  the  col- 
lection of  Bp.  Porphyry  of  Kieff ;  cent,  ix.),  ap- 
peared in  vols.  v.  (1865)  and  vi.  (1869),  and  the 
Greco-Latin  Codex  Laudianus  of  the  Acts, 
E.„  in  vol.  ix.  (1870),  of  the  Monumenta.  Be- 
sides all  this,  Tischendorf  found  time  to  edit 
the  N.T.  with  a  wealth  of  apparatus  unsur- 
passed before  or  since  :  the  Editio  Octava  Critica 
Maior  ( 1 864-1 872),  only  completed  (but  without 
the  prolegomena)  just  before  his  final  illness 
began,  is,  and  is  likely  long  to  remain,  the  in- 
dispensable collection  of  authorities  for  the 
student.  While,  however,  in  the  preparation 
of  material  Tischendorf  thus  stands  above 
all  rivals,  in  the  domain  of  working  out  the 
principles  of  scientific  criticism  his  edition  was 
probably  less  epoch-making  than  either  of  the 
other  three  great  editions  which  adorned  the 
19th  cent. — viz.  those  of  his  elder  contem- 
porary, Lachmann  (Berlin,  ist  ed.  1831 :  Editio 
Maior,  Graece  et  Latine,  1842-1850),  of  his  exact 
contemporary,  Tregelles  (London,  1857-1872: 
posthumous  prolegomena  in  1879),  and  of  his 
younger  contemporaries,  Westcott  and  Hort 
(Cambridge.   iSSjV     More  will  be  said  at  a 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF    587 

later  point  about  the  principles  underlying 
these  editions  ;  for  the  moment  we  note  that, 
apart  from  Lachmann's  N.T.  and  the  Gospels 
of  Tregelles'  ed.,  they  belong  themselves  to  the 
modern  period,  after  1863,  and  we  proceed  to 
enumerate  and  distinguish  the  achievements  of 
the  new  period  in  discovering  or  editing  Gk. 
MSS.  of  N.T.  Among  new  MSS.  may  be 
mentioned  a  group  of  four  purple  MSS.  of  6th 
cent.,  perhaps  all  written  at  Constantinople, 
which  all  came  to  light  within  a  quarter  of  a 
century  of  one  another :  S  at  Rossano  in 
Calabria,  containing  Mt.  and  Mk.  (edited 
by  von  Gebhardt,  Leipzig,  1880)  ;  <p  at 
Berat  in  Albania,  also  containing,  but  incom- 
pletely, the  same  two  Gospels  (ed.  Batiffol, 
Paris,  1886)  ;  N  in  Asia  Minor,  of  which  33 
leaves  at  Patmos  and  a  few  elsewhere  were 
previously  known,  now  reinforced  by  the 
arrival  of  182  new  leaves  at  St.  Petersbxirg,  the 
total  amounting  to  about  half  of  each  of  the 
four  Gospels  (ed.  Cronin,  Texts  and  Studies, 
V.  4,  Cambridge,  1899)  ;  and  a  fourth,  not  yet 
lettered,  at  Sinope,  containing  about  a  third 
of  Mt.,  now  Paris  gr.  suppl.  1286  (ed. 
Omont,  Notices  et  Extraits,  tom.  xxxvi.,  Paris, 
1901).  Three  of  the  four,  the  Rossano,  Peters- 
burg, and  Paris  MSS.,  resemble  one  another, 
wherever  they  can  be  compared,  very  closely, 
and  present  a  text  which,  considering  their 
antiquity,  is  relatively  uninteresting  because 
already  well  known  ;  the  fourth,  <i?,  is  funda- 
mentally of  the  same  character  but  has  more 
unusual  readings.  At  Mt.  Athos  four  new 
uncials  have  been  noted,  but  not  yet  fully 
collated :  two  of  the  Gospels,  fi  (cent,  viii.-ix.) 
and  3  (cent,  ix.-x.) ;  one  of  the  Acts,  Catholic, 
and  (part  of  the)  Pauline  Epistles,  S.j  (cent, 
viii.-ix.)  ;  and  a  fourth,  ^  (cent,  viii.-ix.), 
more  extensive  in  contents  (N.T.  except  Mt., 
first  half  of  Mk.,  and  Rev.),  and  apparently 
more  interesting  in  text,  at  least  in  Mk.  (K. 
Lake  in  Studia  Biblica,  V.  ii. :  Oxford,  1902). 
Of  another  older  and  more  important  Athos 
MS.,  Hj  of  St.  Paul  (cent,  vi.),  so  much  more  is 
known  now  that  it,  too,  may  almost  be  treated 
as  a  new  discovery ;  Westcott,  in  1863,  knew  of 
14  leaves  in  two  libraries,  Omont  in  1889 
(Notices  et  Extraits,  tom.  xxxiii.)  edited  41 
leaves  from  six  libraries,  and  since  then  Dr. 
Armitage  Robinson  ("  Euthaliana,"  in  Texts 
and  Studies,  iii.  3,  1895)  and  Prof.  K.  Lake 
(Facsimiles  of  the  Athos  Fragments  of  Codex 
H.  .  .  ,  Oxford,  1905)  have  rescued  parts  of 
several  more  pages  from  the  "  set-off "  or 
traces  which  lost  leaves  have  left  on  those 
which  still  remain.  But  it  is  Egypt  which, 
since  the  time,  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago, 
when  it  came  under  Western  administration, 
has  become  more  and  more  the  happy  hunting- 
ground  of  the  search  for  new  MSS.  Unfor- 
tunately the  numerous  papyri  of  N.T.  so  far 
discovered  are  all  fragmentary ;  but  a  high  in- 
terest attaches  to  a  leaf  of  3rd  cent.  (Grenfell 
and  Hunt,  Oxyrhynchus  Papyri,  i.  p.  4,  1898) 
which  contains  Mt.l. 1-9, 12, 14-20,  in  a  text 
closely  agreeing  in  details  with  Codex  B,  so  that 
the  type  of  text  of  the  latter  MS.  in  the  Gospels 
is  taken  a  good  step  nearer  primitive  times. 
All  discoveries,  however,  of  the  modern  period 
are  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the  most  recent 
of   thenj   all :     a   vellqm   codex   of   the   fouf 


588    NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

Gospels  in  the  order  Mt.,  Jn.,  Lu.,  Mk.,  written 
probably  in  5th  cent,  and  still  preserved  in  its 
original  binding,  has  lately  (1906)  been  ac- 
quired in  Cairo — it  came,  as  it  would  seem, 
from  a  tomb  near  Edfou,  in  Upper  Egypt — bv 
C.  L.  Freer,  Esq.,  of  Detroit,  U.S.A.  Little  is 
yet  known  of  it  save  that  it  expands  the  or- 
dinary conclusion  of  Mk.  (1 6.9-20)  by  an  addi- 
tion between  nv.  14,15,  entirely  unexampled  in 
MSS.  but  supported  by  a  statement  of  St. 
Jerome  (Contra  Pelagianos,  ii.  15).  It  is  under- 
stood that  Mr.  Freer  came  into  possession  at 
the  same  time  of  a  much-mutilated  uncial  MS. 
of  the  Pauline  epistles.  Of  separate  editions 
of  MSS.  already  known,  the  two  most  note- 
worthy represent  an  attempt  to  do  for  the  most 
important  cursives  what  had  already  been  done 
for  the  chief  uncials  :  W.  H.  Ferrar  and  T.  K. 
Abbott,  A  Collation  of  Four  Important  MSS. 
of  the  Gospels  (13,  69,  124,  and  346;  the  Ferrar 
group),  Dublin,  1877,  and  K.  Lake,  "Codex  i 
and  its  Allies"  (i,  118,  131,  and  209)  in  the 
Cambridge  Texts  and  Studies,  vii.  3  (1902).  But 
the  principal  contribution  of  the  last  period  to 
the  better  knowledge  of  the  Gk.  MSS.  of  N.T. 
lies  in  the  photographic  reproductions  which 
are  now  following  one  another  in  rapid  succes- 
sion. The  British  Museum  led  the  way  with 
Codex  A,  Facsimile  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus 
(vol.  iv.,  containing  N.T.  1879).  Even  more 
welcome  was  Cozza-Luzi's  similar  undertaking 
ioT  CodexB,  N.T.  e  Codice  Vaticano.  .  .  .  pho- 
totypicerepraesentatum  {Rome,  1889;  another, 
and  apparently  better,  edition,  Milan,  1904)  : 
for  none  of  the  previous  editions  of  the  MS. 
had  been  wholly  trustworthy;  Tischcndorf's 
no  more  than  the  rest,  since  he  had  never  been 
allowed  anything  beyond  a  limited  and  hasty 
inspection  of  it.  Cambridge  University  fol- 
lowed suit  with  Codex  D  in  1899,  Codex  Bezae 
C antahrigiensis  .  .  .  Sumptibus  Academiae 
photolypice  repraesentatus.  And  in  the  present 
year  (1908)  Prof.  Lake — to  whose  photographic 
edition  of  the  Athos  leaves  of  Codex  H.^  (Oxford, 
1905)  reference  has  already  been  made — 
hopes  to  complete  the  cycle  of  the  great  MSS. 
by  photographing  at  Petersburg  the  N.T.  of 
Codex  K-  But  the  really  significant  note  of 
the  modern  period  (1863-1908)  and  especially 
the  first  two-thirds  of  it,  is  the  supreme  and 
unique  influence  of  X  and  B.  These  two,  our 
oldest  MSS.  of  N.T.,  became  known,  the  one 
for  the  first  time,  the  other  for  the  first  time 
with  tolerable  completeness,  within  the  sixties 
of  the  last  century  ;  and  it  was  natural  that 
the  criticism  of  the  immediately  succeeding 
years  should  have  been  dominated  by  the  one 
master  idea  of  their  value.  The  exclusive 
authority  of  the  Gk.  MSS.,  which,  as  we  shall 
sec  in  the  next  two  sections  of  this  article, 
had  been  gradually  giving  way  to  allow  room 
for  more  stress  on  the  evidence  of  versions  and 
Fathers,  seemed  to  regain  for  the  moment,  in 
the  person  of  the  new  representatives,  all  its 
original  status.  Tischcndorf  is  generally  ad- 
mitted to  have  succumbed  to  the  temptation 
of  an  over-estimate  of  K,  his  own  discovery. 
Hort,  taking  a  juster  and  more  detached  view 
about  N,  fell  under  the  glamour  of  the  greater 
MS.,  and  placed  on  B  a  more  exclusive,  if  more 
reasoned,  reliance  than  even  Tischcndorf  on  N. 
TbQ  investigations,  whjcU  wiU  now  follow,  into 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

other  departments  of  evidence,  will  equip  us 
with  the  necessary  means  to  test  and  control 

the  witness  of  the  primary  Gk.  MSS. 

IL  VERSIONS.  Taking  Gk.  MSS.  alone,  the 
only  obvious  plan  for  threading  our  way  among 
their  mass  is  to  distinguish  them  according  to 
their  age.  There  is  a  presumption  that  the 
nearer  they  are  in  time  to  the  apostolic  ori- 
ginals the  purer  their  text  will  be.  But  when 
brought  to  the  touchstone  of  facts,  this  pre- 
sumption shrinks  to  very  small  dimensions. 
Even  if  we  reject  all  MSS.  later  than  600  a.d., 
and  confine  ourselves  to  the  few  that  remain 
from  the  4th,  5th  and  6th  cents.,  we  shall  find 
that  practically  the  whole  sum  of  the  diver- 
gences represented  in  our  latest  MSS.  existed 
already  among  the  oldest  of  them.  Then,  as 
between  our  oldest  MSS.,  we  can  hardly  accept 
the  testimony  of  NB  against  A,  merely  be- 
cause they  are  a  single  century  older.  The 
difference  of  age,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is  indubit- 
ably in  their  favour  ;  but  it  would  seem  pre- 
posterous to  accept  as  final  the  testimony  of 
one  witness  against  another,  on  the  ground  that 
the  former  was  removed  only  250  years  from 
the  archetypes  and  the  latter  350.  But  if 
grouping  by  age  alone  is  ineffective,  because  it 
attempts  too  much,  a  more  modest  method  of 
classification  will  be  to  group  our  MSS.  by 
locality.  All  MSS.  of,  say,  the  6th  cent,  do 
not,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  give  us  the  same  type 
of  text ;  but  if  we  find  that  MSS.  from  the 
same  part  of  the  world  do  tend  to  give  the 
same  sort  of  text,  we  have  at  least  made  a  be- 
ginning towards  educing  order  out  of  chaos, 
and  have  found  a  starting-point  from  which 
we  may  try  to  reconstitute  the  history  of  their 
early  divergences.  The  initial  difficulty,  how- 
ever, in  this  line  of  investigation  is  that  Gk. 
MSS.,  and  especially  early  Gk.  MSS.,  do  not 
often  present  clear  indications  of  place.  The 
four  sister  purple  MSS.  of  6th  cent,  were, 
indeed,  probably  written  at  Constantinople. 
The  MSS.  of  the  Ferrar  group  were  mostly 
written  in  Calabria  ;  but  they  are  all  compara- 
tively late,  and  their  archetype  mav  easily 
have  come  to  Calabria  (where  Gk.  influences 
began  to  be  prevalent  in  the  days  of  Justinian) 
from  the  East.  The  new  uncial  in  America 
undoubtedly  came  to  light  in  Eg>^it,  though  it 
surprises  us  by  arranging  the  Gospels  in  the 
characteristic  Western  order — Mt.,  Jn.,  Lu., 
Mk.  On  the  ground  of  orthographical  pecu- 
liarities, Hort  thought  that  both  B  and  N  were 
written  at  Rome  or  in  the  West ;  but  in  this 
view  he  seems  to  have  few  f()llowers.  Palaeo- 
graphy may  some  day  furnish  us  with  more 
distinctive  clues  ;  at  present  it  seems  to  be 
generally  held  that  our  four  great  early  MSS., 
NABC — and  to  these  we  may  now  add  the 
.\merican  MS.  as  a  fifth — were  all  written 
in  I'-gypt  or  else  in  Palestinian  Caesarea  while 
its  affinities  were  still  with  EgyjU  ;  and  if 
that  be  so,  locality  grouping,  as  based  on  our 
earliest  MSS.,  affords  us  little  or  no  assistance. 
But  there  remains  one  class  of  Gk.  MSS.  where 
we  begin  to  touch  surer  ground — bilingual 
MSS.,  where  the  Gk.  original  and  a  translation 
face  one  another  in  opposite  columns  or  on 
opposite  pages.  Three  early  uncials,  perhaps 
ail  of  the  6th  cent.,  D,  D.^,  E_.,  are  written  in 
Gk.  and  ha,i.  ;   several  fragments  of  at  Ica^t 


iJEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

as  early  date  give  us  Gk.  and  the  dialect  of 
Upper  Egypt.  And  the  bilinguals,  as  em- 
ployed for  purposes  of  localizing  a  Gk.  text, 
form  the  transition  to  the  class  of  MSS.  where 
a  vernacular  translation  is  given  alone  without 
the  Gk.  original.  A  Latin  or  Syriac  MS.  will 
tell  us,  within  certain  limits,  from  what  type  of 
Gk.  text  it  was  translated,  even  though  the 
Gk.  does  not  accompany  it  within  the  boards 
of  the  same  MS.  The  conception  of  thus 
calling  the  early  versions  of  N.T.  into  the  wit- 
ness-box as  a  help  to  the  grouping  of  the  Gk. 
MSS.,  or  indeed  to  the  construction  of  the  Gk. 
}  text  at  all,  was  quite  foreign  to  the  minds  of 
the  earliest  editors.  Separate  editions  of  the 
Latin  Vulg.,  of  course,  there  were  in  plenty, 
among  which  the  official  recension  of  Pope 
Sixtus  V.  (1590),  re-issued  in  an  emended  form 
by  his  successor  Clement  VIII.  (1592),  marked 
an  epoch  ;  and  separate  editions  appeared 
also,  during  the  i6th  and  17th  cents.,  of  the 
Ethiopic  N.T.  (Rome,  1548-1549),  of  the 
Syriac  Vulg.  or  "  Peshitta  "  N.T.  (Vienna, 
1555),  of  the  Arabic  Gospels  (Rome,  1590),  of 
the  Arabic  N.T.  (Leyden,  1616),  of  the  Gothic 
Gospels  (Dordrecht,  1665),  and  of  the  Ar- 
menian Bible  (Amsterdam,  1666).  In  the 
Polyglot  Bibles  the  versions  were  brought  into 
comparison  with  the  Gk.  originals,  though 
they  are  there  printed  in  separate  columns  and 
do  not  form  any  constituent  element  in  the 
Gk.  text  itself.  The  N.T.  of  Cardinal  Ximenes' 
Complutensian  Polyglot  (15 17)  has  only  the 
Gk.  and  Vulg.  Latin ;  the  Antwerp  Polyglot 
(vol.  v.  N.T.  1571)  adds  the  Syriac;  the  Paris 
Polyglot  (vol.  V.  N.T.  1630-1633)  gives 
further  the  Arabic,  while  that  of  Brian  Walton 
(1657)  has  the  Ethiopic  as  a  fifth,  and  in  the 
Gospels  the  Persian  as  well.  The  first  editor 
of  N.T.  to  make  use  of  any  of  the  versions 
was  Beza  (Geneva,  1565,  1582),  who  not  only 
printed  the  Gk.  and  Lat.  texts  side  by  side,  but 
adduced  evidence  from  the  Syriac  in  his  notes  ; 
but  a  new  emphasis  was  laid  on  them  when 
Bp.  Fell  definitely  named  their  assistance  on 
the  title-page  of  his  edition  (Oxford,  1675), 
"  Accesserunt .  .  .  variantes  lectiones  ex  plus 
100  MSS.  codicibus  et  antiquis  versionibus 
collectae."  Besides  the  texts  already  printed 
Fell  used  collations  of  Coptic  MSS.,  for  the 
version  was  only  published  by  Wilkins  (also  at 
Oxford)  in  1716.  And  from  the  time  of 
Simon's  Histoire  critique  des  versions  du  N.T. 
(1690)  no  excuse  could  any  longer  be  pleaded 
for    neglecting    them.  One    version    sur- 

passed all  others,  if  not  in  age,  at  least  in  the 
capacities  and  circumstances  of  the  translator, 
and  in  the  prescriptive  authority  which  it  de- 
rived from  so  many  centuries  of  use  in  the 
Western  Church  ;  and  just  at  the  time  when 
the  importance  of  the  versions  was  beginning 
to  be  recognized,  two  scholars  independently 
conceived  the  idea  that  the  true  text  was  to 
be  found  in  the  harmony  between  Gk.  MSS. 
and  the  Vulg.  Lat.  of  St.  Jerome.  Toinard 
published  his  Evangeliorum  Harmonia  Graeco- 
Latina  at  Paris  in  1707.  Bentley's  Proposals 
for  Printing  a  parallel  edition  of  the  true  Gk. 
and  true  Lat.  text  followed  in  1720  :  the  ap- 
paratus, in  confirmation  of  the  dual  text,  was 
to  include  the  Syriac,  Coptic,  Gothic,  and 
Ethiopic  versions,  and  all  Gk.  and  Lat.  Fathers 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF     589 

of  the  first  five  cents.,  but  the  point  to 
which  all  lines  of  evidence  in  Bentley's  belief 
converged  was  that  a  Gk.  text  as  used  by 
Origen,  and  a  Lat.  text  as  used  by  St.  Jerome, 
would  be  established  in  so  close  an  agreement 
with  one  another  that  "  there  will  scarce  be 
two  hundred  "  places  where  the  reading  of  the 
original  text  would  be  in  doubt.  It  was  a 
striking  conception,  and  perhaps  contained 
more  elements  of  truth  than  has  always  been 
recognized  ;  the  text  of  our  greatest  Gk.  MSS. 
does  resemble  that  found  in  Origen,  while  the 
excellence  of  the  Gk.  text  used  by  Jerome 
becomes  more  patent  in  proportion  as  the 
true  text  of  the  Vulg.  is  recovered.  Bentley 
found  a  successor — like  himself,  a  distin- 
guished classical  scholar — more  than  a  century 
later  in  Lachmann,  whose  parallel  edition  of 
the  Gk.  and  of  the  Lat.  Vulg.  (1842-1850) 
claimed  to  reproduce  the  text  as  known  to 
antiquity  at  the  close  of  the  4th  cent.  Thus 
Lachmann's  expectations  were  pitched  at  a 
lower  level ;  for,  while  Bentley's  Gk.  was  to 
be  that  of  Origen,  Lachmann's  was  only  that 
of  Jerome's  contemporaries,  and,  while  Bent- 
ley  thought  he  could  restore  the  text  of  the 
apostles,  Lachmann  was  sensible  of  the  gap 
between  the  4th  cent,  and  the  first,  and  never 
supposed  that  his  method  would  reproduce  the 
original  form  of  N.T.  Both  Bentley  and 

Lachmann  started  on  the  Latin  side  from  the 
Vulg.,  finding  in  St.  Jerome's  work  an  ob- 
vious bridge  to  connect  Gk.  and  Lat.  texts. 
But  Bentley's  contemporaries  were  already 
feeling  their  way,  by  help  of  the  versions,  back 
to  those  earlier  stages  of  the  history  which 
Lachmann  in  the  19th  cent,  still  despaired  of 
reaching,  and  had  begun  to  attack  the  problem 
of  the  Latin  texts  that  lie  behind  St.  Jerome, 
thereby  opening  the  second  chapter  in  the 
criticism  of  N.T.  versions.  Just  as  the  earlier 
Gk.  editions  had  been  based  on  Gk.  MSS.  of 
the  current  type,  so  the  task  first  taken  in 
hand  upon  the  versions  was  to  print  the 
Latin  or  Syriac  or  Coptic  texts  that  were  in 
actual  Church  use.  It  was  now  time  to  enter  on 
the  more  formidable  but  more  fruitful  labour 
of  recovering,  often  only  in  fragments,  the 
primitive  translations  which  had  been  super- 
seded in  bygone  ages  by  the  current  texts. 
Among  these  the  most  numerous,  as  well  as  of 
course  the  most  easy  of  access,  were  the  Old 
Latin  texts  :  Mill  was  the  first  editor  of  N.T. 
(1707)  to  use  the  Old  Latin,  or,  as  he  called  it, 
the  "Italica";  the  Benedictine  Martianay  was 
the  first  to  publish  an  Old  Latin  text  (Paris, 
1695))  printing  the  epistle  of  James  from  a 
Corbie  MS.  (now  Petersburg,  Q.  v.  I.  39),  and 
the  Gospel  of  Matthew  from  another  Corbie 
MS.  (also  now  at  Petersburg)  known  as  // — 
old  Latin  MSS.  are  symbolized  by  the  small 
letters  of  the  alphabet — with  variants  from  a 
St.  Germain's  MS.  (now  Paris,  lat.  11,553) 
known  as  g.  Bianchini's  Evangeliarium  Quad- 
ruplex  (Rome,  1749  =  reprinted  in  Migne, 
P.L.  vol.  xii.)  printed  in  full  the  three  early 
Gospel  MSS.  of  N.  Italy,  those  of  Vercelli  (a, 
cent,  iv.),  Verona  {b,  cent.  v.  or  vi.),  and  Bres- 
cia (/,  cent,  vi.),  incorporating  Martianay's 
material  for  St.  Matthew.  But  the  great  con- 
tribution of  the  i8th  cent,  to  this  study  was 
the  splendid  collection  in  three  large  folios, 


6yO     NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

drawn  from  both  MSS.  and  Fathers,  which 
Sabatier,  another  Benedictine,  published  under 
the  title  Bibliorum  Sacrorum  Latinae  Versiones 
^M/j^wae  (vol.  iii.  N.T.  Paris,  1751).  Later  in 
the  same  century  the  discrimination  of  differ- 
ent Syriac  versions  was  commenced  by  White's 
edition  of  the  recension  of  Thomas  of  Harkhel, 
or  Heraclea,  (Oxford,  1 778-1 803,)  and  ot 
different  Egyptian  versions  by  several  publica- 
tions of  fragments  in  the  Upper  Egyptian 
dialect — called  variously  Sahidic  or  Thebaic — 
between  1778  and  1810,  the  most  important 
being  Woide's  collection,  of  the  Oxford  MSS., 
posthumously  edited  in  1799.  So  far,  while  an 
Old  Latin  was  known  anterior  to  the  Vulgate, 
and  a  second  Egyptian  version  independent  of 
the  Coptic  or  Memphitic,  all  that  had  been  dis- 
covered in  Syriac,  besides  the  Peshitta,  was  a 
later  recension  of  the  PeshUta  intended  to 
bring  the  Syriac  into  a  closer  and  more  slavish 
adherence  to  the  Gk.  The  gap  was  not  filled 
till  Cureton  published,  from  a  MS.  of  5th  cent, 
acquired  by  the  British  Museum  as  part  of  the 
Nitriau  collection  (Add.  14,451),  his  Remains 
oj  a  very  Antient  Recension  of  the  tour  Gospels 
tn  Syriac  (London,  1848).  Griesbach  was 
the  first  editor  of  N.T.  to  make,  by  the  help  of 
versions,  a  serious  beginning  of  order  and  sys- 
tem in  the  vast  and  ever-increasing  mass  of 
authorities,  and  to  introduce  a  sort  of  geo- 
graphical classification  among  them  according 
to  the  versions  with  which  they  show  most 
agreement.  Having  first  set  aside,  as  com- 
piled out  of  the  others,  a  later  Constantino- 
politan  group  headed  by  Codex  A,  he  distin- 
guished especially  two  ancient  families:  (i) 
the  Western,  consisting  of  the  Latin 
authorities,  especially  the  Old  Latin,  with  the 
bilingual  MSS.  such  as  t  odex  D,  and  in  part 
certain  other  Gk.  MSS.  iiiduding  some  ot  the 
best  cursives  ;  (2)  the  -Alexandrine,  consisting 
of  the  Coptic  and  Ethi(-)pic  versions,  with  the 
Alexandrine  Fathers  and  a  longer  list  of  Gk. 
MSS.  headed  (B  was  still  relatively  unknown) 
^y  C  1.  33.  The  geographical  distribution 
began  already  to  involve  complications  when 
(iriesbach  counted  the  Peshitta  as  often  siding 
with  the  Westerns ;  and  Oureton's  Syriac 
only  made  the  complications  worse,  for  its 
text  was  even  more  Western  than  the 
Peshitta.  The  Sahidic  again,  which  was 
coming  to  light  while  Griesbach  worked,  ought 
clearly,  on  his  principles,  to  have  ranged  itself 
with  the  Alexandrine  grt)up  ;  yet  it  too  was 
found  not  infrequently  with  the  Western  text. 
Further  progress  was  only  possible  when 
the  l-athers  were  called  in  to  reinforce  evi- 
dence of  locality   by    evidence    of    date. 

Meanwhile  the  versions  have  not  ceased  to  play 
a  preponderant  part  in  the  researches  and  dis- 
coveries of  the  modern  period.  During  its  first 
half,  indeed,  interest  in  them  paled  before  the 
interest  excited  by  h  and  N  ;  but  for  some- 
what more  than  twenty  years  a  continuous 
series  of  pui)li(ati<)ns  has  illustrated  the  mu- 
tual relations  of  the  earlier  and  later  Latin, 
Syriac,  and  Egyptian  versions,  and  has  funda- 
mentally modihi^d  the  balance  of  evidence  as 
between  Gk.  MSS.  on  the  one  hand  and  ver- 
sions on  the  other.  For  the  Old  Latin  an 
epoch-making  (  hange  in  its  subdivisions  is  due 
to  the  insight   of   Hort  ;     the   MSS.   are  now 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

classified  into  an  African  {ke),  an  European 
{abff  etc.),  and  an  Italian  (/g)  type,  of 
which  the  African  is  the  oldest  and  the  Italian 
the  latest.  New  editions  of  some  of  the  most 
important  MSS.  are  appearing  in  the  Oxford 
series  of  Old  Latin  Biblical  Texts  :  vol.  i.  (1883) 
St.  Matthew  of  g;  vol.  ii.  (1886)  the  Bobbio 
fragments,  k  (Turin,  G  vii.  15,  cent,  iv.-v.),  of 
Mt.  and  Mk. — now  recogni/ed  as  the  purest 
MS.  of  the  African  type — with  important  pro- 
legomena by  Dr.  Sanday  ;  vol.  iii.  (1888)  the 
Freising  Gospels,  </  (Munich,  lat.  6224,  cent, 
vii.),  ot  the  Italian  type  ;  vol.  iv.  (1897)  Bob- 
bio palimpsest  fragments,  s  (Vienna  lO,  cent, 
vi.),  of  Acts,  James,  and  iPeter ;  vol.  v.  (1907) 
the  Corbie  Gospels,  //  (called  originally  //. : 
Paris,  lat.  17,225,  cent,  v.),  and  (after  S.  Berger, 
Le  Palimpseste  de  Fleury,  Paris,  1889)  the 
Fleury  fragments,  h  (Paris,  lat.  6,400  G,  cent, 
v.),  of  Acts,  Apocalypse,  and  Catholic  Epistles 
in  an  African  text.  Less  accurate,  but  still 
very  convenient,  are  the  transcripts  of  numer- 
ous Old  Latin  MSS.  published  by  a  Norwegian 
scholar,  J.  Belsheim,  between  1879  and  1892. 
On  the  VuL(;.\TE  even  more  has  been  done  : 
Samuel  Berger  traced  its  history  during  the 
gradual  establishment  of  its  supremacy 
throughout  the  West,  Histoire  de  la  Vulgate 
pendant  Ics  premiers  siccles  du  may  en  age  (Paris, 
1893),  while  a  definitive  critical  text  of  its 
N.r.  is  appearing  at  Oxford  under  the  editor- 
shi})  of  Bp.  J.  Wordsworth  and  hi.  J.  White 
(Mt.  1889  ;  Mk.  1891  ;  Lu.  1893  ;  Jn.  1895  ; 
Acts,  1905).  In  the  epilogue  to  the  Gospels, 
1898,  Hp.  Wordsworth  deals  with  the  Gk.  MSS. 
used  by  Jerome,  and  brings  out  some  remark- 
able points  of  contact  with  N.  Of  the  Coptic 
or  Memphitic  or  Bohairic  version  of  N.T. 
(i.  Horner  has  completed  a  critical  edition 
(Oxford,  1898-1905),  and  is  now  at  work  on 
the  far  more  important  task  of  editing  the 
Thebaic.  Many  new  fragments  of  the  latter 
version  have  been  brougiit  to  light,  especially 
in  Ciasca's  splendid  collection  Sacrorum  bib- 
liorum fragmenta  Copto-Sahidica  Musei  Bar- 
giani,  of  which  the  N.  1".  volume  was  published, 
after  Ciasca's  death,  by  Balestri  (Rome,  1904). 
The  demonstration  by  Guidi,  in  the  Gottingen 
Nachrichten  der  K.  Gcsellsclia/t  der  Wissen- 
scha/len  (1889),  of  the  relative  lateness  of  the 
Memphitic  \  ersion,  appears  to  be  accepted,  by 
those  most  competent  to  judge,  as  conclusive, 
so  that  tlie Thebaic  may  be  d<Muiitely  described 
as  the  C^ld  ICg^ptiau  Xfrsion.  In  Syriac  the 
Peshitta  (iospels  have  at  last  been  critically 
edited  by  ti.  fl.  (iwilliam  and  the  late  P.  F-. 
Pusey  (Oxford,  1901)  ;  a  version  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse (a  book  absent  from  the  Peshitta),  has 
been  ])iiblisiifd  by  tlwyiin  (Dublin,  1897); 
and  a  part  of  Hebrews,  missing  from  White's 
MS.  of  the  Harclean,  has  been  supplied  by 
Bensly  (Cambridge,  1889).  But  the  two  most 
sensational  discoveries  of  our  time  have  both 
had  tn  do  with  Syriac  Gospel  texts  of  an  earlier 
type  tiian  llie  Peshitta.  Tatian's  Duitessaron, 
or  "Harmony  of  the  l'"our,"  seems  to  have 
been  the  form  in  which  the  Syriac  Churches 
first  read  the  Gosi>el,  and  though  the  Syriac 
Didtessaron  has  not  itself  been  recovered,  three 
documents  have  now  been  identified  as  origin- 
ally depending  on  it.  An  Armenian  version 
of  the  commentary  of  St.  ICphrem  of  Hdessa 


NEW  TElSTAMENT,  T^EXT  OF 

(t  373  A.D.)  on  the  Diatessaron  was  translated  I 
into  Latin  by  Aucher  and  Moesinger  (Venice, 
1876)  ;  this  in  turn  showed  that  the  Latin 
Harmony  of  Victor  of  Capua,  in  the  Codex 
Fuldensis  of  the  Vulg.  [c.  546  a.d.,  edited  by 
E.  Ranke,  Marburg,  1868)  was  nothing  else 
than  a  Latin  adaptation  of  Tatian ;  and,  finally, 
two  MSS.  of  an  Arabic  version  of  the  Syriac 
Diatessaron  were  edited  by  Ciasca  (Rome, 
1888).  Comparison  of  these  authorities 
enables  us  to  reconstruct  with  approximate 
certainty  the  order  and  arrangement  of  the 
Diatessaron,  but  only  seldom  to  recover  its 
actual  readings  ;  for  the  Arabic  Harmony  is 
conformed  to  the  Peshitta  text,  Victor's  to  the 
Latin  Vulg.,  and  the  Armenian  of  Ephrem's 
commentary  not  seldom  to  the  Armenian  Bible. 
But  just  as  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
the  Syriac  Diatessaron  was  a  translation. of  a 
Gk.  original,  made  not  at  Edessalsut  in  Rome, 
so,  too,  such  of  its  readings  as  can  be  securely 
made  out  are  of  a  Western  and  Roman  type. 
Far  more  momentous  textually  is  the  dis- 
covery, at  the  same  monastery  on  Mt.  Sinai 
where  Codex  N  came  to  light,  of  a  palimpsest 
of  the  old  Syriac  Gospels,  somewhat  older  in 
date  than  Cureton's,  much  more  complete  in 
its  contents,  and  much  more  homogeneous  in 
the  antiquity  of  its  text ;  see  The  Four  Gospels 
in  Syriac  transcribed  from  the  Sinaitic  Palim- 
psest, by  the  late  R.  L.  Bensly,  by  J.  Rendel 
Harris,  and  by  F.  C.  Burkitt,  Cambridge,  1894, 
and  Some  Pages  re-transcribed,  with  a  Trans- 
lation of  the  Whole  Text,  by  Agnes  S.  Lewis  (the 
original  discoverer  of  the  MS.),  London,  1896. 
Both  MSS.,  Sinai  and  Cureton,  are  combined, 
and  invaluable  prolegomena  added,  in  Burkitt's 
Evangelion  da-M epharreshe,  2  vols.,  Cambridge, 
1904.  The  Sinai  MS.  only  confirms  and  en- 
hances the  Western  sympathies,  already  noted, 
of  the  Curetonian.  Most,  indeed,  of  the  glosses 
or  (apparently)  apocryphal  additions  which 
seemed  to  bring  discredit  upon  our  most  ancient 
Latin  or  Greco-Latin  texts,  like  D  and  k,  are 
absent  from  the  Old  Syriac ;  but  in  very  many 
less  obviously  suspicious  readings  the  Old 
Syriac  and  Old  Latin  authorities  unite  against 
the  leading  Gk.  MSS.  The  crucial  importance, 
therefore,  of  the  new  discoveries  is  that  they 
afford  us  a  rough  test  for  discriminating 
oetween  such  Western  readings  as  may  be 
attributed  to  a  merely  local  development  of  the 
geographically  Western  text,  and  those  read- 
ings, on  the  other  hand,  which,  being  supported 
both  in  the  far  East  and  the  far  West,  must 
either  be  considered  genuine — in  which  case 
there  is  of  course  nothing  to  surprise  us  in  find- 
ing them  both  at  Carthage  and  Edessa — or,  if 
not,  make  final  havoc  of  the  attempt  to  group 
divergent  texts  on  any  system  of  locality.  [Ver- 
sions.] We  turn,  then,  to  patristic  evidence  for 
further  help  in  the  solution  of  our  difficulties. — 
HI.  PATRISTIC  QUOTATIONS.  We  have 
seen  that  Gk.  MSS.  neither  go  back  in  date 
behind  the  4th  cent.,  nor  afford  us,  as  a 
rule,  any  precise  indication  of  place  ;  while 
versions  give  us,  indeed,  clear  evidence  up  to  a 
certain  point  of  locality — though  an  early  Latin 
translation  may  have  proceeded  from  places  as 
distant  from  one  another  as  Rome,  Lyons,  and 
Carthage— but  with  rare  exceptions,  such  as 
the  Vulg.  of  St.  Jerome  or  the  Diatessaron  of 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF    59l 

Tatian,  contain,  like  the  Gk.  MSS.,  no  more 
direct  evidence  of  date  than  the  age  of  their 
earliest  exemplars.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
bulk  of  patristic  quotations  are  of  fixed  date  as 
well  as  of  fixed  place  ;  and  it  is  consequently 
by  their  assistance,  in  the  last  resort,  that  dif- 
ferent types  of  text  can  be  arranged  in  their 
due  sequence  and  chronological  relation  to  one 
another.  Very  slowly  has  this  conviction 
forced  itself  on  the  minds  of  editors  of  N.T. 
The  Fathers  were  still  neglected  even  after  the 
aid  of  the  versions  was  called  in  ;  before  Simon 
and  Mill,  Lucas  of  Bruges  was  apparently  the 
only  critic  who  thought  of  using  them.  Plaus- 
ible ground  for  this  neglect  might  have  been 
urged,  no  doubt,  in  the  uncertainty  of  their 
text  :  scribes  and  early  editors  displayed  a 
marked  tendency  to  substitute  a  familiar  for 
an  unfamiliar  form  of  a  Biblical  quotation — in 
Gk.  the  textus  recepttis,  in  Latin  the  Vulg.,  in 
Syriac  the  Peshitta — and  even  in  our  own  day 
the  want  of  critical  editions,  in  the  case  of 
many  of  the  Fathers,  is  a  real  hindrance.  But, 
with  whatever  difficulties  it  is  hampered, 
patristic  testimony  has  been  an  essential  ele- 
ment of  N.T.  textual  criticism  ever  since  the 
close  of  the  17th  cent.  Simon  did  good  service 
in  describing  the  patristic  commentaries  {Hist, 
crit.  des  principaux  commentateur'i  du  N.T., 
Rotterdam,  1693),  for  a  commentary  difters 
from  casual  quotations  by  expounding  a  con- 
tinuous and  carefully  recorded  text,  and  de- 
serves proportionate  attention.  Mill  first  men- 
tioned on  his  title-page  (1707)  variant  readings 
not  only  of  MSS.,  editions,  and  versions, 
but  of  the  "  holy  fathers  and  church  writers." 
Bentley  was  intending  (1720)  to  employ  "  all 
the  Fathers,  Greeks  and  Latins,  within  the 
first  five  centuries."  Sabatier  (1751)  collected 
Latin  patristic  evidence  for  the  whole  Bible 
with  a  fulness  never  before  or  since  equalled. 
When  Griesbach  (1777,  etc.)  contrasted  his 
two  early  recensions,  the  Western  and  the 
Alexandrine,  with  a  third  and  later,  the 
Constantinopolitan,  the  contrast  was  doubt- 
less based  on  the  absence  of  early  patristic 
attestation  for  the  latter.  But  it  was  Hug, 
Einleitung  in  die  Schriften  des  N.T.  (ist  ed. 
1808:  3rd  ed.,  Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  1826), 
who,  by  the  help  of  patristic  material,  sys- 
tematically developed  his  theories  on  distinc- 
tions of  date  as  well  as  of  place,  and  less  than 
Justice  seems  to  be  done  to  him  by  Hort 
(Introduction,  §  247).  Hug  saw  how  much  more 
widely  spread  was  Griesbach's  Western  type  of 
text,  in  the  earliest  period,  than  the  Alexan- 
drine ;  and  to  the  Western,  in  consequence, 
though  he  had  no  belief  in  its  genuineness,  he 
gave  the  name  of  koivt]  ^kSvctis.  In  the  3rd 
cent,  he  detected  the  appearance  of  three  re- 
visions of  the  common  text  :  the  Alexandrine 
recension  he  connects  with  the  name  of  Hesy- 
chius,  the  Constantinopolitan  he  prefers  to  call 
Asiatic,  and  connects  with  the  name  of  Lucian 
of  Antioch — for  we  know,  from  Jerome's 
preface  to  his  Vulg.  Gospels,  that  both  Hesy 
chins  and  Lucian  did,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  edit 
revised  texts,  at  least  of  the  Gospels ;  and  the 
evidence  of  Origen's  writings  seemed  to  Hug 
to  point  to  a  separate  "Origenian"  recension  of 
the  Gospels.  Griesbach,  too,  noted  the  impor- 
tance and  the  difficulty  of  Origen's  evidence, 


592    NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OP 

and  suggested  (1811)  that  he  used  different 
texts  at  different  times  of  his  life — an  Alexan- 
drine text  of  Mk.  in  the  citations  made  from 
that  Gospel  in  the  commentary  on  St.  John,  a 
Western  text  of  Mk.  in  the  citations  made  in 
the  later  commentary  on  St.  Matthew.  The 
French  Benedictines  had  produced,  between 
the  end  of  the  17th  and  the  end  of  the  i8th 
cents.,  good  working  texts  of  most  of  the 
Fathers  ;  and  as  long  as  patristic  evidence  was 
relegated  to  a  comparatively  obscure  place  in 
the  reconstruction  of  N.T.  documents,  these 
editions  did  well  enough.  But  if  we  are  in  the 
last  resort — and  this  is  the  conclusion  to  which 
the  whole  argument  has  led  us — to  depend  on 
the  Fathers  for  dating  and  grouping  the  various 
divergent  forms  of  N.T.  text,  then  we  cannot 
be  content,  in  the  case  at  least  of  the  com- 
mentators and  of  the  chief  ante-Nicene  writers, 
with  anything  less  than  the  most  absolutely 
accurate  presentation  possible  of  their  texts. 
The  series  of  critical  texts  in  this  sense,  with 
apparatus  of  the  variae  leciiones  of  the  MSS., 
may  be  said  to  have  been  inaugurated  by  Dr. 
Field's  admirable  editions  of  the  Homilies  of 
Chrysostom  on  St.  Matthew  (Cambridge,  3 
vols.  1839),  and  on  St.  Paul  (Oxford,  7  vols., 
1845-1862)  ;  with  which  may  be  mentioned 
Marriott  and  P.  E.  Pusey's  edition  of  Theo- 
doret's  Commentary  on  St.  Paul  (Oxford,  2 
vols.  1852,  1870).  Chrysostom  and  Theo- 
doret  represent  substantially  that  type  of 
N.T.  text  which  is  propagated  throughout  the 
great  mass  of  the  mediaeval  MSS.  ;  and  what 
their  evidence  proves  is  that  this  text  was  in 
use,  at  any  rate  in  the  sphere  of  the  Church  of 
Antioch,  as  early  as  400  a.d.  But  the  large 
mass  of  patristic  material  from  the  generations 
contemporary  witii  St.  Chrysostom,  so  far  as  it 
is  not  Antiochene  l)ut  Ivgyptian  or  Palestinian, 
I.atiu  or  Syriac,  appears  to  represent  quite 
different  textual  traditions.  The  Antiochene 
text  of  the  end  of  the  4th  cent,  is,  in  other 
words,  only  one  of  several  rival  texts  which  so 
far  have  each  as  good  a  claim  as  the  rest  to  be 
the  most  faithful  representative  of  the  aposto- 
lic originals.  Neither  the  iniblication  of  ac- 
curate texts  of  the  Fathers  wlio  embody  these 
alternative  traditions,  nor  tlie  full  investiga- 
tion which  is  only  possible  on  tiie  basis  of 
adecjuate  texts,  was  really  begun  before  the 
modern  period  ;  but  though  even  now  we  are 
only  in  the  begimiings,  tiie  results  are  already 
substantial.  In  Syriac  tiie  accretion  of  the 

Cureton  and  Sinai  ^iSS.,  with  the  partial  re- 
covery of  tlie  Diatessaron,  raised  at  once  the 
problem  of  tlieir  relation  to  one  another  and  to 
the  PeshUta,  anil  materials  for  its  solution 
have  been  found  in  the  comparison  of  their  use 
in  Syriac  crrlesiastiral  writings.  So  compared, 
the  Peshitta  appeared  to  find  its  first  strong 
suppr)rt  ill  the  writings  of  Ephrem  of  Edessa, 
according  to  the  Roman  edition  (1737-1743)  ; 
but  re-examination  of  the  MSS.  of  Ephrem 
shows  that  all  marked  points  of  contact  with 
the  Peshitta  against  the  other  ("lOspel  versions 
are  due  to  the  editors  and  are  absent  from  the 
MSS.  (F.  C.  Burkitt,  "St.  ICphraim's  Quota- 
tions from  the  Ciospel,"  Texts  andSludies,vii.  2, 
1901).  Burkitt  consequently  argues  with  great 
force  that  as  Rabbula,  Bp.  of  Edessa  from  411 
to  435i   is  known  to  have  translated  the  N.T. 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OP 

"  from  Gk.  into  Syriac,  because  of  its  varia* 
tions,  exactly  as  it  was,"  and  as  all  evidence 
of  the  existence  of  the  Peshitta  gospels  before 
Rabbula  has  now  vanishedj  Rabbula's  N.T. 
was  nothing  else  than  the  Peshitta  N.T.  itself. 
In  Syriac  writings  of  the  3rd  and  4th  cent.,  the 
great  bulk  of  (iospel  citations  and  allusions 
are  satisfied,  so  far  as  we  can  tell,  by  the 
Diatessaron,  which  was  clearly  the  popular,  if 
not  also  the  official,  version  of  the  Syriac- 
speaking  churches  ;  while,  in  a  minority  of 
instances,  and  especially  in  the  3rd  cent.  Acts 
of  Judas  Thomas,  the  evidence  points  in  the 
direction  of  the  Old  Syriac.  Burkitt  skilfully 
combines  the  traditions  contained  in  the 
primitive  Doctrine  of  Addai  and  in  other  later 
writers  to  recommend  the  hypothesis  that 
when  Serapion  of  Antioch  (c.  200)  consecrated 
Palut  as  catholic  Bp.  of  Edessa,  the  new  bp. 
took  with  him  among  his  credentials  a  version 
of  the  separate  Gospels  intended  to  supersede 
the  Harmony  of  Tatian.  But  Gospel  versions 
once  rooted  in  popular  affection  are  not  easy  to 
set  aside,  and  the  predominance  of  the  Diates- 
saron lasted  for  two  centuries  longer,  while 
the  four  Gospels  in  the  Old  Syriac  gradually 
faded  into  oblivion,  to  be  rescued  in  our  own 
day,  and  to  form — if  the  interpretation  here 
given  of  the  evidence  is  correct — our  only 
testimony  to  the  text  which  the  church  of 
.\ntioch  accepted  200  years  before  Chrysostom 
(Burkitt,  Evangelion  da-Mipharri's)u\  ii.  3, 
4).  Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the 
significant  agreements  between  the  texts  of 
the  far  East  and  of  the  far  West,  and  it  would 
be  a  welcome  addition  to  our  knowledge  if  we 
could  establish  any  lines  of  communication 
between  them.  Now  among  the  Westerns  the 
two  earliest  witnesses  of  importance — both 
were  Greeks  themselves,  but  both  have  come 
down  to  us  mainly  through  Latin  channels — 
are  Marcion,  who  jniblished  his  mutilated 
edition  of  St.  Luke  and  St.  Paul  c.  140-150 
at  Rome,  and  Irenaeus,  whose  work  against 
heresies  was  written  at  Lyons  some  forty  years 
later.  Both  Marcion  and  Irenaeus  used  N.T. 
texts  of  a  Western  character  ;  and  both  of 
them  had  come  from  Asia  Minor,  Marcion  from 
Pontus,  Irenaeus  from  Smyrna.  Are  we  to 
suppose  that  they  brought  tiicir  Western 
text  frona  Asia  Minor  with  them,  or  did  they  on 
arriving  in  the  West  simply  adopt  the  form  of 
text  already  in  use  in  the  Church  of  Rome  ? 
Perhaps  the  N.T.  Sancti  Irenaci,  long  ago  an- 
nounced among  the  Old  Latin  Biblical  Texts, 
may  lielp  a  little  towards  the  answer  to  this 
question.  The  first    Latin   Father   to  be 

brouglit  into  direct  relation  with  the  text  of  an 
Old  I.atin  MS.  was  Cyprian  of  Carthage.  His 
writings  fall  witliin  the  decade  248-258  a.d., 
and  all  of  tliem,  but  especially  tlie  collection  of 
Biblical  passages  in  three  books  known  as  the 
Testimonia  ad  Quirinum,  arc  important  for 
the  number  and  accuracy  of  their  Scriptural 
quotations.  When  Hort  (Introd.  §  113)  noted 
the  identity  of  the  Gospel  texts  of  k  (Cod. 
Bobiensis)  and  of  Cyprian — Cyprian's  works 
were  among  the  first  publications  (1868-1871) 
of  the  Vienna  Corpus  Scriptorum  Ecclesias- 
ticorum  Latinorum,  and  though  the  edition  was 
far  from  final,  the  apparatus  enables  the  reader 
to  control  the  text — a  fixed  point  was  reached 


ifEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  3rd  cent.,  and 
the  type  of  text  thus  established  is  known 
conventionally  as  the  "  African."  A  some- 
what similar  relation  exists  between  Novatian, 
Cyprian's  Roman  contemporary,  and  a  (Cod. 
Vercellensis) ;  but  a  is  the  most  "African"  of 
the  "European"  group,  and  if  it  is  also  the 
oldest — if,  that  is,  the  "  European  "  texts 
become  more  "African"  the  farther  back  we 
can  trace  them — then  the  conclusion  suggests 
itself  that  the  "European"  type  represents  a 
gradual  process  of  divergence  from  an  "  Afri- 
can "  original.  This  original  need  not  have 
come  from  Africa  to  Italy  ;  the  converse  is 
moi-e  likely  to  have  been  the  case.  Anyhow, 
the  "African"  text  of  Cyprian  was  not  the 
earliest  stage  of  N.T.  text  in  Africa.  Tertullian 
was  wont  to  translate  too  much  directly  from 
the  Gk.  for  his  Lat.  text  to  be  easily  identi- 
fied ;  but  Nemesianus  of  Thubunae,  a  remote 
town  in  Numidia,  used,  at  Cyprian's  great 
council  on  Re-baptism,  a  N.T.  that  has  clear 
points  of  contact  with  Tertullian  against 
Cyprian  (Journal  of  Theol.  Studies,  ii.  602 
[1901]).  Critical  texts  of  4th-cent.  writers 
illustrate  at  once  the  persistence  of  "African  " 
texts  in  Africa  (Optatus  of  Miletum,  Vienna, 
C.S.E.L.  vol.  xxvi.  1893),  and  especially  among 
the  Donatists  (Tyconius,  ed.  Burkitt  in  Texts 
and  Studies,  iii.  i,  1894),  and  the  development 
of  non-African  texts  in  the  European  pro- 
vinces ;  Lucifer  of  Cagliari  {C.S.E.L.  vol.  xiv. 
1886)  stands  in  close  agreement,  for  the  lesser 
Pauline  epistles,  with  d.^  (Latin  of  Cod.  Claro- 
montanus),  Priscillian  the  Spaniard  {C.S.E.L. 
vol.  xviii.  1889)  serves  to  connect  with  Spain 
the  Speculum  or  collection  of  Biblical  passages 
falsely  ascribed  to  St.  Augustine  {m,  C.S.E.L. 
vol.  xii.  [1887],  part  2).  A  text  of  Acts  agree- 
ing with  that  of  the  Old  Latin  MS.  known  as 
gigas  (g)  is  found  in  three  nearly  contemporary 
writers,  Lucifer  at  Cagliari,  Ambrosiaster  in 
Rome,  and  Niceta  at  Remesiana  in  Dacia. 
Continual  process  of  revision,  especially  in 
Italy,  tended  to  produce  in  Lat.  MSS.  imita- 
tions of  every  type  of  text  which  became 
popular  among  the  Greeks.  The  sort  of 
text  which  St.  Jerome  worked  over  to  pro- 
duce the  Vulg.  Gospels  is  represented  in  / 
(Cod.  Brixianus)  ;  and  /  is  a  type  of  text  in 
which  clear  elements  of  the  Antiochian  text 
as  used  by  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret  have 
already  been  introduced.  What  /  supplies 
in  relation  to  the  sources  of  the  Vulg.  Gospels 
may  be  expected  to  be  found  for  the  Vulg. 
epistles  in  the  text  of  the  commentary  of 
Ambrosiaster,  an  elder  contemporary  of  St. 
Jerome  at  Rome;  but  of  that  commentary 
the   critical  edition  is   still  awaited.  On 

the  early  reception  of  the  Vulg.  the  writings 
of  St.  Augustine  throw  welcome  light  ;  the  De 
Consensu  Evangelistarum  {C.S.E.L.  vol.  xliii. 
1904),  c.  400  A.D.,  is  based  on  a  piure  Vulg.  text 
of  the  Gospels,  while  the  Acta  contra  Felicem 
{ib.  vol.  XXV.  1892)  show  that  in  404  he  was 
using  the  Gospels  in  the  Vulg.,  the  Acts  in  the 
Old  ("  African  ")  Latin  ;  and  Burkitt  ("Old 
Latin  andltala,"  Texts  and  Sttidies,  iv.  3, 1896), 
starting  from  these  premisses,  argues  that  it 
was  the  Vulg.  which  Augustine  already  had 
in  mind  in  397  when  he  wrote  {De  Doctrina 
Christiana,  ii.  22)  that  the  ItaUan  translation, 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF    593 

Itala,  was  to  be  preferred  to  the  rest  both  for 
exactness  and  for  lucidity.  The  De  Consensu 
has  not  yet  been  used,  as  it  might  now  be,  as 
a  witness  to  the  Vulg.  text  as  it  reached 
Africa ;  but  criticism  is  busy  with  South  Italian 
patristic  evidence  for  the  Vulg.  Gospels  in 
the  6th  cent.  Victor  of  Capua  ordered  the 
writing  of  the  Codex  Fuldensis  ;  the  Codex 
Epternacensis  takes  us  back  to  Eugipius  of 
Lucullanum  ;  the  Codex  Amiatinus  has  points 
of  contact  with  Cassiodorus  (P.  Corssen  in 
Jahrbucher  fiir  protestantische  Theologie,  Leip- 
zig, 1883)  ;  its  sister  MS.,  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels,  bears  traces  of  Neapolitan  ancestry. 
Wordsworth's  leading  MSS.  betray,  in  fact,  a 
close  family  likeness  of  origin,  and  the  known 
zeal  of  Cassiodorus  for  the  reproduction  of 
Bible  MSS.,  as  portrayed  in  his  De  Institutione 
Divinarum  Litterarum,  suggests  that  traces  of 
the  influence  of  his  scriptorium  may  be  found 
in  them.  To  balance  this  S.  ItaUan  recension, 
the  evidence  of  MSS.  from  other  parts  of  Italy 
is  necessary  before  the  last  word  is  said  on 
the  text  of  the  Vulg.  Gospels  ;  equal  weight 
must  be  laid  on  four  6th-cent.  MSS.  from 
N.  Italy,  two  of  them — the  Milan  and  the 
Friuli  Gospels — used  by  Wordsworth,  two  of 
them  still  unpubhshed  :  St.  Gall  1395  (frag- 
ments amounting  to  nearly  half  the  Gospels, 
copied  by  the  present  writer  in  1907),  and  a 
MS.  in  the  cathedral  of  Ancona,  described  by 
Mgr.  G.  Mercati  in  Rassegna  Gregoriana,  i.  64 
(1902).  For  the  Vulgate  text  of  the  Pauhne 
epistles  a  new  and  early  witness  is  Pelagius, 
the  genuine  form  of  whose  commentary, 
published  c.  409,  has  lately  been  discovered 
by  Mr.  A.  Souter  in  a  Reichenau  MS.  of  9th 
cent.  (Carlsruhe,  Augiensis,  cxix.).  Among 
the  Fathers  of  Egypt  and  Palestine  four  are  of 
special  importance  in  the  history  of  the  N.T. 
text  :  Clement  of  Alexandria  {c.  190-200), 
Origen  (at  Alexandria  till  231,  at  Caesarea 
231-250),  Eusebius  (Bp.  of  Caesarea  c.  313- 
339),  Cyril  (Bp.  of  Alexandria  412-444) ; 
and  these  shew  fewer  traces  even  than  do 
the  early  Latin  and  Syriac  writers  of  the  type 
of  text  used  from  the  4th  cent,  onwards  at 
Antioch  and  Constantinople.  Of  Cjnril,  P.  E. 
Pusey  has  re- edited  a  large  number  of  writings, 
and  among  them  the  imperfect  commentary  on 
St.  John  (Oxford,  3  vols.  1872),  and  Payne 
Smith  the  Syriac  version  of  the  homilies  on 
St.  Luke  (Oxford,  1858  :  Enghsh  translation 
from  the  Syriac  and  the  Gk.  fragments,  1859) ; 
Cyril's  text  is  close  to  that  of  the  Memphitic 
Version,  and  the  two  show  us  an  of&cial  Alex- 
andrme  text  of  the  5th  cent.,  most  nearly 
represented  among  Gk.  MSS.  by  Codex  L  (Paris 
gr.  62,  cent.  viii.).  It  is  a  local  development  of 
the  eariier  Egyptian  text  represented  by  Origen 
(BN)  and  the  Sahidic.  Eusebius  was   so 

multifarious  a  writer  that  even  the  steady 
issue  of  his  works  in  the  Berlin  ante-Nicene 
Gk.  Fathers  has  not  yet  included  much  that 
bears  directly  on  our  subject.  But  his  place 
in  the  history  of  the  N.T.  text  belongs  to  him 
not  only  in  virtue  of  his  writings,  but  even 
more  by  reason  of  the  great  library  which  he 
and  his  friend  Pamphilus  founded  at  Caesarea 
to  enshrine  the  literary  traditions  of  Origen. 
Biblical  MSS.  formed  its  nucleus ;  and  when 
Constantine  was  furnishing  his  new  churches 

38 


594    NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF 

at  Constantinople,  he  turned  to  Eusebius  with 
the  order  for  fifty  sumptuous  Bibles.  Its  pre- 
servation was  provided  for  by  Bp.  Acacius, 
I  successor  to  Eusebius,  under  whose  direction 
I  the  original  papyrus  rolls  were  re-copied  on  the 
now  fashionable  and  more  durable  material  of 
the  vellum  codex.  Definite  testimony  is  borne 
to  this  Caesarean  MS.  tradition  in  H.^  of  St. 
Paul  and  in  the  O.T.  of  N.  The  archetype 
of  H.^  was,  as  its  mutilated  colophon  tells  us, 
written  by  the  great  Origcnist  and  ascetic 
]-;vagrius  (t  399)  ;  and  either  the  scribe  of  the 
existing  MS.  or,  as  seems  more  likely,  Evagrius 
himself,  collated  his  work  with  "  the  library 
copy  in  the  hand  of  the  holy  Pamphilus." 
Codex  X,  according  to  a  note  at  the  end  of  the 
book  of  Esther,  was  compared  with  "  a  very 
ancient  MS,"  reaching  from  i  "  Kingdoms  " 
to  Esther,  which  (as  its  colophon  in  turn  bore 
witness)  had  licen  collated  by  tlie  confessor 
.Antoninus  and  verified  in  prison  by  Pamphilus 
after  the  Hcxapla  of  Origcn.  And  there  seems 
a  growing  tendency  among  scholars  to-day  to 
believe  that  X  certainly,  and  B  possibly,  were 
written  in  the  library  of  Caesarea.  Origen 

composed  commentaries  {rdfxoi,  voliimina), 
homilies  (oyutXiai,  tractatus),  or  notes  ((TX(5X«a, 
excerpta),  on  most  of  the  books  of  N.T.  ;  but  in 
the  original  Gk.  not  one  of  these  works  has 
reached  us  complete,  and  Latin  versions 
(homilies  on  I,u.  by  Jerome,  commentary  on 
Romans  by  l^ufinus,  and  an  older  anonymous 
translation  of  part  c)f  the  commentary  on  Mt.) 
are  naturally  under  suspicion  of  adaptation  of 
the  Scripture  text  to  that  familiar  to  the  trans- 
lators. Steady  ad\ance  has  boon  made,  during 
the  last  few  years,  in  critical  editions  of  the  (ik. 
remains  :  at  Cambridge  the  Philocalia  (which 
includes  six  passages  from  works  on  N.T.)  was 
edited  by  J.  A.  Robinson  in  1.S93,  and  the  ex- 
tant portions  of  the  commentary  on  Jn.  by 
A.  E.  Brooke  in  1896 — the  latter  commentary 
has  also  appeared  in  the  Berlin  series,  edited  by 
l^reuschen,  in  1903;  and  the  fragments  on  the 
Pauline  epistles,  preserved  in  catenae,  are  in 
process  of  appearing  in  the  Journal  of  Theol. 
Studies  ;  Ephesians,  by  J.  A.  F".  (Iregg  (1902, 
iii.  233,  398,  554),  iCorinthians  by  C.  Jenkins 
(begun  in  Jan.  1908,  ix.  231),  while  Romans  is 
also  in  preparation.  Special  mention  must 
also  be  made  of  the  discovery  by  E.  von  der 
'"■oltz  of  fresh  material  for  reconstituting 
f)rigen's  text  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles  (especi- 
ally epp.  Paul)  in  an  Athos  MS.  of  cent,  x., 
Eine  textzilische  Arbeit  des  zehnten  bezw.  s.-ch- 
slein  Jahrhunderts  (Leipzig,  1899;  note,  e.g., 
that  Origcn's  text  omitted  iv  'Vui/xri  in  R0.I.7). 
But  the  final  word  on  Origen's  position  in  the 
history  of  N.T.  texts  has  yet  to  be  said  :  a  sys- 
tematic collection  of  his  evidence  is  one  of  the 
chief  desiderata  of  the  textual  critic.  Even  if  he 
did  not  definitely  edit  the  N.T.,  as  he  did  the 
<J.T.,  it  is  still  i)robable  that  the  form  of  text 
adopted  by  him  would  projjagate  itself  through 
the  influence  of  his  school — I'amphilns  and 
luisebius  at  Caesarea,  Dionysius  and  Pierius  at 
Alexandria  ;  and,  in  fact,  (crome  (juotes  as  the 
most  authoritative  for  him  among  (ik.  MSS., 
the  "  exemplaria  Adamantii"  (.Xdamantius  = 
Origen)  on  (lal.S.i,  and  "  exemplaria  Adaman- 
tii et  Pierii  "  on  Mt. 24.36  (Comm.  in  Gal.,  ad 
loc. ;  Comm.  in  Matt.,  ad  loc).       In  the  case  of 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OP 

Origen  we  have  to  weigh  the  probabilities  that 
he  was  merely  using  a  text  that  had  come  down 
to  him,  and  that  he  was  consciously  choosing 
between  different  texts  or  even  constructing  a 
new  text  ;  but  Clement  was  no  textual  critic, 
and  the  problem  of  his  N.T.  is  therefore  a 
simpler  one.  But  it  was  left  to  P.  M.  Barnard 
and  F.  C.  Burkitt  ("  Biblical  Text  of  Clement  of 
.Alexandria  in  the  Four  dospels  and  the  Acts," 
Texts  and  Studies,  v.  5,  1899),  to  work  out  the 
startling  result  that  Clement's  text  has  very 
clear  "  Western  "  affinities.  The  "  Western  " 
element  in  the  Sahidic  and  in  Origen  no  longer 
causes  surprise,  now  that  we  know  that  at 
Alexandria  as  well  as  at  Edessa  and  Rome, 
Lyons  and  Carthage,  the  earliest  traceable  text 
was  "  Western."  It  should  be  added  that 
Clement  shares  one  certainlv  wrong  reading 
(Lu.9.f)2)  with  D  and  the  Old  Latin  ;  but 
conversely  the  error  docs  not  ajipear  in  the  Old 

Syriac. IV.  SVMM.-\Ry.     We   ask,  in 

conclusion,  how  far  the  principles  on  which  the 
text  of  Westcott  and  Hort's  great  edition  was 
constructed  have  been  affected  by  the  dis- 
coveries and  investigations  of  the  years  that 
have  elapsed  since  its  appearance  in  1881. 
There  is  a  true  sense  in  which  Hort's  masterly 
introduction  will  never  be  superseded.  Its 
simultaneous  publication  with  the  text  meant 
that  the  ]>rinciples  of  the  text  were  hammered 
out  first,  and  the  details  then  followed  as  the 
logical  outcome  of  the  jirinciples.  Hort 
taught  us  to  note  the  temper  of  each  of  our 
leading  MSS.  and  the  company  which  it  keeps  ; 
and  the  results,  as  he]ircsented  them,  converged 
in  assigning  a  unique  ])lace  to  Codex  B.  The 
bulk  of  MSS.  were  still  divided  off  into  a  single 
"  group,"  which  he  called  Syrian  ;  it  was  per- 
haps by  delil)erate  avoidance  of  Hug's  termin- 
ology that  Hort  used  neither  the  word  "  re- 
cension "  nor  the  word  "  .Antiochene."  \'et 
in  the  case  of  the  Syrian  MSS.  Hort  detects 
such  olivious  con^binations  of  pre-existing 
readings  as  could  only  be  the  result  of  definite 
revision  of  the  text  ;  and  the  most  persistent 
of  the  early  criticisms  on  his  position,  namely, 
that  history  had  preserved  no  record  of  the 
revision  that  on  internal  e\iilence  he  postu- 
lated, would  ha\e  lost  its  edge  if  he  had  boltlly 
followed  Hug  in  connecting  it  with  the  known 
name  and  work  of  Lucian  of  Antioch.  Hort 
further  retained,  with  (iriesbach,  a  Western 
"group,"  and  is  forced  to  admit,  with  Hug,  its 
wide  prevalence  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  cents.;  for 
to  Hug's  authorities  Cureton's  Syriac  had  to  be 
added,  so  that  "  during  that  part  of  the  ante- 
Nicene  period  of  which  we  have  any  direct 
knowledge.  Western  texts  were  at  least  domi- 
nant in  most  churches  of  both  Ii!.ist  and  West  " 
(§  177).  An  .Alexandrine  text  also  reappears, 
init  in  a  sense  so  much  more  limited  than 
("rriesbach's  that  even  "  group  "  is  too  de- 
finite a  term  for  it  ;  no  (ik.  MSS.  gives  an 
"  approximately  unmixed  .Alexandrian  text  " 
(§  182),  but  for  practical  purjioses  it  is  repre- 
sented by  .Alcx.uidrine  writers  and  I'gviUian 
versions  when  their  readings  are  neither  those 
of  the  Western  nor  of  the  "  Neutral"  text.  The 
coinage  of  this  latter  term  is  Hort's  specific 
contribution  to  the  nomenclature  of  textual 
criticism  ;  it  is  meant  to  signify  freedom  from 
the  faults  or  local  colouring  of  the  other  texts. 


NEW  TEST AlVCENT,  TEXT  OP 

and  it  is  represented  in  effect  by  B  and  by 
other  authorities  when  they  agree  with  B. 
Agreement  with  B  reached  its  highest  per- 
centage among  MSS.  in  X,  among  versions  in 
the  Memphitic,  among  Fathers  in  Clement  and 
Origen,  Eusebius  and  the  Alexandrine  Cyril. 
Now,  according  to  Hort,  internal  evidence  of 
"  transcriptional  "  and  "  intrinsic  "  proba- 
bility, where  these  can  be  brought  to  bear, 
confirmed  nearly  always  the  readings  of  NB 
against  other  variants,  and,  where  these  two 
MSS.  differed,  the  readings  of  B  against  N. 
The  deduction  of  excellence  drawn  from  these 
clearer  cases  might  then  be  properly  employed 
in  favour  of  B's  reading  in  those  other  cases 
where  the  same  tests  cannot,  for  whatever 
reason,  be  applied.  As  between  the  Gk.  MSS. 
it  may  at  once  be  conceded  that,  taking  signi- 
ficant and  insignificant  variations  together,  the 
claims  of  B  to  be  regarded  as  our  best  and 
purest  MS.  cannot  be  denied.  But  what  Hort 
asked  for  B  was  much  more  than  this  ;  for  if 
the  combination  XB  practically  always,  and 
B  alone  nearly  always,  gave  us — apart  from 
the  ordinary  blunders  of  even  a  careful 
scribe,  and  apart  from  a  certain  admitted 
Western  element  in  the  Pauline  epistles — 
the  true  text,  it  is  obvious  that  the  inde- 
pendent value  of  other  authorities,  such  as 
versions  and  Fathers,  tended  to  vanish.  They 
only  served  for  the  most  part  to  reinforce 
the  Western  text  ;  and  the  Western  text  is 
wrong  when  it  differs  from  the  Neutral.  And 
since  Hort  wrote,  Clement,  the  earliest  Father 
on  whom  he  relied,  has  gone  over  to  the 
Western  enemy,  while  the  Memphitic,  his 
most  faithful  ally  among  the  versions,  has 
slipped  down  three  centuries  in  date  and  value. 
It  is  more  than  ever  clear  that  Hort's  work  is 
equivalent  to  a  reaction  in  favour  of  depend- 
ence on  MSS. — cf.  §§  262,  360 — as  against  the 
increased  value  set  on  other  evidence  of  which 
we  have  traced  the  growth  since  the  beginning 
of  the  i8th  cent.  But  the  tendency  of  all  dis- 
covery and  all  research  during  the  past  quarter 
of  a  century  has  been  to  re-establish  more 
firmly  than  ever  the  insistent  claim  of  versions 
and  Fathers  to  be  heard  in  modification  of 
the  textual  results  arrived  at  by  the  help  of 
Gk.  MSS.  alone.  The  Western  text  of  the 
Gospels,  little  support  as  it  gets  from  the  Gk, 
uncials  apart  from  D,  is  seen  on  the  one  hand 
to  receive  continual  reinforcement  from  the 
earliest  versions  and  the  earliest  Fathers,  and 
on  the  other  to  be  something  above  and  apart 
from  the  local  or  individual  aberrations  of  its 
different  representatives  ;  D  was  the  only 
uncial  giving  a  Western  text,  and  perhaps 
Hort,  true  to  his  preference  for  MSS.,  judged 
the  Western  text  by  the,  in  many  ways,  de- 
prayed  standard  of  D.  The  great  classical 
scholar,  Fr.  Blass,  attempted  to  save  the  credit 
of  both  Neutral  and  Western  texts,  in  the 
books  where  their  divergence  is  greatest,  by 
the  hypothesis  that  St.  Luke  published  two 
editions  of  his  Gospel  and  Acts  (Acta  Aposio- 
lorum,  sive  Lucae  ad  Theophilum  liber  alter, 
Gottingen,  1895,  ed.  minor,  Leipzig  1896  ; 
Evangelium  secundum  Lucam  sive  Lucae  ad 
Theophilum  liber  prior  [uniform  with  ed.  minor 
of  Acts],  Leipzig,  1897  ;  Philology  of  the  Gospels, 
London,  1898)  ;    but  whatever  germs  of  truth 


NEW  TESTAMENT,  TEXT  OF     595 

may  be  concealed  in  his  theory,  it  was  found,  in 
the  shape  which  he  gave  to  it,  far  too  compli- 
cated for  acceptance.  And  while  the  Western 
text  is  represented  in  such  diverse  quarters 
that  no  merely  local  name  can  now  efficiently 
describe  it,  the  witnesses  to  the  Neutral  text 
are  more  and  more  clearly  localized  to  Egypt 
and  Caesarea.  Whether  the  Neutral  text 
existed  before  Origen  or  not,  the  evidence  is 
insufficient  at  present  to  decide  ;  but  though 
this  text  is  certainly  not  secondary  in  the  same 
sense  as  the  Syrian  text,  there  are  not  wanting 
readings  in  B  which  have  somewhat  the  appear- 
ance of  conflations — such  as  Lu.lO.42,  oXiyuy 
.  .  .  7]  efos,  Lu.12.47,  /ZTj  erot^d(Tas  fj  rroi-qffas — 
and  in  that  case  indicate  at  least  the  pre- 
existence  of  rival  texts,  if  not  also  the  industry 
of  a  scholar  in  combining  them.  But,  what- 
ever view  be  taken  of  the  origin  of  the  B  text, 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  problem  is  altered,  now 
that  the  "Neutral"  text  has  become,  and  the 
"Western"  has  ceased  to  be,  representative 
of  one  particular  locality.  The  a  priori  proba- 
bilities are  not  in  favour  of  a  purer  text  being 
preserved  at  Alexandria  than  elsewhere,  but 
perhaps  rather  the  contrary  ;  and  the  most  that 
can  now  be  said  is  that  we  have  good  evidence 
from  three  different  quarters — Alexandria, 
Edessa  (Antioch),  and  Carthage  (Rome) — of 
the  Gospel  texts  in  use  before  250  a.d.  ;  that 
there  is  a  very  considerable  amount  of  agree- 
ment between  these  texts  against  all  or  a  ma- 
jority of  later  texts  ;  that  where  the  three  dis- 
agree, the  reading  of  any  two  of  them  is  more 
likely  to  be  right  than  the  reading  of  the  third, 
though  in  individual  instances  each  will  be 
found  right  against  the  others  combined.  This 
new  conception  of  the  evidence,  of  course, 
renders  the  task  of  the  textual  critic  more 
complicated  than  if  faith  is  pinned  to  one 
authority  alone.  It  also  involves  the  re-entry 
of  the  S>'rian  text  as  a  factor  not  quite  to  be 
set  aside  ;  for  as  that  text  is  made  up  for  the 
most  part  of  pre-existent  elements,  it  may 
enable  us  to  identify  fragments  of  ancient  texts 
to  which  our  earlier  authorities  themselves, 
owing  to  their  imperfection,  have  failed  to 
preserve  direct  testimony.  Enough  has  been 
said  to  show  that  the  task  of  textual  criticism 
of  the  N.T.  is  not  yet  complete,  and  that  it 
will  still  have  calls  to  make  upon  both  the 
courage  and  the  patience  of  Christian  scholars. 
Ei'  Tji  iiTTO/jLOvri  vfiQv  KT-qaeaOe  ras  \f/vxo.s  v/ulwv. 
— Bibliography.  Older  books  and  modern 
discussions  of  detailed  points  have  been 
sufficiently  dealt  with  above,  and  need  not 
be  recapitulated  here  ;  the  following  list  con- 
fines itself  in  time  to  what  we  have  called 
the  modern  period,  and  in  subject-matter  to 
editions  of  the  text  and  general  works  on 
textual  criticism,  (i)  Editions.  Tischen- 
dorf's  Editio  Octava  Critica  Maior,  1864-1872, 
is,  for  full  statement  of  the  evidence,  whether 
of  MSS.,  versions,  or  Fathers,  absolutely  indis- 
pensable, though  of  course  already  to  some 
extent  out  of  date.  The  last  part  of  the  text 
of  Tregelles  appeared  in  the  same  year  as  the 
last  part  of  Tischendorf's  ;  in  both  cases  the 
introductions  appeared  later  and  posthumous- 
ly (for  Tischendorf,  see  below  under  Gregory  ; 
prolegomena  to  Tregelles  were  edited  by  Hort 
and    Streane  in   1879),    while   Westcott    and 


596 


NEW  YEAR 


Hort,  as  was  noted  above,  published  their 
whole  text  and  introduction  simultaneously 
in  1881  (manual  edition  of  the  text,  1885). 
Among  later  editions  mention  should  be  made 
of  Nestle's  convenient  parallel  Gk.  and  Vulg. 
Lat.  texts  (Stuttgart,  1906).  (2)  Introduc- 
tions. For  all  material  connected  with  the 
bibliography  of  editions, MSS.,  and  versions,  the 
prolegomena  to  Tischendorf's  eighth  edition, 
carried  through  by  C.  R.  Gregory  (Leipzig,  3 
parts,  18H4-1894),  are  as  indisjiensable  as  his 
text,  and  have  sup])lied  many  details,  especi- 
ally in  the  first  half  of  this  article.  F.  H.  A. 
Scrivener's  Plain  Introduction  to  the  Criticism 
of  the  N.T.  (4th  ed.  2  vols.,  by  E.  Miller,  1894) 
contains  a  vast  mass  of  miscellaneous  informa- 
tion, and  should  not  be  neglected  ;  the  stand- 
point on  textual  matters  is  conservative,  but 
less  trencliantly  so  than  J.  W.  Burgon  and  E. 
Miller,  The  Traditional  Text  of  the  Holy  Gos- 
pels vindicated  and  established,  and  The  Causes 
of  the  Corruption  of  the  Traditional  Text  (both 
1896  ;  of  Miller's  Textual  Commentary  upon 
the  Holy  Gospels  no  more  than  Part  I.,  Mt.1-14, 
1899,  was  ever  published).  The  best  general 
accounts  to  recommend  to  the  student  are 
probably  E.  Nestle,  Einfiihrung  in  das  Griech- 
ische  N.T.  (Gottingen,  1S97,  2nd  ed.  1899; 
English  version,  Introduction  to  Textual 
Criticism  of  the  Greek  N.T.,  London,  1901), 
and  F.  G.  Kcnyon,  Handbook  to  the  Textual 
Criticism  of  the  N.T.  (1901).  Kenyon's  posi- 
tion is  that  of  a  moderate  adherent  of  Hort ; 
a  more  thoroughgoing  defence  is  J.  O.  F. 
Murray's  article  "  Textual  Criticism  of  N.T." 
in  the  supplementary  vol.  of  Hastings'  D.B. 
(1904).  But  if  the  argument  suggested  in 
this  article  is  valid,  the  most  accurate  sum- 
mary of  the  present  position  will  be  found  in 
F.  C.  Burkitt's  article,  "  Text  and  Versions," 
in  Encyclopaedia  Biblica  (vol.  iv.  1903)  ;  no 
amount  of  disagreement  with  this  scholar's 
views  on  other  matters  should  carry  with  it 
an  under-estimate  of  his  brilliant  services — 
greater  perhaps  than  those  of  any  living 
scholar — to  the  textual  criticism  of  the  N.T. 
Solidity  rather  than  brilliance  is  the  note  of 
the  most  recent  German  work,  Freiherr  von 
Soden's  Die  Schriften  des  N.T.  in  Hirer  altesten 
erreichbaren  Textgestalt :  this  great  undertaking 
has  reached  so  far  (1902-1908)  p.  1648  of  vol. 
i.  ;  the  autiior  has  hardly  simplified  an  already 
difficult  subject  by  re-naming  and  re-number- 
ing all  MSS.  of  the  N.T.  [c.h.t.] 

New  yeap.  [Trumpets,  Feast  of  ; 
Yeak.] 

Neziah',  ancestor  of  some  Nethinim  who  re- 
turned with  Zeruhbabel  (lCzr.2.54  ;   Ne.T.sT)). 

Nezib',  a  city  of  J udah  (Jos. 15. 43  only),  in 
the  district  of  the  Shephelah,  one  of  the  same 
group  with  Keilah  and  Mareshah.  Eusebius 
(Onomaslicon)  places  it  on  the  road  between 
lileutheropolis  and  Hebron,  9  mlies  from 
the  former.  It  is  now  the  ruin  Beit  Niisib, 
8  miles  N.W.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Nibhaz',  a  deity  of  the  Avites,  introduced 
into  Samaria  by  t!ie  colonists  sent  there  by  the 
Assyrian  king  (2K.I7.31).  Nothing  is  known 
l)eyon(l  tiic  Bible  records  eitiier  about  the 
deity  or  about  the  people  who  worshipped  it. 
[Taktak.]  [a. U.S.] 

NIbshan',  one  of  the   six  cities  of  J  udah 


NICOLAITANES 

(Jos.I5.r)2)  in   tlie  midhhdr  (A.V.  wilderness). 
The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c. 1 

Nica'nop. — 1.  Son  of  Patroclus(2Mac.8.9), 
a  general  engaged  in  the  Jewish  wars  under 
Antiochus  lipiphanes  and  Demetrius  I.  He 
took  part  in  the  first  expedition  of  Lysias, 
166  B.C.  ( I  Mac. 3. 38),  and  was  defeated  with 
his  fellow-commander  at  Emmaus  (iMac.4  ; 
cf.  2Mac.8.9ff.).  After  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Eupator  and  Lysias,  Demetrius  appointed  him 
governor  of  Judaea  (2Mac.i4.12),  and  he  is 
noted  as  one  "  who  bare  deadly  hate  unto 
Israel  "  (i  Mac. 7. 26).  At  first  he  endeavoured 
to  win  the  confidence  of  J\idas,  but,  his 
treacherous  designs  being  discovered,  he  had 
recourse  to  violence.  An  indecisive  battle 
took  place  at  Cajiliar-salama  :  butsliortlyafter- 
wards  Judas  met  him  at  Adasa  (161  B.C.),  and 
he  fell  "  first  in  the  battle."  A  general  rout 
followed;  and  Adar  13,  on  which  the  engage- 
ment took  place,  "  the  day  before  Mardocheus' 
day,"  was  ordained  to  be  kept  for  ever  as  a 
festival  (iMac.7.49;  2Mac.i5.36).  There  are 
some  discrepancies  between  the  narratives  in 
the  two  books  of  Maccabees  as  to  Nicanor. 
Internal  evidence  is  decidedly  in  favour  of  I  Mac. 
— 2.  One  of  the  first  seven  deacons  (Ac.6.3). 

Nicodemus,  a  wealthy  Pharisee,  member 
of  the  Sanhedrin  and  "teacher  of  Israel,"  three 
times  mentioned  by  St.  John,  (i)  In  3.1-21  he 
came  to  Jesus  by  night,  and  our  Lord  lieldwith 
him  the  well-known  conversation  as  to  the  new 
birth  by  water  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  (2)  In  7. 
30,51  he  raises  his  voice  in  the  Sauiiedrin  itself, 
in  a  timely  (though  guarded)  jirotest  against, 
judging  Jesus  imheard,  which  is  received  with 
little  favour  or  respect.  (3)  In  19.38,39,  when 
Joseph  of  Arimathaea  has  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing the  Body  of  Jesus  for  burial,  it  is  Nicode- 
mus who  brings  a  large  quantity  of  spices  with 
which  to  embalm  It,  before  It  is  laid  in  Joseph's 
new  tonab.  These  three  incidents  reveal  a 
character  which  (by  nature  both  intellectu- 
ally and  morally  timid)  gains  strength  and 
decision  imder  the  masterly  and  sympathetic 
handling  and  influence  of  the  Son  of  Man.  The 
account  of  his  being  deposed  from  office  by  his 
angry  colleagues,  and  baptized  by  SS.  Peter 
and  John,  though  actually  apocryphal,  is  quite 
in  accordance  w-ith  the  prt)babilities.  The  so- 
called  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  gives  other  details, 
which  are  less  trustworthy.  Tliename,  whicli 
is  Gk.,  seems  to  have  been  occasionally  adopted 
by  Jews  ;  but  there  is  little  reason  for  the  iden- 
tification of  our  Nicodemus  with  a  Rabbi  Nico- 
demus ben  Gorion,  which  has  been  hazarded 
(see  Lightfoot,  Hor.Heb..  on  Jn.S.i).    [c.l.f.] 

Nicolaitanes.  Twice  mentioned  in  N.T. 
(Rev.2.r).i5)  ;  a  sect  of  Christians  in  certain 
.Asian  cities.  At  L'phesus  their  works  arc 
hated;  at  Pergamum  they  are  to  be  found, 
though  apparently  in  a  minority  ;  at  Thyatira, 
though  they  are  not  mentioned  by  name,  the 
prophetess  "  Jezebel,"  who  is  tolerated  there, 
appears  to  preach  their  doctrines.  What  is  the 
relation  between  them  and  those  "  that  hold  the 
teaching  of  Balaam,"  etc.  (2.14)  ?  Some  hold 
tliat  Nico-laus  ("  conqueror  of  the  people  ") 
is  siniplv  the  Grecized  form  of  Balaam  ("  de- 
stroyer," or  "lord,"  "of  the  people").  This 
suggestion  does  not  seem  very  convincing  ; 
but  "in  like  manner  "  (2.15)  implies  that  the 


I 


NICOLAS 

Nicolait  anes  were  at  least  akin  to  the  Balaamites 
(cf.  Num.31. 1 6,  which  traces  to  Balaam's  sug- 
gestion the  sin  of  Peer).  We  may  take  it  then 
that  the  charge  against  the  Nicolaitanes  is  that 
of  eating  things  offered  to  idols  and  committing 
fornication — the  same  conjunction  of  a  cere- 
monial with  a  moral  offence  as  is  observable  in 
Ac.l5.2g.  Prof.  Ramsay,  in  his  Letters  to  the 
Seven  Churches, 'points  out  that  it  was  impossible 
for  any  one  to  remain  a  member  of  the  clubs 
and  trade-guilds  of  the  Asiatic  cities  without 
joining  in  idolatrous  feasts  ;  and  doubtless  the 
Nicolaitanes  had  much  to  urge  as  to  the  danger 
of  a  sectarian  attitude  on  the  part  of  the 
Christian  minority.  But  St.  John  knew  well 
how  closely  pagan  festivals  were  connected  with 
immorality ;  and  hence  we  have  the  severe 
condemnation  of  Rev. 2. 22, 23,  reminding  us  of 
the  strictures  of  Jude  and2Pe.2.  Later  writers 
endorse  the  rebuke.  Irenaeus  states  that  the 
sect  taught  that  adultery  and  eating  things 
offered  to  idols  were  "  things  indifferent."  The 
same  testimony  is  borne  by  Clement, Tertullian, 
and  Ignatius.  They  were  also  apparently  in- 
fected with  incipient  Gnosticism,  holding  that 
doctrine  of  a  "  Demiurge  "  other  than  the 
supreme  God,  and  that  Docetic  view  of  Christ, 
afterwards  taught  by  Cerinthus.  It  has  been 
supposed,  in  spite  of  iCor.8,  that  the  author  of 
Rev.  is  here  attacking  St.  Paul.  Impossible  as 
this  is,  it  is  likely  enough  that  the  Nicolaitanes 
sheltered  themselves  under  the  name  of  the 
champion  of  liberty.     [Nicolas.]      [k.d.m.] 

Nicolas,  one  of  the  first  seven  "  deacons  " 
(Ac. 6. 5).  Is  there  any  connexion  between 
him  and  the  "Nicolaitanes"  (Rev. 2. 6,15)  ? 
Irenaeus  states  that  they  were  his  followers, 
and  he  is  charged  with  heresy  by  Hippolytus 
and  with  immorality  by  Epiphanius.  The  Gk. 
version  of  Ignatius,  on  the  other  hand,  implies 
that  the  Nicolaitai^es  could  not  make  good 
their  claim.  Perhaps  an  explanation  may  be 
suggested  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  (in 
telling  a  curious  story  that  Nicolas  was  once 
reproved  by  the  apostles  for  jealousy,  and  an- 
swered the  charge  by  offering  his  wife  to  any 
one  who  would  have  her)  adds  that  he  led  a 
chaste  life,  and  used  to  say  that  we  should 
irapaxpria'acrdai  rrj  aapKi.  "Abuse  of  the  flesh  " 
thus  inculcated  in  one  sense  may  well  have 
been  adopted  in  another  to  justify  Gnostic  self- 
indulgence.  There  is  of  course  a  third  possi- 
bility that  the  sect  looked  to  some  other 
Nicolas  as  its  founder.  [k.d.m.] 

Nlcop'olis  is  mentioned  in  Tit. 3. 12  as 
the  place  where,  at  the  time  of  writing  the 
epistle,  St.  Paul  was  intending  to  pass  the 
coming  winter,  and  where  he  wished  Titus  to 
meet  him.  Nothing  is  to  be  found  in  the 
epistle  itself  to  determine  which  Nicopolis 
is  here  intended.  There  were  cities  of  this 
name  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe.  One 
Nicopolis  was  in  Thrace,  near  the  borders  of 
Macedonia.  The  subscription  (which,  how- 
ever, is  of  no  authority)  fixes  on  this  place, 
calling  it  the  Macedonian  Nicopolis.  Another 
Nicopolis  was  in  Cilicia,  and  Schrader  pro- 
nounces for  this  ;  but  this  opinion  is  connected 
with  a  peculiar  theory  regarding  the  apostle's 
journeys.  Jerome's  view  is  probably  correct, 
that  the  Pauline  Nicopolis  was  the  celebrated 
city    of    Epirus.     This    city    (the    "  City    of 


NILE 


597 


Victory  ")  was  built  by  Augustus  in  memory 
of  the  battle  of  Actium.  Nicopolis  is  on  a 
peninsula  to  the  W.  of  the  bay  of  Actium, 
in  a  low  and  unhealthy  situation,  and  is  now 
a  very  desolate  place. 

Ni'g-ep.     [Simeon  Niger.] 

Night,  the  period  between  sunset  and  sun- 
rise. It  represents  in  A.V.  four  Heb.  words : 
(i)  lay'li,  night  as  distinct  from  day.  (2) 
nesheph,  Is.21.4,59.io  (R.V.  twilight),  and  in 
5. 1 1,  where  both  E.V.  give  "night."  (3)'erebh, 
Gen. 49. 27;  Lev. 6. 20  (R.V.  even,  evening),  and 
in  Job 7.4,  where  again  R.V.  also  renders 
"night."  (4)  hdshekh,  Job26.io  (R.V.  dark- 
ness).   [Day;  Watches  of  Night.]      [h.h.] 

Nig-ht-hawk  (Heb.  tahmds).  By  "night- 
hawk  "  the  translators  of  the  A.V.  probably 
intended  the  goat-sucker,  or  night-jar,  but  the 
derivation  of  the  Heb.  word  (which  occurs 
onlyin  Lev.ll.i6,  Deut.i4.15, and  signifies"  to 
scratch  the  face")  apparently  indicates  a  bird 
of  prey.  The  LXX.  and  Vulg.  understand 
some  kind  of  "  owl,"  while  most  of  the  Jewish 
doctors  render  the  word  "  a  rapacious  bird." 
The  LXX  and  Vulg.  are  probably  correct, 
and  it  is  possible,  if  the  word  is  not  used  in  a 
wider  sense,  that  the  barn-owl  {Strix  flammea) 
is  the  species  indicated.  There  is  no  justifica- 
tion for  the  idea  that  tahmds  means  either 
swallow  or  ostrich,  especially  as  the  latter 
is  elsewhere  mentioned  in  the  same  list. 
[Owl.]  [r.l.] 

Nile  (XeiXos).  The  origin  of  this  name  is 
unknown.  It  does  not  occur  in  either  the  Heb. 
text  or  LXX.,  and  only  once  in  VuJg.  (Is.23.3  ; 
A.V.  great  waters  ;  R.V.  Nile).  The  names  of 
the  Nile  in  the  Heb.  Bible  are  shihor  and  ye'or. 
[River.]  shihor  {the  black),  supposed  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  colour  of  the  water,  is  said  by 
various  authors  to  be  the  Semitic  name  of  the 
river.  On  the  contrary,  we  believe  that  it  is  a 
transcription  of  the  Egyptian  word  Shi-Hor, 
"  the  basin  or  the  water  of  Horus."  Owing  to 
what  is  called  popular  etymology,  it  has  taken 
in  Heb.  a  sense  quite  different  from  the  original 
meaning.  Shi-Hor  was  the  part  of  the  Pelu- 
siac  branch  which  watered  the  Sethroitic  (the 
most  Eastern)  nome.  Through  that  province 
ran  one  of  the  principal  roads  to  Palestine. 
Caravans  and  armies  had  to  pass  its  capital, 
the  fortress  of  Zar,  now  Kantarah.  The  water 
of  Shi-Hor  was  the  first  Nile  water  one  could 
drink  coming  from  Palestine  by  that  way,  and 
this  explains  the  words  of  Jeremiah  (2.i8), 
"  What  hast  thou  to  do  in  the  way  to  Egypt,  to 
drink  the  waters  of  Shihor?"  and  also  that 
Shihor  is  said  to  be  (J0S.I3.3)  "  before  Egypt." 
[Sihor.]  The  more  usual  name  is  y'or,  the  old 
Egyptian  atur  or  aur.  In  the  sing,  y-'or  al- 
ways means  the  Nile,  except  once  in  Daniel  (12. 
5-7),  where  it  refers  to  another  river.  In  the 
plur.  it  means  streams,  branches,  or  channels, 
generally  those  of  the  Nile.  The  nahal  niif- 
rayim,  "  brook  [A.V.  river]  of  Egypt  "  (Num. 
34.5  ;  Jos.15.4,47),  seems  to  refer  to  a  winter 
torrent  flowing  through  the  valley,  now  called 
Wady  el-'Arish,  the  actual  frontier  of  Egypt. 
At  its  end  stood  the  small  city  Rhinocorura, 
mentioned  once  in  LXX.  (Is. 27. 12).  [River  of 
Egypt.]  The  usual  Egyptian  name  of  the 
Nile  is  Hap  or  Hapi,  but  the  river  is  designated 
by  a  great  many  other  words.     Hap  is  also  the 


598 


NILE 


NIMRAH 


name  of  the  Apis  bull,  which  is  said  to  be  an 
emblem  of  Osiris.  The  Nile,  Hapi,  is  called  the 
father  of  the  gods,  and  is  generally  represented 
as  a  man  with  a  woman's  breasts  bringing  offer- 
ings, and  having  on  his  head  the  plant  of  the 
North  or  that  of  the  South.  For  there  are  two 
Niles  in  the  mythology  and  religion  of  the 
Egyptians.  One  of  them  comes  out  of  a  cave  j 
in  an  island  above  the  cataracts,  and  flows  as 
far  as  Babylon,  now  Old  Cairo  ;  the  Northern 
Nile  begins  there.  The  two  Niles  are  often 
seen  tying  their  plants  to  a  kind  of  pole,  which 
reads  in  hieroglyphics  sam  or  sma,  and  which  is 
the  sign  of  junction.  It  supports  the  throne  of 
the  king,  or  is  engraved  on  its  sides.  The  Nile, 
being  the  giver  of  life  to  the  whole  country,  is 
one  of  the  great  gods,  and  is  qualified  by  epi- 
thets very  similar  to  those  which  are  given  to 
Amon  or  Ra.  Did  the  old  Egyptians  know  the 
sources  of  the  Nile  ?  It  seems  very  probable, 
for  they  had  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
populations  of  the  inner  part  of  Africa.  We 
see  in  the  sculptures  negroes  and  other  tribu- 
tary nations  bringing  to  the  king  the  products 
of  their  soil  or  of  their  industry.  They  knew 
the  dwarfs  (the  "psylli")  discovered  by 
modern  travellers  on  the  Upper  Nile.  Hero- 
dotus and  Diodorusgive  us  only  vague  or  con- 
tradictory hearsay  information.  But  the  geo- 
grapher Ptolemy  in  2nd  cent.  a.d.  makes  state- 
ments that  have  e.vcited  the  admiration  of 
travellers  like  Stanley.  Ptolemy  says  that  on 
the  same  parallel  as  the  island  of  Menouthia 
(Madagascar)  are  the  mountains  of  the  moon, 
the  snows  of  which  fill  the  lakes  of  the  Nile. 
There  are  two  of  those  lakes  ;  from  each  of  them 
issues  a  branch  of  the  Nile.  They  very  soon 
unite,  after  which  the  Nile  receives  the  Astapus, 
nowtheBahr  el  Azraq  (the  Blue  Nile),  and  the 
Astaboras  '(the  Atbara).  It  seems  probable 
that  Ptolemy,  who  was  an  Egyptian,  had  this 
information  from  his  countrymen,  and  that 
this  tradition  went  very  far  back.  In  ancient 
times  the  water  of  the  Nile  emptied  itself  into 
the  sea  through  seven  mouths,  the  most  eastern 
being  the  Pelusiac  and  the  most  western  the 
Canopic.  Now  there  are  two  principal 
tranches,  the  Damietta  branch  on  E.  and  the 
Rosetta  branch  on  W. ;  from  this  starts  the 
Mahmudieh  Canal,  dug  by  Mohammed  'Ali, 
which  provides  the  water  for  Alexandria.  The 
Nile  is  often  referred  to  in  the  Pentateuch.  Out 
of  it  come  the  cows  seen  by  Pharaoh  in  his 
dream.  Into  it  the  children  of  the  Hebrews 
are  thrown,  and  on  it  Moses  is  exposed  in  his 
basket  of  reeds,  and  found  by  the  king's  daugh- 
ter. Moses  meets  Pharaoh  on  the  river's  brink 
when  the  country  is  to  be  struck  by  the  first 
plagues.  The  prophets  also  speak  of  the  Nile — 
e.f^.,  Isaiah  (18.2 )  mentions  the  "  vessels  of  pajn- 
rus  upon  the  water."  Jeremiah  describes  its 
powerful  course  (46.8,  R.V.),  "  Ivgypt  riseth  uj) 
likcthe  Nile,  and  his  waters  toss  themselves  like 
the  rivers  :  and  he  saith,  I  will  rise  up,  1  will 
cover  the  earth."  There  is  a  magnificent  de- 
scriiHion  in  Job  of  two  animals  of  the  Nile,  the 
behemoth  (4O.14-24;  the  hippopotamus)  anti 
theleviathian  (the  crocodile;  41).  The  hipiio- 
potamusmust  have  been  abundant  in  the  ri\er. 
It  seems  to  have  been  a  si)orl  of  the  rich  Egyp- 
tians to  chase  that  huce  animal.  It  is  now 
seen  in  the  Soudan  only  at  several  days'  march 


above  Khartoum.  ((/.  Bkhemoth  ;  Pales- 
Ti.\E  ;  the  latter  art.  giving  the  opposite  view 
as  to  the  behemoth.)  The  prophets  call  the 
crocodile  the  dragon,  and  for  them  it  is  the 
emblem  of  the  king  of  Egypt  (see  Ezk.29.3). 
Thirty  years  ago  the  crocodile  could  be  seen 
in  Upper  Egypt  on  the  sand-islands  of  Qeneh 
and  especially  at  Kom  Ombo.  It  has  now 
retreated  above  the  second  cataract.  The 
papyrus  which  in  the  time  of  the  Pharaohs 
covered  the  banks  of  the  canals  has  now  en- 
tirely disappeared.  We  know  now  that  the 
Nile  comes  out  of  the  great  lakes  of  Centra! 
Africa,  the  two  southernmost  of  its  ultimate 
sources  being  the  Albert  Nyanza  and  the  Vic- 
toria Nyanza.  After  500  miles  of  its  course, 
it  receives  on  the  W.  the  Bahr  el  Ghazal;  550 
miles  farther,  at  Khartoum,  tlie  Bahr  el  Azraq, 
or  Blue  Nile  ;  and  180  miles  farther  N.  the 
.Atbara.  From  there  to  the  sea  the  Nile  has 
not  a  single  tributary,  and  its  volume  is  di- 
minished by  the  intense  evaporation  and  by 
the  numerous  canals  which  spread  the  fertilizing 
water  over  the  irrigated  land  of  Egypt.  Its 
inundation  begins  about  the  summer  solstice. 
The  river  rises  for  about  100  days,  and  there  are 
two  distinct  phases.  The  first  and  less  fertiliz- 
ing inundation  is  from  the  melting  of  the  snow 
on  the  Abyssinian  mountains,  which  causes 
the  Blue  Nile  to  swell  considerably.  The  se- 
cond is  the  inundation  produced  by  the  White 
Nile,  which  comes  straight  from  the  S.  ;  as  its 
current  is  extremely  weak,  and  its  bed  ob- 
structed by  a  thick  vegetatitjn  called  the  sudd, 
it  takes  several  months  for  its  increase  to  reach 
Egypt.  It  carries  a  considerable  amount  of 
very  fertile  mud,  which  is  deposited  on  the 
land  and  gi\es  it  its  marvellous  fertility. 
Egypt  lives  entirely  on  the  Nile ;  in  old  times 
even  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Pharaohs  we 
find  famines  caused  by  a  low  Nile.  A  very 
high  Nile  may  carry  away  a  number  of  mud 
villages,  but  is  a  great  benefit  to  the  whole 
coimtry.  The  area  of  cultivation  varies  ac- 
cording to  the  height  of  the  river,  since  all  land 
which  is  not  reached  by  the  water  remains 
absolutely  barren.  The  Nile  begins  to  fall  in 
September.  -As  soon  as  the  fields  are  free  from 
water,  agricultural  labours  begin.  The  river  is 
very  low  in  spring,  and  the  fall  continues 
until  the  rise  again  begins.  There  thus  is  no 
normal  level  for  the  Nile.  The  efforts  of  the 
Government  have  been  directed  towards  en- 
larging the  area  of  cultivated  land.  Many 
canals  have  been  opened  lately,  and  various 
dams  or  barrages  have  been  erected  to  store 
the  water,  so  as  to  have  for  use  in  the  spring 
a  considerable  amount,  which  otherwise  would 
be  lost  in  the  sea.  I'-'.n-I 

Nimpah'  (Num. 32.3),  Beth-nlmrah'  (32. 

36  :   Jos. 13. 27),  a  tnwn  of  (iad.  in  tlie  Jordan 

\'allev,m(  iitioiu'd  with  Bitu-akam  ( I  ell  cr  Ru- 

tneh).'  ThcWatcrsnfNlinplm(ls.l5.6:  Je.48. 

3.1 ),  mentioned  with  Zoak,  s<'<in  clearly  tn  have 

been  near  it.     The  word  indeed  (.Arab.  Simr) 

signifies  "  aliuadant  water."     The  site  is  now 

called  Tell  Simriu,  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  of 

Ciilead,  6  miles  N.  of  Zoar.  and  3  miles  from 

'  lieth-aram.      lYrennial  streams  of  good  water 

I  flow  in  the  valley  just  N.  of  the  tell.     The  site 

!  was   known,  in   4th  cent.  a.d.  (Onomasticon), 

1  as  being  5  miles  N.  of  Lybias  (Teller  Rdmeh). 


NIMROD 

The  white  tell  is  surrounded  by  groves  of 
lotus-trees  {Stirv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  237,  238).  [c.r.c] 
Nimpod,  a  son  of  Cush  and  grandson  of 
Ham  (Gen.l0.8ff. ).  He  is  described  as  a  mighty 
one  in  the  earth,  and  a  mighty  hunter  before 
the  Lord — a  circumstance  which  gave  rise  to  a 
saying.  He  was  also  a  king,  the  begmning  of 
his  kingdom  being  Babylon,  Erech,  Akkad,  and 
Calneh  in  Shinar  (Babylonia),  whilst  later  on 
Nineveh,  the  city  Rehoboth,  Calah,  and  Resen 
are  attributed  to  him  (ver.  11,  R.V.  and  A.V. 
marg.),  unless  the  founding  of  these  Assyrian 
cities  were  due  to  Asshur,  who  went  forth  from 
"that land" (A.V. text).  AsyetthenameNimrod 
has  not  been  found  in  the  inscriptions  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Ass^Tia.  Hommel's  comparison  with 
Namra-sit  is  not  sufficiently  close.  In  all  pro- 
bability, therefore,  we  must  regard  the  name 
as  being  a  corruption  of  Amar-uduk,  the  full 
form  of  the  name  of  the  god  Merodach,  by  pre- 
fixing n,  changing  the  vocalization,  and  at  the 
same  time  rejecting  the  termination  uk.  Taken 
separately,  the  characters  of  which  the  name 
Merodach  are  composed  mean  "  the  young  bull 
of  day,"  and  in  Amar-uduk  we  have  probably 
the  most  ancient  form.  Apart  from  the  name 
of  the  god,  however,  the  word  for  "  day  "  be- 
came worn  down  to  uda  {uta),  and  even  to  li,  so 
that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  accepting  this 
shortening.  This  theory  was  first  put  forward 
by  Josef  Grivel  in  1874  (see  the  Transactions 
of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
136  ff.).  According  to  an  ancient  legend,  Nim- 
rod  was  the  builder  of  the  tower  of  IBabel, 
which,  if  in  Babylon,  was  the  structure  where 
Belus  was  worshipped.  [Babel,  Tower  of.] 
For  a  similar  prefixing  of  n,  cf.  Nisroch,  one  of 
the  Gk.  forms  of  which  is  Asorach,  pointing 
to  an  Assyrian  form  Asuraku,  possibly  length- 
ened from  Assur,  the  national  god  of  the  As- 
s}iTians.  These  changes  seem  to  have  been 
due  to  a  desire  to  disfigurethe  names  of  heathen 
deities.  Apparently  Nimrod,  as  Merodach, 
was  called  the  "  great  hunter  "  on  account  of 
his  conflict  with,  and  capture  of,  Tiawath  or 
Tiamat,  the  dragon  of  Chaos  [Rahab],  whom 
he  caught  in  his  net.  Like  Nimrod,  Merodach 
founded  (according  to  the  bilingual  legend  of 
the  Creation)  Babylon,  Erech,  and  Niffer, 
which  last  is  identified  by  the  Rabbins  with 
Calneh.  That  he  was  in  all  probability  a 
deified  king  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  one 
of  the  ideographs  used  to  indicate  him  is  the 
Ass^TTO-BabyJonian  character  for  "  king," 
Lugala  or  Sarru,  though  this  might  simply 
refer  to  his  having  been  made  king  of  the  gods, 
as  is  related  in  the  Babylonian  Creation-story. 
Merodach's  name  being  non-Semitic  presup- 
poses that  he  himself  was  not  of  Semitic  race, 
and  therefore  presumably  of  Cushite  or  Hami- 
tic  stock.  There  is  no  indication  that  Nimrod 
is,  as  was  at  first  thought,  the  Gilgames  of  the 
popular  Babylonian  legend,  as  the  O.T.  name  is 
not  applied  to  the  latter  in  any  of  the  numerous 
inscriptions  which  refer  to  him.  Moreover, 
Gilgames  was  simply  a  half-deified  king  of 
Erech  during  the  semi-mythical  period,  and  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  foundation  of  the  great 
cities  of  Babylonia,  his  own  capital  having  to 
all  appearance  been  in  existence  before  his 
birth.  See  art.  s.v.  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (vol.  iii. 
1900).     [Idolatry.]  [t.g.p.] 


NINEVEH 


599 


Nimshi',  the  grandfather  (2K.9.2,i4)  of 
Jehu  who  is  generally  called  "  the  son  of  Nim- 
shi "  (iK.19.i6  ;  2K.9.20;  2Chr.22.7). 

Nineveh  was  the  later  capital  of  the  ancient 
kingdom  and  empire  of  Assyria.  The  name 
appears  in  the  inscriptions  as  Nina  and  Ninua, 
and  is  probably  connected  with  that  of  the  god- 
dess Nina,  which  is  written  with  the  same  char- 
acter. Nineveh  is  first  mentioned  in  O.T.  in 
connexion  with  the  primitive  migrations  of 
the  human  race,  Asshur,  or,  according  to  R.V. 
(which  is  generally  preferred),  Nimrod,  being 
there  described  as  extending  his  kingdom  from 
Shinar  or  Babylonia,  in  S.,  to  Assyria  in  N., 
where  he  founded  four  cities,  of  which  Nineveh 
was  one  (Gen.lO.ii).  In  2K.I9.36  (  =  Is.37. 
37)  the  city  is  mentioned  as  the  residence  of 
a  monarch,  in  this  case  Sennacherib,  who  was 
slain  there  when  worshipping  in  the  temple 
of  Nisroch  his  god.  (The  parallel  passage  in 
2Chr.32.21  omits  the  name  of  the  city.) 
Zephaniah,  who  lived  late  in  7th  cent.  B.C., 
speaks  of  Assyria  and  the  destruction  of  Nine- 
veh as  a  future  event,  thus  indicating  that  the 
place  was  still  in  existence  in  his  time  (the 
reignof  Josiah).  Somewhat  later,  apparently, 
comes  the  book  of  Nahum,  whose  prophecy 
falls  between  the  capture  of  Thebes  and  the 
taking  of  Nineveh,  its  latest  date,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  other  objections,  being  606  b.c.  Later 
than  these,  though  referring  to  an  earlier 
period,  is  the  book  of  Jonah,  for,  quite  apart 
from  the  linguistic  argument,  there  is  good 
reason  to  regard  it  as  belonging,  not  to  the 
8th,  but  to  the  5th,  or,  with  Ed.  Konig,  to  the 
4th  cent.  B.C. — cf.  Jon. 3. 3,  "Now  Nineveh  was 
an  exceeding  great  city,"  and  the  incorrect  title 
"  king  of  Nineveh,"  instead  of  "  king  of  Assy- 
ria "  (3.6)  ;  but  for  another  view  see  Jonah. 
Further  reference  to  the  city,  and  also  to  the 
.\ssyrian  empire  as  a  power  to  be  feared,  ceased 
with  its  destruction  in  606  e.g.  Nineveh  was 
then  laid  waste,  its  monuments  destroyed,  and 
its  inhabitants  scattered  and  perhaps  carried 
into  captivity.  It  never  rose  again  from  its 
ruins,  and  its  total  disappearance  is  fully  con- 
firmed by  the  records  of  profane  history. 
Herodotus  (i.  193)  speaks  of  the  Tigris  as  the 
river  "  along  the  bank  of  which  lay  the  city  of 
Nineveh."  The  historians  of  Alexander,  with 
the  exception  of  Arrian,  do  not  even  allude  to 
it,  though  the  conqueror  must  have  actually 
marched  over  the  ruins.  The  later  Gk.  and 
Rom.  writers — e.g.  Strabo,  Ptolemy,  and 
Pliny — derived  any  independent  knowledge 
they  possessed  of  Nineveh  from  authorities  not 
always  well  informed.  During  the  Roman 
period  a  small  castle  or  fortified  town  appears 
to  have  stood  upon  some  part  of  the  site,  and 
to  have  been  in  its  turn  abandoned,  for  there 
is  no  reference  to  the  place  in  the  account  of 
Heraclius'  great  victory  over  the  Persians  in 
the  battle  of  Nineveh,  fought  on  the  very  site 
in  627  a.d.  After  the  Arab  conquest  a  fort  on 
the  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris  bore  the  name  of 
"  Ninawi,"  and  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  in  12th 
cent.,  mentions  that  its  site  was  occupied  by 
numerous  villages  and  small  towns.  The  name 
remained  attached  to  the  ruins  during  the 
Middle  Ages.  Traditions  of  the  size  and  magni- 
ficence of  Nineveh  were  equally  familiar  to  the 
Gk.  and  Rom.  writers  and  the  Arab  geographers. 


600 


NINEVEH 


— KouYUNjiK :  History.  Owing  apparently  to 
the  tradition  that  Nineveh  was  founded  by 
Nimrod,  Assyria  is  called  "  the  land  of  Nim- 
rod  "  in  Mi. 5.6,  though  it  is  rather  Babylonia 
which  has  the  real  claim  to  that  title.  In  all 
lirobabilitv  Nineveh  was  originally  a  colony 
from  Nina,  in  S.  Babylonia,  at  some  unknown 
date.  The  goddess  of  the  city  was  Istar,  whose 
name,  like  that  of  the  city  itself,  is  written  with 
tlie  same  characters  as  the  Babylonian  goddess 
Nina,  thus  suggesting  identity  between  the 
two  deities.  The  city  and  its  temple,  E-mes- 
me5,  are  referred  to  in  the  Laws  of  Hammurabi 
(Introduction),  c.  2000  B.C.,  and  both  seem  to 
have  continued  to  increase  in  renown,  as  is 
shown  bv  the  fact  that  Dusratta  of  Mitanni,  c. 
1400  B.c^,  sent  a  statue  of  the  goddess  IStar  of 
Nineveh  to  Egypt,  that  her  presence  there 
might  benefit  Neb-mut-Ra  (Amenophis,  III.). 
Her  temple,  which  is  elsewhere  called  E-ma§- 
ma§,  seems  to  have  been  built  by  Samsi-Adad, 
viceroy  of  AsSur,  in  19th  cent,  e.g.,  and  was 
restored  bv  Shalmaneser  I.  c.  1300  e.g.  The 
first  king  known  to  have  lived  at  Nineveh  was 
A5§ur-bel-kala,  son  of  Tiglath-pileser  I.,  c.  iioo 
E.G.,  though  Calah  (Nimrud)  was  also  a  fa- 
vourite place  of  residence  of  the  Assyrian  kings, 
and  Nineveh  seems  to  have  been  neglected  un- 
til the  time  of  Sennacherib,  who  built  a  palace 
there,  and  paid  great  attention  not  only  to  the 
adornment  of  the  citv,  but  also  to  the  health  of 
the  inhabitants,  by  providing  pure  drinking- 
water.  Esar-haddon  built  a  palace  at  Calah, 
but  probably  resided  at  Nineveh  from  time  to 
time.  A§§ur-bani-apli,  his  son,  the  last  great 
king  of  Assyria,  on  coming  to  the  throne,  again 
made  Nineveh  the  royal  residence,  building  a 
palace  there  whose  sculptures  are  of  wonderful 


NINEVEH 

beauty  and  artistic  skill.  The  additions  which 
this  king  made  to  the  royal  library  attached  to 
the  palace  must  have  made  it  the  richest  col- 
lection of  literary  material  ever  before  collected 
together.  The  fall  of  Nineveh  took  place  in 
606  E.G.,  during  the  reign  of  Saracos  (the 
Sin-§arra-i5kun  of  the  inscriptions),  and  was 
brought  about  by  a  combined  attack  on  the 
part  of  the  Medes  and  the  Babylonians.  Ac- 
cording to  Diodorus  Siculus,  a  portion  of  the 
wall  was  carried  away  by  the  overflow  of  the 
Euphrates  (he  apparently  confuses  the  capture 
of  Nineveh  with  that  of  Babylon — the  river 
should  be  the  Tigris  or  the  Khoser),  giving  ad- 
mission to  the  enemy ;  and  the  king,  gathering 
his  concubines  and  his  precious  things,  erected 
a  great  funeral  pyre,  and  mounting  it,  perished 
with  all  his  belongings  in  the  flames.  With  the 
disappearance  of  Nineveh  the  history  of  As- 
syria practically  ends. — The  ruins  of  Nineveh 
lie  on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris,  opposite  Mosul, 
and  the  published  plans  show  a  well-dcfined 
enclosure,  narrow  at  the  S.,  and  increasing  in 
width  towards  theN.,  the  length  exceeding  the 
widest  part  by  more  than  double.  According 
to  G.  Smith,  the  W.  face  is  over  2  J  miles,  the 
N.  abt.  i\  m.,  the  E.  3 J  m.,  and  the  S.  rather 
more  than  half  a  mile.  The  walls  are  said  even 
now  to  be  50  ft.  high,  whilst  the  breadth  of  the 
rubbish  at  their  bases  is  estimated  at  from  100 
to  200  ft.  He  sets  down  their  thickness  as 
being  probably  50  ft.  At  present  the  walls  are 
interrupted  by  roads,  but  in  some  cases  the 
gaps  represent  the  ancient  gates.  That  in  the 
N.  wall  was  excavated  by  Layard,  and  is 
paved  with  slabs  of  limestone,  and  flanked  by 
winged  bulls  and  mythological  figures.  It 
seems  to  have  been  under  the  centre  of  a  tower. 


Shei'kh  All   J  K.. 


^T^T 


oio»>^    Ruins  of  Wall 
b\T    ^Kl'in  the  Moat 


V''  |\  '  Rurns 

I         ,  of 

Outwork? 

A,  r  ,"/  '  N\  »7>.       1 

SBljilding: 


NINEVEH 

Scale  of  Yard* 


Bl-4    Sluice  damt 
BS-fr  Sluice-damft  in  tlie 
moat  of  t)ie  out«r  wall 

—    bl  S  DykcAlprolwble  poMtjon*  of). 
IB5  Di,D2    Great  sluice  daint. 
Da    Three  jreat  sluice  dami 
TaU  Ruine  about  SST  high 

('Watch  towers). 


NINEVEH 

Another  gate  is  represented  by  the  gap  in  the 
S.  part  of  the  E.  wall,  near  T  on  the  road  to 
Ervil  or  Arbela.  This  section  is  protected  by 
four  walls  and  three  moats.  Flood  has  de- 
stroyed the  inner  wall  where  the  Khoser  comes 
through.  According  to  Smith's  estimate,  the 
circuit  of  the  inner  wall  was  about  8  miles. 
The  palace-mounds  are  in  the  W.  wall,  the 
large  one,  called  Kouyunjik,  occupying  the 
angle  between  the  wall  and  a  sharp  bend  in  the 
Khoser,  which  partly  determined  its  rather 
irregular  shape.  It  measures  abt.  3,000  yds. 
in  length,  and  500  in  greatest  width.  Its 
height — abt.  96  ft. — suggests  that  it  may  have 
been  in  part  a  natural  eminence.  Its  sides  are 
precipitous,  with  occasional  deep  ravines  or 
watercourses.  The  top  is  nearly  flat,  but 
slopes  off  from  W.  to  E.  The  northern  palace 
is  that  of  Assur-bani-apli,  and  the  southern 
one,  close  to  the  wall,  the  palace  of  Sennache- 
rib. Nebi-Yunus  is  so  called  from  the  tradi- 
tional tomb  of  the  prophet  Jonah  on  the  sum- 
mit. It  measures  abt.  530  by  430  yds.  (area 
abt.  40  acres),  and  is  of  about  the  same  height 
as  Kouyunjik.  The  western  portion  is  occu- 
pied by  a  Turcoman  village.  The  palace  on 
this  mound  was  built  by  Esar-haddou,  and 
would  probably  furnish  important  material  if 
it  could  be  excavated. — Population.  Captain 
Jones,  who  made  a  trigonometrical  survey  of 
the  site  of  Nineveh  in  1854,  estimated  that, 
allotting  to  each  inhabitant  50  sq.  yds.,  the 
city  may  have  contained  abt.  174,000  inhabit- 
ants. If  the  statement  in  Jon.4.Ti,  that  there 
were  120,000  persons  who  could  not  discern  be- 
tween their  right  hand  and  their  left  is  intended 
to  indicate  the  number  of  children  in  the  city, 
then  the  inhabitants  must  have  been  regarded 
as  numbering  about  600,000,  and  more  than 
three  cities  of  this  extent  would  have  been  re- 
quired to  contain  them.  This  being  the  case, 
it  is  clear  that,  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  of  the 
book,  a  space  in  proportion — "  an  exceedingly 
great  city  of  three  days'  journey  "  (8.3) — 
would  probably  be  needed  for  so  many  people, 
especially  as  there  was,  in  addition,  "  much 
cattle."  Many  scholars  have  therefore  con- 
ceived Nineveh  as  having  been  also  understood 
in  a  larger  sense,  and  including  within  its  ra- 
dius several  other  towns.  This  view  is  favoured 
by  the  first  reference  to  Nineveh  in  Gen.  10. 11 : 
"  Nineveh,  and  Rehoboth-Ir,  and  Calah,  and 
Resen  between  Nineveh  and  Calah  (the  same  is 
the  great  city),"  for  it  is  clear  that  Resen,  being 
a  comparatively  unimportant  place,  cannot 
have  been  "  the  great  city,"  so  that  this  final 
parenthetical  explanation  must  refer  to  the 
whole  group,  to  which,  in  the  time  of  Jonah, 
others,  such  as  Dur-Sarru-kinu  or  Khorsabad, 
must  have  been  added.  Even  with  these  ad- 
ditions, however,  an  extent  of  three  days' 
journey,  or  abt.  60  miles,  seems  to  be  excessive; 
it  is  doubtful  whether  greater  Nineveh  could 
have  reached  ^farther  than  Calah  (Nimrud)  on 
S.,  and  Diir-Sarru-kinu  (Khorsabad)  on  N.,  a 
distance  of  less  than  30  miles  (abt.  ij  days). 
— Khorsabad.  The  ruins  of  Dur-Sarru-kinu  lie 
about  12  miles  N.E.  of  Kouyunjik,  and  show  a 
large  enclosure  abt.  2,000  yds.  square,  with 
remains  of  towers  and  gateways.  The  mound 
which  gives  its  name  to  the  ruins  lies  on  the 
N.W.  face,  and  consists  of  an  extensive  plat- 


NINEVEH 


601 


form  with  palaces,  temple,  and  temple-tower 
similar  to  the  well-known  tower  of  Babel,  the 
stages  still  showing  traces  of  the  colouring. 
The  palace  consisted  of  numerous  halls,  rooms, 
and  passages,  most  of  which  were  wainscoted 
with  slabs  of  coarse  alabaster,  sculptured  with 
reliefs  showing  battle  scenes,  mythical  beings, 
etc.,  the  principal  entrances  being  flanked  by 
exceedingly  fine  colossal  winged  bulls.  Ex- 
cellent restorations  of  this  remarkable  ruin 
have  been  published  by  Botta  and  Flandin, 
and  Perrot  and  Chipiez.  The  palace,  which 
had  been  erected  by  Sargon  c.  712  B.C.,  seems 
to  have  been  destroyed  by  fire.  Some  of 
the  slabs  found  there  are  preserved  in  the 
Louvre  at  Paris,  but  most  of  them  were  lost 
in  the  Tigris.  Fortunately  careful  copies  had 
already  been  made.  About  3  miles  N.  of 
Kouyunjik  lies  Sherif-Khan.  The  ruins  are 
not  extensive.  Its  ancient  name  was  Tarbisi, 
and  the  principal  building  seems  to  have  been 
a  temple  to  Nergal,  which  was  restored  by 
Sennacherib.  Esar-haddon  built  a  palace  there 
for  his  son  Assur-bani-apli. — Selamiyah.  Ra- 
ther more  than  12  miles  S.  of  Kouyunjik,  and 
nearly  3  miles  N.  of  Nimrud,  is  the  mound 
Selamiyah  (Selamieh).  It  is  an  enclosmre  of  ir- 
regular form  upon  a  high  bank  overlooking  the 
Tigris,  and  contains  an  area  of  abt.  400  acres. 
No  remains  of  buildings,  sculptures,  or  inscrip- 
tions have  been  found  there,  but  as  it  lies 
between  Nineveh  and  Calah,  it  is  thought 
probable  that  it  may  be  the  site  of  Resen. — 
Nimrud.  Like  Kouyunjik,  or  Nineveh  proper, 
Nimrud  (Calah)  also  consists  of  an  enclosure 
at  present  indicated  by  lines  of  narrow  mounds 
still  having  the  appearance  of  walls.  Traces 
of  towers,  to  the  number  of  108,  are  said  to  be 
visible  on  the  N.  and  E.  sides,  which  were  also 
defended  by  moats.  The  area  enclosed  forms 
an  irregular  square  abt.  2,331  yds.  by  2,095 — 
i.e.  abt.  1,000  acres.  The  W.  and  S.  sides  face 
the  river.  To  S.W.  is  a  large  mound  practi- 
cally rectangular,  700  yds.  by  400,  and  cover- 
ing abt.  60  acres.  The  remains  of  the  temple- 
tower,  abt-  140  ft.  high,  rise  at  its  N.W.  cor- 
ner. The  base  is  165  ft.  square,  and  is  a  solid 
mass  of  sun-dried  brick,  faced  with  carefully 
cut  blocks  of  stone,  and  rising  to  a  height  of  20 
ft.  Upon  this  solid  substructure  probably 
rose,  as  in  the  case  of  other  buildings  of  the 
kind,  a  succession  of  platforms  or  stages,  di- 
minishing in  size,  the  highest  having  a  shrine 
or  altar  upon  it.  A  long  vault  in  the  base- 
ment suggested  that  it  had  been  originally  used 
as  a  tomb.  In  the  centre  of  the  E.  side  of  the 
mound  lies  the  palace  of  Assur-nasir-apli  (885 
B.C.),  consisting  of  a  number  of  chambers  open- 
ing into  each  other,  and  panelled  with  sculp- 
tured and  inscribed  slabs,  the  principal  door- 
ways being  flanked  with  large  human-headed 
winged  bulls  or  lions.  The  exterior  architec- 
ture was  probably  the  same  as  in  other  cases — 
a  series  of  double  step-flutings  the  whole  length 
of  the  walls.  In  the  S.E.  corner  is  the  palace 
of  Esar-haddon,  built  with  material  taken  from 
the  palace  of  Tiglath-pileser  III.  in  the  centre 
of  the  southern  half  of  the  platform,  and  there- 
fore handy  for  the  purpose  of  spoliation.  Of 
the  palace  of  Tiglath-pileser  remains  only  are 
extant.  In  the  S.W.  corner  of  the  platform 
are  the  ruins  of  the  very  inferior  palace  of 


602 


NINEVEH 


A%Sur-etil-ilani,  Esar-haddon's  grandson  (625 
B.C.). — The  Palaces.  Assyrian  palaces  were 
generally  built  upon  artificial  platforms  \'ary- 
ing  in  height  from  30  to  50  ft.,  sometimes,  as 
at  Nimrud,  of  sun-dried  brick,  or  of  earth  and 
rubbish,  as  at  Kouyunjik.  They  were  in  ail 
probability  faced  with  masonry,  and  access 
was  gained  to  them  by  broad  flights  of  steps,  or 
inclined  pathways.  The  plan  of  the  ground- 
floor  is  all  that  can  at  present  be  traced,  but 
these  palaces  may  have  had  upper  stories, 
which,  when  they  were  destroyed,  covered  the 
lower  portions  with  their  debris,  thus  preserv- 
ing them  to  later  ages.  The  depth  of  accumu- 
lation above  the  alabaster  sculptures  varied 
from  a  few  inches  to  20  or  30  ft.  The  edifices 
excavated  consist  of  halls,  chambers,  and  gal- 
leries, opening  for  the  most  part  upon  large  un- 
covered courts.  The  partition-walls  are  from 
6  to  15  ft.  in  thickness,  and  are  built  of  sun- 
dried  brick,  against  which  the  panelling  of 
sculptured  or  inscribed  slabs  was  placed.  As 
no  windows  have  been  discovered,  it  is  probable 
that  light  was  obtained  through  openings  in 
the  roof  or  through  the  doors.      Above  the 


NINEVEH 

stone  panelling  the  walls  of  the  rooms  were 
plastered,  and  painted  with  ornaments  or 
scenes  of  an  historical  nature.  The  pavement 
consisted  either  of  inscribed  slabs  of  alabaster, 
or  large,  fiat,  kiln-burnt  bricks  resting  upon 
layers  of  bitumen  and  fine  sand.  In  Aslur- 
bani-apli's  palace  at  Kouyunjik  the  pavement- 
slabs  were  richly  sculptured  with  a  carpet-like 
design.  With  the  exception  of  the  large 
human-headed  bulls  and  lions  which  flanked 
the  doorways,  the  sculptures  are  in  low  relief. 
The  large  slabs  show  the  king,  his  attendants, 
and  mythological  figures,  and  the  smaller  ones 
scenes  of  the  battle  and  the  chase,  with  a  few- 
religious  ceremonies.  In  many  cases  there  are 
traces  of  colour,  principally  red  and  black,  sug- 
gesting that  in  some  cases  whole  series  may 
have  been  painted.  Thus  decorated  without 
and  within,  the  .\ssyrian  palaces,  when  perfect, 
would  probably  have  given  to  a  modern  visitor 
an  impression  of  barbaric  magnificence,  not 
devoid,  however,  of  a  certain  grandeur  and 
beauty  probably  unexcelled  by  any  ancient  or 
modern  edifice.  Nineveh  in  its  restricted 
sense,  as  represented  by  the  walled  enclosure 


NINEVEH 

where  Kouyunjik  lies,  must  have  been  an  im- 
posing city ;  but  when  we  consider  the  series  of 
mounds,  each  representing  splendid  palaces 
and  temples,  extending  from  Khorsabad  on 
the  N.  to  Nimrud  or  Calah  on  the  S.,  the  visi- 
tor passed  through  a  series  of  architectiural 
monuments  such  as  no  other  country  of  the 
ancient  world  could  have  shown.  Leaving 
Sargon's  splendid  palace  at  Dur-Sarru-kinu,  the 
traveller  passed  a  place  called  "the  springs," 
and  then  entered  Rebit  Nimia,  "  the  broad 
places  of  Nineveh,"  regarded  as  being,  in  all 
probability,  Rehoboth-Ir,  of  which  Sherif- 
Khan  or  Tarbisi  was  possibly  the  centre.  Con- 
tinuing towards  the  Tigris,  he  reached  Nineveh 
proper,  with  its  palaces,  libraries, temples,  and 
parks,  in  one  of  which  wild  animals  were  kept 
for  the  king's  sport.  Concerning  Selamiyah, 
S.  of  Nineveh  proper,  we  do  not  know  much, 
but  any  disappointment  which  the  traveller 
might  have  met  with  there  would  be  amply 
atoned  for  by  the  sight  of  Calah  (Nimrud), 
with  its  picturesque  palace  on  the  banks  of  the 
riv- er,  and  its  temple-tower,  which  was  possibly 
the  traditional  tomb  of  Ninus,  under  the 
shadow  of  which  the  tragedy  of  Thisbe  and 
Pyramis  was  regarded  as  having  taken  place 
(Ovid,  bk.  iv.).  The  difficulty  is,  that  Ovid  de- 
scribes it  as  being  at  the  entrance  of  the  city  of 
Nineveh,  and  this  could  only  be  the  case  if  we 
take  Nineveh  in  its  larger  sense,  and  regard  Calah 
as  having  been  considered  its  commence- 
ment, approaching  from  the  S.  Abt.  40  miles 
S.  of  Nimrud  lies  QaVah  Sherqat,  with  the  ex- 
tensive ruins  of  Assur,  the  older  capital  of  As- 
syria, but  this  would  seem  to  be  too  far  away 
to  have  been  included  in  the  limits  of  greater 
Nineveh. — Prophecies  and  Illustrations. 
In  his  "burden  of  Nineveh,"  Nahum  foretells 
the  utter  destruction  of  the  city  :  "With  an  over- 
running flood  He  will  make  an  utter  end  of  the 
place  thereof.  .  .  .  He  will  make  an  utter  end  : 
affliction  shall  not  rise  up  a  second  time  "  (Na. 
1.8,9) ;  "  Thy  people  is  scattered  upon  the  moun- 
tains, and  no  man  gathereth  them.  There  is  no 
healing  of  thy  bruise  "  (8.18,19).  The  manner 
in  which  the  city  was  to  be  defended  seems  to 
be  indicated  :  "  They  make  haste  to  the  wall 
thereof,  and  the  mantelet  is  prepared  "  (2.5, 
R.V.).  "  The  overrunning  flood  "  is  generally 
understood  to  refer  to  the  destruction  of  the 
walls  by  the  overflow  of  the  Tigris,  but  the 
latest  researches  seem  to  show  that  this  is 
impossible.  An  alternative  suggestion  is  that 
the  words  "  the  gates  of  the  rivers  are 
opened  "  in  2.6  (R.V.)  refer  to  the  opening 
of  the  sluices  of  the  Khoser  by  the  enemy, 
thus  rendering  the  city,  as  in  old  times, 
"  like  a  pool  of  water  "  (2.8,  R.V.).  The  city 
was  to  be  destroyed  by  fire  :  "  The  fire  shall 
devour  thy  bars  .  .  .  there  shall  the  fire  de- 
vour thee  "  (3.13,15,  R.V.)-  It  is  said  that  the 
gateway  of  the  northern  wall  of  Kouyunjik 
had  been  destroyed  by  fire  as  well  as  the  pal- 
aces. Diodorus  states  that  the  final  assault 
was  made  when  the  soldiery  was  drunk  with 
wine,  thus  seemingly  confirming  the  statement 
in  l.io  that  they  were  "  drenched  as  it  were  in 
their  drink  "  (R.V.).  The  scattering  of  the  in- 
habitants is  predicted  in  3. 18.  The  temples 
were  to  be  plundered  of  their  idols  :  "  Out  of 
the  house  of  thy  gods  will  I  cut  off  the  graven 


NINEVEH 


603 


image  and  the  molten  image  "  (I.14)  ;  and  the 
city  sacked  of  its  wealth  :  "Take  ye  the  spoil 
of  silver,  take  ye  the  spoil  of  gold  "  (2.9).  After 
her  fall,  Nineveh  was  to  be  "  empty,  and  void, 
and  waste  "  (2.io),  and  all  those  who  looked 
upon  the  city  were  to  fly,  saying,  "  Nineveh  is 
laid  waste"  (3.7).  "The  joyous  city,"  who 
dwelt  carelessly,  was  to  become  a  desolation, 
and  dry  like  the  wilderness  (Zeph.2.13-15), 
which,  except  after  the  periodical  rains,  is  ac- 
tually the  case.  There  are  several  allusions  to 
the  Ninevites  as  soldiers  in  the  book  of  Nahum : 
"  The  shield  of  his  mighty  men  is  made  red,  the 
valiant  men  are  in  scarlet  "  (Na.2.3),  but  prob- 
ably various  colours  were  used,  as  the  shields 
depicted  in  the  small  frescoes  are  coloured  blue, 
with  blue  and  yellow  borders,  though  the  latter 
colour  may  originally  have  been  red.  The 
sculptures  show  that  the  magnificent  descrip- 
tion of  a  warlike  attack  in  3.1-3  is  correct  in 
every  particular.  Lofty  erections  were  built 
up  over  against  a  besieged  town  [cf.  2K.I9.32  ; 
Is. 37. 33  ;  Je.32.24,  etc.),  battering-rams  were 
used  (Ezk.4.2),  and  they  had  various  kinds  of 
armour,  with  helmets,  shields,  spears,  swords, 
bows  and  arrows,  and  the  sling  and  the  stone. 
The  interior  decoration  of  the  palaces  is  similar 
to  that  mentioned  by  Ezekiel,  who,  captive  in 
Babylonia,  describes  pictures  similar  to  those 
found  at  Nineveh  and  Calah  (23. 14,15 ). — Sculp- 
tures. The  art  exhibited  by  the  Ninevite 
sculptures  would  seem  to  be  a  modification  of 
that  of  Babylonia,  from  which  country  their 
civilization,  literature,  and  political  system 
also  came.  Their  architecture  is  plainly  Baby- 
lonian, and  it  is  apparently  owing  to  that  in- 
fluence that  they  were  accustomed  to  build 
their  palaces  upon  platforms,  though  natural 
elevations  are  not  uncommon  in  Assyria. 
Ninevite  art  comes  before  us  in  a  very  ad- 
vanced state,  but  its  development  in  the  course 
of  centuries  can  be  traced.  The  vigorous  style 
of  the  reign  of  Assur-nasir-apli  (885  B.C. )  gradu- 
ally changes  to  that  of  Assur-bani-apli,  whose 
reign  ended  c.  626  B.C.,  when  much  greater 
finish  and  accuracy,  in  both  human  and  ani- 
mal forms,  is  observable — indeed,  it  was  they 
who  brought  Euphratean  art  to  its  highest 
state  of  perfection.  Numerous  nations,  in- 
cluding the  Jews  and  the  Persians,  copied  their 
methods,  not  only  in  exterior  decoration,  but 
also  in  the  ornamentation  of  the  interiors, 
though  the  former  were  much  less  indebted  to 
them  than  the  latter,  who  had  for  centuries 
been  in  close  contact  not  only  with  the  Assy- 
rians, but  also  with  the  Babylonians  before 
them.  Ass^TO-Babylonian  civilization  and 
literature  had  affected  all  the  nations  as  far  as 
the  Mediterranean,  and  including  Asia  Minor. 
The  colossal  figures  at  the  sides  of  the  doorways 
were  mythical  compositions  emblematic  of  the 
protecting  spirits  sent  down  by  the  gods  to 
guard  the  footsteps  of  the  king  ;  the  eagle- 
headed  figures  were,  perhaps,  representations 
of  the  god  Zu,  Hadad's  storm-bird  ;  the  fish- 
headed  figures  probably  represent  Ea  or  Hea 
(Aa,  Aos),  who,  in  Babylonian  mythology, 
came  from  the  sea  to  teach  the  people  the  arts 
and  sciences.  The  sacred  tree,  which  is  a 
curious  combination  of  knotted  branches  and 
flowers  round  an  ornamental  central  stem,  is 
probably  emblematic  of  the  productive  powers 


604 


NINEVEH 


of  nature,  controlled  by  the  beneficent  gods  ; 
and  if  this  be  the  case,  offerings  were  made  to 
it  as  representing  the  deity.  The  king,  as  the 
representative  of  the  gods  intellectually,  and 
as  their  mediator  with  the  people,  occupied  a 
unique  position.  The  historical  bas-reliefs 
depict  the  king  on  the  battlefield  and  in  the 
chase,  but  descriptions  of  the  scenes  seldom 
appear,  especially  on  the  earlier  sculptures,  in 
which  the  ruler  preferred  to  inscribe,  between 
the  rows  of  sculptured  slabs,  a  more  or  less 
detailed  account  of  his  warlike  deeds  and  the 
buiklings  he  had  constructed  or  restored,  often 
preceded  and  followed  by  a  list  of  his  titles,  and 
numerous  honorific  terms  applied  to  him  in 
Oriental  wise.  As  yet  no  sculptures  specially 
illustrating  the  private  life  of  the  Assyrians 
have  been  discovered,  except  in  a  few  instances 
where  men  are  baking  bread,  tending  horses, 
etc.,  but  these  are  merely  to  illustrate  camp- 
life. — Commerce.  Although  the  site  of  Nine- 
veh afforded  no  special  advantages  for  com- 
merce, and  she  owed  her  greatness  rather  to 
her  political  position  as  capital  of  the  empire, 
yet,  situated  on  a  river  communicating  with 
the  Euphrates  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  she  must 
soon  have  become  one  of  the  great  trading- 
stations  between  that  important  sea  and  Ar- 
menia, Asia  Minor,  and  perhaps  Persia.  She 
must  also  have  traded  with  S^Tia  and  the  Medi- 
terranean states  when  Ass>Tia  was  not  warring 
in  those  districts.  Ezekiel  (27.24)  refers  to  As- 
syria as  trafficking  in  blue  cloth  and  broidered 
work,  such,  probably,  as  is  shown  in  the 
dresses  on  the  Ninevite  sculptures  and  frescoes, 
and  her  merchants  are  described  in  Nahum 
(3.i6)  as  "multiplied  above  the  stars  of  hea- 
ven." The  numerous  contract-tablets  found 
at  Nineveh  confirm  these  statements,  though 
they  refer  rather  to  local  transactions — mer- 
chandise from  abroad  is  mentioned  especially 
in  the  tribute-lists. — Inscriptions.  The  ruins 
of  Nineveh  have  furnished  large  numbers  of  in- 
scriptions, cither  on  stone  slabs  or  impressed 
on  six-  or  eight-sided  prisms,  upon  barrel- 
cylinders,  and  upon  tablets  of  various  sizes. 
These  were  written  by  means  of  rectangular  or 
triangular  stili  whilst  still  moist,  and  after- 
wards baked  in  a  furnace  or  kiln  (c/.  E7,k.4.i). 
The  character  employed  was  the  arrow-headed 
or  cuneiform,  so  called  because  the  lines  of  the 
ancient  hieroglyphic  from  which  they  were 
derived  assumed  this  form  when  the  angle  of 
the  stick  with  which  they  were  written  was 
impressed  into  the  soft  clay.  This  mode  of 
writing,  which  came  from  Babylonia,  existed 
in  Elam  from  a  very  early  date,  and  extended 
N.  into  Armenia,  N.  Mesopotamia,  and  Asia 
Minor,  and  was  the  common  script  before  the 
entry  of  the  Israelites  into  the  Holy  Land. 
The  Ninevites  spoke  a  Semitic  dialect  identical 
with  that  of  Babylonia,  and  closely  akin  to 
1  lebrew  ;  and  an  Aramaic  dialect  similar  to  the 
so-called  Chaldee  in  the  books  of  Daniel  and 
I'>.ra  was  also  in  use.  Among  the  most  im- 
jiortant  inscriptions  found  at  Nineveh  bearing 
upon  Biljlical  history  are  those  upon  a  pair  of 
colossal  winged  bulls  and  upon  several  clay 
cylinders  irom  Kouyunjik,  describing,  among 
other  things,  Sennacherib's  wars  with  Hezekiah. 
In  a  series  of  bas-reliefs  is  also  an  extensive 
representation  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  La- 


NOADIAH 

chish.  Other  records  from  the  same  city  are 
the  chronicles  of  Esar-haddon  and  Assur-bani- 
apli,  his  son,  who  is  identified  with  "  the  great 
and  noble  Asnapper."  Among  the  numerous 
legends  contained  in  the  library  of  the  last- 
named  king  may  be  mentioned  the  story  of  the 
Creation,  which  differs  considerably  from  the 
account  in  Genesis,  and  that  of  the  Flood  (the 
eleventh  tablet  of  the  Gilgames  legend),  which 
agrees  with  the  Biblical  story  in  a  remarkable 
manner.  [Noah.]  The  tablets  found  at 
Nineveh  include  historical  and  chronological 
documents,  legends,  mythological  texts,  pray- 
ers, hymns,  penitential  psalms,  series  of  tablets 
concerning  witchcraft  and  sorcery,  a  large  num- 
ber of  omens  and  forecasts  of  various  kinds, 
numerous  letters  and  dispatches,  and  a  number 
of  contract-tablets.  Of  great  importance  are 
the  bilingual  inscriptions,  which  appear  in  the 
form  of  word-lists,  classified  in  various  ways, 
and  syllabaries,  which  were  intended  for  the 
instruction  of  young  scribes  when  learning 
their  profession.  Of  special  value  are  the  bi- 
lingual incantations,  which  show  how  we  are  to 
translate  the  non-Semitic  (Sumerian)  inscrip- 
tions, both  those  written  in  the  standard 
tongue  and  in  the  dialect. — The  Ninevites 
are  now  represented  by  the  Chaldean  Chris- 
tians of  Mosul  and  the  neighbourhood.  They 
show  the  ancient  type  of  features,  but  now 
speak  only  Arabic,  though  Aramaic,  a  tongue 
similar  to  the  Biblical  ''Chaldec,"  is  still  used 
as  the  ecclesiastical  language.  [t.g.p.] 

Nin'evites,  inhabitants  of  Nineveh  (Lu. 
11.30). 

Nisan.     [Months.] 

Ni'son  (Est.Apoc.tl.2)  =  Nisan.  [Months.] 

Nispoch',  the  god  in  whose  temple  Senna- 
cherib was  worshipping  when  assassinated  by 
his  sons,  Adrammelech  and  Sharezer  (2  K.19.37 ; 
Is. 37. 38).  The  name,  however,  must  be  cor- 
rupt, as  nothing  like  it  is  found  in  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions.  The  LXX.  has  the  variants 
Meserach,  Nasarach,  and  perhaps  Asarach, 
which  suggests  that  the  original  reading  may 
have  been  Asshur.  But  Josephus  read  Araske, 
which  he  gives  as  the  name  of  a  temple  and  not 
of  a  god.     [Semitic  Languages.]      [a.h.s.] 

Nitre  (Heb.  nether)  occurs  in  Pr.25.20 
("  and  as  vinegar  upon  nether  ")  and  in  Je.2. 
22.  The  substance  denoted  is  not  that  of  our 
modern  nitre — i.e.  nitrate  of  potash — "  salt- 
petre " — but  the  virpov  or  XiTpoi>  of  the  Greeks, 
the  nitrum  of  the  Latins,  and  the  natron  or 
hydrous  carbonate  of  soda  of  modern  chemis- 
try. The  latter  part  of  the  passage  in  Pr.  is 
well  explained  by  Shaw,  who  says  (Trav.  ii. 
387):  "  The  unsuitableness  of  the  singing  of 
songs  to  a  heavy  heart  is  very  finely  compared 
to  the  contrariety  there  is  between  vinegar  and 
natron."  Natron  is  found  abimdantly  in  the 
well-known  soda  lakes  of  ICgypt,  described  by 
Pliny,  and  referred  to  by  Strabo,  in  the  barren 
valley  of  Bahr  bela-ma  (the  Waterless  Sea), 
about  50  miles  W.  of  Cairo. 

No.       [No-AMON.] 

Noadiah'. — 1.  A  Levite,  son  of  Binnui, 
one  of  those  who  weighed  the  temple- vessels 
of  gold  and  silver  which  were  brought  back 
from  liabylon  (Ezr.8.33). — 2.  A  prophetess 
who  joined  Sanballat  and  Tobiah  in  attempting 
to  intimidate  Neheiuiab  (Nc.6.i4). 


NOAH 

No'ah  is  reckoned  the  tenth  in  descent  from 
Adam,  through  the  line  of  Seth,  his  father 
being  Lamech,  his  grandfather  Methuselah, 
and  his  great-grandfather  Enoch  (Gen. 5. 25). 
The  line  of  Seth  was  religious,  and  this  is 
shown  by  the  expressions  used  by  Laraech  on 
the  occasion  of  the  birth  of  Noah.  There  is  a 
play  upon  words,  but  not  a  derivation,  in  the 
original  of  5.29.  An  apostasy  from  God  had 
already  begun  to  develop  seriously  even  in  the 
line  of  Seth.  That  apostasy  [Sons  of  God  ; 
Giants]  was  more  strongly  seen  in  the  line  of 
Cain,  and  the  Lamech  of  that  line,  in  his  song, 
well  designated  by  Ewald  "  the  Song  of  the 
Sword,"  breathes  a  spirit  of  defiance  against 
fiod  (4.23,24).  The  comparison  between  the 
two  Lamcchs  and  their  sayings  is  remarkable. 
The  son  of  the  house  of  Seth  possessed  the 
prophetic  spirit,  and  was  enabled  to  look 
beyond  the  dark  future  and  the  judgment  im- 
pending to  days  of  comfort  and  new  blessing. 
The  germ  at  least  of  Messianic  prophecy  may 
be  detected  here.  As  no  lenninus  a  quo  is 
given  in  6.3,  the  120  years  there  spoken  of 
cannot  with  any  certainty  be  referred  to  a 
time  of  grace  offered  before  the  judgment  of 
the  Deluge ;  and  although  Noah  was  termed 
"  a  preacher  of  righteousness  "  (2Pe.2.5)  that 
phrase  may  have  no  reference  to  a  particular 
nuniber  of  years  preceding  the  Deluge.  It 
may  therefore  be  more  probable  that  it  refers 
to  the  reduction  of  the  period  of  human  life. 
Possibly  even  in  the  years  of  Moses'  life  (Deut. 
34.7)  there  may  be  a  reference  to  Gen. 6. 3. 
Noah  was  600  years  old  when  that  catastrophe 
took  place. — The  Flood  or  Deluge.  The  diffi- 
culties connected  with  the  histor)'  of  the  Flood 
have  been  largely  increased  by  the  interpre- 
tations of  commentators  even  in  the  earliest 
ages,  while  the  light  that  has  been  thrown 
upon  the  narrative  of  Genesis  since  the 
discovery  of  the  Babylonian  tablets  has  not 
been  sufficiently  noted.  The  expression  iehhd, 
"ark,"  in  the  history  of  the  Flood,  occurs 
25  times  in  that  narrative,  and  twice  in  Ex.2. 
3,5,  where  it  is  used  of  the  ark  of  bulrushes  in 
which  Moses  was  concealed.  The  word  was 
probably  originally  derived  from  Eg5^tian, 
and  does  not  occur  in  the  Babylonian  account, 
which  uses  elippu,  "ship,"  which  is  common 
in  Aramaic  and  Syriac.  The  tebhd  or  ark  was 
simply  designed  for  floating.  It  possessed 
neither  masts,  sails,  nor  rudder  ;  nor  is  there 
any  mention  made  of  oars  by  which  it  could 
have  been  propelled.  Its  material  was  Gopher 
Wood,  or  cypress,  a  timber  light  and  durable, 
and  hence  much  used  by  the  Phoenician  sailors 
of  later  days.  Its  planks  were  protected  by  a 
coating  of  bitumen  or  pitch,  used  on  both  the 
inner  and  outer  sides.  It  was  furnished  with 
many  compartments,  considerably  varying,  no 
doubt,  in  size,  but  termed  "  nests,"  arranged 
in  three  tiers  or  stories  one  above  the  other. 
The  vessel  must  have  been  duly  provided  with 
a  large  number  of  windows,  some  of  them 
possibly  admitting  light  from  above.  The 
translations  of  A.V.  (windmv)  and  R.V.  (light)  in 
6.16  (cf.  8.6,  where  theHeb.  halldn  is  a  different 
word)  are  both  incorrect  ;  R.V.  marg.  {.roof) 
is  fairly  correct.  Several  eminent  scholars  at 
the  close  of  the  i8th  cent.  (e.g.  Schultens, 
Dathe,   Rosenmiiller,  etc.),  sought  to  explain 


NOAH 


605 


the  word  from  the  Arabic  noun  which  means 
the  hack  of  a  man.  The  Assyrian  sirti  or  serti 
(as  Friedr.  Delitzsch  gives  it  in  his  Assyr.  Hand- 
worterbuch,  p.  556)  is  the  same  word  ;  and  is 
used  in  the  Babylonian  account  of  the  Flood. 
The  phrase  eseii  sir  (or  siri)  elippi  means  "  the 
ridge  of  the  roof  of  a  ship."  The  breadth  of 
this  ridge  was  i  J  ft.,  and  it  formed  the  highest 
part  of  the  vessel.  It  was  also  broad  enough 
to  enable  the  workmen,  while  the  ark  was 
being  built,  to  pass  from  one  end  of  the 
floating  bark  to  another.  It  was  something 
like  that  made  use  of  in  our  canal  boats. 
In  any  vessel  built  for  the  special  purpose 
for  which  Noah's  ark  was  designed,  plenty 
of  light  was  essential  ;  for  a  vast  number  of 
animals  had  to  be  supplied  with  food  of 
various  kinds,  and  the  bark  must  have  been 
cleansed  every  day.  An  examination  of  the 
Babylonian  Deluge  tablets  enables  us  to 
detect  a  number  of  words  and  phrases  which 
have  been  derived  directly  from  some  older 
document  used  by  the  compiler  of  that  work. 
That  document,  in  spite  of  all  that  has  been 
urged  by  Schrader  and  Friedr.  Delitzsch, 
appears  to  have  been  considerably  older  than 
the  Babylonian  Deluge  tablets.  For  in- 
stance, the  latter  speak  of  a  ship,  of  a  steer- 
man,  and  of  the  ship  sailing.  The  description 
in  Genesis  omits  all  these.  It  would  have 
been  easy  in  the  course  of  time  to  develop  a 
ship  out  of  a  floating  barge,  and  to  introduce 
gradually  the  idea  of  a  steersman.  But  the 
reverse  process  is  inconceivable.  Further,  ac- 
cording to  the  Babylonian  account,  the  Flood 
was  an  arbitrary  act  of  Bel.  All  other  legends 
of  the  Flood,  including  that  of  the  Brahmins, 
speak  of  its  being  brought  about  by  terrible 
sin,  but  in  the  Babylonian  account  the  sin 
of  mankind  is  not  mentioned  till  towards  the 
close  of  the  description,  when  Ea,  stirred  up 
by  the  intervention  of  Istar,  demanded  of  the 
gods  that  in  future  every  man  shall  be  judged 
for  his  own  sin  :  "  On  the  sinner  let  his  sin 
fall,  and  on  the  transgressor  let  his  trans- 
gression fall "  ;  but  even  here  there  is  no 
allusion  to  the  terrible  sins  spoken  of  in  the 
Genesis  record  as  committed  before  the  Flood 
was  sent  in  judgment  upon  the  world.  The 
name  for  the  Deluge  in  the  Babylonian  records 
is  Abubti;  which  Paul  Haupt  identifies  with 
the  Heb.  mabhM.  The  Babylonian  is  akin  to 
the  Assyr.  nabdlu,  "to  destroy."  See  the  art. 
on  the  latter  word  in  Friedr.  Delitzsch,  As- 
syr. Handworterbuch,  p.  443,  col.  2,  and  p.  444, 
col.  I.  In  Brown,  Driver,  and  Briggs'  Heb. 
Lex.  the  name  is  regarded  as  a  loan-word  from 
the  Assyro-Babylonian.  It  is  used  in  the 
O.T.  as  the  proper  name  of  the  Deluge.  The 
Heb.  in  this  particular  may  have  been  later 
than  the  Babyl. -Assyrian  designation,  but 
that  fact  in  this  case  is  of  minor  importance. 
The  Babylonian  account  forms  part  of  a  great 
epic  which  set  forth  the  deeds  of  the  hero 
Gilgames.  The  epic  was  inscribed  on  twelve 
tablets  corresponding  (as  Sir  H.  Rawlinson 
conjectured)  to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  or 
the  twelve  months  of  the  year.  The  mention  of 
the  seven  days,  the  down-pouring  of  the  rain, 
the  closing  of  the  door  of  the  ark,  are  all  com- 
mon to  the  two  accounts,  except  that  in  the 
Heb.   account  it  is  Jehovah  that  closes  the 


606 


NOAS 


door,  in  the  Babvlonian  Hasisadra  (the  Noah 
of  that  narrative)  shut  himself  in,  after  com- 
mitting the  floating  "  palace  "  and  all  that  it 
contained  to  the  charge  of  the  helmsman. 
There  are  not  a  few  expressions  common  to 
the  Babylonian  and  the  Genesis  story,  snch  as, 
to  praerve  seed,  "  the  seed  of  life  of  all  kinds," 
etc.  The  gods  themselves,  according  to  the 
Babylonian  account,  trembled  and  cdwcred 
down  under  the  terrors  of  the  terrible  storm, 
like  a  dog  upon  its  bed  (Column  iii.  6,  7),  ancl 
ascended  into  the  highest  heaven.  The  Baby- 
Ionian  account  also  contains  not  a  few  state- 
ments additional  to,  or  contradictory  of,  the 
Biblical  with  many  others  which  are  dis- 
tinctly polytheistic.  Under  the  former  it 
should  be  noted  that  the  Biblical  narrative 
speaks  of  only  two  l)irds  sent  by  Noah — namely, 
the  raven  and  the  dove.  The  dove  was  sent 
forth  three  times.  According  to  the  Baby- 
lonian tablets,  Hasisadra  sent  forth,  first,  a 
dove,  which  came  back  because  it  found  no 
resting-jilace  ;  then  he  sent  forth  a  swallow, 
witli  the  same  result  ;  and  third  and  last, 
the  ra\'en,  which  remained  outside  the  ark, 
being  able  to  supply  its  needs  by  feeding  on  the 
corpses  which  floated  upon  the  waters.  The 
Biblical  narrative  speaks  of  the  place  where 
the  ark  rested  as  "  the  mountains  of  Ararat  " 
(Gen.8.  t);  the  lialnlonian  tablets  gi\-e  it  as 
"the  mountain  [or,  land|  of  Nizir,"  which  P. 
Haupt  and  Friedr.  Dclitzsch  render  as  "  the 
land  of  deliverance."  Schrader  originally  ren- 
dered it  as  a  proper  name  (Keilinschriften  u. 
dasA.T.,  2te.  Aufl.  p.  53).  Fur  several  reasons 
this  explanation  seems  to  be  the  more  |)robable. 
Hasisadra,  the  name  in  the  Bab>ionian  story, 
is  identical  with  the  Xisuthrosof  Berosus,  the 
Chaldean  historian,  a  priest  of  Bel,  who  was 
born  in  the  time  of  Alexander  the  (ireat  and 
lived  till  the  reign  of  Antiochus  II.  (261-246 
B.C.).  The  account  of  Berosus,  though  it  has 
much  in  common  with  the  Babylonian,  has 
also  considerable  differences.  The  birds  sent 
out  as  scouts  are  mentioned,  but  not  sjiecified. 
They  are  said  only  to  ha\e  been  sent  out  tiiree 
times,  and  returned  the  second  time  with  mud 
on  their  feet  ;  the  third  time  they  did  not  re- 
turn. Xisuthros  erected  an  altar  and  offered 
sacrifices,  and  was  soon  after  translated  to 
heaven  with  his  wife,  daughter,  and  jiilot. 
Most  of  tiie  early  traditions  of  other  nations 
contain  accounts  (more  or  less  varying)  of  the 
Deluge.  Although  their  descriptions  (as  far 
as  we  possess  them)  are  shorter,  and  less 
poetical  than  that  in  the  Babylonian  epic, 
they  arc  in  respect  to  the  cause  of  the  flood 
in  advance  f)f  the  Babylonian  narrative.  Tlie 
well-known  story  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  is 
common  to  C.k.  and  I. at.  writers,  who  in  this 
particular  agree  together.  The  Phrygian 
legend  has  peculiar  points  in  common  with  the 
Biblical,  because  it  makes  the  sage  Anakos 
(I'-noch)  to  have  lived  300  years  before  the 
flood  of  Deucalion,  and  to  have  been  translated 
to  heaven  prior  to  that  event.  At  Apamea 
(which  city  was  formerly  known  by  the  name 
Kibotes,  or  the  Ark)  coins  have  been  found 
which  were  struck  in  the  days  of  the  emperor 
Septimius  Severus  (103-271  A.n.).  They  re- 
present an  ark  or  chest  floating  on  the  water 
containing  a  man  and  a  woman.     On  the  top 


NOAH 

of  the  ark  is  a  dove  perched,  and  another 
flying  to  it  with  a  twig  in  its  feet.  The  man 
and  woman  are  also  depicted  as  on  dry  ground, 
and  several  of  them  have  also  the  Gk.  char- 
acters X12.  All  these  legends  contain  points 
sometimes  differing  from  one  another,  but 
found  in  the  Bii)lical  story.  Such  facts  prove 
that  the  legend  was  widelv  spread  among  all 
portions  of  the  human  family,  and  tend  to  sup- 
port the  jiriority  in  age  of  the  Bible  story. 
It  is  interesting,  too,  to  note  that  all  of  these 
histories,  with  the  exception  of  tliat  enshrined 
in  the  Bil)lical  narrative,  contain  matter  in- 
consistent with  the  universality  of  the  Flood, 
and  some  even  intimate  tiiat  tiie  catastrophe 
was  not  even  universal  in  the  sense  of  de- 
stroying the  entire  hmiian  race.  The  Biblical 
narrative,  if  it  be  taken  with  strict  literal- 
ness,  intimates  the  universality  of  the  I'-lood ; 
although  it  is  quite  possible  to  maintain 
that  its  description,  while  it  affirms  the  utter 
destruction  of  all  mankind  then  on  the  earth, 
is  not,  when  compared  with  other  Scripture, 
absolutely  decisive  as  to  the  universality 
of  the  Flood  itself.  There  is  no  necessity  to 
suppose  that  the  Deluge  was  absolutely 
universal.  The  object  was  to  destroy  com- 
jiletely  the  human  race.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  allude  further  to  the  polytheistic  details 
found  in  these  Deluge  tablets,  since  those  who 
maintain  the  greater  antiquity  of  the  Baby- 
lonian account  argue  that  the  Heb.  record  was 
imrified  by  the  omission  of  all  those  details. 
But  tlie  facts  already  referred  to  are  fully 
suflicient  to  prove  the  important  point  that 
the  narrative  in  Genesis  is  far  older  than  the 
Babylonian.  The  size  of  the  ark  was  300 
cubits  in  length,  50  in  breadth,  and  30  in 
height.  Approximately,  it  must  have  been 
about  525  ft.  in  length,  67  or  6S  in  breadth, 
and  32.1  in  height.  The  human  beings  saved 
in  the  ark  were  eight — Noah  and  his  wife  with 
his  three  sons  and  their  wives.  There  is  no 
contradiction  whatever  between  the  com- 
mands in  6.10  and  7.2.  The  first  contains  the 
general  command  that  all  animals  should  be 
brought  into  the  ark  in  jiairs;  the  second  order 
exclusively  refers  to  the  clean  beasts  or  fowls, 
seven  pairs  of  each  of  which  were  to  be  brought 
in.  This  is  clearly  intimated  in  7.cS,q.  These 
arrangements  were  evidently  made  to  i>rovide 
animals  in  suflicient  number  for  sacrificial 
purposes.  The  destruction  of  animils  was 
una\'oidable  if  the  human  race  was  to  be 
destroyed  by  water.  The  ark  could  not  liave 
held  jiairs  of  all  the  animals  now  found 
on  the  earth  and  also  food  for  them  all. 
We  fully  admit  that  the  record  appears  to 
relate  an  account  of  a  miiversal  catastrophe, 
and  the  mention  of  Ararat  is  decidedly 
in  favour  of  such  a  supposition.  But  the 
vividness  of  the  description  must  not  be 
pressed  too  far,  and  the  name  .\rarat  might 
have  been  inserted  later.  The  destruction  of 
plants  which  must  have  taken  place  must 
have  been  enormous,  and  there  is  no  indica- 
tion of  any  provision  for  preserving  such  alive. 
The  sacrifice  which  was  offered  up  by  Noah 
after  his  release  and  that  of  his  family  from 
the  ark  is  the  first  distinct  record  in  the  Bilih- 
of  an  altar  and  sacrifice.  For  in  the  story  of 
Cain  and  .-^bel  the  building  of  an  altar  is  not 


PLATE    XXV 


BABYLONIAN   CREATION  TABLET.     (Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.  "Cosmogony," 


CYLINDER   OF    CYRUS, 
Giving  an  account  of  his  capture  of  Babylon,  539  e.g.     (Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.   "Cyrus. 


Phoh^s  by  Mansell. 

P-6o6]  UPPER    PORTION    OF   A    BAKED    CLAY   TABLET, 

Inscribed  witli  Babylonian  account  of  the  Deluge.     (Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.   "Noah." 


NdABC 

mentioned,  and  sacrifice,  thougli  perhaps 
pretty  clearly  intimated,  is  not  distinctly 
mentioned.  It  has  often  been  discussed 
whether  the  descent  of  the  water  from  heaven 
at  the  time  of  the  Deluge  was,  according  to  the 
narrative  in  Genesis,  the  first  instance  of  the 
fall  of  rain.  The  Biblical  narative  does  not, 
however,  justify  any  such  contention.  Even 
of  the  Rainbow  it  is  simply  said,  "  I  have 
set  Mv  bow  in  the  clouds,"  etc.  (see  Cowley- 
Kantzsch-Gesenius,  Heh.  Grammar,  §  io6,  g), 
and  that  does  not  preclude  the  appearance  of 
rainbows  before.  The  account  in  Genesis  of 
the  sacrifice  and  its  acceptance  by  Jehovah  is 
much  more  sublime  than  that  depicted  in  the 
Babylonian  tablets,  in  which  the  gods  are 
represented  as  flies  hovering  over  and  sniffing 
up  the  savour  of  the  sacrifice.  The  sacred 
narrative  proceeds  to  relate  the  new  covenant 
which  God  made  with  man,  as  well  as  the 
rainbow  being  made  the  visible  sign  of  the 
covenant.  After  this  Noah  settled  down  to 
cultivation  of  the  ground,  and  planted  a  vine- 
yard. The  Biblical  narrative  does  not  state 
how  he  obtained  the  knowledge  of  making 
wine,  but  gives  the  sad  account  of  his 
drunkenness,  and  the  result  of  that  sin  upon 
his  family.  The  shameful  way  in  which  Ham 
acted  on  that  occasion  can  best  be  read  in 
Gen. 9,  but  the  punishment  was  meted  out  to 
his  younger  son  only.  It  is  strange  that  for  so 
many  centuries  the  family  of  Ham  should  have 
been  regarded  as  all  being  under  the  curse, 
and  that  especially  the  scandalous  oppression 
of  the  African  races  by  the  shameful  slave  trade 
was  justified  on  such  supjiosititious  and  false 
Biblical  grounds.  The  descendants  of  Ham 
were  among  the  most  mighty  rulers  of  the 
world,  and  the  curse  really  only  fell  upon 
the  races  of  Canaan,  which  country,  when  the 
iniquit}'  of  the  Canaanites  was  come  to  the  full, 
was  to  become  the  special  inheritance  of  the 
seed  of  Abraham.  The  prophecy  delivered  by 
Noah  was  a  most  remarkable  one,  and  most  ap- 
propriate for  record  in  a  book  specially  intended, 
as  we  may  suppose,  to  instruct  Israel  and  pre- 
pare that  people  for  the  work  which  they  would 
be  called  upon  to  perform  in  the  conquest  and 
purification  of  the  land  of  Canaan.  The  only 
exegetical  difficulty,  and  that  not  a  serious  one, 
in  the  prophecy  of  Noah  is  the  uncertainty  as 
to  the  subject  of  the  clause  "  and  he  will  dwell 
in  the  tents  of  Shem,"  for  which  see  Japheth. 
An  interesting  art.  by  Dr.  Tisdall,  Hasistra  and 
Noah,  appeared  in  The  Churchman  for  Nov. 
1906,  pp.  659-671.  [C.H.H.W.] 

Noah',  the  2nd  of  five  daughters  of  Zelo- 
PHEHAD  (Num. 26. 33, 27. 1, 36.11  ;  J0S.I7.3). 

No-amon'  (Na.3.8,  see  marg.),  No  (Je.46. 
25  ;  Ezk.30. 14-16),  the  capital  of  Upper  Egypt, 
Thebes  or  Diospolis  Magna.  The  second  part 
of  the  first  form  is  the  name  of  Amon,  the  chief 
divinity  of  Thebes,  alluded  to  in  connexion 
with  this  placein  Je. 46. 25  (see  R.V.),  "  Behold, 
I  will  punish  Amon  of  No,  and  Pharaoh,  and 
Egypt,  with  her  gods,  and  her  kings  "  ;  and 
perhaps  also  alluded  to  in  Ezk.3O.15.  No  is 
the  Egyptian  Nu  {the  city),  the  compound 
No-Amon  being  "  the  No "  or  "  city  of 
Amon."  The  destruction  of  the  city  alluded 
to  by  Nahum  was  brought  about  by  the 
Assyrians,  662   b.c.  [a.h.s.] 


NOBAH 


607 


Nob  {swelling  or  knoll),  a  place  not  men- 
tioned in  the  book  of  Joshua,  but  named  as 
inhabited  by  the  Benjamites  after  the  Captivity 
(Ne.11.32),  with  MiCHMASH,  Bethel,  Ana- 
THOTH,  and  Ananiah,  and  thus  lying  N.  of 
Jerusalem.  For  four  centuries  after  Joshua 
the  central  shrine  of  Israel,  with  tabernacle  and 
ark,  was  at  Shiloh.  The  ark  was  then  taken 
out  to  war  at  Eben-ezer,  and  captured  by  the 
Philistines,  then  returned  to  Kirjath-jearim, 
where  it  remained  for  20  years  (iSam. 4. 1,4,17, 
7.2),  to  be  again  brought  out  for  war  by  Saul 
(14. 1 8),  and  aifterwards  carried  again  to  Kirjath- 
jearim,  and  perhaps  even  to  Ephratah  for  a 
time  (Ps. 132.6).  When  taken  to  Jerusalem 
(2Sam.6.i7)  it  was  placed  in  "  a  tent  "  (see 
R.V.),  and  thus  appears  never  to  have  again 
been  in  the  tabernacle.  Shiloh  was  deserted 
after  Eli's  death,  and  on  the  accession  of 
Solomon  we  find  the  tabernacle  and  altar  at 
Gibeon(iK.2.28,29,3.4;  2Chr.l. 3,5, 6,13).  But 
in  the  time  of  Saul  the  table  of  shewbread  was 
at  Nob  (iSam.21.i,6),  which  was  the  "  city  of 
the  priests  "  (22.19),  and  where  was  also  the 
ephod  (21.9),  so  that  the  tabernacle  appears 
to  have  been  removed  to  Nob  from  Shiloh. 
Saul  massacred  the  priests  at  Nob,  for  having 
aided  David,  and  the  tabernacle  was  then 
no  doubt  removed  to  Gibeon  from  the  dese- 
crated city.  This  massacre  may  be  the  slaying 
of  the  Gibeonites  by  Saul  (2Sam.21.i,2), 
which  is  not  otherwise  explained  :  they  were 
slaves  of  the  tabernacle  (Jos. 9. 27),  and  it 
seems  probable  that  Nob  was  near  Gibeon.  It 
may  also  have  been  near,  or  at,  Mizpeh,  where 
Samuel  sacrificed  (iSam.7.9).  In  Isaiah  (10. 
28-32)  we  find  a  passage,  written  perhaps  in 
721  B.C.  immediately  after  the  fall  of  Samaria 
{vv.  9-1 1 ),  describing  the  Assyrian  advance  on 
Jerusalem  from  the  N.,  perhaps  with  the 
object  of  covering  the  siege  of  Samaria.  They 
appear  to  have  extended  over  a  wide  front,  the 
left  flank  resting  on  the  strong  position  at 
Michmash,  with  advanced  posts  at  Geba,  S. 
of  the  "  Valley  of  Thorns"  [Bozez],  where  also 
Vespasian  camped  when  advancing  on  Jeru- 
salem (5  Wars  ii.  i).  The  narrative  of  the 
terror  thus  produced  in  the  villages  near 
Jerusalem  concludes  with  the  words  :  "  Yet 
he  remains  at  Nob  that  day,  he  shakes  his 
hand  at  the  mount  of  the  [Holy]  House  of  Zion 
[Heb.  k'-thibh;  bi'th,  qeri;  bath]  A.V.  daughter], 
the  hill  of  Jerusalem."  It  is  not  said  that 
Jerusalem  itself  was  in  sight,  and  we  may 
suppose  Nob  to  have  been  no  nearer  than 
Geba,  and  on  the  main  N.  road.  This  agrees 
with  the  position  of  Mizpeh  ;  and  Nob  may 
have  been  the  priests'  quarter  near  the  taber- 
nacle, at  that  sacred  centre  which  is  only  3 
miles  N.E.  of  Gibeon.  The  site  of  Nob  was 
wrongly  placed  at  Beit  Niiba,  in  the  valley  of 
Ajalon,  12  miles  W.  of  Jerusalem,  by  Jerome 
{Pilgr.  of  Paula,  5),  and  the  name  has  never 
been  recovered  ;  but  the  high  knoll  of  Tell  en 
Nasbeh  [Mizpah,  5]  appears  a  suitable  site.  The 
term  Ishbi-benob  (2Sam.2i.16),  applying  to 
a  son  of  the  Philistine  giant,  may  be  rendered 
"  dweller  in  Nob  "  ;  but  this  would  be  a  place 
in  or  near  Philistine,  either  Beit  Niiba,  or  the 
village  Nuba,  on  a  hill  E.  of  the  valley  of  Elah, 
3  miles  S.S.E.  of  Adullam.  [c.r.c] 

Nobah'  (Num.32.42  ;  Judg.  8. 11),  the  name 


608 


KrOD,  LAND  OP 


of  a  Hebrew  who  conquered  Kenatii  in 
Bashan,  which  lie  called  by  his  own  name. 
Gideon  attacked  the  nomads  who  dwelt  be- 
tween JoGBEHAii  in  Gilcad  and  Nobah,  and 
even  farther  E.  The  word  means  "  barking  " 
like  a  dog.  Nobah,  or  Nabih,  is  a  great  char- 
acter in  Samaritan  legends  ;"  for,  according  to 
their  "  Book  of  Joshua  "  he  was  of  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh  (ch.  xii.),  and  was  crowned  king 
of  the  two  tribes  and  a  half  by  Joshua  (x\-iii.), 
who  sent  a  dove  with  a  letter  to  him  when 
Joshua  and  Israel  were  shut  up  by  magic 
within  seven  walls  at  Lejjuu,  whence  they  were 
delivered  by  the  jirowess  of  Nabih  (xxxiii.- 
xxxvii.),  who  went  to  their  aid  on  his  spotted 
horse.     [Samaria].  fc.R.c] 

Nod,  Land  of  (Gen.4.if)).  Thither  Cain 
fled  after  the  murder  of  Abel.  The  name 
means  flii^hl  or  exile  (cf.  ver.  12),  and  may  not 
be  intended  to  signify  any  definite  geographi- 
cal area,  though  the  "east  of  Eden  "  points  to 
direction.  No  attempts  to  identify  it  have 
been  successful. 

Nodab',  the  name  of  a  tribe  in  iChr.5.19 
only,  in  the  account  of  the  war  of  the  Reuben- 
ites,  the  Gadites,  and  the  half  of  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh  against  the  Hagarites.  [Nadabatha.] 
Apparently  one  of  the  desert  tribes  E.  of 
Moab  and  Gilead.  [c.r.c] 

No'e,  the  patriarch  Noah  (Tob.4.i2;  Mt. 
24..^7..SS  :    Eu.3.3r),17.26,27). 

No^eba  (iEsd.5.31)  =  Nekoda,  i. 

No'g-ah.  a  son  of  David  born  in  Jerusalem 
(rC'hr.3.7,14-6). 

Nohah',  4th  son  of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.2). 

Non  (iC'l)r.7.27)  =  Nun. 

Noph  (Is.i9.13;  Je.2.ir);  Ezk.30.i3,i6), 
the  classical  Memphis  (Ho.g.O),  the  capital  of 
Lower  P^gypt.  These  forms  are  contracted  from 
the  ancient  Egyptian  nanu\  MEN-NEFER(/;;e 
^ood  place).  As  the  great  Upper  Egyptian  city 
is  characterized  in  Nahum  as  "  situate  among 
the  rivers  "(3.8),  so  in  Hoseathe  Lower  Egyp- 
tian one  is  distinguished  by  its  Necropolis. 

Nophah',  mentioned  only  in  Num. 21. 30,  in 
the  remarkable  song  apparently  composed  by 
the  Amorites  after  their  conquest  of  Ileshbon 
from  the  Moabites.  TheLXX.  follows  a  some- 
what different  Heb.  text,  and  renders  the  word 
"  fire."  The  Heb.  means  "a  blast,"  the  clause 
meaning  apparently,  "We  have  set  fire  to  that 
which  reaches  to  Medeba."  [c.r.c] 

North  Country  (Je.6.22,  etc.),  refers 
to  S's-ria. 

Nose-Jewel.     [Earrings.] 

Number.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the 
pre-ilxilic  Hebrews  used  numerical  symbols 
or  were  always  accustomed  to  write  their 
numbers  in  words.  In  the  Massoretic  text  all 
numbers  are  expressed  in  words,  but  this 
afft)rds  no  evidence  as  to  how  those  contained 
in  it  were  originally  written.  Two  important 
witnesses  are  the  Siloam  Inscription,  of  the 
time  of  Hezekiah,  and  the  Moabite  Stone, 
contemporary  with  Jchoshaphat.  The  latter 
is  inscribed  in  the  old  Heb.  characters,  and 
emanated  from  a  tribe  closely  akin  to  Israel. 
It  may  therefore  afford  evidence  of  Heb. 
usage.  In  both  these  inscriptions  the  numbers 
given  are  invariably  in  words.  This  fact,  how- 
ever, does  not  exclude  the  jiossibility  that 
numerical  symbols  may  also  have  been  used 


NUMBERS 

in  Israel.  They  were  employed  in  the  two 
great  contemporary  empires  of  Egvpt  (hiero- 
glyphic) and  Ass>Tia  (cuneiform),  and  probably 
therefore  in  Israel  also.  In  the  post-Exilic 
period  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  were  em- 
ployed to  stand  for  numbers  :  witness  the 
Hasmonaean  coins.  The  early  mode  of  express- 
ing numerals  has  an  important  bearing  upon 
the  question  of  the  accuracy  of  the  numbers  in 
theMassoretic  text.  The  use  either  of  alpha- 
betical symbols  or  of  special  numerical  signs 
might  easily  lead  to  copyists'  errors,  and  pro- 
bably this  accounts  for  some  questionable 
figures  in  the  existing  text — e.^.  the  numbers  of 
the  slain  in  O.T.  battles  (J  udg.8. 10,20.35,  etc.). 
But  apart  from  possible  error  in  particular 
cases,  there  is  a  very  wide  use  of  round  numbers 
inw'hich  there  is  no  intention  of  exact  deter- 
mination. Certain  numbers  were  thus  used  to 
express  abstract  ideas,  which  would  be  deter- 
mined by  the  context,  such  as  completeness, 
sufficiency,  abundance,  perfection,  or  their  op- 
posites.  Such  associations  would  arise  from 
prominent  examples  of  the  use  of  such  numbers. 
Thus  "  five  "  would  be  associated  with  the  fin- 
gers of  the  hand  ;  "  seven  "  would  derive  pro- 
minence from  the  days  of  the  week,  which  was 
itself  a  natural  division  of  time  [Seven]  ; 
"  twelve  "  would  be  a  prominent  number 
owing  to  the  twelve  tribes  or  the  twelve 
months  ;  "  forty  "  is  especially  used  in  con- 
nexion with  periods  of  trme,  as  a  result  of  its 
association  with  the  wanderings  in  the  wilder- 
ness. Often  little  more  is  intended  than  the 
idea  of  plurality.  For  this  purpose  the 
number  "two"  may  be  used  (iK.17.i2)  or 
more  frequently  "three"  (Gen.3O.3r)),  while 
large  numbers  are  expressed  round! v,  as  a 
hundred  (1K.I8.4)  or  a  thousand  (Judg.i5.15). 
"  Thousand,"  with  its  multiples,  is  frequently 
used  also  in  a  figure  of  speech  very  common 
in  the  East — viz.  hyperbole  (Dan. 7. 10).  The 
use  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  as  numbers 
led  to  a  form  of  cryptogram  known  as  Gematria. 
Each  letter  having  a  numerical  value,  a  word 
was  sometimes  cryptically  represented  by 
the  total  of  its  letters.  A  well-known  example 
is  the  number  of  the  name  of  the  Beast  (Rev. 
13.i7f.),  which  is  given  as  666.  This  is  prob- 
ably to  be  interpreted  as  standing  for  the 
emperor  Nero  (nop  X\~\l).  [j.c.v.n.] 

Numbering-.  [Census  ;  Palestine.] 
Numbers.  The  fourth  book  of  the  law, 
named  by  the  Jews  b'midhbdr,  from  its  fifth 
word,  and  by  the  Gk.  translators  Arithmoi 
(Numbers).  It  continues  the  history  of  the 
previous  books,  from  the  departure  of  the  Is- 
raelites from  Sinai  in  "  the  ist  day  of  the  2nd 
month  of  the  2nd  year  "  after  the  Exodus  (l.i), 
till  their  arrival  at  the  plains  of  Moab  in  the 
4otli  year.  The  contents  are  partly  narrative 
and  partly  legislative,  embracing  preparations 
for  the  march  from  Sinai,  episodes  of  the  wan- 
derings before  and  after  the  mission  of  the  spies 
and  repulse  on  the  borders  of  Canaan,  and 
numerous  enactments  (interspersed)  supple- 
mentary to  those  in  the  preceding  books.  A 
remarkable  gap  of  38  years  occurs  at  20.i, 
though  some  of  the  recorded  incidents  and  laws 
no  doubt  belong  to  this  ])eriod.  This  break  in 
the  narrative  tells  rather  for  than  against  the 
historicity  of  the  book,  for  priestly  inventors 


iNtJMBERg 

Could  readily  have  filled  up  the  blank,   and 
would  hardly  have  failed  to  do  so.     But  it  is 
left  standing.     The  chief  divisions  of  the  book 
are  these  :  (i)  1-10. lo  contains  the  prepara- 
tions for  leaving  Sinai.     These  embrace  the 
numbering  of  the  people  (1),  the  disposition  of 
the  camp    (2),  the  separation  of   the  tribe  of 
Levi  (3),  their  duties  (4),  and  later  their  conse- 
cration (8.5ff.),  the  offerings  of  the  princes  (7), 
with    various   enactments    (purity,    water   of 
jealousy,   Nazirite  vow,  priestly  benediction, 
5,6;  the  second  passover,  9;  trumpets,  lO.i-io). 
(2)  10.11-14  narrates  the  march  from  Sinai 
to  Kadesh.     The  history  includes  the  murmur- 
ings  of  the  people  (11)  and  Miriam's  leprosy 
(12)  ;    the    mission   of   the   spies   and  repulse 
by  the  Canaanites  (13,14).      The  people   are 
doomed  for  their  disobedience  to  40  years'  wan- 
derings (14.32,34).     (3)  Ch.  15-19  contain  addi- 
tional sacrificial  (15;  cf.  Lev.4,5),  and  priestly 
(18,  dues  and  tithes  ;  19,  water  of  separation), 
laws  ;   with  the  important  episodes  of  the  re- 
bellion of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram  (16),  and 
the  budding  of  Aaron's  rod  (17).     (4)  Ch.  20- 
26  relate  the  events  of  the  40th  year  till  the 
second  numbering  of  the  people  in  the  plains 
of  Moab  (26).    They  include  such  incidents  as 
the  renewed  murmuring  of  the  people  and 
Moses  striking  the  rock  (2O.1-13),  the  deaths 
of  Miriam  and  Aaron   (20.1,22-29),   the  fiery 
serpents  (21. 4-9),  the  conquest  of  the  territories 
of  Sihon  and  Og  (21. 21-35),  with  the  story  of 
Balaam  and  his  prophecies  (22-24)  and  the  sin 
of  the  people  at  Baal-peor  (25).     (5)  Ch.  27-36 
are  occupied  with  the  laws  (of  inheritance,  27. 
1-11,36  ;    a  priestly  calendar  of  the  sacrifices 
for  different  seasons,  28,29),  and  with  further 
events  of  the  40th  year,  as  the  command  to 
Moses  to  view  the  land  and  the   appointment 
of  Joshua  as  his  successor  (27.12-23),  the  war 
with  Midian  (31),  and  the  settlement  of  Reuben 
and  Gad  on  the  E.   side  of  Jordan  (32).     33. 
1-49  is  an  itinerary  of  the  journeyings  of  the 
Israelites  from  the  beginning,  and  33.50,35-34 
give  directions  for  the  future  division  of  the 
land  and  the  setting  apart  of  48  Levitical  cities 
(6  of  them  cities  of  refuge).     In  the  modern 
critical  analysis  of  the  book  large  sections  are 
attributed  to  the  so-called  priestly  document 
(P) — viz.    all  those  containing  priestly  laws, 
as  1-10.28,15,17-19,26-31,33-36;  while  other 
sections,  as  10.29-12,21  (mainly),  22-24  (story 
of  Balaam),  are  ascribed  to  JE.     (On  the  no- 
menclature, see  Pentateuch).    Other  sections, 
as  13,14  (mission  of   spies),   16  (rebellion   of 
Korah),  20,32,  are  held  to  be  mixed,  P  passages 
alternating  or    being    interblended    with    JE 
narratives.    Certain  of  these  chapters,  particu- 
larly 20. 1 -1 3  and  32,  baffle  the  analysis  even  of 
the  critics.     The  former  (water  from  the  rock) 
is  one  of  those  instances,  Mr.  Addis   says,  "  in 
which  the  documents  (J, E)  have  been  inextric- 
ably entangled,  not,  as  is  often  the  case,  with 
each   other,    but   with   the   narrative   of   the 
'  priestly  writer.'  "     Wellhausen   assigns  32. 
1-15  to  a  source  which  takes  "  a  middle  posi- 
tion between  J  and  P,"  and  is  most  nearly  re- 
lated to  the  Deuteronomist.     It  would  appear 
that  if  a  writer  midway  between  J  and  P  can 
resemble    the   Deuteronomist,    the  difference 
between  the  styles  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
absolute  {cf.  Leviticus,  on  Lev.26).     It  woiild 


NUMBERS  60& 

follow  from  the  premises  of  the^critical  theory 
[PENTATEUCH]that  the  lengthy  priestly  sections 
above-noted  are  post-Exilian  in  date,  and  are 
absolutely   without    historical  worth.     There 
never,  on  this  theory,  were  a  Mosaic  tabernacle, 
or  encampments  in  the  wilderness,  or  anAaronic 
priesthood,  or  a  separation  of  Levites,  or  the 
sacrificial  rites  which  these  chapters  describe. 
The  whole  is  alleged  to  be  the  product  of  the 
fertile   imaginations   of  post-Exilian   Scribes. 
Internal  evidence  is  drawn  from  supposed  his- 
torical impossibilities  and  numerical  discrepan- 
cies and  contradictions  in  the  lists  in  corrobora- 
tion of  the  fictitious  character  of  the  sections. 
Surely,  however,  it  is  not  to  be  credited  with- 
out further  proof  that  sane  men — not  to  say 
men  of  God — would  ever,  in  the  Exile  or  out 
of  it,  set  themselves  down  to  such  a  task  of 
wanton,  wholesale  invention,  with  such  pains- 
taking precision  and  circumstantiality  of  de- 
tail, as  is  implied  in  the  critical  theory  of  the 
composition  of  these  chapters.     The  seeming 
discrepancies  themselves  are  a  proof  against 
this  theory,  for  scribes  capable   of  inventing 
these  elaborate  statistical  schemes  would  as- 
suredly have  been  skilful  enough  to  make  them 
agree  in  totals  and  in  their  mutual  relations, 
instead  of  setting  down  numbers  sometimes 
difficult  to  reconcile  with  each  other  or  with 
other  reckonings.     It  is  immensely  more  rea- 
sonable to  assume  that  we  are  dealing  in  these 
lists  and  enumerations  with  trustworthy  ma- 
terial, though  the  principle  on  which  the  reck- 
onings are  made  may  sometimes  escape  us. 
E.g.,  a  formidable  difficulty,  often  urged,  seems 
to  arise  from  comparison  of  the  male  firstborns 
in  Israel,  given  as  22,273  (Num.3. 43),  with  the 
total  number  of  males,   say  about    900,000. 
This,  taken  strictly,  would  give  a  proportion  of 
one  firstborn   to  40   males,   which,   on  a  first 
glance,  is  impossible.     But  the  objection  as- 
sumes, what  is  in  every  way  unlikely,  that  the 
firstborns  were  reckoned  from  the  whole  male 
population,   even  those  who  were  themselves 
married    and  heads  of  families.     It  is  more 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  was  confined  to 
the  younger  generation,  still  included  in  the 
families  of  their  parents — that  is,  to  those  who 
may  have  been  under  twenty.     Allowance  has 
further  to  be  made  for  deaths,  and  for  cases  of 
polygamous  marriages,  where  probably  only 
the  firstborn  of    the  family  was  reckoned  (cf. 
Gen.49.3,    Reuben    "my    firstborn").     Then 
the   difficulty   practically   disappears.     Other 
difficulties  originate  in  the  assumption  that  the 
whole  sacrificial  system  was  already  in  full 
operation  in  the  wilderness,  whereas  we  ?— ow 
that  it  was   not,   and  was  never  intende     to 
be(c/.  15.1,2  ;  Deut.4.14  ;  Am. 5. 25).  How,  e.g., 
could  offerings  of   "  fine  flour  "  be  expected 
in  the  wilderness,  where  the  people  were  living 
upon    manna?     How     could    sacrifices    after 
childbirth  be  offered  (500  a  day,  Colenso  reck- 
oned !)  within  33  days  after  circumcision,  when 
we  read  in  Jos.5.5  that  "  all  the  people  born  in 
the  wilderness  by  the  way,  as  they  came  forth 
out  of  Eg3'pt,  they  had  not  circumcised  "  ?    It 
is  elsewhere  shown  [Pentateuch]  that  proof 
of  the  post-Exilian  origin  of  the  priestly  laws  is 
not  forthcoming,  and  that  a  much  earlier,  and 
practically  Mosaic,  origin  must  be  assumed  for 
these.     If  Deuteronomy  is  early,  as  contended 

39 


6l0  NUMBERS 

[Deuteronom  y], Tit  "makes  jthis  certain,  for  in 
18.1,2  of  that  book  we  have  express,  and  even 
verbal,  allusion  to  the  provision  made  in  Nmn. 
18.20-24  for  the  Levitical  order,  "  They  shall 
have  no  inheritance  among  their  brethren  : 
Jehovah  is  their  inheritance,  as  He  hath  spoken 
to  them."  Dillmann  says,  "  The  correspond- 
ing law  is  in  Num.18."  Among  the  most  con- 
tested of  the  laws  in  Numbers  is  that  of  the 
Levitical  cities  (35).  Yet  one  has  only  to  think 
of  the  impossibility  of  Ezra  declaring  to  the  re- 
turned exiles  that  48  cities  in  Israel  had  from 
time  immemorial  been  set  apart  for  priests  and 
Levites,  if  every  one  present  knew  that  no 
such  cities  had  ever  existed,  to  see  the  absurdity 
of  the  contention  of  a  post-Exilian  origin  for 
this  law.  The  Mosaic  character  of  the  legisla- 
tion in  this  book  cannot  be  questioned  if  the 
laws  themselves  are  admitted  to  be  genuine. 
for  the  greater  number  of  these  have  no  appli- 
cability save  to  the  conditions  in  which  Israel 
was  placed  in  the  wilderness.  If  given  at  all, 
they  could  only  have  been  given  by  Moses. 
There  is  much  in  the  book  itself  which  points  to 
contemporary  authorship.  Of  one  important 
section — the  list  of  stations  in  ch.  33 — it  is  ex- 
pressly said  that  "  Moses  wrote  it  by  the  com- 
mandment of  the  Lord"  (ver.  2).  Thiscertainly 
does  not  prove,  what  on  other  grounds  (diver- 
sity of  style,  etc.)  is  probable,  that  Moses  wrote 
the  whole  book  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  it, 
but  it  indicates  a  share  in  its  authorship  ;  for 
it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  a  man  of  Moses' 
gifts  and  skill  in  the  use  of  the  pen  confined 
his  notes  of  Israel's  "  goings  out  according  to 
their  journeys  "  to  the  bald  list  of  stations  pre- 
served in  this  chapter.  Again,  in  21. 13  we 
have  the  suggestive  note  :  "  For  Arnon  is  the 
border  of  Moab,  between  Moab  and  the  Amo- 
rites  " — a  passage  which  plainly  refers  to  con- 
temporary conditions.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
quotation  inthenext  verses  (14,15),  from  "  the 
book  of  the  wars  of  the  Lord,"  may  suggest 
that  it  was  somewhat  later  before  the  book  was 
brought  into  its  present  shape.  The  eulogy  on 
Moses  in  12. 3,  which  has  the  appearance  of  an 
inserted  note,  presents  no  difficulty  on  this 
hypothesis.  The  difficulties  which  attend  the 
theory  of  a  late  compilation  of  the  book  from 
independent  documents  are  so  serious  that  the 
theory  cannot  be  accepted  as  satisfactory.  The 
grounds  on  which  it  rests,  apart  from  admitted 
differences  of  style  in  the  P  sections,  break 
down  on  careful  scrutiny.  It  is  alleged,  e.g., 
that  the  JE  narratives  in  11,12  assume  the 
tabernacle  to  be  placed  at  a  distance  from  the 
camp  (11.26,30,12.4,5  ;  cf.  Ex. 33. 7),  whereas 
in  P  it  is  in  the  midst  of  the  camp.  But  in 
various  J  E  passages  it  is  made  quite  clear  that 
the  f)rdinary  resting-place  of  the  ark.  therefore 
of  the  tabernacle,  w.as  within  the  camp,  as  in  P 
(cf.  Num. 10. 36.14. 44 ) :  and  the  tabernacle  cloud 
is  "over"  the  people  (10.34,14.14).  In  the 
"  mixed  "  narratives  of  the  sending  of  the  spies 
(13,14)  and  of  the  rebellion  of  Korah  (16),  the 
separation  of  the  alleged  documents  destroys 
the  unity  of  the  narrative.  The  list  of  the 
spies  is  given  only  in  1'  (13.i-i7a),  and  the  JE 
portion  begins  abruptly  in  the  middle  of  a 
verse,  "  and  said  unto  them,  Get  you  up  this 
way  by  the  sf)uth  "  (ver.  176).  J  E  is  supposed 
to  know  nothing  of  Joshua  as  one  of  the  spies, 


NtTTS 

yet  in  the  related  sections  (14. 30-33, 32. 7ff.) 
Caleb  and  Joshua  are  united.  The  Korah 
episode,  similarly,  has  to  be  torn  to  shreds,  and 
the  P  section  (I6.2-11)  itself  split  up  into  two 
narratives,  to  attain  the  desired  result.  The 
book,  in  short,  as  it  comes  to  us,  is  a  unity,  and 
belongs  to  the  one  great  Mosaic  texture  of  the 
Pentateuch  as  a  whole.  Critical  view  ;  Gray, 
"  Numbers,"  in  Inter.  Crit.  Com.  Conservative 
view:  "Numbers,"  in  Speaker's  Comnt. ;  Orr, 
Problem  of  O.T.  [j.c] 

Nume'nius,  son  of  .\ntiochus,  was  sent  by 
Jonathan  on  an  embassy  to  Rome  (TMac.l2.i6) 
and  Sjiarta  (12. 17,  cf.  5),  to  renew  the  friendly 
connexions  between  these  nations  and  the 
Jews,  c.  144  B.C.  He  was  well  received  at  both 
places.  He  was  again  sent  to  Rome  by  Simon, 
c.  141  B.C.,  returning  successful  139  B.C. 
(14.24,15.15-24). 

Nun,  father  of  Joshua  (Ex.33.ir,  etc.) 
and  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  (iChr.7.27). 

Nupse.  In  ancient  times  the  position  of 
the  nurse  was  one  of  much  honour  [Family] 
(see  Gen.24.59,35.8  ;  2Sam.4.4  ;  2K.II.2).  The 
same  term  is  applied  to  a  foster-father  or 
mother,  f.g.  Num. 11. 12  ;    Ru.4.i6;   Is.49.23. 

Nuts.  The  representative  in  A.  V.  of  two  Heb. 
words,  (i)  botnim.  Among  the  good  things 
of  the  land  which  the  sons  of  Israel  were  to 
take  as  a  present  to  Joseph  in  Egypt,  were 
bo(mm  (Gen.43.11),  undoubtedly  the  fruit  of 
the  pistachio-tree  (Pistacia  vera),  though  most 


PISTACIA  vi:ra. 

modern  versions  are  content  with  the  general 
term  "  nuts."  Syria  and  Palestine  have  long 
been  famous  for  pistachio-trees.  The  town  of 
Batna  in  the  district  around  .'Meppo  is  be- 
lieved to  derive  its  name  from  the  excellence 
of  its  pistachio  nuts  ;  Betonim,  a  town  of  Gad 
(Jos.13.26),  has  probably  a  similar  etymology. 


NYMPHAS 

Dr.  Hooker  saw  only  two  or  three  pistachio-trees 
in  Palestine.  These  were  outside  the  N.  gate  of 
Jerusalem.  But  he  says  the  tree  is  cultivated 
at  Beirut  and  elsewhere  in  Syria.  Pistachio 
nuts  are  eaten  in  quantities  by  Greeks  and 
Turks,  and  are  commonly  met  with  for  sale  in 
the  Mediterranean  districts,  where  the  tree  has 
become  established  from  farther  E.  (2) 
'eghoz  (Can.6.11  only)  is  the  walnut-tree 
(Arab,  joz,  a  "  pair,"  hence  a  "  walnut  "), 
which,  according  to  Josephus  (3  Wars  x.  8), 
was,  as  it  now  is,  common  in  Palestine,  and 
grew  most  luxuriantly  around  the  lake  of 
Gennesaret.  In  Persia  these  nuts  are  called 
gtiz  (Harris),  from  Arab.  joz. 

Nym'phas,  a  Christian  in  Laodicea  whose 
house  was  a  place  of  assembly  (C0I.4.15). 


o 

Oak.  The  following  Heb.  words,  apparently 
various  forms  of  the  same  root,  occur  in  O.T. 
as  the  names  of  some  species  of  oak — viz.  'el,' eld, 
'Hon,  'ilan,  'alia,  and  'allon.  (i)  'M  occurs  only 
in  the  sing,  number  in  Gen. 14. 6  ("  El-paran  "). 
It  is  uncertain  whether  'SI  is  part  of  the  proper 
name,  or  whether  it  is  to  be  taken  separately, 
as  the  "  terebinth,"  or  "  oak,"  or  "  tree,"  of 
Paran.  [Palm-tree.]  Elim,  the  second  station 
where  the  Israelites  halted  after  crossing  the 
Red  Sea,  probably  derived  its  name  from  the 
70  palm-trees  there,  the  name  'M  being  here 
put  for  any  grove  or  plantation.  Similarly  the 
plur.  V/di/j  and  collective  'Hath  may  refer,  as 
Stanley  conjectures,  to  the  palm-grove  at 
'Aqaba.  The  plur.  'elim  occurs  in  Is.l.29,  where 
probably  "  oaks"  are  intended  :  in  Is. 61. 3  and 
Ezk.3i.14  any  strong,  flourishing  trees  may 
be  denoted.  (2)  'eld  ("oak"  ;  "teil-tree"  in 
Is.6.13  ;  "  elms  "  in  Ho. 4. 13).  Celsius  has  en- 
deavoured to  show  that  'el,  'elim,  'Hon,  'eld,  and 
'alld,  all  stand  for  the  terebinth -tree  {Pistacia 
terebinthus),  while  'allon  denotes  an  oak.  Rosen- 
miiller  gives  the  terebinth  to  'el  and  'ild,  and 
the  oak  to  'alld,  'allon,  and  'elon.  Noble  oaks 
are  to  this  day  occasionally  seen  in  Palestine 
and  Lebanon.  The  terebinth  cannot  compete 
in  size  with  some  of  the  oaks  of  Palestine. 
Dr.  Thomson  [Landand  Book,  p.  243)  remarks  : 
"  There  are  more  mighty  oaks  here  in  this  im- 
mediate vicinity  (Mejdel  esh  Shems)  than  there 
are  terebinths  in  all  Syria  and  Palestine  to- 
gether." Two  oaks  {Quercus  pseudo-coccifera 
and  Q.  aegilops)  are  well  worthy  of  the  name 
of  mighty  trees ;  though  it  is  true  that  over 
a  greater  part  of  Palestine  the  oaks  are  now 
merely  bushes.  (3)  '^Zdw  occurs  frequently  in 
O.T.,  and  almost  certainly  denotes  some  kind 
of  oak.  (4)  'ildn  is  found  only  in  Dan. 4  as  the 
tree  which  Nebuchadnezzar  saw  in  his  dream. 
(5)  'alld  occurs  only  in  Jos. 24.26,  and  is  cor- 
rectly rendered  "  oak  "  by  A.V.  (6)  'allon  is 
uniformly  rendered  "  oak  "  by  A.V.  and  by 
commentators  generally,  'allon  occurs  in  Ho. 
4.13,  as  distinguished  from  the  form  'Hd  ; 
hence  two  different  trees  seem  to  be  signified 
by  the  terms.  Probably  the  difference  is 
specific,  and  not  generic — 'allon  may  stand  for 
an  evergreen  oak,  as  the  Quercus  pseudo-cocci- 
fera, and  'eld  for  one  of  the  deciduous  kinds. 


OATHS  611 

The  oaks  of  Bashan  probably  belong  to  the 
species  known  as  Quercus  aegilops,  the  Valonia 
oak,  which  is  said  to  be  common  in  Gilead  and 
Bashan.  The  Quercus  infectoria,  common  in 
Galilee  and  Samaria,  seldom  grows  above  30 
ft.  high  in  Palestine,  though  in  ancient  times 
it  may  have  been  a  noble  tree.  There  are  per- 
haps a  dozen  varieties  in  Palestine,  included 
under  four  chief  species — Q.  coccifera,  Q.  pseudo- 
coccifera,  Q.  aegilops,  and  Q.  infectoria.  Our 
British   oak   does   not   occur.    [Plains,  (7).] 

Oaths,  (i)  In  O.T. — A.  Two  classes  must  be 
distinguished :  I.  Declarations,  and  II.  Promises 
(or  threats).  I.  Declaratory  oaths  consisted  of 
statements  of  fact,  belief,  or  intention,  coupled 
with  either  [a)  a  comparison,  e.g.  as  God 
liveth,  or  by  God  (probably  ^  as  God  liveth),  or 
as  the  king  liveth,  so  and  so  is  true ;  or  (b)  a 
conditional  imprecation,  e.g.  "  May  God  make 
thee  a  curse  if  thou  hast  done  this,"  answered 
by  "  Amen."  An  oath  in  the  comparative 
form  might  be  taken  by  a  man  or  by  God  ; 
but  an  imprecation  was  only  possible  in  human 
oaths,  (i)  Oaths  of  men.  Usually  the  com- 
parative formula  involved  the  Name  or  exist- 
ence of  God  ;  sometimes  the  existence  of  some 
person  was  added  (i Sam. 20. 3)  or  substituted 
(Gen.42.15;  iSam.l. 26,17.55  ;  2Sam.ll. 11, 14. 
19).  In  the  last  case  the  oath  was  in  historical 
times  probably  nothing  more  than  a  strong 
affirmation,  but  where  God  was  mentioned, 
the  statement  was  made  under  divine  sanc- 
tion (Ex. 20.7  ;  Lev.l9.i2,  etc.),  and  originally 
a  supernatural  sanction  doubtless  attached 
to  all  oaths  in  whatever  form.  Sometimes 
one  or  both  hands  were  raised  in  this  oath 
(Gen. 14. 22  ;  Dan. 12. 7,  etc.).  Declaratory  oaths 
were  used  (a)  to  strengthen  statements  of 
fact,  belief  (2Sam.l9.7[8]),  or  intention  (e.g. 
2Sam.ll.ii,21.i7);  (/3)  for  purposes  of  purga- 
tion, i.e.  as  a  mode  of  proof  in  some  cases 
where  evidence  was  lacking,  e.g.  in  Deposit  ; 
(y)  as  an  integral  portion  of  the  Ordeal  of 
Jealousy.  Oaths  of  purgation  were  appar- 
ently taken  before  the  altar  (1K.8.31),  and  the 
Law  provides  that  one  who  takes  such  an  oath 
falsely  may  expiate  his  guilt  by  the  restoration 
of  the  subject-matter  of  the  oath  with  the 
addition  of  one-fifth  and  sacrifice  (Lev.6.2ff. 
[5.22ff.]  .  (ii)  In  the  case  of  God,  oath  appears 
to  be  a  mere  figure  of  speech,  for  there  is  no 
distinction  appreciable  by  the  human  mind 
between  His  oath  and  His  statement.  II. 
Promissory,  or  minatory :  (a)  of  men.  Here, 
too,  the  oath  formula  might  be  by  way 
of  comparison  or  imprecation,  but  for  the 
imprecatory  formula  "God  do  so  to  me  and 
more "  was  generally  used  where  a  single 
individual  swore,  and  "  Cursed  be  he  that  " 
where  the  oath  was  laid  upon  or  taken  by  a 
number  of  persons  jointly  (J  udg.21.i-i8  ;  iSam. 
14.28).  (For  a  heathen  formula,  see,  e.g.,  iK. 
19.2.)  In  a  sworn  agreement  between  two  par- 
ties the  jurat  sometimes  consists  of  an  appeal 
to  God  to  judge  (or  be  witness)  between  them. 
The  effect  of  a  promissory  oath  was  to  bind 
a  bond  upon  the  soul,  i.e.  to  create  an  obligation 
resting  on  a  divine  sanction  to  give  or  do  that 
which  was  imdertaken.  Promissory  oaths  shade 
off  imperceptibly  into  vows.  A  promise  made 
to  a  human  being  under  divine  sanction  is  an 
oath.    A  similar  promise  made  to  God  is  a  vow. 


612 


OATHS 


The  obligation  and  the  sanction  are  the  same 
in  both.  Hence  the  terms  are  convertible  in 
poetry  (Ps.132.2) ;  and  the  Law  treats  capacity 
to  make  promissory  oaths  and  vows  together. 
Oaths  and  vows  made  by  men,  widows,  and 
divorcees  were  binding.  The  father  in  the 
case  of  a  resident  maiden  daughter  and  the 
husband  in  the  case  of  a  wife  could  disallow 
the  oath  or  vow  on  the  day  on  which  he  heard 
of  it,  but  not  thereafter  (Num.30).  Certain 
rash  oaths  might  be  expiated  by  confession  and 
sacrifice,  atonement  being  made  by  the  priest 
(Lev.5.4ff.).  In  early  societies  the  moral  notions 
underlying  promises,  contracts,  and  treaties  are 
undeveloped.  Their  absence  is  compensated  by 
appeals  to  the  supernatural,  and  hence  oaths 
were  very  frequent  and  important  in  ancient 
Israel.  Breach  of  an  oath  drew  down  the 
divine  wrath  (J  OS. 9.20).  Instances  of  the  follow- 
ing forms  are  found:  (i)  raising  a  hand  (Ex. 6. 8, 
etc.) ;  (2)  putting  the  hand  under  the  thigh  of  the 
person  to  whom  the  oath  is  given  (Gen.24.2  [see 
Spurrell,  Genesis  -',  2i7f.,  Dillmann  ad  loc,  for 
parallels],  47.29) ;  (3)  Handclasp  ;  (4)  oath  with 
covenant  accessories.  [Covenant.]  (6)  God  is 
represented  as  swearing  simpliciter,  or  else  by 
Himself  (Je.5i.14),  by  His  right  hand  and  the 
arm  of  His  strength  (Is.62.8),  His  holiness  (.\m. 
4.2),  the  excellency  of  Jacob  (Am.8.7),  His 
name  (Je.44.26).  See  also  Is. 54. 9  for  another 
form  of  comparison. — B.  As  oaths  (with  few, 
if  any,  exceptions)  involve  appeals  to  the 
supernatural,  two  corollaries  necessarily  follow, 
(i)  Israelites,  being  monotheists,  were  to  swear 
by  God  (Deut.lO.20,  etc.),  and  it  was  sinful  to 
appeal  to  other  gods  (Ex.23. 13  ;  Am.8.14,  etc.). 
(2)  False  swearing  by  His  name  involved  sin 
(Ex. 20.7,  etc.),  and  consequently  His  wrath. 
Hence  men  came  to  avoid  oaths  altogether 
(Ec.9.2),  andtoregardthemaswrong(Zech.5.3). 
Fidelity  to  an  oath  was  a  virtue  (Ps.15.4), 
so  was  truthfulness  in  swearing  (Ps.24.4). — 
C.  Two  sets  of  words  must  be  distinguished  : 
'did  (noun  and  verb)  and  sh'bhu'd  (with  its 
verb),  'did  is  never  used  of  God.  It  is 
used  (i)  of  the  oath  of  a  covenant,  and  also 
(2)  specifically  of  the  curses  in  the  Deutero- 
nomic  covenant;  (3)  of  an  oath  of  purgation; 
(4)  of  the  curse  invoked  in  the  ordeal  of 
jealousy;  (5)  of  a  promissory  oath  (Gen. 24); 
(6)  of  a  curse  siynpliciler,  e.g.  Is. 24. 6;  (7)  of  a 
person  in  such  straits  that  an  appeal  to  God 
to  make  one  like  hiiu  is  a  curse  (J  e. 29. 18  ;  Num. 
5.2 1,  etc.) ;  (8)  of  cursingasa  vice  (Fs.l 0.7,59. 12 
[13]).  In  Lev.5.i  and  Pr.29.24  it  is  not  clear 
whether  the  reference  is  to  an  imprecation  (such 
as  that  uttered  by  Micah's  mother,  Judg.17.2), 
or  an  oath  of  purgation,  or  some  other  form 
of  oath,  sh'bhu'd  is  used  of  God's  oath, 
and  also  in  all  the  above  senses,  except  (6) 
and  (8).  It  is  thought  to  be  connected  with 
the  Heb.  for  "seven,"  so  that  its  verb  means 
"to  seven  oneself" — i.e.  "to  bring  oneself 
under  the  influence  of  seven  things  "  (c/.  Gen. 
21.29,30).  The  Heb.  construction  for  a  nega- 
tive oath  is  "  I  swear  if  "  ( =  I  swear  that  I 
will  not),  and  for  a  positive  oath  "  I  swear  if 
not"  (=  I  swear  that  I  will),  which  makes 
it  probable  that  originally  the  word  denoted 
an  imprecation.  [Curse;  Vow.]  Leist,  Graco- 
italische  Rcchlspeschichte,  751-755;  Encyc. 
Brit.  cd.  9,  s.v.  "Oath";  Wiener,  Studies  in 


OBADIAH,  BOOK  OF 

Biblical  Law,  56-59 ;  Post,  Grundriss  der 
ethnologischen  Jurisprudenz,  ii.  478ff.,  620-621, 
664  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Semites, 
ed.  2,  182.  [h.m.w.] 

(2)  In  N.T.  For  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  see 
Mt. 5.34-37,23. 16-22.  It  appears  the  Jews 
swore  by  heaven,  earth,  Jerusalem,  the  head, 
the  temple  and  its  gold,  the  altar  and  the  gift 
upon  it  (c/.  Mishna,  Sheb.  iv.  13  :  "  If  one  says, 
'  I  adjure  you,'  the  oath  is  binding  ;  but  if  he 
says,  'by  heaven  and  earth,'  it  is  not  binding"). 
Our  Lord  is  probably  condemning  the  latter 
form  of  oath  {cf.  Jas.5.i2).  He  Himself  re- 
cognized the  judicial  oath  (Mt.26.63) ;  and  the 
answer  "  thou  hast  said,"  if  it  did  not  actually 
constitute  an  oath,  was  a  solemn  assent  to  the 
truth  of  the  statement  (ver.  64  ;  cf.  Sheb.  iii.  2  : 
"  If  one  says,  '  I  adjure  thee,'  and  the  other 
answers,  '  Amen,'  he  is  guilty  ").  The  av  elira$ 
of  Christ  probably  had  the  same  force  as  this 
Amen.  'OpKi^ui,  "  to  charge  on  oath  "  ;  in  N.T. 
"  to  adjure."  Mt.26.63,  "  I  adjure  thee  by  the 
living  God  "  ;  Mk.5.7,  "  I  adjure  thee  by 
God  "  ;  Ac.i9.13,  "  I  adjure  you  by  Jesus  "  ; 
iTh.5.27,  "  I  adjure  you  by  the  Lord."  Of 
St.  Peter's  denials,  the  first  was  simple  denial 
(Mt. 26.70) ;  the  second  was  denial  with  an  oath 
(ver.  72;  8pKos,  Heb.  sh'bhiVd) ;  the  third  was 
denial  with  an  imprecatory  oath  ('did  in  ad- 
dition to  sh'bhu'd,  ver.  74).  God  swears  by 
Himself  (Heb. 6.13).  He  interposed  (R.V.  marg. 
mediated)  with  an  oath,  or  made  the  oath  inter- 
mediate between  Himself  and  Abraham  (ver. 
17).  F"  or  declaration  with  an  oath  sec  Heb. 3. 11, 
7.21 ;  promise  with  oath,  Mt.14.7  ;  Ac.2.30;  Lu. 
1.73 ;  oath  accepted  as  final  in  human  disputes, 
Heb. 6. 16.  In  Rev. 10.5,6,  the  angel  swears  with 
uplifted  right  hand.     [Witness.]  [h.h.] 

Obadiah. — 1.  Sons  of  Obadiah  are  enu- 
merated in  a  confused  passage  of  the  genealogy 
of  Judah  (iChr.3.2i). — 2.  According  to  the  re- 
ceived text,  one  of  five  sons  of  Izrahiah,  and  a 
chief  of  Issachar  (7.3). — 3.  One  of  six  sons  of 
Azel,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (8.38,9.44). — 4.  A 
Levite,  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  descended  from 
Jeduthun  (9.i6)  ;  either  he,  or  a  member  of 
his  family,  was  apparently  a  principal  musician 
in  the  temple  choir  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
(Ne.12.25). — 5.  A  Gadite  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (iChr.12.9). — 6.  A  prince  of  Judah  in 
the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.l7.7)-— 7.  Son 
of  Jehiel,  and  leader  of  the  sons  of  Joab  in  the 
second  caravan  with  Ezra  in  the  return  from 
captivity  (Ezr.8.9),  possibly  the  same  as — 8. 
A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who  scaled  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.5). — 9.  The  prophet.  Vide 
next  art. — 10.  The  comptroller  or  steward  of 
Ahab's  palace  (1K.l8.3fI.),  who,  though  a  de- 
vout worshipper  of  Jehovah,  retained  his  posi- 
tion during  the  fierce  persecution  of  the  pro- 
phets by  Jezebel.  At  the  peril  of  his  life  he 
concealed  a  hundred  of  them  in  caves,  and  fed 
them  with  bread  and  water.  He  acted  as 
messenger  from  Elijah  to  Ahab  (I8.7-16). 
Jewish  tradition  identifies  him  with  the  third 
captain  of  fiftv  sent  by  Ahaziah  against  Elijah 
(2K.I.13). — ll.  Father  of  Ishmaiah,  a  Zebu- 
lonite  (iChr.27.i9).— 12.  A  Merarite  Levite; 
an  overseer  during  Josiah's  restoration  of  the 
temple  (2Chr.34.12). 

Obadiah,    Book    of.      The    author    has 


OBADIAH,  BOOK  OF 

been  identified  with  Ahab's  steward,  with  the  ' 
captain  of  the  third  fifty,  whom  Elijah  spared, 
and  who  afterwards  became  his  disciple,  and 
with  a  certain  Edomite  proselyte  ;  but  these 
are  mere  conjectmres,  and  we  have  no  certain 
information  about  his  personality.  This,  the 
shortest  of  all  the  prophetical  books,  consists 
in  the  main  of  a  fierce  denunciation  of  Edom. 
The  day  of  Jehovah  is  at  hand  and  will  over- 
whelm the  house  of  Esau  in  irretrievable  ruin, 
because  of  the  unholy  joy  it  displayed  in  the 
day  of  Jerusalem's  calamity.  But  the  pro- 
phecy ends  with  the  confident  hope  in  the  new 
future  that  lay  before  Zion,  when  it  should 
be  indeed  Jehovah's  kingdom.  The  close 
relationship  between  Je.49.7-22  and  Obadiah 
(especially,  though  not  exclusively,  vv.  1-9) 
should  be  noted,  and  direct  quotation  from  one 
another,  or  more  probably  from  an  earlier  pro- 
phecy, has  been  predicated,  though  some  think 
the  likeness  of  the  occasion  and  of  the  source 
of  inspiration  sufficient  to  account  for  the 
similarity.  Some  literary  critics  consider  the 
form  of  the  prophecy  in  Obadiah  the  more 
primitive  in  character  ;  but  if  the  dates  which 
are  usually  assigned  to  the  two  prophets  be 
accepted,  Jeremiah  was  the  earlier.  Some 
scholars  place  Obadiah  much  earlier,  perhaps 
in  the  reign  of  Jehoram  {2Chr.2i.16),  while 
Ewald  thinks  that  Ob.  1-9  is  based  on  the 
transference  of  Elath  from  Judah  to  Edom  by 
Rezin  (2K.I6).  Delitzsch,  Keil,  Kirkpatrick, 
and  others  consider  the  book  pre-Exilic,  while 
Hitzig  and  many  quite  conservative  scholars 
put  it  in  the  days  of  the  Exile.  The  an- 
tagonism betweenthe  houses  of  Esau  and  J  acob 
runs  through  all  the  history  of  the  Hebrew 
nation,  and  Jerusalem  so  often  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  the  invader  that  neither  of  these 
data,  given  in  the  book  itself,  is  sufficient  to 
fix  the  period  with  certainty.  The  mention  of 
Sepharad  in  Ob. 20,  though  it  has  been 
alleged  as  a  proof  of  a  date  later  than  590  B.C., 
may  allow  of  an  earUer  date,  since  the  place 
is  probably  the  Shaparda  in  S.W.  Media  (so 
Schrader  and  Pinches)  mentioned  by  Sargon 
(721-705  B.C.),  though  advocates  of  a  later 
date  have  favoured  other  identifications. 
There  is  the  usual  attempt  to  take  such  parts 
as  seem  best  to  fit  one  or  other  period  as  being 
from  separate  "  sources,"  and  the  usual  dis- 
agreement among  the  disintegrationists  as  to 
how  to  divide  them — e.g.  Ewald  and  Driver 
on  the  one  hand,  Kuenen  and  Cornill  on  the 
other.  It  is  urged  that  different  relations  are 
implied  between  Edom  and  the  nations  in 
vv.  1-7  and  vv.  isf.  respectively,  but  whether 
this  is  an  argument  against  the  unity  of  the 
book  depends  upon  the  individual  critic's  pre- 
conceptions of  the  nature  of  prophecy.  Differ- 
ences of  style  are  said  by  some  to  exist  between 
the  two  halves  of  the  book  ;  but  the  brevity  of 
the  book  necessitates  that  any  decision  of  the 
point  must  be  founded  upon  very  limited 
instances,  and  so  makes  this  criterion,  even 
more  than  usually,  a  fallacious  one.  The  text 
may  not  always  be  preserved  in  its  purest 
form,  but  the  book  is  admittedly  written  in 
good  Hebrew.  There  are  several  parallels 
between  Obadiah  and  Joel;  and  though  our 
book  is  not  quoted  in  N.T.,  there  is  a  possible 
feiqiniscence  pf  vef.  ?i  \u  Rev41-i5«      The 


OG 


613 


lesson  of  the  book  is  the  one  that  runs  through 
the  prophetical  books — that  "  deliverance  "  is 
conditional  upon  "  holiness."  For  varying 
views  see  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Twelve  Prophets  ; 
Driver,  Intro,  to  Lit.  of  O.T.  ;  Pusey,  Minor 
Prophets. 

Obal',  a  son  of  Joktan  and  the  founder  of 
an  Arab  tribe  (Gen. 10. 28).    In  iChr.l.22,  Ebal. 

Obdi'a  (iEsd.5.38)  =  Habaiah. 

Obed'. — 1.  The  son  of  Boaz  and  Ruth  the 
Moabitess,  whose  birth  comforted  Naomi's  old 
age  (Ru.4.17).  He  was  the  grandfather  of 
David  and  ancestor  of  our  Lord  (4.21,22  ; 
iChr.2.i2  ;  Mt.l.5  ;  Lu.3.32). — 2.  A  descend- 
ant of  Jarha,  the  Egyptian  slave  of  Sheshan  in 
the  line  of  Jerahmeel  (iChr.2.37,38).  Possi- 
bly the  same  person  asin  2Chr.23.i.  [Azariah, 
5.] — 3.  One  of  David's  mighty  men  (11. 47). — 
4.  A  gate-keeper  of  the  temple  ;  son  of 
Shemaiah,  9  (26.7). 

Obed'-edom'  (2Sam.6. 10,11  ;  1Chr.l6.38), 
a  Gittite — i.e.,  probably,  a  Philistine  of  Gath — 
into  whose  house  the  ark  was  borne  after  the 
death  of  Uzzah.  Its  presence  was  a  source  of 
blessing  to  the  householder  during  the  three 
months  of  its  stay  there.  His  mention  among 
the  Levites  in  Chronicles  is  probably  due  to 
this  incident.  The  name,  which  =  servant  of 
Edom,  has  a  foreign  ring,  and  would  hardly  be 
conferred  upon  a  Levite.   [Gittites.]   [b.f.s.] 

O'beth  (iEsd.8.32)  =  Ebed,  2. 

Obil',  an  Ishmaelite  who  was  David's 
head  camel-herd  (iChr.27.30). 

Oblation.     [Sacrifice.] 

Oboth',  one  of  the  encampments  of  the 
Israelites,  E.  of  Edom  (Num.21. 10,33.43).  Its 
exact  site  is  unknown. 

Ochi'el  (iEsd.1.9)  =  Jeiel,  6. 

Ocide'Ius  (iEsd.9.22)  =  Jozabad,  6. 

Oel'na.  "  Sur  and  Ocina  "  are  mentioned 
(Jth.2.28)  among  the  placesof  the  sea-coast  of 
Palestine,  which  were  terrified  at  the  approach 
of  Holofernes.     Perhaps  Ocina  is  Accho. 

Ocpan',  an  Asherite,  father  of  Pagiel 
(Num.1. 1 3, 2. 27,7. 72, 77,10.26). 

Oded'. — 1.  Father  of  Azariah  the  prophet 
in  the  reign  of  Asa  (2Chr.l5.  ;  cf.  ver.  8,  where 
"  Azariah,  the  son  of,"  has  probably  dropped 
out  of  the  text,  see  Alex.  MS.,  Vulg.,  and  Pesh. 
Syr.). — 2.  A  prophet  of  Jehovah  in  Samaria, 
who  preached  mercy  to  the  captives  at  the 
time  of  Pekah's  invasion  of  Judah  (28.9). 

OdoUam  (2Mac.i2.38).     [Adullam.] 

Odonap'kes  (R.V.  correctly  Odomera), 
a  nomad  chief  slain  by  Jonathan  (iMac.9.66). 

Offleep  represents  niccdbh  or  n'^fibh  ("  one 
set  up";  I K. 4. 5, 19,  etc.);  pdqidh,  paqudh, 
p'quddd  {"inspector"  ;  Gen.ii. 34,  etc.);  saris 
— ^("  eunuch")  ;  but  usually  shdtir  (O.T.)  or 
vw-npirris  (N.T.),  a  subordinate  official,  carrying 
out  orders  of  his  superiors,  esp.  in  judicial 
matters  ;  clerk,  warder,  constable.  TlpiKTup 
(Lu.12.58)  is  a  police  officer.  [h.s.] 

Ogr,  a  king  of  Bashan — one  of  the  last 
representatives  of  the  giant  race  of  the  Re- 
phaim — whose  rule  extended  over  "  threescore 
cities,  all  the  region  of  Argob,"  of  which  the 
chief  were  Ashtaroth-karnaim  and  Edrei 
(Deut.3.4,  II  ;  Jos.i3.12).  He  and  his  people 
were  defeated  and  exterminated  by  the  Is- 
raelites at  Edrei  immediately  after  the  over- 
throw of  Sihon,  wl»o  is  represente4  by  Josephqg 


614  OH  AD 

(4  Ant.  V.  3)  as  his  friend  and  ally.  His 
60  cities,  "  fenced  with  high  walls,  gates,  and 
bars  "  (Deut.3.5),  were  taken,  and  his  territory 
assigned  to  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  under 
the  rule  of  J  air,  the  descendant  of  Manasseh 
(neut.3.13,14  ;  Num. 32. 33.  See  also  Deut. 
1.4,4.47,31.4;  Jos. 2.10,9.10,13. 12, 30  ;  Ne.9. 
22;  Ps.l35.ii,136.2o).  The  belief  in  Og's 
enormous  stature  is  corroborated  by  an  appeal 
to  a  relic  still  existing  in  the  time  of  the  author 
of  Deut. 3. II.  This  was  a  "  bedstead  of  iron," 
preserved  in  "  Rabbath  of  the  children  of 
Ammon  " — more  probably  a  "  sarcophagus  of 
black  basalt"  (Porter,  Giant  Cities  of  Bashan), 
or  a  "  throne  "  of  iron  (Conder,  Heth  and  Moah, 
p.  155).    See  also  Driver,  Deuteronomy,  pp.  7  f., 

53  f.  [H.C.B.] 

O'had,  one  of  the  six  sons  of  Simeon  (Gen. 
46.10  ;  Ex. 6. 15)  ;  omitted  in  the  lists  in  iChr. 
4.24  (Syr.  Ohor)  and  Num.26. 12. 

O'hel.  As  the  text  now  stands,  Ohel  was 
one  of  seven  sons  of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.2o). 

Oil.  Of  the  numerous  substances,  animal 
and  vegetable,  known  to  the  ancients  as  yield- 
ing oil,  the  olive-berry  is  most  frequently  men- 
tioned in  Scripture.  The  best  oil  is  made  from 
fruit  gathered  about  November  or  December, 
when  it  has  begun  to  change  colour,  but  before 
it  has  become  black.  In  order  not  to  injure 
either  the  fruit  itself  or  the  boughs  of  the  tree, 
it  was  gathered  by  hand  or  shaken  off  care- 
fully with  a  light  reed  or  stick  (Deut. 24. 20; 
Is. 24. 13).  After  careful  cleansing,  the  fruit 
was  preferably  carried  at  once  to  the  press,  or, 
if  necessary,  laid  on  tables  with  hollow,  sloping 
trays,  which  allowed  the  first  juice  to  flow  into 
receptacles  beneath,  care  being  taken  not  to 
heap  the  fruit  so  much  as  to  prevent  the  free 
escape  of  the  juice,  which  is  injurious  to  the  oil 
though  itself  useful  m  other  waj's  (Jl.2.24). 
The  fruit  was  either  bruised  in  a  mortar,  ground 
in  a  Mill,  or  trodden  with  the  feet  (Deut. 33. 24  ; 
Mi.6.15).  Special  buildings  used  for  grape- 
pressing  w^ere  used  also  for  olive-pressing. 
"  Beaten  "  oil  (Ex. 27. 20,29.40  ;  Lev. 24.2  ; 
Num.28. 5)  was  probably  made  by  bruising  in 
a  mortar.  These  processes,  and  also  the  place 
ami  the  machine  for  pressing,  arc  mentioned  in 
the  Mishna.  Oil-mills  were  made  of  stone, 
with  cylinders  enclosing  a  beam,  turned  by  a 
camel  or  other  animal.  Both  olives  and  oil 
were  kept  in  jars  carefully  cleansed  ;  and 
oil  was  drawn  out  for  use  in  horns  or  other 
small  vessels.  Oil  of  Tekoa  was  reckoned 
the  best.  Trade  in  oil  was  carried  on  with 
the  Tyrians,  by  whom  it  was  probably  often 
re-exported  to  Egypt,  whose  olives  do  not 
forXthe  most  part  produce  good  oil  (2Chr. 
2.10).  Direct  trade  in  oil  was  also  carried 
on  between  Egypt  and  Palestine  (E7.r.3.7  ; 
Is. 57. 9  ;  Ezk. 27.17;  H0.12.1).  Besides  the 
use  of  the  olives  themselves  as  food,  the 
principal  uses  of  their  oil  were:  (i)  Edible. 
Dried  wheat,  boiled  with  either  butter  or  oil, 
but  more  commonly  the  former,  is  a  common 
dish  for  all  classes  inSvria.  (2)  Cosmetic.  As 
is  the  case  generally  in  hot  climates,  oil  was 
used  by  the  Jews  for  anointing  the  body,  e.g. 
after  thejliath,  ami  for  giving  the  skin  and 
hair  a  smooth  and  conielv  appearance  (Deut. 
28.10:  Kil3. 3;  2Sam. 12.20,14.2).  At  ICgvptian 
(aitertainmeiits  it  was  usual  for  a  servant  to 


OINTMENT 

anoint  the  head  of  each  guest,  as  he  took  his 
scat.  (3)  Funereal.  The  bodies  of  the  dead 
were  anointed  with  oil  by  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans, probably  as  a  partial  antiseptic,  and  a 
similar  custom  appears  to  have  prevailed 
among  the  Jews.  (4)  Medicinal.  Celsus  re- 
peatedly speaks  of  the  use  of  oil,  especially  old 
oil,  applied  externally  with  friction  in  fevers, 
and  in  many  other  cases.  Josephus  mentions 
that  Herod  was  put  into  an  oil-bath  (i  Wars 
xxxiii.  5).  Isaiah  (1.6)  alludes  to  the  use  of 
oil  as  ointment  in  medical  treatment  (c/.  Lu.lO. 
34)  ;  and  it  thus  furnished  a  fitting  symbol,  as 
well  as  perhaps  a  partial  remedy,  when  used  by 
our  Lord's  disciples  in  miraculous  cures  (Mk. 
6.13).  Similarly,  its  use  was  enjoined  by  St. 
James  (5.14).  [Anointing.]  (5)  Light.  The 
oil  for  "  the  light  "  was  expressly  ordered  to  be 
olive-oil,  "beaten"  (Ex. 25.6, 27. 20,21, 35.8  ; 
Lev. 24.2).  Oil  was  used  both  for  the  great 
lamps  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  and  for 
domestic  lamps  (Mt.25.3ff.).  (6)  Ritual. — 
a.  Oil  was  poured  on  or  mixed  with  the  fiour 
or  meal  used  in  offerings.  On  the  other 
hand,  certain  offerings  were  to  be  devoid 
of  oil — the  sin-offering  (Lev. 5. 11)  and  the 
offering  of  jealousy  (Num.5. 15).  The  prin- 
ciple is  clearly  that,  as  oil  is  indicative  of 
gladness,  so  its  absence  denoted  sorrow  or 
humiliation  (Is.61.3  ;  JI.2.19  ;  Rev.6.6).  b. 
Kings,  priests,  and  prophets  were  anointed 
with  oil  or  Ointment.  (7)  a.  With  other 
necessaries  of  life,  the  Jew  was  required  to 
include  oil  among  his  first-fruit  offerings 
(Num.l8.12  ;  Deut.18.4  ;  2Chr.31.5).  b.  Tithes 
of  oil  were  also  required  (Deut. 12. 17  ;  2Chr. 
31.5,  etc.).  (8)  Shields  were  anointed  or 
polished  with  oil  or  grease.  Of  the  substances 
which  yield  oil,  besides  the  olive-tree,  myrrh 
is  the  only  one  specially  mentioned  in  Scripture 
(Esth.2.12).  Oil  of  m\T:rh  is  the  gummy  sub- 
stance which  exudes  from  the  tree  Balsamo- 
dendron   myrrha.     [Crimes.] 

Oil-tpee.  The  Heb.  (tV  shemen)  occurs 
in  Ne.8.15  (A.V.  pine-branches),  iK.6.23 
(olive-tree),  and  in  Is. 41. 19  [oil-tree).  As,  in 
Nehemiah,  the  'er  shemen  is  mentioned  as 
distinct  from  the  "  olive-tree,"  writers  have 
sought  to  identify  it  with  the  zaqqum-Xvce  of 
the  Arabs,  the  Balanites  aegyptiaca,  an  abun- 
dant shrub  in  the  plain  of  Jordan.  It  is  found 
all  the  way  from  the  peninsula  of  India  and  the 
Ganges  to  Syria,  Abyssinia,  and  the  Niger. 
The  zaqqum-oil  is  held  in  high  repute  by  the 
Arabs  for  medicinal  purposes-  It  is  possible 
that  this  is  the  'e<-  shemen  of  Scripture  ;  but 
a  preferable  identification  is  given  by  W.  H. 
Groser  as  the  oleaster  or  wild  olive,  the  latter 
being  a  misleading  term.  This  tree,  Eleagnus 
(Arab,  'azztln),  also  yields  an  oil  and  is  frequent 
in  Palestine.  Its  wood  is  hard  and  fine- 
grained (iK.6.23,  etc.).  Several  species  arc 
cultivated  in  this  country,  and  are  beautiful 
and  luxuriant  bushes  or  small  trees,    [h.c.h.] 

Ointment.  The  following  are  the  Scrip- 
tural uses  of  ointment:  (i)  Cosmetic.  The 
Gk.  and  Rom.  practice  of  anointing  the  head 
ami  clothes  on  festive  occasions  jirevailed  also 
among  Babylonians,  I'"gviitians,  and  Hebrews 
(Ru.3.3;  Pr.27.9.i6:  I'>.7.i,9.8,  etc.).  Oil 
of  myrrh,  for  like  jnirposes,  is  mentioned 
Esth.2. 12.      Egyptian  paintings  represent  sef- 


OINTMENT 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


615 


BALANITES  AEGYPTIACA.     See  art.  "Oil-tree." 

vants  anointing  guests  on  their  arrival  at  their 
entertainer's  house,  and  alabaster  vases  exist 
which  retain  traces  of  ointment.  (2)  Funereal. 
Ointments  as  well  as  oil  were  used  to  anoint 
dead  bodies  and  the  clothes  in  which  they  were 
wrapped  (Mt.26.i2  ;  Mk. 14.3,8  ;  Lu. 23.56  ; 
Jn. 12. 3, 7,19.40).  (3)  Medicinal.  Ointment 
formed  an  important  feature  in  ancient 
medical  treatment  (Is. 1.6),  as  shown  also  by 
the  mention  of  balm  of  Gilead  and  of  eye- 
salve  {ib.;  Je.8.22  ;  Jn.9.6  ;  Rev.3.i8,  etc.). 
(4)  Ritual.  Besides  the  oil  used  in  many 
ceremonial  observances,  a  special  ointment 
was  appointed  to  be  used  in  consecration 
(Ex. 29.7,30.23,33, 37.29,40.9,15).  The  use  of 
this  unguent  for  any  secular  purpose,  or  on  the 
person  of  a  foreigner,  or  the  imitating  it  in  any 
way  whatsoever,  was  strictly  prohibited  (3O.32, 
33).  A  process  of  making  ointment,  consist- 
ing, in  part  at  least,  in  boiling,  is  perhaps  alluded 
to  in  Job  41.31 ;  though  another  suggestion  is 
that  the  reference  is  to  the  movements  of  the 
"  leviathan  "  (crocodile)  causing  the  waters 
to  "  boil,"  and  that  his  strong  musky  smell  is 
compared  to  that  of  ointment.  Kings,  and 
also  in  some  cases  prophets,  were,  as  well  as 
priests,  anointed  with  oil  or  ointment  ;  but 
Scripture  only  mentions  the  anointing  as  actu- 
ally taking  place  in  the  cases  of  Saul,  David, 
Solomon,  Jehu,  and  Joash.  It  is  evident  that 
the  sacred  oil  was  used  in  the  case  of  Solomon, 
and  probably  in  those  of  Saul  and  David.  A 
person  whose  business  it  was  to  compound 
ointments  in  general  was  called  an  "  apothe- 
cary "  (Ne.3.8  ;  Ec.lO.i  ;  Ecclus.49.i).  The 
work  was  sometimes  carried  on  by  women 
"Jconfectionaries  "  (iSam.8.13;  cf.  Ex. 30. 35). 
In  the  Christian  Church  the  ancient  usage  of 
finointing  the  bo^es  of  the  dead  was  long 


retained.  The  ceremony  of  Chrism,  or  anoint- 
ing, was  also  added  to  baptism.  [Anointing  ; 
Oil.] 

Ola'mus  (iEsd.9.30)  =  Meshullam,  12. 

Old  Testament.  In  dealing  with  this 
very  wide  subject  certain  limitations  must 
necessarily  be  made.  Many  matters  are  dealt 
with  under  other  heads — e.g.  Canon  ;  Penta- 
teuch ;  Samaritan  Pent.  ;  Septuagint  ; 
Versions  ;  Writing — and  each  book  is  treated 
in  a  separate  art.  We  proceed  to  deal  here 
first  with  (A)  Text  of  O.T.  (i)  Its  History. 
This  should  properly  commence  from  the 
date  of  the  completion  of  the  Canon  ;  from 
which  time  we  must  assume  that  no  additions 
to  any  part  of  it  could  be  legitimately  made, 
the  sole  object  of  those  who  transmitted  and 
watched  over  it  being  thenceforth  to  preserve 
that  which  was  already  written.  Of  the  care, 
however,  with  which  the  text  was  transmitted 
we  have  to  judge,  almost  entirely,  by  the 
phenomena  which  it  and  the  versions  derived 
from  it  now  present,  rather  than  by  any  re- 
corded facts  respecting  it.  As  regards  the 
form  in  which  the  sacred  writings  were  pre- 
served, there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  text 
was  ordinarily  written  on  skins,  rolled  up  into 
volumes,  like  the  modern  synagogue- rolls  (Ps. 
40.7;  Je. 36.14  ;  Ezk.2.9  ;  Zech.S.i).  The  ori- 
ginal character  in  which  the  text  was  expressed 
is  that  still  preserved  to  us,  with  the  exception 
of  four  letters,  on  the  Maccabaean  coins,  and 
it  has  a  strong  affinity  to  the  Samaritan  char- 
acter. It  is  probable  that  this  was  exchanged 
for  the  present  Aramaic  or  square  character 
somewhere  about  the  commencement  of  the 
Christian  era.  The  Old  Jewish  tradition,  re- 
peated by  Origen  and  Jerome,  ascribed  the 
change  to  Ezra.  [Writing.]  No  vowel 
points  were  attached  to  the  text  :  they  were, 
through  all  the  early  period  of  its  history, 
entirely  unknown.  Convenience  had  indeed, 
when  the  later  books  of  O.T.  were  written, 
suggested  a  larger  use  of  the  matres  lecfionis,  or 
vowel  letters  :  thus  in  those  books  we  find 
them  introduced  into  many  words  that  had 
been  previously  spelt  without  them.  There  is 
reason  to  think  that  in  the  text  of  O.T.,  as 
originally  written,  the  words  were  generally, 
though  not  uniformly,  divided.  Of  the 
Phoenician  inscriptions,  though  the  majority 
proceed  continuously,  some  have  a  point  after 
every  word,  except  when  the  words  are  closely 
connected.  The  same  point  is  used  in  the 
Samaritan  manuscripts.  The  practice  of 
separating  words  by  spaces  instead  of  points 
probably  came  in  with  the  square  writing.  Of 
ancient  date,  probably,  are  also  the  separations 
between  the  lesser  parashiyyoth  or  sections  ; 
whether  made,  in  the  case  of  the  more  im- 
portant divisions,  by  the  commencement  of  a 
new  line,  or,  in  the  case  of  the  less  important, 
by  a  blank  space  within  the  line.  These  lesser 
and  earher  parashiyyoth,  of  which  there  are  in 
the  Pentateuch  669  (closed  sections  290,  open 
sections  379),  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
greater  and  later  parashiyyoth,  or  sabbath- 
lessons,  which  are  first  mentioned  in  the 
Massora.  The  name  "  parashiyyoth  "  is 
in  the  Mishna  applied  to  the  divisions  in  the 
Prophets  as  well  as  to  those  in  the  Pentateuch. 
Of  their  real  age  we  know  but  little.     Hupfeld 


616 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


found  that  they  did  not  always  coincide  with 
the  capitula  of  Jerome.     That  they  are  more 
ancient  than  his  time  is  shown  by  the  mention 
of  them  in  the  Mishna.     In  the  absence  of 
evidence  to  the  contrary,  their  disagreement 
with  the  kazin  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch, 
which  are  966  in  number,  seems  to  indicate 
that  they  had  an  historical  origin;  and  possibly 
they  may  date  from  the  period  when  O.T.  was 
first  transcribed  in  the  square  character.     Of 
any  logical  division,  in  the  written  text,  of  the 
prose  of  O.T.,  into  p'siiqim,  or  verses,  we  find 
in  the  Talmud  no  mention  ;    and  even  in  the 
existing  synagogue-rolls  such  division  is  gener- 
ally   ignored.     In    the    poetical    books,    the 
pesuqim    mentioned    in    the   Talmud   corre- 
spond to  the  poetical  lines,  not  to  our  modern 
verses  ;  and  it  is  probable,  both  from  some  ex- 
pressions of  Jerome  and  from  the    analogous 
practice  of  other  nations  that  the  poetical  text 
was  written  stichometrically.     Of  the  docu- 
ments which  directly  bear  upon  the  history  of 
the  Heb.  text,  the  two  earliest  are  the  Samari- 
tan copy  of  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Gk.  trans- 
lation   of    the    LXX.      [Samaritan    Penta- 
teuch ;   Septuagint.]     In  the  translations  of 
Aquila  and  the  other  Gk.   interpreters,   the 
fragments  of  whose  works  remain  to  us  in  the 
Hexapla,  we  have  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
aTtext  differing  but  little  from  our  own  ;    so 
also  in  the  Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan. 
A  few  centuries  later  we  have,  in  the  Hexapla, 
additional  evidence  to  the  same  effect  in  the 
fragments   of  Origen's   transcriptions  of  the 
Heb.  text.     [Versions.]     And  yet  more  im- 
portant are  the  proofs  of  the  firm  establish- 
ment of  the  text,  and  of  its  substantial  identity 
with  our  own,  supplied  by  the  translation  of 
Jerome,  who  was  instructed  by  the  Palestinian 
Jews,  and  mainly  relied  upon  their  authority 
for  acquaintance  not  only  with  the  text  itself, 
but  also  with  the  traditional  unwritten  voca- 
lization of  it.  [Vulgate.]    This  brings  us  to  the 
middle  of  the  Talmudic  period.     The  learning 
of  the  schools  which  had  been  formed  in  Jeru- 
salem before  the  time  of  our  Saviour  by  Hillel 
and  Shammai  (c.  32  B.C.)  was  preserved,  after 
the  destruction  of  the  city,  in  the  academies 
of  Jabneh,  Sepphoris,  Caesarea,  and  Tiberias. 
The  great  pillar  of  the  Jewish  literature  of  this 
period  was  R.  Jehudah  the  Holy,  who  is  called 
the  redactor  of  the  Mishna,  the  text  of  the  Tal- 
mud, and  who  died  c.  220  a.d.    After  his  death 
there  grew  into  repute  the  Jewish  academies 
of  Sura,  Nehardea,  and  Pum-Beditha,  on  the 
Euphrates.     The    twofold    (Jemara,    or   com- 
mentary, was  now  appended  to  the  Mishna, 
thus  completing  the  Talmud.     In   the  Tal- 
mudic notices  there   is  an   entire   absence  of 
allusion  to  any  such  glosses  of  interpretation 
as  those  which,  from  having  been  previously 
noted  on  the  margins  of  MSS.,  had  probably 
been  loosely  incorporated  into  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch    and    the    LXX.     Interpretation, 
jiroperly  so  called,  had  become  the  province  of 
the  Targumist,  not  of  the  transcriber  ;   and  by 
the  entire  divorce  of  transcription  from  inter- 
pretation greater  security  for  the  transmission 
of  the  pure  text  had  been  obtained.     On  the 
other  hand,  there  had  crept  in  the  practice  of 
reading  some  words  differently  from  the  way 
they  were  written,  in  o|-dcr  to  obtain  a  play 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  words,    or    to    fix    them   artificially  in    the 
memory,  or  for  reasons  of  reverence  or  har- 
mony.     But    these   traditional   and    confes- 
sedly apocryphal  readings  were  not  allowed 
to  affect  the  written  text.     The  scrupulousness 
with  which  the  Talmudists  noted  what  they 
deemed  the  truer  readings,  and  yet  abstained 
from  introducing  them  into  the  text,  indicates 
both  the  diligence  with  which  they  scrutinized 
the   text  and  also  the  care  with  which    they 
guarded  it.     Critical  procedure  is  also  evinced 
in  a  mention  of  their  rejection  of  manuscripts 
which  were  found  not  to  agree  with  others  in 
their  readings  ;   and  the  rules  given  with  refer- 
ence to  the  transcription  and  adoption  of  manu- 
scripts attest  the  care  bestowed  upon  them. 
The  Talmud    further   makes   mention  of   the 
euphemistic  readings  of  the  q'rt,  which  are  still 
noted  in  our  Bibles — e.g.  at  2K.6.25.     It  also 
reckons  ten  instances  of  extraordinary  points 
placed  over  certain  words  in  the  Pentateuch  {e.g. 
at  Gen. 18. 9),  and  five  in  the  rest  of  O.T. ;   and 
of  some  of  them  it  furnishes  mystical  explana- 
tions.    It  is  after  the  Talmudic  period  that 
Hupfeld  places  the  introduction  into  the  text 
of  the  two  large  points  (in  Heb.  sopk-pdsiiq)  to 
mark  the  end  of  each  verse.     They  are  mani- 
festly of  older  date  than  the  accents,  by  which 
they   are,    in   effect,    supplemented.     Coeval, 
perhaps,  with  the  use  of  the  soph-pdsuq  is  that 
of  the  maqqeph,  or  hyphen,  to  unite  words  that 
are  so  closely  conjoined  as  to  have  but  one 
accent  between  them.     It  must  be  older  than 
the  accentual  marks,  the  presence  or  absence 
of  which  is  determined  by  it.     Such  modifica- 
tions of  the  text  as  these  were  the  precursors  of 
the  new  method  of  dealing  with  it  which  con- 
stitutes the  work  of  the  Massoretic  period.     It 
is  evident  from  the  notices  of  the  Talmud  that 
a  number  of  oral  traditions  had  been  gradually 
accumulating  respecting  both  the  integrity  of 
particular  passages  of  the  text  itself  and  also 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  read.     This 
vast   heterogeneous   mass   of   traditions   and 
criticisms,  compiled  and  embodied  in  writing, 
forms   what  is    known    as   the   Massora — i.e. 
Tradition — and  includes  observations  respect- 
ing the  verses,  words,  and  letters  of  the  sacred 
texts,     (a)   Verses.    The  Massoretes  recorded 
how  many  there  were  in  each  book,  and  the 
middle  verse  in  each  ;    also  how  many  verses 
began  with  particular  letters,   or  began  and 
ended   with   the  same  word,   or  contained   a 
particular  number   of  words   and   letters,    or 
particular  words  a  certain  number  of  times, 
etc.     (b)   Words.    They  recorded  the  q^ri  and 
k'lhibh  readings,  where  different  words  were  to 
be  read  from  those  contained  in  the  text,  or 
where  words  were  to  be  omitted  or  supplied. 
They   noted   that   certain   words  were   to  be 
found  so  many  times  in  the  beginning,  middle, 
or  end  of  a  verse,  or  with  a  particular  con- 
struction   or   meaning.     They   noted    also   of 
particular  words,  and  this  especially  in  cases 
where  mistakes  in  transcription  were  likely  to 
arise,  whether  thoy  were  to  be  written  with  the 
scriplio  plena  or  the  scriptio  defeciiva — i.e.  with 
or  without   the   malres   leclionis  ;     <i1so  their 
vocalization  and  accentuation,  and  how  many 
times  they  occurred  so  vocalized  and  accented. 
ic)  Letters.    They  computed  how  often  each 
letter  occurred  irj  O.T.  ;    ithey  noted   15   ix\-, 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

stances  of  letters  stigmatized  with  the  extra- 
ordinary points  ;  they  commented  also  on  all 
the  unusual  letters — -viz.  the  majusculae,  which 
they  variously  computed  ;  the  minusculae,  of 
which  they  reckoned  33  ;  the  suspensae,  four 
in  number  ;  and  the  inversae,  of  which  there 
are  eight  or  nine. — The  most  valuable  feature 
of  the  Massora  is  undoubtedly  its  collection 
of  q''ri  readings.  The  first  rudiments  of  this 
collection  meet  us  in  the  Talmud.  It  seems 
clear  that  the  readings  of  the  q'rt  in  all  cases 
represent  those  which  the  Massoretes  them- 
selves approved  as  correct.  The  Massora 
furnishes  also  18  instances  of  what  it  calls 
"  correction  of  the  scribes."  The  real  import 
of  this  is  doubtful.  Furthermore,  the  Mas- 
sora contains  certain  "  conjectures,"  which  it 
does  not  raise  to  the  dignity  of  the  q'yi  read- 
ings, respecting  the  true  reading  in  difficult 
passages.  The  Massora  was  originally  pre- 
served in  distinct  books  by  itself.  A  plan  then 
arose  of  transferring  it  to  the  margins  of  the 
Bible  MSS.  For  this  large  cmrtailments  were 
necessary.  The  Massora  is  now  distinguished 
into  the  Massora  magna  and  the  Massora 
parva,  the  latter  being  an  abridgment  of  the 
former,  and  including  all  the  readings  of  the 
q'rt  and  other  compendious  observations,  and 
being  usually  printed  in  Heb.  Bibles  at  the 
foot  of  the  page.  The  Massora  itself  was  but 
one  of  the  fruits  of  the  labours  of  the  Jewish 
doctors  in  that  period.  A  far  more  important 
work  was  the  furnishing  of  the  text  with  vowel 
marks,  by  which  the  traditional  pronunciation 
of  it  was  recorded.  That  the  insertion  of  these 
was  post-Talmudic  is  shown  by  the  absence 
from  the  Talmud  of  any  reference  to  them. 
The  vowel  points  are  referred  to  in  the  Mas- 
sora ;  and  as  they  are  all  mentioned  by  R. 
Jehudah  Chayug  (early  in  nth  cent.),  they 
must  have  been  perfected  before  that  date. 
Contemporaneous  with  the  written  vocaliza- 
tion was  the  accentuation  of  the  text.  The 
import  of  the  accent  was,  as  Hupfeld  has 
shown,  essentially  rhythmical ;  hence  they 
had  from  the  first  both  a  logical  and  a  musical 
significance.  Besides  the  evidences  of  various 
readings  contained  in  the  q^'rl  of  the  Mas- 
sora, we  have  two  Usts  of  different  readings 
purporting  or  presumed  to  be  those  adopted 
by  the  Palestinian  and  Babylonian  Jews  re- 
spectively. The  first  of  these  was  printed  by 
R.  Jacob  ben  Chayim  in  the  editio  princeps  of 
the  Rabbinic  Bible  (Venice,  1524-1525).  The 
different  readings  are  216  in  number,  generally 
of  but  little  importance.  The  other  is  the 
result  of  rival  collations  of  MSS.  made  in  the 
nth  cent,  by  two  Jews,  R.  Aaron  ben  Asher, 
a  Palestinian,  and  R.  Jacob  ben  NaphtaU,  a 
Babylonian.  The  differences,  864  in  number, 
relate  to  the  vowels,  the  accents,  the  maqqeph, 
and  in  one  instance  (Can. 8. 6)  to  the  division 
of  one  word  into  two.  From  the  end  of  the 
Massoretic  period,  the  Massora  became  the 
.great  authority  by  which  the  text  given  in 
all  the  Jewish  MSS.  was  settled.  (2)  Manu- 
scripts. The  O.T.  MSS.  known  to  us  fall  into 
two  main  classes  :  synagogue-rolls  and  MSS. 
for  private  use.  Of  the  latter,  some  are 
written  in  the  square,  others  in  the  rabbinic  or 
cursive  character.  The  synagogue-rolls  con- 
tain, separate  from  each  other,  the  Pentateuch, 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


617 


the  Haphtaroth,  or  appointed  sections  of  the 
Prophets,  and  the  so-called  Megilloth — viz. 
Can.,  Ru.,  Lam.,  Ec,  and  Esth.  in  varying 
order.  The  text  of  the  synagogue-rolls  is 
written  without  vowels,  accents,  or  soph- 
pasiiqs  :  the  greater  parashiyyoth  are  not  dis- 
tinguished, nor  yet,  strictly,  the  verses — these 
last  are  indeed  often  slightly  separated,  but 
the  practice  is  against  the  ancient  tradition. 
The  two  modifications  of  the  square  character 
are  distinguished  by  the  Jews  as  the  Tam  and 
the  Welsh — i.e.,  probably,  the  Perfect  and  the 
Italian.  Private  MSS.  in  square  character  are 
in  book-form,  on  either  parchment  or  paper, 
and  of  various  sizes,  from  folio  to  i2mo.  Some 
contain  the  Heb.  text  alone  ;  others  add  the 
Targum,  or  an  Arabic  or  other  translation, 
either  interspersed  with  the  text  or  in  a  separ- 
ate column,  occasionally  in  the  margin.  The 
upper  and  lower  margins  are  generally  occu- 
pied by  the  Massora,  sometimes  by  Rabbinical 
commentaries,  etc.  The  date  of  a  MS.  is 
ordinarily  given  in  the  subscription  ;  but  as 
the  subscriptions  are  often  concealed  in  the 
Massora  or  elsewhere,  it  is  occasionally  diffi- 
cult to  find  them,  occasionally  also  to  decipher 
them.  Even  when  found  and  deciphered,  they 
cannot  always  be  relied  on.  No  satisfactory 
criteria  to  determine  the  ages  of  MSS.  have  yet 
been  established.  Ginsbiurg  assigns  one  MS. 
to  the  first  half  of  9th  cent.  (Orient.  MSS. 
4,445,  Brit.  Mus.),  but  it  is  undated  ;  the 
oldest  dated  MS.  is  the  Petersburg  Codex  of 
916  A.D.  ;  but  see  below.  It  is  usual  to  dis- 
tinguish in  the  MSS.  three  modifications  of  the 
square  character — viz.  a  Spanish  writing,  up- 
right and  regularly  formed  ;  a  German,  in- 
chned  and  sharp-pointed  ;  and  an  intermediate 
French  and  Italian.  One  important  distinc- 
tion between  the  Spanish  and  German  MSS.  is 
in  the  order  in  which  the  books  are  generally 
arranged.  The  former  follow  the  Massora, 
placing  the  Chronicles  before  the  rest  of  the 
Hagiographa  ;  the  latter  conform  to  the  Tal- 
mud, placing  Je.  and  Ezk.  before  Is.  and  Ru., 
separate  from  the  other  MegiUoth,  before  the 
Ps.  Private  MSS.  in  rabbinic  character  are 
mostly  on  paper,  and  of  comparatively  late 
date.  Since  the  days  of  Kennicott  and  de 
Rossi  modern  research  has  discovered  various 
MSS.  beyond  the  Umits  of  Europe.  Many  of 
these  do  not  add  much  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
Heb.  text.  It  is  different  with  the  MSS.  exa- 
mined by  Pinner  at  Odessa.  One  of  these 
MSS.  (A.  No.  i),  a  Pentateuch  roll,  unpointed, 
brought  from  Derbend  in  Daghestan,  appears 
by  the  subscription  to  have  been  written 
previously  to  the  year  604  a.d.  ;  and,  if  so, 
is  the  oldest  known  Biblical  Heb.  MS.  in 
existence.  The  forms  of  the  letters  are  re- 
markable. The  Samaritan  MSS.  collated  by 
Kennicott  are  all  in  book  form.  (3)  Printed 
Text.  The  history  of  the  printed  text  of  the 
Heb.  Bible  commences  with  the  early  Jewish 
editions  of  separate  books.  First  appeared 
the  Psalter,  in  1477,  probably  at  Bologna,  in 
4to,  with  Kimchi's  commentary  interspersed 
among  the  verses.  Only  the  first  four  psalms 
had  vowel  points,  and  these  but  clumsily  ex- 
pressed. At  Bologna  there  appeared,  in  1482, 
the  Pentateuch,  in  folio,  pointed,  with  the 
Targum,  and  Rashi's  commentary;    and  th§ 


fil8 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


five  Megilloth  (Riith-Esther),  in  folio,  with 
the  commentary  of  Rashi  and  that  of  Ibn 
Ezra  on  Esther.  From  Soncino,  near  Cre- 
mona, issued  in  i486  the  Prophetae  priores 
(loshua-Kings),  folio,  unpointed,  with  Kim- 
chi's  commentary.  The  honour  of  printing 
the  first  entire  Heb.  Bible  belongs  to  the  town 
of  Soncino.  This  edition  is  in  folio,  pointed 
and  accentuated.  Only  nine  copies  of  it  are 
now  known,  of  which  one  belongs  to  Exeter 
Coll.,  Oxford.  The  earlier  printed  Portions  were 
perhaps  the  basis  of  the  text.  This  was  fol- 
lowed, in  1492- 1  '04,  by  the  8vo  edition  printed 
by  Gershom  at  Brescia,  from  which  Luther's 
German  translation  was  made.  This  edition, 
along  with  the  preceding,  formed  the  basis  of 
the  first  edition,  with  the  Massora,  Targums, 
and  rabbinical  comments,  printed  by  Bomberg 
at  Venice  in  1516-1517,  fol.,  under  the  editor- 
ship of  the  converted  Jew  Felix  del  Prato  ; 
though  the  "  plurimis  collatis  exemplaribus  " 
of  the  editor  seems  to  imply  that  MSS.  were 
also  used.  This  edition  was  the  first  to  con- 
tain the  Ma'isora  magna,  and  the  variant  read- 
ings of  Ben  Asher  and  Ben  Naphtali.  After 
the  Brescian,  the  next  primary  edition  was 
that  contained  in  the  Complutensian  Polyglot, 
published  at  Complutum  (Alcala)  in  Spain,  at 
the  expense  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  dated  1514- 
1517,  but  not  issued  till  1522.  The  Hebrew  is 
pointed,  but  has  only  two  forms  of  accents  :  it 
was  taken  from  seven  MSS.,  still  preserved  in 
the  Univ.  Library  at  Madrid.  To  this  suc- 
ceeded an  edition  which  has  had  more  influence 
than  any  on  the  text  of  later  times^the 
second  Rabbinical  Bible,  printed  by  Bomberg 
at  Venice  (4  vols,  fol.,  1525-1526).  The  editor 
was  the  learned  Tunisian  Jew,  R.  Jacob  ben 
Chayim.  The  great  feature  of  his  work  lay  in 
the  correction  of  the  text  by  the  precepts  of 
the  Massora,  in  which  he  was  profoundly 
skilled.  The  Roval  or  Antwerp  Polyglot, 
printed  by  Plantin  (8  vols,  fol.,  1569-1572),  at 
the  expense  of  Philip  IL  of  Spain,  and  edited 
by  Arias  Montanus,  took  the  Complutensian, 
compared  with  one  of  Bomberg's,  as  the  basis 
of  its  Heb.  text.  This  text  was  followed  both 
in  the  Paris  Polvglot  of  Le  Jay  (10  vols,  fol., 
1629-1645)  and  in  Walton's  Polyglot  (London, 
6  vols,  fol.,  1654-1657).  A  text  compounded  of 
several  of  the  preceding  was  issued  in  part  by 
the  Leipzig  professor,  Elias  Huttcr,  at  Ham- 
burg (fol.,  1599)-.  it  was  intended  for  students, 
the  servile  letters  being  distinguished  from  the 
radicals  by  hollow  type.  Special  mention  is 
also  due  to  the  labours  of  the  elder  Buxtorf, 
who  carefully  revised  the  text  after  the  Mas- 
sora, publishing  it  in  8vo  at  Basle,  1618-1619, 
and  again,  after  a  fresh  revision,  in  his  valu- 
able Rabbinical  Bible.  The  texts  of  Hutter 
and  Buxtorf  both  had  permanent  influence  ; 
but  the  Heb.  Bible  which  became  the  standard 
to  subsequent  gcnfrations  was  that  of  .Joseph 
Athias,  a  learned  Rabbi  and  printer  at  Amster- 
dam. His  text  was  based  on  a  comparison  of 
previous  edd.  with  two  MSS.  ;  one  bearing 
date  1299,  the  other  a  Spanish  MS.,  boasting 
an  antiquity  of  900  years.  It  appeared  at 
Amsterdam  (2  vols.  8vo,  1661),  with  a  preface 
by  Leusdcn,  professor  at  Utrecht  ;  and  again, 
revised  afresh,  in  1667.  The  progeny  of  the 
text  of  Athias  include  those  of :    (a)  Clodius, 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

Frankfort -on-Maine,  8vo,  1677  ;  reprinted, 
with  alterations,  8vo  1692,  4to  1716.  (b) 
Jablonskv,  Berlin,  large  8vo  or  4to,  1690  ;  re- 
printed, but  less  correctly,  i2mo,  1712.  (c) 
Van  der  Hooght,  Amsterdam  and  Utrecht,  2 
vols.  8vo,  1705.  This  edition,  of  good  reputa- 
tion for  its  accuracv,  but  above  all  for  the 
beauty  and  distinctness  of  its  type,  deserves 
special  attention,  as  constituting  the  present 
textus  receptus.  (d)  Opitz,  Kiel,  4to,  1709.  {e) 
J.  H.  Michaelis,  Halle,  8vo  and  4to,  1720. 
The  more  modem  editions  of  the  Heb.  Bible 
were  all  based  on  Van  der  Hooght,  but  are  now 
superseded  by  the  edd.  of  Baer,  Ginshurg,  and 
Kittel.  (4)  Critical  Labours  and  Apparatus. 
The  history  of  the  criticism  of  the  text  follow- 
ing the  labours  of  the  Massoretes  and  their 
immediate  successors  must  now  be  resumed. 
In  the  early  part  of  13th  cent.  R.  Meir  Levita, 
a  native  of  Burgos  and  inhabitant  of  Toledo, 
known  by  abbreviation  as  Haramah,  by  patro- 
nymic as  Todrosius,  wrote  a  critical  work  on 
the  Pentateuch  called  The  Book  of  the  Massora 
the  Hedge  of  the  Law,  in  which  he  endeavoiu'ed, 
by  a  collation  of  MSS.,  to  ascertain  the  true 
reading  in  various  passages.  Later,  R. 
Menahem  de  Lonzano  collated  ten  MSS., 
chiefly  Spanish,  some  of  them  five  or  six  cen- 
turies old,  with  Bomberg's  4to  Bible  of  1544. 
The  results  were  given  in  his  Light  of  the  Law 
(Venice,  1618).  They  relate  only  to  the  Penta- 
teuch. A  more  important  work  was  that  of 
R.  Solomon  Norzi  of  Mantua,  in  the  17th  cent., 
"  Repairer  of  the  Breach  " — a  copious  critical 
commentary  on  the  whole  O.T.,  drawn  up  with 
the  aid  of  MSS.  and  edd.  of  the  Massora.  Tal- 
mud, and  all  other  Jewish  resources  within  his 
reach.  In  1746  the  expectations  of  the  public 
were  raised  by  the  Prolegomena  of  Houbigant, 
of  the  Oratory  at  Paris;  and  in  1753  his  edition 
appeared,  splendidly  printed,  in  4  vols.  fol. 
The  text  was  that  of  Van  der  Hooght,  divested 
of  points,  and  of  every  vestige  of  the  Massora. 
In  the  notes  copious  emendations  were  in- 
troduced. In  1753  Kennicott's  first  Disserta- 
tion on  the  state  of  the  Printed  Text  ap- 
peared at  Oxford  :  the  second  followed  in 
1759.  A  subscription  of  nearly  /^io,ooo  was 
raised  for  a  collation  of  Heb.  MSS.  through- 
out Europe,  which  was  performed  from  1760 
to  1769,  partly  by  Kennicott  himself,  but 
chiefly,  under  his  direction,  by  Prof.  Bruns 
of  Helmstadt  and  others.  The  collation  ex- 
tended in  all  to  581  Jewish  and  16  Samaritan 
MSS.,  and  40  printed  edd.,  Jewish  works,  etc.  ; 
of  which,  however,  only  about  half  were  col- 
lated throughout,  the  rest  in  select  passages. 
The  fruits  appeared  at  Oxford  in  2  vols.  fol. 
1776-1780:  the  text  was  Van  der  Hooght's, 
unpointed  ;  the  variant  readings  were  given 
below  ;  comparisons  were  also  made  of  the 
Jewish  and  Samaritan  texts  of  the  Pentateuch, 
and  of  the  parallel  passages  in  Samuel  and 
Chronicles, etc.  The  labours  of  Kennicott  were 
supplemented  by  those  of  de  Rossi,  professor 
at  Parma.  His  plan  differed  materially  from 
Kennicott's  :  he  confined  himself  to  a  specifi- 
cation of  the  variant  readings  in  select  pas- 
sages ;  but  for  these  he  supplied  also  the 
critical  evidence  to  be  obtained  from  the 
ancient  versions,  and  from  all  the  various 
Jewish  authorities.    For  the  passages  on  whir-h 


I 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

it  treats,  the  evidence  in  de  Rossi's  work  may 
be  regarded  as  almost  complete.  Passing  over 
the  edition  of  Doderlein  and  Meisner  (Leipzig, 
8vo,  1793)  and  the  better  critical  one  of  Jahn 
(Vienna,  4  vols.  8vo,  1806),  the  first  attempt 
to  tmrn  the  new  critical  collations  to  public 
account  was  made  by  Boothroyd,  in  his  un- 
pointed Bible,  with  variant  readings  and 
English  notes  (Pontefract,  4to,i8io-i8i6),  at  a 
time  when  Houbigant's  principles  were  still  in 
the  ascendant.  This  was  followed  in  182 1  by 
Hamilton's  Codex  Criticus,  modelled  on  the 
plan  of  the  N.T.  of  Griesbach.  An  important 
contribution  towards  the  formation  of  a  re- 
vised text  is  to  be  found  in  Dr.  Davidson's 
Hebrew  Text  of  O.T.,  revised  from  Critical 
Sources  (1855).  It  presents  a  convenient  epi- 
tome of  the  more  important  variant  readings 
of  the  MSS.  and  of  the  Massora,  with  the 
authorities  for  them.  A  still  more  valuable 
work  lately  published  is  the  edition  of  the 
Heb.  Bible  by  Kittel,  giving  the  variations  of 
the  ancient  versions.  It  might  be  well  if  along 
with  the  version-readings  were  collected  to- 
gether all  the  more  important  conjectural 
emendations  of  the  Heb.  text  proposed  by 
various  scholars  during  the  last  hundred  years, 
which  at  present  lie  buried  in  their  several  com- 
mentaries and  other  publications.  (5)  Prin- 
ciples of  Criticism.  The  methods  of  procedure 
required  in  the  criticism  of  O.T.  and  N.T.  are 
widely  different.  Our  O.T.  textus  receptus  is  a 
far  more  faithful  representation  of  the  genuine 
Scripture,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  means  of 
detecting  and  correcting  the  errors  contained 
in  it  are  more  precarious,  the  results  more  un- 
certain, and  the  ratio  borne  by  the  value  of  the 
diplomatic  evidence  of  MSS.  to  that  of  a  good 
critical  judgment  and  sagacity  is  greatly 
diminished.  It  is  indeed  to  the  direct  testi- 
mony of  the  MSS.  that,  in  endeavouring  to 
establish  the  true  text,  we  must  first  have  re- 
course. Where  the  MSS.  disagree,  it  has  been 
laid  down  as  a  canon  that  mere  numbers  ought 
not  to  preponderate,  but  that  we  should 
examine  what  is  the  reading  of  the  earliest  and 
best.  The  MSS.  lead  us  for  the  most  part  only 
to  oiu:  first  sure  standing-ground,  the  Massore- 
tic  text  :  in  other  words,  to  the  average  writ- 
ten text  of  a  period  later  by  a  thousand  or 
fifteen  hundred  years  than  the  latest  book  of 
O.T.  In  ascending  upwards  from  the  Mas- 
soretic  text,  our  first  critical  materials  are  the 
Massoretic  (;')/  readings,  valuable  as  witnesses 
to  the  preservation  of  many  authentic  readings. 
A  q'ri  therefore  is  not  to  be  received  in  prefer- 
ence to  a  h'thibh  unless  confirmed  by  other 
sufficient  evidence,  external  or  internal  ;  and 
in  reference  to  a  q'^ri  let  the  rule  be  borne  in 
mind,  "  Proclivi  scriptioni  praestat  ardua," 
many  of  them  being  but  arbitrary  softenings 
down  of  difficult  readings  in  the  genuine  text. 
The  express  assertions  of  the  Massora,  as  also 
of  the  Targum,  respecting  the  true  readings  in 
particular  passages,  are  of  course  important. 
From  these  we  ascend  to  the  version  of  Jerome, 
the  most  thoroughly  trustworthy  authority  { 
which  we  have  to  aid  in  amending  the  Mas- 
soretic text.  _It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  a  j 
Heb.  reading  received  by  Jerome  should,  if  j 
sanctioned  or  countenanced  by  the  Targum,  | 
tie  so  lax  preferred  to  one  upheld  by  the  united 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


619 


testimony  of  all  MSS.  whatever.  Of  the  other 
versions,  although  more  ancient,  none  can  on 
the  whole  be  reckoned,  from  a  critical  point 
of  view,  so  valuable.  Of  the  Gk.  versions  of 
Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion,  we  pos- 
sess but  mere  fragments.  The  Syriac  bears 
the  impress  of  having  been  made  under  the 
influence  of  the  LXX.  The  Targums  are 
too  often  paraphrastic.  Still,  all  furnish  most 
important  material  for  the  correction  of  the 
Massoretic  text  ;  and  their  cumulative  evi- 
dence, when  they  concur  in  their  variation 
from  it,  is  very  strong.  The  LXX.  itself, 
venerable  for  its  antiquity,  and  the  authorized 
version,  so  to  speak,  of  the  early  Christian 
Church,  deserves  all  the  attention  that  can  be 
given  to  it,  especially  in  its  earliest  portions — ■ 
e.g.  the  Pentateuch.  It  serves  both  to  warn 
and  to  stimulate  the  careful  student  in  his 
attempts  at  discovering  the  true  reading  in 
difficult  and  corrupt  passages.  Much  caution, 
however,  is  required  in  its  use.  Not  very 
much  additional  help  is  to  be  gained  from  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch.  In  the  case  of  O.T., 
another  source  of  emendations  is  generally 
allowed — viz.  critical  conjecture.  The  com- 
parative purity  of  the  Heb.  text  is  probably 
different  in  different  parts  of  O.T.  In  the 
revision  of  Dr.  Davidson,  who  has  generally 
restricted  himself  to  corrections  warranted  by 
MS.,  Massoretic,  or  Talmudic  authority,  those 
in  Gen.  do  not  exceed  11  ;  those  in  Ps.  are 
proportionately  three  times  as  numerous ; 
while  those  in  the  historical  books  and  the 
Prophets  are  proportionately  yet  more  numer- 
ous. In  all  emendations  it  is  essential  that  the 
proposed  reading  be  one  from  which  the  exist- 
ing reading  may  have  been  derived  ;  hence  the 
necessity  of  attention  to  the  means  by  which 
corruptions  were  introduced  into  the  text. 
One  letter  was  accidentally  exchanged  by  a 
transcriber  for  another.  Words,  or  parts  of 
words,  were  repeated,  or  were  dropped,  especi- 
ally when  they  ended  like  those  that  preceded. 
Occasionally  a  letter  may  have  travelled  from 
one  word,  or  a  word  from  one  verse,  to  another. 
Wilful  corruption  of  the  text  on  polemical 
grounds  has  also  been  occasionally  charged 
against  the  Jews,  and  also  against  the  LXX. ; 
but  the  allegation  has  not  been  proved,  and 
their  known  reverence  for  the  text  militates 
against  it.  To  the  criticism  of  the  vowel 
marks  the  same  general  principles  must  be 
applied,  mutatis  mutandis,  as  to  that  of  the 
consonants.  Nothing  can  be  more  remote 
from  the  truth  than  the  notion  that  we  are  at 
liberty  to  pay  scant  attention  to  the  Massoretic 
pointing,  though  it  is  sometimes  obviously 
wrong. — B.  Interpretation  of  O.T.  (1)  His- 
tory. At  the  period  of  the  rise  of  Christianity 
two  opposite  tendencies  had  manifested  them- 
selves in  the  interpretation  of  the  O.T.  Scrip- 
tures among  the  Jews — one  to  an  extreme 
literalism,  the  other  to  an  arbitrary  allegorism. 
The  former  was  mainly  developed  in  Palestine, 
where  the  law  of  Moses  was,  from  the  nature 
of  things,  most  completely  observed.  The 
Jewish  teachers  there,  acknowledging  the  ob- 
ligation of  that  law  in  its  minutest  prcQepts, 
but  overlooking  the  moral  principles  on  which 
those  precepts  were  founded,  endeavoured  to 
supply    by    other    mccins    the    imperfections 


620 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


inherent  in  the  mere  literal  acceptation  of  any 
law.  On  the  other  hand,  at  Alexandria  the 
aUegori/ing  tendency  prevailed.  Germs  of  it 
had  appeared  in  the  apocryphal  writings,  as 
where  in  Wis.l8.24  the  priestly  vestments 
of  Aaron  were  treated  as  symbolical  of  the 
universe.  This  tendency  had  been  fostered 
by  Aristobulus,  and,  two  centuries  later,  cul- 
minated in  Philo,  from  whose  works  we  can 
best  gather  the  form  which  it  assumed.  His 
e.xpositions  chiefly  refer  to  the  writings  of 
Moses,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  arch-prophet, 
the  man  initiated  above  all  others  into  divine 
mysteries  ;  and  in  the  persons  and  things  men- 
tioned in  these  writings  he  traces,  without 
denying  the  outward  reality  of  the  narrative, 
the  mystical  designations  of  different  abstract 
qualities  and  aspects  of  the  invisible.  The 
Alexandrian  interpreters  were  striving  to  vin- 
dicate for  the  Heb.  Scriptures  a  new  dignity  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Gentile  world,  by  showing  that 
Moses  had  anticipated  all  the  doctrines  of 
the  philosophers  of  Greece.  But  Palestinian 
literalism  and  the  Alexandrian  allegorism  were 
never  entirely  distinct.  The  two  extremes 
had,  in  their  neglect  of  the  direct  moral  teach- 
ing and  prophetical  import  of  Scripture,  too 
much  in  common  not  to  mingle  readily.  Thus 
we  may  trace  the  development  of  the  two  dis- 
tinct yet  co-existent  spheres  of  Halakhah  and 
Haggadah  [Talmud],  within  which  the  inter- 
pretation of  Scripture  of  the  later  Jewish 
writings  ranged.  The  former  ("repetition," 
"following")  embraced  the  traditional  legal 
determinations  for  practical  observance  ;  the 
latter  ("  discourse  ")  the  unrestrained  inter- 
pretation, of  no  authentic  force  or  immediate 
practical  interest.  The  earliest  Christian  non- 
apostolic  treatment  of  O.T.  was  necessarily 
much  dependent  on  that  which  it  had  received 
from  the  Jews.  The  Alexandrian  allegorism 
reappears  most  fully  in  the  fanciful  epistle 
of  Barnabas  ;  but  it  influenced  also  other 
writings  of  the  sub-apostolic  Fathers.  Even 
Jewish  cabbalism  passed  to  some  extent  into 
the  Christian  Church,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
largely  employed  by  the  Gnostics.  But  this 
was  not  to  last.  Irenaeus,  himself  not  alto- 
gether free  from  it,  raised  his  voice  against  it  ; 
and  TertuUian  laid  it  down  as  a  canon  that 
the  words  of  Scripture  were  to  be  interpreted 
only  in  their  logical  connexion,  and  with 
reference  to  the  occasion  on  which  they  were 
uttered.  In  another  resjiect  all  was  changed. 
The  Christian  interpreters  by  their  belief  in 
Christ  stood  on  a  vantage-ground  for  the  com- 
prehension of  the  whole  meaning  of  O.T.  to 
which  the  Jews  had  never  reached  ;  and  thus, 
however  they  may  have  erred  in  details  of  in- 
terpretation, they  generally  came  to  the  right 
conclusions  in  regard  to  Christian  doctrine. 
The  view  held  by  the  Christian  Fathers  that 
the  whole  doctrine  of  N.T.  had  been  virtually 
contained  and  foreshadowed  in  the  O.T.,  gener- 
ally induced  the  search  in  O.T.  for  such  Chris- 
tian doctrine  rather  than  for  the  old  philoso- 
phical dogmas.  It  was  at  .Mcxaiulria  that 
definite  principles  of  interpretation  were,  by  a 
new  order  of  men,  the  most  illustrious  and 
influential  teachers  in  the  Christian  Church, 
first  laid  down.  Clement  led  the  way.  He 
beld  4  fourfold  import  in  the  Jewish  law — 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

literal,  symbolical,  moral,  prophetical.  He 
was  succeeded  by  his  scholar  Origen,  with 
whom  Biblical  interpretation  showed  itself 
more  decidedly  Christian  ;  and  while  the  wis- 
dom of  the  Egyptians,  moulded  anew,  became 
the  permanent  inheritance  of  the  Church,  the 
distinctive  symbolical  meaning  which  philo- 
sophy had  placed  upon  O.T.  disappeared. 
Origen  recognizes  in  Scripture,  as  it  were,  a 
body,  soul,  and  spirit,  answering  to  the  body, 
soul,  and  spirit  of  man  :  the  first  serves  for  the 
edification  of  the  simple,  the  second  for  that  of 
the  more  advanced,  the  third  for  that  cf  the 
perfect.  The  reality  and  the  utility  of  the 
first,  the  letter  of  Scripture,  he  proves  by  the 
number  of  those  whose  faith  is  nurtured  by  it. 
The  second,  the  moral  sense  of  Scripture,  he 
illustrates  by  the  interpretation  of  Deut.25.4 
in  iCor.9.9.  The  third,  the  spiritual  sense,  is 
that  on  which  he  principally  dwells,  showing 
how  the  Jewish  law,  spiritually  understood, 
contained  a  shadow  of  good  things  to  come. 
Both  the  spiritual  and  (to  use  his  own  term) 
the  psychical  meaning  he  held  to  be  always 
present  in  Scripture  :  the  bodily  not  always. 
Origen's  own  expositions  of  Scripture  were,  no 
doubt,  less  successful  than  his  investigations  of 
the  principles  of  interpretation.  Yet  as  the 
appliances  which  he  brought  to  the  study  of 
Scripture  made  him  the  father  of  Biblical 
criticism,  so  of  all  detailed  Christian  Scriptural 
commentaries  his  were  the  first — a  fact  not  to 
be  forgotten  by  those  who  would  estimate 
aright  their  several  merits  and  defects. 
Jerome,  a  century  later,  adopted  and  repeated 
most  of  Origen's  principles,  but  exhibited  more 
judgment  in  the  practical  application  of  them  : 
he  devoted  more  attention  to  the  literal  inter- 
pretation, the  basis  of  the  rest,  and  brought 
larger  stores  of  learning  to  bear  upon  it.  With 
Origen  he  held  that  Scripture  was  to  be  under- 
stood in  a  threefold  manner,  literally,  tropo- 
logically,  mystically  :  the  first  meaning  was 
the  lowest,  the  last  the  highest.  But  elsewhere 
he  gave  a  new  threefold  division  of  Scrip- 
tural interpretation,  identifying  the  ethical 
with  the  literal  or  first  meaning,  making  the 
allegorical  or  spiritual  meaning  the  second,  and 
maintaining  that,  thirdly.  Scripture  was  to  be 
understood  "  secundum  futurorum  beatitudi- 
nem."  The  influence  of  Origen's  writings  was 
supreme  in  the  Gk.  Church  for  a  hundred  years 
after  his  death.  Towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
cent.  Diodorus,  bishop  of  Tarsus,  previously  a 
presbyter  at  Antioch,  wrote  an  exposition  of 
the  whole  O.T.,  attending  only  to  the  letter  of 
Scripture.  Of  the  disciples  of  Diodorus,  Theo- 
dore of  Mopsuestia  pursued  an  exclusively 
grammatical  interpretation  into  a  dccidcti 
rationalism  ;  Chrysostom  followed  a  sounder 
course,  rejecting  neither  the  literal  nor  the 
spiritual  interpretation,  but  bringing  out  with 
much  force  from  Scripture  its  moral  lessons  ; 
while  Theodoret,  who  followed  him,  inter- 
jireted  both  literallv  and  historically,  and  also 
allegorically  and  jirophetically.  In  the  West- 
ern Church  the  influence  of  Origen,  if  not  so 
unqualified  at  first,  was  yet  permanently 
greater  than  in  the  Eastern.  Hilary  of  Poitiers 
is  said  by  Jerome  to  have  drawn  largely  from 
Origen  in  his  commentary  on  the  Psalms  But 
in  truth,  as  a  practical  interpreter,  be,  lik? 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

Augustine,  greatly  excelled  Origen,  drawing 
forth  the  evangelical  sense  of  Scripture  from 
the  literal  with  cogency,  terseness,  care,  and 
elegance.  But  the  advances  made  in  the 
treatment  of  O.T.  by  the  Latins  since  the  days 
of  Origen  were  unhappily  not  continued.  We 
may  see  this  in  the  Morals  of  Gregory  on  the 
book  of  Job,  the  last  great  independent  work 
of  a  Latin  Father.  Three  senses  of  the  sacred 
text  are  here  recognized  and  pursued  in  separ- 
ate threads  :  the  historical  and  literal,  the 
allegorical,  and  the  moral.  But  the  idea  of 
any  mutual  connexion  is  ignored.  Such  was 
the  general  character  of  the  interpretation 
through  the  Middle  Ages,  during  which 
Gregory's  work  stood  in  high  repute.  The 
mystical  sense  of  Scripture  was  entirely 
divorced  from  the  literal.  The  first  impulse  to 
the  new  investigation  of  the  literal  meaning  of 
the  text  of  O.T.  came  from  the  great  Jewish 
commentators,  mostly  of  Spanish  origin,  of  the 
nth  and  following  centuries  :  Rashi  (f  1105), 
Ibn  Ezra  (f  1167),  Kimchi  (f  1240),  and  others. 
Following  in  the  wake  of  these,  the  converted 
Jew  Nicolaus  of  Lyre,  near  Evreux,  in  Nor- 
mandy (t  1341),  produced  his  PosHllae  Per- 
petuae  on  the  Bible,  in  which,  without  denying 
the  deeper  meanings  of  Scripture,  he  justly 
contended  for  the  literal  as  that  on  which  they 
all  must  rest.  Exception  was  taken  to  these  a 
century  later  by  Paul  of  Burgos,  also  a  con- 
verted Jew  (t  1435),  who  upheld,  by  the  side  of 
the  literal,  the  traditional  interpretations,  to 
which  he  was  probably  at  heart  exclusively 
attached.  But  the  recognition  of  the  value  of 
the  literal  interpretation  had  taken  firm  root. 
(2)  Principles  of  Interpretation.  From  the 
above  it  is  seen  that  the  interpretation  of  the 
O.T.  has  been  generally  recognized  to  embrace 
the  discovery  of  its  literal,  moral,  and  spiritual 
meaning.  It  has  given  occasion  to  misrepre- 
sentation to  speak  of  the  existence  in  Scripture 
of  more  than  a  single  sense  ;  hence  it  is  better 
to  say  that  there  are  in  it  three  elements,  co- 
existing and  coalescing  with  each  other,  and 
generally  requiring  each  other's  presence  in 
order  that  they  may  be  severally  manifested. 
Correspondingly  too  there  are  three  portions  of 
O.T. — the  narrative,  the  law  and  prophetical 
exhortations,  and  the  prophecies — in  which 
the  respective  elements — the  literal  (and  his- 
torical), the  moral,  and  the  spiritual — each  in 
turn,  shine  out  with  peculiar  lustre.  Still, 
generally,  in  every  portion  of  O.T.  the  presence 
of  all  three  elements  may  be  traced — e.g.  in 
the  story  of  the  jovu-ney  of  the  Israelites 
through  the  wilderness,  we  have  the  historical 
element  in  the  actual  occurrences  narrated  ; 
the  moral,  in  the  warnings  which  God's  deal- 
ings with  the  people  and  their  own  several  dis- 
obediences convey  ;  and  the  spiritual  in  the 
prefiguration  by  that  joiurney,  in  its  several 
features,  of  the  Christian  pilgrimage  through 
the  wilderness  of  hfe.  These  three  elements 
are  mutually  coextensive  in  the  O.T.,  taken  as 
a  whole,  and  in  the  several  portions  of  it, 
largely  viewed  ;  yet  not  so  as  that  they  are  all 
to  be  traced  in  each  several  section.  Each 
may  occasionally  exist  alone,  or  so  as  to 
completely  overshadow  the  others.  That  we 
should  use  the  N.T.  as  the  key  to  the  true 
meaning  of  the  Old,  and  should  seek  to  inter- 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


621 


pret  the  latter  as  it  was  interpreted  by  our 
Lord  and  His  apostles,  is  in  accordance  both 
with  the  spirit  of  the  earlier  Fathers  with  re- 
gard to  the  value  of  tradition,  and  with  the  ap- 
peals to  N.T.  by  which  Origen  defended  and 
fortified  the  threefold  method  of  interpreta- 
tion. But  here  we  must  follow  the  analogy  of 
N.T.  interpretations  ;  for  it  were  unreasonable 
to  suppose  that  the  whole  O.T.  should  be  found 
completely  interpreted  in  the  New. — We  may 
now  glance  at  the  several  branches  of  the  inter- 
preter's task.  First,  then.  Scripture  has  its 
outward  form  or  body,  all  the  several  details  of 
which  he  will  have  to  explore  and  to  analyse, 
with  reference,  so  far  as  possible,  to  the  his- 
torical occasion  and  circumstances,  the  time, 
place,  political  and  social  position,  manner  of 
life,  surrounding  influences,  distinctive  charac- 
ter, and  object  in  view,  aUke  of  the  writers,  the 
persons  addressed,  and  those  who  appear  upon 
the  scene.  Taken  in  its  wide  sense,  the  out- 
ward form  of  Scripture  will,  no  doubt,  include 
much  that  is  figmrative,  such  as  metonymies,  in 
which  one  name  is  substituted  for  another  ; 
metaphors,  in  which  a  word  is  transformed 
from  its  proper  to  a  cognate  signification  ;  pro- 
sopopoeias, or  personifications  ;  and  even  all 
anthropomorphic  and  anthropopathic  descrip- 
tions of  God,  which  could  never  rightly  have 
been  understood  in  a  purely  literal  sense.  It  is 
not  to  be  denied  that  it  is  difficult,  perhaps  im- 
possible, to  draw  the  exact  line  where  the  pro- 
vince of  spiritual  interpretation  begins  and 
that  of  historical  ends.  On  the  one  hand,  the 
spiritual  significance  of  a  passage  may  occa- 
sionally, perhaps  often,  throw  light  on  the 
historical  element  ;  on  the  other,  the  very 
large  use  of  figurative  language  in  O.T.,  more 
especially  in  the  prophecies,  prepares  us  for  the 
recognition  of  the  yet  more  deeply  figurative 
and  essentially  allegorical  import  which  runs 
through  the  whole.  Yet  it  is  no  unhallowed  or 
unworthy  task  to  study,  even  for  its  own  sake, 
the  historical  form,  which,  even  by  itself, 
proclaims  the  working  of  God,  and  reveals  the 
care  wherewith  He  has  ever  watched  over  the 
interests  of  His  Church.  Above  all,  the  history 
of  O.T.  is  the  indispensable  preface  to  the  his- 
torical advent  of  the  Son  of  God  in  the  flesh. 
We  need  hardly  labour  to  prove  that  N.T. 
recognizes  the  general  historical  character  of 
the  O.T.  records.  In  reference  to  that  which 
is  not  related  as  plain  matter  of  history,  the 
question  of  how  far  the  descriptions  are  to  be 
viewed  as  definitely  historical,  how  far  as 
drawn,  for  a  specific  purpose,  from  the  ima- 
gination [e.g.  in  the  book  of  Job),  will  remain 
to  be  decided  according  to  the  particular  cir- 
cumstances. In  examining  the  extent  of  the 
historical  element  in  the  prophecies,  both  of 
the  prophets  and  the  psalmists,  we  must  dis- 
tinguish between  those  which  were  definitely 
fulfilled  at  a  period  not  entirely  distant  from 
that  at  which  they  were  uttered,  and  those 
which  reached  far  beyond  in  their  prospective 
reference.  The  former,  once  fulfilled,  were 
thenceforth  annexed  to  the  domain  of  history. 
With  the  prophecies  of  more  distant  scope  the 
case  stood  thus  :  A  picture  was  presented  to 
the  prophet's  gaze,  embodying  an  outward  re- 
presentation of  certain  futiure  spiritual  strug- 
gles,  judgments,    triumphs,   or  blessings  ;     a 


62-2 


OLD  TESTAMENT 


picture  suggested  in  general  by  the  historical 
circumstances  of  the  present,  the  past,  or  the 
near  future  already  anticipated  and  viewed  as 
present,  or  of  all  these  variously  combined, 
altered,  and  heightened  by  the  imagination. 
But  it  does  not  follow  that  that  picture  was 
ever  outwardly  brought  to  pass  :  the  local  had 
perhaps  been  exchanged  for  the  spiritual,  the 
outward  type  merged  in  the  inward  reality, 
before  the  fulfilment  took  effect.  [Prophecy.] 
Respecting  the  rudiments  of  interpretation, 
let  the  following  here  suffice  :  The  knowledge 
of  the  meanings  of  Hebrew  words  is  gathered 
(a)  from  the  context,  (b)  from  parallel  passages, 
(c)  from  the  traditional  interpretations  pre- 
served in  Jewish  commentaries  and  diction- 
aries, {d)  from  the  ancient  versions,  (e)  from 
the  cognate  languages,  Aramaic,  Syriac,  and 
Arabic.  The  syntax  must  be  almost  wholly 
gathered  from  O.T.  itself ;  and  for  the  special 
syntax  of  the  poetical  books,  while  the  import- 
ance of  a  study  of  the  Hebrew  metre  and 
parallelism  is  now  generally  recognized,  more 
attention  needs  to  be  bestowed  than  has  been 
hitherto  on  the  whole  poetical  structure  and 
language.  [Poetry,  Hebrew.]  From  the 
outward  form  of  O.T.  we  proceed  to  its  moral 
element.  It  was  with  reference  to  this  that 
St.  Paul  declared  that  every  inspired  Scripture 
of  God  is  also  profitable  for  teaching,  for  re- 
proof, for  correction,  for  instruction  in  right- 
eousness (2Tim.3.i6)  ;  and  it  is  with  implicit 
recognition  of  the  essentially  moral  character 
of  the  whole,  that  our  Lord  and  His  apostles 
not  only  appeal  to  its  direct  precepts  {e.g.  Mt. 
15.4,19.17-ig),  and  set  forth  the  fulness  of  their 
bearing  (e.g.  9.13),  but  also  lay  bare  in  O.T. 
passages  moral  lessons  which  lie  beneath  the 
surface  {19.5,6,22.32  ;  Jn. 10.34,35  ;  Ac.7.48, 
49;  iCor. 9.9,10;  2Cor.8.i3-i5).  With  regard 
more  particularly  to  the  law,  our  Lord  shows 
in  His  Sermon  on  the  Mount  how  deep  is  the 
moral  teaching  implied  in  its  letter,  and  in  His 
denunciation  of  the  Pharisees,  upbraids  them 
for  their  omission  of  its  weightier  matters — 
judgment,  mercy,  and  faith.  Frequent  refer- 
ence is  made  in  the  N.T.  to  the  moral  teach- 
ing of  O.T.  historv  (Lu.6.3;  Ko.4,9.i7;  iCor. 
IO.6-11;  Heb.3.7-11,11  ;  2Pe.2.i5,i6;  ijn.3. 
12).  The  interpreter  of  O.T.  will  have,  among 
his  other  tasks,  to  analyse  in  the  lives  set  be- 
fore him  the  various  yet  generally  mingled 
workings  of  the  spirit  of  holiness  and  of  the 
spirit  of  sin.  The  moral  errors  by  which  the 
lives  of  even  the  greatest  saints  were  disfigured 
are  related,  and  that  for  our  instruction,  but 
not  generally  criticized.  In  the  choice  in  O.T. 
of  the  lives — generally  those  of  religious  men — 
which  will  best  suggest  the  moral  lessons  that 
(iod  would  have  us  learn,  we  may  most  surely 
trace  the  overruling  influence  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  by  which  the  sacred  historians  wrote. 
But  the  O.T.  has  further  its  sisiritual  and 
therefore  prophetical  element.  Our  attention 
is  here  first  attracted  tc  such  avowedly  pre- 
dictive parts  of  O.T.,  as  to  the  prospective  re- 
ference of  which,  at  the  time  that  they  were 
uttered,  no  questio'i  can  exist,  and  the  ma- 
jority of  which  still  awaited  their  fulfilment 
when  the  Redeemer  of  the  world  was  born. 
With  C  hrist  the  new  era  of  the  fulfilment  of 
prophecy  commenced.     There  was  in  His  per- 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

son  a  marvellous  verification  of  the  very  letter 
of  prophecy — partly  that  it  might  be  seen  how 
definitely  all  had  pointed  to  Him  ;  partly 
because  His  outward  mission,  up  to  the  time  of 
His  death,  was  but  to  the  lost  sheep  of  the 
house  of  Israel,  and  the  letter  had  not  yet  been 
finally  superseded  by  the  spirit.  Yet  it  would 
plainly  be  impossible  to  suppose  that  the 
significance  of  such  prophecies  as  Zech.9.9  was 
exhausted  by  the  mere  outward  verification. 
Hence  the  entire  absence  from  N.T.  of  any  re- 
cognition, by  either  Christ  or  His  apostles,  of 
such  prospective  outward  glories  as  the  pro- 
phecies, literally  interpreted,  would  still  have 
implied.  The  language  of  the  ancient  pro- 
phecies is  everywhere  applied  to  the  gathering 
together,  the  privileges,  and  the  triumphs  of 
the  universal  I3ody  of  Christ  (Jn. 10. 16, 11. 52  ; 
Ac.2.39,15.14-18;  Ro. 9.25, 26,30,31,10. 1 1,13.11. 
25,26,27,  -etc.).  Even  apart,  however,  from 
the  authoritative  interpretation  thus  placed 
upon  them,  the  prophecies  bear  evidence  to 
their  own  spiritual  import.  The  substance  of 
them  is  the  glory  of  the  Redeemer's  spiritual 
kingdom  :  it  is  but  the  form  that  is  derived 
from  the  outward  circumstances  of  the  career 
of  God's  ancient  people,  who  had  all  but  ceased 
to  be  a  nation  before  the  fulfilment  of  the 
promised  blessings  commenced.  Nor  was 
even  the  form  in  which  the  announcement  of 
the  new  blessings  had  been  clothed  to  be 
rudely  cast  aside  :  the  imagery  of  the  prophets 
is  on  every  account  justly  dear  to  us,  and  from 
love,  no  less  than  from  habit,  we  still  speak  the 
language  of  Canaan.  Must  not,  then,  this 
language  have  been  divinely  designed  from  the 
first  as  the  language  of  God's  Church  ?  The 
typical  import  of  the  Israelitish  tabernacle  and 
ritual  worship  is  imphed  in  Heb.9  ("  the  Holy 
Ghtjst  this  signifying  "),  and  is  almost  univer- 
sally allowed  ;  and  it  mars  the  whole  record  to 
tear  asunder  the  events  of  Israel's  history  from 
the  ceremonies  of  Israel's  worship,  or  the 
events  of  the  preceding  history  of  the  patri- 
archs from  those  of  the  history  of  Israel.  The 
N.T.  implies  the  typical  import  of  a  large  part 
of  the  O.T.  narrative.  In  O.T.  itself  we  have 
also,  and  this  even  in  the  latest  times,  events 
and  persons  expresslv  treated  as  typical  (Ps. 
118.22  ;  Zech.3,6.9ff.i  etc.).  A  further  testi- 
mony to  the  typical  character  of  the  history  of 
O.T.  is  furnished  by  the  typical  character  of 
the  e\'ents  related  even  in  the  New.  All  our 
Lord's  miracles  were  essentially  typical.  So 
too  the  outward  fulfilments  of  prophecy  in  the 
Redeemer's  life  were  types  of  the  deeper 
though  less  immediately  striking  fulfilment 
which  it  was  to  continue  to  receive  ideally. 
There  may  be  an  unwillingness  to  recognize  the 
siJiritual  element  in  the  historical  parts  of  O.T., 
arising  from  the  fear  that  such  recognition  may 
endanger  that  of  the  historical  truth  of  the 
events  recorded.  Nor  is  such  danger  alto- 
gether N'isionary  ;  for  one-sided  and  prejudiced 
contemplation  abuses  one  element  of  Scripture 
so  as  thereby  to  cast  a  slight  upon  the  rest. 
But  this  does  not  affect  the  existence  of  the 
spiritual  el.  ment.  Against  the  unedifying 
puerilitii's  11  to  which  some  have  fallen  the 
S|)iritual  interpreter  of  O.T.  will  guard  by  fore- 
going too  curious  a  search  for  mere  external 
resemblances  between  O.T.  and  N.T.,    while 


OLD  TESTAMENT 

thankfully  recognizing  them  wherever  they 
present  themselves.  The  spiritual  interpreta- 
tion must  rest  upon  both  the  literal  and  the 
moral  ;  and  there  can  be  no  spiritual  analogy 
between  things  which  have  nothing  morally  in 
common.  One  consequence  of  this  principle 
will  be,  that  we  must  never  be  content  to  rest 
in  any  mere  outward  fulfilment  of  prophecy. 
However  remarkable  the  outward  fulfilment 
may  be,  it  must  always  guide  us  to  some  deeper 
analogy,  in  which  a  moral  element  is  involved. 
Another  consequence  will  be  that  that  which 
was  forbidden  or  sinful  can,  so  iar  as  it  was 
sinful,  not  be  regarded  as  typical  of  that  which 
is  free  from  sin.  So  again  that  which  was 
tolerated  rather  than  approved  may  contain 
within  itself  the  type  of  something  imperfect, 
in  contrast  to  the  more  perfect.  [Bible.] — C. 
Quotations  in  N.T.  from  O.T.  These  form 
one  of  the  outward  bonds  of  connexion  be- 
tween these  two  parts  of  the  Bible.  They  are 
manifold  in  kind.  Some  of  the  passages 
quoted  contain  prophecies  or  involve  types  of 
which  the  N.T.  writers  designed  to  indicate  the 
fully  developed  explanation.  Others  are  in- 
troduced as  direct  logical  supports  to  doctrine. 
It  may  not  be  easy  to  distribute  all  the  quota- 
tions into  their  distinctive  classes  ;  but  among 
those  in  which  a  prophetical  or  typical  force  is 
ascribed  in  N.T.  to  the  passage  quoted  may 
fairly  be  reckoned  all  that  are  introduced  with 
an  intimation  that  the  Scripture  was  "  ful- 
filled "  ;  and  it  is  noticeable  that  the  word 
"  fulfil,"  as  applied  to  the  accomplishment  of 
what  had  been  predicted  or  foreshadowed,  is  in 
N.T.  only  used  by  our  Lord  Himself  and  His 
Apostles.  In  quotations  from  O.T.  in  the  New, 
we  find  a  continual  variation  from  the  letter  of 
the  older  Scriptures.  To  this  variation  three 
causes  contributed  :  First,  all  N.T.  writers 
quoted  from  the  LXX.,  correcting  it  in- 
deed more  or  less  by  the  Heb.,  especially 
when  needful  for  their  purpose  ;  occasionally 
deserting  it  altogether  ;  still,  abiding  by  it  to 
so  large  an  extent  as  to  show  that  it  was  the 
primary  source  of  their  quotations.  Secondly, 
the  N.T.  WTriters  must  have  frequently  quoted 
from  memory.  Thirdly,  combined  with  this, 
there  was  an  alteration  of  conscious  or  uncon- 
scious design.  Sometimes  the  object  was  to 
obtain  increased  force.  Sometimes  an  O.T. 
passage  is  abridged  and  adjusted  so  as  to 
omit  what  is  foreign  to  the  immediate  purpose 
fAc.l.20  ;  iCor.1.31).  At  other  times  one 
passage  is  enlarged  by  the  incorporation  of 
another:  thus  in  Lu.4.18,19,  although  the 
contents  are  professedly  those  read  by  our 
Lord  from  Is.61,  we  have  the  words  "  to  set  at 
libertv  them  that  are  bruised,"  introduced 
from  58.6  (LXX.)  ;  similarly  in  Ro.11.8,  Deut. 
29.4  is  combined  with  Is. 29. 10.  In  some  cases 
still  greater  liberty  of  alteration  is  assumed.  In 
some  places  again,  the  actual  words  of  the 
original  are  taken  up,  but  employed  with  a 
new  meaning.  These  facts  will  sufficiently 
illustrate  the  freedom  with  which  the  apostles 
and  evangelists  introduce  the  older  Scriptures 
into  their  writings.  It  could  only  result  in 
failure  were  we  to  attempt  any  merely  me- 
chanical account  of  variations  from  the  O.T. 
text  which  are  themselves  essentially  not 
mechanical. 


OLIVE  623 

Olive.  Many  of  the  Scriptural  associa- 
tions of  the  olive-tree  are  singularly'  poetical. 
Its  foliage  provided  the  dove's  message  of  hope 
when  the  waters  of  the  flood  began  to  retire 
(Gen. 8. 11).  It  is  also  the  most  prominent  tree 
in  the  earliest  allegory  (Judg.9.8,9).  With 
David  it  is  the  emblem  of  prosperity  and  the 
divine  blessing  (Ps.52.8,128.3).  So  with  the 
later  prophets  it  is  the  symbol  of  beauty,  luxuri- 
ance, and  strength.  Thus  after  the  Captivity, 
when  the  Israelites  kept  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, we  find  them,  among  other  branches  for 
the  booths,  bringing"  olive-branches"  from  the 
"mount"  (Ne.8.15),  doubtless  the  famous 
mount  of  Olives.  In  the  mystic  imagery  of 
Zechariah  (4.3,11-14),  and  of  St.  John  in  the 
Apocalypse  (Rev.ll.3,4),  we  find  the  olive-tree 
used  in  a  very  remarkable  way ;  and  in  the  argu- 
ment of  St.  Paul  concerning  the  relative  posi- 
tions of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  in  the  counsels 
of  God,  it  supplies  the  basis  of  one  of  his  most 
forcible  allegories  (Ro.ll. 16-23).  The  olive- 
tree  grows  freely  almost  everywhere  on  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  was,  as  it  still 
is,  peculiarly  abundant  in  Palestine  (see 
Deut. 6. II, 8, 8,28. 40).  Olive-yards  are  as  much 
a  matter  of  course  in  descriptions  of  the  coun- 
try as  vineyards  and  corn-fields  (Judg.15. 
5  ;  iSam.8.14).  The  kings  had  very  extensive 
ones  (iChr.27.28).  The  cultivation  of  the 
olive-tree  was  closely  connected  with  the 
domestic  life  of  the  Israelites  (2Chr.2.io),  their 
trade  and  their  public  ceremonies  and  religious 
worship.  [Oil.]  In  Solomon's  temple  the 
cherubim  were  "of  olive-tree"  (iK.6.23),  as 
also  the  doors  (31,32)  and  the  posts  (33). 
The  berries  are  mentioned  in  2Esd.l6.29  and 
Jas.3.12.  The  wind  was  dreaded  by  the 
olive-grower,  for  the  least  breeze  is  apt  to 
cause  the  flowers  to  fall  (Job  15. 33),  and 
the  locust  was  a  formidable  enemy  of  the 
olive  (Am. 4. 9).  Not  infrequently  therefore 
hopes  were  disappointed,  and  "  the  labour  of 
the  olive  failed"  (Hab.3.17).  The  meaning 
of  the  simile,  "  thy  children  like  the  olive 
plants  [properly,  shoots]  round  about  thy 
table  "  (Ps. 128.3),  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  suckers  spring  up  round  the  bole  of  any 
ancient  olive-tree.  The  tree  is  of  a  moderate 
height,  with  knotty,  gnarled  trunks,  and  a 
smooth,  ash-coloured  bark.  It  grows  slowly, 
but  lives  to  an  immense  age.  Its  appearance 
is  singularly  indicative  of  tenacious  vigour  ; 
and  its  leaves  are  not  deciduous,  hence  its 
"  greenness  "  is  emblematic  in  Scripture  of 
strength  and  prosperity.  The  great  age  and 
patriarchal  appearance  of  an  important  assem- 
blage of  these  trees  inspire  feelings  of  venera- 
tion. Those  who  see  olives  for  the  first  time 
are  occasionally  disappointed  by  the  dusty 
colour  of  their  foliage  ;  but  those  familiar  with 
them  find  an  inexpressible  charm  in  the  rippling 
changes  of  their  slender  grey-green  leaves. 
[The  olive-trees  in  the  groves  about  Gaza 
are  of  enormous  age.  They  usually  have 
unbranched  trunks  a  few  (2  to  4)  ft.  in 
height,  then  divided,  and  at  7  or  8  ft.  the 
leafy  canopy,  browsed  level  below  by  cattle, 
commences.  The  average  height  is  about 
25  ft.  The  trunks  of  the  oldest  trees  are  merely 
shells.  Two  measured  by  the  present  writer 
had  girths  of  18  and  20  ft.  respectively  at  2  ft. 


624    OLIVES,  MOUNT  OP;      LIVET 

from  the  ground,   a  size  maiataiued  till  the 
trunk  forked   at  about  8  ft.  h.c.h.] 

Olives,  Mount  of ;  Olivet.  The  chalky 
hill,  terraced  and  dotted  with  olives,  which 
overlooks  Jerusalem,  E.  of  the  brook  Kidron, 
and  rises  240  ft.  higher  than  the  level  of  the 
temple  floor.  David,  fleeing  to  the  E.,  went 
up  "  the  ascent  Olivet  "  (2San1.i5.30)  to  the 
"top,  where  he  worshipped  God"  (ver.  32),  ap- 
parently by  the  old  road  which  passed  N.  of 
the  main  summit ;  for  the  chain  has  a  lower 
summit  on  N.,  and  a  third,  also  lower,  to  S.  of 
the  central  top,  which  is  immediately  E.  of  the 
temple.  The  range  is  called  "  the  mountain 
[hdr]  facing  Jersualem  "  (1K.II.7);  and  the 
term  "mount  of  corruption"  (2K.23.13)  ap- 
plying to  the  same  mountain,  on  which  stood 
Solomon's  temples  in  honour  of  Ashtoreth, 
Chemosh,  and  Milcom,  is  perhaps  better 
rendered  "  mount  of  anointing."  Ezekiel  al- 
ludes to  Olivet  as  "  the  mountain  which  is  on 
the  E.  side  of  the  city  "  (11. 23),  and  Zechariah 
notices  it  by  name  (I4.4).  It  is  often  mentioned 
in  N.T.,  and  on  it  were  Bethany  and  Geth- 
SEMANE  (Mt.21. 1,26.30  ;  Mk. 11. 1, 13. 3, 14.26  ; 
Lu. 19.29, 37, 21. 37, 22. 39  ;  Jn.8.1  ;  Ac.l.12). 
Josephus  places  it  5  or  6  furlongs  from  the  city, 
E.  of  the  Cedron  valley  (20  Ant.  viii.  6 ;  5  Wars 
ii.  3).  It  is  now  called  Jebel  et  Tor  {the 
mountain  0/  the  isolated  summit).  In  the 
Mishna  (Parah  iii.  6)  it  is  said  that  a  cause- 
way (perhaps  a  temporary  wooden  bridge)  was 
made  from  the  temple  to  Olivet,  over  which 
the  high-priest  passed  to  burn  the  red  heifer, 
apparently  on  the  summit,  and  exactly  op- 
posite the  temple  door  (iv.  2).  Part  of  the 
ashes  were  preserved  on  Olivet  (iii.  11).  The 
mountain  is  called  also  "the  mount  of  unction" 
in  the  Talmud  (Tal.  Jer.  Taanith  iv.  8).  Jerome 
speaks  of  the  Ascension  from  Olivet,  and  of  the 
red  heifer  there  burned  {Pilgr.  of  Paula,  13), 
and  from  about  his  time  the  footprints  of 
Christ  were  shown  on  the  summit,  though — 
according  to  N.T. — the  Ascension  took  place 
near  Bethany.  The  momitain  is  now  covered 
with  sacred  places,  chapels,  and  monasteries, 
most  of  which  are  quite  modern,  or  date 
at  earliest  from  12th  cent.  a.d.  The  oldest 
traditional  sites  are  not  traceable  before  c.  330 
A.D.,  including  the  Gk.  site  of  Gethsemane  and 
the  Virgin's  tomb.  [Gethsemane.]  The  view 
from  the  mountain  is  extensive,  over  the  desert 
of  Judah  and  the  Jordan  Valley  and  Dead  Sea 
to  the  Moab  plateau  and  Gilead  on  E.,  while 
on  W.  Jerusalem  lies  spread  like  a  map.  Some 
remarkable  Greco-Hebrew  tombs  occur  on 
the  W.  slope,  especially  that  called  "  the  tomb 
of  the  Prophets,"  in  which  are  rude  graffiti  in 
Heb.  and  (ik.  ;  and  near  it  have  been  found 
small  stone  boxes  for  bones,  bearing  Heb.  texts. 
It  was  a  Jewish  custom,  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  to  bring  the  bones  of  ancestors 
from  foreign  lands,  and  to  bury  them  on  the 
mount  of  Olives  ;  and  the  texts  on  these  boxes 
date  apparently  about  the  3rd  or  4th  cent.  a.d. 
In  the  so-called  "  cave  of  St.  Pelagia  "  under 
the  ruined  church  on  the  summit,  dc  Saulcy 
found  a  (ik.  pagan  text  of  about  tlie  same 
age,  reading  "Courage,  Dometila;  no  one  is 
immortal  " — a  frequent  sentiment  among  Gk. 
pagans  in  Palestine.  {Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Jerusalem 
vol.,  pp.  398-404,  424.)  [c.K.c] 


6Ht 

Olym'pas,  a  Christian  at  Rome  (R0.I6. 
15),  perhaps  of  the  household  of  Philologus. 
According  to  the  Pseudo-Hippolytus,  he  was 
afterwards  martyred. 

Olym'pius,  an  epithet  of  Jupiter  (Zeus), 
derived  from  mount  Olympus  in  Thessaly,  the 
abode  of  the  gods  (2Mac.6.2). 

Omae'pus  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Amram,  3. 

Omap',  son  of  Eliphaz  the  firstborn  of 
Esau,  and  "  duke  "  or  "  leader  "  of  Edom 
(Gen.36.li, 15  ;  iChr.l.36). 

O'meg'a,  the  last  letter  of  the  Gk.  alphabet. 
For  its  metaphorical  use,  see  Alpha  and 
Rev.1.8, 1 1,21.6,22.13. 

Omep.  [Weights  AND  Measures;  First- 
fruits.] 

Ompi'. — 1.  Originally  "  captain  of  the 
host  "  to  Elah,  was  afterwards  himself  king 
of  Israel,  and  founder  of  a  dynasty  of  which 
the  four  sovereigns  were  Omri,  Ahab,  Ahaziah, 
and  Jehoram.  When  Elah  was  murdered  by 
Zimri  at  Tirzah,  Omri  was  besieging  Gibbe- 
thon  of  Dan,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the 
Philistines,  and  he  was  at  once  proclaimed 
king  by  the  army.  Thereupon  he  raised  the 
siege  of  Gibbethon,  and  attacked  and  took 
Tirzah,  where  Zimri  was  holding  his  court  as 
king  of  Israel.  Zimri  perished  in  the  flames  of 
the  palace,  after  a  reign  of  7  days.  Omri,  how- 
ever, had  another  rival  in  Tibni,  whom  "  half 
the  people  "  (1K.I6.21)  desired  to  raise  to  the 
throne,  and  who  was  bravely  assisted  by  his 
brother  Joram  (LXX.).  The  civil  war  lasted 
4  years  (c/.  16. 15  with  23).  After  the  de- 
feat and  death  of  Tibni  and  Joram,  Omri 
reigned  for  2  more  years  in  Tirzah  (c/.  vv.  23 
and  29)  ;  but  after  that  transferred  his  resi- 
dence to  a  strong  strategic  position  on  the 
mo'untain  Shoinron,  better  known  by  its  Gk. 
name  Samaria,  which  he  bought  for  2  talents 
of  silver  from  Shemicr.  Here  he  reigned  for 
6  years  more;  the  "twelve  years"  of  ver.  23 
being  counted  from  the  death  of  Zimri  (cf.  vv. 
15  and  29).  He  appears  as  a  vigorous  and 
unscrupulous  ruler,  anxious  to  strengthen  his 
dynasty  by  intercourse  and  alliances  with 
foreign  states.  From  2O.34  we  gather  that  in 
his  wars  with  Syria  Omri  must  have  met 
with  reverses,  otherwise  he  would  not  have 
consented  to  make  "  streets  " — i.e.  a  S>Tian 
quarter  or  bazaar — "  in  Samaria."  Of  his 
successful  military  operations  against  Moab 
we  learn  from  the  Moabite  Stone,  erected  by 
Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  son  of  Chcmosh-melech. 
(See  Driver's  translation,  following  Socio,  of 
the  inscription,  lines  4-7.)  Omri  "  dealt 
wickedly  above  all  that  were  before  him " 
(16. 25).  This  statement,  read  with  Micah's 
reference  to  "  the  statutes  of  Omri  "  (Mi. 6.16) 
— a  by-word  for  wickedness — seems  to  indicate 
that  Baal-worship  had  already  begun  to  infect 
the  worship  of  Israel.  It  had,  yet  earlier, 
become  a  practice  with  the  Canaanites  (13th 
cent,  n.c,  as  witnessed  by  the  .Am;urna  tablets). 
— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Becher,  son  of  Ben- 
jamin (rChr.T.S). — 3.  .\  descendant  of  Pharez, 
son  of  Judah  (9.4). — 4.  Son  of  Michael, 
and  chief  of  Issachar  in  the  reign  of  David 
(27.18).  [H.C.B.] 

On,  son  of  Pelcth ;  a  Rcubenite  who  took 
part  with  Dathan  and  Abiram  in  a  rebellion 
against  Moses  (Num.l6.i).     The  mention  of 


ON 

On  is  probably  due  to  a  copyist's  error  ;  his 
name  does  not  appear  in  the  subsequent  narra- 
tive, nor  anywhere  else  in  O.T.  See  Driver,  ad 
lOC.      [KORAH.]  [h.c.b.] 

On  (|fX,  or  I'S ;  LXX.  sometimes  "Qv,  but 
generally 'HXtoi/TToXts,  =Vulg.  Heliopolis).  The 
same  city  is  called  Beth-shemesh  (Je.43.i3), 
"  the  house  of  the  sun,"  which  is  a  Heb.  trans- 
lation of  the  Egyptian  Pi-Ra,  one  of  the  sanc- 
tuaries of  the  city.  The  vowel  points  are 
evidently  incorrect  in  Ezk.30.i7  :  "  the  young 
men  of  Aven  andPi-beseth  shall  perish,"  where 
LXX.  reads  Heliopolis  and  Bubastis.  On  is  the 
transcription  of  An,  the  usual  name  of  a  city 
not  far  from  the  head  of  the  Delta,  a  short  dis- 
tance from  Cairo.  An  was  devoted  to  the  cult 
of  Ra,  the  sun.  This  god  was  worshipped 
there  under  the  name  Turn  also,  who  is  the 
setting  sun,  and  was  the  first  cosmogonic  god, 
who  came  out  of  water  "  when  there  was 
no  firmament."  Another  name  of  Ra  is 
"  Horns  of  the  horizon,"  the  rising  sun,  called 
by  the  Gks.  Harmakhis.  Tum-Harmakhis  is 
very  often  represented  under  the  form  of  a 
sphinx — a  lion's  body  with  a  human  head. 
The  head  is  that  of  the  god  Shu,  the  body  that 
of  the  goddess  Tcfnut.  Both  are  the  children 
of  Tum.  Another  form  of  Ra  was  a  stone  in  the 
form  of  a  pyramid,  which  was  kept  in  a  closed 
shrine.  The  bull  Mnevis  was  also  one  of  the 
divinities  of  An.  An  was  one  of  the  most 
ancient  cities  of  Egypt.  It  may  be  considered 
as  the  religious  capital.  The  cosmogonic 
doctrine  was  first  taught  there.  There  were 
two  cities  of  the  name.  Heliopolis  is  the  An  of 
the  N. ;  Hermonthis,  a  little  S.  of  Thebes,  An  of 
the  S.  The  name  of  An  is  also  applied  to  each 
of  the  two  divisions  of  Egypt.  The  country  is 
often  called  "  the  two  lands  of  An."  A  mytho- 
logical history  recounts  how  Ra  was  the  king 
of  the  city,  and  wished  to  destroy  mankind, 
and  how  (having  done  it  only  partly),  weary  of 
the  society  of  the  survivors,  he  was  carried  to 
the  sky  by  his  daughter  Nut,  who  was  in  the 
form  of  a  cow.  Other  myths,  as  well  as  a  large 
part  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  have  also  a  Helio- 
politan  origin.  An  had  an  important  and 
powerful  college  of  priests  ;  and  the  king,  when 
he  raised  Joseph  to  his  lofty  position,  gave  him 
to  wife  Aseneth,  a  daughter  of  the  high-priest 
(Gen. 41. 46).  [Poti-pherah.]  It  had  also  a 
medical  school.  The  reputation  of  Heliopolis 
for  learning  and  wisdom  was  very  great,  since 
Eudoxos  and  Plato  stayed  there  to  study  ;  but 
in  Roman  times  the  city  had  entirely  fallen. 
Strabo  speaks  of  the  priests  with  great  contempt. 
He  says  that,  instead  of  men  very  wise  and  very 
learned  in  astronoiny,  he  had  found  only  ignor- 
ant attendants,  who  offered  sacrifices  and  who 
showed  the  temple  to  strangers.  The  remains 
of  the  temple  of  Heliopolis  are  in  a  village 
called  Matarieh,  and  consist  of  a  few  sphinxes 
of  the  avenue,  and  one  of  the  obelisks  with  the 
name  of  Senufrit  I.,  the  second  king  of  the 
12th  dynasty,  who  considerably  enlarged  the 
temple.  Part  of  the  enclosure  is  still  extant, 
but  the  whole  area  is  now  cultivated  land. 
Until  1906  an  old  sycamore,  called  the  "  tree  of 
the  Virgin,"  was  said  by  local  tradition  to  have 
covered  by  its  shade  the  holy  family  flying 
before  Herod.  The  Arab  historian  Makrizi 
relates  that  in  his  time  (i4-i5th  cent.)  the  two 


onias 


625 


obelisks  remained,  and  also  many  sitting  and 
standing  statues,  some  of  which  were  more 
than  30  cubits  high.  They  have  all  disappeared 
since.     [Beth-shemesh,  4.]  [e.n.] 

Onam.' — 1.  A  son  of  Shobal  the  son  of  Seir 
(Gen.36.23  ;  iChr.l.40). — 2.  Son  of  Jerah- 
meel  by  his  wife  Atarah  (iChr.2.26,28). 

Onan'  (Gen.38. 4,8-10,46.12  ;  Num.26.19  ; 
iChr.2.3),  second  son  of  Judah  by  a  Canaan- 
itess.  He  refused  the  duty  of  an  Israelite 
brother,  and  Jehovah  "  slew  him "  for  the 
accompanying  act  of  moral  evil,  the  modern 
description  of  which  is  derived  from  his  name. 

One'simus,  the  fugitive  slave  on  whose 
behalf  St.  Paul  wrote  his  epistle  to  Philemon 
(q.v.).  Upon  the  meaning  of  his  name  (help- 
ful) the  apostle  plays  delicately  in  ver.  11  of 
this  epistle.  It  is  possible  that  there  is  a 
secondary  and  deeper  paronomasia  in  St.  Paul's 
epithets  (dtxp'7(rro?,  evxpyi(TTO%),  since  we  learn 
from  Tertullian  that  "  Chrestus  "  was,  among 
the  Gks.  and  Roms.,  a  common  variant  upon 
"  Christus  "  as  the  name  of  our  Lord.  [Phile- 
mon, Epistle  to.]  [a.c.d.] 

Onesi'phopus  is  mentioned  twice  only  in 
N.T.,  viz.  2Tim.l. 16-18  and  4.19.  St.  Paul 
gratefully  commemorates  the  kindness  and 
fidelity  shown  by  Onesiphorus  when  the  latter 
was  in  Rome — conduct  in  sharp  contrast  to 
that  which  the  apostle  had  more  lately  ex- 
perienced from  "  all  they  which  are  in  Asia  " 
(2Tim.l.i5).  He  prays  that  Onesiphorus 
"  may  find  mercy  of  the  Lord  in  that  day."  In 
4.19  special  greeting  is  sent  to  "  the  household 
of  Onesiphorus."  That  the  salutation  takes 
this  form,  together  with  the  previous  mention 
of  his  house — before  that  of  the  man  himself — 
in  1.16,  and  the  prayer,  above  quoted,  of  I.18, 
are  facts  which  seem  to  show  with  some  con- 
clusiveness that  Onesiphorus  was  dead  when 
this  epistle  was  written.  The  passage  is  of 
importance  by  reason  of  its  bearing  upon  the 
lawfulness  of  prayer  for  the  faithful  departed. 
It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  general 
character  and  reticent  wording  of  St.  Paul's 
intercession  on  his  friend's  behalf,  imitated  by 
the  early  liturgies  of  the  Church,  give  no  coun- 
tenance to  the  more  elaborate  doctrines  and 
devotions  promulgated  subsequently,   [a.c.d.] 

Onia'pes,  a  name  introduced  into  the  Gk. 
and  Syr.  texts  of  1Mac.i2.19  by  a  very  old  cor- 
ruption of  the  two  consecutive  names  Onias 
and  Arius.     See  A.V.  marg.  and  R.V. 

Oni'as. — 1.  The  son  and  successor  of  Jaddua 
was  high-priest  323-300  B.C.  He  received  from 
Areus  I.  of  Sparta  a  letter  which  is  quoted  by 
Jonathan,  iMac.12.20-23. — 2.  A  grandson  of 
Onias  I.,  and  son  of  Simon  the  Just.  A  minor 
at  hisfather'sdeath,  c.  290B.C.,  he  was  preceded 
in  the  high -priest  hood  by  his  uncles  Eleazar 
and  Manasseh.  He  held  the  office  c.  240-226 
B.C.  His  covetousness  nearly  caused  a  rupture 
with  Ptolemy  III.  (Euergetes)  (Josephus,  12 
Ant.  iv.  1-3.  Not  mentionedin  A.V.).  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Simon  II. — 3-  The  son  of 
Simon  II.,  whom  he  succeeded  c.  198  b.c.  Dur- 
ing his  tenure  of  office  Seleucus  Philopator  bore 
the  cost  of  the  temple  sacrifices  (2Mac.3.i-3). 
He  averted  the  attempt  of  Heliodorus,  the 
agent  of  Seleucus,  who  was  prompted  by 
Simon,  "  governor  of  the  temple,"  to  seize  the 
treasures  in   the  temple   (3.4-35).     The  con- 

40 


626 


ONIAS,  CITY  OB' 


tinued  hostility  of  Simon  forced  Onias  to 
ai)peal  to  Selciiciis  at  Antioch  (4.1-6).  But 
Seleucus  was  now  (173  b.c.)  succeeded  by 
Antiuchus  IV.  (Epiphanes),  from  whom  Onias' 
brother  Jason  purchased  the  high-priesthood 
(4.7),  and  Onias  was  detained  in  Antioch. 
Jason  was  soon  displaced  by  Menelaus,  who, 
being  rebuked  bv  Onias  for  sacrilege,  is  said  to 
have  procured  his  murder,  171  b.o.  (4.32-36). — 
4.  The  son  of  Onias  III.  who  is  not  mentioned 
in  A.V.  Failing  toobtain  the  high-priesthood  in 
Jerusalem,  he  fled,  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  V. 
(Eupator),  to  Egypt.  He  was  received  by 
Ptolemy  Philometor,  who  granted  him  a  dis- 
used temple  of  Bubastis  at  Leontopolis.  This 
he  reconstructed  on  the  model  of  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem,  and  here,  until  after  the  fall  of  Jeru- 
salem, regular  services  were  offered  by  priests 
and  Levites,  the  proceeding  being  defended  by 
appeal  to  Is.l9.i8-2i.  Onias  was  made  gover- 
nor of  the  adjoining  district,  and  his  two  sons 
gained  high  rank  in  the  Egyptian  army 
(Josephus,  12  .In/,  v.  i;  13  iii.  1-3,  x.4;.  [c.d.] 

Oni'as,  City  of,  built  by  Onias,  a  Jewish 
high-priest  who  fled  to  Egypt  before  Antiochus 
Eupator.  According  to  the  narrative  of  Jose- 
phus,  he  was  well  received  by  Ptolemy  Philo- 
metor and  his  wife  Cleopatra  (c.  154  B.C.),  who 
granted  him  a  ruined  temple  at  Leontopolis  in 
the  nome  of  Heliopolis.  The  new  city  was 
called  Onion.  It  seems  now  certain  that  this 
place  is  to  be  looked  for  in  the  large  mounds 
now  called  Tel  el  Yahudiych,  near  the  station 
of  Shibin  el  Qanater,  on  the  road  from  Cairo 
to  Zagazig.  Previous  excavations  brought  to 
light,  close  to  the  city,  a  Jewish  cemetery  with 
Jewish  names.  Lately  Prof.  F.  Petric  has 
found  there  old  walls,  which  he  states  to  be  the 
remains  of  the  temple  built  by  the  Jews,  and 
he  has  restored  the  plan  of  their  construction. 
The  Egyptian  name  of  the  locality  seems  to 
have  been  "  the  house  of  Ra,"  on  the  N.  of  On  ; 
and  this  would  agree  with  Isaiah  (19.i8),  who 
says  of  the  five  cities  in  the  land  of  Egypt  which 
speak  the  language  of  Canaan,  "  One  shall  be 
called  the  city  of  destruction,"  where  the 
Aram,  and  other  versions  read  "the  city  of 
the  sun"  {civitas  solis,  Vulg.).  [e.n]. 

Onions  (Heb.  h(dlim).  This  occurs  only 
in  Num. 11. 5,  as  one  of  the  good  things  of  Egypt 
of  which  the  Israelites  regretted  the  loss. 
Onions  have  been  from  time  immemorial  a 
favourite  article  of  food  amongst  Egyptians. 
The  onions  of  Egypt  are  much  milder  in  flavour 
and  less  pungent  than  those  of  this  country. 

Ono',  a  town  mentioned  with  Lon  (iChr. 
8.12),  and  inhabited  after  the  Captivity  (Ezr.2. 
33  ;  Ne.7.37)  by  the  Benjamites,  who  ex- 
tended their  settlements  beyond  the  old  tribal 
border  in  this  later  age  (Ne.ll.33).  Nehemiah 
was  asked  to  meet  Sanballat  "  in  one  of  the 
villages  of  the  plain  of  Ono  "  (6.2).  The  site 
appears  to  be  the  present  village  Kefr  'Ana,  in 
the  open  valley,  5  miles  N.W.  of  Ludd.  Though 
not  mentioned  early,  Ono  ai>i)cars  to  be  an 
old  town,  forThothines  III.,  in  i()th  cent,  n.c, 
enumerates  Aana  next  to  Luden  or  Lod  (Nos. 
'>!,  63)  in  his  list.  [c.R.c] 

O'nus  (il':sd.5.22).     [Ono.1 

Onycha  (Heb.  sh-hdeth).  The  Heb. 
word  occurs  only  in  lvx.8O.34,  as  one  of  the 
ingredients     of      the     sacred      perfume.     In 


OPHEl 

Ecclus.24.15  Wisdom  is  compared  to  th^ 
pleasant  odour  yielded  by  "  galbanum,  onyx, 
and  sweet  storax."  It  is  generally  accepted 
that  slvheleth,  like  the  bw^  of  Dioscorides  (ii.  10) 
and  the  onyx  of  Pliny  (xxxii.  10),  refers  to  the 
operculum  of  a  mollusc  of  the  genus  Strombus, 
perhaps  S.  lentiginosus,  which  is  distinctly 
claw-like.  When  burnt,  this  emits  a  pungent, 
aromatic  odour,  and  is  still  used  as  an  ingredient 
in  some  kinds  of  Eastern  frankincense.  The 
"devil's  claw  "  of  the  old  Materia  Medica  may 
have  been  the  same  thing.  Bochart  believes 
some  kind  of  bdellium  to  be  intended,    [r.l.] 

Onyx.  A.V.  uniformly  renders  the  Heb. 
shoham  by  "  onyx  "  ;  the  Vulg.  too  is  consis- 
tent, the  sardonyx  (Job  28. 16)  being  merely  a 
variety  of  onyx  ;  but  the  testimonies  of  ancient 
interpreters  generally  are  diverse  and  ambigu- 
ous. Nothing  in  the  contexts  of  the  several 
passages  (Gen. 2. 12  ;  Ex. 28.9, 20  ;  iChr.29.2  ; 
Ezk.28.13)  where  the  Heb.  term  occurs  helps 
us  to  determine  its  signilication.  Josephus 
expressly  states  that  the  shoulder-stones  of  the 
high-priest  were  formed  of  two  large  sard- 
onyxes,  an  onyx  being,  in  his  description,  the 
second  stone  in  the  fourth  row  of  the  breast- 
plate. The  name  now  denotes  sundry 
varieties  of  Agate  in  which  the  colours  are 
arranged  in  regular  zones  or  bands,  so  that  it 
is  very  suitable  for  cutting  intagli  or  camei. 
In  this  sense  it  was  used  by  Pliny ;  but  earlier 
Gk.  writers,  as  shown  by  ^Ir.  King  (Precious 
Stones,  s.v.  "Onyx"),  applied  the  name  rather 
to  mottled  and  veined  agates.  In  any  case, 
however,  the  shoham  of  the  Bible  very  probably 
indicates  the  stone  now  called  onyx,  or  some 
variety  of  the  agate.  Dr.  Pinches  suggests  a 
possible  parallel  in  the  sdntti  (for  fem.  of  sdmu, 
"dark")  of  the  inscriptions,  where  abnti  sdntu 
is  "the  stone  of  love."  For  the  "onyx"  of 
Ecclus. 24.13,  see  Onycha.  [t.g.b.] 

O'pliel  (mound).  The  word  is  used  in  the 
plur.  of  the  mounds  on  which  fortified  cities 
stood  (Is. 32. 14),  and  even  of  the  "  swellings  " 
from  which  the  Philistines  suffered  (Deut.28. 
27,  kHhibh  ;  iSani. 5.6,9,12, 6.4,3).  On  the 
Moabite  Stone  the  "  wall  of  the  Ophel  "  is 
noticed  in  connexion  with  a  fortress  in  Moab. 
The  term  applies  to  three  separate  sites. — 1.  A 
place  S.  of  the  temple,  so  called  cither  as  being 
a  natural  "  swelling  "  of  the  ground,  or  as 
being  enlarged  by  a  mound.  The  "  wall  of  the 
Ophel  "  is  noticed,  with  the  temjile,  as  being 
built  up  by  Jotham  (2Chr.27.3);  and  Manasseh, 
when  he  built  a  wall  "  outside  the  city  of 
David,"  is  said  to  have  "  compassed  about  the 
Ophel,  and  raised  it  \\\t  a  very  great  height  " 
(33.14).  InNehemiah's  time  it  was  inhabited 
by  the  Nethinim  (Ne. 3. 26,27).  near  the  Water 
Gate  (above  the  (miion  sjiring)  :  and  the  wall  of 
the  Ophel  was  near  the  Horse  Gate,  which  was 
close  to  the  temple  (see  11. 21).  We  learn  also 
that  the  "  house  of  David."  or  ancient  palace, 
was  near  the  Water  Gate,  and  thus  stood  on  the 
Ophel  (I2.37).  Josephus  (3  Wars  iv.  2,  vi.  I  ; 
6  Wars  vi.  3)  places  the  Ophla  near  the  ¥..  clois- 
ter of  the  temple,  and  the  Kidron  Valley. 
There  is  thus  \w  doubt  that  the  spur  S.  of  the 
temple  is  the  i)lace  intended  (see  Capiienatiia), 
a  narrow  ridge  sinking  gradually  S.  towards 
Siloam.  The  area  of  its  flat  ground.  S.  t)f  the 
temple  wall,  does  not  exceed  some  15  acres; 


and,  judging  from  the  measurements  given 
(iK.7.2,6)  it  would  appear  that  it  was  nearly 
all  covered  by  the  royal  palace  built  by  Solo- 
mon. Thus  Athaliah  was  seized  as  soon  as  she 
left  the  precincts  of  the  temple  "  by  the  way  by 
which  the  horses  came  into  the  king's  house  " 
(2K. 11.16),  which  was  no  doubt  at  the  Horse 
Gate,  which  is  noticed  with  the  Ophel  and 
the  "  king's  high  house  "  (Ne. 3. 25-28).  The 
connexion  is  important,  for  Solomon  housed 
his  bride  in  the  city  of  David  "  until  he  had 
made  an  end  of  building  his  own  house"  (iK.3. 
r),  which  included  one  for  the  queen  (7.8),  who 
was  "  brought  up  out  of  the  city  of  David  unto 
her  house,  which  he  had  built  for  her  "  (9.24). 
Hence  it  appears  that  the  Ophel  was  not  in  the 
city  of  David,  which  Josephus  (5  Wars  iv.  2) 
places  on  the  S.W.  hill  of  Jerusalem,  and 
which  covered  at  least  100  acres  ;  but  that  it 
was  a  small  area — perhaps  artificially  terraced 
by  its  "  mound  " — for  the  palace,  which  may 
not  have  been  enclosed  by  any  wall  till  the  time 
of  Jotham.— 2.  "Ophel  [R.V.  marg.  ;  R.V. 
hill  ;  A.V.  stronghold]  of  the  daughter  of 
Zion  "  (Mi. 4. 8)  seems  to  have  been  another 
place,  since  it  is  connected  with  the  tower  of 
Edar  (A.V.  of  the  flock  ;  see  Gen.35.2i),  and 
with  the  "  first  dominion  "  of  David — who 
came  from  Bethlehem. — 3.  Ophel  in  Lower 
Galilee  (2K.5.24  ;  A.V.  tower  ;  see  R.V. 
marg.),  where  Elisha  lived,  is  probably  the 
present  village  'Afiileh,  3  miles  W.  of  Shunem, 
which  latter  Elisha  used  to  pass  on  his  way 
from  Abel-meholah  (2K.4.8).  We  may  sup- 
pose that  the  king  of  Israel  (5.6-8)  was  at 
Jezreel,  4  miles  S.E.  of  this  Ophel,  and  that 
Naaman  had  thus  only  some  17  miles  to  go 
back  to  bathe  in  Jordan  (or  4  hours  in  a 
chariot),  so  that  the  whole  topography  is  easy 
to  understand.  This  Ophel  is  mentioned  as 
early  as  i6th  cent.  B.C.,  in  the  list  of  Thothmes 
III.  (No.  53),  with  Anaharath,  which  lay  only 
6  miles  to  its  E.     [Jerusalem.]        [c.r.c] 

Ophip',  a  place  famous  for  its  gold  in  the 
time  of  Solomon  and  later.  The  only  indica- 
tion of  exact  position  occurs  in  Gen. 10. 29  = 
iChr.1.23,  where  it  is  noticed,  with  Sheba,  as 
one  of  the  places  inhabited  by  the  sons  of  Jok- 
tan — clearly  in  the  S.  of  Arabia.  This  agrees 
with  the  later  notices,  according  to  which  it 
was  reached  bv  sea  from  Eloth  (iK. 9. 26-28, 
10.11,22.48  ;  2Chr.8.i8,9.io)  on  the  shore  of 
Edom.  ISesides  gold  and  gems,  Almug-trees 
came  from  Ophir  and  also  from  Lebanon  (iK. 
10.11  ;  cf.  2Chr.2.8).  [Algum.]  The  word 
Ophir  probably  means  "wealth"  {Arab,  wdfar), 
and  is  thus  once  used  by  itself  (Job  22.24)  as 
meaning  riches.  The  gold  of  Ophir  is  noticed 
especially  (Job  28. 16;  Ps.45.9  ;  Is.l3.i2  ;  i 
Chr.29.4),  and  Uphaz  (Je.lO.g  ;  Dan.lO.5)  is 
thought  by  Gesenius  to  be  a  clerical  error  for 
Ophir,  the  last  letter  only  being  changed. 
Diodorus  Siculus  (11.  iv.,  iii.  iii.)  speaks  of 
gold-mines  and  nuggets  in  Arabia,  and  of  the 
gold  as  apuros,  which  may  probably  mean  "  of 
Ophir,"  though  he  thought  it  meant  "  without 
fire  " — that  is,  alluvial  gold.  Arabia  was 
famous  for  its  gold  [Arabia],  according  to 
Strabo(xvi.iv.  22)  and  Pliny  {Hist.  Nat.vi.28, 
32),  who  quote  earlier  Gk.  authorities.  Jewish 
legends  magnifying  Solomon  have,  however, 
led  to  many  speculations  placing   Ophir  in 


OPiiRABi 


627 


India,  in  Africa,  and  even  (Arias  Montanus)  in 
Peru.  Josephus  (8  Ant.  vi.  4)  thought  it  was 
the  Malay  Peninsula,  or  Aurea  Chersonese. 
The  LXX.  (except  in  Gen. 10. 29)  usually  reads 
Sophir  for  Ophir,  and  Coptic  lexicographers 
applied  this  name  to  India.  The  Arabs,  who 
adopted  Talmudic  legends  about  Solomon, 
imagined  that  Ophir  lay  in  Mashonaland, 
whence  they  obtained  gold  in  and  after  the 
2nd  cent.  a.d.  The  Portuguese  adopted  this 
story,  and  have  handed  it  on  to  the  Dutch, 
English,  and  Germans  ;  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  S.  Africa  was  known  in  the 
time  of  Solomon,  or  even  of  Jehoshaphat  (iK. 
22.48),  if  the  present  reading  of  this  passage  is 
correct.  [Tarshish.]  The  Mashona  ruins  have 
so  far  produced  no  clear  indications  of  anti- 
quity earlier  than  c.  17th  cent.  a.d.  It  is  not 
stated  in  O.T.  that  "  ivory,  apes,  and  pea- 
cocks "  (rK. 10.22  ;  2Chr.9.2i)  came  from 
Ophir  ;  and  even  the  notice  of  Almug  (or  Al- 
gum) trees  does  not  certainly  point  to  India, 
since  the  identification  of  this  precious  wood 
(found  also  in  Lebanon)  with  the  sandal  wood 
is  uncertain,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  sandal 
wood  was  imported  into  Oman  in  Arabia,  ac- 
cording to  the  Periplus  ascribed  to  Arrian,  and 
may  have  been  there  known  much  earlier.  The 
suggestion  that  Ophir  is  the  Apir  of  Elamite 
texts  (c.  600  B.C.) — a  region  near  Susa  (Hom- 
mel) — is  equally  speculative,  since  gold  is  not 
known  to  have  been  found  there.  The  exist- 
ence of  a  place  called  Ofir  in  the  mountains  of 
Oman  (Sale)  is  doubtful,  and  the  name  might 
have  been  given  later  in  consequence  of  the 
O.T.  notices  ;  but  Eusebius  {Praep.  Evang.  ix. 
30)  quotes  Eupolemus,  a  Gk.  historian  before 
the  Christian  era,  as  making  Ophir  an  island 
with  gold-mines  in  the  Persian  Gulf.  None  of 
these  speculations  seem  to  outweigh  the  direct 
notice  of  Ophir  in  Genesis  as  a  place  in  S. 
Arabia.  [c.r.c] 

Ophni',  a  town  of  Benjamin,  mentioned  in 
Jos. 18. 24  only,  apparently  in  the  N.E.  portion 
of  the  tribe.  It  was  probably  the  Gophna  of 
Josephus  (3  Wars  iii.  5)  and  the  Gufna  of  the 
J  erusalem  Talmud  {Taanithn.  8),  which  is  now 
Jufna,  a  village  3  miles  N.W.  of  Bethel.  It  was 
the  chief  town  of  the  Gophnitic  district.  The 
Heb.  guttural  may  have  been  a  gh  (for  'ayin 
=  0),  or  the  letter  may  have  been  miscopied. 
The  LXX.  (Vat.  MS.)  reads  Moi/i.      [c.r.c] 

Ophpah'.  In  i  Chr.4.14  we  read  "  Meon- 
othai  begat  Ophrah,"  which  may  mean  that 
he  founded  the  town  of  that  name  (see  next 
art. ),  many  other  names  in  this  genealogy  being 
place-names. 

Ophpah',  probably  "soft  dry  soil"  (Arab. 
'Afr). — 1.  A  town  of  Benjamin  (Jos.l8.23)  to- 
wards which  the  Philistine  raiding  bands  went 
out  from  MicHMASH  (iSam.l3.i6,i7),  appar- 
ently northwards,  to  the  land  of  Shual.  It 
may  be  the  same  as  Ephraim,  or  Ephrain,  and 
as  Apherema,  and  lay  on  the  N.E.  border  of 
the  tribe.  The  site  at  Taiyibeh,  which  suits 
Ephraim,  is  also  possible  for  Ophrah,  for  it 
lies  5  miles  E.  of  Ophni  {Jufna)  and  2  miles 
E.  of  Chephar-haammonai  {Kefr  'Ana),  which 
were  in  Benjamin,  and  at  the  head  of  the  valley 
running  to  Naaran,  which  was  the  border  valley 
between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim.  The  place 
is  a  large  Christian  village,  with  good  lands  and 


cm 


ORACLfi 


ancient  remains.  It  was  important  in  the 
middle  ages  ;  and  a  crusaders'  tower  crowns 
the  hill  on  which  the  houses  stand  {Surv.  W. 
Pal.  ii.  pp.  293,  325,  370,  371). — 2.  Ophrah  of 
Manassch  (Judg.6.11,24,8.27,32,9.3),  accord- 
ing to  the  Samaritan  chronicle,  as  translated 
into  Arabic,  was  the  present  village  Fer'ata, 
6  miles  W.  of  Shechem  (Neubauer,  in  Journal 
Asiaiique,  Dec.  1869,  p.  436).  This  village  also 
lies  amid  good  lands,  in  a  suitable  site,  [c.r.c] 

Oracle.  The  word  is  used  in  both  O.T.  and 
N.T.  for  any  direct  revelation  of  God  to  man- 
kind. In  (J.T.  it  has  the  special  signification 
of  the  place  where  such  revelation  was  to  be 
expected  (l's.28.2);  hence  in  connexion  with 
Solomon's  temple  (i K. 6.16,7.49, 8. 6f.  ;  aChr. 
3.16,4.20,5.9).  For  the  means  by  which  the 
divine  utterance  was  sought,  see  Uri.m  and 
Thummim.  In  N.T.  oracle  (Xoylov)  is  generally 
used  of  the  O.T.  Scriptures,  in  special  reference 
to  the  law  of  Moses  (Ac.7.38  ;  Ro.3.2).  In 
Heb.5.i2  and  iPe.4.ii,  a  wider  meaning  is 
attached  to  the  term,  viz.  "  any  inspired  mes- 
sage." [t.a.m.] 

Opatop.  (i)  One  "skilful  in  divination" 
(Is. 3. 3,  cf.  R.V.)  is  reckoned  among  the  men 
of  repute  [Divination],  and  wrongly  inter- 
preted in  A.V.  "  eloquent  orator."  (2)  The 
title  applied  to  Tertullus,  the  advocate  or 
patronus  of  the  Jewish  accusers  of  St.  Paul 
before  Felix  (Ac.24.iff.). 

Opdeal  of  Jealousy  (Num.5. 11-31). 
Ordeal  was  a  regular  method  of  trial  in  ancient 
communities.  It  was  an  appeal  to  the  super- 
natural to  decide  where  evidence  was  lacking. 
In  Heb.  law  it  is  found  only  in  this  instance.  It 
is  provided  that  if  a  man  become  jealous  of  his 
wife,  he  is  to  bring  her  to  the  priest,  with  an  ob- 
lation of  one-tenth  of  an  ephah  of  barley-meal  as 
a  meal-offering  of  jealousy.  The  priest  is  to 
take  holy  water,  and  put  in  dust  of  the  floor  of 
the  Dwelling,  and  set  the  woman  "before  God" 
with  loosened  hair  and  the  meal-offering  in  her 
hands.  The  priest  then  administers  an  impre- 
cation [Curse],  imploring  God  to  make  her 
thigh  fall  away  and  her  belly  swell,  to  which 
the  woman  assents.  Next  the  priest  writes 
these  curses  in  a  Book,  and  blots  them  out  with 
the  water  of  bitterness,  which  he  then  makes 
the  woman  drink,  after  waving  the  meal-offer- 
ing and  burning  a  handful.  [Sacrifice.]  If  she 
is  guilty,  the  curses  will  be  fulfilled  ;  but  if  inno- 
cent, "  then  she  shall  be  free.and  shall  conceive 
seed."  [Law  in  O.T.  ;  Judge;  Adultery; 
Water  of  Bitterness.]  Parallels  in  H.  C. 
Lea,  Superstition  and  Force,  3rd  ed.  passim. 
esp.  222f.  ;  Post,  Grundriss  der  ethn.  Juris- 
prudenz,  ii.  470,  490,  491  ;  W.  R.  Smith, 
I<elip,ion  of  Semites,  2nd  ed.  I79ff. ;  Kohler,  in 
Zeitschrifl  fur  vergl.  Rechtswissenschafl,  v.  368- 
376  ;/•.»!(  y.  /<>-/V.,  s.v.  "Ordeal."        [h.m.w.] 

Opdination.  [Church  ;  Laying  on  of 
Hands.] 

Opeb  (raven). — 1.  A  "prince"  of  the 
.Mi(liaiiit(s(Judg.7.25,8.3  ;  Ps.83.ii  ;  Is.lO.26), 
who,  with  Zeeb  {wolf),  was  slain  by  Ephraim- 
itcs  W.  of  Jordan,  while  Gideon  pursued  the 
"  kings  "  of  Midian  Ii.  of  that  river  (Judg.8.4- 
21).  Orel)  was  slain  at  the  "  rock  Oreb,"  and 
Zeeb  at  the  "  wine-press  "  (or  "  hollow  jilace  ") 
of  Zeeb  (7.25).  In  1874  the  present  writer 
suggested  that  the  "  rock  Oreb  "  might  be  the 


ORlGHNAl  SIN' 

remarkable  peak  in  the  Jordan  Valley,  3  mileS 
N.  of  Jericho,  now  called  'Osh  el  Ghurdb,  or 
"  the  raven's  nest,"  while  4  miles  farther  N.  is 
a  ravine  called  Meqtir  edh  Dhlb,  "  the  water- 
holes  of  the  wolf."  These  sites  are  perhaps 
rather  farther  S.  than  might  be  expected  from 
the  narrative,  unless  the  "princes"  fled  S. 
while  the  "  kings  "  of  Midian  fled  E. — 2.  (2 
Esd.2.33)  =  Horeb.  [c.r.c] 

O'pen,  a  son  of  J  erahmeel  the  firstborn  of 
Hezron  (iChr.2.25). 

Opgan  (Gen. 4.21 ;  Job21.i2,30.3i ;  Ps.150. 
4).  The  Heb.  'lighdbh,  thus  rendered  in  A.V.,  is 
of  uncertain  meaning.  The  LXX.  gives  differ- 
ent translations.  In  Gen.  we  have  KiOdpa,  in 
Job  \j/a\fx6s,  and  in  Ps.  6pyavoi'.  In  the  Heb. 
transl.  of  Dan.3.5, 10,15  it  represents  the  Aram. 
n"'3Sp-1D  which  was  either  the  pan-pipes  or 
the  bag-pipes.  The  rendering  which  suits  the 
four  passages  best  is  wind  instrument.  In  Gen. 
4.21  Jubal  is  the  inventor  of  string  and  wind 
instruments.  In  Job  the  sense  is  also  quite 
general,  while  in  Ps.150  'Ughdbh  is  joined  with 
minnim  ("strings,"  i.e.  string  instruments), 
obviously  a  general  term.  [J-m.] 

Oplgrinal  Sin.  There  are  passages  in 
O.T.  which  seem  to  anticipate  the  doctrine  of 
Original  Sin — e.g.  the  famihar  Ps.51.5.  But 
these  are  at  most  approximations.  So  far  as 
Biblical  authority  is  claimed  for  the  doctrine, 
it  is  to  be  sought  in  St.  Paul.  And  here  the 
two  crucial  passages  are  Ro.5. 12-21  and  Eph. 
2.3.  The  following  points  are  to  be  noted 
about  the  first  of  these:  (i)  The  whole  dis- 
cussion is  explanatory  of  Redemption.  The 
unity  of  the  human  race  in  sin  and  death  is  the 
counterpart  of  its  unity  in  Redemption.  The 
key  to  the  whole  passage  is  Ro.5. 19:  "  For  as 
through  the  one  man's  disobedience  the  many 
were  made  [KanaTddrtaav]  sinners,  even  so 
through  the  obedience  of  the  one  shall  the 
many  be  made  righteous."  The  intellectual 
difficulties  of  the  conception  cu-e  similar  in 
each  case.  (2)  The  essential  point  is  the  cor- 
porate unity  of  the  human  race.  The  truth  of 
the  Fall-story  in  Genesis,  by  which  that  unity 
is  here  explained,  is  of  course  assumed.  But 
it  is  not  in  organic  connexion  with  the  main 
argument,  and  that  would  not  necessarily  be 
falsified  by  a  different  view  of  history  (cf. 
Sanday  and  Headlain,  Romans,  pp.  146-147). 

(3)  Sin  is  here,  as  in  iCor.15.22,  connected  with 
death  (taken  by  the  best  commentators  to 
mean  physical  death),  which  is  its  result.  But 
we  are  expressly  told  that  guilt  is  not  imputed 
apart  from  law,  i.e.  aiiart  from  the  conscious 
and  deliberate  transgression  of  the  individual. 
Otherwise  the  sin  is  not  sin  in  the  full  sense. 

(4)  There  is  here  no  definite  theory  of  the  mode 
of  transmission,  or  of  the  exact  nature  of  that 
which  is  transmitted,  such  as  is  found  in  the 
later  history  of  the  doctrine.  Nor  is  sin  ex- 
pressly connected  with  the  flesh.  The  moral 
and  physical  regions  are  not  indeed  sharply 
separated  ;  but  it  is  moral  causes  which  pro- 
duce physical  effects.  In  R0.8  and  9,  where 
the  connexion  of  sin  with  the  flesh  is  pro- 
minent, there  is  nothing  about  inheritance 
from  Adam.  (5)  In  6.i7ff.  and  7  passim,  sin 
is  treated  as  an  external  power  which  has 
invaded  the  personality,  and  which  within  the 


PLATE   XXVI 


CYLINDER  FOR  HOLDING  KOHL 
OR    STIBIUM. 

(Egyptian  Room,  Brit.  Mus.) 


GOLD  BRACELET.     (Egyptian  Room,  Brit.  Mus.) 


EARRING.     (Egyptian  Room,  Brit.  Mus.) 


c;  (S> 


p.  628] 


EGYPTIAN   RINGS.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


ORION 

personality  overpowers  the  ^crw  AfOpuTros.  But 
this  power  is  not  connected  with  any  theory 
of  origin  ;  and  Sanday  and  Headlam  distin- 
guish it  from  inherited  corruption.  Eph.2.3 
reads  "  and  were  by  nature  children  of  wrath  " 
{Kal  ij/iKda  TeKva  (pvcreL  opyiis).  To  take  this 
as  an  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of  Original  Sin  is 
probably  a  misinterpretation.  opyrj  indeed 
means  the  \vrath  of  God  ;  but  it  is  actual  sin 
which  is  suggested  by  the  context  as  the  object 
of  this  wrath.  The  words  reKva  and  <pv<Tei 
have  seemed,  the  one  to  suggest  birth,  the 
other  a  defect  of  constitution  as  opposed  to 
anything  which  is  the  result  of  individual  will. 
But  TiKva.  is  a  common  Hebraism  for  "  objects 
of,"  and  <l>vaeL  in  ordinary  Gk.  usage  would 
mean  "  in  themselves,"  as  opposed  to  some- 
thing due  to  external  influence.  There  is, 
therefore,  no  ground  for  seeing  in  this  passage 
a  reference  to  Original  Sin  in  the  technical 
sense.  The  doctrine  then,  as  later  developed 
by  St.  Augustine  and  subsequent  theologians, 
though  not  necessarily  inconsistent  with  St. 
Paul,  is  not  found  in  his  writings  and  cannot  be 
directly  deduced  from  them.  [w.h.m.] 

Qpi'on.  There  seems  little  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  constellation  known  to  the  Hebrews 
by  the  name  kh'sU  is  the  same  as  that  which 
the  Greeks  called  Orion,  and  the  Arabs  "  the 
giant,"  though  the  ancient  versions  vary  in 
their  renderings  (Job  9.9,88.31  ;  Am. 5. 8).  The 
"  giant  "  of  Oriental  astronomy  was  Nimrod, 
the  mighty  hunter,  who  was  fabled  to  have 
been  bound  in  the  sky  for  his  impiety.  The 
two  dogs  and  the  hare,  which  are  among  the 
constellations  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Orion, 
made  his  train  complete.  There  is  possibly  an 
allusion  to  this  belief  in  "the  bands  of  kh'-sW 
(Job  38.31).  Some  Jewish  writers,  the  Rabbis 
Isaac  Israel  and  Jonah  among  them,  identified 
the  Heb.  kh^sil  with  the  Arab,  sohail,  by  which 
was  understood  either  Sirius  or  Canopus. 

Opnaments,  Pepsonal.  These  form 
one  of  the  chairacteristic  features  of  Oriental 
costume,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 
The  monuments  of  ancient  Egypt  exhibit  the 
hands  of  ladies  loaded  with  rings,  earrings  of 
very  great  size,  anklets,  armlets,  bracelets  of 
the  most  varied  character,  richly  ornamented 
necklaces,  and  chains  of  various  kinds.  There 
is  sufficient  evidence  in  the  Bible  that  the  in- 
habitants of  Palestine  were  equally  devoted  to 
finery  (cf.  Is. 3. 18-23).  The  notices  in  the  early 
books  imply  the  weight  and  abundance  of  the 
ornaments  worn  at  that  period.  Eliezer  de- 
corated Rebekah  with  "a  golden  ring  [R.V.]  of 
half  a  shekel  weight,  and  two  bracelets  for  her 


ORNAMENTS,  PERSONAL      629 

hands  of  ten  shekels  weight  of  gold  "  (Gen. 24. 
22);  and  he  afterwards  added  "trinkets  of 
silver  and  trinkets  of  gold  "  (ver.  53).  Earrings 
were  worn  by  Jacob's  wives,  apparently  as 
charms — for  they  are  mentioned  in  connexion 


EGYPTIAN  NECKLACE  OF  PORCELAIN.     (Brit. 


BEAD  APRO.N  TAKEN  FROM  A.\  EGYPTIAN  MUMMY. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 

with  idols  (35.4).  The  ornaments  worn  by  the 
patriarch  judah  were  a  "signet,"  suspended 
by  a  string  round  the  neck,  and  a  "  staff  "  (38. 
18)  :  the  latter  being  probably  ornamented. 
The  first  notice  of  the  ring  occurs  in  reference 
to  Joseph  :  when  he  was  made  ruler  of  Egypt, 
"  Pharaoh  took  off  his  signet-ring  from  his 
hand,  and  put  it  upon  Joseph's  hand  .  .  .  and 
put  a  gold  chain  about  his  neck  "  (41. 42).  The 
number  of  personal  ornaments  worn  by  the 
Egyptians,  particularly  by  the  females,  is  in- 
cidentally noticed  in  Ex. 3.22,  and  the  Midian- 
ites  appear  to  have  been  as  prodigal  in  the  use 
of  them  (Num.31. 50,52  ;  Judg.8.26).  Among 
the  Israelites,  the  appearance  of  the  bride  is 
thus  described  in  Canticles  :  "  Thy  cheeks  are 
comely  with  beads  [A.V.  rows  of  jewels,  R.V. 
plaits  of  hair],  thy  neck  with  perforated  [pearls'] 
[A.V.  chains,  R.V.  strings,  of  gold];  we  will  make 
thee  beads  [A.V.  borders,  R.V.  plaits]  of  gold  with 
studs  of  silver  "  (Can.l.10,11).  Her  neck,  rising 
tall  and  stately, "  like  the  tower  of  David  builded 
for  an  armoury,"  was  decorated  with  various 
ornaments,  hanging  like  the  "  thousand  buck- 
lers, all  shields  of  mighty  men,  on  the  walls  of 
the  armoury  "  (4.4),  and  "  the  roundings  "  (not 
as  E.V.  "  the  joints  ")  of  her  .thighs  are  likened 
to  the  pendant  of  an  earring,  which  tapers 
gradually  downwards  (7.i).  Of  the  bride- 
groom we  read  :  "his  eyes  are  .  .  .  fitly  set," 
like  gems  in  sockets  of  rings  (5.i2)  :  "his  hands 
[are  as]  gold  rings  [better,  cylinders,  as  R.V. 
marg.]  set  with  the  topaz," 
the  nails  (dyed  with  henna) 
resembling  gems.  [Ring.] 
The  yearning  after  close 
affection  is  expressed  thus : 
(8.6) :  "  Set  me  as  a  seal  upon 
thine  heart,  as  a  seal  upon 
thine  arm."  Babylonian 
ladies  wore  a  cylinder,  with 
their  marriage  contract  on  it, 
on  the  arm  above  the  wrist. 
As  regards  the  terms  used  in 
the  Proverbs,  we  need  only  ex- 
Mus.)  plain  that  the  "  ornament  " 


630 


ORNAN 


of  A.V.  in  1.9,4.9  is  more  specifically  a  wreath, 
or  garland;  the  "chains"  (I.9)  arc  the  drops 
of  which  the  necklace  was  formed  ;  the 
"jewel  of  gold  in  a  swine's  snout"   (11. 22) 


EGYPTIAN  CO.MH.     (lirit.  Mu5 


is  a  nose-ring  ;  the  "  jewel  "  (20. 15)  a  trinket 
and  the  "  ornament  "  (25.12)  an  ear-pendant. 
Is.3.18-23  may  be  rendered  as  follows  :  {18) 
"  In  that  day  the  Lord  will  take  away  the 
bravery  of  their  anklets,  and  their  plaits  [or, 
nets],  and  their  necklaces  ;  (19)  the  ear-pen- 
dants,  and  the  bracelets,   and  the  light  veils  ; 

(20)  the  turbans,  and  the  step-chains,  and  the 
girdles,  and  the  scent-bottles,  and  the  amulets  ; 

(21)  the  signets  and  rings  ;  (22)  the  state- 
dresses,  and  the  cloaks,  and  the  shawls,  and  the 
purses  ;  (23)  the  mirrors,  and  the  fine  linen 
shirts,  and  the  head-veils,  and  the  face-veils." 

Oman'.     [Araunah.] 

Oppah',  a  Moabite  woman,  wife  of 
Chilion,  son  of  Naomi.  When  she  and  Ruth 
were  widowed,  they  accompanied  their  mother- 
in-law  on  the  road  t(j  Bethlehem.  Hut  Or- 
pah's  resolution  failed  her,  and,  unlike  Ruth, 
she  went  back  "  unto  her  people  and  unto  her 
god"  (Ru.l.4-15). 

Orphan.     [Poor.] 

Opthosias  (i.Mac.15.37),  a  Phoenician 
sea-coast  town,  between  Tripolis  and  the 
Kleuthkrus  River  (Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  17), and 
near  the  latter  (Strabo,  .xvi.).  The  Peutinger 
Tables  (5th  cent,  a.d.)  place  it  12  miles  N.  of 
Trii)()li,  and  30  S.  of  Antaradus.  It  thus 
appears  t<»  have  been  N.  f)f  the  Xahr  cl  Bdrid, 
aiiout  7  ICnglish  miles  N.  of  Trdblus,  and  26 
miles  S.  of  Tar(us  (Antaradus).  It  was  the 
seat  of  an  eparch  (Notitiae  ;  see  Reland,  Pal. 
Illwitr.  i.  |).  216)  HKMitioned  with  Byblos  and 
Arados.      f  Si  nth;.]  [r.K.c.) 

Osa  las  (I  ICsd.S.tH)  —  Jksmaiaii,  4. 

Ose'a  (2i;sd.l3.4o)  =  king  Hoshka. 

Ose'as  (2Msd.l.39),  Osee  (ko-g.^.s)  =  the 
prophet  lIosEA. 


OSTRICH 

Osee  (Ro.9.25).     [HosEA.] 

Oshe'a,  tiie  original  name  of  Joshua  the 
son  of  Nun  (Num. 13. 8),  which,  on  some  occa- 
sion not  stated,  received  from  Moses  (ver.  16) 
the  addition  of  the  great  name  of  Jehovah. 

Osppay  (Heb.  'ozniyyd).  The  Heb.  word 
occurs  only  in  Lev. 11. 13  and  I)eut.l4.i2  as 
the  name  of  an  unclean  bird  which  the  law  of 
Moses  disallowed  as  food  to  the  Israelites. 
The  old  versions  and  many  commentators  are 
in  favoiu:  of  the  A.V.  translation  ;  but  Tristram 
is  of  opinion  that  while  the  osprey  (Pandion 
haliaetus)  would  have  been  called  'ozniyyd,  yet 


the  OSrREY  {I'audion  haliaeCiis). 

that  under  the  same  term  may  have  been  in- 
cluded several  of  the  more  typical  eagles,  such 
as  the  short-tailed  eagle  (Circdctus  cinereus), 
the  imperial  eagle  (.Aquila  hi/asciala),  and  the 
golden  eagle  {A.  chrysdetus),  which  last  is,  how- 
ever, rare  in  Palestine.  The  osprey  is  a  widely 
distributed  fish-eating  species.  [r.l.] 

Ossifpagre  (Heb.  peres).  The  word  thus 
translated  in  A.V.  occurs,  as  the  name  of  an 
unclean  bird,  in  Lev. 11. 13,  and  in  the  parallel 
passage  of  I)eut.l4.i2  ;  and  if  due  weight  is 
to  be  allowed  to  etymology,  the  Heb.  peres, 
which  means  "  the  breaker,"  may  well  stand 
for  the  lanunergeier  (Gypaetus  barbatus),  which 
takes  its  Latin  name  of  ossi/raga  from  its  habit 
of  carrying  tortoises  and  large  bones  to  a 
height  in  its  talons  and  letting  them  dn>p  on 
rocks,  when  their  contents  are  rendercii  avail- 
able as  food,  .\lthough  not  common,  lammer- 
geiers  still  haunt  the  mountainous  districts  of 
Pp.lestine.  They  are  among  the  largest  diurnal 
birds  of  prey,  and  to  some  extent  intermediate 
between  \  iiltures  and  eagles.  [r.l.] 

Ostplch.  There  seems  no  doubt  that  the  3 
Heb.  words  balh-hayya'dnd,  yd'en.  and  rattan, 
refer  to  the  ostrich  (.S7n(///i'()  aiwic/irs),  altiiough 
they  are  for  tli"  most  part  otherwise  translated 
in  .\.V.  balh-hayya'dnd  occurs  in  Lev.ll.K), 
Dent. 14.15,  in  the  lists  of  unclean  birds,  as  well 
as  iu  other  passages.     A.V.  renders  the  Hob., 


OSTRICH 


OWL 


631 


1 

Ik 

1 

I^Bk 

x! 

^^ShBi 

/ 

^^W 

^\ 

THE  LAMMERGEIHR.   OR  "OSSIFRAGE  "  (Gypaitus 
barbatus).     See  art.  "Ossifrage." 

which  signifies  either  "  daughter  of  greediness  " 
or  "  daughter  of  shouting,"  by  "  owl,"  or,  as 
in  the  marg.,  by  "daughter  of  owl."  In  Job  30. 
29,  Is. 34. 13,  and  43. 20,  the  marg.  of  A.V.  cor- 
rectly reads  "ostriches."  Bochart  considered 
that  bath-hayya'dnd  denotes  the  female  ostrich, 
and  that  tahmds,  the  following  word  in  the  Heb. 
text,  indicates  the  male :  but  the  2nd  word  pro- 
bably refers  to  an  entirely  different  bird.  The 
booming  cry  of  the  ostrich,  which  has  been  com- 
pared to  the  lion's  roar,  seems  to  be  referred 
to  in  Mi. 1.8.  yd'en  occurs  only  in  the  plur., 
y'enim,  in  Lam. 4. 3,  where  the  context  shows 
that  the  ostrich  is  intended.  The  same  is  the 
case  with  rdndn,  of  which  the  plur.,  yndnlm, 
occurs  in  Job  39.13.  A.V.  renders  fndnim  by 
"peacocks,"  but  these  birds,  for  which  there 
is  a  different  Heb.  name,  were  probably  not 
known  to  the  people  of  Arabia  or  Syria 
before  the  time  of  Solomon.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  word  [hdsidhd)  rendered  by  A.V. 
"  ostrich"  in  Job  39.13  represents  the  stork. 
Ostriches  are  polygamous,  the  hens  laying 
their  eggs  promiscuously  in  one  nest,  which 
is  merely  a  hole  scratched  in  the  sand.  The 
eggs  are  then  covered  to  the  depth  of  about 
a  foot,  and  when  the  sun  is  hot  are  generally 
left  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day  to  its 
heat ;  but  at  night  they  are  incubated  by  the 
cock,  who  is  occasionally  reUeved  by  the  hens 
when  brooding  is  also  necessary  during  the 
daytime.  The  habit  of  leaving  the  eggs  to  be 
matured  by  the  sun's  heat  is  generally 
regarded  as  confirming  the  Scriptural  account, 
"She  leaveth  her  eggs  to  the  earth";  but 
the  statement  that  "  she  forgetteth  that 
the  foot  may  crush  "  the  eggs  probably  refers 
to  the  fact  that  ostriches  deposit  some  of 
their  eggs  around  the  nest,  these  being  used 
for  the  nourishment  of  the  young  birds.  The 
Arabs  have  a  proverb,  "Stupid  as  an  ostrich  " 
(cf.  Job  39.17);  the  legend  of  its  burying  its 
head  in  the  sand  to  escape  detection  seems  to 


be  based  on  the  fact  that  ostriches,  instead  of 
fleeing,  will  sometimes  throw  themselves  down 
and  feign  death.  The  ostrich  now  extends  from 
BarbarytoSyria,  Arabia,  andevenMesopotamia, 
although  it  is  exterminated  in  Egypt,    [r.l.] 

Othnl',  son  of  Shemaiah,  the  firstborn  of 
Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (iChr.26.7). 

Othniel  (God  is  force),  son  of  Kenaz,  took 
Kirjath-sepher  (Debir), and  won  Caleb's  daugh- 
ter as  his  bride.  [AcHSAH.]  After  the  death  of 
Joshua  and  the  elders,  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
came  upon  him,  and  he  delivered  Israel  from 
Chushan-rishathaim,  who  had  oppressed  them 
for  eight  years.  He  vindicated  Israel  (Moore's 
transl.),  and  judged  the  people  40  years  (Jos.15. 
17;  Judg.l.i3ff.,3.8-ii).  The  Heb.  text  may 
be  read  to  mean  that  Othniel  was  Caleb's 
younger  brother.  [Kenaz.]  The  LXX.  makes 
Kenaz  Caleb's  brother.  Probably  the  word 
brother  is  not  to  be  strictly  interpreted. 
[Brother.]  Caleb  and  Othniel  belonged  to 
the  same  clan.  They  were  Kenizzites  [Kene- 
ziTES,]  The  40  years  also  need  not  be  taken 
literally.  It  stands  for  a  generation,  and  in 
Judg.3.ii  may  only  mean  for  as  long  as  he 
lived.  In  iChr.4.13,  Othniel's  brother  is  Seraiah 
and  his  son  Hathath.  Heldai,  his  descendant, 
was  one  of  David's  12  captains  (iChr.27.i5). 
[Caleb  ;    Chtjshan-rishathaim.]      [h.m.s.] 

Othoni'as  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Mattaniah,  5. 

Ouches  {,niishb''f6th),  plaited  work,  some- 
times of  gold,  in  which  gems  were  set ;  men- 
tioned in  connexion  with  the  high-priest's 
ephod  (Ex. 28. II, 13,  etc.).  The  Heb.  word  is 
used  of  a  kind  of  chequer-work  of  gold  thread 
in  the  clothing  of  a  king's  daughter  (Ps.45. 
14).     [Handicrafts,  (6).]  [w.o.e.o.] 

Oven.     [Bread  ;   Furnace.] 

Owl,  the  translation  in  the  A.V.  of  the  Heb. 
words  hath-hayya'dnd,  yanshuph,  kos,  qippoz, 
and  lillth.  (i)  bath-hayya'dnd.  [Ostrich.] 
(2)  yanshuph,  or  yanshoph,  occurs  in  Lev. 11. 17, 
Deut.l4.i6,  as  the  name  of  an  unclean  bird, 
and  in  Is. 34. 11  in  the  description  of  desolate 
Edom,  "  owl  [yanshoph}  and  the  raven  shall 
dwell  in  it."  The  Chaldee  and  Syr.  are  in 
favour  of  some  kind  of  owl,  and  perhaps  the 
etymology  of  the  word  points  to  a  nocturnal 


THE  SACRED    IBIS. 


632 


ox 


bird  :  on  the  other  hand,  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
read  f/iis,  equivalent  to  the  sacred  ibis  (Ibis 
reli^iosa)  of  Egypt.  Although  the  evidence  is 
inconclusive,  it  favours  the  ibis,  under  which 
title  may  probably  be  included  the  other 
Egyptian  species  (/.  falcinellus).  (3)  kos  occurs 
as  the  name  of  an  unclean  bird  (Lev. 11. 17; 
Deut. 14.16),  and  again  in  Ps.102.6,  and  is 
translated  in  A.V.  owl  or  little  owl,  which  is 
probably  correct,  the  last-quoted  text  pointing 
decidedly  to  some  kind  of  owl,  and  not  impro- 
bably to  the  Eastern  little  owl  (Athene  glaux). 


LITTLE  OWL  {.linen,  im,.i|. 

(4)  qippdz  occurs  only  in  Is.34.i.5  :  "There 
[t.e.  in  Edom]  the  great  owl  [qippdz]  shall 
make  her  nest,  and  lay  and  hatch  and  gather 
under  her  shadow."  It  is  hopeless  to  attempt 
to  identify  the  creature  denoted  by  this  word  ; 
the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  give  "  hedgehog,"  and 
various  other  conjectures  have  been  made 
with  respect  to  the  proper  translation.  The 
suggestion  that  a  darting  serpent  is  intended 
seems  improbable,  as  the  whole  context 
(Is.34.15)  apparently  points  to  some  bird. 
The  A.V.  translation,  in  the  absence  of  more 
definite  information,  may  therefore  be  pro- 
visionally adopted.  (5)  lilith  is  translated  in 
A.V.  "screech  owl"  in  the  text  of  Is.3O.r4, 
and  "  night-monster  "  in  the  marg.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbis,  lilith  was  a  spectre  in  the 
form  of  a  beautiful  woman  that  carried  off  and 
destroyed  children  at  night.  Cf.  the  ghai 
(ghoul)  of  Arabian  story.  The  old  versions 
support  the  opinion  of  Bochart  that  a  spectre 
is  intended.  If,  however,  an  animal  be  denoted 
by  the  Heb.  term,  it  must  almost  certainly  be 
an  owl.  Tristram  suggests  the  tawny  owl 
(Syrnium  aluco),  as  he  considers  another  word 
indicates  the  barn  owl,  but  this  is  pure  con- 
jecture. [Night-hawk.]  [r.l.] 
Ox,  an  ancestor  of  Judith  {Jth.8.1). 
Ox,  Oxen.  TCattle  ;  Ckimi: s.] 
Ox-g-oad.  [Goad  ;  Shamgar.] 
O'zem. — 1.  The  sixth  son  of  Jesse,  tlienext 
el<l<-st  above  David  (ithr.2.15). — 2.  Son  of 
Jcrahmee!  the  firstborn  of  Hezron  (2.25). 
Ozlaa. — 1.  A  Simconite,  son  of  Miclia,  and 


PAINT 

one  of  the  "  governors  "  of  Bethulia,  in  the 
time  of  Judith  (Jth.6.i5,7.23,8.9ff.). — 2.  An 
ancestor  of  Ezra  (2Esd.l.2)  =  Uzzi,  i. — 3. 
(Mt.l.8,9)  =  Uzziah,  king  of  Judah. 

O'zlel,  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth.8.1). 

Ozni',  son  of  Gad  and  founder  of  the 
family  of  the  Oznites  (Num.26.i6). 

Ozo'pa.     [Machnadebai.] 


Paapai'  "the.A.rbite,"  one  of  David's  mighty 
men  {2Sam.23.35),  probably  a  corruption  of 
"  Naarai  the  son  of  Ezbai "  (1Chr.ll.37). 

Padan'  (R.V.  and  Heb.  Paddan;  Gen.48.7, 
the  tilled  land ;  Arab.  Fedddn),  otherwise 
Padan-  (Heb.  Paddan)  Apam  [tilled  land  of 
the  highlands),  the  region  near  Hara\  E.  of 
the  Euphrates  (Gen. 25.20,28. 2, 5-7,31. i8,33.i8, 
35.9,26,46.15).  [.A.RAM.]  Two  ruins  called 
Ft'ddiinch  exist  W.  of  H.\ran.  [c.r.c] 

Padon',  ancestor  of  a  family  of  Nethinim 
who  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2.44  ;  Ne.7.47). 

Pagiel',  son  of  Ocran,  and  the  .\sherite  chief 
at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num. 1.13,2. 27, 7. 
72,77,10.26). 

Pa'hath-moab',  head  of  one  of  the  chief 
houses  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  Of  the  indivi- 
dual, or  the  occasion  of  his  receiving  so  singu- 
lar a  name,  nothing  is  known  certainly.  But 
as  we  read  in  iChr.4.22  of  descendants  of 
Shelah,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who  in  very 
early  times  "  had  dominion  in  Moab,"  it  may 
be  conjectured  that  this  was  the  origin  of  the 
name  ;  Pahath  being  perhai)S  derived  from 
the  Assyr.  pehattt,  a  "ruler";  cf.  pasha.  It 
may  be  a  shght  corroboration  of  this  con- 
jecture that  as  we  find  in  Ezr.2.6,  that  the  sons 
of  Pahath-moab  had  among  their  number 
"  children  of  Joab,"  so  also  in  iChr.4  we  find 
these  families  who  had  dominion  in  .Moab  very 
much  mixed  with  the  sons  of  Caleb,  among 
whom,  in  iChr.2.54,4.14,  we  find  the  house  of 
Joab.  That  the  family  of  Pahath-moab  was 
of  high  rank  in  the  tribe  of  Judah  we  learn 
from  their  appearing  fourth  in  order  in  the  two 
lists,  Ezr.2.6,  Ne.7.ii,  and  from  their  chief 
having  signed  second,  among  the  lay  princes, 
in  Ne.lO.14.  It  was  also  the  most  numerous 
(2,818)  of  all  the  families  specified,  except  the 
Benjamite  house  of  Senaah  (7.38). 

Pal.     [Pau.] 

Paint  (as  a  cosmetic).  The  use  of  cos- 
metic dyes  has  prevailed  in  all  ages  in  Eastern 
countries.  We  have  abundant  evidence  of 
the  practice  of  painting  the  eyes  both  in 
ancient  Egypt  (Wilkinson,  ii.  342)  and  in 
.'Assyria  (Layard's  Nineveh,  ii.  328)  ;  and  in 
modern  times  the  usage  is  general.  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  to  have  been  by  any 
means  universal  among  the  Hebrews.  The 
notices  of  it  are  few  ;  and  in  each  it  seems 
to  have  been  considered  a  meretricious  art, 
unworthy  of  a  woman  of  high  character.  Thus 
Jezebel  "  put  her  eyes  in  painting  "  (2 K. 9.30, 
marg.)  ;  Jeremiah  says  of  the  harlot  city, 
''Though  thou  rentest  thine  eyes  with  paint- 
ing" (Je.4.30  R.V.);  and  Ezekiel  again  makes 
it  a  characteristic  of  a  harlot  (Ezk.23.40).  The 


PALACE 

process  is  thus  described  by  Chandler  (Travels, 
ii.  140)  :  "  A  girl,  closing  one  of  her  eyes,  took 
the  two  lashes  between  the  forefinger  and 
thumb  of  the  left  hand,  pulled  them  forward, 
and  then  thrusting  in  at  the  external  corner 
a  bodkin  which  had  been  immersed  in  the  soot, 
and  extracting  it  again,  the  particles  before 
adhering  to  it  remained  within,  and  were  pre- 
sently ranged  round  the  organ."  The  eyes 
were  thus  literally  "  put  in  paint,"  and  were 
also  injured  by  the  process.  A  broad  line 
was  also  drawn  round  the  eye,  as  represented 
in  the  accompanying  cut.     The  effect  was  an 


••EVE  ORNAMENTED  WITH   KOHL,   AS   REPRESENTED  IN 
ANCIENT  PAINTINGS"  (Lane). 

apparent  enlargement  of  the  eye  ;  and  the 
expression  in  Je.4.30  has  been  understood  in 
this  sense.  The  term  used  for  the  application 
of  the  dye  was  kdhal,  "  to  smear,"  and 
Rabbinical  wTiters  described  the  paint  itself 
under  a  cognate  term.  These  words  still 
survive  in  kohl,  the  modern  Oriental  name  for 
the  powder  used.  [Metals.]  The  Bible  gives 
no  indication  of  the  substance  out  of  which  the 
dye  was  formed.  The  old  versions  (the  LXX., 
Chaldee,  S\Triac,  etc.)  agree  in  pronouncing 
the  dye  to  have  been  produced  from  antimony. 
Antimony  is  still  used  for  the  purpose  in  Arabia 
and  in  Persia,  but  in  Egypt  the  kohl  is  a  soot 
produced  by  burning  either  a  kind  of  frankin- 
cense or  the  shells  of  almonds.  The  dye-stuff 
was  moistened  with  oil,  and  kept  in  a  small 
jar,  which  may  have  been  made  of  horn ; 
cf.  Keren-happuch  (horn  of  the  paint;  Job 
42.14).  Whether  the  custom  of  staining  the 
hands  and  feet,  particularly  the  nails,  now 
so  prevalent  in  the  East,  was  known  to  the 
Hebrews,  is  doubtful.  The  plant,  henna, 
which  is  used  for  that  purpose,  was  certainly 
known  (Can. 1. 14  ;  A.V.  Camphire),  and  the 
expressions  in  5.14  may  refer  to  the  custom. 
Palace.  The  A.V.  so  renders  seven  Heb. 
words,  (i)  'appedhen  (Dan. 11. 45) :  the  Persian 
apaddna,  "  palace."  (2)  'annon,  a  "  high  " 
building  attached  to  a  "  king's  house  "  (1K.I6. 
18  ;  2 K. 15. 25),  occiu-s  in  29  passages.  (3)  bird, 
a  late  word  (Ass}t.  biratu),  in  iChr.29.i,  and  in 
15  other  passages  ;  in  Esther,  and  in  Dan. 8. 2, 
it  applies  to  the  palace  of  Shushan,  and  it 
occurs  in  Aram.  (Ezr.6.2),  meaning  a  "fortress" 
rather  than  a  palace.  (4)  bithan  (Esth.l.5,7.7,8), 
"  the  house  "  or  palace  of  Xerxes.    (5)  hikhdl, 


PALACE 


G33 


as  in  Assyr.,  is  used  both  of  a  temple  and  of  a 
palace  (Akkad.  e-gal,  "great  house"),  including 
"ivory  palaces"  (Ps.45.8),  otherwise  "ivory 
houses  "  (iK.22.39  ;  Ara.3.15),  or  shrines  inlaid 
wth  ivory.  The  A.V.  renders  the  word  "  pa- 
lace "  in  12  other  passages.  (6)  harmon,  "ex- 
alted" (Am.4.3,  R.V. //ar;HO«,  as  a  place-name), 
cf.  No.  2.  (7)  t'lrd  is  rendered  palace  in  Can. 
8.9  (R.V.  turret),  Ezk.25.4  (R.V.  encampment), 
but  elsewhere  casile  (Gen. 25. 16  ;  Num. 31. 10  ; 
iChr.6.34)  or  (Ps.69.25)  habitation  (marg. 
palace)  being  always  encampment  in  R.V.  The 
word  is  common  in  Aram,  and  Arab,  for  a 
"  citadel,"  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
Moabites  and  Arabs  had  fortified  buildings 
very  early,  and  not  merely  encampments. 
Solomon's  "house  "  on  Ophel  (1K.7.1-12;  see 
3.1,9.24),  including  a  harim  as  "  an  house  for 
Pharaoh's  daughter  "  (7.8),  is  described  in  a 
manner  that  recalls  the  palace  of  Persian  kings 
at  Persepolis,  5  centuries  later,  as  well  as 
Babylonian  and  Ass\Tian  palaces,  consisting 
of  separate  buildings — "porches"  or  halls — 
standing  in  a  great  court.  The  relative  posi- 
tion of  the  buildings  is  however  not  stated,  so 
that  a  plan  cannot  be  made.  The  principal 
structure  (7.2)  was  the  "  house  of  the  forest  of 
Lebanon,"  measuring  100  by  50  cubits,  and  30 
cubits  high.  It  was  divided  into  four  aisles 
by  three  rows  of  cedar  pillars,  15  in  each  row, 
and  ceiled  with  cedar  planks  on  cedar  rafters. 
[Cieling.]  It  had  apparently  three  tiers  of  win- 
dows in  the  walls.  Besides  this  building  there 
were  apparently  four  "  porches  "  or  "fagades  " 
('{dam),  one  (perhaps  at  the  entrance  on  W. ) 
measuring  50  by  30  cubits,  with  pillars.  A 
second  porch  was  the  throne  room,  or  "  porch 
of  judgment,"  in  which  was  the  ivory  throne 
(iK.l 0.17-20).  This  hall  had  a  floor  of  cedar. 
A  third  hall  was  in  front  of  the  king's  own 
dwelling,  which  was  apparently  built  round  an 
inner  courtyard  [House],  while  a  similar  build- 
ing was  the  harim  with  a  fourth  porch,  and 
probably  an  inner  court.  The  masonry  of 
these  buildings  had  foundation  stones  8  or  10 
cubits  long.  The  "  great  court  "  was  no  doubt 
(as  at  Persepolis)  a  platform,  surrounded  by  a 
wall  with  "  three  rows  of  hewed  stones  and  a 
row  of  cedar  beams."  On  N.E.,  immediately 
S.  of  the  temple,  wasthe  Horse  Gate  inthe  city 
wall,  by  which  horses  were  brought  to  the 
king's  house  (2K.II.16  ;  2Chr.23.i5  ;  Ne.3.28). 
There  may  have  been  stables  also  in  the  great 
court.  This  palace  was  still  standing  in  5th 
cent.  B.C.  (Ne.3.25),  and  its  gardens  were  in 
the  vaUey  to  S.W.,  near  Siloam  (ver.  15).     The 


ALTERNATIVE  DIAGRAM  SECTIONS  OF  THE   HOUSE  OF  CEDARS  OF  LEBANON. 


GU 


FAIiAL 


"winter  house-"  (Jc.36.22)  occupied  about 
608  B.C.  by  king  Jehoiakini,  may  have  been  one 
of  the  buildings  ab(ne  described,  as  contrasted 
(.\ni.3.i5)  with  a  "  summer  house."  The 
palace  (or  "  fortress  " — bird)  of  Shushan  still 
exists  in  ruins  at  Susa  (Dc  Morgan,  Fouillcs  a 
Snse,  i.  pp.  70-80),  and  one  of  the  pillar  bases 
bears  the  name  of  Xerxes  in  Persian  cuneiform 
characters  (p.  90).  It  was  a  pillared  hall  out- 
side the  citadel  on  N.E.  The  presence  of 
Xerxes  [.AiiasuerusI at  "  Shushan  the  palace" 
(l-;sth.l.2,  etc.)  is  thus  prcjved.  [c.r.c] 

Palal',  son  of  Uzai.  He  assisted  in  re- 
storing tlie  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.25). 

Palestina,  Palestine.  These  words  ap- 
pear four  times  in  A.V.,  representing  the 
Heb.  p-lcsheth  (K.V.  Philistia ;  Ex.l5.i4  : 
Is. 14. 29, 31  ;  J  1.3.4)  ;  in  the  last  instance  the 
g'lildlh  p'lesheth,  noticed  with  Tyre  and 
Sidon,  clearly  represent  the  "  downs  of 
Philistia  "  ;  and  the  word  is  rendered  Philistia 
in  .\.V.  (Ps.60.8,87. 4,108.9;  "Philistines"  in 
83.7).  It  was  not  until  about  the  4th  cent. 
A.D.  that  the  term  was  extended  to  cover  the 
whole  land  of  Israel,  which  was  then  divided 
into  three  ecclesiastical  provinces,  Palestina 
Prima  (J'udaea  and  Samaria),  Seciinda  (Galilee, 
Bashan,  and  Gilead),  and  TertiaiMoah,  Edom, 
and  the  Beer-sheba  plains).  The  name,  as 
applying  to  Philistia,  is  used  in  a  text  of 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  in  734  B.C.  It  is  derived 
from  that  of  the  Philistines  or  "  emigrants  " 
[Cappadocia]  ;  but,  inasmuch  as  the  whole 
population  of  the  Holy  Land  emigrated  from 
E.  of  the  Euphrates,  it  is  not  inapplicable, 
though  in  O.T.  the  country  is  only  called  "the 
land  of  Israel,"  or  "  the  land  of  Jehovah  " 
(Ho. 9. 3),  "the  glorious  land  "  (Dan. 11. 41),  and 
i)y  the  later  Jews  and  Christians  the  "  Holy 
Land"  (see  Zech.2.i2).  It  includes  about  6,000 
sq. m.  W.  of  Jordan,  between  Dan  and  Beer- 
sheba  (143  m.  N.  and  S.  by  an  average  of  40  m. 
E.  and  W.),  and  4,000  sq.  m.  E.  of  the  river  ; 
to  which  we  may  add  800  sq.  m.  of  the  Tih 
plateau  (the  lot  of  Simeon)  on  S.W.  Western 
Palestine  isthusabout  as  large  as  Wales, and  its 
mountains  are  about  the  height  of  the  Welsh 
mountains.  The  whole  area  is  only  a  third 
of  that  of  Syria  immediately  N.  of  Palestine, 
and  the  possession  of  Syria  has  historically  been 
always  followed  by  the  submission  of  Pales- 
tine.— Geology.  To  understand  the  climatic 
and  natural  conditions  prevailing  in  ancient 
Palestine,  it  is  very  necessary  to  have  a  clear 
idea  of  the  geological  history  of  the  country. 
The  floor  on  which  it  was  built  is  the  granite 
and  jiorphyry  crust  which  is  so  conspicuous  on 
the  surface  in  Africa,  but  which  only  appears 
in  the  great  group  of  peaks  at  Sinai,  rising  to 
8,550  ft.  above  the  Red  Sea,  and  farther  E.  in 
S.  Edom  (4,200  ft.).  The  carboniferous  and 
yet  earlier  formations  are  not  found  in  Pales- 
tine nc-ar  the  surface,  l)ut  are  represented  by 
the  "desert  sandstone  "  and  limestone,  under 
the  Tih  Plateau  N.  of  Sinai.  In  the  Chalk  age 
Sinai  seems  to  have  stood  up  as  an  island  in 
the  ocean,  wh(tn  the  great  limestone  beds  were 
<le|)osited  above  a  later  sandstone  (usually 
called  "  Nubian  sandstone")  under  the  wat(!rs. 
The  upheaval  of  these  beds  apjiears  to  have 
begun  in  the  Eocene  age,  during  which  a  soft 
rhalk  full  of  bands  of  chert  was  deposited,  and 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

above  this  again  a  limestone  full  of  minute 
nummulites,  which  distinguish  it  from  the 
main  beds  of  the  Chalk  age — characterized 
especially  by  the  presence  of  hippurites  and 
ammonites.  In  Palestine  and  Syria  we  find 
Nubian  sandstone  on  the  lower  slopes  of 
Edom,  Moab,  and  Gilead,  and  on  the  W.  side 
of  Hermon  and  Lebanon.  The  limestone  of 
the  Cretaceous  age  includes  lower  beds  of 
melekeh,  a  somewhat  soft  but  fine-grained 
white  stone  from  which  the  temple  walls 
were  built,  and  upper  beds  of  mezzeh,  a  hard 
dolomite  less  easily  worked  ;  while  the  porous 
Eocene  chalk  forms  districts  throughout  the 
country,  in  which  the  water  sinks  through  to 
issue  on  the  surface  of  the  mezzeh.  The 
nummulitic  limestone  is  found  high  up  in 
patches,  on  Olivet,  (iERizi.M,  and  Carmel, 
and  is  specially  developed  in  the  W.  and  S. 
parts  of  the  Tih  plateau.  When  the  up- 
heaval was  ended,  two  long  parallel  ribs  (re- 
presented by  the  lines  of  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon)  stretched  S.  from  the  Taurus, 
divided  by  the  sea  along  the  line  of  the  Orontes 
and  Jordan  Valleys;  and  calcareous  sand- 
stones (not  conformable  with  the  chalk  strata) 
were  deposited  on  W.,  to  form  the  future  plains 
of  Philistia  and  Sharon.  The  great  up- 
heaval, accompanied  by  various  contortions 
and  convulsions,  took  place  during  the 
Miocene  age  ;  and  a  long  fault,  or  crack  in 
the  earth's  surface,  then  occurred  along  the 
E.  side  of  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  down  the 
deep  gulf  of  '.\qaba,  parallel  with  the  yet 
larger  cracks  in  Africa,  extending  to  lake 
Nyasa.  The  period  of  subsidence  which 
followed,  in  the  Pleiocene  ages,  was  accom- 
panied by  a  deepening  of  the  fault,  and  an 
upheaval  of  the  strata  to  the  S.,  in  the  Tih 
and  in  the  Arabah,  which  thus  shut  off  the 
Jordan  Valley  from  the  Red  Sea.  Parallel 
faults,  on  W.  side  of  the  valley  (best  seen  in 
Samaria),  then  occurred,  as  the  sandstone  on 
E.  was  sheared  along  the  main  fault,  till  the 
bottom  of  the  Dead  Sea — under  the  Moab 
cliffs — sank  to  2,600  ft.  below  the  Mediter- 
ranean; and  the  Cretaceous  strata  on  the 
W.  broke  off  from  the  watershed  beds,  and 
fell  E.,  sloping  towards  the  sandstone  wall. 
The  old  valley  level  of  the  early  Miocene  age 
is  represented  by  the  Jeshimon  plateau,  and 
by  the  corresponding  terrace  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  In  the  Pluvial  age  (including  the 
glacial  period),  when  the  climate  of  Palestine 
resembled  that  of  Britain,  a  great  lake  was 
formed,  with  beaches  about  600  ft.  below 
the  Mediterranean  level,  and  stretching  from 
S.  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  N.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee, 
a  distance  of  200  miles.  The  beaches  are 
best  seen  at  Jehel  Usdum,  on  S.W.  shores  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  and  at  the  Meiddn  el  \4bd,  N. 
of  Jericho.  The  molluscs  and  the  fishes  of 
the  Jordan  Valley  then  developed  into 
peculiar  lacustrine  species  ;  and,  as  the 
valley  sank,  volcanic  outbreaks  accom- 
panied the  successive  convulsions,  and  covered 
the  plains  of  the  Jaulan,  of  Bashan,  and  of 
Traclioiiitis  with  basaltic  lava.  Similar  out- 
flows occurred  N.  and  W.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee  ; 
and  the  b.isalt  is  found  in  the  plain  of  Esd- 
raelon  and  also  W.  of  Carmel.  In  the  S., 
however,  it  is  found  only  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea 


CONTOUR     MAP 

OF 

PALESTINE 

Hfliles 

5  0  S 


p.  634] 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

and  in  Edom  and  the  Sinaitic  peninsula. 
Hot  springs  then  appeared  in  the  Jordan 
Valley :  and  this  volcanic  action,  which  formed 
the  volcano  craters  of  the  N.W.  Jaulan,is  even 
now  not  quite  exhausted,  recent  earthquakes 
in  the  valley  having  been  accompanied  by  a 
sudden  rise  in  the  temperature  of  the  baths 
S.  of  Tiberias.  With  the  gradual  change  of 
the  climate,  after  the  Pluvial  age,  the  great 
lake  shrank  until  it  was  only  represented,  as 
at  present,  by  the  smaller  sheets  of  the  Huleh, 
the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  the  Dead  Sea.  The 
result  of  these  upheavals  and  subsidences, 
throughout  long  geological  ages,  has  been  that 
Palestine  presents  a  fauna  and  a  flora  ranging 
from  the  Alpine  to  the  tropical,  including 
many  European  species,  but  also  others  (like 
the  sunbirds  of  Jericho  and  Jaffa)  distinctively 
African,  and  species  (such  as  the  coracinus 
fish)  akin  to  those  of  the  Nile  Valley,  but 
developing  peculiarities,  though  descended 
equally  from  the  old  Miocene  sea  fauna.  All 
these  great  changes,  it  must  be  noted,  occurred 
long  ages  before  man  appeared.  In  Palestine 
at  least — if  not  elsewhere — there  is  no  sign 
as  yet  of  his  presence  in,  or  before,  the  Glacial 
age.  The  human  bones  in  caves  W.  of  the 
Lebanon  are  accompanied  by  worked  flints 
apparently  not  very  early.  The  oldest  dol- 
mens and  rude  stone  monuments  are  probably 
not  older  than  3000  B.C.  [Moab],  and  the 
oldest  skulls  as  yet  known  belong  apparently 
to  a  Semitic  race  (at  Gezer)  c.  2000  B.C.,  or 
a  little  earlier.  There  is  nothing  in  Palestine 
or  in  the  Bible  to  show  that  the  country  in 
Abraham's  age,  or  since,  differed  from  what  it 
now  is  in  climate,  natural  features,  or  natural 
products.  Prophets,  psalmists,  and  historians 
refer  to  years  of  drought  such  as  still  afflict 
Palestine  at  times,  but  not  to  any  greater 
fertility,  greater  extent  of  woods,  or  greater 
rainfall,  than  those  of  our  own  times.  The 
Beer-sheba  plains  are  still  a  pastoral  region; 
the  deserts  of  Moab  and  Judah  are  still 
barren  and  waterless  ;  the  plains  of  Philistia, 
Sharon,  Esdraelon,  and  Bashan  are  still  fine 
cornlands.  The  woods  of  Lower  Galilee,  and 
N.  Sharon,  of  Tabor,  S.  Bashan,  and  Gilead, 
though  thinned,  are  still  oak  woods ;  and  the 
copse  (Heb.  ya'ar,  Arab,  w'ar)  still  covers  the 
long  western  spurs,  both  E.  and  W.  of  Jordan, 
on  the  side  where  the  fresh  damp  sea  winds 
gather  mists  on  the  mountains.  Palestine  is 
still  what  it  is  represented  to  have  been  in 
Deut.8.7:  "A  good  land,  a  land  of  brooks 
of  water,  of  springs  and  depths  gushing  from 
valleys  and  hills,  a  land  of  wheat  and  barley 
and  vines  and  fig  trees  and  pomegranates,  a 
land  of  oil  olive  and  must."  The  traveller 
who  visits  the  bare  mountains  of  Benjamin 
and  Ephraim  in  the  dry  autumn  months  may 
regard  Palestine  as  a  stony  desert,  unless  he 
looks  down  on  the  long  grey  olive-groves  to 
the  W.  But  the  Land  of  Promise  was 
coveted  by  the  Babylonian  and  the  Egyptian, 
the  Persian  and  Greek  and  Roman,  the  Frank 
and  the  Arab  and  the  Turk,  during  its  history 
of  fifty  centuries  ;  and  the  explorer  who  has 
wandered  in  the  glades  of  Gilead  in  spring  is 
reminded  of  the  spring  song  of  Solomon 
(Can.2. 10-15).  Even  in  Solomon's  time 
timber  had  to  be  fetched  from  Lebanon  and 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE      635 

from  Arabia,  as  the  Akkadians  fetched  it 
2,000  years  before ;  and,  on  Carmel  and 
elsewhere,  the  copse  has  even  encroached  on 
ancient  vineyards,  whose  presses  and  towers 
are  found  amid  a  tangled  growth  of  dwarf 
oak,  lentisk,  and  hawthorn.  The  region 
round  the  sea  of  Galilee  was  fever-stricken  in 
the  time  of  our  Lord,  as  it  still  is  ;  the  decay 
of  ancient  irrigation  works  has  made  parts  of 
Sharon  perhaps  more  malarious  than  of  old 
But,  broadly  speaking,  Palestine  has  re- 
mained the  same  from  the  dawn  of  history, 
in  climate  and  in  natural  conditions.  [Agri- 
culture.]— Natural  Features.  These  will  be 
easily  understood  on  the  basis  of  the  above 
geology.  The  mountain  range  of  W.  Pales- 
tine is  a  continuation  (S.)  of  the  Lebanon. 
The  watershed  throughout  is  nearer  to  the 
Jordan  Valley  than  to  the  Mediterranean  ; 
and  abrupt  slopes  on  E.  contrast  with  long 
spurs  on  W.  In  Upper  Galilee  the  shed  rises 
to  4,000  ft.  above  sea-level,  near  Meirun,  the 
rugged  mountains  being  of  hard  dolomitic 
limestone,  while  theW.  spurs  are  of  the  chalky 
Eocene  stone.  Tabor  and  the  hill  Moreh 
(a  volcanic  peak)  are  outliers  of  the 
Nazareth  hills,  in  Lower  Galilee,  which  are 
mainly  of  the  Eocene  limestones.  [Galilee.] 
S.  of  iVIoREH,  near  Jezreel,  the  watershed  is 
only  200  ft.  above  the  Mediterranean,  and 
then  follows  the  range  of  Gilboa.  The 
triangular  plain  of  Esdraelon,  drained  by  the 
KiSHON  River,  is  bounded  on  W.  by  the  long 
spur  which  runs  N.W.  and  terminates,  at  the 
sea,  in  the  promontory  of  Carmel.  The 
base  of  this  plain,  along  the  S.  slopes  of  the 
Nazareth  mountains,  is  12  miles  long  E.  andW., 
and  the  apex  at  Jenin  is  14  miles  S.  of  the 
base  :  the  average  elevation  is  some  300  ft. 
above  sea-level.  The  watershed  runs  S.  to 
Ebal  and  Gerizim,  and  thence  by  Baal- 
HAZOR,  which  is  3,318  ft.  above  the  sea.  On 
the  E.  are  small  plateaux  and  rugged  slopes, 
where  the  strata  fall  towards  the  Jordan 
Valley ;  on  the  W.  are  long  spurs,  running  to 
the  plain  of  Sharon.  Here  again  the  dolo- 
mite appears  in  the  higher  mountains,  some- 
times capped  with  the  Eocene  chalky  lime- 
stone and  the  grey  nummulitic  limestone. 
The  chert  bands  in  the  Eocene  chalk  are 
particularly  observable  in  the  long  spur  N. 
of  Samaria.  The  rugged  and  barren  ap- 
pearance of  mount  Ephraim  is  due  to  the 
dolomite,  which  forms  steps  (as  in  the  scala 
limestone  of  Italy),  called  in  O.T.  the  "stairs" 
(Can.2. 14),  where  "  in  the  clefts  of  the  rock  " 
the  wild  dove  makes  its  nest.  The  watershed 
of  Benjamin,  near  Bethel,  is  equally  rocky 
and  barren,  and  to  E.  the  rugged  slopes  form 
a  desert  above  the  lower  Jordan  Valley.  Near 
Jerusalem  the  shed  falls  to  about  2,500  ft. 
above  the  sea,  and  the  Eocene  chalk  here 
covers  the  mezzeh  dolomite  on  Olivet, 
which  is  capped  by  nummulitic  limestone. 
Hence  the  only  spring  at  Jerusalem  is  found 
in  the  E.  valley  [Kidron],  the  shed  passing  W. 
of  the  city,  which  stands  on  the  slopes  im- 
mediately E.  and  appears  to  slide  down  to- 
wards the  Kidron.  The  Bethlehem  spur  runs 
out  E.  from  the  shed,  and  is  of  chalky  stone 
like  Olivet.  The  shed  again  rises  to  3,000  ft. 
above  the  sea  near  Hebron,  the  mountains 


636      PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

being  still  nf  hard  limestone.  The  mountain 
block  is  tlien  split  up  by  valleys  running 
parallel  to  each  other  S.W.,  and  it  ends  in 
spurs  sinking  to  about  1,000  ft.  above  the 
Mediterranean  near  Beek-sheba,  where  the 
Tih  plateau  [Paran]  begins,  rising  S.  to  about 
4,000  ft.  above  the  sea  at  the  great  descent  to 
the  desert  N.  of  Sinai.  In  Ji'dea,  W.  Pales- 
tine measures  50  miles  from  the  Mediterranean 
to  the  Jordan,  and  is  divided  across  into  four 
regions:  (i)  the  plain  (sddhi)  of  Shako.n 
and  PiMLiSTiA,  widening  from  5  miles  (E.  and 
W.)  near  the  Zerqa,  or  "  Crocodile  River,"  S. 
of  Carmel,  to  15  miles  at  Gaza;  (2)  the 
slvph'eld  [Sephela]  or  foot-hills,  formed  of 
Eocene  chalkv  limestone  ;  (3)  the  mountains 
(hdr),  of  hard  limestone  and  very  rugged  ; 
and  (4)  the  Jesiiimon,  or  desert  of  Judah — 
a  plateau  5  miles  broad,  about  2,000  ft.  above 
the  Dead  Sea  level  and  2,300  ft.  below  the 
main  watershed.  Long  sharp  ridges  of  chalk 
run  E.  and  W.  in  this  desert  plateau,  and  no 
water  occurs  on  the  surface.  Grass  is  found  in 
spring,  but  it  is  one  of  the  most  desolate 
regions  in  Palestine.  On  W.  of  the  Hebron 
mountains  the  three  great  valleys  of  Zeph- 
ATHAH,  Elah,  and  Sorek — enumerated 
from  S.  to  N. — all  ahke  at  first  run  N.,  and 
then  turn  W.,  so  that  the  sh'pheld  is  separated 
by  them  from  the  mountains.  Springs  occur 
on  the  surface  of  the  mountain  slopes,  and 
at  the  foot  of  them  ;  but  the  chalky  sJvpheld 
depends  mainly  on  wells,  yet  is  a  district  full 
of  corn  and  of  olive-groves,  about  15  miles  wide 
E.  and  W.  on  the  average.  The  maritime 
plain  is  a  rich  cornland,  with  rolling  downs  of 
calcareous  limestone,  and  with  shore  dunes 
of  blown  sand  from  Accho  to  Gaza ;  low 
cliffs  of  the  limestone  occur  in  places  along 
the  shore  under  the  dunes.  W.  Palestine  so 
described  is  separated  from  E.  Palestine  by 
the  Jordan  Valley  and  the  Dead  Sea.  E. 
of  the  river  the  plateaux  are  of  different  levels, 
that  of  Bashan  being  on  an  average  1,500  ft. 
above  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  a  fine  corn- 
plateau  in  parts,  and  in  parts  a  field  of  basalt 
with  precipitous  gorges  running  W.  The 
"hill  of  Bashan"  (5,700  ft.)  divides  it  from 
the  Syrian  Desert  on  E.  {Ps.68.15)-  In 
GiLEAD  the  mountains  W.  of  this  desert  rise 
as  high  as  3,600  ft.  at  Jebel  Osh'a:  and  S.  of 
this  again  the  Moab  plateau  (mtshor)  averages 
about  2,700  ft.  above  the  Mediterranean,  wiiile 
the  terrace  above  the  Dead  Sea  is  the  counter- 
part of  the  Jpshimon  W.  of  the  same,  both 
representing  tiie  bed  of  the  early  Miocene  gulf 
which  ran  up  far  into  S>Tia.  The  regions  thus 
described  are  named  in  O.T.  by  terms  which 
show  them  to  be  unchanged  in  character  and 
position,  such  as  hdr,  "mountain  region"; 
mishor,  "  plateau  "  ;  midhbdr,  "  desert"  ;  sh'- 
pheld, "lowland";  ^''Itlolh,  "downs":  sddh^ 
and  shdron,  "plain"  ;  'emeq,  a  "deep  valley"  ; 
nahal,  a  "  winter  torrent " ;  biq'd,  a  broad 
"  vale  "  between  mountain  chains  ;  Ray,  a 
"  ravine."  The  water  sujiply — including  the 
Jordan,  the  Kisiion,  the  Jauiiok,  the  Belus 
[SuiiioR-LiiiNATiil,  the  Crocodile  River  (Zerqa) 
which  flows  to  the  sea  just  S.  of  Careml,  and 
which  is  the  only  place  where  crocodiles  are 
found  in  Palestine,  with  the  Me-jarkon,  N.  of 
Joppa — is  equally  unchanged.     Several  other 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

streams  unnoticed  in  O.T.  water  Sharon,  and 
brooks  occur  in  (iilead  [Jaazer  ;  Ashdoth- 
pisgah],  with  torrents  like  Arnon,  Zered,  and 
Nahaliel,  flowing  into  the  Dead  Sea.  In 
the  regions  where  the  dolomite  limestone  is  on 
or  near  the  surface  there  are  natural  supplies, 
called  'ayin,  "spring"  ;  t'hom,  "depth";  gal, 
"stream";  'dphiq,  "brook";  or  mdqor, 
"source,"  in  O.T.  [Fountain;  River.] 
But  where  the  Eocene  chalk  is  the  surface 
formation,  the  water  supply,  as  of  old,  is 
artificial,  and  O.T.  mentions  it  under  the 
terms  b'V'r,  "  well,"  and  bor,  "  cistern." 
[Well  ;  Cistern.]  The  wells,  as  at  Beer- 
sheba,  Shechem,  Sirah,  etc.,  are  spring-wells 
sunk  to  the  siurface  of  the  impervious  strata, 
through  the  chalk,  or  shallow  excavations 
(Arab,  hafirah)  in  the  beds  of  torrents  ; 
whereas  the  cisterns  are  artificial  reservoirs 
for  the  rain  water,  while  the  b'rekhd  (or 
pool)  is  an  open  tank.  [Pool  ;  Pond.] 
The  straight  Palestine  coast  presents  no 
natural  harbours  of  any  importance.  The 
Carmel  promontory  gives  some  shelter  to  the 
bay  of  Haifa  from  the  S.W.  winter  storms, 
but  the  haven  does  not  appear  in  history  as 
a  port.  The  reefs  at  Accho  and  Joppa  were 
dangerous  in  winter,  and  the  harbour  of 
Caesarea  was  artificial  ;  at  Jabneel,  Ash- 
KELON,  and  Gaza  there  are  merely  landing- 
places,  and  no  Palestine  ports  even  equalled 
those  of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  The  natural 
higiiways  of  the  country  formed  the  trading 
routes  and  lines  of  advance  for  armies,  since 
no  roads,  properly  so  called,  were  made  before 
the  Roman  conquest.  One  of  these  high- 
ways (followed  by  Ramses  II.  in  14th  and 
Sennacherib  in  8th  cent,  b.c,  and  by  Crusaders 
in  1099  and  1191  a.d.)  led  along  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean ;  another — now  the 
Haj  route  from  Damascus  towards  Mecca — 
ran  over  the  plateaux  of  Gilead,  Moab,  and 
Edom,  descending  to  Elath.  It  was  this 
route  that  the  Israelites  struck  somewhere  S. 
of  Petra,  when  advancing  on  Moab.  It  ran 
N.  from  Damascus  to  Tadmor,  and  thus 
easily  reached  Hamath  and  Tiphsaii.  But 
the  great  trade  route  from  Egypt  to  Car- 
ciiEMisH  followed  the  plains  of  Philistia  and 
Sharon  to  a  point  N.  of  the  latitude  of 
Samaria,  where  the  great  valley  now  called 
Wddy  Selhab  {the  long)  gave  access, 
through  the  lower  hills  S.  of  Carmel,  to  the 
little  plain  of  Dothan,  which  is  a  branch  of 
the  Esdraelon  Plain  S.W.  of  Jcuin.  It  was 
on  this  line  that  the  Ishmaelites  from  Midian 
journeyed  in  the  time  of  Joseph  (Gen. 37. 25), 
and  the  armies  of  Thothmes  III.  and  of  Necho 
followed  the  same  route.  At  Jeuin  it  divided 
into  two,  one  road  skirting  the  Esdraelon 
Plain  on  W.,  past  Taanach  to  Accho  and 
Phoenicia  ;  the  other  skirting  the  same  plain 
on  E.  past  Jezreel,  and  descending  by  the 
valley  of  Jezreel  to  cross  the  Jordan  at  Beth- 
ABARA.  A  dilficult  ascent  then  led  to  the 
I'lateau  of  Golan  ;  but,  after  tliis,  the  road 
lay  in  plains  to  Damascus  (which  formed  the 
base  for  advance  on  Syria),  thus  avoiding 
the  high  mountains  of  Up[)er  Galilee,  and 
the  Lebanon,  which  was  impassable  until  the 
Rleutherus  Valley  was  reached  by  the  shore 
route. — Natural    Products.     The    writer    who 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

spoke  of  Palestine  as  "  a  land  whose  stones  are 
iron,  and  out  of  whose  hills  thou  mayest  dig 
copper  "  (Deut.8.9)  was  no  doubt  acquainted 
with  the  Egyptian  mines  in  Sinai  [Paran]  ; 
and  Jerome  speaks  of  copper  ores  dug  at  Punon 
in  Edom.  The  sandstones  in  S.  Lebanon  are 
impregnated  with  iron  ore,  and  iron  was 
well  known  in  W.  Asia  in  the  time  of  Moses 
(see  Amarna  tablets,  Berlin  No.  25),  and  to 
the  Akkadians  yet  earlier,  while  the  Egyptians 
called  it  by  its  Semitic  name  in  14th  cent. 
B.C.  El  Muqaddasi  (985  a.d.)  speaks  of  iron 
mines  above  Beiriit.  But  Palestine  never 
appears  in  history  as  a  country  famous  for  its 
mines,  and  the  Phoenicians  got  copper  from 
Cyprus  and  iron  from  Asia  Minor.  [Tarshish.] 
The  riches  of  Palestine  were  mainly  agri- 
cultural, and  the  climate — which  resembles 
that  of  Sicily — was  more  favourable  for  a 
variety  of  cereals  and  fruits  than  that  of 
either  Egypt  or  Babylonia.  [Agriculture.] 
The  fauna  and  flora  present  a  remarkable 
range  between  10,000  ft.  above  the  sea  and 
1,300  ft.  below  it.  The  woods  no  doubt  have 
been  thinned,  but  the  trees  and  plants  of  the 
Bible  are  all  still  found  in  Palestine.  The 
oak  and  the  terebinth  occur  often  as  single 
trees,  as  does  the  sycomore-fig.  [Jericho.] 
The  carob  [Husks]  is  another  of  these  solitary 
trees,  which  are  generally  sacred  to  the  Fella- 
hin.  The  stone-pine  (sinobdr)  is  not  native, 
and — though  mentioned  in  the  Talmud — bears 
a  Gk.  name  ;  but  the  native  fir  (Pinus  carica) 
forms  a  large  wood  N.  of  Heshbon,  and  occurs 
also  on  Carmel.  The  poplar,  common  near 
Damascus,  is  only  found  in  Palestine  proper  in 
any  numbers  at  the  Jordan  source.  The  plane 
(dilb)  occurs  often,  near  springs  thence  named. 
The  palm  is  found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kishon  in 
a  grove,  and  also  at  Gaza  :  it  flourishes  in  the 
deep  gorges  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  was 
cultivated  near  Jericho  in  the  time  of  our  Lord, 
but  in  the  mountains  it  very  rarely  occurs  (as 
a  cultivated  single  tree  in  the  cities).  The 
acacia,  the  tamarisk,  and  the  white  broom 
[Juniper]  are  desert  trees  and  shrubs,  found 
in  the  Jordan  Valley,  Moab,  and  the  desert 
of  Judah,  with  the  'osher  (Calotropis  procera), 
or  "  apple  of  Sodom."  The  chief  bushes  in  the 
copses,  on  the  hard  limestone,  include  dwarf 
oak,  mastic,  styrax  [Stacte],  hawthorn, 
arbutus,  and  occasionally  the  "  oil-tree,"  or 
wild  olive  {'azztln),  and  myrtle.  The  oleander 
along  river  banks  grows  to  the  size  of  a  large 
tree  at  'Ardq  el  Emir  in  Gilead.  The  apple 
is  cultivated  on  Lebanon  and  at  Jaffa.  El 
Muqaddasi  (985  a.d.)  speaks  of  "  excellent 
apples "  at  Jerusalem.  The  vine  flourishes 
best  in  the  mountains,  where  the  heat  of  the 
sun,  reflected  from  hard  rocks,  ripens  the 
grapes,  which  are  swelled  by  the  autumn 
mists.  The  olive,  on  the  other  hand,  though 
found  in  the  mountains  and  on  the  plains, 
prefers  the  Eocene  chalk  of  the  sh^pheld 
hills.  The  almond  and  pomegranate  occur 
when  cultivated,  and  the  mulberry  appears  to 
have  been  also  an  early  cultivated  tree,  now 
found  in  gardens,  especially  at  Shechem.  The 
walnut  (Arab,  joz,  "  a  pair  "  or  "  double  " 
nut)  may  also  have  been  known  early.  Among 
plants,  the  Egyptian  papyrus  is  foimd  both  at 
Gebal  cind  in  the  Huleh  swamps,  as  well  as 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE      637 

the  Syrian  species.  The  bare  mountains  of 
Samaria  are  covered  with  thyme,  mint,  and 
the  prickly  belldn  (Poterium  spinosum),  a 
rosaceous  shrub.  The  marjoram  grows  in 
ruins  [Hyssop],  and  the  cistus  [Ladanum) 
and  crocus  are  common  flowers,  with  the 
narcissus  [Sharon].  In  spring  the  Jordan 
Valley  and  the  Sharon  Plain  are  carpeted 
with  flowers,  among  which  the  red  pheasant's 
eye  and  the  pink  phlox  are  conspicuous,  with 
yellow  marigolds  and  cyclamens.  The 
cereals  and  vegetables  are  mainly  grown  in 
the  plains.  The  gum-tragacanth  and  balm 
(Gen. 37. 25),  honey,  styrax,  pistachios,  and 
cistus,  with  the  almonds,  noticed  in  Gen. 43. 11 
as  sent  to  Egypt,  were  all  native  products 
of  Palestine.  Solomon's  bride  (Can. 1.13,14) 
says :  "  My  beloved,  I  have  a  bunch  of 
myrrh  lying  in  my  breast.  My  beloved  is  to 
me  as  a  cluster  of  henna  in  the  vineyards  of 
En-gedi."  The  henna  plant  (Lawsonia  iner- 
mis)  is  still  found  as  a  fragrant  shrub,  used  for 
painting  the  nails  and  palms,  and  grows  at 
En-gedi.  In  the  time  of  our  Lord  it  was  culti- 
vated near  Jericho.  [Camphire.]  The  fauna  of 
Palestine  is  unchanged,  like  its  flora,  except 
for  the  extinction  of  the  lion  and  the  unicorn 
{r'"em,  or  "  wild  bull  ")  ;  the  bones  of  both 
have,  however,  been  found.  The  leopard 
[nimr)  is  still  known  in  the  Jordan  Valley, 
with  the  wolf.  Foxes,  jackals,  hyenas,  and 
wild  boar  are  found  in  the  uncultivated 
districts,  and  the  "  coney "  (Hyrax)  among 
the  rocks  of  the  desert  of  Judah  ;  but  the  bear 
is  now  only  known  on  the  summit  of  Hermon. 
The  wild  ass,  the  ostrich,  and  the  bubale 
are  confined  to  the  S^nrian  desert,  but  antelopes, 
fallow  deer,  and  the  roebuck  [Roe]  are 
known  in  W.  Palestine,  and  the  ibex  occurs  in 
large  droves  near  En-gedi  (iSam.24.2).  The 
buffalo  (in  the  Zerqa  swamps  S.  of  Carmel) 
was  brought  by  the  Turkomans  to  Palestine 
in  a  later  age,  and  the  cat  was  in  like  manner 
introduced  after  Bible  times.  Mules  are  never 
mentioned  in  the  Pentateuch  (see  R.V.  in 
Gen. 36. 24),  but  David  had  one  (1K.I.33), 
and  they  appear  as  pack  animals  on  an 
Assyrian  bas-relief  in  7th  cent.  b.c.  The 
ass  and  the  horse,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
known  very  early.  In  like  manner  domestic 
fowls  are  unnoticed  in  O.T.,  though  known  in 
the  time  of  our  Lord  (Solomon's  "  fatted 
fowl  "  (iK.4.23)  were  "geese  " — as  in  Egypt — 
according  to  the  Targum) ;  and  while  flax  is 
mentioned  in  the  Pentateuch,  cotton  and  silk — 
which  became  known  in  the  Persian  age — 
are  unnoticed  in  the  Law.  The  peculiarities 
of  the  Jordan  Valley  fauna  have  been  noted 
already.  The  sea  of  Galilee  now  contains  many 
species  of  fresh -water  fish.  Among  insects 
the  wild  bee  {Apis  fasciata)  may  be  mentioned 
with  the  cochineal  insect  (Is.7.i8),  which  feeds 
on  the  Syrian  oak,  but  is  now  fed  on  the 
cactus — a  later  introduction  into  Palestine. 
Snakes  and  scorpions  are  common,  with 
occasional  locust  swarms.  The  birds  noticed 
In  the  Pentateuch  (Lev. 11 ;  Dent. 14)  are  sea 
and  desert  birds.  The  heron  is  still  found, 
and  the  pelican  in  the  Huleh  Lake  and  on  the 
Mediterranean,  with  the  cormorant.  The 
stork  visits  the  Jordan  Valley  in  spring,  on  its 
way  N.     The  "  lapwing  "   is  not  imcommon, 


638      PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

but  the  bird  iutcuded  is  clearly  the  hoopoe, 
which  is  often  seen.  Birds  of  prey  are  nu- 
merous, including  eagles,  falcons,  vultures, 
kites,  hawks,  ravens,  crows,  and  jackdaws, 
with  great  and  small  owls.  The  game  birds 
include  the  Greek  partridge  and  a  small  desert 
species,  with  quails,  and  (in  the  S.  deserts)  the 
pintail  grouse;  woodcock  are  found  in  the  woods 
of  Lower  Galilee.  Wild  doves  and  pigeons, 
swallows,  cranes,  sparrows  (including  the 
Passer  moabiticus)  are  numerous  in  the  wilds, 
with  the  beautiful  black  grackle  of  the  Jordan 
Valley.  The  bee-eater,  roller,  and  migratory 
hawk  are  conspicucms  in  the  plains  in  spring  ; 
and  sunbirds  have  found  their  way  from 
Africa  to  the  Jordan  Valley  and  to  Jaffa.  The 
"  Badoer  skins"  of  the  Bible  (Ex. 26. 14)  are 
probably  the  hides  of  the  porpoise — common 
in  the  Red  Sea  and  Mediterranean  ;  but  seals 
(perhaps  from  the  Black  Sea)  have  been  found 
off  the  coast  of  Palestine.  The  wild  sheep — 
perhaps  the  "  Chamois  "  of  A.V. — is  now  only 
known  in  Cyprus,  but  appears  to  be  the  koi 
of  the  Mishna,  mentioned  in  Lebanon.  The 
crocodile  (Leviathan)  still  exists — as  in  the 
time  of  Pliny — in  the  river  S.  of  Carmel  ; 
but  Behemoth  is  not  known  in  the  Jordan 
Valley  (see  Job  40. 23).  Modern  scholars  (for 
this  view,  see  Behemoth;  Nile)  follow  a  late 
Coptic  translation  in  identifying  this  "beast" 
with  the  hippopotamus,  which  could  only 
have  been  known  in  Egypt  ;  but  the  latter 
does  not  feed  in  the  mountains,  it  has  not 
a  "  tail  like  a  cedar,"  nor  a  "  nose "  to 
destroy  snares.  Buxtorf  and  the  A.V.  marg. 
are  therefore  perhaps  more  correct  in 
pointing  to  the  elephant,  which  existed  on 
the  Euphrates  in  i6th  cent.  b.c.  Ivory  is 
not  uncommonly  found  in  excavations  both 
in  Palestine  and  in  Phoenicia  :  the  "  Jordan  " 
drunk  up  by  Behemoth  was,  however,  probably 
some  "  great  river "  outside  Palestine. 
[Jordan.] — Inhabitants.  The  first  known  in- 
habitants of  Palestine  were  migrants  from 
Mesopotamia,  and  belonged  to  the  two  races  of 
that  region — the  Akkadian  or  Mongolic,  and 
the  Aramean  or  Semitic,  stocks.  The  former 
race  was  found  to  a  late  period  (600  b.c.)  in 
Syria,  and  their  earlier  presence  in  the  S. 
is  indicated  by  the  occurrence  of  their  syllabic 
emblems  on  the  pottery  of  Lachish  and  Gezer. 
[Writing.]  The  latter  race  must  have  been 
present  before  1600  b.c.  (and  probably  much 
earli(,'r),  since  the  nomenclature  of  I'alestine — 
in  the  lists  of  Thothmcs  IIL — is  Aramaic  at 
this  date  ;  while,  a  century  later,  the  Baby- 
lonian language  was  used  by  the  chiefs  of 
Palestine  writing  to  the  Pharaohs.  We  are 
informed  in  O.T.  ((ien.l0.6-i<))  that  the 
early  inhabitants  of  Canaan,  or  W.  Palestine, 
were  of  the  race  of  Ham,  to  which  also  Cush 
belonged,  including  the  earlier  Babylonians. 
But  some  of  the  tribal  names  are  clearly 
Semitic,  indicating  the  same  mixed  poinilation 
found  historically,  as  early  at  least  as  2250  b.c, 
in  Babylonia.  The  terms  Amorite  (probably 
"  highlander  "),  Canaanite  f)r  "  lowlander," 
Hivite  or  "  tribesman,"  Perizzite  or  "  villager," 
arc  descriptive  Semitic  terms,  though  the 
names  of  the  Hittite,  Jebusite,  and  Girgashite 
appear  mor<!  probably  to  be  Mongolic  (see 
Gcn.l5. 19-21) ;  and  these  seven  nations  were 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  whom  the 
Hebrews  slaughtered.  There  is  no  indication 
in  the  Bible  of  any  Aryan  tribe  [Images] 
in  Palestine  ;  for  even  the  Philistines  were 
Semitic,  according  to  both  the  monumental 
evidence  and  O.T.  Fair  tribes  from  the  N. 
invaded  Palestine  in  the  14th  cent.  B.C.  on 
their  way  to  Egypt,  but  were  driven  back. 
Early  pottery  at  Lachish  and  Gezer  resembles 
that  of  .Mycenae,  but  the  suggestion  that  this 
proves  the  presence  of  civilized  Aryans  leaves 
out  of  account  the  fact  that  this  pottery  is 
also  found  in  N.  Syria  and  Cappodocia.  It 
is  marked  with  signs  of  the  Hittite  syllabary  ; 
and,  far  from  proving  the  presence  of  settled 
Hellenic  tribes,  it  indicates  that  they  (as  is 
well  proven  by  other  evidence)  took  originally 
all  their  civilization  from  the  Mongolic  and 
Semitic  populations  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 
The  first  indication  of  the  presence  of  Aryans 
settled  near  Palestine  is  found  in  the  names  of 
Gk.  kings  in  Cvpri's  ;  and  soon  after  the 
Persians  became  rulers  of  W.  Asia.  Gk. 
influence  on  the  Palestine  population  belongs 
to  the  4th  or  3rd  cent.  B.C.  at  earliest.  The 
Hebrews  never  succeeded  in  quite  exter- 
minating the  old  Canaanite  population,  which, 
after  the  fall  of  Samaria  in  721  b.c,  was  rein- 
forced by  fresh  Aramaic  colonists  from  S\Tia 
and  Mesopotamia.  In  Phiiistia  from  c.  2000 
B.C.  there  was  very  probably  an  Egyptian 
element  ;  and  we  are  told  that  Hittites 
(who  were  clearly  not  Semitic)  dwelt  as  far 
S.  as  Jerusalem  and  Hebron  in  earlv  times 
(Geu.23.3,27.46,36.2  ;  Ezk.l6.43),— statements 
which  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  though  the 
Hittites  were  driven  N.  by  Thothmes  III. 
from  Megiddo.  The  modern  Fellahin  appear 
still  to  present  a  considerable  Aramaic  element, 
mingled  with  later  Arab  blood  no  doubt,  but 
very  distinct  irom.  pure  .^rabs,  and  much 
resembling  the  population  of  Palestine  as 
represented  on  the  "  Black  Obelisk,"  on 
Sennacherib's  picture  of  Lachish,  or  on  the 
yet  earlier  Egyptian  bas-reliefs  which  picture 
the  tribes  of  Palestine  and  S>Tia.  A  Gk. 
population — probably  from  Egypt — is  in- 
dicated by  inscriptions  found  in  Phiiistia, 
but  this  refers  to  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.,  and  the 
earlier  texts  of  Bashan  show  a  Gk.  element 
mingled  with  Aramaic  and  Arab  stocks 
somewhat  later.  The  Moslem  invasion  in 
637  A.D.  added  a  strong  N.  Xrah  element, 
which — in  Mt>ab — has  been  reinforced  in 
quite  recent  times  ;  but  the  pure  -•Vrabs  of  the 
upper  class  are  very  different  in  type  from 
the  Assyrian-looking  Fellahin.  or  "  plough- 
men," who  are  the  peasantry  of  Palestine. 
In  the  Middle  Ages  the  Turkomans,  who  are 
numerous  in  Syria,  migrated  S.,  and  Turko- 
man tribes  still  exist  in  the  plains  of  lisdraelon 
and  Sharon.  A  few  Circassians  in  Bashan  and 
Gilead,  and  Bosnians  at  Carsarea.  have  been 
established  within  the  last  (piarter  of  a 
century.  The  Turks  are  only  represented  by 
t)fficials,  some  of  whom  also  are  Kurds  ;  the 
I'Vanks  have  left  no  impress  on  the  iioi)ulation, 
though  colonizing  Palestine  for  two  centuries 
(1100-1201  A.n.)  Among  the  Christians  there 
is  much  modern  Greek  and  some  Italian 
blood.  German  colonists  live  at  Haifa  and 
at     Jerusalem.     Finally     the     Jews     mostly 


«^J    ^ 


l»ALESTiNA,  PALESTINE 

from  Poland  and  Russia— have  gradually  in- 
creased in  numbers  since  1881,  and,  in  the 
cities  and  agricultural  colonies,  are  now  said 
to  amount  to  80,000  souls,  out  of  a  population 
which  does  not  exceed  600,000  in  W.  Palestine. 
— Divisions.  The  earliest  description  of  de- 
finite boundaries  in  Palestine  is  found  in  the 
book  of  Joshua,  which  gives  an  account  of 
the  tribe  boundaries,  clearly  written  by  one 
who  had  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
whole  country.  These  boundaries  have  been 
described  in  detail  under  the  names  of  the 
tribes  ;  but  the  following  summary  of  areas 
and  populations  will  show  the  distribution 
of  the  Heb.  population,  according  to  the 
capacity  of  various  districts  to  support  a 
greater  or  less  density  of  inhabitants :  for 
Josephus  rightly  remarks  (5  Ant.  i.  21) 
"  that  one  acre  of  some  sort  of  land  was 
equivalent   to   a   thousand   other   acres." 

Table  of  Density   of  Population 


Tribe 

Groicn 

Square 

Density 

Remarks 

name 

males 

m  iles  of  per  sq. 

on  country 

Num.  26 

the  lot 

mile 

Reuben 

43,730 

400 

109 

Corn  lands 

Gad 

40,500 

1,300 

31 

Mountains 

Manasseh,  E. 

26,350 

2,500 

11 

Part  held 

Simeon 

22,200 

1,000 

22 

Desert 

Judah 

76,500 

1,400 

55 

Part  held 

Dan 

64,400 

400 

161 

Corn  lands 

Benjamin   . . 

45,600 

400 

114 

Pt.  mountain 

Ephraim     . . 

32,500 

300 

108 

Mountain 

Manasseh  ,W. 

26,350 

1,300 

20 

Part  held 

Issachar 

64,300 

400 

161 

Corn  lands 

Zebulun 

60,500 

300 

202 

Corn  lands 

Asher 

53,400 

300 

178 

Corn  lands 

NaphtaU     . . 

45,400 

800 

57 

Mountains 

The  total  of  601,730  grown  men  represents  a 
population  of  about  3  millions  in  10,000  square 
miles  (allowing  for  unconquered  land),  or  300 
persons  to  the  square  mile,  which  is  three 
times  the  present  sparse  population,  and  inter- 
mediate in  density  between  the  present  popu- 
lations of  England  and  Italy.  But  considering 
the  density  of  the  population  of  the  Roman 
empire  in  the  2nd  cent,  a.d.,  and  the  evidence 
afforded  by  ruins  of  that  age  in  Palestine — 
often  representing  ten  ruined  sites  for  one  in- 
habited village — it  cannot  be  said  that  there 
is  anything  incredible  in  the  numbers  of  the 
O.T.  census  (c/.  2Sam.24.9)  if  applying  to 
Israel  when  settled  in  Palestine.  They  would 
allow  of  an  additional  Canaanite  population  in 
regions  like  Philistia  and  Bashan,  which  were 
only  conquered  in  part  before  the  reign  of 
Solomon.  They  represent  a  density  propor- 
tional to  the  character  of  the  country  occupied, 
ranging  from  perhaps  50  persons  per  square 
mile  in  the  deserts  to  1,000  persons  in  the 
thickly  populated  rich  lands  of  Lower  Galilee, 
which  had  also  a  thick  population  in  the  time 
of  our  Lord  (judging  from  the  number  of  ancient 
villages),  and  which  is  still  very  fully  inhabited. 
The  more  rugged  mountain  regions  had  an 
average  population  of  about  250  persons  to 
the  square  mile.  This  calculation  supposes  an 
average  of  5  persons  for  every  grown  male, 
which  is  perhaps  rather  in  excess  than  other- 
wise. The  next  account  of  the  division  of  the 
land  of  Israel  occurs  in  the  time  of  Solomon 
(1K.4.7-19),  when  twelve  officers  were  ap- 
pointed,each  over  a  province,  as  rulers  who  sent 
supplies  to  the  king,  each  for  a  month,  or  about 


1»ALESTINA,  I>ALESTINE      639 

8  per  cent,  of  the  total  produce.    These  twelve 
districts  appear  to  answer  to  the  twelve  tribal 
lots,  enumerated    in  the  following  order  :    i. 
Ephraim,  2.  Dan,  3.  Judah,  4.  Manasseh  W.  of 
Jordan,  5.  Issachar,  6.  Manasseh  E.  of  Jordan, 
7.   Gad,   8.    Naphtali,   9.   Asher,    10.   Zebulun 
(probably    in    part,    though    the    text    reads 
Issachar),    11.    Benjamin,    and    12.    Reuben. 
Simeon  is  not  noticed,  as  the  tribe  was  broken 
up  in  the  time  of  David  (iChr.4.31) ;  and  the 
neghebh  or  "dry  land"  round  Beer-sheba,  was 
also   not   capable   of  furnishing  the  supplies 
(iK.4.22,23)  which  Solomon  received.     After 
Solomon's  death  the  country  was  again  divided 
into   two   kingdoms,  of   which  Judah    (about 
2,000  sq.  m.)  was   much   smaller  than   Israel 
(about  6,000),  since  it  appears  that — at  least  in 
the  time  of  Ahab — all  the  country  E.  of  Jordan 
except  Bashan  belonged  to  the  northern  king- 
dom.    The   boundary  did  not   exactly   agree 
with  the  old  tribal  border  of  Benjamin,  since 
Bethel    was    held    by    Jeroboam,    and   even 
Ramah,  farther  S.  by  Baasha  of  Israel  (iK.15. 
17)  ;    and  for  this  reason  the  term   "  mount 
Ephraim  "  was  extended  in  this  age  beyond 
the    tribal    limits.     [Ephraim.]     Gibbethon 
( I  K.16. 15, 17)  appears  also  to  have  been  claimed 
by  Israel,  and  was  nearly  W.  of  Bethel.     This 
border  between  Judah  and  Samaria  was  ap- 
parently  unaltered   till    146    B.C.,    when    the 
acquisition  of  three  "  toparchies  "  on  the  N. 
pushed  back  the  Samaritan  border  to  the  line 
occupied  in  the  time   of  our  Lord.     [Judea.J 
The  three  provinces  of  Judaea,  Samaria,  and 
Galilee,  first  mentioned  in  the  2nd  cent,  b.c, 
were  fairly  even  divisions,    Judaea  being  the 
largest  and  Galilee  the  smallest.     E.  of  Jordan 
there  were  two  provinces  in  the  Herodian  age — 
namely,  Bashan  and  Peraea — and  the  ancient 
land   of   Israel   was   then   divided   into   three 
"  tetrarchies "    on   the   death   of   Herod   the 
Great,  Archelaus  receiving  Judaea,    Samaria, 
and  Idumaea,  while  Herod  Antipas  ruled  Gali- 
lee and  Peraea,  and  Philip  ruled  Bashan  and 
Abilene.     With  the  later  Christian  division  of 
Palestine,  with  that  of  the  12th  cent,  into  fiefs, 
and  with  the  modern  Turkish  districts,  we  are 
not     here     concerned. — History.     The     Bible 
history   of   Palestine   begins   with   Abraham's 
joiu-ney  throughout  its  length,  from  Haran  and 
Syria  ;   but  it  appears  that  the  Hebrew  family 
of   shepherds   found   the   country   alreadv   in 
possession  of  a  settled  and  civilized  population. 
Whether  this  civilization  was  as  old  as  the  time 
when  Sargina,  the  "  founder  king  "  of  Chaldea, 
who  reigned  "  after  the  flood,"  conquered  the 
W.  to  the  Mediterranean  [Syria],  is  as  yet  un- 
known.    A  later  Semitic  ruler  of  Mesopotamia 
(supposed  by  the  Babylonians  of  the  6th  cent. 
B.C.  to  have  been  Sargina's  son)  was  named 
Naram-Sin,  and  is  said  to  have  fought  in  Ma- 
gan  (or  Sinai),  which  suggests  that  he  also  held 
Palestine.     The  famous  Hammurabi,  the  sixth 
king  of  Babylon  (2139-2094  b.c),  was  identi- 
fied by  Rawlinson  with  Amraphel  (Gen. 14. i) 
as  a  contemporary  of  Abraham,   and  we  are 
told  that  he  invaded  Palestine  while  yet  under 
the  suzerainty  of  Elam — that  is  to  say,  before 
the  30th  year  of  his  reign.     That  the  country 
should  then  have  contained  cities  and  mer- 
chants, orchards,  and  a  silver  currency,  does 
not   astonish  us,  since  we  have   become   ac- 


640     PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

quaiuted  with  the  very  complete  civilization 
of  Hammurabi's  empire.  His  power  very  prob- 
ably extended  over  all  Palestine  ;  for,  even 
earlier  than  his  time,  the  Asiatic  emigrants  had 
overrun  the  Nile  delta  as  Hyksos,  or  shepherd 
kings.  .A.mraphers  raid  on  E.  Palestine  led 
through  Bashan,  Gilead,  and  Moab  to  Kadesh, 
and  back  by  En-gedi  to  the  Jordan  Valley,  and 
thence  to  Damascus.  The  Babylonian  supre- 
macy was  lost,  however,  when  his  dynasty  de- 
cayed, and  about  1700  b.c.  the  first  king  of  the 
i8th  Egyptian  dynasty  appeared  on  the  S. 
frontier  at  Sharuhen.  Early  in  the  i6th 
cent  B.C.,  after  his  first  great  victory  [Megid- 
Do],  Thothmes  HI.  conquered  all  the  lowlands 
along  the  trade  route  to  Damascus.  His  list 
of  119  towns  in  Palestine  does  not  include  any 
beyond  Jordan,  except  in  Bashan,  or  any  in 
the  high  mountains  of  Ephraim  and  Judah  ; 
but  among  the  most  certain  sites  in  the  enu- 
meration we  find  (as  detailed  under  their  proper 
headings)  such  places  as  Megiddo,  Dothan, 
Rabbith,  Damascus,  Edrei,  Abil  (of  Decapolis), 
Hammath,  Madon,  Lasharon,  Amathus 
[Zaphon],  Kenath,  .\shteroth,  Hazor,  Chin- 
nereth,  .\damah,  Kishion,  Shunem,  Misheal, 
Achshaph,  Taauach,  Ibleam,  Kcdesh  (of 
Issachar),  .\naharath,  Ophel,  and  Nekeb,  in 
Bashan  and  Lower  Galilee  ;  while,  farther  S  , 
the  list  includes  Joppa,  Lod,  Ono,  Shochoh, 
Naamah,  Hadid,  Saphir,  Rakkon,  Gcrar, 
Aroer,  Lebaoth,  Rehoboth,  .'\ium,  Carmel, 
Rabbath  (of  Judah),  Sharaim,  En-gannim 
(of  Judah),  and Gibeah, also  of  Judah,  thus  in- 
cluding the  sh'pheld  on  E.,  and  the  neghebh 
on  S.,  as  well  as  the  Philistine  plains.  These 
towns  were  held  by  forces  of  chariots  which 
could  not  reach  the  higher  mounteiins  ;  but  in 
the  time  of  Amenophis  III.  (after  1500  b.c.) 
Jerusalem  was  garrisoned  with  Egyptian  bow- 
men, as  we  learn  from  the  letters  of  its  .\morite 
king  in  the  Amarna  collection.  In  this  reign 
(c.  1480  B.C.  or  a  little  later)  the  great  Amorite 
rebellion  broke  out  [Svria],  and  the  'Abiri 
appeared  in  S.  Palestine  as  conquerors  from 
Seir,  exterminating  the  native  chiefs.  They 
are  only  mentioned  in  the  Jerusalem  letters  of 
the  Amarna  collection,  and  their  conquests  in- 
cluded Ajalon,  Lachish,  and  .\shkelon.  The 
Hebrew  conquest  occurred  (according  to  Hcb. 
of  O.T.)  just  about  this  time,  and  there  appears 
to  be  no  reason  for  doubting  that  the  Hebrews 
here  appear  for  the  first  time  in  monumental 
records.  Amenophis  IV.  was  contemporary, 
as  we  learn  from  the  same  correspondence,  with 
Burna-Burias  of  Babylon,  who  acceded  c.  1440 
B.C.,  and  under  this  Pharaoh  the  Egyptian  hold 
on  Palestine  appears  to  have  been  entirely  lost. 
With  the  rise  of  the  ic)th  dynasty  it  was  in 
part  recovered  ;  and  Seti  I.,  early  in  the  14th 
cent.  B.C.,  even  reached  Kana'an  (now  the  ruin 
Kana'an  S.  of  Hebron)  and  left  a  monument  in 
Bashan.  Ramses  II.  recaptured  Ashkelou, 
and  various  towns  in  Lower  Galilee  [TATiOk], 
and  has  left  monuments  at  Sidon  aiul  Beirut, 
and  also  at  Deir  Eyub,  in  the  middle  of  Bashan, 
where  the  so-called  "  Stone  of  Job  "  is  carved 
with  an  ligyptian  bas-relief  of  this  conqueror. 
But  the  ICgyptian  hold  on  the  country  was 
precarious,  and  it  was  full  of  wild  robbers  who 
pillaged  Egyptian  officials,  as  we  learn  from 
the    Travels  of  a   Mohar  in  the  same    reign. 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

Merenpath  (or  Menephtah),  the  next  Pharaoh, 
was  attacked  in  Egypt  by  tribes  coming  from 
the  far  N.  He  repelled  them  and,  according 
to  his  own  account,  followed  them  as  far  N. 
as  Kanah,  neeu:  Tyre.  In  this  record  occurs 
the  first  allusion  to  Israel — "  The  people  of 
Israel  is  ruined,  it  has  no  seed."  These  events 
belong  to  the  days  of  the  Judges,  who  from 
time  to  time  rose  to  repel  the  tyrants,  from 
Egypt  and  from  Mesopotamia,  who  afflicted 
the  Hebrews.  It  is  notable  that  their  history 
relates  almost  entirely  to  the  mountain 
country,  and  that  the  plains  were  held  by 
Canaanites  having  forces  of  chariots  and  by 
Philistines  under  petty  kings.  These  prob- 
ably still  acknowledged  the  Pharaoh  as  their 
over-lord.  From  1400  to  1000  B.C.  Assyria  and 
Babylon  were  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  supre- 
macy E.  of  the  Euphrates,  and  after  the  time 
of  Ramses  III.  Egyptian  power  also  began  to 
decay  ;  so  that  the  age  of  Saul,  David,  and 
Solomon  was  one  in  which  it  became  historic- 
ally possible  to  found  an  independent  Hebrew 
kingdom  in  Palestine  and  Syria.  But  of  this 
age  we  have  as  yet  no  monumental  records, 
since  neither  Assyria  nor  Egypt  had  any 
victories  in  Palestine  to  boast.  It  was  only 
after  Solomon's  death  that  Shishak  of  Egypt 
(c.  g6o  B.C.  or  a  little  later)  was  able  to  make 
a  list  which  probably  represents  at  least  100 
towns  conquered  by  him,  mostly  in  the  low- 
lands. The  monument  is  in  a  very  ruinous 
condition,  but  the  more  certain  names  include 
Gaza.  Megiddo,  Rabbith,  Taauach,  Shunem, 
Haphraim,  (iibeou,  Beth-horon.  .\jalon,  Mak- 
kedah,  Jehud,  Ono,  Elon,  Keilah,  Shochoh, 
Migdol,  .^roer,  Giloh,  Anim,  Adoraim,  .\rad, 
Berecah,  Beth-anoth,  and  Zior,  showing  that 
Shishak  conquered  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
while  the  last  broken  name  (lura  . . .)  is  believed 
by  Maspero  to  stand  for  "  Jerusalem,"  which 
we  know  to  have  been  spoiled  by  Shishak  (iK. 
14.25),  w'hose  conquests  were  even  more  ex- 
tensive in  (ialilee  than  we  should  have  gathered 
from  the  O.T.  allusion.  The  kingdoms  of  Israel 
and  Judah  maintained  a  diminished  independ- 
ence till  the  fall  of  Daniascusin  732  b.c,  when 
the  first  Heb.  captives  were  taken  by 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  from  (iilead  and  Galilee. 
The  fall  of  Samaria  occurred  only  10  years 
later,  and  the  Assyrians,  in  702  b.c,  fought 
their  way  along  the  plains  to  the  borders  of 
Egypt.  It  is  interesting  in  this  connexion  to 
note  the  .\ssyrian  records  of  the  numbers  of  the 
Hebrews  in  this  age.  Thus  from  Samaria 
Sargon  took  27,280  captives,  and  Sennacherib, 
attacking  the  western  towns  of  Hezekiah, 
claiius  to  have  taken  200,130  prisoners,  when 
he  "  diminished  the  kingdom  "  of  Jerusalem, 
after  his  contiuest  of  Joppa,  Benc-berak,  Azur 
( Yaztir),  Timnah,  and  Eltekeh,  besides  Ekron 
and  .\shkelon.  Though  defeated  by  Tirhakah, 
who  seems  to  have  followed  Sennacherib  far 
N.,  the  .Assyrian  monarch,  after  taking  Lachish, 
received  tribute  from  Hezekiah  ;  and  Manasseh 
was  also  tributary  to  lisar-haddon  and  Assur- 
bani-pal.  But  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  was  not 
accomplished  till  it  was  taken  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar in  588  B.C.  Palestine  then  passed  suc- 
cessively under  the  power  of  the  Persians, 
after  538  b.c,  and  of  the  Macedonians,  after 
332  B.C.  ;    and  great  as  was  the  religious  im- 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

portance  of  the  return  from  captivity,  politi- 
cally it  was  of  small  interest,  until  the  tyranny 
of  Antiochus  IV.  in  i68  b.c.  led  to  the  great 
religious  revolt  under  Judas  Maccabaeus, 
which  finally  secured  some  measure  of  Hebrew 
freedom,  till  Palestine  was  conquered  by 
Rome  under  Pompey  in  63  b.c.  The  success- 
ful reign  of  Herod  the  Edomite  (37  to  4  e.g.) 
was  soon  followed  by  direct  Roman  rule,  until 
the  great  revolt  was  brought  about  by  the 
bad  government  of  Nero,  and  Judaism  (in 
70  A.D.)  was  crushed  beneath  the  feet  of 
the  image  of  iron  and  clay.  Even  later,  in 
135  A.D.,  a  vain  attempt  to  recover  Hebrew 
freedom  was  stamped  out  by  Hadrian  at 
Bether  (Bittir),  close  to  the  ruined  Holy  City 
on  the  S.W.  After  this  the  Jews  under  the 
tolerant  rule  of  the  great  Antonines  appear 
to  have  accepted  the  inevitable,  and  settled 
down  as  Roman  subjects.  With  the  later 
history  of  Palestine  we  are  not  here  concerned, 
but  the  great  epochs  date  from  the  Moslem 
victory  on  the  Yermuq  in  637  a.d.,  the  Seljuk 
conquest  c.  1083  a.d.,  that  of  the  Franks  in 
1099  A.D.,  and  the  loss  of  Acre  to  Christendom 
in  1291  A.D.  The  country  then  became  an 
Egyptian  province,  till  conquered  again  by 
Turks  in  15 18  a.d.  Palestine  in  the  time  of 
our  Lord  was  enjoying  a  period  of  comparative 
peace  and  prosperity,  before  the  final  struggle 
with  Rome,  which  was  a  death-blow  to  the 
ancient  system  represented  by  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem.  It  was  thus  destined  to  become 
the  Holy  Land  of  Jew,  Christian,  and  Moslem 
alike.  The  words  of  Jesus  were,  to  the 
teaching  of  Shammai,  what  the  quiet  beauty 
of  the  dove-haunted  woods  of  Galilee  is  to 
the  rugged  and  barren  mountains  that  stand 
round  stony  Jerusalem — the  last  stronghold 
of  Rabbinic  formalism.  The  fall  of  the 
city  in  70  a.d.  broke  the  last  link  that  con- 
nected the  Christianity  of  Greece,  Italy,  Egypt, 
and  Asia  Minor  with  the  more  rigidly  Jewish 
Christianity  of  St.  Peter  in  Palestine. — Anti- 
quities. Scientific  exploration  by  means  of 
excavations  dates  from  the  mining  of  Jeru- 
salem by  Warren  in  1868.  It  was  not  until 
1890  that  any  serious  attempt  was  made  to 
excavate  other  towns,  since  when  Lachish, 
Gath,  Taanach,  and  Gezer  have  been  ex- 
amined, as  detailed  under  those  headings. 
Survey  of  the  country  (1872-1882)  natmrally 
preceded  the  selection  of  such  sites,  and  added 
some  150  Bible  names  to  the  300  (out  of  a  total 
of  600)  previously  known.  Even  now  we  are 
only  at  the  beginning  of  excavation  ;  and  im- 
portant places  such  as  Caesarea,  Samaria,  and 
Herodium  remain  untouched,  while  Moabite 
texts  may  still  await  the  spade  in  Heshbon  and 
Dibon.  But  what  has  been  already  accom- 
plished has  revolutionized  our  ideas  as  to  the 
civilization  of  Palestine  from  the  time  of 
Abraham  onwards.  The  majority  of  the  ruins 
are  naturally  of  later  ages,  representing  the 
work  of  Romans  and  Byzantines,  Arabs,  Cru- 
saders, and  later  Moslem  Khalifs  of  Egypt. 
But  deep  down  in  the  mounds  of  ancient  cities 
we  now  find  evidence  of  the  high  civilization  of 
Amorites,  Canaanites,  and  Philistines,  and 
later  remains  of  Hebrews  and  Greeks.  The 
oldest  structures  are  probably  the  rude  stone 
monuments — dolmens,  menhirs,  and  circles — 


PALESTINA,  PALESTINE      641 

found  in  such  numbers  E.  of  Jordan  [Dan  ; 
ToB  ;    Moab]  ;    for  though  they  might  be  of 
almost  any  period,  yet  the  discoveries  at  Gath 
and  Gezer  point  to  their  Canaanite  origin  c. 
2000  B.C.      It  is  remarkable  that  while  they 
have  remained  untouched  on  the  surface,  at 
places  like  Zoar  and  near  the  Jabbok,  or  at 
MizpEH  of  Gilead,  only  a  few  stray  examples 
have  been  found  W.  of  the  Jordan  (N.  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee),  suggesting  that  they  represent 
the  maffebhoth,  or  "  erected  "   stones,  which 
Israel  was  bidden  to  "  overturn."     Here  and 
there  a  group  of  stones  has  been  found  in  W. 
Palestine,  thought  to  represent  a  fallen  dolmen ; 
and  the  law  was    at   least  carried  out  in  the 
days  of  Hezekiah  and  Josiah,  whose  power  did 
not  extend  to  Moab  or  to  N.  Galilee,  where 
these  monuments   escaped.     They   are  men- 
tioned in  the  Mishna  (Abocia  Zara  iv.  i)  with 
the  sacred  trees  and  other  objects  of   idola- 
trous worship.     The  Arabs  regard  them  with 
superstitious  awe,  and  call  the  dolmens  "ghouls* 
houses."     The  Hebrews   alone   are  likely  to 
have  destroyed  them.     Besides  these  monu- 
ments, the  bronze  and   pottery  teraphim  of 
the  Canaanites  are  commonly  found  in  the 
lower  strata  of  excavated  sites.     The  recovery 
of  the   Amarna  tablets  in  Egypt   (in   1887) 
proved  the  high  civilization  of  the  Canaanites, 
who  wrote  in  cuneiform  and  engaged  in  trade. 
The  spoil  lists  of  Thothmes  III.  and  the  pictures 
representing   Canaanite   art   objects  are  fully 
in    accord    with  the   incidental    allusions    in 
the  Amarna  letters.     Egyptian  influence,  evi- 
denced by  scarabs  and  texts,  is  very  marked 
in  Philistia,  but  the  native  art  appears  clearly 
to  have  been  akin  to  that  of  Babylonia.     The 
occurrence    of    jug   handles    with  alphabetic 
texts,   consecrating  even  common  vessels  to 
local  Molochs,  shows  the  survival  of  idolatry 
to  a  comparatively  recent  period.     The  great 
monuments   now  include  the  Moabite  Stone 
[Dibon]    and    the    Siloam    text    [Shiloah]  ; 
and  the  Hebrews  are  otherwise  only  repre- 
sented by  a  few  seals  {c.  800  to  400  b.c.)  bearing 
names  compoimded  with  that  of  Jehovah,  and 
by  inscribed  weights  older  than  600  b.c     The 
rock-scarps  of  city  walls,  the  aqueducts,  and 
the  rock-cut  tombs  are   the   main  evidences 
of  their  presence  at  any  site  ;    and  we  still 
depend  on  the  "  Taylor  Cylinder,"  prepared 
for  Sennacherib,    as  a  witness  to  the  wealth 
of   Hezekiah.     From  the  2nd  cent.  b.c.    the 
architectural  remains  become  more  important, 
and  the  coins  of  the  Hasmonaeans  appear  in 
this  age.   [Weights  ;  Money.]     The  strong  Gk. 
influence  is  first  shown  in  the  palace  of  Hyr- 
canus,  at  'Ardq  el  Emir  in  Giledid  (Surv.  E.  Pal. 
pp.  65-87).     It  was  built  before  176  b.c.  (Jose- 
phus,  12  Ani.  iv.  11)  by  a  Hellenizing  priest, 
who  did  not  scruple  to  adorn  the  walls  with 
lions  in  bold  reUef.     The  masonry  is  drafted 
after  the   Gk.    style,  and    the   stones  are  in 
some  cases  20  ft.  long  and  8  ft.  high.      The 
pilasters     and     cornices    are    Gk.    in    style, 
though  some  of  the  capitals  are  semi-Egyptian. 
This  work  is  the  prototype  of  the  style  which 
Herod  adopted  nearly  two  centuries  later  for 
the    Jerusalem   temple  and  for  the  Hebron 
enclosure.     The  domed  roofs  of  the  "  Double 
Gate,"  on  the  S.  wall  of  the  Jerusalem  temple, 
show  the  same  imitation  of   Gk.  art,    mixed 

41 


G42      PALESTINA,  PALESTINE 

with  older  native  ideas.  The  temple  of  Si'a, 
ia  E.  Bashan,  was  also  built  by  Herod  the 
Great  (to  a  local  deity),  and  presents  Gk.  and 
Aram,  texts.  The  resemblance  in  arrange- 
ment and  style  (according  to  De  Vogiie's  draw- 
ings) to  the  Jerusalem  temple  is  very  notable. 
The  vine  is  carved  round  the  eastern  gateway  ; 
but  the  presence  of  rude  busts  and  human 
heads  in  the  capitals  shows  that  Herod  was 
no  true  observer  of  the  Heb.  law.  The  same, 
however,  must  be  said  of  the  Jews  themselves 
in  the  and  cent.  a. d.,  when  Simon  bar  Yokhai 
is  said  to  have  built  24  synagogues  in  Galilee. 
Of  these  apparently  12  still  e.xist  in  ruins — 2  at 
Kefr  Bir'im  in  Upper  Galilee,  2  at  el  Jish,  and 
1  at  Meirun,  Suffaf,  and  Nebratein  respectively 
in  the  same'  region,  with  others  in  Lower 
Galilee  at  Irbid,  Umra  el  'Amed,  Tell  Hum, 
Chorazin,  and  on  Carmel.  They  are  undoubt- 
edly Jewish  buildings — as  shown  by  the  Heb. 
text  at  Kefr  Bir'im — yet  they  are  adorned 
with  carvings  of  the  lion,  ram,  and  hare  on  the 
lintels  of  the  doors,  in  spite  of  the  law  against 
images.  There  are  many  fine  remains  of 
Roman  work  of  this  age,  in  such  cities  as 
Gerasa,  Bozrah,  Rabbath-ammon,  Gadara, 
ScYTHOPOLis,  and  elsewhere,  only  excelled  by 
those  of  Ba'albek  and  Palmyra  ;  while  Gk. 
and  Roman  texts,  and  coins  of  cities,  are 
numerous  under  the  Antonines  and  later 
Roman  emperors.  But  throughout  Palestine 
most  of  the  ruins  visible  on  the  surface  are 
proved,  by  inscriptions  and  architecture,  to 
have  been  built  by  Byzantines,  Arabs,  Cru- 
saders, and  later  Egyptian  Moslems.  Since 
the  Turkish  conquest  no  important  building 
has  been  added,  and  the  decay  of  the  country 
generally  has  been  notable. — Bibliography.  In 
spite  of  the  enormous  and  ever -increasing  litera- 
ture connected  with  the  Holy  Land,  the  list  of 
sources  of  original  and  scientific  information  is 
by  no  means  large.  Excluding  popular  works, 
and  speaking  only  of  standard  books  of  refer- 
ence, the  following  will  be  found  the  most 
useful  to  the  student,  and  they  furnish  the 
materials  out  of  which  many  later  volumes  have 
been  compiled.  The  intimate  knowledge  of 
Palestine,  before  a  traditional  topography  had 
been  fully  developed,  renders  the  work  of 
Eusebius  and  Jerome  in  the  Onomasticon  most 
useful,  though  many  errors  are  to  be  found  in 
their  identifications  of  sites  (see  Larsow  and 
Parthey,  Eusebii  Pamphili  Episcopi  Caesari- 
ensis  Onomasticon,  Berlin  1862).  The  later 
accounts,  from  333  a.d.,  can  be  studied  in  the 
annotated  translations  of  the  Palestine  Pil- 
grims' Text  Society.  One  of  the  earliest  at- 
tempts at  exhaustive  study  still  retains  value, 
on  account  of  its  classical  and  Talmudic  learn- 
ing, namely,  Palaestina  ex  Monumentis  Veteri- 
bus  I llustrala.hy  Hadrian  Reland,  1714(2  vols.). 
But  scientific  exploration  dates  from  the 
imblication  of  Biblical  Researches  (1838)  and 
Later  Bibl.  Researches  (1852),  by  Dr.  E.  Robin- 
son, wlio  furnished  a  storehouse  of  knowledge 
for  his  successors.  The  complete  dcscriiition  of 
Palestine,  due  to  the  i-inrli  survey,  fills  three 
quarto  volumes  (with  ])lans,  sketches,  and  pill  )to- 
graphs)  of  the  Memoirs  of  (he  Survey  of  Western 
Palestine  (1881),  to  which  must  be  added  the 
Memoir  0/  the  Survey  0/  Eastern  Palestine  (i 
vol.  1889).    The  set  is  further  extended  to  a 


PALM-TREE 

total  of  twelve  quarto  volumes,  by  addition  of 
the  Name  Lists,  Special  Papers,  the  Jerusalem 
volume  containing  the  account  of  Sir  C. 
Warren's  excavations  and  other  discoveries  ; 
the  sketch  of  Geology  by  Prof.  Hull  ;  the 
Natural  History  by  Canon  Tristram  ;  Fauna 
and  Flora  of  Sinai,  Petra,  etc.,  by  H.  Chi- 
chester Hart  ;  and  two  volumes  of  researches 
by  M.  Clermont-Ganneau.  Besides  these 
Memoirs  the  Ordnance  Survey  of  Jerusalem  by 
Sir  C.  W.  Wilson  (1865)  is  valuable,  and  so  are 
later  short  accounts,  such  as  Across  the  Jordan 
(1886)  and  Northern  'AjhXn  (1890),  by  G. 
Schmnacher  ;  A  Mound  of  Many  Cities  (1894) 
and  Excavations  at  Jerusalem  (1898),  by  F.  J. 
Bliss,  with  the  reports  of  Mr.  R.  A.  Stewart 
Macalister,  on  Gezer,  etc.,  in  the  Quarterly 
Statements  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund. 
On  the  survey  discoveries  the  later  work  of  Dr. 
G.  A.  Smith  is  based,  and  the  short  account  by 
Dr.  F.  Buhl  {^Geographic  des  alten  Paldstina, 
1896),  but  both  these  works  contain  errors. 
The  Talmudic  notices  are  collected  by  Neu- 
bauer  (Geographie  du  Talmud,  1868).  The 
Amarna  letters  may  be  studied  in  the  original 
characters  in  Winckler's  Thontafelfund  von  el 
Amarna,  the  first  complete  translation  being 
Conder's  Tell  Amarna  Tablets  (1893).  The 
Karnak  lists  of  Thothmes  IH.  are  given  in 
papers  by  Mariette  and  Maspero,  the  latter 
having  also  specially  studied  Shishak's  list. 
The  Mohar's  account  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Voyage  d'un  Egyptien  by  Chabas  (1866).  The 
Assyrian  notices  are  detailed  by  E.  Schrader 
(Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and  O.T.) ;  see  the 
English  edition  (2  vols,  1888),  as  translated  by 
Rev.  Owen  Whitehouse.  The  works,  of  De 
Vogiie  {Temple  de  Jerusalem,  and  Eglises  de 
la  Terre  Sainte)  are  of  permanent  value,  as  is 
Waddington's  Inscriptions  Grccques  et  Latines 
de  la  Syrie  (1870).  Valuable  papers  have  also 
appeared  in  the  magazine  of  the  German 
Palestine  Society  (especially  regarding  me- 
diaeval topography),  and  the  best  guide-book 
is  that  of  Dr.  A.  Socin  (Baedeker).  With  re- 
gard to  natural  science,  I3r.  Tristram's  Natural 
History  of  the  Bible  (1868)  is  valuable  ;  to 
which  may  be  added  the  Geologic  of  L.  Lartet 
(1865),  and  the  notes  by  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  on 
Prehistoric  Man  in  Egypt  and  the  Lebanon. 
Works  on  Phoenicia  and  Syria  are  included  un- 
der those  heads,  and  special  ones  {e.g.  Medeba) 
are  quoted  in  other  articles.  The  Mishna 
(Surenhuse,  1698)  is  also  a  storehouse  of  in- 
formation as  to  Palestine  and  its  inhabitants 
c.   150  A.D.     [Agriculture.]  [c.r.c] 

Pallu',  second  son  of  Reuben  and  founder 
of  the  family  of  the  Palluites  (Ex. 6. 14  ; 
Num.26.5,8  ;    iChr.5.3). 

Palmer- worm  (Heb.  gJrrtwi),  which  occurs 
in  Jl. 1.4, 2.25  and  Am. 4.9.  is  derived  from  a 
root  signifying  to  "  cut  off,"  and  is  rendered 
in  theLXX.by  Kd/nrri,  a  caterpillar,  while  the 
Vulg.  has  the  equivalent  Lat.  term  cruca. 
Caterpillar  is  therefore  probably  the  correct 
translation,  although  locust  has  been  suggested 
bv  some  comiuentators.  [r.l.] 

Palm-tree  (Heb.  tdmdr).  This  generic 
term  stands,  in  the  Bible,  only  for  the  date-palm, 
tlie  Phot-nix  dactylifera  of  Linnaeus.  It  grew 
very  abundantly  in  many  i>arts  of  the  Levant, 
and  was  regarded  by  the  ancients  as  peculiarly 


PAIiM-TREE 

characteristic  of  Palestine  and  neighbouring 
regions. — I.  The  following  places  are  connected 
in  the  Bible  with  the  palm-tree,  either  by  direct 
statement  or  by  their  names.     [Oak.]    (i)  At 
Elim,  one  of  the  stations  of  the  Israelites  be- 
tween Egypt  and  Sinai,  it  is  expressly  stated 
that  there  were  "  twelve  wells  [fountains]  of 
water,  and  threescore  and  ten  palm-trees"  (Ex. 
15.27  ;Num.33.9).    (2)  Eloth  (plur.)  andELAXH 
(fem.    sing,    with  archaic   termination,    used 
collectively)  are  from  the  same  root,  and  may 
likewise  mean   "the  palm-trees"    (Deut.2.8  ; 
iK.9.26  ;  2K.14.22,16.6  ;  2Chr.8.i7,26.2).     (3) 
The  rich  palm-groves  of  Jericho  were  famous 
in  the  period  of  Moses  (Deut.34.3  ;  Judg.l.i6), 
and  not  less  in  that  of  the  Evangelists  and  of 
Josephus.     (4)  lidiZezon-ta.ux3x  (the  cleft  of  the 
palm-tyee ■,Gen.ii.7;2ChT.20.2).  [Engedi.]  (5) 
Baal-tamar  (Judg.20.33),  and  (6)  Tamar  (the 
palm),  in  the  vision  of  Ezekiel  (47.19,48.28),  are 
instances  of  its  occurrence  in  place-names ;  and 
probably   (7)  Solomon's  Tadmor,   afterwards 
the  famous  Palmyra,  on  another  desert  frontier 
far  to  the  N.E.  of  Tamar,  has  the  same  root. 
(8)  Turning  to  the  N.T.,  Bethany  means  "the 
house  of  dates" ;  and  thus  reminds  us  that  the 
palm   grew  near  Jerusalem,   at  our  Saviour's 
entry  into  which    the  people  "  took  branches 
of  palm-trees  and  went  forth  to  meet  Him  " 
(Jn.i2.13;     c/.  Ne.8.15).      (9)     The     country 
Phoenicia  (Acll. 19,15.3)  probably  gave  the 
palm  its  Gk.  name  ((ftoZvLi;).     [Phenice.]    (10) 
Phoenix  in  the  island  of  Crete,  the   harbour 
which  St.  Paul  was  prevented  by  the  storm 
from  reaching    (27.12),   is    doubtless  derived 
from  the  Gk.  for  a  palm. — II.  Under  the  em- 
blematical uses  of  the  palm-tree  in  Scripture 
may  be  classed  :  (i)  The  striking  appearance 
of  the  tree,  its  uprightness  and  beauty,  natm:- 
ally  suggesting  the  giving  of  its  name  occasion- 
ally to  women  (Gen. 38. 6  ;    2Sam.l3.i, 14.27). 
(2)  Notices  of  the  employment  of  this  form  in 
decorative  art,  both  in  the  real  temple  of  Solo- 
mon and  in  the  visionary  temple  of  Ezekiel. 
This  work  seems  to  have  been  in  relief,  and 
was  a  natural  and  doubtless  customary  orna- 
ment in  Eastern  architecture.     (3)  The  palm 
does  not  appear  as  frequently  as  we  should 
expect  in  the  imagery  of  O.T.,  but  the  familiar 
comparison  of  Ps.92.i2,  "The  righteous  shall 
flourish  like  the  palm-tree,"  suggests  many  il- 
lustrations, e.g.  the  orderly  and  regular  aspect 
of  the  tree,  its  fruitfulness,  the  perpetual  green- 
ness of  its  foliage,  the  height  at  which  the  foli- 
age grows,  as  far  as  possible  from  earth  and  as 
near  as  possible  to  heaven,  and  also  the  elas- 
ticity of  the  fibre  of  the  palm,  and  its  deter- 
mined growth  upwards,  even  when  loaded  with 
weights.     Hence  it  was  a  usual  comparison  : 
"  Vertue  is  compared  to  the  palme  tree,  which 
the  more  it  is  pulled  downe,  the  more  it  re- 
tumeth   upward  "  (Primaudaye,  French  Aca- 
demy, 1586).     (4)  Rev. 7. 9,  where  the  glorified 
of  all  nations  are  described  as  "  clothed  with 
white  robes  and  palms  in  their  hands,"  is  il- 
lustrated by  the  fact  that  palm-branches  were 
used  by  Jews  in  token  of  victory  and  peace  (i 
Mac.i3.51  ;      2Mac.l0.7,14.4).— III.  The    in- 
dustrial and  domestic  uses  of  the  palm  are  very 
numerous  ;   but  there  is  no  clear  allusion  to 
them  in  the  Bible.     That  the  ancient  Orientals, 
however,  made  use  of  wine  and  honey  obtained 


PANNAa 


643 


from  it  is  evident  from  Herodotus,  Strabo,  and 
Pliny  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  the  honey  of  the 
Bible  may  be,  in  some  places,  palm-sugar.  (In 
2Chr.31.5  the  marg.  has  "  dates.")  Cant. 7. 8, 
"  I  will  go  up  to  the  palm  tree,  I  will  take  hold 
of  the  boughs  thereof,"  appears  to  refer  to 
climbing  for  the  fruit.  So  in  2.3  and  elsewhere 
(e.g.  Ps.1.3)  the  fruit  of  the  palm  may  be  in- 
tended ;  but  this  cannot  be  proved.  It  is 
curious  that  this  tree,  once  so  abundant  in 
Judaea,  is  now  comparatively  rare,  except  in 
the  Philistine  plain,  and  in  the  old  Phoenicia 
about  Beyrilt.  [There  is  a  well-known  variety 
of  the  date-palm,  with  stoneless  fruit,  pre- 
served in  the  convent  court-yard  at  Marsaba, 
near  Jerusalem.  Another  palm,  the  dom- 
palm,  from  Upper  Egypt,  reaches  the  Sinai 
Peninsula  at  Tor  and  is  found  at  'Aqaba. 
Possibly  it  formerly  ranged,  with  other  sub- 
tropical species  still  existing  there,  to  the  Ghor- 
es-safiyeh  at  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Its 
botanical  name  is  Hyphoene  ihebaica.    h.c.h.] 

Palsy  meets  us  in  N.T.  only,  and  in  features 
too  familiar  to  need  special  remark.  The 
words  "  grievously  tormented  "  (Mt.8.6)  may 
well  refer  to  paralysis  agitans,  or  even  St. 
Vitus'  dance,  in  both  of  which  the  patient  is 
never  still  for  a  moment  save  when  asleep. 
The  woman's  case  who  was  "  bowed  together  " 
by  "  a  spirit  of  infirmity  "  may  probably  have 
been  paralytic  (Lu.l3.ii). 

Palti',  the  Benjamite  spy  ;  son  of  Raphu 
(Num.13.9). 

Paltiel',  son  of  Azzan  and  prince  of  the 
tribe  of  Issachar,  which  he  represented  at  the 
division  of  the  land  (Num. 34. 26). 
Partite,  The.  [Pelonite.] 
Pamphyria,  one  of  the  coast-regions  in 
the  S.  of  Asia  Minor,  having  Cilicia  on  the  E. 
and  Lycia  on  the  W.  In  St.  Paul's  time 
it  was  not  only  a  regular  province,  but  the 
emperor  Claudius  had  united  Lycia  with  it, 
and  probably  also  a  good  part  of  Pisidia.  It 
was  in  Pamphylia  that  St.  Paul  first  entered 
Asia  Minor,  after  preaching  the  Gospel  in 
Cyprus.  He  and  Barnabas  sailed  up  the  river 
Cestrus  to  Perga  (Ac.i3.13).  There  were  pro- 
bably many  Jews  in  the  province  (Ac.2.io) ; 
and  possibly  Perga  had  a  synagogue.  The  two 
missionaries  finally  left  Pamphylia  by  its  chief 
seaport,  Attalia.  Many  years  afterwards  St. 
Paul  sailed  near  the  coast  (Ac.27.5). 

Pan.  Of  the  six  words  so  rendered  in  A.  V., 
two,  mahdbath  and  masreth,  seem  to  imply  a 
shallow  pan  or  plate,  such  as  is  used  by  Bedouin 
Arabs  and  Syrians  for  baking  rapidly  cakes 
of  meal ;  the  others,  especially  sir,  a  deeper 
vessel  or  caldron  for  boiling  meat,  placed 
diuring  the  process  on  three  stones.  [Cruse.] 
Pannag-  was  exported  from  Palestine  to 
Tyre  (Ezk.27.i7).  Its  identification  is  purely 
conjectural,  as  the  term  occurs  nowhere  else. 
A  comparison  with  Gen. 43. 11  suggests  that 
it  represents  some  of  the  spices  grown  in 
Palestine.  The  LXX.  rendering  Kaaia  favoinrs 
this  opinion.  Hitzig  observes  that  a  similar 
term  occmrs  in  Sanscrit  (pannaga)  for  an  aroma- 
tic plant.  The  Syr.  version  understands  by  it 
"millet"  ;  and  Dr.  Redpath  (Ezekiel  in  West- 
minster Comm.)  points  out  that  panicum  was 
one  of  the  Lat.  names  for  "millet "  at  least  as 
far  back  as  the  time  of  J  ulius  Caesar  (de  Bell, 


644         PAPER,  PAPER-REED 

Gall.  ii.  22),  and  that  a  kind  of  grain  would  suit 
the  context  here.  K.V.  inserts  a  marginal  note 
"perhaps  a  kind  of  confection."  Perhaps, 
liowc'vtT,  Pannag  may  be  a  place-name,  and 
the  meaning  be  "  wheat  of  .  .  .   Pannag." 

Paper,  Papep-peed.    [Writing;  Reed.] 

Paphos,  a  town  at  the  W.  end  of  Cyprus, 
connected  by  a  road  with  Salamis  at  the  E. 
SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas  travelled,  on  their 
first  missionary  expedition  "  through  the  isle," 
from  Salamis  to  Paphos  ( Ac.13.6).  Paphos  was 
famous  for  the  worship  of  Aphrodite  or  Venus, 
who  was  fabled  to  have  here  risen  from  the  sea. 
Her  temple,  however,  was  at  "  Old  Paphos," 
now  called  Kouklia.  The  harbour  and  the  chief 
town  were  at  "  New  Paphos,"  at  some  little 
distance.     The  place  is  still  called  Baffo. 

Papypus.     [Reed.] 

Papable  (Heb.  mdshal ;  irapa^oXrj ;  para- 
bola). The  Cik.  word  means  a  "comparison,"  and 
is  used  in  the  LXX.  commonly  for  the  Heb. 
mdshal, =  "similitude,"  either  in  the  shorter 
form  of  a  proverb  or  in  the  longer  form  of  a 
narrative.  A  parable  is  distinguished  from  a 
fable  by  its  truth  to  nature.  The  fables  of  O.T., 
taught  by  Jothara  (Judg.9.8ff.)  and  Jehoash 
(2K.I4.9),  have  no  parallels  in  the  teaching  of 
any  prophet.  They  teach  the  wisdom  of  this 
world  only.  But  a  parable  is,  in  the  familiar 
phrase,  an  earthly  story  with  a  heavenly  mean- 
ing. It  interprets  the  facts  of  nature  and  of 
life,  while  it  keeps  apart  the  story  told  and  the 
meaning  suggested.  Herein  it  differs  from 
allegory,  in  which  a  metaphor  and  its  explana- 
tion are  combined — e.g.  the  allegories  of  the 
Good  Shepherd,  the  True  Vine,  etc.  In  O.T. 
the  word  parable  is  used  to  express  (i)  obscure 
sayings  (Ps.49.4),  (2)  discourses  in  figurative 
language  (Balaam,  Num.23.7;  Job27.i),  (3) 
parables  proper,  tlie  narratives  in  2Sam.i2.1-4, 
14.6f.  ;  1K.2O.39f.;  Is.5.1-6,28.24-28,  no  less 
than  the  more  formal  parables  of  Ezk. 3. 246-26, 
4.1-12,5.1-4. — Parables  in  N.T.  The  use  of 
parables  was  common  in  Rabbinic  writings,  but 
their  style  seems  stilted  and  artificial  when 
compared  with  the  exquisite  grace  and  ease  of 
Christ's  parables.  Moreover,  the  Rabbis,  like 
the  son  of  Sirach,  reserved  their  parables  for 
their  chosen  disciples.  Christ,  to  the  astonish- 
ment of  the  disciples  (Mt.13.io),  gave  them  to 
the  multitudes.  He  used  them  for  a  double 
purpose  :(i)  to  attract  attention;  (2)  as  a  test  of 
character.  It  was  only  when  His  direct  teach- 
ing was  met  with  scorn  and  unbelief  that  He 
began  to  change  His  method  and  veil  His 
meaning.  He  no  doubt  used  figurative  say- 
ings frf)m  the  beginning  of  His  ministry — e.g. 
the  metaphor  of  the  Narrow  Gate,  and  the 
similitude  of  the  Two  Builders  in  Mt.7.  But  a 
distinct  change  in  His  method  can  be  traced 
from  the  time  when  He  began  to  cease  preach- 
ing to  the  multitudes  and  devoted  Himself  to 
the  training  of  His  disciples,  seeking  to  impress 
upon  tliem  the  inner  meaning  of  His  public  in- 
struction. Too  much  is  sometimes  made  of  a 
sujjposed  divergence  between  the  Fourth  Gospel 
and  the  Synoptic  Gospels  in  regard  of  our 
Lord's  method.  In  J n. 16. 25  the  Lord  is  re- 
presented as  speaking  in  proverbs  (marg. 
parables,  R.V.)  t<j  his  chosen  disciples,  to  whom 
certainly  He  had  spoken  the  alkgory  of  the 
True  Vine  (Jn.l5);  but  it  is  untrue  to  say  that 


PARABLE 

He  reserved  figurative  speech  for  them,  the 
allegory  of  the  Good  Shepherd  liaving  been 
spoken  to  the  imresiionsive  Jews  (Jn.lO.19). 
The  educaticinal  value  of  such  teaching  has 
been  well  expressed  by  Bishop  Lang  :  "  What 
men  think  out  for  themselves  they  never  for- 
get ;  the  exercise  of  their  mind  makes  it  their 
own.  Moreover,  the  language  of  symbols — 
expressed  in  what  is  seen  by  the  eye  or  pictiu-ed 
by  the  imagination — is  more  powerful  and  en- 
during in  its  effects  than  the  language  of  mere 
abstract  words.  .  .  .  And  mere  words  are  con- 
stantly changing  their  meaning,  whereas  the 
symbols  of  life  and  Nature  (such  as  our  Lord 
used  in  His  parables)  are  as  abiding  as  Nature 
and  life  themselves." — Classification  of  Our 
Lord's  Parables.  Opinions  will  probably 
always  differ  on  this  point.  The  simplest 
method  of  classification  is  probably  the  best. 
Goebel,  followed  by  Edersheim,  makes  three 
groups:  (i)  Parables  of  the  ministry  in  and  near 
Capernaum  (Mt.l3) ;  (2)  Parables  recorded  in 
Lu. 10-18  in  connexion  with  the  journeyings 
from  Galilee  to  Jerusalem  ;  (3)  Parables  of  the 
last  days  in  Jerusalem.  The  teaching  of  these 
groups  has  reference  to  the  kingdom  of  God  as  a 
whole,  to  individual  members,  to  coming  judg- 
ment. On  the  other  hand.  Bishop  Westcott 
classifies  by  subjects :  (1)  Parables  drawn  from 
the  material  world.  These  include  the  Sower, 
the  Tares,  the  Seed  growing  secretly,  the 
Mustard  Seed,  the  Leaven  (Mt.l3;  Mk.4),  illus- 
trating the  power  of  good  and  evil,  and  the 
development  of  the  elements  of  natural  or 
spiritual  life.  (2)  Parables  drawn  from  the 
relations  of  men,  (i)  to  the  lower  world,  the 
Drag-net  (Mt.i3.47),  the  Barren  Fig-tree,  Lost 
Sheep  (Lu.15.3),  Lost  Coin  (15.8);  (ii)  to  their 
fellow  men,  {a)  in  the  family.  Unmerciful 
Servant  (Mt.l8.23).  the  Two  Sons  (21.28),  Two 
Debtors  (Lu.7.41),  Lost  Son  (15.ii),  setting 
forth  the  beauty  of  mercy  and  gratitude,  of 
forgiveness  and  obedience  ;  (b)  in  social  life, 
Friend  at  Midnight  (Lu.ll.5),  Unjust  Judge 
(I8.1),  teaching  zeal  in  prayer  ;  the  Ten  Vir- 
gins (Mt.25.i),  the  Lower  Seats  (Lu.14.7),  teach- 
ing endurance  and  self-denial ;  the  Great 
Supper  (I4.16),  the  King's  Marriage  Feast  (Mt. 
22.1) ;  (c)  in  regard  to  their  means  (a)  thought- 
ful in  plaiming  work,  the  Toiver  liuilder  (Lu. 
14.28),  the  King  making  War  (I4.31),  the 
Unjust  Steward  (16.1) ;  (ii)  fruitful,  the  Talents 
(Mt.25.14),  the  Pounds  (Lu.l9.i2);  unselfish, 
the  Wicked  Husbandmen  (Mt.2i.28) ;  humble, 
the  Unprofitable  Servants  (Lu.17.7) ;  dependent, 
Labourers  in  Vineyard  (Mt.20.i)  ;  (iii)  to  Provi- 
dence, since  "advantages  imply  duties,  whether 
we  obtain  them,  unexpectedly,  Hid  Treasure 
(Mt. 13.44);  after  search,  Man  seeking  Pearls 
(I3.45);  by  inheritance,  Kich  Fool  (Lu.l2.i6). 
Westcott  goes  on  to  suggest  that  the  symbolic 
narratives  the  Publican  and  Pharisee,  the  Good 
Samaritan,  and  the  Rich  Man  and  Lazarus 
give  direct  ]>atterns  for  action,  and  apjily  to 
classes  rather  than  individuals,  illustrating 
the  opposition  of  Christianity  to  Judaism  in 
spirituality,  love,  and  lowliness.  But  it  is 
impossible  to  limit  inter]iretation  in  this  way. 
There  is  not  oneof  us  wlioiiasiiot,  like  the  dying 
conunentator  Grotius,  felt  tin- personal  indivi- 
dual aiipliration  of  the  jiarable  of  the  Publican. 
In  fact,  objections  maybe  raised  to  auydetailcd 


PARACLETE 

classification,  though  for  practical  purposes  so 
thorough  a  study  as  this  of  Westcott's  is  help- 
ful.— Interpretation.  It  is  obvious  that  in 
most  cases  one  lesson  stands  out  as  of  primary 
importance  ;  but  oiu:  Lord's  own  interpreta- 
tions— e.g.  of  the  parable  of  the  Sower — warn  us 
against  the  assumption  that  one  lesson  only  is 
to  be  looked  for  in  each,  as  is  maintained  by 
Jiilicher.  On  the  other  hand,  the  warnings  of 
St.  Chrysostom  against  pressing  details,  when  he 
cuts  off  his  interpretation  with  words  like  "  Be 
not  ciurious  about  the  rest,"  are  necessary.  We 
must  always  consider  what  was  the  primary 
lesson  of  each  parable  to  the  group  of  by- 
standers who  first  heard  it.  Within  its  limits, 
so  long  as  we  preserve  simplicity,  we  may 
safely  proceed  to  discuss  the  meaning  of  details. 
We  may  interpret  the  lamps  of  the  Ten  Virgins 
as  typifying  the  outward  signs  of  Christian  pro- 
fession, and  the  oil  as  the  symbol  of  the  Spirit 
(c/.  I J  n. 2. 20).  We  here  keep  within  the  circle 
of  symbols  familiar  to  the  disciples.  We  learn 
the  important  lesson  that  readiness  to  meet 
the  Bridegroom  is  only  maintained  by  renewal 
of  spiritual  life.  Christ's  parables  are  the 
words  of  a  divine  Speaker.  They  last  for 
ever.  Each  generation  finds  new  inspiration, 
because  in  each  generation  consciences  of  men 
respond  to  new  applications.  "  We  seem  " 
(in  Dr.  Sanday's  words)  "  to  be  placed  for  the 
moment  at  the  very  centre  of  things.  On  the 
one  hand  there  is  laid  before  us  the  human 
heart  as  it  really  is,  or  ought  to  be,  with  all  its 
perversities  and  affectations  stripped  away  ; 
and  on  the  other  hand  we  seem  to  be  admitted 
to  the  secret  coimcil  chamber  of  the  Most  High, 
and  to  have  revealed  to  us  the  plan  by  which 
He  governs  the  world,  the  threads  in  all  the 
tangled  skein  of  being."  His  words  inter- 
pret His  life,  and  His  life  was  "the  highest 
and  most  glorious  of  all  parables"  (Trench). 
R.  C.  Trench,  Notes  on  the  Parables,  '1841, 
"1882  ;  Goebel,  Die  Parabeln  Jesii  (1880)  ; 
A.  B.  Bruce,  The  Parabolic  Teaching  of  Christ 
(1882)  ;  A.  Jiilicher,  Die  Gleichnisreden  Jesu, 
(1899)  ;    (Bp.)    C.    G.    Lang,.    The  Parables  of 

Jesus  (1906).  [A.E.B.] 

Papaelete.     [Spirit,  Holy.] 

Paradise,  said  to  be  a  Persian  word 
meaning  a  "king's  park,"  or  possibly  borrowed 
by  the  Persians  from  an  Akkadian  origin, 
and  adopted  first  in  Heb.  (Ne.2.8  ;  Can. 4.13  ; 
Ec.2.5),  and  afterwards,  from  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  Gk.,  and  especially 
applied  by  the  LXX.  translators  to  the 
garden  of  Eden.  [Eden.]  From  this  appli- 
cation it  was  used  symbolically  first  of  a 
garden  of  perfect  fruitfulness,  with  trees  of 
largest  stature  (see  LXX.  in  Gen.13.io  ; 
Ezk.31.8,9),  and  then  of  an  ideal  abode  of 
blessedness  (the  Paradise  of  God,  i.e.  a  garden 
like  Eden  :  Ezk.28.13  ;  cf.  Ecclus. 40.17,27  ; 
Pss.  of  Sol.  xiv.  2 ).  When  the  idea  of  distinctions 
between  the  good  and  the  bad  in  Sheol  became 
familiar  to  the  Jews,  Paradise  was  regarded 
as  a  park  (generally  literally),  either  outside 
the  world,  or  on  the  earth  but  far  away  in  the 
remote  East,  to  which  the  good  were  carried 
after  death.  The  word  occurs  three  times  only 
in  N.T.  In  Rev.2.7  the  Paradise  of  God  has 
the  general  sense  mentioned  above.  Our  Lord 
qses  it  in  His  proniise  to  the  dyiug  thief,  to 


PARCHED  CORN 


645 


whom  it  would  convey  the  hope  of  rest  under 
the  cool  shadow  of  trees  beside  fresh  streams 
(Lu.23-43).  St.  Paul  uses  it  as  synonymous  with 
the  "  third  heaven,"  to  which  he  was  caught 
up  in  his  vision  (2Cor.l2.4).  From  the  time  of 
the  early  Church  it  has  been  used  as  the  abode 
of  the  blessed  dead  until  the  Last  Day.  Art. 
"  Paradise,"  by  Salmond  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
(5  vols-  1904);  and  works  on  the  Future  Life, 
e.g.,  Salmond,  Christian  Doct.  of  Immortality, 
pp.  348-352,  and  Charles,  Eschatology  (see  refs. 
in  Index  for  Jewish  use  of  the  word),     [s.c.g.] 

Papah'  (Jos. 18. 23  ;  perhaps  spring),  a  town 
of  Benjamin  near  Avim  and  Ophrah.  Now 
the  ruin  Fdrah  [of  the  bubbling  water),  4  miles 
S.E.  of  MicHMASH.  There  is  a  fine  spring 
surrounded  with  reeds  and  oleander  bushes 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  170).  Possibly  the  Perath 
of  Jeremiah  (I3.4-7)  may  be  the  same  (E.V. 
Euphrates).  [c.r.c] 

Papan'  (apparently  diggings).  The  word 
siurvives  at  Wddy  Feirdn  (valley  of  diggings), 
near  Sinai ;  the  reference  may  be  to  the 
Egyptian  mines  in  this  region.  The  name 
first  appears  at  El-paran  (the  tree  of  Paran) 
in  the  desert  near  Kadesh  (Gen. 14. 6,7), 
perhaps  the  Kadesh  of  Hagar  (see  21.21, 
and  c/.  16. 14).  This  desert  extended  from 
near  Sinai  (Num.lO.12)  to  beyond  Hazeroth 
(I2.16),  and  up  to  Kadesh-barnea  (13.3,26  ; 
Deut.l.i).  It  is  called  mount  Paran  (Deut.33. 
2  ;  Hab.3.3),  and  extended  N.  towards  the 
neghebh  of  J  udah  ( i Sam. 25. i )  and  S. W.  towards 
Egypt  (1K.II.18).  It  appears  therefore  to 
answer  to  the  plateau  called  Badiyet  et  Tlh 
(the  waste  of  straying),  between  Palestine  and 
Sinai.  [c.r.c] 

Papbap'  (iChr.26.i8).  "At  Parbar  west- 
ward, four  at  the  causeway  and  two  at  Parbar  " 
(R.V.  marg.  the  Precincts).  Various  render- 
ings :  the  suburb,  the  porticoes.  In  2  K. 23. 11 
thewordParvarim  is  rendered  "suburbs"  (A. V.) 
and  "the  precincts  "  (R.V. ).  In  the  Mishna 
and  Targums  the  word  Parvar  occurs  for  the 
suburbs  of  a  city.  Parbar  occurs  only  in  I.e.,  in 
the  enumeration  of  the  Levites  guarding  the 
outer  gates  of  the  temple  of  Solomon,  and  the 
inference  from  the  context  is  that  it  is  the  name 
of  the  suburbs  of  the  city  lying  between  the 
W.  wall  of  the  temple  and  the  upper  city,  in 
the  Tyropoeon  valley,  and  that  the  gate  next 
to  the  causeway  is  the  gate  Parbar.  The 
causeway  still  remains  in  existence,  forming 
part  of  the  first  wall  of  the  city  and  terminating 
at  Wilson's  arch  (Bdb  es  Silsileh),  at  the  W. 
wall  of  the  Haram  enclosure.  The  old  gates 
to  the  suburbs  are  also  in  existence,  piercing 
the  Haram  wall,  at  a  lower  level  than  the  gate 
of  the  causeway,  that  to  the  N.  of  the  cause- 
way being  called  Warren's  Gate  (near  Bdb  el 
Matdrah),  and  that  to  the  S.  Barclay's  Gate 
(Bdb  en  Nebi).  Either  of  these  two  suburban 
gates  may  have  been  the  gate  Parbar.  [c.w.] 

Papched  copn  is  mentioned  as  an  edible 
in  common  use  in  Lev.23.i4,  Ru.2.14,  iSam. 
17.17,25.18,  and  2Sam. 17.28.  Parched  or 
roasted  ears  of  corn  (wheat;  rye,  barley,  etc.) 
"  still  constitute  a  part,  and  not  a  disagreeable 
one,  of  the  food  of  the  Arabs  now  resident  in 
the  Holy  Land  "  (Harris).  It  was  held  in 
high  esteem  in  Roman  times.  Pliny  (giving 
Hemina  as  his  authority)  says,  "  King  Numa 


646 


PARCHED  GROUND 


ordained  to  worship  the  gods  with  an  oblation 
of  corne.  ...  To  induce  the  people  of 
Rome  the  better  unto  it,  he  allowed  them  to 
parch  their  corne  in  the  sacrifices  ;  for  that 
corne  thus  parched,  was  supposed  to  be  a 
more  holesome  food  :  by  which  meanes,  this 
one  thing  ensued  in  the  end,  that  no  corne 
was  counted  pure  and  good,  nor  fit  to  bee  used 
in  divine  service,  but  that  which  was  thus 
baked  or  parched.  He  also  instituted  the 
feast  Foriiacalia,  to  wit,  certaine  holydaies  for 
the  parching  and  baking  of  corne  "  (xviii.  2). 
The  word  qdli,  usually  rendered  "  parched 
corn,"  is  translated  "  parched  pulse"  (A.V.  and 
R.V.)in2Sam.l7.28ft.  [Pulse;  Food.]  [h.c.ii.] 

Parched  g-pound  (Heb.  shdrdbh,  Is. 35. 7, 
cf.  49.10,  A.V.  heat:  "The  sun-parched 
ground  shall  become  a  pool  ['dghdm],  and  the 
thirsty  land  springs  of  waters  ;  in  the  abode 
of  wild  beasts  shall  be  a  resting  place  [for 
cattle],  grass  for  canes  and  rushes").  The 
A.V.  appears  to  be  correct,  though  Gesenius 
compares  the  Arab,  sardb  (mirage)  ;  for  the 
Arab,  sharab  means  "  to  thirst,"  "  to  drink 
up,"  the  ground  having  sucked  up  all  the 
rain-water.  [c.r.c] 

Papchment^  (2Tim.4.i3).  St.  Paul  asks 
Timothy  to  bring  from  Troas  the  cloak  he  left 
with  Carpus,  and  the  books,  but  especially  the 
parchnicnts.  Some  Gk.  Fathers  understand 
by  the  GU.  Tbv<f>(\6vr}v  not  a  cloak  but  a  bag  for 
holding  books.  The  "  books  "  [to.  pi^XLa)  were 
probably  papyri,  used  for  occasional  notes  and 
memoranda,  like  those  found  at  Herculaneum 
or  in  Egypt  (cf.  2jn.i2).  The  "parchments" 
(ras  fie fj-fipdv as)  were  writings  on  skins  ;  per- 
haps they  were  copies  of  the  Scriptures. 
[Writing.]  [g.m.y.] 

Paploup.  A  room  for  interviews.  The 
A.V.  sometimes  so  renders  three  Heb.  words. 
(i)  hedher  (iChT.2B.ii),  rendered  chamber  m  33 
cases.  (2)  lishkd  (iSam.9.22),  rendered  cham- 
ber in  42  cases.  (3)  'aliyyd,  a  "  high  "  or 
"  upper  "  room  (Judg.3.20-25),  the  word  having 
several  other  renderings — viz.  loft  (iK.17.ig), 
chamber,  or  upper  chamber,  in  12  cases,  and 
ascent,  or  going  up,  in  3.     [House.]    [c.r.c] 

Papmash'ta,  one  of  the  ten  sons  of  Ha- 
nian  slain  by  the  Jews  in  Shushan  (Esth.9.9). 

Pap'menas.  One  of  the  seven  Deacons, 
"  men  of  honest  report,  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  wisdom"  (Ac. 6.5).  There  is  a  tradition 
that  he  suffered  martyrdom  at  Philippi  in  the 
reign  of  Trajan. 

Papnach',  father  or  ancestor  of  Elizaphan 
prince  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  (Num. 34.25). 

Paposh'.  The  descendants  of  Parosii,  in 
number  2,172,  returned  from  Babylon  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.3  :  Ne.7.8),  and  later 
another  detachment  of  150  males  with  Ivzra 
(ICzr.S.s  ;  A.V.  Pharosh).  Seven  of  the  family 
had  married  foreign  wives  (10. 25).  Members 
of  it  assisted  in  the  building  of  the  wall  of  J  eru- 
salem  (Ne.3.25),  and  signed  the  covenant  ;  see 
10.14,  where  the  name  is  clearlv  that  of  a 
family,  and  rmt  of  an  individual. 

Papousla.     fCoMiNo,   Second.] 

Parshandatha,  tluM'ldcst  of  Haman's  10 
Suns  slain  by  the  Jews  in  Shushan  (l':stii.9.7). 

Papthlans  orrurs  only  in  Ac.2.9,  where  it 
designates  Jews  settled  in  Parthia  and  belong- 
ing  to   the   "  Eastern   dispersion."      Partliia 


PARTRIDGE 

proper  was  the  region  stretching  along  the 
southern  flank  of  the  mountains  which  run  N. 
of  the  Persian  Desert  and  S.  and  S.W.  of  the 
Caspian  Sea.  It  lay  S.  of  Hyrcania,  E.  of 
Media  and  N.  of  Sagartia.  The  ancient  Par- 
thians  are  by  several  writers  said  to  be  a  Scy  thic 
race,  and  may  have  been  brought  captive  by 
Sesostris  from  Scythia  into  their  later  home. 
Nothing  definite  is  known  of  them  till  the  time 
of  Darius  Hystaspis,  when  they  are  found  in  the 
district  which  so  long  retained  their  name,  and 
appear  as  faithful  subjects  of  the  Persian 
monarchs.  In  the  final  struggle  between  the 
Greeks  and  Persians  they  remained  faithful, 
serving  at  Arbela  ;  but  they  offered  only  a 
weak  resistance  to  Alexander  when  he  entered 
their  country  on  the  way  to  Bactria.  On  the 
division  of  Alexander's  dominions,  Parthia  was 
reckoned  among  the  territories  of  the  Seleucidae. 
About  256  B.C.,  however,  they  succeeded  in 
establishing  their  independence  under  Arsaces, 
who  founded  the  dynasty  of  the  Arsacidae, 
which  lasted  some  five  hundred  years,  till  it 
was  succeeded  by  the  Sassanidae  in  226  a.d. 
For  a  long  time  the  Parthians  resisted  the 
advance  of  Rome,  inflicting  a  severe  defeat 
on  Crassus  at  Carrhae  in  53  B.C.,  but  finally 
Arsaces  XV.  (37  B.C.-13  a.d.),  gave  up  his  five 
sons  to  Augustus  in  token  of  submission.  The 
importance  of  the  kingdom  is  perhaps  indi- 
cated by  the  prominent  position  assigned  to 
the  Parthian  Jews  in  Ac.  I.e.  Mommsen, 
Romische  Geschichte,  Die  Provinzen ;  Schiirer, 
History  of  the  J ewish  People  (Eng.  tr.) ;  Har- 
nack.  Expansion  of  Christianity  (Eng.  tr.). 
Paptition,  Middle  wall  of.  [Temple.] 
Paptpidgre  (Heb.  ^drt'^  "caller  ").  This 
name  occurs  in  iSam. 26.20,  Je. 17. 11,  and  Ec- 
clus.ll.30,  and  is  doubtless  rightly  translated. 
Two  species,  the  Greek  partridge  (Caccabis 
saxatilis),  an  ally  of  the  European  red-legged 


THE  GRERK   PARTRUJGB  (Catra/iis  sa.\alilis). 

partridge,  and  Hey's  sisi  partridge  (.4  mttiopcrdix 
heyi),  ab()und  in  the  mountains  of  I'alcstine; 
and  hotli  may  be  alluded  to  in  the  i>assage  in 
Samuel  wliirhrefersloliunting(;<5r<' in  the  moun- 
tains. Somediriiciilty  hasarisen  with  regard  to 
the  i>assagc  in  Jeremiah  where  it  is  staled  that 
the  "partridge  sitteth  on  eggs  and  hatcheth 
them  not."  Whether  tliis  refers,  as  Tristram 
supposes,  to  the  eggs  being  taken  by  man,  or 
to  an  old  superstition  with  regard  to  the  part- 


PARTJAH 

ridge  stealing  and  incubating  the  eggs  of  other 
members  of  its  kind,  may  well  be  left  open.  The 
reference  in  Ecclus-  is  clearly  to  caged  part- 
ridges, which  are  used  as  decoys  both  in  Pales- 
tine and  India.  The  name  "  chukor  "  applied 
in  India  to  a  hill-partridge  maybe  akin  to  qorS, 
and  is  derived  from  the  bird's  cry.  [r.l.] 
Papu'ah,   father  of  Jehoshaphat,  4  (iK. 

4.17). 

Papva'im,  the  name  of  a  district  whence 
the  gold  was  procured  for  the  decoration  of 
Solomon's  temple  (2Chr.3.6).  Wilford  sug- 
gested that  it  is  derived  from  the  Sanscrit 
pArva,  "  eastern,"  and  is  a  general  term  for  the 
East.  Glaser  identifies  it  with  Suq  al-Farwaiin, 
some  distance  from  Dhariya,  in  Arabia. 

Pasach',  an  Asherite,  son  of  Japhlet  (iChr. 

7-33)- 

Pas-daniniim'(iChr.ll.i3),  iniSam.l7.i, 
Ephes-dammim.  The  latter  means  "  the  end 
[or,  border]  of  blood."  It  lay  near  Shochoh, 
and  a  ruin  called  Beit  Fased  (house  of  blood) 
exists  just  S.  of  Shuweikeh,  on  S.  side  of  the 
valley  of  Elah.  [c.r.c] 

Pase'ah. — 1.  Son  of  Eshton,  in  the 
genealogy  of  Judah  (iChr.4.12). — 2.  Ancestor 
of  a  family  of  Nethinim  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel(Ezr.2.49).  Amember  of  the  family 
assisted  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  old  gate  of 
Jerusalem  (Ne.3.6). 

Pashup'. — 1.  The  name  of  a  family  of 
priests  of  the  chief  house  of  Malchijah  {Je.21.i, 
38.1;  iChr.9.i2,  c/.  24.9;  Ne.ll.12).  In  the 
time  of  Nehemiah  this  family  appears  to  have 
become  a  chief  house,  and  its  head  the  head  of 
a  course  {Ezr.2.38,10.22  ;  Ne.7.41,10.3).  The 
individual  from  whom  the  family  was  named 
was  probably  Pashur  the  son  of  Malchiah,  who 
was  one  of  the  chief  princes  of  the  coiu-t  of 
Zedekiah  (Je.38.i).  He  was  sent,  with  others, 
by  Zedekiah  to  Jeremiah  when  Nebuchad- 
nezzar was  preparing  his  attack  upon  Jeru- 
salem (Je.21.)  Again  somewhat  later,  he 
joined  with  several  other  chief  men  in  petition- 
ing the  king  that  Jeremiah  might  be  put  to 
death  as  a  traitor  (Je.38.1-13). — 2.  Another 
priest,  and  "  chief  governor  of  the  house  of  the 
Lord,"  is  mentioned  in  Je.20.i.  He  is  de- 
scribed as  "  the  son  of  Immer  "  (c/.  iChr.24.i4), 
probably  the  same  as  Amariah,  4  (Ne.lO.3,12. 
2,  etc.).  In  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  he  also 
showed  himself  hostile  to  Jeremiah,  and  put 
him  in  the  stocks  by  the  gate  of  Benjamin.  For 
this  indignity  to  God's  prophet,  Pashur  was 
told  by  Jeremiah  that  his  name  was  changed 
to  Magor-missabib  {Terror  on  every  side),  and 
that  he  and  all  his  house  should  be  carried  cap- 
tives to  Babylon  and  there  die  (Je.20.i-6). — 3. 
Father  of  Gedaliah  (Je.38.i). 

Passage  ( J  0S.22. 11).  [Ed.]  Usedinplur. 
(Je.22.20),  probably  to  denote  the  mountain 
region  E.  of  Jordan  (R.V.  Abarim). 

Passengeps,  Valley  of  the.     [Hamon- 

GOG.] 

Passing-  under  pod.  [Rod.] 
Passion  of  oup  Lopd.  [Jesus  Christ.] 
Passovep.  A.  O.T.  References.  I.  Pre- 
Exodus.  For  the  institution  and  directions  for 
the  observance  of  the  Egyptian  Passover,  see 
Ex.  12. 1- 1 3  ;  vv.  21-27  are  oljviously  part  of  the 
account  of  the  institution  ;  there  is  no  mention 
of  the  Paschal  meal  or  of  the  firstborn,  and  on 


PASSOVER 


647 


the  other  hand  certain  details  are  added,  i.e. 
the  bason,  hyssop,  and  the  command  to  remain 
indoors  during  the  night  (ver.  22).  The  month 
in  which  the  Passover  fell  is  called  the  "  first  " 
of  the  Hebrew  year  (ver.  2  ;  Lev. 23. 5  ;  Num. 
9.5,28.16,33.3;  2Chr.35.i;  Ezr.6.19  ;  Ezk.45. 
2i),andAbib(Ex.l3.4,23,i5, 34.18;  Deut.l6.i), 
corresponding  to  the  Babylonian  and  later  Heb. 
Nisan.  The  lamb  might  be  either  sheep  or 
goat,  must  be  without  blemish,  a  male,  prob- 
ably a  firstling,  of  the  first  year.  It  was  to  be 
selected  on  the  tenth  of  the  month,  kept  up  till 
the  fourteenth,  and  killed  on  that  day  "  at  even  " 
(Heb.  "between  the  two  evenings"  ;  Ex.12. 
3-6).  This  time  is  defined  in  Deut.16.6  as  "  at 
the  going  down  of  the  sun."  The  term  is  used 
of  the  time  of  offering  the  evening  sacrifice  (Ex. 
29.39,41),  and  the  lighting  of  the  lamps  by 
Aaron  (30.8).  The  Samaritans  and  Karaites, 
Ibn  Ezra  and  others,  understand  the  twilight  ; 
Saadia,  Rashi,  Radak,  and  others,  say  the  first 
evening  began  immediately  after  noon  and  the 
second  at  sunset,  answering  to  the  Greek 
5eL\-r)  irpwta  and  MXt)  d\pia  (Herod,  viii.  6,  9). 
According  to  Josephus  (6  Wars  ix.  3),  the 
lambs  were  offered  from  the  ninth  to  the 
eleventh  hour,  i.e.  from  three  to  five  o'clock. 
The  Heb.  pdsah,  "to  pass  or  spring  over,"  in 
the  sense  of  "to  spare,"  occurs  in  12.13,23,27  ; 
Is. 31. 5.  From  it  is  derived  Aram,  p'sah,  Gk. 
pascha,  Passover,  used  of  the  lamb  and  also  as 
the  name  of  the  feast; — they  kept  (Jos. 5. 10), 
killed  (Ex.12.2i),  sacrificed  (Deut.16.5,6), 
roasted  (2Chr.35.13)  and  ate  (30.i8)  the  Pass- 
over. The  Passover  was  closely  associated 
with  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  or  Cakes 
{maffoth),  from  which  however  it  was  distinct 
both  in  origin  and  observance  (Ex. 12. 15-20). 
marfoth  were  to  be  eaten  at  the  Passover  meal 
(ver.  8),  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  (the  be- 
ginning of  the  15  th)  and  for  seven  days,  till  the 
evening  of  the  21st.  The  penalty  for  eating 
leaven  was  "  cutting  off "  {vv.  15,19).  The  Feast 
of  Unleavened  Bread  was  observed  in  com- 
memoration of  the  deUverance  from  Egypt 
(ver.  17).  The  first  and  seventh  days  were 
holy  convocations  (Ex.12. 16  ;  Lev. 23. 7,8  ; 
Num. 28.18, 25) ;  and  on  these  days  nowork  was 
permitted  except  the  necessary  preparation  of 
food.  It  was  owing  to  the  haste  of  the  depar- 
ture from  Egypt  that  the  people  ate  marrdth 
on  the  day  following  the  Exodus  (Ex. 12. 34, 
39).  II.  Post-Exodus,  (i)  Ex. 12.43-51.  The 
ordinance  of  the  Passover  given  in  Succoth  and 
with  special  reference  to  its  observance  in  the 
land  of  Canaan.  (2)  13. 3-10.  Concerning  the 
observance  of  Unleavened  Bread  in  Canaan. 
The  seventh  day  only  is  mentioned  as  a  feast 
(ver.  6)  ;  cf.  Deut.16.8.  (3)  Ex.23.14-19.  Un- 
leavened Bread  brought  into  connexion  with 
harvest  and  offering  of  the  firstfruits  (ver. 
16).  Each  worshipper  was  to  present  an  offer- 
ing according  to  his  means  (ver.  15  ;  Deut.16. 
16,17).  (4)  Ex. 34.18-26.  The  term  Mg/f,  a  fes- 
tival-gathering, is  here  only  in  the  Pentateuch 
applied  to  the  Passover  (ver.  25).  It  is  usually 
appUed  to  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread. 
The  safety  of  the  land  was  assured  during  the 
absence  of  the  men  on  the  three  pilgrim  feasts 
(ver.  24).  (5)  Lev.23.4-14.  The  Passover  on 
the  14th  (ver.  5),  and  Unleavened  Bread  on  the 
15th  (ver   6),  i.e.  the  lamb  was  killed  towards 


648 


PASSOVER 


the  close  of  the  14th  and  eaten  the  same  even- 
ing with  maffoth,  the  Passover  being  here 
mentioned  rather  as  introducing  Unleavened 
Bread  than  on  its  own  account,  and  though 
Unleavened  Bread  commenced  with  the  Paschal 
meal  on  the  eve  of  the  15th  (Ex. 12. 18),  it  could 
as  a  festival  distinct  from  the  Passover  be  said 
to  begin  on  the  morning  of  the  15th.  See  Num. 
28.16,17.  [Day.]  The  ritual  in  Lev.23. 10-14 
shows  a  close  connexion  between  Unleavened 
Bread  and  harvest.  According  to  the  best 
Jewish  tradition,  the  sabbath  (ver.  11)  was  the 
15th  of  the  month,  the  first  day  of  Passover; 
but  the  Samaritans,  Sadducees,  and  Karaites 
interpret  it  of  the  regular  sabbath  occurring  in 
Passover  week.  On  "  the  morrow  after  the 
sabbath,"  either  on  the  i6th,  the  second  day  of 
the  Passover  (Jos.  3  Ant.  x.  5),  or  on  the  Sun- 
day after  the  15th,  in  accordance  with  one  or 
other  of  the  above  opinions,  the  sheaf  (omer) 
of  the  first-fruits  of  the  barley  harvest  was  to  be 
taken  to  the  priest  and  by  him  waved  before  the 
Lord  (23.11,12).  From  this  day  were  reckoned 
the  seven  weeks  to  the  Feast  of  Weeks  (23.15, 
16 ;  Deut.16.9).  (6)  Num.9.1-14.  Passover 
kept  at  Sinai.  The  law  of  the  Second  or  Little 
Passover  added — those  who  were  unclean 
through  contact  with  a  dead  body,  or  who  were 
on  a  journey,  were  to  keep  the  Passover  on  the 
14th  of  the  second  month  (vv.  6-12).  "  Cutting 
off  "  was  the  penalty  for  non-observance  of  the 
Passover  (ver.  13).  [Crimes.]  (7)  Num.28. 
16-25.  The  additional  offerings  for  each  of  the 
seven  days  of  Unleavened  Bread.  (8)  88.3. 
Historical  note — the  exodus  on  the  15th,  "  on 
the  morrow  after  the  passover."  (9)  Deut.l6. 
1-16.  A  very  important  passage :  "  Thou 
Shalt  sacrifice  the  passover  ...  of  the  flock 
and  the  herd  "  (ver.  2),  is  paraphrased  in  the 
Pal.  Targum,  "  Ye  shall  sacrifice  the  passover 
at  even,  and  the  sheep  and  the  oxen  on  the 
morrow,  on  the  same  day  to  rejoice  in  the 
feast."  Sifri  on  the  same  verse  explains  the 
"  herd  "  as  the  haghighd,  or  festive  offering 
(see  also  Lev. 3. 1-7,7.11-21, 19. 5-8),  as  do  also 
Rashi  and  other  Jewish  commentators.  The 
word  rendered  roast  in  Deut.16.7  means  to  boil 
or  seethe  (R.V.  marg.),  but  is  sometimes  used  in 
the  general  sense  "  to  cook,"  e.g.  cakes  (2Sam. 
18.8).  It  occurs  2Chr.85.13,  "They  roasted 
[boiled  or  cooked]  the  passover  with  fire  " 
\cf.  Kx. 12.8,9).  Not  only  was  the  passover  to 
be  killed  at  the  sanctuary,  since  there  only  it 
was  lawful  to  offer  sacrifices,  but  also  to  be 
cooked  and  eaten  there  (Deut. 16.2,5-7).  The 
worshippers  were  to  return  to  their  tents  in  the 
morning  (I6.7  ;  cf.  Ex. 12. 22).  ma((dth  is  called 
the  "  bread  of  affliction"  here  only  (Deut. 16. 
3),  perhaps  with  reference  to  Ex. 12. 11,  "in 
liaste,"  t.«.  trepidation.  (10)  Jos. 5. 10,11.  The 
I'assovcT  kept  at  Gilgal.  (11)  2Chr.8.i3.  Un- 
leavened Bread  observed  by  Solomon  accord- 
ing to  the  law.  (12)  8O.13-27.  Passover  and 
Unleavened  Bread  observed  in  the  reign  of 
Ilizckiah,  in  the  second  month.  Many  of  the 
p<;ople,  though  Levitically  unclean,  iiartook  of 
the  passover  (ver.  18),  and  the  Lcvitos  killed  tlie 
lambs  for  them  (ver.  17).  The  priests  received 
the  blood  from  the  Levites  and  sprinkled  it  on 
the  altar  (80.i6,85,ii).  Unh  aveiicd  Bread 
was  kept  seven  days  (30. 21),  and  then  seven 
more  (ver.  23).     (13)  85.1-19.     The  Passover 


PASSOVER 

was  kept  in  the  18th  year  of  the  reign  of  Josiah 
(ver.  19).  See  also  2K. 28.21-23.  The  Pass- 
over and  Unleavened  Bread  are  regarded  as 
distinct  (2Chr.85.17).  The  Levites  killed  and 
flayed  the  lambs  for  all  the  people  (vv.  6,11  ; 
Ezr.6.20.  (14)  Ezr.6. 19-22.  The  Passover 
was  kept  by  the  returned  exiles.  The  Levites 
killed  lambs  for  themselves,  the  priests,  and 
the  people  (ver.  20).  (15)  Ezk. 45.21-24.  Here 
the  Passover  is  a  feast  of  seven  days,  on  which 
moffoth  is  to  be  eaten  (ver.  21).  The  Feast 
of  Unleavened  Bread  is  almost  lost  in  the 
Passover.  The  daily  sacrifices  differ  from 
those  prescribed  by  the  law  (Num.28. 19). 
Especially  noticeable  in  this  connexion  is  the 
sin-offering  (ver.  22  ;  c/.  Ezk. 45. 22).  Thus  the 
Passover  was  in  the  first  instance  essentially 
a  domestic  rite,  but  it  partly  lost  this  character 
as  soon  as  a  central  shrine  was  set  up,  and 
with  it  a  distinguishing  feature — the  blood- 
sprinkling  on  the  doorposts  of  the  house.  The 
sacrificial  aspect  became  more  prominent,  and 
the  individual  element,  though  never  entirely 
lost,  fell  into  the  background,  till  in  the  book 
of  Ezekiel  we  see  the  prince  offering  the 
sacrifice  for  himself  and  the  community. 
— B.  In  N.T.  Times  AND  Later  Practice.  I. 
The  Passover  and  Unleavened  Bread  were  not 
generally  regarded  as  distinct,  and  the  whole 
festival  was  called  indifferently  the  "  Feast  of 
Unleavened  Bread,"  or  the  "  Feast  of  the 
Passover."  "  At  the  time  of  the  Feast  of  Un- 
leavened Bread,  which  we  call  Passover " 
(Josephus,  14  Ant.  ii.  i) ;  "  The  Feast  of  Un- 
leavened Bread  being  now  at  hand,  which 
among  the  Jews  is  called  Passover"  (2  Wars 
i.  3  ;  Lu.22.1)  ;  "  We  call  this  festival  Pascha, 
which  signifies  the  Feast  of  the  Passover"  (2 
Ant.  xiv.  6);  "  The  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread" 
(3  ib.  XV.  3  ;  2  Wars  xii.  i,  6).  But  cf.  Mk.l4.i. 
(i)  During  the  month  preceding  Passover  elab- 
orate preparations  for  the  tihservance  of  the 
festival  were  made,  including  the  whitening 
of  the  sepulchres  to  prevent  the  pilgrims  con- 
tracting ceremonial  defilement  by  accidental 
contact  with  them  (Mt.23.27).  (2)  Nisan  14, 
Passover  Eve,  was  a  day  of  special  preparation. 
After  sunset  on  the  evening  of  the  13th,  the 
beginning  of  the  14th,  the  head  of  the  family 
made  a  careful  search  throughout  the  house  for 
leaven  (Pesachim  i.  i),  first  pronouncing  the 
benediction,  "  Blessed  art  Thou,  O  Lord  our 
God,  King  of  the  Universe,  Who  hast  sanctified 
us  with  Thy  precepts,  and  commanded  us  to  re- 
move the  leaven  "  (ib.  7a).  The  14th  was  some- 
times called  the  first  day  of  Unleavened  Bread  : 
"The  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread,  which  was 
now  come,  it  being  the  14th  day  of  the  month  " 
(Josephus,  5  Wars  iii.  i;  Mt.26.i7  ;  Mk.l4. 
12  ;  Lu.22.7).  The  feast  was  then  reckoned 
as  eight  days  :  "  We  keep  a  feast  for  eiglit  clays, 
which  is  called  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread" 
(Josephus,  2  Ant.w.i).  Two  desecrated  thank- 
offering  cakes  were  exposed,  probably  on  the 
roof  of  the  temple  jiortico,  one  of  which  was 
removed  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  to  in- 
dicate the  time  after  which  no  more  leaven  was 
to  l)e  eaten,  and  the  other  at  eleven  o'clock, 
when  all  leaven  was  to  be  burned  (Pesachim  i. 
5).  The  14th  is  also  known  as  tlie  Fast  of  the 
I'irslborn,  the  firstborn  son  fasting  in  com- 
memoration of  tlie  sparing  of  tlic  Hebrews 


PASSOVER 

when  the  Egyptians  were  destroyed  (Ex. 12.12). 
All  abstained  from  food  from  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  [Pesachim  x.  i).  On 
Passover  Eve  the  daily  evening  sacrifice  was 
killed  at  1.30  and  offered  at  2.30,  and  if  the  eve 
fell  on  a  Friday  this  took  place  one  hour  earlier. 
Immediately  afterwards  the  passover  lambs 
were  killed  (ib.  v.  i),  i.e.  between  three  and  five 
o'clock  (Josephus,  6  Wars  ix.  3).  A  company 
at  the  Paschal  meal  was  to  number  not  less 
than  ten  and  might  be  twenty  (Josephus,  I.e.). 
Representatives  of  each  company  took  their 
lamb  to  the  temple  at  the  time  of  sacrifice. 
When  the  Court  of  the  Priests  was  filled  the 
gates  were  closed  and  a  threefold  trumpet-call 
sounded.  All  the  24  courses  of  priests  were  on 
duty,  and  were  arranged  in  two  rows  leading 
up  to  the  altar  of  burnt- offering,  those  in  the 
one  holding  golden  and  the  other  silver  bowls 
with  rounded  bottoms.  The  IsraeUte  killed  his 
lamb,  and  the  nearest  priest  caught  the  blood 
in  his  bowl,  passed  it  on  to  the  next  priest,  and 
received  an  empty  one  in  return.  The  priest 
nearest  the  altar  cast  the  blood  in  one  jet  at  its 
base.  Meanwhile  the  Levites  chanted  the 
Hallel  (i.e.  Ps. 113-118),  accompanied  by  in- 
struments of  brass.  The  lamb  was  then  sus- 
pended on  hooks  fixed  in  the  walls  and  columns 
or  laid  on  staves  resting  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
men,  skinned,  and  the  proper  parts  salted  and 
offered  by  the  priest  on  the  altar.  Even  if  the 
14th  fell  on  the  sabbath  the  kiUing,  sprinkling 
the  blood,  cleansing,  and  burning  the  fat  on  the 
altar  took  place  as  usual,  but  the  lamb  was 
skinned  only  as  far  as  the  neck,  and  the  wor- 
shippers waited  at  the  temple  till  sunset  before 
returning  to  the  house  where  the  Paschal 
supper  was  to  be  eaten.  The  court  was  filled 
a  second  and  third  time,  the  same  order  being 
observed  in  each  case.  The  lamb  was  sus- 
pended in  the  oven  by  means  of  a  spit  of  pome- 
granate wood,  which  passed  through  it  from 
mouth  to  vent,  care  being  taken  that  no  part  of 
the  animal  touched  the  oven.  The  haghighd 
also  was  offered  on  the  14th  if  the  company 
was  so  large  that  the  lamb  would  not  suffice 
(Pesachim  vi.  3),  otherwise  on  the  morning  of 
the  15th  or  any  day  of  the  festival.  It  could  not 
be  offered  on  the  sabbath,  or  by  one  who  was 
unclean.  The  15th  was  a  sabbath,  and  might 
coincide  with  the  weekly  sabbath,  in  which  case 
it  superseded  the  sabbath  law  in  certain  re- 
spects (Pesachim  66a) .  One  or  two  days  before 
the  Passover,  representatives  of  the  Sanhedrin 
went  to  a  field  in  the  Kedron  VaUey  and  tied 
stalks  of  barley  together  in  small  sheaves, 
leaving  them  uncut.  On  the  i6th,  or  probably 
aboutsunseton  the  15th,  three  men  with  sickles 
and  baskets  went  to  the  field,  where  a  number 
of  people  had  assembled  in  festive  array,  and 
cut  the  barley.  They  gathered  ten  omers, 
took  it  to  the  temple  courts,  where  it  was 
threshed,  roasted,  ground,  and  passed  through 
thirteen  sieves,  each  finer  than  the  preceding, 
and  so  obtained  the  omer.  What  remained 
was  afterwards  redeemed  and  eaten  by  any  one. 
The  omer  of  fine  meal  was  mixed  with  oil, 
frankincense  was  put  on  it,  and  it  was  then 
waved  by  the  priest.  A  portion  was  burned 
and  tlie  rest  eaten  by  the  priests.  "  On  the 
second  day  of  Unleavened  Bread,  which  is  the 
1 6th  of  the  month,  they  first  offer  imto  God  the 


PASSOVER 


649 


firstfruits  of  their  barley;  after  which  they  may 
reap  their  harvest"  (Josephus,  3  Ant.  x.  5). 
The  17th  to  the  20th  were  half-holydays,  during 
which  only  necessary  work  was  done.  Many 
pilgrims  returned  to  their  homes  on  the  17th. 
II.  The  Paschal  Meal.  The  ritual  for  the 
meal  given  in  Pesachim  x.  2  ff.  is  probably 
that  which  was  in  the  main  followed  in  our 
Lord's  time.  It  is  very  brief,  and  omits  details 
common  to  all  meals.  In  the  following  ac- 
count these  details,  etc.,  are  added  in  square 
brackets  after  the  Mishnaic  directions.  The 
elements  of  the  meal  were :  (i)  The  lamb,  now 
represented  by  a  bone  with  a  fragment  of  meat 
attached.  (2)  The  haghighd,  when  the  com- 
pany was  large.  It  is  now  represented  by  a 
roasted  egg.  (3)  Unleavened  cakes,  maffoih. 
(4)  Bitter  herbs — horse-radish.  (5)  haroseth, 
a  sauce  compounded  of  apples,  almonds, 
raisins,  and  cinnamon.  (6)  Vinegar  or  salt 
water.  (7)  Sufficient  wine  for  each  person  to 
have  four  cups.  (8)  Parsley,  not  mentioned 
in  the  Mishna,  and  lettuce.  Order  (Pesachim 
X.  2)  :  They  mix  the  first  cup  (with  water, 
Bab.  Bath.  gjb).  The  school  of  Shammai  says, 
he  blesses  for  the  day  and  then  for  the  wine  ; 
the  school  of  Hillel  says,  he  blesses  for  the  wine 
and  then  for  the  day.  [HiUel's  rule  is  the 
one  adopted.  The  benediction  over  wine  is, 
"  Blessed  art  Thou,  O  Lord  our  God,  King  of 
the  Universe,  Creator  of  the  fruit  of  the  vine." 
That  for  the  return  of  the  Feast-day  is  longer, 
and  composite.  All  drink  the  first  cup  of  wine. 
The  celebrant  washes  his  hands.  Some  place 
the  feet-washing  here  (Jn. 13. 4,5, 12)].  Pesachim 
X.  3  :  They  bring  (?  the  table)  before  him,  he  dips 
the  horse-radish  before  he  comes  to  the  bread 
wafers.  They  bring  before  him  unleavened 
cakes,  horse-radish,  haroseth,  and  two  kinds 
of  meat ;  and  in  the  temple  they  brought  be- 
fore him  the  passover  itself.  [The  celebrant 
dips  the  horse-radish  in  salt  water,  eats  and  dis- 
tributes to  aU,  with  benediction  for  "  the  fruit  of 
the  earth."  He  breaks  the  middle  one  of  the 
three  unleavened  cakes  and  puts  half  away  to 
be  eaten  later.  The  dish  with  the  cakes  is 
lifted  up  and  the  following  is  said  :  "  This  is 
the  bread  of  affliction  which  our  fathers  did  eat 
in  the  land  of  Egypt.  Let  all  who  are  hungry 
come  in  and  eat ;  let  all  who  require  come  in 
and  celebrate  the  Passover."]  Ib.  x.  4  :  They 
mix  the  second  cup.  And  now  the  son  asks 
his  father,  and  if  the  son  has  not  the  knowledge 
his  father  teaches  him  to  say  :  "  Why  does  this 
night  differ  from  all  other  nights  ?  On  all 
other  nights  we  eat  unleavened  or  leavened,  on 
this  night  all  unleavened  ;  on  other  nights  we 
eat  all  kinds  of  herbs,  to-night  bitter  herbs  ; 
on  other  nights  we  eat  meat  boiled,  broiled,  or 
roasted,  this  night  all  roasted  [since  this 
question  is  now  obsolete  another  is  substituted  : 
"On  all  other  nights  we  eat  either  sitting  or 
reclining,  to-night  we  all  recline  "] ;  on  other 
nights  we  dip  perhaps  not  once,  this  night 
twice."  And,  according  to  the  son's  intelligence, 
the  father  teaches  him,  beginning  with  shame 
(matters  of  reproach)  and  ending  with  honour 
(things  to  be  proud  of)  ;  and  expounds  the 
words  "  My  father  was  a  wandering  Syrian  " 
(Deut.26.5),  until  he  has  completed  the  whole 
passage.  Pesachim  x.  5  :  Rabban  Gamaliel 
used    to    say,    "  Whoever    does   not    on    the 


650 


PASSOVER 


Passover  pronounce  these  three  words — Pass- 
over,    Unleavened  Bread,  and  Bitter  Herbs, 
has   not  done   his  duty; — Passover,    because 
God  passed  over  the  houses  of  our  fathers  in 
Egypt ;  Unleavened  Bread,  because  our  fathers 
were  delivered  from  Egypt ;  Bitter  Herbs,  be- 
cause the  Egyptians  embittered  the  lives  of 
our  fathers  in  Egypt.     In  every  generation  a 
man  ought  to  look  upon  himself  as  if  he  had 
himself  gone  forth  from  Egypt,  as  it  is  said 
(Ex. 13. 8),  '  And  thou  shalt  tell  thy  son  on  tliat 
day  saying,  For  the  sake  of  this  the  Lord  did  it 
for  me  when  I  went  out  from  Egypt.'     There- 
fore we  are  bound  to  thank,  praise,  glorify, 
exalt,  honour,  bless,  extol,  and  give  reverence 
to  Him  Who  did  for  us  and  for  our  fathers  all 
these  wonders ;  Who  brought  us  from  bondage 
to  freedom,  from  grief  to  joy,  from  mourning 
to  festival,  from  darkness  to  great  light,  from 
subjection  to  deliverance.     Let  us  say  before 
Him,  Hallelujah  (Ps.ll3-118)."     Pe^achim  x. 
6 :   How  far  does  he  say  ?  [to  the  end  of  Ps. 
114;    then  the  Blessing  of  Redemption   and 
the  benediction  over  wine,  after  which  they 
drink  the  second  cup.     This  ends  the  first  part 
of  the  service,  and  the  Paschal  meal  begins. 
All  wash  their  hands,  saying  the  appropriate 
blessing.  Pieces  of  cakes  are  given  to  each  and 
eaten  after  Vilessing,  then  the  celebrant  distri- 
butes horse-radish  dipped  in  the  haroseth.which 
is  eaten  after  the  proper  blessing.     A  piece  of 
horse-radish  between  two  pieces  of  cake  is 
distributed,  and  the  following  is  said  :  "  This 
commemorates  what  Hillel  did  ;    for  so  did 
Hillel  in  the  time  when  the  temple  existed. 
He  used  to  take  a  piece  of  the  Passover  lamb, 
unleavened  bread  and  bitter  herbs,  and  par- 
take of  them  together,  in  order  to  fulfil  liter- 
ally what  is  said  in  the  law,  '  with  unleavened 
bread  and  bitter  herbs  shall  they  eat  it,'  "  viz. 
the  Passover  lamb.     This  is  by  many  taken  to 
be  the  Sop,  Jn.i3.30.     This  ends  the  second 
part  of  the  service.     Supper  is  now  brought  in 
and  eaten.     In  temple  times  a  piece  of    the 
Paschal  lamb  was  the  last  thing  partaken  of, 
now  the  cake  which  was  laid  aside  early  in  the 
service   is   distributed,    after   which    nothing 
more  is  eaten.     Some  consider  this  to  be  the 
Bread  of  the  Eucharist  (Mt.26.26  ;  Mk. 14.22  ; 
Lu.22.19),  and  that  our  Lord  anticipated  the 
usage  of  later  times.]     Pesachim  x.  7  :  They 
mix  the  third  cup,  and  say  with  it  the  Grace 
after  meals.     [This  was  the  Cup  of  Blessing, 
I  Cor.  10.16,  so  called  because  a  special  blessing 
is  pronounced  over  it,  Lu.22.20.]     Then  the 
fourth,  and  with  it  he  finishes  the  Hallel  (Ps. 
115  118;  cf.  Mt. 26.30;    Mk.14.26),  and  adds 
the  Blessing  of  Song.     He  may  drink,  if  he 
chooses,  between  the  other  cups,  but  not  be- 
tween the  third  and  fourth.     Pesachim  x.  8  : 
They  do  not  close  (or  take  leave)  with  apiqoun^n 
(the  term  applied  now  to  the  piece   of  un- 
leavened bread  last  eaten — see  above ;  the  word 
may  mean  "dessert  "|  after  the  Pesach  [the 
Passover   lamb). — The    festival  observed   by 
modern  Jews  is  purely  a  Feast  of  Cnleavcned 
i'>read,  since  lambs  could  be  sacrificed  only  at 
the  central  sanctuary.     The  Samaritans  still 
s.icrifice  tlic  lambs  and  observe;  the  Passover  on 
Mt.Cfcrizim. — C.    Tin.  Last  Sui-imk.    The  four 
gospels  all  clearly  represent   the  Crucifixion 
as  having  taken  place  on  a  Friday,  but  since 


PASSOVER 

the  2nd  cent,  it  has  been  disputed  whether 
the  supper  of  which  our  Lord  partook  on  the 
eve  of  the  Crucifixion  was  the  legal  Paschal 
meal   on    the    15th,    or    an   ordinary,    or    at 
most  quasi-Paschal,  meal  on  the  evening  of 
Nisan  14,  i.e.  the  day  before  the  Passover.  The 
Synoptists  convey  the  impression  that  it  was 
the  Passover,  St.  John  that  it  was  a  supper  on 
the    evening    before    the    Passover.     I.    The 
Synoptists :    "  Now  on  the  first  (day)  of  un- 
leavened bread  the  disciples  came  to   Jesus, 
saying,  Where  wilt  Thou  that  we  make  ready 
for  Thee  to  eat  the  passover?  "  (Mt. 26.17);  "I 
keep  the  passover  at  thy  house"  (ver.  18); 
"They  make  ready  the   passover"  (ver.    19); 
"And  on  the  first  day  of  imleavened  bread,  when 
they  sacrificed  the  passover.  His  disciples  say 
unto   Him,  Where  wilt  Thou  that  we  go  and 
make  ready,  that  Thou  mayest  eat  the  pass- 
over  ?  "  (Mk. 14.12) ;  "  I  shall  eat  the  passover  " 
(ver.  14);   "They  made  ready  the  passover" 
(ver.  16) ;   "  And  the  day  of  unleavened  bread 
came,  on  which  the  passover  must  besacrificed" 
(Lu.22.7);  "  I  shall  eat  the  passover"  (ver.  11); 
"They  made  ready  the  passover"  (ver.  13); 
"  With  desire  I  have  desired  to  eat  this  pass- 
over  with  you"  (ver.  15).    Obviously  the  pre- 
parations were  made  on  the  14th  and  the  meal 
eaten  thesame  night,  i.e.  at  the  beginning  of  the 
15th.  Those  who  dispute  this  (among  whom  are 
Neander,  Greswell,  Stier,  Ellicott,  Westcott), 
raise  the  following  objections  :  (a)  The  rulers 
did  not  propose  to  arrest  Jesus  during  the 
feast  (Mt.26.5).     But  the  treachery  of  Judas 
removed  the  danger  of  "  tumult."      (b)  The 
day  of  the  Crucifixion  is  called  the  Preparation, 
the  day  before  the  sabbath  (Mk.i5.42  ;  Lu.23. 
54) ;    and  the  15th,  a  festal  sabbath,  would 
scarcely  be  treated  as  the  preparation  for  the 
weekly  sabbath,  whereas  if  it  were  the  14th  it 
would  be  the  preparation  for  both  the  weekly 
and  festal  sabbath.      But   as  the   necessary 
preparation  of  food,  forbidden  on  the  weekly, 
was  permitted  on  the  festal  sabbath,  it  is  not 
impossible  that  such  preparation  was  under- 
taken towards  the  close  of   the   15th.     The 
Preparation  began  about  three  o'clock  (Jose- 
phus,  16  Ant.  vi.  2).     McClcllan  argues  that 
WapadKevY)  was  simply  the  Greek  name  for  Fri- 
day, and  that  the  circumlocution  in  Mt. 28.62 
was  used   to  prevent  St.   Matthew's  Jewish 
readers  from  mistaking  the  day  for  the  festal 
sabbath,     (c)  Field  labour  was  not  permitted 
on  the  15th,  but  was  on  the  morning  of  the 
14th  if  necessary  (Mk.l5.2i  ;  Lu.23. 26).     But 
was   Simon  necessarily  returning    from   field 
labour  ?      (d)    Could   a    winding-sheet    have 
been  bought  on  the  15th  ?    (.Mk.i5.46).     (e) 
It  is  objected  that  Nisan  15  cannot   fall  on  a 
Friday.     This  is  the  rule  now,  but  is  due  to  a 
later  arrangement  of  the  calendar  (Pesachim 
vii.  10).     (/)  It  is  urged  that  if  the  Crucifixion 
took  place  on  the  14th,  then  Jesus  rose  on  the 
i6th,  the  day  of  offering  the  firstfruits  (iCor. 
15.23).     (g)  Would  not  the  priests  and  elders 
be  at  the  Paschal  supper  <m  the  night  of  the 
15th  ?  (Lu. 22.32).    The  meal  would  not  occupy 
thcin  longer  than  it  did  jisiis  and  His  disciples, 
and  tlie  ]irc)hibiti<>ii  against  leaving  the  house 
(Ex. 12. 22)  applied  only  to  the  ligyptian  Pass- 
over.    II.  St.  John.     Not  the  Paschal  meal : 
"Now  before  the  feast  of  the  passover,  Jesus, 


PASSOVER 

knowing  that  His  hour  was  come.  .  .  .  And 
during  supper "  (Jn.l3.i,2,  R.V.).  Thenoteof 
time  is  too  indefinite  to  prove  anything,  cf. 
Lu.11.38,  irph  rod  aplcTTov,  i.e.  immediately 
before  dinner.  "That  thou  doest,  do  quickly. 
Some  thought  .  .  .  that  Jesus  said  unto  him, 
Buy  what  things  we  have  need  of  for  the  feast ; 
or,  that  he  should  give  something  to  the  poor . . . 
and  it  was  night "  (Jn. 13. 27-30).  It  is  scarcely 
credible  that  it  should  be  thought  that  Judas 
went  to  make  purchases  in  the  middle  of  the 
night  of  the  14th,  but  the  hdghighd  might  be 
provided  in  the  night  of  the  15th.  See  Eder- 
she.im.,Life,  etc.,  ii.  508.  "It  was  the  preparation 
of  the  passover  "  (19.14,31,42);  i.e.  Passover 
Friday,  see  I.  (b),  supra.  The  "  high-day  "  sab- 
bath (ver.  31)  is  explained  by  those  who  follow 
the  Synoptists  as  referring  to  the  i6th,  the 
weekly  sabbath  and  also  the  day  of  appearance 
in  the  temple  and  offering  of  firstfruits  ;  by 
those  who  follow  St.  John  as  the  15th,  the  festal 
sabbath  coinciding  with  the  weekly.  "  It 
was  early  ;  and  they  themselves  entered  not 
into  the  palace,  that  they  might  not  be  defiled  ; 
but  might  eat  the  passover  "  (18. 28).  Deut.16. 
2  applies  the  term  "passover  "  to  the  Mghighd 
usually  offered  on  the  15th.  It  is  by  many  so 
explained  here.  There  are  two  references  to 
the  death  of  Jesus  in  the  Talmud,  Sank. 
4.3a,  67a.  In  both  the  Crucifixion  is  said  to 
have  taken  place  on  the  Passover  Eve,  the  14th. 
The  passages  are  of  late  date,  and  of  no 
historical  value.  Joel,  a  Jewish  writer,  argues 
that  the  earlier  view  was  that  the  Crucifixion 
took  place  on  the  15th.  It  is  also  contended 
that  our  Lord  and  many  of  the  Jews  kept  the 
Passover  one  day  earlier  than  the  rest  of  the 
people,  owing  to  uncertainty  in  calculating  the 
time.  But  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  pass- 
over  was  sacrificed  on  two  successive  after- 
noons. Other  solutions  of  the  difficulty  have 
been  propounded,  but  without  any  evidence 
to  support  them.  Early  tradition  is  not 
unanimous. — D.  Meaning  of  the  Passover. 
I.  The  Passover  was  in  the  first  instance  a 
sacrifice,  with  two  essential  rites — sprinkling 
the  blood  and  eating  the  flesh.  It  is  extremely 
probable  that  the  ancient  Hebrews,  in  common 
with  their  contemporaries,  kept  a  pastoral 
festival  in  the  spring,  when  the  firstlings  were 
offered  in  sacrifice  to  the  Deity.  Ex.3. 18  and 
5.1  may  refer  to  such  a  feast,  which  was  made 
the  occasion  of  the  Exodus,  and  received  new 
meaning  from  the  events  of  the  deliverance 
from  Egypt.  From  the  earliest  times  the 
firstlings  were  regarded  as  belonging  to  God 
{cf.  Gen. 4. 4),  and  as  at  the  Exodus  God  spared 
the  firstborn  of  the  Hebrews  it  was  an  addi- 
tional reason  why  they  and  also  the  firstlings 
should  belong  to  Him  (Ex. 34.19).  The  Pass- 
over belonged  to  the  sh-'ldmim,  or  peace-offer- 
ings, by  partaking  of  which  the  worshippers  re- 
newed the  covenant  with  each  other  and  the 
Deity.  But  since  the  sprinkling  of  the  blood 
on  the  doorposts  was  the  means  of  saving  the 
Hebrew  firstborn,  and  the  feast  was  closely 
associated  with  the  deliverance  of  the  nation 
from  Egyptian  bondage,  the  Passover  was  to 
be  observed  in  commemoration  of  those  two 
events  (Ex.12. 12, 14,27  ;  Deut.l6.i).  In  later 
times  (see  O.T.  references)  the  piacular  aspect 
became   more   prominent,    and    is    specially 


PATMOS 


651 


emphasized  in  Ezekiel's  scheme  of  sacrifices 
(45.22).  The  Paschal  lamb  was  a  type  of 
Christ  (Jn.19.36).  Hence  St.  Paul  says,  "  For 
our  passover  was  sacrificed,  even  Christ.  So, 
therefore,  let  us  keep  festival  "  (iCor.5.7,8), 
with  reference  to  "  the  perpetual  feast  the 
Christian  Church  keeps  on  the  Flesh  and  Blood 
of  her  Lord."  II.  A  nature  festival,  cor 
responding  to  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread 
was  probably  observed  in  patriarchal  times 
and  after  the  Exodus  acquired,  like  the  Pass 
over,  a  twofold  significance.  It  commemo 
rated  the  departme  from  Egypt  (Ex.l2.i7,13 
3,8,23.15),  especially  the  nervous  haste  of  the 
departure  (Deut.16.3);  and  it  was  also  a  barley 
harvest  festival,  with  ritual  offering  of  the  first- 
fruits  (Ex.23. 16  ;  Lev.23.io).  There  is  some 
uncertainty  as  to  the  original  meaning  of 
macroth.  Bochart  {Hieron.  i.  689  f.)  gives 
"  clean,  pure,"  cf.  iCor.5.8  :  "  Let  us  keep 
festival  .  .  .  with  the  unleavened  bread  of  sin- 
cerity and  truth."  [Sacrifice  ;  Eucharist.] 
Mishna,  Pesachim  ;  Maimonides,  Hilchoth 
Chametz,  Korban,  Pesach.,  and  Chagigah ; 
Ewald,  Alterthumer,  390  ff.  ;  Nowack,  Archdo- 
logie,  ii.  148  ff.  ;  Schaefer,  Das  Mazzotfest ; 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  art.  "  Pass- 
over "  ;  Kitto,  Cyclop,  of  Bib.  Lit.  and  Jewish 
Encyc.  vi.  141  ff.,  ix.  548  ff.,  xi.  142  ff.  ; 
Dembitz,  Jewish  Services,  356  ff.  ;  Fried- 
lander,  Jewish  Religion,  372  ff.  ;  R.  Smith, 
Relig.  Sent.  227,  etc. ;  Cobb,  Origines  Judaicae, 
138  ;  Schultz,  O.T.  Theol.  i.  364  ;  Edersheim, 
The  Temple,  etc.,  xi.  xii.  xiii.  ;  Green,  The 
Revised  Hagada,  and  Spiers,  Hagadah  for  Pass- 
over (both  with  English  translations).  The  Last 
Supper  :  McClellan,  The  New  Test.  i.  473  ff  ; 
Westcott,  Introd.  to  Study  of  Gospels ;  Caspari, 
Introd.  to  Life  of  Christ,  192  ff.  ;  Edersheim, 
Life,  etc.,  of  Jesus,  ii.  479  ff. ;  Chwolson,  Das 
letzte  Passahmahl  Christi,  etc. ;  Joel,  Blicke 
in  d.  Relig.  Gesch.  pt.  ii.  62  ff.  The  Samaritan 
Passover  :  Jeiv.  Encyc.  x.  624 ;  Stanley,  Jew. 
Church,  i.  513 ;  Conder,  Tent  Work,  31 ;  Murray's 
Handbook:  Syria  and  Pal.  is7  f.  [h.h.] 

Pat'ara  (Ac.21.i  only),  a  Lycian  city  of 
considerable  note ;  situated  on  the  S.W.  shore 
of  Lycia,  not  far  from  the  left  bank  of  the 
river  Xanthus.  The  coast  here  is  very 
mountainous  and  bold.  Immediately  op- 
posite is  the  island  of  Rhodes.  Patara  was 
practically  the  seaport  of  the  city  of  Xanthus, 
10  miles  distant. 

Pathe'US   (lEsd.9.23)  =  PEtHAHIAH,   2. 

Pathpos  (Ila^oi'p^s,  plur.  Pathrusim),  a 
gentilic  name.  The  Pathpusim — i.e.  inhabit- 
ants of  Pathros — are  mentioned  only  in  the 
ethnic  list  of  Genesis  (10. 14  ;  repeated  in  iChr. 
1.12),  where  they  are  said  to  be  descendants  of 
Mizraim.  Everywhere  else  we  find  the  singular. 
Pathros,  is  a  transcription  of  the  Egyptian 
Pa-ta-res,  meaning  the  land  of  the  South,  Upper 
Egypt  ;  hence  it  is  sometimes  called  the  land  of 
Pathros  (Je.44.i),  and  it  is  mentioned  before 
Cush  =  Ethiopia  (Is.ll. II).  [e.n.] 

Pat'mos  (Rev.1.9)  is  one  of  the  Sporades, 
and  in  that  part  of  the  Aegean  called  the 
Icarian  Sea.  It  was  conspicuous  on  the  right 
when  St.  Paul  was  sailing  (Ac.2O.15, 21. i) 
from  Samos  to  Cos.  The  aspect  of  the 
island  is  peculiarly  rugged  and  bare.  It  is 
divided  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  a  northern 


652 


PATRIARCHS 


and  a  southern,  by  a  very  narrow  isthmus, 
where,  on  the  E.  side,  are  the  harbour  and  the 
to\vn.  On  the  hill  to  the  S.,  crowning  a  com- 
manding height,  is  the  celebrated  monastery, 
which  bears  the  name  of  "  John  the  Divine." 
Halfway  up  the  ascent  is  the  cave  or  grotto 
where  tradition  says  that  St.  John  received 
the  Revelation. 

Patplapchs,  including  (i)  ante-diluvians  ; 
(2)  patriarchs  proper  ;  (3)  the  patriarchal 
Church,  (i)  Long-lived  Antc-diluvians.  From 
the  Creation  to  the  Flood,  the  complete  ages 
of  nine  persons  are  recorded,  all  which  lives, 
except  Enoch's,  ended  naturally.  These  eight 
lives  total  7060  years — the  longest  969,  the 
shortest  777,  the  average  882  .V.  Four  lives  ex- 
ceeded 900  years.  After  the  Flood,  the  "  gene- 
rations of  Sheni,"  like  the  "  generations  of 
Adam,"  give  nine  lives,  from  Shem  to  Tcrah, 
which  shorten  rapidly.  Noah,  who  drew 
breath  in  the  "  old  world,"  completed  950 
years,  exceeded  only  by  Methuselah  ;  Shem 
lived  to  600  only.  The  four  next  lives,  before 
the  confusion  of  tongues,  average  485!  ;  the 
five  after,  only  212.  Terah's  is  the  last  life  ex- 
ceeding 200  years ;  his  father  Nahor's  the  first 
below  that  number.  The  similarity  of  form  in 
the  "  generations  of  Adam  "  and  "  of  Shem  " 
suggests  that  in  both  alike  the  years  are  na- 
tural. And  in  view  of  the  statement  in  2Pe.3. 
5-7,  of  the  great  difference  between  "  the 
heavens  and  earth  that  are  now  "  and  those  of 
the  "  old  world,"  we  may  well  ascribe  the 
shortening  of  human  life  to  (i)  the  change  of 
climate,  and  (ii)  the  dispersion  of  the  human 
family,  making  the  conditions  of  life  much 
harder.  The  LXX.  chronology  adds  1000 
years  to  the  "  gencrationa  of  Shem  "  by  a 
simple  device,  which  bespeaks  its  Egyptian 
origin,  but  adds  nothing  to  the  longevity  of  the 
several  patriarchs.  (2)  Pa/^/'arc/is  so-called  in 
N.T.  are  Abraham  (Heb.7.4),  David  (Ac.2.2o), 
and  the  12  sons  of  Jacob  (Ac. 7. 8, 9).  In  LX.\. 
the  (ik.  word  is  used  for  rulers  of  the  12  tribes 
(iChr.27.22),  and  in  four  other  w.  of  Chronicles 
for  heads  of  families  in  Israel.  (3)  The  patri- 
archal Church  is  a  collective  term  for  the  God- 
fearing families  who  called  on  tlie  name  of  the 
Lord  before  the  Levitical  Church  was  organized 
under  Moses,  or,  afterwards,  apart  from  the 
Israelite  community,  but  not  as  scceders  from 
it.  The  circles  of  Job  and  Jethro  would 
obviously  be  included.  The  habits,  laws,  and 
ceremonies  of  this  body  have  been  well  put 
together  in  Blunt's  Scriptural  Coincidences, 
pp.  5  if.,  in  a  paper  by  Dean  Burgon.  A 
noticeable  fact  in  the  records  of  this  body  is  its 
practical  acceptance  of  the  obligations  of  the 
Decalogue,  wliich  was  evidently  written  on  tlie 
hearts  of  godly  men  before  Moses.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  trace  tiiis  acknowledgment  in 
Genesis,   i;.\.l-19,   and  in  Job.  [c.n.w.] 

Pat'pobas,  a  Cliristian  at  Rome  whom 
St.  Paul  salutes  (R0.I6.14).  Likeother  names 
mentioned  in  R0.I8,  tins  was  borne  by  at  least 
oncinenilicr  of  the  emixTor's  household  (Suet. 
Galha,  20;    M.irtial,  /•.,''.  ii.  32,  3). 

Patpoc'lus,  father  of  Nicanor,  i  (2Mac. 
8...). 

Pau  (in  iChr.1.50.  Pai),  the  capital  of 
na.lar,kingofEdom(Gen.36.39).  Its  position 
i^  uiiknowi;. 


PATTIi 

Paul.  I.  Biographical. — (i)  Antecedents. 
Three  languages  inscribed  upon  the  cross 
represent  three  converging  civilizations — the 
Hebrew,  the  Greek,  and  the  Latin.  Each 
possessed  its  distinctive  characteristics :  the 
first,  religious  insight  and  devotion ;  the 
second,  intellectual  thought  and  imagination  ; 
the  third,  political  and  practical  power.  It 
is  most  significant  that  all  these  three  char- 
acteristics were  embodied  in  the  human  agent 
to  whom  Christianity  owes  most.  "  With  all 
that  the  proudest  Jew  could  boast,  he  had 
the  entry  into  the  larger  world  of  Greek 
culture,  and  withal  a  Roman's  interest  in 
the  universal  empire.  He  was  a  man  to  be 
claimed  by  a  great  purpose,  if  such  a  purpose 
there  were  to  claim  him"  (Robinson,  Ephe- 
sians,  p.  5).  His  education  was  apparently 
chiefly  in  Jerusalem  under  Rabban  Gamaliel 
the  elder,  distinguished  for  large-heartedness 
and  humanity,  who  afterwards  advised  the 
Sanhedrin  to  release  the  apostles  (Ac.5. 34-39), 
and  who  was  honoured  alike  by  the  Jewish 
Synagogue  and  by  the  Cliristian  Church  (see 
Schiirer,  Jewish  People,  11.  i.  364).  It  seems 
certain  that  St.  Paul  never  met  Jesus  Christ, 
and  must  have  been  absent  from  Jerusalem 
during  the  crucifixion  period  {cf.  Bp.  Light- 
foot,  Biblical  Essays;  Sabatier,  The  Ap.  Paul; 
Ramsay,  P.  the  Trav. ;  McGiffert,  Hist.  Christ. 
Apost.  Age,  115).  For  chronology,  see  Har- 
nack,  Geschichte  der  Altchr.  lit.  11.  i.  237,  etc. 
According  to  Clemen,  St.  Paul's  conversion 
was  in  31  a.d.  :  Paulus,  i.  349-410,  table 
on  p.  411. — (2)  Conversion,  (i)  The  narra- 
tive is  given  three  times  :  first  in  the 
historian's  account  ;  seamd,  by  St.  Paul, 
spoken  in  Heb.  to  the  assembled  crowds  in 
Jerusalem  ;  third,  by  St.  Paul,  spoken  in 
Gk.  before  the  authorities  at  Caesarea  (Ac. 
9,22,26).  The  variations  consist  chiefly  in: 
(a)  The  intervention  of  Ananias,  recorded  in 
Ac. 9, 22,  omitted  in  26  ;  the  instruction  given 
by  him  in  the  two  former  being  ascribed  in 
the  last  to  our  Lord  Himself.  The  omission 
of  Ananias  before  the  magistrate  is  perfectly 
natural.  There  was  no  necessity  to  intro- 
duce him.  And  further,  he  had  no  share  in 
the  actual  conversion,  (b)  The  effect  upon  the 
attendants.  Sabatier's  judgment  on  the  diver- 
gences commends  itself  for  its  sobriety.  "  They 
are  such  divergences  as  will  always  exist  in  the 
most  faithful  repetitions  of  the  same  narra- 
tive. Their  explanation  lies  in  their  very 
triviality.  Tliey  .  .  .  arise  at  certain  extreme 
points  belonging  to  the  mere  circumference  of 
the  narrative  .  .  .  ."  (L'Apotre  Paul,  p.  42,  Eng. 
tr.  p.  59).  Beneath  these  minor  variations  lies 
substantial  identity.  On  the  question  of  St. 
Paul's  psych(jlogical  condition  before  conver- 
sion the  .4cts  tiirows  no  uncertain  light.  The 
change  was  sudden,  and  wholly  unexpected  (9. 
3,22.6).  Saul  has  no  idea  Who  the  heavenly 
Person  manifested  can  be.  Tlie  question, 
"  Why  pcrsecutest  thou  Me,"  had  not  rebuked 
an  uneasy  conscience  already  filled  with  grave 
suspicions.  Nor  is  tiic  speaker  recognized. 
The  heavenly  Person  is  compelled  to  assert  Mis 
identity  with  Jesus  before  Saul  can  under- 
stand. Moreover,  the  effect  of  this  announce- 
ment is  to  leave  him  "  trembling  and  aston- 
ished "  (9.6).     Thus  the  whole  experience  finds 


PAUL 

him  unprepared.  The  only  phrase  which  can 
be  made  to  suggest  misgivings  is  the  proverb, 
"  It  is  hard  for  thee  to  kick  against  the  goads  " 
(9.5).  But  this  may  easily  mean  being  led  by 
higher  power  into  a  course  which  he  had  con- 
scientiously opposed.  The  ox  which  resents  the 
goads  may  consider  himself  perfectly  justified, 
and  have  no  misgivings  as  to  the  superiority  of 
his  own  course.  Nor  could  this  single  sentence 
faurly  be  interpreted  to  contradict  the  general 
evidence  of  the  narrative  that  the  conversion 
was  not  the  outcome  of  meditations  and  doubts, 
but  sudden,  startling,  and  unprepared  (cf.  Ac. 
26.9,  "  I  verily  thought  within  myself,  that  I 
ought  to  do  many  things  contrary  to  the  name 
of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  ").  "It  was  my  deliberate 
and  conscientious  conviction-"  {Stevens,  Pauline 
Theology,  p.  17).  (ii)  It  is  certainly  remarkable 
that  no  account  of  his  own  conversion  is  given 
in  his  epistles,  but  is  probably  accounted  for  by 
the  fact  that  they  are  intended  for  converts 
who  must  have  heard  his  testimony  orally. 
And  the  epistles  contain  allusions  unmistakable 
to  men  already  informed  of  the  occurrence. 
(a)  iCor.9.i  ;  c/.  Gal.l.i.  St.  Paul  here  bases 
his  apostolic  authority  on  a  vision  of  Jesus.  It 
is  indisputable  that  this  "  seeing  "  was  subse- 
quent to  the  Resurrection,  for  only  so  could  it 
have  any  argumentative  value.  The  occasion 
must  have  been  the  conversion.  (6)  iCor.15. 
8,  the  metaphor  of  an  untimely  birth.  "  It 
expresses,"  says  Guignebert  (Manuel  d'hisi. 
anc.  de  Christ,  p.  293),  "  the  thought  of  a 
violent  action  which  has  thrown  St.  Paul 
into  the  faith."  (c)  "  Nothing,  it  seems,  had 
prepared  St.  Paul  for  this  transformation. 
He  tells  us  plainly  (iCor.9.i6)  that  he  had 
no  choice ;  that  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel 
had  been  forced  upon  him ;  that  calamities 
would  visit  him  if  he  did  not  preach  it " 
(Guignebert,  p.  294).  He  is  certainly  under 
the  influence  of  a  brusque  and  imperious  com- 
mand, (iii)  Comparison  of  the  two  lines  of 
evidence.  The  narratives  of  St.  Paul's  conver- 
sion in  Acts  exhibit  a  remarkable  independence 
of  the  allusions  in  his  epistles.  It  is  quite  im- 
possible that  the  former  should  have  been  de- 
rived from  the  latter.  No  human  ingenuity 
could  construct  the  story  of  Damascus  out  of 
the  material  supplied  by  the  epistles  of  St. 
Paul.  In  chronological  date  the  epistles  pre- 
cede the  Acts,  but  it  is  certain  that  the  writer 
of  Acts  narrates  from  independent  sources. 
Yet  there  is  a  no  less  remarkable  general 
agreement  as  to  the  sudden  and  unprepared 
character  of  the  event.  The  assumptions  as 
to  St.  Paul's  intellectual  preparation  are 
identical  in  both  ;  yet  too  natural  to  be  de- 
signed {cf.  Goguel,  Manuel,  pp.  66,  67).  In 
what  precisely  did  St.  Paul's  psychological  pre- 
paredness for  conversion  consist  ?  Probably 
the  vision  found  response  within  St.  Paul 
because  his  own  religion  left  him  in  a  state  of 
deep  unrest.  In  Ro.7  St.  Paul  describes  a  pro- 
found and  painful  consciousness  of  inability 
to  comply  with  the  requirements  of  the  moral 
ideal.  This  consciousness,  so  pathetically  and 
powerfully  depicted,  represents  no  doubt  the 
apostle's  personal  experience,  and  in  all  pro- 
bability an  experience  prior  to  conversion.  As 
a  Pharisee  he  had  believed  that  the  condition 
of  acceptance  with  God  was  fulfilment  of  the 


PAUL 


653 


law.  But  as  a  moraUst  of  deep  insight  he 
realized  that  the  law,  in  order  to  be  fulfilled, 
required  self-identity  with  a  lofty  moral  ideal  ; 
and  this  ideal  grew  higher  as  man's  moral  con- 
sciousness developed.  Accordingly,  fulfilment 
was  impossible.  Therefore  the  moral  law,  which 
would  have  been  his  salvation,  could  he  have 
fulfilled  it,  became  his  condemnation,  because 
he  fell  beneath  it.  Peace  with  God,  serenity 
of  soul,  was  what  he  yearned  for,  with  all  the 
intensity  of  a  high  nature  bent  on  righteous- 
ness ;  and  also  precisely  what  he  could  never 
hope  to  find.  This  condition  of  spiritual  discon- 
tent by  no  means  even  hinted  that  the  Hebrew 
religion  was  not  divine.  St.  Paul  would  be 
constrained  to  accuse  his  own  weakness,  not 
the  ideal  law,  which  he  reverenced  even  while 
it  condemned  him.  Nor  would  anything  in 
this  experience  suggest  that  Christianity  was 
true.  The  inadequacy  of  one  religious  experi- 
ence by  no  means  proves  the  sufiiciency  of 
another.  But  it  rendered  the  apostle  sensitive 
to  new  appeals  from  without.  Here,  then,  we 
may  find  a  psychological  preparedness  for  con- 
version. But  while  this  will  account  for  St. 
Paul's  receptivity  to  the  outward  appeal  of  the 
exalted  Christ,  it  is  not,  and  cannot  be  reason- 
ably made,  a  substitute  for  it.  No  mere  psy- 
chological analysis  will  ever  account  for  St. 
Paul's  conversion.  To  make  it  a  subjective 
creation  of  his  natural  powers,  mental  and 
emotional,  is  to  be  untrue  to  all  the  evidences 
we  possess,  including  what  is  most  important, 
St.  Paul's  own  self-consciousness  about  it. 
Nothing  will  really  account  for  it  but  the 
recognition  that  two  persons  were  concerned 
in  it :  the  one  was  St.  Paul,  the  other  was 
Jesus  Christ.  {Cf.  Stevens,  Pauline  Theology; 
The  Fifth  Gospel;  McGiffert,  Hist.  Christ. 
Apost.  Age  ;  Knowling,  Testimony  of  St.  Paul 
to  Christ ;  Ihmels,  Jesus  und  P.  in  N.K. 
Zeitschrift,  1906,  pp.  452-516.) — (3)  Dogmatic 
Consequences.  The  vision  of  Jesus  in  heavenly 
glory  required  an  entire  revision  of  St.  Paul's 
Christology.  (i)  It  meant  that  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  was  the  Messiah,  with  all  that  this 
involved  in  revolutionizing  contemporary  half- 
material  and  political  views  about  the  Christ, 
(ii)  Its  heavenly  glory  was  a  revelation  of  the 
moral  perfection  of  the  Son  of  Man,  Who  was 
thereby  shown  to  be  the  representative  and 
Head  of  mankind,  (iii)  The  death  in  the 
light  of  this  exaltation  was  manifestly  a  sacri- 
ficial offering  of  the  sinless  for  the  sinful. 
Jesus  is  therein  seen  to  be  the  Redeemer  of 
men.  (iv)  The  relation  of  the  exalted  Jesus 
to  the  Father  in  Heaven  is  that  of  sonship  in 
a  sense  entirely  unique  ;"and  indeed  of  com- 
plete equality.  These  fomr  conclusions  were 
involved  in  the  central  fact  from  which  all 
St.  Paul's  Christology  was  derived — the  death 
of  Jesus  seen  in  the  glory  of  His  Resurrection. 
This  experience  of  St.  Paul  is  the  exact  reverse 
to  that  of  the  Twelve.  They  began  at  the 
other  end.  In  process  of  time,  they  met.  Three 
years  after  his  conversion  St.  Paul  went  up  to 
Jerusalem  and  spent  a  fortnight  with  St.  Peter. 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  represent  two  methods 
of  approaching  truth  :  the  method  of  induction 
from  innumerable  instances  ;  the  method  of 
inference  from  a  single  central  fact.  Yet  their 
conclusions  agreed.    St.  PaiU  in  retrospect  was 


654 


PAUL 


able  to  say  of  the  influence  of  the  elder  apostles 
upon  him  that  they  "  imparted  to  him  no- 
thing "  (Gal.2.6).  This  does  not  refer  to  his- 
torical details  (cf.  iCor.l5.i-8),  but  to  funda- 
mental principles — doctrine  of  salvation, 
Christology,  etc. — which  he  already  grasped  as 
completely  as  themselves. — (4)  The  Years  of 
Preparation.  Comparatively  little  is  known  of 
the  first  few  years  after  St.  Paul's  conversion. 
Immediately  after  that  event  he  retired  for 
reflection  into  Arabia,  thence  returning  to 
Damascus,  which  he  left  three  years  after  his 
conversion  in  order  to  escape  arrest,  and  going 
up  to  visit  St.  Peter  at  Jerusalem  (Ac. 9. 19-29  ; 
2C0r.ll. 32  ;  Gal. 1.18).  After  this  he  retired 
to  Tarsus,  whence  after  an  unknown  interval 
Barnabas  brought  him  to  Antioch,  where  they 
worked  together  for  a  year.  Then  they  went  to 
Jerusalem  to  take  contributions  from  Antioch 
for  relief  in  the  famine,  returning  with  St. 
Mark  to  Antioch  (Ac.i2.25).  The  labours  of 
this  S>Tian  mission  were  comparatively  obscure, 
but  undoubtedly  prepared  St.  Paul  for  greater 
evangelistic  work  in  the  Gentile  world. — (5) 
The  Plan  of  Evangelization.  The  grandeur  of 
St.  Paul's  conception  is  shown  in  his  mention 
of  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  rather  than 
cities  (iTh.l.7,8;  iCor.l6.i,i5  ;  R0.I6.5  ; 
2Cor.8.i,9.2  :  cf.  Weizsacker,  i.  231,  232).  St. 
Luke  has  caught  this  apostolic  spirit  (Ac. 16. 6, 
9,18,12,23).  The  familiar  division  into  jour- 
neys of  St.  Paul  is  not  the  division  prominent 
in  the  Acts  or  Epp.  The  four  main  provinces 
are  Galatia,  Asia,  Macedonia,  Achaia.  (i) 
Galatia.  The  great  authority  of  Bp.  Lightfoot 
gave  wide  prevalence  to  the  theory  that  the 
Galatian  churches  founded  by  St.  Paul  were  to 
be  sought  in  the  N.  district  upon  the  Halys, 
inhabited  by  a  Celtic  population  whose  fervid, 
emotional  nature  explained  many  passages  in 
the  Galatian  epistle.  Many  recent  scholars, 
however,  consider  that  the  churches  of  Galatia 
are  to  be  found  in  Pisidian  Antioch,  Iconium, 
Lystra,  and  Derbe  (so  Weizsacker,  Pfleiderer, 
Ramsay,  Rackham,  McGiffert) — among  other 
reasons  because  St.  Paul  elsewhere  designates 
places  by  the  official  Roman  names  of  provinces ; 
because  it  is  unlikely  that  he  should  have 
turned  away  from  the  Gk. -speaking  popula- 
tion ;  because  it  is  difficult  to  discover  a  time 
when  St.  Paul  can  have  done  evangelistic  work 
in  N.  Galatia;  because  it  is  extremely  improb- 
able that  the  conversion  of  the  Galatians,  to 
whom  St.  Paul  was  so  profoundly  attached  and 
to  whom  he  wrote  one  of  his  naost  important 
letters,  should  have  been  entirely  ignored  by  the 
author  of  the  book  of  the  Acts.  [Galatians, 
Epistle  to.]  Accordingly  the  evangeliza- 
tion of  Galatia  is  identified  with  Ac.13,14,  form- 
ing the  principal  portion  of  what  is  commonly 
called  the  first  missionary  journey.  A  definite 
commission  of  Paul  and  Barnabas,  under  cir- 
cumstances of  peculiar  solemnity,  sends  them 
forward,  after  the  visit  to  Cyprus  and  the  meet- 
ing with  an  embodiment  of  pagan  superstition, 
to  the  province  of  Galatia.  Note  that  the 
alternative  name,  "  Saul,  who  is  also  called 
Paul,"  has  nothing  to  do  with  deference  for 
Sergius  Paulus  (Baur),  but  is  a  common  diver- 
sity of  name  originating  in  bilingual  government 
(Ramsay).  At  Perga  they  were  deserted  by 
St.  Mark,  who  returned  to  his  mother's  house  at 


PAUL 

Jerusalem.  "  In  passing  from  Perga  to  Pisidian 
Antioch  the  travellers  passed  from  the  Roman 
province  Pamphylia  to  the  Roman  province  Gal- 
atia, and  the  rest  of  their  journey  lay  in  Galatia 
until  they  returned  to  Perga"  (Ramsay,  P.  the 
T.,  92).  According  to  Gal. 4. 13, 14,  the  Galatian 
mission  was  begun  during  an  illness,  in  which 
the  Galatians,  instead  of  despising  his  evidently 
hunuliating  infirmities,  received  him,  as  the 
apostle  gratefully  acknowledges,  as  an  angel  of 
God.  Enthusiastic  submission  to  the  Gospel 
followed.  Ramsay  would  explain  the  circum- 
stances by  supposing  that  St.  Paul's  illness 
was  caused  by  the  low-lying,  malarial  district  in 
Pamphylia,  which  led  him  to  seek  the  bracing 
elevation  of  Pisidian  Antioch.  This  was  St. 
Paul's  thorn  in  the  flesh,  not  an  affection  of  the 
eyes.  (For  the  contrary  view,  see  Blindness.) 
Note  St.  Paul's  order  of  evangelization. 
Priority  everywhere  to  the  Jew.  He  began  in 
the  synagogues ;  e.g.  in  Pisidian  Antioch. 
There,  also,  would  be  met  the  Gentile  proselytes 
among  whom  St.  Paul  had  his  chief  success  ; 
and  naturally,  for  the  proselytes  had  acquired 
a  certain  knowledge  of  O.T.  and  of  the  Messi- 
anic hopes  of  Israel,  without  becoming  warped 
by  the  narrow  prejudices  of  the  Jew  (Pfleiderer, 
Prim.  Christianity,  i.  IT3).  Theaddress  in  Pisi- 
dian Antioch  should  be  carefully  studied  as  an 
instance  of  the  apostle's  method  of  evangelistic 
teaching.  After  founding  the  Galatian  churches, 
St.  Paul  returned  to  Antioch.  And  here  came 
to  a  crisis  the  relation  of  Judaism  to  Chris- 
tianity. So  long  as  Christianity  was  confined 
to  Jerusalem,  the  convert,  invariably  a  Jew, 
continued  after  conversion  his  Jewish  observ- 
ances, together  with  those  of  the  new  religion. 
And  in  the  first  extension  of  Christianity  the 
missioners,  advancing  northward  along  the  sea- 
coast,  proclaimed  it  to  none  but  Jews.  How- 
ever, in  Antioch,  with  its  more  progressive  ideas 
and  half-pagan  population,  new  problems 
arose.  Converts  from  paganism  were  received 
into  the  Church  without  hesitation.  These 
continued  strangers  to  Jewish  observances 
(which  no  one  imposed  upon  them),  more  es- 
pecially during  St.  Paul's  residence  of  a  year  in 
the  city.  His  missions  in  the  i)agan  world  had 
resulted  everywhere  in  the  creation  of  churches 
exempt  from  Jewish  practices.  Accordingly, 
two  types  of  Christianityexisted,thconeretain- 
ing,  the  other  rejecting,  the  Jewish  regulations. 
For  fourteen  years  or  more  no  conflict  came.  At 
last,  however,  certain  Jewish  Christians  from 
Jerusalem  who  arrived  at  Antioch  were  scan- 
dalized to  discover  that  the  ceremonial  Hebrew 
law  was  being  completely  neglected  by  con- 
verts from  the  pagan  world.  The  question 
was  raised  whether  Judaism  was  an  essential 
preliminary  and  accompaniment  of  conversion 
to  the  Christian  faith.  St.  Paul  saw  that  the 
future  of  Christianity  was  at  stake.  If  that 
question  were  answered  in  the  affirmative,  the 
universality  of  the  Christian  religion  would  be 
made  impossible.  For  the  pagan  world  would 
never  submit  to  become  Jews,  as  a  first  condi- 
tion of  becoming  Christians.  Moreover,  St. 
Paul  understood,  as  comparatively  few  did, 
tliat  the  retention  of  Jewish  observances  as 
essential  involved  a  discredit  to  the  saving 
jiower  and  sufficiency  of  the  Gospel.  With 
characteristic    courage,     he    determined    on 


PAUL 

taking  the  boldest  course— to  go  in  person  to 
Jerusalem,  and  hold  conference  with  Christians 
of  the  more  conservative  school.  Two  records 
of  the  incident  are  preserved  that  by  St.  Paul 
in  Galatians,  written  in  all  the  strain  and  fervid 
emotion  of  the  actual  fight ;  and  that  of  the 
Acts,  written  years  later,  and  not  unnatiurally 
omitting  the  personality  and  bitterness.  The 
issue  at  J  erusalem  was  by  no  means  sure.  The 
admission  of  Cornelius  by  St.  Peter,  years 
before,  would  seem  to  decide  in  principle  the 
course  which  must  now  be  taken.  But  many 
reasons  combined  to  strengthen  the  reverence 
of  the  Christians  at  Jerusalem  for  the  Jewish 
observances.  The  conservative  instinct,  justly 
strong  in  religion ;  the  personal  prejudice 
and  deep,  ingrained,  inherited  bias ;  the 
difficulty  of  bringing  themselves  to  regard 
uncircumcised  heathen  converts  as  the  equals 
of  devoted  adherents  to  the  law ;  the  fear  of 
scandalizing  their  own  nation,  and  rendering 
its  conversion  more  improbable, — all  these 
combined  to  strengthen  resistance  to  the 
daring  innovations  of  St.  Paul.  Moreover, 
the  personal  example  of  Jesus'  own  conformity 
to  the  law  impressed  them  more  forcibly 
than  an  inference  and  a  theory  based  on  the 
character  of  the  Christian  faith.  It  must 
have  required  exceptional  spirituality  to  rise 
superior  to  all  these  obstacles,  and  to  endorse 
the  line  adopted  by  St.  Paul.  Happily,  how- 
ever, the  leading  three  of  the  older  school — St. 
Peter,  St.  James,  and  St.  John — had  this  grace, 
and  gave  to  St.  Paul  and  his  companions  the 
right  hand  of  fellowship.  In  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem,  which  was  thereupon  assembled,  St. 
Paul  appealed  to  the  facts  of  his  Gentile 
churches  as  manifest  creations  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  The  powerful  advocacy  of  St.  James,  as 
the  ideal  embodiment  of  the  strictly  Hebrew 
Christian  type,  undoubtedly  reassiured  the  un- 
easy majority,  and  drew  them  to  consent  to  an 
expression  of  approval.  Thus  a  decision  was 
reached.  St.  Paul  was  to  go  to  the  Gentiles, 
St.  Peter  to  the  circumcision.  And  this  was 
ratified  by  a  request,  to  which  St.  Paul  readily 
agreed,  that  the  Gentile  chiurches  should 
make  an  offering  toward  the  maintenance  of 
the  poorer  churches  of  Judaea.  This  was  very 
important,  as  a  practical  recognition  of  the 
Pauline  communities  ;  and  St.  Paul  made  suc- 
cessful efforts  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Thus  the 
Gentile  chiurches  obtained  recognition.  Never- 
theless, this  conclusion  was  only  a  compromise. 
It  did  not  determine  the  relation  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  to  the  Mosaic  observances.  It 
permitted  the  existence  of  Gentile  churches 
which  did  not  keep  the  law,  but  it  virtually 
assumed  that  the  Jewish  converts  would  con- 
tinue to  observe  it  as  hitherto.  And  doubtless 
this  was  done.  And  when,  soon  after  the 
Council  of  Jerusalem,  St.  Peter  himself  paid  a 
visit  to  Antioch,  the  practical  difficulty  arose 
again.  He  began,  in  loyal  obedience  to  the 
permission  given  in  Jerusalem,  to  associate 
himself  with  pagan  converts  who  lived  inde- 
pendently of  Jewish  regulations.  Thereupon, 
however,  certain  members  of  the  older  Jerusa- 
lem school  arrived,  who  protested  vigorously 
against  St.  Peter's  conformity  to  laxer  ways. 
St.  Peter  instantly,  with  characteristic  impul- 
siveness, withdrew  from  association  with  the 


PATJL 


655 


converts  from  thepagan  world,  and  shut  himself 
up,  to  their  distress,  in  his  inherited  Jewish 
exclusiveness.  It  was  one  thing  to  admit  the 
pagan  convert  to  Christian  rights  ;  it  was 
another  for  the  Jewish  convert  to  abandon  his 
Jewish  traditions.  The  more  conservative 
section  was  prepared  for  the  former,  it  was  not 
prepared  for  the  latter.  Thus  the  compromise 
showed  its  inherent  weakness.  The  real  prin- 
ciple had  not  been  boldly  stated.  The  ulti- 
mate fate  of  Jewish  regulations  must  depend 
on  the  character  and  sufficiency  of  Christianity. 
The  inconsistency  of  St.  Peter  was  the  per- 
fectly natural  result  of  his  character  when 
confronted  for  the  first  time  with  a  problem 
practically  unsolved.  And  so  plausible  did 
this  reaction  appear  that  even  St.  Paul's  inti- 
mate companion  Barnabas  was  carried  away 
into  imitation.  St.  Paul  was  left  alone.  But 
this  abandonment  forced  him  to  a  statement  of 
principles.  Characteristically,  he  went  down 
direct  to  fundamental  principles,  and  demon- 
strated once  and  for  ever  that  Christianity  as 
the  religion  of  redemption  could  never  re- 
quire supplementing  by  the  practices  of  a  dif- 
ferent covenant.  Accordingly  St.  Paul  pub- 
licly rebuked  St.  Peter  :  first  for  his  practical 
inconsistency ;  and  then,  and  more  strongly,  for 
conducting  himself  in  such  a  way  as  to  imply 
that  justification  by  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  re- 
quired completion  by  justification  through  ob- 
servance of  the  law — a  line  of  thought  which, 
though  St.  Peter  had  not  realized  it,  would 
involve  the  most  profound  unfaithfulness  to 
Christian  truth.  The  sequel  of  the  incident  is 
not  recorded.  But  undoubtedly  St.  Peter 
once  again  recanted  his  recantation,  and  con- 
formed to  the  practices  and  principles  of  the 
abler  and  more  systematic  mind.  The  battle 
of  principle  was  won  and  the  futiu'e  of  Chris- 
tianity determined.  But  the  greater  part  of  St. 
Paul's  career  was  still  destined  to  be  disturbed 
by  narrow  partisans  of  the  older  school  who  fol- 
lowed his  comrse  across  Europe  and  invaded, 
wherever  they  could,  the  peace  of  his  com- 
munities. (Cf.  Pfleiderer,  Prim.  Christianity, 
vol.  i. ;  Weinel,  St.  Paul — both  very  graphic  ac- 
counts— in  addition  to  Lightfoot,  Galatians.) 
(ii)  Macedonia.  In  the  second  missionary  jour- 
ney, St.  Paul,  after  separating  from  Bcurnabas 
on  account  of  St.  Mark  (Ac.i5.36ff.),  selected 
Silas  as  his  companion,  and  subsequently  also 
Timothy,  and  revisited  the  churches  of  Galatia 
(16.1-6).  A  glance  at  the  map  will  show 
that  from  Galatia  the  most  natural  advance 
was  into  the  province  of  Asia.  Most  probably 
St.  Paul  desured  to  cross  westward  to  the  great 
city  Ephesus.  But  he  was  "  forbidden  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  to  speak  the  Word  in  Asia  " 
(16.6).  Accordingly,  moving  onward  N.W., 
he  came  straight  to  the  province  of  Bithynia. 
Here  again  progress  is  frustrated  (I6.6-10). 
Note  the  triple  mention  of  God  in  this  section  : 
"  having  been  forbidden  of  the  Holy  Ghost " 
(ver.  6) ;  "the  Spirit  of  Jesus  suffered  them 
not "  (ver.  7) ;  "  concluding  that  God  had  called 
us  "  (ver.  10).  The  three  mission-centres  in 
Macedonia  were  Philippi,  Thessalonica,  and 
Beroea.  His  reminiscences  of  the  Philippian 
converts  are  unclouded  {cf.  Ph. 1.3-7,4.15). 
The  Thessalonian  church  was  formed  among  the 
heathenpopulation  (see  iTh.l. 9,  supplementing 


656 


PAUL 


Ac.17.i-9).     Here  also  the  apostles  maintained 
themselves  by  their  own  labours  (iTh. 2.9).    At 
Beroea,  Silas  and  Timothy  remained  after  St. 
Paul  was  constrained  to  leave.    (On  Macedonia, 
see  esp.  Bp.  Lightfoot's  famous  essay  on  the 
churches  of  Macedonia  in   his  Bib.  Essays.) 
In    connexion    with    the    evangelization    of 
Macedonia  may  be   placed  the  two   epistles 
shortly  afterwards  (i.e.  probably  within  a  few 
months)    written    to    a    certain    Macedonian 
church — Thessalonica.     The  two  epistles  to  the 
Thessalonians  were  written  during  St.  Paul's 
residence    of    eighteen    months    at    Corinth. 
Intended  for  an  essentially  Gentile-Christian 
church,     their    character    corresponds.     The 
prominent  feature  is  their  eschatology.     The 
Church  was  living  in  the  strain  of  vivid  expec- 
tation of  the  Lord's  speedy  return.     The  death 
of  certain  members  raised  in  the  minds  of  the 
survivors  distressing  problems,  since  those  de- 
parted ones  seemed  deprived  of  the  blessings 
dependent  on  the  Lord's  return.     St.  Paul  ac- 
cordingly assures  the  survivors  that  no  spiritual 
loss  would  thereby  accrue  to  those  who  died 
before  the  return  of  Christ.     iTh.4.13-18,  the 
central  passage  of   the  epistle,  is  a  striking 
illustration  of  the  effect  of  Christianity  upon 
eschatological  conceptions.  The  second  epistle, 
written  not  long  after  the  first,  resumes  the 
subject  of  the  Second  Advent.     Local  fervour 
was  insisting  on  the  almost  immediate  return 
of  Christ,  and  St.  Paul  assures  the  Thessalo- 
nians (2Th.2.i-i2)  that  that  day  will  not  come 
until  an  apostasy,  or  falling  away,  first  takes 
place.     The  man  of  sin,  or  son  of  perdition,  en- 
throned in  the  temple  of  God,  may  well  refer  to 
a  Jewish  force  having  its  headquarters  in  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  opposing  the  progress 
of  the  Christian  religion.     But  St.  Paul  alludes 
mysteriously  to  a  restraining  power  (possibly 
imperial)  which  hinders  the  full  development 
of    this    anti-Christian    element.      Certainly 
Jewish  fanaticism  was  held  in  check  by  Roman 
military  and  judicial  power,  the  removal  of 
which  would  be  followed  by  a  terrible  outbiurst 
of  Jewish  hatred  against  the  faith.     Possibly 
the  mysterious  character  of  the  passage  is  in- 
creased by  the  necessity  for  cautious  expres- 
sion.    "  To  write  plainly  of  the  removal  of  an 
emperor    might   be   easily   construed   into    a 
charge  of  treason,  and  he  therefore  expresses 
himself  in  language  which  was  clear  only  to 
those  who  were  in  possession   of  the  key " 
(Drummond  on  Thess.  p.  11).     (C/.  B.  Weiss, 
Bibl.  Theol.  i.  281 ;  Mason  in  Ellicott's  Com- 
mentary, and  esp.  Drummond.)     (iii)  Achaia 
(Ac.i7.15-I8.18).     The  mission  comprised  two 
great  cities — Athens,  the  intellectual  centre, 
and    Corinth,     the    commercial.      (For     the 
contrast,  see    graphic    account  in   McGiffert, 
Hist.  Christ.  Apost.  Age,   pp.    259-263.)      (a) 
Athens.    (See  Ramsay's  admirable  description, 
P.   the  T. ;   Curtius,   Paulus  in   A  then.  ;   and 
S.  Augustine's  Serm.   cl.)     St.   Paul's  speech 
at  Athens  is  a  supreme  instance  of  versatility 
created  by  insight  and  sympathy,    (ft)  Corinth. 
The  transition  from  Athens  to  Corinth  was  a 
total  change  of  atmospluTe,  from  the  intellec- 
tual to  the  industrial ;  demanding  a  total  change 
of  nirthf)d.  Tlic  ai)ostle's  versatility  was  master 
of  both.     The  mission  to  Achaia  is  really  the 
history  of  the  Corinthian  church,  of  which  more 


PAUL 

is  known  than  of  any  other  Pauline  foundation. 
St.  Paul  was  the  first  to  proclaim  Christianity 
there  (iCor.3.6,io,4.i5  ;  see  also  Ac. 18).     For 
the  substance  of  his  evangelizing  message,  see 
iCor.15.iff.  and  I.23).     He  did  not  begin  by 
opposing  idolatry  and  inculcating  monotheism, 
but  by  the  doctrine  of  redemption.     He  ad- 
dressed himself  to  the  sense  of  guilt  and  need  of 
reconciliation  existent  everywhere  (Weizsacker, 
i.    316).     Here   he    resided  eighteen  months, 
not  a  little  aided  by  Roman  official  refusal  to 
intervene  in  Jewish  religious  disputes.     Aquila 
and  Priscilla,  and  subsequently  ApoUos,  sup- 
ported    him     (Ac. 18.2, 3, 24,19.1).     (iv)    Asia 
(19. 1 -41).    After  his  mission  to  Achaia,  St.  Paul 
left  Corinth  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (18. 18), 
and,  after  a  short  visit  to  Ephesus  where  he  left 
his  companions,  sailed  for  Syria.     Then  fol- 
lowed another  visit  to  the  churches  of  Galatia 
( ver .  2  3 ) ;  and  residence  in  Ephesus  for  two  years 
(19. 10).  The  province  of  Asia,  left  hitherto  un- 
evangelized  (see  16.6),  embraced  the  whole  W. 
division  of  Asia  Minor.  Its  capital  was  Ephesus. 
Timothy  and  Erastus  were  with  liim  here.  The 
further  instruction  of  the  Baptist's  disciples  in 
Christianity,  the  daily  Christian  instructions  in 
the  lecture-room  of  Tyrannus,  the  discomfiture 
of  the  Jewish  exorcists,  the  burning  of  the 
books,  show  the  general  nature  of  this  evange- 
lizing work.     These  conflicts  culminated   in 
the  action  of  Demetrius,  which  sprung  from 
mingled  piety  and  self-interest,  and  St.  Paul's 
visit  was  brought  to  an  end.    But  the  mission 
was  achieved. — (6)    The  Four  Great  Epistles. 
A  warning  not  to  lose  the  essential  in  the 
multiplicity  of  practical  details  in  St.  Paul's 
life  and  work    is   not   superfluous.      An   in- 
timate   acquaintance    with    the    missionary 
journeys  and  the  length  of  his  residence  in 
various  places  is  compatible  with  misappre- 
hension of  his  principles.     The  real  significance 
of    St.    Paul    lies   not    in   such    questions  of 
detail,  but  in  his  conception  of  Christianity. 
(i)  The  Galatian  letter  wascvokedhy  St.  Paul's 
J  udaizing  opponents,  who  objected  against  his 
gospel  that  its  origin  was  human,  that  its  con- 
tents were  false,  that  its  results  were  pernicious. 
This    triple    attack   required  a  triple    reply. 
First,  he  explains  that  he  is  its  direct  recipient 
from  a  heavenly  source,  and  accordingly  that 
his  apostleship  is  true.     Secondly,  he  main- 
tains the  character  of  its  contents,  its  harmony 
with  the  O.T.  in  its  principle  of  faith,  the  con- 
trast between  the  promise  and  the  law,  the 
promise  bringing  benediction,  the  law  a  curse 
upon  every  one  who  fails  to  fulfil  it.     The  law 
therefore  is  to  be  viewed  as  a  parenthesis,  unable 
to  save,  and  indeed  increasing  transgression. 
The  promise  is  realized  in  Christ,   in  Whoni 
alone  freedom  is  attainable.     Thirdly.  St.  Paul 
insists  that  this  freedom  must  be  valued,  but  not 
abused  (see  Sabaticr,  The  Ap.  P.  pp.  135-152). 
(ii)   iCorinthians  gives  the  most  vivid  insight 
into  the  jirimitivc  conditions  of  an  apostolic 
church.     The  sclocti<ni  of  subjects  and  their 
treatment  are  wholly  incidental ;    written  to 
meet  the  existing  rc<iuirements  of  a  great  local 
communion,  at  a  iiarticular  stage  of  its  develop- 
ment.    Accordingly  it    presupposes   a   know- 
ledge and  acceptance  of  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples and  practices  of  Christianity.     Here  in 
Corinth,  Christianity  was  engaged  in  controlling 


PAUL 

and  directing  the  old  Greek  spirit,  the  natural 
man,  unsobered  by  such  a  discipUne  as  that 
which  Israel  had  experienced,  and  therefore 
breaking  out  in  various  perfectly  expUcable 
phenomena  of  self-assertion.  Their  ques- 
tions on  the  Christian  law  of  marriage  and  the 
limits  of  self-restraint ;  the  liberty  of  the  indivi- 
dual in  social  festivities  and  heathen  sacrifice ; 
the  freedom  of  the  individual  in  the  expression 
of  his  spiritual  gifts ;  all  were  products  of  the 
same  spirit  asserting  itself  in  the  various  depart- 
ments of  human  Ufe — sexual,  social,  religious. 
St.  Paul,  after  dealing  with  divisions  in  the 
Church  (iCor.  1-4),  disorder  in  the  home  (5),  op- 
position in  the  world  (6),  answers  these.  The 
solution  is  found  in  the  general  principle  of 
altruism — edification,  not  self-assertion  (7-14). 
In  every  question  St.  Paul  characteristically 
penetrates  to  fundamental  principles;  cf.  esp. 
the  chapter  on  the  Resurrection  of  Christ  (15). 
(iii)  2Corinthians  presents  peculiar  difficulties, 
ofwhichSabatier  (T/ze/i^.P.  174)  offers  the  fol- 
lowing solution.  He  thinks  that  St.  Paul's  first 
letter  had  left  the  Corinthian  church  divided 
into  a  majority  sNonpathetic  and  loyal,  and  a 
minority  adverse  and  perverse,  fuU  of  Jewish 
prejudices  and  opposed  to  the  apostle's  au- 
thority. Hence  this  second  letter  displays  a 
double  plan :  part  i  (aCor.l-?)  being  addressed 
to  the  faithful  majority,  as  pathetic  as  any- 
thing St.  Paul  has  written  ;  part  2  (10-13) 
to  the  hostile  minority,  the  most  ironical  he 
ever  wrote.  (Ch.  8,9  are  a  digression  on  the  col- 
lection.) (iv)  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans  was 
probably  written  from  Corinth  during  the  three 
months'  visit  to  Achaia  (Ac. 20. 2, 3).  It  differs 
from  all  his  other  letters  in  being  addressed  to  a 
church  which  he  had  not  founded  nor  yet  seen. 
It  is  the  most  complete  of  all  the  apostle's 
writings,  yet  "it  implies  a  common  basis  of 
Christian  teaching  which  the  apostle  is  able  to 
take  for  granted  as  already  known  to  his  readers, 
and  which  he  therefore  thinks  it  unnecessary 
to  repeat  without  special  reason"  (Sanday 
and  Headlam  on  Rom.  p.  xU).  "  Hence  it  is 
that  just  the  most  fundamental  doctrines — 
the  divine  lordship  of  Christ,  the  value  of  His 
death,  the  nature  of  the  Sacraments — are 
assumed  rather  than  stated  or  proved.  It  is 
the  ripened  fruit  of  the  thought  and  struggles 
of  the  eventful  years  by  which  it  has  been 
preceded  "  {ih.  xhii).  The  problem  (of  per- 
manent importance)  is:  How  is  man  to  be- 
come righteous  in  the  sight  of  God?  "And 
the  answer  is  (a)  by  certain  great  redemptive 
acts,  on  the  part  of  God,  which  take  effect  in 
the  sphere  above,  though  their  consequences 
are  felt  throughout  the  sphere  below  ;  (b) 
through  a  certain  ardent  apprehension  of  these 
acts  and  of  their  author,  Christ,  on  the  part  of 
the  Christian  ;  and  (c)  through  his  continued 
self-surrender  to  divine  influences  poured  out 
freely  and  unremittingly  upon  him"  (i6.  p. 
xlvii). — (7)  The  Captivity.  The  four  great 
controversial  epistles  are  followed  by  practical 
activities.  Rome  has  long  been  his  goal. 
Jerusalem  must  now  be  visited  to  take  to  it 
the  offerings  of  the  Gentile  churches  (cf.  iCor. 
16. 1-9  with  Ac.2O.3ff.).  His  journey  to  Syria 
was  taken  through  Macedonia  (in  consequence 
of  a  Jewish  plot),  and  he  retraced  his  course 
from  Philippi  to  Troas  (Ac.20.iff.).     That  the 


PAUL 


657 


visit  to  Jerusalem  might  end  disastrously  was 
in  his  anticipations  (see  R0.I5.31 ;  Ac.20.22,21. 
27).  The  suspicion  that  he  had  admitted  a 
heathen  into  the  temple  precincts  roused  J  ewish 
fanaticism  to  a  white  heat.  (For  the  Warning 
Tablets  on  columns  dividing  the  Court  of  the 
Gentiles  from  the  inner  precincts,  see  Robin- 
son's Ephesians,  p.  59.)  Hence  the  arrest. 
This  period  is  elaborately  recorded  in  Acts,  to 
show  the  Roman  attitude  towards  Christianity 
(see  McGiffert,  Hist.  Christ.  A  post.  Age,  p.  348). 
St.  Paul  comes  before  three  different  Roman 
officials  (Claudius  Lysias,  Ac.23.26 ;  FeUx,  Ac. 
24;  Porcius  Festus,  Ac.  25),  two  of  whom  testify 
to  his  innocence,  while  the  third  shows  him 
considerable  favour  and  only  refrains  from 
setting  him  free  because  of  avarice  and  a  desire 
to  conciliate  the  Jews  {cf.  Ramsay,  P.  the  T.). 
St.  Paul  is  twice  led  to  relate  the  experiences  of 
his  own  conversion — once  in  Jerusalem,  and 
once  in  Caesarea.  The  two  years'  inprisonment 
in  Caesarea  is  followed  by  the  journey  to  Rome. 
(For  the  details  of  the  voyage,  see  Smith,  Ship- 
wreck of  St.  Paul.)  Rome  becomes  the  scene  of 
two  more  years'  imprisonment  (Ac.28.30). — (8) 
The  Epistles  of  the  Imprisonment  are  four  : 
Philippians  (for  the  alternative  view  as  to  date, 
see  Philippians,  Ep.  to),  Colossians,  Ephesians, 
and  Philemon,  (i)  The  Philippian  Church  had 
sent  a  gift  to  St.  Paul  in  Rome  by  Epaphroditus, 
who  took  back  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians 
(Ph. 2.25-30,4.18).  (See  the  reference  to  it  in 
Polycarp's  letter  to  the  Philippians. )  St.  Paul's 
epistle  was  prompted  by  no  doctrinal  error,  but 
simply  by  personal  affection.  The  weakness  of 
that  church  was  a  spirit  of  rivaky  and  conten- 
tion ;  accordingly  the  apostle  longs  to  hear  of 
them  as  "with  one  mind  striving  together  for 
the  faith  of  the  gospel "  (I.27) ;  and  urges  in  the 
central  passages  of  the  letter  the  lowliness  and 
humility  manifested  in  the  Incarnation,  (ii) 
Colossians  becomes  luminously  clear  if  we  as- 
sume that  a  theory  of  gnostic  speculation  had 
invaded  the  church  of  that  city.  The  inter- 
space between  Absolute  Being  and  the  material 
world  was  imagined  in  such  speculations  to  be 
occupied  by  orders  of  intermediary  creatures, 
celestial  hierarchies,  who  formed  a  connecting 
chain  between  spirit  and  matter.  This  theory 
was  in  its  nature  emphatically  anti-Christian, 
and  must  of  necessity,  if  accepted,  displace 
Jesus  Christ  from  His  unique  mediatorial  posi- 
tion, and  indeed  compromise  His  Person. 
Hence  St.  Paul  was  led  by  the  local  needs  of 
Colossian  speculation  to  restate  Christology  in 
the  clearest  and  most  emphatic  terms.  We 
here  get  the  noblest  exposition  of  Christ's 
redemptive  work  and  of  the  supreme  dignity 
of  His  Person  in  its  relation  to  God.  Christ  is 
"the  Son  of  His  love"  (l.i3)-  In  Him  we 
have  our  redemption.  He  is  "  the  image  of 
the  invisible  God,  the  firstborn  of  all  creation 
(I.15).  Creation  is  related  to  Him  in  a  manner 
expressed  by  the  three  prepositions :  "  in  Him, 
as  Redeemer;  "through  Him,"  as  instrumental 
cause;  "unto  Him,"  as  final  cause  (ver.  16). 
Moreover,  "  He  is  the  head  of  the  body,  the 
Church,"  He  is  "the  firstborn  from  the  dead, 
that  in  all  things  He  might  have  the  pre-emin- 
ence." Through  Him  the  Father  reconciles 
all  things  unto  Himself  (ver.  20).  In  brief,  "  in 
Him  dwelleth  all  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead 

42 


658 


PAUL 


bodily"  (2.9).  (See  Oltramare,  Colossians,  i. 
42  ff.)  (iii)  Tlie  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  an 
encyclical  for  more  than  local  use.  In  it  St.  Paul 
sets  forth  the  idea  of  the  universality  of  the 
Christian  hope.  All  men,  Jews  and  Gentiles 
alike,  are  drawn  together  in  Christ  into  unity  in 
the  Universal  Church  (3.6).  Unity  is  reiterated 
(4.1-16).  The  Church  is  viewed,  not  as  local 
but  as  ideally  catholic,  co-extensive  with  man- 
kind. This  last  is  the  natural  and  logical  re- 
sult of  all  the  apostle's  previous  teaching.  It 
crowns  the  development  of  his  thought  on  the 
body  of  Christ,  (iv)  Philemon,  Epistle  to,  see 
separate  art. — (9)  The  Later  Mission.  It  seems 
incredible  that  St.  Luke  could  have  closed 
his  account  of  St.  Paul  with  a  reference  to  two 
years  of  unhindered  preaching  in  the  hired 
dwelling,  if  he  was  aware  of  the  apostle's  mar- 
tyrdom (c/.  Rackham,  Acts,  li,  Iii).  The  account 
was  surely  written  before  the  trial  of  St.  Paul 
in  Rome.  That  the  apostle  was  released  is  the 
undisputed  tradition.  Both  the  Muratorian 
Canon  and  the  Epistle  of  St.  Clement  speak  of 
St.  Paul's  later  missions.  The  journey  to  the 
extreme  limits  of  the  West,  probably  Spain,  was 
now  undertaken.  This  tradition  is  supported 
by  the  evidence  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  which 
cannot  belong  to  the  period  covered  by  the  Acts, 
for  their  incidental  notices  do  not  permit  it,  and 
their  style  is  suggestive  of  advancing  age  :  see 
Findlay,appendixtoSabatier,T/!£/l/'.P.(i903). 
Once  more  the  apostle  is  found  in  Macedonia 
(iTim.1.3).  Having  sent  Timothy  to  Ephesus, 
he  leaves  Titus  in  Crete  (Tit.l.5),  and  proposes 
to  winter  at  Nicopolis(3.i2).  Then,  apparently, 
but  where  we  know  not  (perhaps  at  Ephesus), 
he  was  arrested.  aTim.  represents  him  im- 
prisoned again  in  Rome.  His  companions  were 
scattered  (aTim.l.is).  He  pleads  passionately 
for  Timothy  to  come  to  him.  He  is  almost  in 
solitude  (4.10,11).  He  has  already  been  placed 
on  his  trial  (4.i6).  He  thinks  the  end  is  near 
(4.f)fT.).  Then  follows  the  language  of  assur- 
ance, never  ff)und  in  earlier  years,  but  most 
natural  on  the  dying  lips  of  the  matured  and 
victorious  saint. — (10)  The  Pastoral  Epistles. 
In  the  Pastoral  Epistles  redemption  is  charac- 
terized as  deliverance  from  iniquity,  not  from 
punishment  (Tit. 2. 14).  It  is  the  Church  rather 
than  the  individual  which  is  the  recipient  of 
the  blessings  of  salvation  (Findlay,  ih.  p.  38 1). 
The  passage  f)n  baptismal  regeneration  (Tit. 
3. 5)  matures  and  completes  the  apostle's  earlier 
conceptions.  Here  also  the  reception  of  grace 
is  through  the  laying  on  of  hands  (iTim.4.14, 
etc.);  also  a  further  stage  in  the  development 
of  the  Christian  ministry  is  reached,  yet  one 
far  less  matured  than  that  in  the  letters  of 
St.  Ignatius.  The  function  of  authority  is 
the  faithful  transmission  of  truth  received 
(2Tim.t.i4).  The  idea  of  orthodoxy  ("  sound 
words  "J  with  the  correlative  idea  of  heresy; 
the  significance  of  the  Church  in  relation  to  the 
preservation  of  truth  ;  tradition  and  apostolic 
succession, — all  arc  characteristic  of  the  Pas- 
toral Epistles.  And  all  these  are  natural  in  an 
aged  apostle  resigning  his  work  into  the  care 
of  a  younger  generation  (c/.  also  Ac.20. 18-35). 
(For  the  Pastoral  lipp.,  see  Wace  in  Speaker's 
Comm.  ;  Salmon,  Intro,  to  N.T.  ;  Plummer  in 
Expositor's  Bible;  P'indlay  in  op.  cit. ;  13.  Weiss, 
DM.  Tkeol.) II.  S.  Paul's  THKOLOGy.— (i) 


PAUL 

St.  Paul's  Doctrine  of  the  Moral  Law.  The 
apostle's  entire  religion  begins  with  the  con- 
ception of  God  as  Righteousness.  This  noble 
and  sublime  idea  was  the  gift  of  Judaism  to 
humanity.  By  St.  Paul  it  was  inherited,  deeply 
ingrained  into  his  very  nature,  and  accepted 
with  the  joyous  consent  of  his  inmost  self.  For 
the  apostle  was  a  man  with  a  passion  for  right- 
eousness. To  be  righteous  would  be  to  be- 
come at  one  with  God's  holy  will.  And  the 
moral  law  is  the  expression  of  that  holy  will. 
Accordingly,  the  moral  condition  of  humanity 
will  be  proved  by  its  relationship  to  the  moral 
law.  It  is  most  significant  that  St.  Paul  in 
his  greatest  exposition  of  Christian  truth  sets 
this  inquiry  first,  as  the  basis  and  presupposi- 
tion of  the  Christian  doctrine  of  redemption. 
And  manifestly  this  order  must  be  right.  The 
ultimate  religion  must  correspond  with  human 
facts  and  needs.  Nor  can  the  appeal  of  Chris- 
tianity be  valued  until  there  exists  a  capacity 
to  make  response.  And  this  wiU  in  turn  de- 
pend on  consciousness  of  personal  defect  and 
powerlessness.  No  small  part  of  the  task  of 
Christianity  is  to  create  the  disposition  to 
which  its  principles  can  appeal.  St.  Paul's 
estimate  of  the  moral  condition  of  mankind  is 
derived  from  three  witnesses.  (a)  History 
(Ro.1-3.8).  Dividing  mankind  into  the  two 
departments  of  Jew  and  Greek,  or  chosen 
people  and  pagan  multitude,  he  begins  with  a 
demonstration  of  the  failure  of  paganism  to 
satisfy  the  moral  ideal  or  secure  the  righteous- 
ness of  God  ( 1.18-32).  He  does  not  in  this 
terrible  indictment  intend  to  deny  the  exist- 
ence of  moral  excellences  (cf.  2.14),  but  he  em- 
phatically denies  the  competence  of  paganism 
either  to  regenerate  mankind  or  to  fulfil  the 
requirements  of  the  righteousness  of  God.  He 
next  proceeds  to  demonstrate  that  the  privi- 
leged Jew  was  in  reality  in  no  better  state. 
The  form  of  his  transgressions  might  differ  from 
those  of  the  pagan,  but  his  inability  to  fulfil 
the  moral  ideal  was  no  less  certain  (2.17-3.8). 

(b)  Scripture  confirms  this  conclusion  (3. 10-18). 

(c)  Experience  agrees  (ch.  7).  Personal  ex- 
perience testifies  that  the  moral  law  presents 
an  ideal  to  conscience  which  it  admires  but  can- 
not obey  (7.22-25).  Recognition  of  the  moral 
beauty  of  the  will  of  God  co-exists  with  a  state 
in  practical  contradiction  with  it.  Thus  moral 
law  which,  if  obeyed,  would  become  instru- 
mental for  life  and  salvation,  becomes,  since  it  is 
disobeyed,  instrumental  for  condenmation  and 
death  (cf.  2Ccir.3.7-<)).  This  ruinous  effect  of 
moral  law  is  not  its  fault  :  it  is  holy  and  good 
and  true.  The  fault  lies  in  the  powerlessness 
of  the  human  will,  and  man's  defective  moral 
state.  Moral  law,  by  its  very  nature,  gives  the 
ideal  but  not  the  power,  and  consequently 
never  can  be  the  means  for  human  salvation. 
—(2)  St.  Paul' s  Doctrine  of  Sin.  Ro.5.12  (R.V.) 
contains  four  great  affirmations  on  human  sin  : 
first,  that  it  originated  in  the  transgression  of 
one  individual  ;  seamdly,  tliat  it  resulted  in 
physical  death  ;  thirdly,  that  physical  death  is 
universal ;  and  finally,  that  this  universality  of 
physical  death  is  because  all  sinned— meaning 
that  when  Adam  sinned,  all  mankind  were 
compromised  bv  it  (cf.  Meyer,  Comm.  on 
Rom. ;  Liddon,  .Analysis).     This  interpretation 

I  seems  confirmed  by :  (i)  St.  Paul's  conception 


PAUL 

of  death.  It  is  certain  that  physical  death 
was  not  regarded  by  him  as  an  experience 
divinely  intended  for  sinless  human  beings. 
He  was  well  aware  that  the  physical  con- 
stitution was,  if  left  to  itself,  liable  to  cor- 
ruption. But  he  did  not  identify  liability 
with  necessity,  nor  separate  physical  experience 
from  moral  state.  According  to  his  inherited 
and  personal  conviction,  by  man  came  death, 
and  death  was  the  wages  of  sin.  Now,  he 
could  hardly  mean  that  physical  death  was  in- 
variably the  result  of  individual  transgression, 
else  why  do  infants  die  ?  The  interpreter  has 
no  right  to  ascribe  to  so  acutely  logical  a  mind 
obliviousness  to  so  widespread  an  experience. 
St.  Paul  clearly  regards  the  universality  of 
death  as  due  not  to  the  sin  of  each  individual, 
but  to  the  sin  of  the  race,  (ii)  St.  Paul's  concep- 
tion of  mankind.  He  did  not  regard  mankind 
as  isolated  units  accidentally  involved  through 
similar  but  independent  actions  in  a  similar 
fate.  "  To  the  apostle,  humanity  is  not  merely 
the  sum-total  of  all  the  separate  human  in- 
dividuals, it  is  rather  an  organic  human  race  " 
(B.Weiss,  Bibl.  Theol.  i.  332).  He  believed  in 
the  solidarity  of  mankind.  Its  unity  was  part 
of  his  teaching  (Ac. 17. 26).  The  ancient  world 
did  not  isolate  theoretically  the  individual 
from  his  kind  ;  but  rather  valued  him,  as  he 
valued  himself,  relatively  to  the  social  com- 
munity of  which  he  was  a  member.  Historic- 
ally, the  social  view  of  mankind  precedes  the 
individual.  There  is  little  doubt  that  St. 
Paul's  contemporaries  connected  the  fortunes 
of  the  race  with  Adam's  sin.  The  striking 
apostrophe  to  Adam  in  2Esd.7.48 — "  O  thou 
Adam,  what  hast  thou  done  ?  for  though  it 
was  thou  that  sinned,  thou  art  not  fallen  alone, 
but  we  all  that  come  of  thee  " — appears  to  be 
only  an  illustration  of  the  later  Jewish  beUef 
(see  Stevens,  Pauline  Theology,  p.  125).  Indeed, 
it  is  acknowledged  by  some  who  differ  widely 
from  St.  Paul's  conviction,  that  "  it  is  clear 
that  he  in  some  way  connected  the  race's 
sinfulness  with  Adam  when  he  so  strongly  in- 
sisted on  our  moral  solidarity  with  the  one 
man  "  (Tennant,  Origin  and  Propagation  of  Sin, 
p.  145).  It  is  quite  true  that  St.  Paul  does  not 
directly  explain  how  the  sin  of  Adam  aifected 
the  race.  He  does  not  say  that  it  was  by 
transmission  of  some  positive  evil  principle  to 
all  subsequent  generations.  For  this  theory 
he  is  not  responsible.  If  he  believed  that  the 
result  of  Adam's  sin  was  loss  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  then  the  effect  upon  the  race  would  be 
negative  rather  than  positive,  the  reduction  of 
the  race  to  a  lower  level ;  which  certainly 
would  agree  with  his  idea  of  the  natural  man 
(see  below).  But  in  any  case,  while  he  did  not 
explain  the  manner  in  which  the  race  is 
affected,  he  affirmed  the  fact,  (iii)  The  paral- 
lel drawn  between  Adam  and  Christ  makes  St. 
Paul's  doctrine  plainer  still.  For  he  insists 
that  the  actions  of  Christ  affect  the  human 
race  (Ro. 5. 14-21  ;  cf.  iCor.15.22).  The  two 
individuals  whose  effect  upon  the  race  is  univer- 
sal are  the  first  and  the  second  man  (vv-  45,47) ; 
the  first  pernicious,  the  second  redeeming. 
St.  Paul,  then,  clearly  maintained  the  world- 
wide influence  of  Adam's  sin  (cf.  Stevens, 
Pauline  Theology,  p.  126).  (iv)  St.  Paul's  con- 
ception of  sinfuliiess  is  by  no  means  that  it  coa- 


PAXTIi 


659 


sists  in  isolated  acts.  No  doubt  sin  is  an  act 
of  the  will ;  but  the  atomism  which  views  each 
act  as  leaving  the  personality  practically  un- 
changed is  as  thoroughly  Pelagian  as  it  is  ab- 
solutely un-Pauline.  To  St.  Paul  sinfulness  is 
a  state,  rather  than  a  deed.  It  exists  apart 
from  concrete  expressions.  "  It  does  not  de- 
note a  particular  wrongful  action,  but  an  inner 
state  of  which  particular  sins  are  but  external 
manifestations  "  (Sabatier,  St.  Paul,  p.  307). 
The  sinfulness  issues  in  sins  (Ro.7.8).  But 
the  deeper  question  is,  Can  sinfulness  exist  not 
only  apart  from  consciousness,  but  also  apart 
from  will  ?  It  has  been  acknowledged  that 
a  very  young  child  can  present  a  spectacle  of 
perverse  and  passionate  self-will  which  is 
"  positively  appalling."  Is  this  a  healthy  self- 
assertion,  to  be  welcomed  as  a  prophecy  of 
future  strength,  or  a  ground  for  distress  as 
that  which  morally  ought  not  to  be  ?  Many 
able  exponents  of  St.  Paul  acknowledge  that 
he  "  conceives  of  a  sinfulness  or  corruption  of 
nature  which  may  lie  entirely  without  conscious- 
ness, and  in  which  the  personality  may  have 
no  part  "  (McGiffert,  Hist.  Christ.  Apost.  Age, 
p.  124).  Evidently  in  that  case  the  term  "sin" 
or  "  sinfulness "  is  employed  with  a  much 
more  comprehensive  meaning  than  as  denoting 
separate  acts  of  the  individual  will.  It  would 
be  a  condition  involving  no  individual  re- 
sponsibility. And  St.  Paul  nowhere  describes 
the  race  as  "  guilty  "  or  "  punished  "  in  what 
it  thus  experiences,  (v)  St.  Paul's  idea  of 
"  the  natural  man  "  (iCor.2.14)  is  in  harmony 
with  these  thoughts.  It  is  man  as  unillumined 
and  unsanctified  by  the  Holy  Spirit  ;  man 
whose  central  source  of  activity  is  his  own 
psychical  nature,  so  that  neither  the  Divine 
Truth  nor  the  Divine  Life  is  its  animating  and 
controlling  principle.  It  is  the  mere  human 
independence  and  self-sufficiency  ;  the  living 
in  the  interest  of  his  own  mere  natural  life  (cf. 
Meyer,  in  loc,  p.  70).  Conversely  "  the  spiri- 
tual man  "  is  man  illumined  and  sanctified  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  (For  St.  Paul's  doctrine  of 
sin,  see,  besides  works  quoted  above,  Sanday 
and  Headlam,  Romans;  Gess,  Romans.) — (3) 
Doctrine  of  the  Person  of  Christ.  On  the  rela- 
tion of  Christ  to  God,  a  critic  far  remote  from 
the  Christian  belief  admits  that  "  St.  Paul 
tends,  perhaps  in  part  unconsciously,  to  iden- 
tify Jesus  with  God;  and  if  the  Jew  in  him 
prevents  the  complete  accomplishment  of  this, 
if  he  still  admits  distinction  of  persons  and 
inferiority  of  the  Son  to  the  Father  (iCor.ll. 
3,15.28),  yet  this  inferiority  is  in  certain  places 
scarcely  perceptible "  (Guignebert,  Manuel 
d'hist.  anc.  de  Christ.).  Most  remarkable  is 
the  application  to  Christ  of  the  title  Kvpio%  (cf. 
iCor.8.6,  "one  Lord  Jesus  Christ").  It  implies, 
says  Sabatier,  "  an  absolute  sovereignty  over 
conscience,  over  the  Church,  and  over  the  his- 
toric development  of  mankind  "  (ib.  p.  104). 
It  is  the  LXX.  rendering  for  Jehovah.  As- 
cribed to  Jesus,  it  signifies  that  Jesus  is  for  the 
Christian  conscience  what  Jehovah  was  for  the 
prophetic.  Thus  "the  day  of  Jehovah"  be- 
comes "  the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus  "  (iTh.5.2). 
Then  St.  Paul  applies  to  Christ  O.T.  passages 
which  treat  of  the  KvpLos,  Jehovah  (iCor.3.i6, 
10.22).  He  ascribes  to  Christ  the  final  judg- 
ment on  the  human  race,  and  a  perfect  insight 


660 


PAUL 


into  individual  character  and  circumstances 
only  possible  to  tlie  All-Wise  (iCor.4.5).  The 
O.T.  i)hrase,  "  the  worshippers  of  Jehovah,"  is 
transposed  boldly  by  St.  Paul  to  "  the  worship- 
per of  Christ"  (c/.  K0.IO.12;  see  Sanday  and 
Headlam,  o/>.c.)-  "Accordingly,"  says  B.Weiss, 
"  it  cannot  be  surprising  if  in  Ro.9.5  Christ  is 
extolled  as  Bebs  iwi  irdi'Tcov."  Certainly  this 
is  the  only  place,  but  the  explanation  is  most 
natural  (B.  Weiss,  Bibl.  Theol.  i.  393).  Since  the 
title  "Son  of  God"  was  gradually  filled  with 
deeper  meaning,  passing  through  the  three 
stages  of  adoptive,  official  or  Messianic,  and 
personal  or  essential  identity  of  nature,  it  is 
conceivable  that  St.  Paul  might  have  em- 
ployed it  in  other  than  the  highest  meaning. 
Yet  when  he  gives  as  supreme  proof  of  the 
Father's  love  for  mankind  the  fact  that  He 
sent  His  own  Son  (Ko.8.3,  tov  eavrov  vidv), 
and  spared  not  His  own  Son  (tov  iSiov  viov), 
thus  sacrificing  for  mankind  what  He  loved 
the  best  (B.  Weiss,  i.  400,  401);  above  all  by  the 
constant  and  deeply  striking  antithesis  be- 
tween "  the  Father  "  and  "  the  Son,"  St.  Paul 
shows  that  he  employs  the  term  in  the  very 
highest  of  senses.  Moreover,  the  full  weight 
of  this  testimony  of  St.  Paul  will  not  be 
appreciated  until  we  realize  what  it  must  have 
cost  a  Jew,  with  his  almost  invincible  repug- 
nance to  rivals  for  deity,  to  equalize  Jesus 
with  Jehovah  in  his  own  adoration  and  con- 
science {see  also  Knowling,  Testimony  of  St. 
Paul,  pp.  39,  40).  The  later  Pauline  epistles 
give,  as  might  be  fairly  expected,  both  from 
the  requirements  of  the  Church  and  from  the 
apostle's  mental  development,  matured  ex- 
pressions of  the  same  fundamental  beliefs. 
The  great  Christological  passage,  Ph.2.5-11, 
af&rms:  (i)  Our  Lord's  pre-existence  and 
divinity.  And  since  Jn.17.5  is  sometimes  in- 
terpreted of  a  merely  ideal  pre-existence  of  our 
Lord  in  the  mind  of  God,  it  is  necessary  to 
emphasize  the  fact  that  no  such  interpretation 
is  possible  here.  For  the  exercise  of  personal 
reflection  and  deliberate  choice  in  that  pre- 
existent  state  are  here  ascribed  to  our  Lord. 
You  cannot  ascribe  to  a  pre-existent  idea  self- 
conscious  thought  and  will,  nor  Iransition  from 
one  state  of  being  into  another.  Accordingly 
Weizsiicker,  although  not  accepting  the  per- 
sonal divinity  of  Jesus,  yet  acknowledges  that 
St.  Paul  here  taught  "  the  personal  existence 
of  Jesus  before  His  human  birth  "  (Apost.  Age, 
i.  146  ;  Knowling,  Testimony  of  St.  Paul,  pp. 
66-118;  iCor.8.6  ;  C0I.I.17;  Eph.1.23).  But 
manifestly  pre-existence  does  not  necessarily 
involve  divinity.  The  question  therefore  is. 
In  what  capacity  did  Christ  pre-exist  ?  St. 
Paul  says,  "being  in  the  form  of  God"  (Ph. 
2.6;  R.V.  marg.,  "being  originally,"  vnapxoiv). 
The  phrase  "  form  of  God  "  admits  of  only  two 
ultimate  interpretations :  either  it  denotes 
moral  resemblance  or  essential  identity  ; 
either  crcaturely  excellence  or  actual  divinity. 
Now,  that  it  cannot  mean  the  first  of  these  ap- 
pears certain,  because  :  (a)  To  interpret  St.  Paul 
as  if  he  were  an  Arian  crediting  our  Lord  with 
such  pre-existence  as  is  possible  for  one  who. 
if  supernatural,  is  only  a  creature,  separated 
therefore  from  real  equality  with  God  by  an 
infinite  abyss,  is  to  introduce  a  conception 
utterly   foreign   to   the   apostle's   mind,      (b) 


PAUL 

The  expression  "  form  "  (/j.op<pri)  signifies  the 
manifestation  of  the  essential  nature — that 
by  which  the  inner  essence  is  revealed.  The 
"  form  of  God  "  accordingly  must  denote  the 
essential  attributes  of  Deity — that  which  de- 
clares God  as  He  exists  in  His  very  nature  and 
being.  Accordingly  it  would  be  inapplicable  to 
any  crcaturely  resemblance.  It  would  not  be 
scriptural  nor  natural  to  describe  an  angel,  or 
any  supernatural  created  being,  as  existing  in 
the  form  of  God.  (c)  The  expression  "  form 
of  God  "  is  contrasted  presently  with  "  form 
of  a  servant."  Now,  the  latter  certainly  does 
not  indicate  moral  resemblance  with  mankind, 
but  identity  of  nature.  Consequently  the 
other  must  also  signify  identity  of  nature  with 
God.  Our  conclusion  is  that  what  St.  Paul 
here  affirms  is  the  personal  pre-existence  of 
Christ  in  possession  of  the  attributes  of  Deity. 
It  is  indeed  quite  true  that  St.  Paul  throughout 
this  passage  keeps  Christ  and  God  distinct- 
He  never  merges  the  One  into  the  Other  in  an 
identity  in  which  distinction  of  personality  is 
lost.  But  the  reason  for  this  is  exactly  what 
the  Trinitarian  doctrine  explains.  What  St. 
Paul  asserts  is  the  equality  of  Christ  with  God 
in  possession  of  the  attributes  of  Deity.  In 
ecclesiastical  language,  he  neither  confounds 
the  Persons  nor  divides  the  Substance  of 
Deity,  (ii)  Our  Lord's  condescension.  He 
did  not  consider  His  equality  with  God  as  a 
prize,  or  thing  to  be  grasped  at  (R.V.  text 
and  marg.).  The  "  form  of  God  "  and  the 
"  equality  with  God  "  are  not  two  different 
things,  but  the  same  from  two  different  points 
of  view  (see  Meyer).  "  He  viewed  His  pos- 
session of  the  fulness  of  the  eternal  nature 
as  securely  and  inalienably  His  own,  and  so 
He  dealt  with  it  for  our  sakes,  ...  far  from 
thinking  of  it  as  for  Himself  alone,  as  one  who 
claimed  it  unlawfully  would  have  done  "  (Bp. 
Moule,  Philippian  Studies,  p.  93).  Contrast 
this  accurate  paraphrase  with  the  following  : 
"  He  did  not  wish  to  win  it  [equality  with 
God],  as  did  Satan  and  Adam  of  old,  by  forcible 
means."  But  the  idea  of  illegitimate  ambi- 
tion and  forcible  means  can  only  be  introduced 
into  the  passage  when  the  existence  in  the 
form  of  God  has  been  explained  away.  There 
would  be  nothing  to  be  specially  commended 
in  freedom  from  blasphemous  aspiration  after 
an  equality  with  Ciod,  which  it  is  impossible  for 
any  of  Clod's  creatures  to  acquire.  Very  differ- 
ent indeed  is  the  character  of  One  Who,  pos- 
sessing equality  with  Deity,  was  prepared  to 
accept  a  lower  estate,  (iii)  Our  Lord's  In- 
carnation. Instead  of  grasping  in  His  own 
exclusive  interest,  as  He  could  have  done.  His 
attributes  of  identity  with  Deity  (Ua  Q((^), 
He  emptied  Himself  of  the  form  of  God  which 
He  possessed,  i.e.  of  the  divine  glory  in  its  ex- 
ercise and  manifestations — emptied  Himself, 
by  taking  the  form  of  a  slave,  so  coming  into 
the  reality  and  appearance  of  man.  And  this 
condescension  was  carried  out  by  Him  to  the 
lowest  conceivable  humiliation,  even  that  of 
death,  and  of  death  in  the  most  abject  and  pain- 
ful of  all  its  forms.  Yet  cf.  Col. 2.9,  "In  Jesus 
Clirist  dwelt  all  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead — 
all  that  makes  God  in  the  full  sense  of  the  term 
God — bodily,  that  is  in  organic  unity  and 
completeness"  (Dcnncy,  Death  of  Christ,  p.  igg). 


PAUL 

St.  Paul  does  not  explicitly  reconcile  his  Chris- 
tology  with  his  Monotheism.  That  he  equal- 
izes Jesus  with  God  is  certain.  That  Chris- 
tology  and  Monotheism  were  reconciled  within 
his  own  mind  seems  equally  certain.  For  his 
systematic  logical  nature  necessitated  this, 
and  speculation  is  assuredly  not  excluded  from 
the  Pauline  view.  We  can  only  feel  that 
the  magnitude  of  the  Christian  Revelation 
forced  him  to  expand  his  inherited  conception 
of  Deity  in  such  a  manner  as  afterwards  ob- 
tained, through  Greek  thought  and  language, 
explicit  affirmation  in  the  Christian  creed. — 
(4)  Pauline  Conception  of  the  Death  of  Christ. 
The  question  was,  Why  did  Jesus  die  ?  That 
it  was  for  us,  for  our  sins,  is  stated  by  St.  Paul 
repeatedly.  But  this  statement  involves  a 
dogmatic  theory.  In  St.  Paul  we  first  find  the 
elements  of  a  philosophy  of  the  death  of  Christ. 
According  to  him,  it  possessed  a  saving  value 
because  it  satisfied  the  divine  wrath  against 
sin  (Stevens,  Doctrine  of  Salvation,  p.  59). 
What  is  the  apostle's  justification  for  this 
view  ?  (i)  The  original  attitude  of  God  to- 
wards sinful  man  is  conceived  by  St.  Paul  as 
aversion,  indignation  (cf.  Eph.2.3).  "  Chil- 
dren of  wrath  "  can  only  signify  objects  of 
the  divine  displeasure  (cf.  Ro.l. 18,2.5-8, 
where  the  wrath  of  God  is  shown  to  attend 
Gentiles  and  Jews  alike  who  do  amiss;  see 
Dean  of  Westminster,  in  loc).  "  By  nature  " 
does  not  signify  by  creation,  but  rather  as  self- 
constituted,  apart  from  the  special  influences 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  attitude  of  divine 
aversion  is  not  merely  an  inference  from  iso- 
lated texts,  but  required  by  the  apostle's 
entire  conception  of  God's  character.  It  is  a 
necessary  expression  of  divine  righteousness,  (ii) 
Hence  the  necessity  for  the  reconciliation  not 
merely  of  man  to  God  but  of  God  to  man.  The 
idea  of  reconciling  God  to  man  was  perfectly 
familiar  in  Israel.  "  At  that  time,"  says  Weinel 
(St.  Paul,  p.  302),  "almost  the  only  thought 
connected  with  sacrifice  was  that  of  a  propi- 
tiatory rite  accompanied  by  the  shedding  of 
blood."  What  St.  Paul's  contemporaries 
maintained  may  be  gathered  from  aMac.l.s, 
7.33,8.29,5.20.  (iii)  This  reconciliation  of  God 
to  man  has  been,  according  to  St.  Paul,  already 
achieved.  In  what  way  ?  By  Christ's  death. 
Weizsacker,  who  certainly  will  not  be  accused 
of  orthodox  tendencies,  says,  "  He  undoubtedly 
looked  upon  it  as  a  sacrifice,  and  a  sacrifice 
presented  on  account  of  sin  "  (Apost.  Age,  i. 
160).  He  applies  to  it  the  idea  of  expiation 
(Ro.3.25).  He  calls  it  an  "  offering  for  sin  " 
(Ro.8.3).  The  principal  passages  for  St. 
Paul's  doctrine  of  Christ's  death  are :  (a)  Ro. 
3.25.  "  It  is  impossible  to  get  rid  from  this 
passage  of  the  double  idea  (a)  of  a  sacrifice  ; 
(/3)  of  a  sacrifice  which  is  propitiatory.  .  .  . 
Whatever  sense  we  assign  to  iXaffTripiov,  .  .  . 
the  fundamental  idea  which  underlies  the  word 
must  be  that  of  propitiation.  And  further, 
when  we  ask.  Who  is  propitiated  ?  the  an- 
swer can  only  be  '  God.'  Nor  is  it  possible  to 
separate  this  propitiation  from  the  death  of 
the  Son  "  (Sanday,  Romans,  p.  91).  (b)  Ro.8.3 
(R.V.).  "  Do  we  ask  how  sin  was  condemned? 
The  answer  is,  it  stood  condemned  by  the 
perfect  sacrifice  of  reparation  for  sin  which 
the  sinless  man  made  to  the  divine  Character 


PAUL  661 

on  our  behalf,  when  at  the  requirement  of 
obedience  He  shed  His  blood"  (Bp.  Gore,  in 
loc).  The  statement  "  We  were  reconciled  to 
God  by  the  death  of  His  Son  "  (Ro.S.io)  ap- 
pears at  first  to  suggest  a  change  in  ovir  attitude 
toward  God  rather  than  in  Him.  But  the 
real  meaning  of  the  verse  is  just  the  opposite. 
For  ' '  reconciled ' '  corresponds  with  "  j  ustified ' ' 
(ver.  9),  and  this  is  an  act  of  God  and  a  gift  to 
us.  Moreover,  in  ver.  11  we  are  said  to  have 
"received  the  reconciliation."  It  is  therefore 
a  gift  bestowed  by  God  upon  us.  "  We  are 
reconciled  to  Him  when  we  are  restored  to 
His  favour "  (Gifford).  And  fiurther,  this 
reconciliation  has  been  brought  about  not  by 
any  change  in  us,  but  by  the  death  of  God's 
Son.  Thus  the  suggestion  is  not  that  Christ's 
death  appealed  to  us  and  thereby  produced 
a  subjective  change  but  rather  that  inde- 
pendently of  us  it  had  already  produced  ob- 
jectively a  Godward  result  (cf.  Liddon,  Analy- 
sis ;  Gibson  on  Articles),  (iv)  Consequently 
the  Christian  message  is  that  of  2Cor.5. 18-20 — 
i.e.  on  the  basis  of  a  reconciliation  already  ob- 
jectively achieved,  do  ye  individually  become 
subjectively  reconciled  with  God  (cf.  Pfleiderer, 
Prim.  Christianity,  i.  327,  328).  Thus  the  for- 
mula in  the  Anglican  Articles,  although  not 
verbally  Scriptiure,  is  substantially  Scriptural. 
The  commercial  and  legal  metaphors  by  which 
St.  Paul  illustrated  and  interpreted  the  Atone- 
ment to  his  contemporaries  must  not  be  mis- 
applied so  as  to  conceal  the  profoundly  moral 
and  spiritual  character  of  his  teaching.  St. 
Paul's  doctrine  of  reconciliation,  expressed 
in  other  terms,  appears  to  be  that  the  human 
race  being  identified  with  sin  was  necessarily 
under  the  wrath  of  the  All-holy  One  ;  and 
also  absolutely  incapable,  through  sinfulness, 
of  making  by  perfect  penitence  a  real  repara- 
tion or  homage  to  the  divine  Character.  Ac- 
cordingly reconciliation  presents  a  problem 
which  it  is  impossible  for  man  to  solve.  The 
love  of  God  therefore  provided  the  solution. 
He  created  within  humanity  a  sinless  perfec- 
tion in  union  with  the  Person  of  the  eternal 
Son.  This  union  it  was  which  made  such  ex- 
istence possible.  But  yet  it  is  rather  as  human 
perfection  that  Christ  efi'ected  reconciliation  of 
God  with  mankind.  Being  sinless,  His  human 
mind  was  in  perfect  sympathy  with  the  moral 
character  of  God  and  also  with  the  needs  of 
mankind.  Accordingly,  the  Father  has  en- 
abled mankind  in  Christ  to  express  its  perfect 
abhorrence  and  condemnation  of  sin.  Al- 
ready in  Christ  mankind  is  reconciled  with 
God  ;  for  God  can  contemplate  mankind  in 
this  instance  with  unqualified  approval,  as  the 
ideal  realized.  Of  course  Christ  must  not  be, 
and  was  not  in  the  Pauline  doctrine,  con- 
sidered in  the  isolated  seclusion  of  pure  in- 
dividualism. St.  Paul's  conception  of  the 
solidarity  of  the  race  is  necessary  to  the  con- 
sistency of  the  doctrine.  Thus,  ideally,  Christ's 
sorrow  is  the  sorrow  of  the  race,  with  which 
the  individual  is  to  be  slowly  brought  into 
harmony.  St.  Paul  never  separated  in  his  own 
mind  the  death  of  Christ  from  the  resurrection. 
The  former  is  always  interpreted  by  the  latter. 
Even  where  no  mention  of  the  resurrection 
occiurs,  it  is  invariably  the  tacit  assumption, 
without   which  no  exposition   of    the    death 


662 


PAUL 


could  be  given.  He  could  have  had  no  gospel 
of  the  death  were  it  not  for  the  gospel  of  the 
resurrection.  Not  only  was  this  required  by 
his  own  experience,  but  it  was  logically  and 
dogmatically  essential  (cf.  Re*. 25  ;  see 
further  Liddon's  Analysis  of  Romans;  Siinon, 
Reconciliation  ;  Trench,  Synonyms,  s.v. 
KaraWayri ;  Stevens,  Pauline  Theology ;  Du 
Bose,  Gospel  in  the  Gospels  ;  Gaston  Frommel, 
Etudes  morales  et  relig.  pp.  281  ff. — -(5)  The 
Doctrine  of  Justification.  This  is  the  subjec- 
tive side  of  redemption.  God  being  already 
objectively  reconciled  to  mankind  in  the 
perfect  human  Being,  our  Lord's  work  is 
also  to  realize  and  reproduce  His  own  moral 
perfection  in  the  hearts  of  individual  men. 
We  may,  theoretically,  for  purposes  of  dis- 
cussion, sever  the  two  ;  but  the  objective 
reconciliation  remains  practically  incomplete, 
ineffective,  and  external  until  realized  with- 
in the  individual  believer,  (i)  Hence  justi- 
fication is  primarily  the  imputing  of  Christ's 
righteousness  to  the  individual.  The  believer 
is  accounted  righteous.  And  this,  not  as  a 
mere  fiction — although  of  course  it  is  true 
tliat  all  forgiveness  begins  with  a  fictitious 
element — for  it  consists  in  treating  another 
better  than  he  deserves.  But  this  regarding  of 
the  individual  as  righteous  may  be  described 
as  {a)  an  anticipation  of  a  condition  which  he 
is  ultimately  to  achieve.  We  are  justified  there- 
fore— to  use  Augustinian  terms — not  for  what 
we  are,  but  for  what,  by  the  grace  of  God,  we  are 
to  become.  Moreover,  this  justification  is  (b) 
conditional  on  faith.  And  by  faith  St.  Paul 
means  not  confidence  or  trust,  or  the  mere 
intellectual  assent  to  a  series  of  propositions 
(although  such  intellectual  assent  and  such 
trust  cannot  be  excluded),  but  rather  self- 
surrender  to  a  Person.  Faith  is  devotion  to  a 
Person,  an  intention  to  look  at  life  from  Christ's 
point  of  view,  and  think  His  thoughts  after 
Him,  and  yield  oneself  to  His  obedience, 
accepting  Him  as  what  He  claims  to  be.  And 
this  is  most  justly  considered  as  being  righteous- 
ness ;  for  it  is  all  the  righteousness  which  at 
the  initial  stage  the  converted  soul  can  possess. 
And  it  contains  within  itself  the  promise  of  all 
subsequent  moral  development.  Thus  it  is 
real  righteousness,  as  far  as  it  goes,  (ii)  But 
righteousness  must  not  merely  be  imputed  ; 
it  must  be  afterwards  progressively  imparted. 
The  accounting  a  person  righteous  may  be 
theoretically  separated  from  the  making  him 
righteous,  but  it  is- evident  that  the  divine 
work  must  go  on  to  realize  in  effect  what  it 
pronounces  by  anticipation.  As  Newman 
said,  the  voice  of  the  Lord  is  creative ;  it 
tends  to  effect  what  it  affirms.  "  He  spake  the 
word,  and  they  were  made."  The  ultimate 
purpose  of  the  Incarnation  is  neither  instruc- 
tion nor  forgiveness,  but  the  infusion  of  a  new 
vital  force  derived  from  the  glorified  manhood 
of  our  Lord.  It  is  a  revelation  of  grace.  And 
if  grace  is  primarily  divine  benevolence  to- 
ward sinful  mankind,  yet  "  grace  must  not 
be  couceived  as  externa!  to  m.inkind.  It  is 
an  active  power,  a  regenerative  force,  acting 
within  the  being  of  tlie  individual"  (Sabatier, 
.St.  Paul,  p.  105).  God,  in  (Icelaring  a  man  right- 
eous, creates  in  him  a  beginning  of  righteous- 
ness  which  becomes  the  fertile  principle  of  j 


PEACOCKS 

sanctification  (ib.  p.  322).  The  relation  be- 
tween the  Christian  and  the  glorified  Christ  is, 
according  to  St.  Paul,  most  intimate.  St.  Paul 
is  probably  author  of  the  striking  phrase  "  in 
Christ."  It  represents  Christ  as  the  atmo- 
sphere in  which  the  believer  lives  (Goguel,o/'.  cit, 
p.  260).  Believers  are,  moreover,  one  body  in. 
Christ  (Ro.12.5).  This  infusion  of  a  new  vital, 
moral,  and  spiritual  force  into  the  weakened 
human  character  is  the  crowning  glory  of  Chris- 
tianity. It  produces  from  St.  Paul  the  para- 
dox "  I  laboured  .  .  .  yet  not  I  "  of  iCor.15. 
10,  and  the  thanksgiving  of  Ro.7 ;  and  from 
St.  Augustine  the  famous  sentence  concerning 
the  Day  of  Judgment  "  Deus  coronabit  non 
tam  merita  tua  quam  dona  sua  "  (serm.  clxx. 
p.  1190,  vol.  v.).  Thus  justification  is  a  tran- 
sition from  nature  to  grace.  (On  St.  Paul's 
doctrine  of  justification  see  further  Bp.  Bull; 
Newman,  Essay  on  Justification  ;  Sabatier,  The 
Ap.Paul;  Sandayand  Headlam,  Romans;  Bp. 
Gore  on  Romans ;  Du  Bose,  Gospel  of  St.  Paul ; 
also  our  art.  Justification.) — (6)  Sacraments, 
Pauline  Idea  of  the.  St.  Paul,  says  Weinel 
{St.  Paul,  p.  117),  "  knows  yet  another  way  in 
which  God  comes  down  to  man — viz.  in  sacra- 
ments. There  is  but  one  true  explanation  of 
sacraments,  the  Catholic  and  the  Lutheran  ; 
all  others,  especially  all  modern  theological 
explanations,  are  but  compromises  and  modi- 
fications of  this  pre-Christian  idea,  the  contra- 
diction of  which  with  our  religion  we  have 
felt  since  the  Reformation  in  an  ever-increasing 
degree.  Sacraments  are  the  external  means 
by  which,  according  to  the  faith  of  primitive 
man,  God  imparts  Himself,  and  that,  so  that 
He  suffers  man  to  share  in  His  almighty, 
superhuman  life  and  in  His  holiness."  "  The 
fundamental  idea  of  the  sacrament  has  per- 
haps nowhere  been  expressed  more  clearly 
than  by  St.  Paul  in  iCor.lO.15-21.  Those  who 
eat  the  sacrifices  from  the  altar  at  Jerusalem 
are  '  sharers  '  with  the  altar,  have  communion, 
enter  into  fellowship  with  it— i.e.  with  the  life 
and  holiness  of  Jehovah.  Those  who  eat  the 
sacrifices  offered  to  idols  enter  in  like  manner 
into  fellowship  with  demons.  And  then  St. 
Paul  turns  in  the  third  place  to  the  Lord's 
Supper  :  there  in  the  sanic  material  manner 
one  partakes  of  the  body  of  Christ,  has  a  share 
in  Christ,  enters  into  fellowship  with  Him" 
(ib.  p.  no).  fw.j.s.s.] 

Pavement.     [Gabbatha.] 

Pavilion,  a  tent.  The  A.  V.  so  renders  three 
Heb.  words,  (i)  sokh  (Ps.27.s),  otherwise  den 
(iO.q),  tabernacle  {76.2).  covert  (Ie.25.^8).  (2) 
sukkd  (2Sam.22.12;  iK.20.i2, 16;  Ps.3I.2o) 
occurs  30  times,  and  is  otherwise  rendered 
bonth.  tabernacle,  covert,  and  cottage.  (3)  shaph- 
nlr  (Jc.43.io),  roval  pavilion  in  A.V.  (K.V. 
marg.  glittering).  '  This  is  probably  a  Baby- 
lonian word  aiiplying  to  Nebuchadnezzar's 
tent,  or  to  a  '■  fluttering  "  flag,  in  the  old  sense 
in  which  also  pavilion  meant  a  "  fluttering  " 
ensign    in    Frcnrii.  [c.r.c] 

Peace-ofTerlng-.  [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  c ; 
3,   \'.  f  ;    CiUMi'S.) 

Peacocks  (lleli.  Iiikkiyyim).  ;\mong  the 
products  of  Tharshish  brought  to  Jerusalem 
by  Solomon's  lleet  niontion  is  made  of  "  pea- 
cocks," and  there  seems  no  doubt  that  A.V. 
is  correct  in  thus  rendering  tukkiyyim,  which 


PEARIi 

occurs  only  in  1K.IO.22  and  2Chr.9.2i. 
Some  writers  have,  however,  been  dissatisfied 
with  the  rendering  "  peacocks,"  and  have  pro- 
posed "  parrots  "  ;  while  Keil  concludes  that 
"Aves  numidicae,"  or  Guinea-fowls,  are 
meant.  The  Heb.  word  is  of  foreign  origin  ; 
and  Gesenius  cites  authorities  to  prove  that 
tiikki  is  equivalent  to  the  Tamil  or  Malabaric 
togei  (—  peacock),  an  opinion  endorsed  by 
Sir  E.  Tennent.  If  this  translation  is  correct, 
the  birds  must  certainly  have  come  originally 
from  Ceylon  or  India,  although  they  may  have 
been  trans-shipped  by  Hiram  from  an  East 
African  port ;  but  if  Tharshish  was  in  Spain, 
Guinea-fowls  would  more  probably  be  the  cor- 
rect translation.    [Apes;  Tarshish.]    [r.l.] 

Pearl.  The  Heb.  gdbhish  occurs,  in  this 
form,  only  in  Job  28. 18,  where  the  price  of 
wisdom  is  contrasted  with  that  of  rdmoth 
(coral)  and  gdbhish;  but  with  the  addition  of 
the  syllable  'el  it  is  found  in  Ezk.l3.ii,i3, 
38.22  with  'abhnS,  =  "  hail-stones."  It  has  been 
compared  with  the  gab-si-a  of  the  Amarna 
tablets  (Berlin  25),  which,  however,  Dr.  Pinches 
pronounces  to  be  an  incorrect  reading.  On  the 
whole,  the  balance  of  probability  is  in  favour 
of  "rock-crystal,"  since  gdbhish  denotes  "ice." 
Pearls  (ixapyapir-qi)  are,  however,  nine  times 
mentioned  in  N.T.  {e.g.  Mt.i3.45  ;  iTim.2.9  ; 
Rev. 17. 4, 21. 21).  They  apparently  came  into 
fashion  at  Rome  after  the  Asiatic  conquest 
of  Pompey,  but  were  highly  valued  in  the  East 
in  much  earlier  times.  The  pearl  is  found 
in  the  shells  of  more  than  one  kind  of  bivalve 
mollusc,  but  the  finest  in  the  pearl  oyster 
(Avicula  margaritifera)  and  two  closely  allied 
species.  It  is  a  secretion  of  the  nacreous 
material  of  the  shell  (mother-of-pearl),  and  is 
most  frequently  attached  to  the  interior  of  one 
of  the  valves.  The  ancients  obtained  their 
pearls  mainly  from  the  Persian  Gulf  and  from 
Ceylon,  the  "  fisheries  "  of  which  are  still  very 
important ;  but  there  are  others  in  the  Sulu 
Archipelago,  on  the  coasts  of  New  Guinea,  parts 
of  Australia,  andthe  Polynesian  islands,  [t.g.b.] 

Pedahel',  son  of  Ammihud,  and  prince  of 
Naphtali  at  the  division  of  Canaan  (Num. 34. 28). 

Pedahzup',  a  Manassite,  father  of 
Gamaliel  (Num.1. 10, 2.20,7.54, 59, 10. 23). 

Pedaiah'. — 1.  The  father  of  Zebudah, 
mother  of  king  Jehoiakim  (2K.23.36). — 2.  The 
brother  of  Salathiel,  or  Shealtiel,  and  father  of 
Zerubbabel  who  is  usually  called  the  "  son  of 
Shealtiel,"  being,  as  Lord  A.  Hervey  conjec- 
tured, in  reality  his  uncle'ssuccessor  and  heir,  in 
consequence  of  the  failure  of  issue  in  the  direct 
line  (iChr.3.17-19). — 3.  Son  of  Parosh,  that  is, 
one  of  the  family  of  that  name,  who  assisted 
Nehemiah  in  repairing  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
(Ne.3.25). — 4.  Apparently  a  priest  ;  one  of 
those  who  stood  on  the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when 
he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). — 5.  A 
Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Sallu  (Ne.ll.7). — 6- 
A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Ne.i3.13). 
—7.  The  father  of  Joel,  prince  of  the  half -tribe 
of  Manasseh  in  the  reign  of  David  (iChr.27.2o). 

Pe'kah,  son  of  Remaliah,  originally  a  cap- 
tain of  Pekahiah  king  of  Israel,  murdered  his 
master,  seized  the  throne,  and  became  the  i8th 
sovereign  of  the  northern  kingdom  (2K.15.25- 
31).  His  native  country  was  probably  Gilead, 
as  fifty  Gileadites  joined  him  in  the  conspiracy 


PEIiATIAH 


663 


against  Pekahiah.  Under  his  predecessors 
Israel  had  been  much  weakened  through  the 
payment  of  enormous  tribute  to  the  Assyrians 
(see  especially  15. 20),  and  by  internal  wars  and 
conspiracies.  Pekah  steadily  applied  himself 
to  the  restoration  of  its  power.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  sought  for  foreign  alliance  against  As- 
syria, and  fixed  his  mind  on  the  plunder  of  the 
sister  kingdom  of  Judah.  He  must  have  made 
the  treaty  by  which  he  proposed  to  share  its 
spoil  with  Rezin  king  of  Damascus,  when  Jo- 
tham  was  still  on  the  throne  of  Jerusalem  (15. 
37)  ;  but  its  execution  was  long  delayed,  pro- 
bably in  consequence  of  that  prince's  righteous 
and  vigorous  administration  (2Chr.27).  When, 
however,  Jotham's  weak  son  Ahaz  succeeded, 
the  allies  no  longer  hesitated,  but  besieged 
Jerusalem.  The  history  of  the  war  is  found  in 
2K.I6  and  2Chr.28.  It  is  famous  as  the  oc- 
casion of  the  great  prophecies  in  Is. 7-9.  Its 
chief  result  was  the  capture  of  the  Jewish  port 
of  Elath  on  the  Red  Sea  (2K.I6.6)  ;  but  the 
unnatural  alliance  of  Damascus  and  Samaria 
was  punished  through  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  confederates  by  Tiglath-pileser.  The 
kingdom  of  Damascus  was  finally  suppressed, 
and  Rezin  put  to  death,  while  Pekah  was  de- 
prived of  at  least  half  his  kingdom,  including 
all  the  northern  portion,  and  the  whole  dis- 
trict E.  of  Jordan.  Pekah,  himself  now  an 
Assyrian  vassal,  could  no  longer  attack  Judah. 
Whether  for  his  continued  tyranny  or  because 
his  weakness  opened  the  way  to  ambition, 
Hoshea  son  of  Elah  conspired  against  him,  and 
put  him  to  death.  [That  the  reign  of  Pekah 
was  a  time  of  religious  and  moral  disorders  is 
evident  from  2 K. 15. 28,  and  from  the  testimony 
of  Hosea,  a  native  of  the  northern  kingdom 
(Ho. 4,6,7).  Pekah  reigned  twenty  years,  ac- 
cording to  2K.15.27  (cf.  16. i);  but  modern 
scholars,  following  a  text  of  Tiglath-pileser 
(see  Chronology  and  Archaeology)  are  in- 
clined to  assign  him  a  reign  of  only  about  three 
years  (736-733);  but  for  an  alternative  solution 
of  this  difficulty  see  Chronology  (Harmony). 
Cf.  Schrader,  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and  O.T. 

ii.  pp.  321  ff.  H.C.B.] 

Pekahiah',  son  and  successor  of  Menahem 
and  17th  king  of  the  separate  kingdom  of 
Israel.  After  a  brief  and  idolatrous  reign  of 
scarcely  two  years,  a  conspiracy  was  organized 
by  Pekah,  who  murdered  him  in  his  palace 
and  seized  the  throne  (2K.I5.22-26). 

Pekod',  a  name  applied  to  the  Chaldeans  in 
Je.50.2i  and  Ezk.23.23.  It  is  identified  with 
the  Pitqildu,  an  important  clan  in  Lower  Baby- 
lonia, near  the  mouth  of  the  UknA  river,  by 
the  Elamite  boundary.  The  Puqiidu  were 
subjugated  by  Tiglath-pileser,  who  classifies 
them  with  the  Arameans.  Later  they  gave  con- 
siderable trouble  to  Sargon  of  Ass^Tia,  but  were 
finally  subjugated.  Their  name  also  appears  in 
the  contract-tablets  of  later  date.       [t.g.p.] 

Pelaiah'. — 1.  A  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the 
royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.24). — 2.  A  Levite 
who  assisted  Ezra  in  expounding  the  law  and 
sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Ne.8.7, 
10.10). 

Pelaliah',  an  ancestor  of  Adaiah,  4  (Ne. 
11.12). 

Pelatiah'. — 1.  Son  of  Hananiah,  8,  in  the 
royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3.2i). — 2.  One  of 


664  PELEG 

the  captains  of  the  marauding  band  of  Simeon- 
ites,  who  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  smote  the 
Amalekites  of  mount  Seir  (iChr.4.42). — 3. 
One  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.22).— 4.  Son  of  Benaiah,  and 
one  of  the  princes  of  the  people  whose  doom 
Ezekiel  prophesied  (Ezk.ll.1-12). 

Pe'leg  (division),  son  of  Eber,  and  brother 
of  Joktan  (Gen. 10. 25, 11. 16-19),  so  called  be- 
cause "  in  his  days  was  the  earth  divided  " 
— i.e.  the  family  of  Eber  divided,  the  younger 
branch  (the  Joktanids)  migrating  to  Arabia, 
the  elder  remaining  in  Mesopotamia.   [Races.] 

Pe'let. — 1.  A  son  of  Jahdai  (iChr.2.47). — 
2.  The  son  of  Azmavetli — i.e.  either  a  native 
of  the  place  so-named,  or  son  of  one  of  David's 
heroes.     He  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (12. 3). 

Pel'eth. — 1.  A  Reubenite  ;  father  of  On 
(Num. 16. i). — 2.  Son  of  Jonathan,  and  a  de- 
scendant of  Jerahmeel  (iChr.2.33).  Though 
many  regard  the  Pelethites  (aSam.S.S,  etc.) 
as  Philistines  [Cherethites],  they  may  have 
been  descendants  of  this  Peleth  in  S.  Pales- 
tine. [c.R.c] 

Peli'as  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Bedeiah. 

Pelican  (Heb.  qa'dth).  The  Heb.  word, 
which  means  "  to  vomit,  or  disgorge,"  occurs  in 
the  list  of  unclean  birds  in  Lev.ll.i8  and  Deut. 
14.17.  The  psalmist  compares  his  condition 
to  "a  qa'dth  in  the  wilderness"  (Ps.102.6)  ; 
while,  as  a  mark  of  the  desolation  to  come  upon 
Edom,  it  is  stated  that  "the  qa'dth  and  the 
bittern  should  possess  it"  (Is.34.ii),  similar 
words  being  uttered  in  connexion  with  Nineveh 
(Zeph.2.14).  In  the  last  two  passages  A.V.  has 
"  cormorant  "  in  the  text  and  "  pelican  "  in  the 
marg.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  pelican  is 
the  bird  denoted  by  qa'dth.  The  name  refers  to 
the  pelican's  habit  of  storing  large  quantities 


Pni.ICAN  (Pf/ecaiiiis  oiiocro/a/iis). 

of  fishes  in  its  pouch,  and  disgorging  them  for 
the  purpose  of  feeding  its  young — a  habit  which 
has  given  rise  to  the  fable  that  young  pelicans 
are  nourished   by   blood  drawn   from    their 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

parents'  breast.  The  heavy  and  melancholy 
aspect  of  the  pelican  when  gorged  affords  the 
ground  of  the  psalmist's  simile.  In  the  ex- 
pression "  pelican  "  of  the  "  wilderness,"  the 
final  word  is  used  to  denote  any  wild  place,  just 
as  "  jungle  "  in  India  may  denote  a  desert. 
Both  the  common  pelican  (Pelecanus  ono- 
crotalus)  and  the  crested  pelican  (P.  crispus) 
occur  in  Syria.  [r.l.] 

Pel'onite,  The.  Two  of  David's  mighty 
men,  Helez  and  Ahijah,  are  called  Pelonites 
(iChr.ll. 27,36).  From  iChr.27.io  it  appears 
that  the  former  was  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 
and  "  Pelonite  "  would  therefore  probably  be 
an  appellation  derived  from  his  place  of  birth 
or  residence.  In  2Sam.23.26  Helez  is  called  "the 
Paltite,"  apparently  from  Beth-palet,  in  the  8. 
of  J  udah,  and  Ahijah  appears  (ver.  34)  as  "Eliam 
the  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite."  [Giloh.] 
No  place  named  Pelon  is  known.        [c.R.c] 

Pen.     [Writing.] 

Peniel'  (Gen.32.30),  Penuel'  (82.31 ;  Judg. 
8.8,9,17;  iK.12.25),  a  place  with  a  tower 
between  Mahanaim  andthe  Jabbok  River,  and 
between  Succoxii  and  Jogbehah.  Jacob  is 
said  to  have  "  passed  over  "  it  ;  and  called  it 
"  face  of  God  "  because  of  his  meeting  there 
with  the  angel.  The  name  has  not  been  re- 
covered. [c.R.c] 

Peninnah',  one  of  the  two  wives  of 
Elkanah,  3  (iSam.l.2). 

Penknife.     [Writing.] 

Penny,  Pennyworth.     [Denarius.] 

Pentateuch,  The.  I.  Name,  Divisions, 
AND  Contents.  This  name  (Gk.  Pentateuchos, 
lit.  "  five-volumed  ")  is  used  to  designate  the 
five  books  of  Moses, which  form  the  first  division 
of  the  O.T.  canon.  The  Jews  themselves  name 
the  five  books  simply  "  the  law  "  (lord).  In 
Heb.  MSS.  the  law  is  written  on  a  single 
roll,  with  only  slight  divisions  between  the 
books,  and  the  whole  is  sub-divided  into 
smaller  sections  (pardshd),  669  in  number. 
The  titles  by  which  the  books  are  currently 
known — Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers, 
Deuteronomy — come  from  the  Gk.  trans- 
lators (c.  250  B.C.),  but  the  five-fold  division 
is  older,  and  probably  goes  back  to  the  last 
redaction  of  the  work.  This  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  five-fold  division  of  the  Psalter, 
with  concluding  doxologies — a  division  al- 
ready known  to  the  Septuagint  translators, 
and  probably  also  implied  in  iChr.16.34-36  (at 
latest  c.  330  B.C.) — is  modelled  on  the  divisions 
of  the  Pentateuch.  The  lesser  divisions  are 
already  recognized  in  the  Talmud,  and  are, 
therefore,  also  ancient.  Among  the  Jews  the 
custom,  probably  from  the  beginning  (Origen 
attests  the  practice  in  his  day),  has  been  to 
distinguisli  the  books  by  using  as  titles  the  first 
word,  or  two  words,  of  each.  Contents.  The 
books  thus  described  furnish  a  progressive 
account  of  God's  dealings  with  the  human 
family,  in  the  special  line  of  revelation  and 
promise,  from  the  creation  of  the  world  and 
man  till  the  death  of  Moses  on  mount  Nebo,  in 
Moab,  on  the  borders  of  Canaan.  Interwoven 
with  the  history  arc  tlic  tliree  groat  legislative 
Codes  round  wliich  so  much  controversy  has 
gathered — the  Decalogue  and  Code  of  the  Book 
of  the  Covenant  at  Sinai  in  Ex. 20-23 ;  the 
Levitical  Code,  partly  in  Exodus,  but  mainly 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

in  the  book  which  bears  this  special  name, 
Leviticus  ;  and  the  Deuteronomic  Code,  a  re- 
hearsal and  expansion  of  the  laws  of  the  cove- 
nant, with  some  further  provisions,  in  the 
form  of  addresses  delivered  by  Moses  in  the 
plains  of  Moab.  The  details  of  the  plan,  pur- 
pose, and  particular  contents  of  the  several 
books  may  be  seen  under  their  respective 
headings.  It  will  be  found  that  the  divisions 
of  the  books  correspond  in  the  main  to  natural 
divisions  in  the  subject-matter.  Genesis  has  a 
well-marked  unity  in  its  orderly  plan,  and  its 
accounts  of  primitive  and  patriarchal  times. 
Exodus  begins  afresh  with  a  recapitulatory 
section,  and  has  its  distinct  theme  in  the  great 
events  of  the  Exodus  and  the  Covenant  at 
Sinai,  and  in  the  incidents  of  the  wilderness 
connected  therewith.  Leviticus  has  a  char- 
acter of  its  own  as  a  corpus  of  priestly  laws. 
Numbers  is  more  mingled  in  its  contents,  but 
stands  apart  again  from  Deuteronomy,  which 
once  more,  in  style,  purpose,  and  content, 
forms  a  unity  by  itself.  Yet  all  the  parts  of 
this  large  whole,  as  closer  inspection  shows, 
are  firmly  knit  together  by  the  presence  of  one 
grand  aim — that  of  presenting  the  course  of 
God's  dealings  with  man  in  grace,  with  the 
ultimate  purpose  of  his  redemption  and  blessing 
through  Christ,  the  Saviour  Who  is  in  view 
from  the  hour  of  the  first  promise  (Gen. 3. 15). 
— IL  Age  and  Origin — -Traditional  and 
Modern  Views,  (i)  Older  View.  It  will 
hardly  be  disputed  (except  by  extremists)  that, 
from  at  least  the  days  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
(earlier  testimony,  Jos. 1.7,8,8.31, 34,23. 6  ;  iK. 
2.3,  etc.,  will  be  discussed  later),  the  five  books 
— i.e.  the  whole  Pentateuch — were  accepted  by 
the  Jews,  and  afterwards  by  the  Christians,  as 
"  the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses,"  and  were  in 
some  good 'and  substantial  sense  attributed  to 
Moses  as  their  author  (Ezr.6.i8,7.6  ;  Ne.8.1, 
18).  As  "  the  law  of  Moses  "  the  work  was 
unhesitatingly  received  by  the  Samaritans,  the 
Jews'  bitterest  enemies.  Later  prophets  speak 
of  it  in  the  same  manner  (Mai. 4. 4;  Dan. 9. 11, 13). 
The  books  of  Chronicles,  which  throughout 
assume  its  existence  and  the  operation  of  its 
laws  even  under  the  kings  (iChr.16.40,22.12,13  ; 
2Chr.l2.i, 14.4,15.3, 17. 9,25.4,31. 3,4,21,33.8,34. 
14,35.26),  are  at  least  a  witness  to  the  belief  in 
the  Mosaic  authorship  in  the  Chronicler's  own 
time.  Josephus  (Contra  Apion,  i.  8),  Philo, 
and  the  Talmud  attest  the  universality  of  the 
conviction  in  their  age.  The  gospels  afford 
abundant  evidence  that  this  likewise  was  the 
belief  of  our  Lord,  of  His  disciples,  and  of  their 
contemporaries  (Mk. 10. 5, 12. 19, 26  ;  Lu.l6.29  ! 
Jn.l. 17,5.46,47,7. 19).  Nor,  despite  a  few  here- 
tical and  cavilHng  voices,  was  the  belief  in  the 
Mosaic  origin  of  the  Pentateuch  seriously 
disturbed  till  the  17th  cent,  of  our  era.  (ii) 
Modern  Critical  Theories.  On  the  contrary, 
some  modern  criticism,  on  what  it  takes  to  be 
irrefragable  grounds,  entirely  rejects  this  an- 
cient tradition  of  Jews  and  Christians,  shared 
in  by  Christ  Himself,  and  boldly  affirms  that 
Moses  had  no  part  whatever  in  the  composition 
of  the  Pentateuch,  or  even  in  the  legislation 
embodied  in  its  books.  The  Pentateuch,  it  is 
claimed,  is  shown  by  numberless  signs  to  be  a 
late  and  composite  work,  the  oldest  strand  in 
which  is  not  older  than  the  9th  or  8th  cent., 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 


665 


and  the  youngest  later  than  the  Exile  in  Baby- 
lon, and  which,  for  the  most  part,  is  devoid  of 
historical  worth.  The  book  of  Genesis,  it  is 
declared,  is  wholly  "  legendary  "  ;  Exodus  is 
"utterly  unhistorical  "  (Kuenen)  ;  Deutero- 
nomy is  a  production  of  the  age  of  Josiah  (or  a 
little  earlier)  ;  the  Levitical  laws  took  shape 
during,  or  after,  the  Exile ;  Joshua,  which 
most  include  with  the  other  books  in  what 
they  call  the  "  Hexateuch,"  is  a  "  romance." 
The  grounds  on  which  this  view  is  argued  are  : 
(a)  Alleged  indications  of  later  date  in  the  book 
itself,  (b)  Alleged  contradictions,  repetitions, 
duplicate  narratives,  and  other  signs  of  mul- 
tiple authorship,  (c)  The  difficulty  of  suppos- 
ing that  so  large  a  work,  evincing  such  remark- 
able literary  power,  embodying  developed 
systems  of  law,  and  exhibiting  such  high  re- 
ligious and  ethical  ideas,  should  have  been 
produced  in  the  age  of  Moses.  But  chiefly, 
(d)  the  internal  evidence  which  the  book  is 
said  to  afford  of  its  being  a  compilation  from 
distinct  documents,  manifestly  belonging  to 
different  times,  and  produced  under  widely 
different  conditions.  To  this  last  point,  as 
touching  the  essence  of  the  critical  theory, 
attention  must  be  given  at  the  outset.  Four 
strands  are  usually  recognized  in  the  critical 
schools  as  entering  into  the  composition  of  the 
Pentateuch.  First,  in  a  combined  form,  are  two 
narratives,  closely  resembling,  and  running 
mostlyparallel  to,  each  other,  but  distinguished 
by  their  use  of  the  names  of  God^the  one  em- 
ploying the  name  "Jehovah"  (E.V.  "  Lord  "), 
the  other  the  name  "  Elohim  "  (E.V.  "  God  "), 
as  far  as  Ex.3 — hence  called  by  the  critics  J 
and  E,  or  (in  combination)  JE.  These  narra- 
tives are  free,  flowing,  and  popular  in  style  (J 
more  anthropomorphic  than  E),  and  breathe 
the  prophetic  spirit.  They  are  assigned  to  c. 
850  B.C.-750  B.C.  Next  in  time  comes  Deut- 
eronomy— a  work  by  itself — first  brought  to 
light  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2K.22).  Finally, 
furnishing  the  framework  of  the  narrative  in 
Genesis,  and  embracing  in  its  middle  parts  the 
Levitical  legislation,  is  a  connected  history, 
priestly  in  character,  extending  from  the  crea- 
tion to  the  conquest  in  Canaan,  and  readily 
separable  by  its  peculiarities  from  the  other 
elements  in  the  book.  This,  formerly  held  to 
be  the  oldest  stratum  in  the  Pentateuch,  but 
now  supposed  to  be  of  post-Exilian  origin,  is 
distinguished  by  the  critics  as  P  (the  "priestly" 
writing).  It  is  marked  by  adherence  to  the 
name  "Elohim"  (God)  as  far  as  Ex.6.  Its 
style  is  described  as  formal,  precise,  circum- 
stantial, pedantic.  It  abounds  in  enumera- 
tions, repetitions,  legal  formulae,  genealogies. 
These  four  elements,  it  is  believed,  originally 
subsisted  apart,  but  were  brought  together  by 
successive  redactors,  the  entire  work  receiving 
its  present  shape  in  or  about  the  age  of  Ezra. 
This  is  the  theory  in  its  simplest  form  ;  but  it 
should  now  be  noted  that,  as  time  has  gone  on, 
and  the  difficulties  of  the  hypothesis  have  be- 
come more  apparent,  the  theory  has  undergone 
various  developments,  and  become  much  more 
complicated.  Instead  of  the  original  "  four  " 
documents  (J,  E,  D,  P),  there  is  assumed  an 
extended  series  of  each  denomination  (J',  J^, 
J-';  E',  E2,  E^;  P',  P'^,  P',  V\  etc.).  Yet 
more  recently,  the  pretence  of  individuality 


666 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 


is  abandoned,  and  the  supposititious  J,  E, 
D,  P  are  resoh'ed  into  "  schools,"  the  ac- 
tivity of  whose  members  is  presumed  to  extend 
over  centuries.  The  hypothesis,  in  short,  is  in 
a  state  of  rapid  disintegration.  Before  criti- 
cizing this  hypothesis,  and  adducing  reasons 
which  seem  to  justify  a  view  much  nearer  to 
that  sanctioned  by  tradition,  a  few  words  may 
be  said  on  the  stages  by  which  the  critical 
theory  has  come  to  assume  its  existing  form. 
These  are  instructive.  The  theory  began  with 
the  attempt  (Astruc,  i753)  to  separate  two 
main  documents  in  Genesis— the  one  Jehov- 
istic,  the  other  Elohistic.  The  Mosaic  author- 
ship was  still  assumed.  This  was  followed 
(Eichhorn,  1779)  by  an  endeavour  to  dis- 
criminate the  sources,  not  merely  by  the  divine 
names,  but  by  other  literary  peculiarities.  The 
next  step  was  to  claim  a  late  date  (Josiah's 
reign)  for  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  (De  Wette, 
1805-1806).  Meanwhile,  it  had  been  noticed 
(Ilgen,  1798)  that  certain  of  the  "  Elohistic  " 
sections  lacked  the  usual  marks  of  that  narra- 
tive, but  were  similar  in  character  and  style  to 
the  "Jehovistic"  portions.  This  led  later 
(Hupfeld,  1853)  to  the  supposition  of  a  third 
writer — the  so-called  Second  or  Junior  Elo- 
hist  (now  E).  Up  to  this  time  the  Elohistic 
history  had  been  regarded  as  the  oldest  part 
of  the  Pentateuch  (age  of  Samuel  or  Saul),  and 
the  Jehovist  was  viewed  as  "  supplementing  " 
the  older  work.  Now  the  Jehovist  (J )  and  the 
Second  Elohist  (E)  attained  the  rank  of  inde- 
pendent narrators.  Finally,  with  Graf  (1866), 
came  the  revolution  which  brought  in  the 
existing  phase  of  criticism.  It  was  claimed  to 
be  shown  on  historical  grounds  that  the  Leviti- 
cal  laws  were  not  in  force  till  after  the  return 
from  exile,  and  the  proposal  was  made  to  lift 
down  the  whole  body  of  Levitical  legislation 
from  a  Mosaic  or  other  early  date  to  this  later 
period.  Ezekiel  was  thought  to  have  given 
the  impulse  to  the  formation  of  such  a  code  in 
his  sketch  of  the  restored  temple  (ch.  40ff.), 
and  the  work  was  actually  taken  in  hand  by 
priests  and  scribes  during  the  Exile,  with  the 
results  we  see.  This  theory,  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  Wellhausen,  gained  accept- 
ance, and,  with  some  waning  of  its  influence,  is 
the  prevailing  theory  still.  Yet  it  may  be 
shown  that  the  gravest  difficulties  attach  both 
to  it  and  to  the  whole  critical  construction 
with  which  it  is  associated,  (iii)  Positive 
Investigation.  In  severing  oneself  from  the 
hypothesis  just  sketched,  it  need  not  be  denied 
that  the  critical  labours  of  the  last  century 
and  a  half  have  brought  to  light  many  pheno- 
mena in  the  structure  of  the  Pentateuch 
which  require  to  be  taken  account  of  in  any 
adcfiuatc  theory  of  its  origin.  It  is  the  case, 
e.g.,  as  Astruc  pointed  out,  that  there  is  a 
marked  distinction  in  the  use  of  the  divine 
names  in  Genesis  (Elohistic  and  Jchovistir, 
sections  ;  see  Genesis)  ;  and  it  is  also  the  case, 
as  later  critics  have  shown,  that  the  bulk  of  the 
EK)histic  matter  (exception  being  made  of 
S|>ecial  sections,  as  Gen. 20,  attributed  tn  E) 
lias  a  style  and  vocabulary  of  its  own,  wliicli 
justify  its  distinction  from  the  flowing,  vivid, 
picturesque  JE  narrative.  Any  one  can 
satisfy  himself  of  this  who  reads  carefully  the 
creation  narrative  in  Gen.l,  and  compares  it 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

with  the  style  of  the  following  narratives  in 
Gen. 2. 4-4  ;  or  who  compares  the  sections  in 
the  story  of  the  Flood  ((ien.6-8)  marked  by 
the  use  of  the  name  "  Lord,"  with  those 
marked  by  the  use  of  the  name  "  God."  It 
comes  to  be  perceived  that  each  writing  has  a 
class  of  words  and  phrases  peculiar  to  itself, 
even  when  the  same  idea  is  being  conveyed. 
Characteristic  of  the  Elohistic  writing  (P), 
e.g.,  are  such  terms  and  phrases  as  "  kind," 
"  swarm,"  "  possession,"  "  be  fruitful  and 
multiply,"  "  self-same  day,"  "  after  their 
generations"  ;  while  the  Jehovist  is  fond  of  the 
word  "  ground"  (Elohist  has  mostly  "  earth  "), 
has  a  different  form  for  "  beget,"  speaks  of 
"  to  cut  a  covenant,"  where  the  Elohist  has 
"  to  establish,"  etc.  Documents  evidently  in 
some  form  are  used,  and  different  styles  of 
writing  employed,  in  the  composition  of  the 
work,  whether  we  can  ever  perfectly  disen- 
tangle the  process  or  not.  But  it  in  no  way 
follows,  as  will  be  seen,  that  the  critical  theory 
of  the  age  or  origin  of  the  book  must  be  ad- 
mitted, or  that  its  essentially  Mosaic  character 
need  be  denied.  The  proof  can  best  be  furn- 
ished by  taking  up  the  alleged  constituents  of 
the  Pentateuch  separately,  {a)  The  Levitical 
Law.  On  this  subject,  in  the  light  of  the 
critical  discussions,  it  will  be  wise  to  begin 
with  the  fixed  datum  of  the  reading  of  the  law  by 
Ezra  to  the  people  in  Jerusalem,  as  described 
in  Nc.8,  and  work  backwards.  Here  the  out- 
standing fact  on  the  surface  of  the  history  is, 
that  "  the  book  of  the  law  "  produced  by 
Ezra  (the  complete  Pentateuch,  cf.  Ne.9)  was 
accepted  by  all  classes  of  the  people  as  an 
authentic  Mosaic  work,  going  back  in  its 
origin  to  Moses'  own  times  (cf.  8.14).  The 
critical  position  is  that  the  Levitical  law.  with 
its  related  historical  sections,  was  a  creation  of 
the  age  of  the  Exile.  It  might  embody  older 
usage,  but  in  its  essential  and  characteristic 
institutions  (ark  and  tabernacle,  priests  and 
Levites,  tithe-laws,  Levitical  cities,  day  of 
atonement,  cycle  of  feasts,  etc.)  it  was  a  new 
and  previously  unheard-of  thing.  This  view 
receives  no  countenance  from  the  narrative  in 
Nehemiah.  It  is,  on  the  contrary,  directly 
contradicted  by  it.  The  Jewish  community 
which  Ezra  addressed  was  keenly  divided. 
There  were  factions  in  it  opposed  to  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  ;  there  was  a  religiously  faithless 
party  in  the  city  ;  priests  and  Levites  knew 
something  of  their  own  history  ;  the  new  or- 
dinances (tithe-laws,  etc.)  bore  heavily  on  the 
people.  Yet  no  one,  so  far  as  known,  ever 
raised  a  whisper  of  protest  against  the  ascrip- 
tion of  this  body  of  legislation  to  the  nation's 
great  lawgi\-er,  Moses.  The  laws,  moreover, 
which  arc  supposed  to  have  been  specially 
prepared  for  this  community,  were  in  large 
part  quite  unsuitable  to  post-lixilian  con- 
ditions. They  are  cast  in  a  form  adapted  to 
the  wilderness  ;  many  of  them  were  obsolete 
from  the  time  the  people  entered  Canaan  (e.g. 
Lev. 17.1-0)  ;  the  tithe-laws,  in  particular, 
pre-sujiposiug  as  thov  do  a  large  bndy  of  Le- 
vites and  few  iiriesls,  had  no  direct  applica- 
bility to  a  community  in  which  the  priests 
were  many  and  the  t.evites  few.  The  dis- 
tinction of  priests  and  Levites  is  alleged  to 
have  taken  its  origin  from  the  prophecy  of  the 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

degradation  of  the  unfaithful  priests  in  Ezk.44. 
Yet  we  find  the  Levites,  with  their  genealogies, 
in  large  numbers  at  the  time  of  the  return  under 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.1-3).  This  period,  in  short, 
affords  plain  proof  that  the  Levitical  law  was 
older  than  the  Exile,  and  that  "  the  book  of  the 
law  "  containing  it  was  in  that  age  unani- 
mously ascribed  to  Moses.  The  same  result,  as 
respects  the  age  of  the  Levitical  law,  is  reached 
along  other  lines  of  evidence.  The  book  of 
Ezekiel  is  saturated  with  allusions  which  pre- 
suppose the  existence  of  the  Levitical  code. 
This  is  specially  true  of  that  remarkable  collec- 
tion of  laws  in  Lev.17-26  (a  code  within  the 
code),  which  scholars  name  "  the  Law  of  Holi- 
ness." So  intimate  is  the  relation  between 
this  code  and  Ezekiel  that  the  prophet  was  at 
first  held  to  be  the  author  of  it.  Now  the  re- 
semblance is  sought  to  be  explained  by  "  imi- 
tation "  of  Ezekiel.  This,  however,  is  mani- 
festly forced  and  artificial,  and  the  only 
reasonable  solution  is  that  adopted  also  by 
Dr.  Driver — viz.  that  Ezekiel  knew  and  used 
this  earlier  body  of  laws  (not  to  the  exclusion 
of  other  parts  of  the  code).  The  proof  may  be 
carried  a  stage  further  back  still  by  the  help  of 
the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  This  book  is  al- 
lowed by  criticism  to  be  (in  its  legislative  part) 
as  old,  at  least,  as  the  age  of  Josiah.  It  was 
the  unanimous  opinion  of  older  scholars,  and 
cannot  be  reasonably  disputed,  that  Deutero- 
nomy pre-supposes  priestly  ordinances  closely 
analogous  to  those  of  the  Levitical  code. 
[Deuteronomy.]  Deut.l4.i-2o,  e.g.,  is  almost 
"  verbally  identical  "  with  Lev. 11. 1-22.  The 
Levitical  code,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  no 
trace  of  dependence  on  Deuteronomy.  The 
natural  inference  is,  that  the  former  is  the  older 
of  the  two.  Against  this  existence  of  the  Levi- 
tical law  in  pre-Exilian  times  is  urged  the 
alleged  silence  of  the  prophetical  and  historical 
books  in  regard  to  it.  This  silence,  however, 
is  only  relative,  and  may  be  pressed  too  far. 
In  reality  there  is  much,  in  both  prophecy  and 
history,  to  show  that  the  law  was  actually,  if 
sometimes  only  partially,  in  operation.  The 
Solomonic  temple  and  its  services  were  mo- 
delled on  the  pattern  of  the  tabernacle.  Joel, 
formerly  regarded  as  the  earliest  of  the  pro- 
phets, though  now  by  most  critics  made  post- 
Exilian,  abounds  in  allusions  to  the  ritual 
code.  Such  a  passage  as  Is. 1.13,14  is  satu- 
rated with  the  vocabulary  of  the  Levitical  law 
("  assembly,"  "  solemn  meeting,"  "  appointed 
feasts,"  etc.).  The  historical  books  show 
allusions  to  ark,  tabernacle,  Aaronic  priest- 
hood, high -priest,  ephod,  and  shewbread  ;  and 
indicate  a  knowledge  of  festivals,  of  sacrifices 
(burnt  -offerings,  peace-offerings,  meal-offerings, 
drink-offerings,  probably  sin-offerings  as  well), 
of  ritual  of  worship,  of  laws  of  purity,  of  clean 
and  unclean  food,  of  leprosy,  of  consanguinity, 
prohibitions  of  eating  blood,  and  the  like.  It 
enhances  the  value  of  the  allusions  that  many 
of  them  are  quite  incidental  {e.g.  the  shew- 
bread in  iSam.21.4).  If,  as  seems  evident, 
the  Levitical  law  can  thus  be  carried  back  to  a 
relatively  early  stage  in  Israel's  history,  there 
is  no  point  at  which  we  can  reasonably  stop  in 
seeking  a  date  for  its  origin  till  we  come  to  the 
age  of  Moses  himself.  At  this  point  we  are 
met  by  the  testimony  of  the  book  itself.  There 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 


667 


can  be  no  question  that  the  Levitical  legisla- 
tion claims  to  be  of  Mosaic  origin  (c/.  Lev. 26. 
46).  With  this  agrees  its  whole  cast  and 
character.  It  is  a  system  of  wilderness  legis- 
lation ;  in  large  parts  adapted  only  for  the 
desert.  This,  indeed,  does  not  imply  that 
Moses  necessarily  wrote  out  all  the  laws  he 
gave  with  his  own  hand,  though  in  some  cases 
he  may  have  done  so,  using  the  style  appro- 
priate to  such  composition  ;  or  that  they  were 
all  written  at  one  time  ;  or  that  they  did  not,  in 
some  cases,  undergo  redrafting  or  adaptation 
to  new  circumstances  ;  or  that  their  final  col- 
lection and  codification  was  not  a  later  task. 
But  it  does  imply  that  the  laws  are  ancient  and 
Mosaic  in  substance,  and,  for  the  most  part, 
even  in  form.  As,  further,  no  one  disputes  the 
homogeneousness  of  the  historical  framework 
of  P,  in  which  the  laws  are  set,  with  the  laws 
themselves,  this  speaks  for  the  origin  of  both — 
history  and  laws  together — in  or  near  the 
Mosaic  age.  (b)  Deuteronomy  and  its  Code. 
Leaving  the  Levitical  law  for  the  moment,  a 
glance  may  next  be  taken  at  the  book  and 
Code  of  Deuteronomy.  Fortunately,  we  have 
here  also  a  fixed  point  from  which  to  start. 
There  is  general  agreement  that  "  the  book  of 
the  law,"  discovered  in  the  temple  in  the  i8th 
year  of  Josiah,  as  recorded  in  2K.22,  either 
was,  or  at  least  included,  the  book  of  Deutero- 
nomy. Critics  will  have  it  that  the  book  was 
composed  at  or  about  this  time,  and  designedly 
deposited  in  the  temple  in  order  to  bring  about 
a  reformation.  The  majority  do  not  shrink 
even  from  imputing  to  Hilkiah  and  his  circle 
a  deliberate  fraud  in  palming  off  upon  the  king 
a  work  which  they  knew  to  be  recent.  This 
last  supposition  must  be  at  once  dismissed. 
The  alternative  is  that  the  book  was  genuinely 
found,  and  was  recognized  by  those  who  found 
it  as  an  ancient  book — the  book  of  the  law  of 
Moses  (cf.  2K. 22. 8, 11,23.24,25).  It  is  certain 
that  in  this  character  it  was  accepted  in  good 
faith  by  the  king,  and  by  all  classes  of  the 
nation,  including  those  whose  interests  were 
most  affected  by  its  provisions.  Is  it  credible 
that  a  whole  nation  should  have  been  deceived 
as  to  the  authorship  of  a  book  on  which  it 
based  its  solemn  covenant  with  God  (23.1-3)  ? 
With  this,  again,  agrees  emphatically  the  testi- 
mony of  the  book  itself.  When  the  book  is 
examined,  it  is  found  to  make  express  and 
formal  claim  to  Mosaic  authorship.  It  is,  in- 
deed, the  one  book  in  the  Pentateuch  which 
expressly  does  so.  "  Moses,"  it  is  declared  in 
Dent. 31. 9, 24,  "  wrote  this  law,  and  delivered 
it  to  the  priests,"  directing  them  to  deposit  it 
for  preservation  "  in  the  side  of  the  ark  of  the 
covenant."  This  need  not,  again,  exclude  sub- 
sequent transcription,  editing,  and  annotation 
(Moses  certainly  did  not  write  the  account  of 
his  own  death  in  ch.  34)  ;  but  it  is  a  testimony 
not  to  be  set  aside  to  a  record  from  Moses' 
own  pen  of  his  farewell  discourses  to  the 
people — a  record  which  we  may  well  believe  is 
incorporated  in  the  book  before  us.  The  char- 
acter of  the  legislation  points  in  the  same 
direction.  Much  of  the  legislation  has  no 
suitability  to  the  times  of  Josiah,  but  is  in 
place  in  the  age  of  Moses.  [Deuteronomy.] 
The  objections  to  the  book  on  the  ground  of 
the  law  of  the  central  sanctuary,  and  of  "  the 


668 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 


priests  the  Levites,"  will  be  considered  in  their 
proper  place,  (c)  /  and  E  Narratives.  There 
remain  to  be  considered  the  alleged  J  and  E 
narratives,  supposed  by  the  critics  to  have 
been  combined  prior  to  their  reception  into  the 
larger  work  of  which  they  now  form  part,  (a) 
Here,  first,  it  may  legitimately  be  questioned 
whet  her  .'-apart  from  the  difference  in  the  divine 
names,  good  grounds  exist  for  distinguishing 
two  documents  at  all.  The  two  narratives  so 
closely  resemble  each  other,  run  so  entirely 
parallel,  are  so  intimately  correlated  in  sub- 
stance, that  it  requires  the  utmost  violence  to 
carry  through  a  separation.  While,  as  seen 
above,  a  distinct  style  and  vocabulary  may  be 
claimed  for  the  P  sections,  this  cannot  be 
satisfactorily  established  for  J  and  E.  The 
stylistic  and  other  criteria  relied  on  to  prove  a 
distinction  {e.g.  the  alleged  preference  of  E  for 
the  northern  kingdom  and  of  J  for  the  south- 
ern) are  quite  illusory.  The  distinction  in  the 
divine  names  in  certain  sections  is  real,  but 
may  be  accounted  for  partly  by  discriminative 
use,  probably  in  part  also  by  later  editorial 
change  (Jehovistic  and  Elohistic  recensions). 
Cognate  phenomena  appear  in  the  book  of 
Psalms.  [Jehovah.]  (^)  With  still  more  confi- 
dence may  the  verdict  of  the  critics  as  to  the  date 
of  the  J  E  narratives  be  challenged.  Where  the 
grounds  for  the  late  dating  are  examined,  they 
are  found  to  consist  chiefly  in  supposed  mirror- 
ings  in  the  narratives  of  later  political  events 
{e.g.  the  Syrian  wars  are  held  to  be  mirrored  in 
the  relations  of  Laban  and  Jacob  ;  Jacob's 
vow  at  Bethel  is  thought  to  be  intended  to 
sanction  the  payment  of  tithes  at  the  calf- 
shrine  at  that  place).  These  mirrorings,  how- 
ever, are  simply  efforts  of  the  critics'  own  ima- 
ginations. Even  the  allusions  in  Genesis  ad- 
duced in  proof  of  a  later  date  {e.g.  "  before 
there  reigned  any  king  over  the  children  of 
Israel,"  Gen. 36. 31),  do  not  carry  us  below  the 
early  days  of  the  kingdom,  and  may  easily  be 
explained  as  glosses.  [Genesis.]  On  the  other 
hand,  we  have  important  facts  pointing  to  an 
early  date  :  (a)  Deuteronomy,  just  shown  to  be 
in  substance  Mosaic,  already  pre-supposes  the 
legislation  of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Ex.20- 
23)  and  much  also  of  the  history,  (n)  The 
Book  of  the  Covenant,  closely  bound  up  with 
the  rest  of  the  narrative,  makes,  like  Deutero- 
nomy, express  claim  to  Mosaic  authorship. 
"  And  Moses  wrote  all  the  words  of  the  Lord." 
..."  He  took  the  book  of  the  covenant,  and 
read  in  the  audience  of  the  people  "  (Ex. 24. 4, 
7).  (c)  The  JE  element  stands  in  insepar- 
able relations  with  the  other,  specially  the  P, 
elements  in  the  history  ;  in  other  words,  forms 
a  unity  with  the  latter.  Illustrations  are 
given  under  the  several  liooks.  (iv)  General 
Result.  The  gi-ncral  conclusions  to  which  we 
are  led  by  the  foregoing  lines  of  evidence  are  : 
(a)  That  the  Pentateuch  as  we  have  it  is  a 
unity.  It  has  just  been  remarked  that  the  J 
and  E  elements  are  inextricably  interwoven 
with  each  other,  and  with  the  other  parts  of 
the  book.  The  same  is  true  of  the  P  narra- 
tive. This,  in  detachment  from  the  JE  ele- 
ments (which,  as  is  now  admitted,  it  pre-sup- 
poses), presents  an  utterly  broken,  discontinu- 
ous appearance,  and  cannot  be  regarded  as 
ever    having    subsisted     as    an    independent 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

document.  Graf  himself  held  that  it  never 
did  so,  as  previous  writers  had  contended  that 
J  did  not  exist  independently.  In  fine,  the 
book  composed  of  these  elements  is  one,  and 
cannot  be  disintegrated  without  reducing  it  to 
chaos,  {b)  The  essentially  Mosaic  origin  of 
the  book.  Express  Mosaic  authorship  is 
claimed  for  the  book  of  the  covenant  and  for 
Deuteronomy,  and  the  Levitical  law  claims 
also  a  Mosaic  origin.  But  these  parts  of  the 
Pentateuch  stand  in  the  closest  interrelation 
with  the  rest.  Deuteronomy,  e.g.,  implies  the 
Exodus  legislation  and  history.  Every  notice 
we  have  of  "  the  book  of  the  law  "  in  later  his- 
tory connects  it  with  Moses  (Jos. 1.7,8, 8. 31, 34, 
23.6  ;  iK.2.3  ;  2K.23.1-3,  etc.).  In  two  cases 
mention  is  made  of  Moses  recording  special 
facts  at  the  command  of  God  (Ex.17. 14  ;  Num. 
33.2)  ;  in  the  former  instance  "  in  a  book  "  or 
"  the  book  "  (cf.  Jos. 24. 26).  This  in  no  way 
implies  that  Moses  may  not  have  written  much 
more,  but  rather  supports  the  idea  that  he  did 
(see  on  Deuteronomy  and  book  of  covenant, 
above).  These  conclusions,  based  on  the 
claims  and  structure  of  the  Pentateuch,  are  not 
affected  by  the  class  of  objections  ordinarily 
made  to  tlie  Mosaic  origin  of  the  book.  It  is 
not  implied  in  what  has  been  said,  or  in  any 
statement  of  Scripture,  that  Moses  may  not 
have  employed  older  documents  in  the  com- 
position, say,  of  Genesis  ;  or  that  other  hands 
may  not  have  co-operated  with  him  in  his 
work,  or  continued  and  completed  it,  and  re- 
dacted his  material,  after  his  death  ;  or  that 
the  book  may  not  have  undergone  repeated 
revision  and  editing  ;  or  that  later  glosses  may 
not  have  crept  into  it  (the  evidences  of  these, 
as  noted  above,  are  slight,  and  not  later  than 
the  early  kingdom)  ;  or  that  changes  and  dis- 
locations may  not  have  taken  place  in  its  long 
history,  the  exact  nature  of  which  it  is  difficult 
now  to  trace.  This  is  true  of  all  ancient  books, 
and  those  of  Moses  are  no  exception.  The 
alleged  discrepancies  and  contradictions  of  the 
book  frequently  arise  from  the  critics'  own  as- 
sumptions {e.g.  there  are  two  different,  but  in  no 
way  contradictory,  narratives  of  creation),  and 
tiie  so-called  "duplicate"  incidents  {e.g.  two 
flights  of  Hagar,  three  denials  of  wives,  two 
visits  to  Bethel,  two  calls  of  Moses,  etc.)  are  not 
necessarily  "duplicates  "  at  all ;  often  there  are 
clear  indications  that  they  are  not.  The  dis- 
cussion more  properly  belongs  to  the  separate 
books. — III.  Corroboration  of  Foregoing 
Conclusions.  The  argument  has  thus  far 
been  confined  to  external  attestation,  and  the 
internal  phenomena  of  the  book.  The  con- 
clusions reached,  however,  receive  powerful 
corroboration  from  a  wider  class  of  considera- 
tions. Among  these  may  be  noted  :  (i)  The 
state  of  culture  of  the  Mosaic  Age.  The  day  is 
past  when  it  could  be  urged  against  the  com- 
position of  the  Pentateuch  by  Moses  or  his 
contemporaries  that  writing  and  culture  were 
not  suflTiricntly  advanced  in  that  age  to  admit 
of  the  production  of  such  a  book.  The  dis- 
coveries made  in  recent  years  of  the  high  state 
of  civilization  obtaining  in  Babylonia,  Egypt, 
Palestine,  and  neighbouring  countries,  in  the 
Mosaic  age,  and  long  before,  for  ever  disposes 
of  that  objection.  Babylonia  was  a  land  of 
cities,  arts,  laws,  letters,  books,  libraries,  and 


PENTATEUCH,  THE 

temples  centuries  before  the  time  of  Abra- 
ham.    Egypt  had  hieroglyphics  and  a  litera- 
ture from  its  earliest  dynasties.     Canaan  was 
saturated  in  the  15th  cent.  b.c.  with  Baby- 
lonian influences.     Temple  ritual  was  in  full 
development.     Finished    codes    of    law    like 
Hammurabi's     (the     Amraphel     of     Gen. 14, 
contemporary  with  Abraham)  show  the  possi- 
bilities   in    that    direction.      Flinders    Petrie 
found  writing  of  Syrian  workmen  on  the  walls 
of  the  mines  at  Serabit,  in  the  Sinaitic  penin- 
sula (15th  cent.  B.C.).     How  utterly  unlikely 
that  Moses  and  the  Israelites  should  remain 
untouched    by    these    influences    of    culture 
abounding  on  every  side  of  them,     (ii)  The 
personality    and    accomplishments    of    Moses. 
That  the  Mosaic  age  was  one  of  writing  is  im- 
plied in  numerous  indications  of  the  narrative 
itself.     But  account  has  to  be  taken  also  of  the 
peculiar  position  of  Moses  in  that  age.     Of  his 
rem2urkable  personality  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion.    If  the  accounts  of  him  can  be  trusted,  he 
was  not  only  a  great  leader  and  deliverer  of  his 
people,  but  a  man  profoundly  versed  in  all  the 
learning  of  his  time.     Adopted  by  an  Egyptian 
princess  as  her  son,  he  was  brought  up  at  the 
court  of  Pharaoh,   and    there,   doubtless,  re- 
ceived an  education  suitable  to  his  rank  and 
prospects.      He    was,    moreover,    an    ardent 
patriot,  deeply  interested  in  the  traditions  and 
welfare  of  the  Hebrews.     He  is  known  in  the 
history  as  a  man  of  high  accomplishment — 
speaker,  writer,  lawgiver,  composer  of    songs 
(Deut. 32.44),  etc.     Is  it  conceivable  that,  pos- 
sessed of  this  literary  talent,  he  would  refrain 
from  exercising  it  in  the  production   of  any 
permanent  memorials  of  his  people's  past,  or 
of  the  events  of  his  own  age  ?     Have  not  the 
Biblical  statements  of  his  literary  activity  the 
highest  a  priori  credibility  ?     (iii)  Archaeologi- 
cal  corroborations   of  the  narratives.     Besides 
attesting  the  astonishingly  high  condition  of 
early  culture,  archaeology  has  thrown  a  flood 
of  light  on   the  Babylonian  parallels  to  the 
early  chapters  of  Genesis  (Creation,  Flood,  etc. ) ; 
on  the  relations  of  peoples  and  countries  as 
figured  in  the  table  of  nations  (Gen. 10)  ;   on 
the  conditions  of  the  patriarchal  age  ;  on  such 
incidents  as  the  invasion  of  Palestine  by  Che- 
dorlaomer  (Gen. 14)  ;  on  the  minute  accuracy 
of  Egyptian  life  as  pictured  in  the  history  of 
Joseph  ;    on  the  Egyptological  correctness  of 
the  scenes  and  relations  in  the  time  of  Moses  ; 
on  the  topography  of  the  wilderness  of  Sinai, 
etc. — in  every  case  with  remarkable  confirma- 
tion of  the  Biblical  statements,  and  often  the 
correction  of  errors  previously  entertained  by 
scholars.     How  was  this  singular  accuracy  in 
regard  to  a  long-distant  past  attainable  unless 
records  of  some  kind  had  been  preserved  from 
the  pre-Mosaic  age,  and  unless  a  master-mind 
was  there  which  knew  how  to  use  them  ?     It 
may   confidently  be    affirmed  that  the   con- 
nexion of  Moses  with  the  work  associated  with 
his  name  is  the  most  feasible  solution  of  the 
multiform  problems  which  modern  learning  is 
itself  forcing  upon  us  in  relation  to  this  book. 
Critical    view :     Driver,    Introduction    to    the 
Literature  of  the  O.T.  ;    Kuenen,  Origin  and 
Composition   of    the   Hexateuch ;     the  Oxford 
Hexateuch  ;  Addis,  Documents  of  the  Hexateuch  ; 
Art.  "  Hexateuch,"  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 


PENTECOST 


669 


1904).  Conservative  views  :  Green,  Higher 
Criticism  of  the  Pentateuch  ;  Cave,  The  Inspira- 
tion of  the  O.T.  ;  Bissell,  The  Pentateuch,  its 
Origin  and  Structure  ;  R.  McKim,  Problem  of 
the  Pentateuch  ;  Orr,  Problem  of  the  O.T.  [j.o.] 

Pentecost.     This     Gk.     term,    meaning 
"  fiftieth,"  i.e.  fiftieth  day,  was  given  by  the 
Gk. -speaking  Jews  to  the  second  of  the  three 
great  Heb.  festivals,  because  it  was  kept  (Lev. 
23.i5f.)  on  the  fiftieth  day  after  the  offering  of 
the  barley  sheaf  during  the  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread  (Tob.2.i  ;  2Mac.i2.32).     It  is  called  in 
O.T.  the  feast  of   harvest,  the  first-fruits  of  thy 
labours  (Ex.23.i6),  the  feast  of  weeks,  of  the  first- 
fruits  of  wheat  harvest  (34.22)  and  the  day  of 
of   the  first-fruits  (Num. 28. 26).     In  Josephus 
and  the  Talmud  it   is  called    'asarta,  which 
means  either  the  "  conclusion  "  of  the  Feast  of 
Unleavened  Bread,  or  the  "closing"  harvest 
festival.     The  feast  of  weeks  signifies  a  week  of 
weeks,  seven  weeks  after  the  opening  harvest 
festival.     The  time  of  the  festival  is  thus  dis- 
tinctly fixed  at  the  end  of  harvest.     The  first- 
fruits  of   the  wheat-harvest  were  to  be  pre- 
sented at  it.    This  is  enough  to  prove  that  the 
feast  was  in  the  late  spring  or  early  summer. 
As  the  barley  was  the  first  grain  that  ripened, 
the  sheaf  which  was  waved  at  the  beginning 
of  the  harvest-season  was  of  barley,  though  not 
so  directed  in  O.T.  The  succeeding  seven  weeks 
correspond  roughly  with  the  dmration  of  the 
corn-harvest  in  Palestine,  a  time  of  proverbial 
joy  (Is.9.3).  In  Ex.  there  are  no  detailed  regula- 
tions as  to  the  manner  of  celebrating  the  feast 
or  the  sacrifices  to  be  offered.    Also  in  Deut. 16. 
10  no  legally  fixed  offerings  are  mentioned  : 
"  Thou  shalt  keep  the  feast  of  weeks  unto 
the  Lord  thy  God  with  a  tribute  of  a  freewill 
offering  of  thine  hand,  which  thou  shalt  give 
according  as  the  Lord  thy  God  blesseth  thee." 
In  Deut. 26. iff.  there  is  prescribed  a  kind  of 
confession  to  be  made  at  the  time  of  the  offer- 
ing of  the  first-fruits  in  which  the  offering  of 
the  produce  of  the  land  appears  as  a  thanks- 
giving for  God's  bestowal  of  the  land  itself. 
The  precise  date  at  which  it  is  to  be  held  is  not 
mentioned.     In  Lev.23. 15-21  the  date  is  fixed 
and  the  ceremonies  are  described.     The  whole 
community  has  to  bring  a  definite  first -fruit 
offering :  two  first-fruit  loaves   made  of  two- 
tenths  of  an  ephah  of  new  floiu:  baked  with 
leaven.     There  is  to  be  leaven  because  they 
represent  the  ordinary  daily  food  of  the  people ; 
as  leavened  they  cannot  come  upon  the  altar 
(Ex. 23.18  ;      Lev.2.ii).     They    were    waved 
before  the   Lord   and  eaten  by  the  priests. 
[First-fruits.]     With  them  were  waved  two 
lambs   as  peace-offerings,    symbolical  of  the 
fellowship  between  God  and  His  people.     At 
the  same  time  a  burnt-offering  was  to  be  made, 
consisting  of  7  yearling  lambs  without  blemish, 
one  young  bullock,  two  rams,  with  meal-  and 
drink-offerings,  and  also  a  he-goat  as  a  sin- 
offering.     The  latter  expressed   the  need  of 
propitiation  to  be  joined  with  the  expression  of 
thanksgiving.     In    Num.28. 26-31    there   is    a 
somewhat  different  list.     We  see  that  the  feast 
was  held  for  one  day  only,  unlike  the  Passover 
and  Tabernacle  feasts.     Besides    the    stated 
daily  offering,  there  are  two  young  bullocks, 
one  ram,  seven  he-lambs  as  a  burnt-offering,  a 
meal-offering,  and  a  he-goat  as  a  sin-offering. 


r,70 


PENTECOST 


The  later  Jews  regarded  the  lists  in  Lev.  and 
Num.  as  supplementary,  and  offered  the  two 
series  in  addition  to  the  daily  burnt-offerings. 
Thev  also  regarded  the  feast  as  com- 
memorating the  giving  of  the  law  at  Sinai, 
calculated  to  be  on  the  50th  day  after  the 
E.xodus  (Ex.19. 1 ).  This  view  is  not  found 
in  O.T.,  or  even  Philo  and  Josephus.  In  the 
Christian  Church  the  significance  of  Pentecost 
was  enhanced  by  the  outpouring  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  upon  the  disciples  (Ac.2).  Recently  an 
attempt  has  been  made  to  show  that  the  ac- 
count there  given  is  only  a  later  and  more 
legendary  parallel  of  the  account  given  of  the 
new  boldness  and  new  strengthening  which 
came  to  the  disciples  after  the  release  of  SS. 
Peter  and  John  (4.31).  No  sufficient  critical 
reasons  have  been  hitherto  produced  to  show 
that  this  theory  is  correct  in  assuming  that  Ac. 
2.5,17-42  is  a  recension  of  the  same  history  as 
that  in  3-5. 16.  Assuming  the  narrative  in 
Ac.2  to  be  historical,  we  inquire  on  what  day 
this  outpouring  took  place.  Early  tradition 
fixed  this  miracle  on  a  Sunday,  and  this 
agrees  with  the  traditions  which  fixed  the 
Lord's  death  on  Friday,  Nisan  14,  as  recorded 
by  St.  John.  Nisan  16,  the  day  of  the  Resur- 
rection, fell  on  a  Sunday ;  so  also  did  Pen- 
tecost, which  the  Jews  celebrated  on  what 
they  reckoned  as  the  fiftieth  day  after  the 
barley-sheaf  was  waved  before  the  Lord,  viz. 
the  fiftieth  day  after  Nisan  16.  The  super- 
natural character  of  the  Pentecostal  gift  is 
shown  by  the  sound  like  wind  and  the  parting 
asunder  of  tongues  "  as  of  fire."  Each  receives 
a  special  gift,  and  the  utterances  of  the  dis- 
ciples show  that  the  gift  is  for  the  benefit  of 
the  world.  The  precise  nature  of  the  speaking 
"  with  other  tongues  "  is  not  clearly  defined. 
[Tongues,  Gift  of.]  In  Ac.lO.46,19.6  and  in 
iCor.12-14  we  find  three  harmonious  accounts 
of  speaking  with  tongues.  It  is  an  ecstatic 
utterance,  speaking  in  the  spirit,  and  not  with 
the  intelligence.  St.  Paul,  though  he  "  spoke 
with  tongues  more  than  all,"  ranks  the  power 
as  comparatively  a  low  gift,  as  not  usually 
edifying  others,  and  tending  to  cause  disorder. 
At  the  same  time  this  speaking  with  tongues, 
or  "  glossolaly,"  was  perhaps  sometimes  in- 
telligible, for  St.  Paul  api)arcntly  quotes,  as 
instances,  Jesus  is  Lord  and  Jesus  is  anathema 
(iCor.12.3),  the  first  bein;4  an  instance  of 
divinely  inspired  speaking,  the  second  of  an 
utterance  inspired  by  an  evil  source.  As  a 
rule  glossolaly  was  addressed  to  God,  and 
needed  to  be  interpreted  if  the  hearers  were 
to  benefit.  If  the  speaking  with  tongues  at 
Pentecost  was  a  speaking  in  foreign  languages, 
it  was  a  unique  event  on  a  unique  occasion, 
intended  to  further  the  cause  of  Christ  in  some 
special  way.  Against  this  it  can  be  urged  that 
Gk.  and  Aramaic  would  have  been  under- 
stood by  almost  every  one  there  present ;  that 
the  bystanders,  in  accusing  the  disciples  of 
drunkenness,  showed  that  the  speech  was  not 
of  an  intelligible  nature ;  and  the  apostles 
possessed  no  permanent  gift  of  speaking 
foreign  languages.  In  spite  of  all  this,  St. 
Luke  seems  to  have  believed  that  foreign 
languages  were  spoken  on  this  occasion.  The 
catalogue  of  hearers  in  Ac.2.9-11  represents 
every  nation  in  which  Jewish  proselytes  or 


PERFECTION 

actual  Jews  were  numbered.  All  these  devout 
men  in  some  way  were  conscious  that  God  was 
being  praised.  The  observance  of  Pentecost 
was  continued  in  the  primitive  Chiu^ch.  St. 
Paul  shows  his  desire  to  present  the  gifts  of  the 
Gentile  churches  to  the  Christians  in  Judaea 
at  Pentecost  in  56  a.d.  (Ac.20.i6).  The  season 
of  the  fifty  days  from  Easter  to  Pentecost 
is  alluded  to  by  TertuUian  c.  200  a.d.  (de  Idol. 
14  ;  de  Bapt.  17).  It  was  a  season  of  joy,  no 
fasting,  and  no  kneeling  in  prayer,  but  only 
standing  being  permitted.  The  English  name 
"  Whitsunday  "  refers  to  the  white  robes  worn 
by  the  candidates  for  baptism  at  Pentecost.  In 
Italy  "  White  Sunday  "  {Dominica  in  A  Ibis)  is 
the  first  Sunday  after  Easter,  the  last  day  on 
which  those  baptized  on  Easter  Even  wore 
their  new  raiment.  In  England  the  colder 
climate  probably  caused  baptisms  to  be  usually 
postponed  till  Pentecost.  [l-p-] 

PenueL     [Peniel.] 

Peop',  Top  of  (Num. 23. 28),  a  mountain 
with  a  view  of  the  Jeshimon  and  (24.2)  of  the 
Jordan  Valley.  Perhaj^s  the  high  top  at 
Minyeh,  S.  of  Nebo  [Beth-peor]  {Surv.  E. 
Pal.  pp.  10-13).  There  are  seven  rude  stone 
circles  at  this  site.  [c.r.c] 

Pepazim',  Mount  (Is. 28.2 1  only),  pro- 
bably Baal-perazim,  the  allusion  being  to 
David's  victory.     [Baal,  9.]  [c.r.c] 

Pe'pesh,  son  of  Machir  by  his  wife  Maa- 
rhah  (iChr.7.i6). 

Pe'pez.  The  "  children  of  Perez,"  or 
Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah,  appear  to  have  been 
a  family  of  importance  for  many  centuries 
(iChr.27.3  ;    Ne.ll.4,6). 

Pep'ez-uzza'  (iChr.13.ii),  Pe'rez- 
uzzah'  (2Sam.6.8 ;  outbreak  of  Uzzah),  be- 
tween KiRjATH-jEARiM  and  Jerusalem.  The 
site  is  unknown.  The  punishment  of  Uzzah 
occurred  at  the  "  threshing  floor  "  of  Nachon, 
or  Chidon.  Perhaps  this  threshing-floor  (Heb. 
goren)  was  beside  the  village  el  Jurah,  5  miles 
W.  of  Jerusalem  on  the  high-road  to  'Erma, 
i.e.  Kirjath-jearim.  [c.r.c] 

Pepfection.  In  O.T.  the  word  idm  is 
usually  translated  "perfect"  ;  in  Gen. 25.27  it 
is  rendered  "plain"  (R.V.  marg.  "quiet"  or 
"harmless"),  and  in  Can. 5. 2, 6.9  "undetiled." 
It  apparently  means  morally  "complete" 
or  "blameless."  The  N.T.  idea  of  moral 
and  religious  "  perfection  "  seems  to  be  com- 
pleteness, or  full  growth,  as  contrasted  with 
what  is  partial  and  incomjilete.  A  perfect  man 
is  one  in  whose  character  there  are  no  gaps, 
who  has  developed  each  grace  and  fruit  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  Thus  in  Mt.5.48  (and  19.2 1 )  per- 
fection means  apparently  a  whole-hearted 
effort  to  conform  oneself  to  the  divine  ideal  or 
vocation  (cf.  Ph. 3.15).  So  the  aim  of  the 
Christian  teacher  is  to  present  every  man 
"  perfect  "  (Col. 1. 28).  Perfection  is  the  full 
Christian  life,  based  upon  and  rising  beyond 
the  foundation  principles  of  conversion,  and 
acceptance  of  Christian  ordinances  and  beliefs 
(Heb.6.1,2).  Another  very  remarkable  use  of 
the  word  is  seen  in  Heb. 2. 10,5.9,7.28,  where  it 
is  applied  to  the  completed  human  experience 
and  human  victory  of  the  Incarnate.  In  ec- 
clesiastical language,  though  scarcely  in  N.T., 
the  word  "  perfect  "  was  applied  to  those  who 
had  passed  through  the  complete  course  of 


PERFUMES 

Christian  instruction,  and  had  been  initiated 
into  the  full  sacramental  life  of  the  Church. 
Perfection  in  N.T.  is  more  often  spoken  of  in 
reference  to  man  than  to  God,  and  as  an  ideal 
for  this  life,  rather  than  as  something  fully 
realized  hereafter.  It  is  seldom  applied  to  the 
dead  (see  Heb. 11. 40,12.23),  and  perhaps  only 
once  definitely  to  the  resurrection-life  (iCor. 
13.10).  Westcott,  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
1889,  note  on  TeXeiuais-  [a.r.w.] 

Pepfumes.  The  liberal  use  of  perfumes 
was  peculiarly  grateful  to  Orientals  (Pr.27.9), 
offensive  smells  being  engendered  by  the  heat 
of  the  climate.  The  Hebrews  manufactured 
their  perfumes  chiefly  from  spices  imported 
from  Arabia,  though  partly  also  from  aromatic 
plants  grown  in  their  own  country.  They  were 
applied  to  the  person,  to  garments  {Ps.45.8  ; 
Can.4.ii),  and  to  articles  of  furniture,  such  as 
beds  (Pr.7.17).  On  the  arrival  of  a  guest  the 
same  compliments  were  probably  paid  in 
ancient  as  in  modem  times  (Dan. 2. 46).  The 
use  of  perfumes  was  omitted  at  times  of 
mourning,  whence  the  allusion  in  Is. 3. 24. 
Perfumes  entered  largely  into  the  temple  ser- 
vice, in  the  two  forms  of  incense  and  ointment 
(Ex. 30. 22-38).     [Apothecary.] 

Pep'gra,  an  ancient  and  important  city 
of  Pamphylia  (Ac. 13. 13),  situated  on  the  river 
Cestius,  60  stadia  from  its  mouth,  and  cele- 
brated for  the  worship  of  Artemis  (Diana), 
whose  temple  stood  on  a  hill  outside  the  town. 

Pep'gamos,  a  city  of  Mysia,  about  3  miles 
N.  of  the  river  Bakyr-tchai,  the  Caicus  of  anti- 
quity, and  20  miles  from  its  present  mouth. 
The  name  was  originally  given  to  a  conical 
hill,  to  which  the  local  legends  attached  a  sacred 
character.  Lj'simachus,  one  of  Alexander's 
successors,  deposited  there  an  enormous  sum — 
no  less  than  9,000  talents — in  the  care  of  an 
Asiatic  eunuch  named  Philetaerus.  In  the 
troublous  times  which  followed  the  break-up  of 
the  Macedonian  conquests,  this  officer  betrayed 
his  trust,  and  succeededin  retaining  thetreasure 
and  transmitting  it  at  the  end  of  20  years  to 
his  nephew  Eumenes,  a  petty  dynast  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Eumenes  was  succeeded  by 
his  cousin  Attains,  the  founder  of  the  Attalic 
dynasty  of  Pergamene  kings,  who  by  allying 
himself  with  the  rising  Roman  power  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  future  greatness  of  his  house. 
His  successor,  Eumenes  II.,  was  rewarded  for 
his  fidelity  to  the  Romans  in  their  wars  with 
Antiochus  and  Perseus  by  a  gift  of  all  the  terri- 
tory which  the  former  had  possessed  to  the  N. 
of  the  Taurus  range.  The  Attalic  dynasty 
terminated  133  b.c,  when  Attains  III.,  dying 
at  an  early  age,  made  the  Romans  his  heirs.  His 
dominions  formed  the  province  of  Asia  propria. 
The  sumptuousness  of  the  Attalic  princes  had 
made  Pergamos  the  most  splendid  city  in  Asia. 
It  was,  as  it  were,  a  pagan  cathedral  city,  an 
university  town,  and  a  royal  residence,  em- 
bellished by  a  succession  of  wealthy  kings  who 
all  had  a  passion  for  expenditure.  Under  the 
Attalic  kings  it  became  a  city  of  temples, 
devoted  to  a  sensuous  worship  ;  and  therefore 
might  not  unnaturally  be  viewed  by  Jews 
and  Jewish  Christians  as  one  "  where  was 
the  throne  of  Satan"  (Rev.2.13).  After  the 
extinction  of  its  independence,  the  sacred 
character  of  Pergamos  seems  to  have  been 


PERSEPOLIS 


671 


even  more  prominent.  In  the  time  of  Martial, 
Aesculapius  had  acquired  so  much  prominence 
that  he  is  called  Pergameiis  deus.  From  this 
notoriety  of  the  Pergamene  Aesculapius,  from 
the  title  'Zoir-qp  being  given  to  him,  from  the 
serpent  being  his  characteristic  emblem,  and 
from  the  fact  that  the  medical  practice  of  anti- 
quity included  charms  and  incantations  among 
its.  agencies,  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  ex- 
pressions "  the  throne  of  Satan  "  and  "  where 
Satan  dwelleth  "  have  an  especial  reference  to 
this  one  pagan  deity,  and  not  to  the  whole  city 
as  a  focus  of  idolatrous  worship.  But  although 
undoubtedly  the  Aesculapius-worship  of  Per- 
gamos was  the  most  famous,  yet  an  inscription 
of  the  time  of  Marcus  Antoninus  distinctly 
puts  Zeus,  Athene,  Dionysus,  and  Asclepius 
in  a  co-ordinate  rank,  as  all  being  special 
tutelary  deities  of  Pergamos.  It  seems  un- 
likely, therefore,  that  the  expressions  above 
quoted  should  be  so  interpreted  as  to  isolate 
one  of  them  from  the  rest.  Moreover,  the 
charge  against  a  portion  of  the  Pergamene 
church  that  some  among  them  were  of  the 
school  of  Balaam,  whose  policy  was  to  put  a 
stumbling-block  before  the  children  of  Israel, 
by  inducing  them  to  eat  things  sacrificed  to 
idols  and  to  commit  fornication  (Rev.2.14),  is 
in  both  its  particulars  very  inappropriate  to 
the  Aesculapian  ritual,  and  points  rather  to 
the  Dionysus  and  Aphrodite  worship. 

Pepida'.  The  children  of  Perida  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ne.7.57). 

Pepizzites.  In  the  lists  of  nations  in- 
habiting Canaan  (six  being  enumerated  in 
Gen. 15.20,  Ex. 3.8, 17,23.23, 33.2, 34.ii,  Deut.20. 
17,  Jos.9.1,11.3,12.8,  Judg.3.5,  Ne.9.8,  andseven 
in  Deut.7.1,  Jos.3.io,24.ii),  the  Perizzites  are 
mentioned,  as  also  in  Ezr.9.i,  2Esd.l.2i  (E.V. 
Phereziies).  In  only  three  places,  however,  have 
we  any  definite  particulars  regarding  them — 
viz.  in  Gen.13.7,  Gen.34.30,  and  Judg.l.4,5, 
where  they  are  spoken  of  with  the  Canaanites 
as  inhabitants  of  Palestine.  They  are  men- 
tioned among  the  tribes  reduced  to  servitude 
by  Solomon  (iK.9.20  ;  2Chr.8.7).  It  has  been 
suggested  that  they  were  the  inhabitants  of 
the  open  villages  as  distinguished  from  the 
dwellers  in  the  walled  towns.         [f.j.f.-j.] 

Pepsepolis  (2Mac.9.2),  more  correctly  Per- 
sopolis  (Ptolemy),  the  Gk.  name  of  an  ancient 
capital  of  Persis,  now  called  Chihil  Mindr,  or 
"  Forty  Towers,"  from  the  appearance  of  its 
loft  y  columns,  which  are  remains  of  royal  palaces 
of  Darius  and  Xerxes.  It  is  also  styled  Istakhr, 
(in  PahlavT,  Stakhr) ;  its  ancient  Persian  name 
is  unknown.  It  was  probably  built  by  Darius  I., 
or  at  least  made  a  royal  capital  by  him.  The 
remains  of  the  city  are  still  very  magnificent, 
and  the  inscriptions,  principally  those  of 
Darius  I.,  there  and  at  Naqsh-i-Rustam  in  the 
vicinity,  are  in  three  languages  (Akhaemenian- 
Persian,  Assyrian,  and  Neo-Susian),  and  are 
still  clear  enough  to  be  read  from  small  photo- 
graphs in  the  writer's  possession.  The  city  is 
first  mentioned  in  Gk.  by  Clitarchus.  The 
account  of  the  burning  of  the  royal  palace  here 
by  Alexander  the  Great  is  well  known.  Arriaa 
who  mentions  Persepolis  only  once  (vii.  i), 
seems  to  imply  that  the  palace  was  burnt  at 
Pasargadae,  an  older  city  42  miles  N.,  built 
(according  to  Quintus  Ciortius,  v.  20)  by  Cyrus. 


672 


PERSEUS 


PERSIANS 


PliRSEPOLIS. 


But  it  is  more  probable  that  the  ruins  known 
as  Takht-i-Jamshld,  near  Persepolis,  mark 
the  site  of  the  ancient  palace.  See  further, 
Encycl.  Brit.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Pep'seus,  last  king  of  Maccdonia.succeeded 
his  father,  Philip  V.,  in  170  b.c  After  his  de- 
feat by  L.  Aemilius  Paulus  at  Pydna,  168  b.c, 
he  surrendered,  and  his  kingdom  passed  to  the 
Romans.  He  is  called  "  King  of  Chittim  " 
(iMac.8.5),  a  name  originally  denoting  Cyprus, 
but  thence  extended  to  include  the  coasts  of 
Asia  Minor  and  south-eastern  Europe.       [c.d.] 

Persia  (Heb.  paras ;  Assjt.  Parsua,  Parsu  ; 
Akhaem.  Pcrs.  Pdrsa  ;  Gk.  ITepo-is).  Origin- 
ally the  name  of  the  province  still  called  Pars, 
or  more  commonly  Pars,  the  word  was  finally 
employed  (though  not  in  Persia  itself  at  any 
time)  to  denote  the  whole  Persian  empire.  In 
the  original  sense  of  the  term,  the  province  ex- 
tended from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  Media  and 
from  Karmania  to  Elam.  Near  the  Persian 
Gulf  there  is  a  strip  of  low-lying  and  unhealthy 
ground,  and  then  the  land  rises  rapidly  to- 
wards the  interior.  The  mountains  are  ex- 
tremely steep,  but  fertile  valleys  are  found 
between  them.  There  are  plateaux  at  Perse- 
polis, Pasargadae,  and  elsewhere,  especially 
near  Shiraz,  and  these  are  well  watered  and 
fertile.  Farther  N.,  tlirougli  want  of  water, 
much  of  the  country  is  sterile.  [Persians; 
Mf.dia  ;  Medics;  Peksepolis.]     [w.st.c.t.] 

Persians  (Pursa  ;  W^puai).  The  earliest 
name  by  whicli  the  Persians,  in  common 
with  ^the  Medes,  called  themselves,  was  A  irya, 
Skt.  Arya,  "  noble."  This  title  they  shared  with 
their  congeners  who  conquered  the  Panjab, 
probably  between  1000  and  2000  years  B.C. 
Why  the  ancestors  of  the  Hindus  separ- 
ated from  those  who  afterwards  gave  their 
name  to  Iran,  we  cannot  say,  but  it  has  with 
great  probability  been  suggested  that  the 
religious  revolution  (connected  probably  witii 
Zarathushtra  [Zoroaster])  which  changed  the 
devas  (Otb^,  deus)  of  the  Vcdas  into  the 
dadvas  or  demons  of  the  Avest.'i  may  be  con- 
nected therewith.  I-rom  Vendidad  I.  we 
Icara  that  early  Iranian  tradition  located  the 


latter  people  at  the  dawn  of  their  history 
between  the  Oxus  and  the  Jaxartes  in  Bactria 
and  Sogdiana,  to  the  S.W.  of  the  sea  of  Aral. 
That  region  is  styled  in  the  Avesta  Airyancm 
Vacjo,  "  the  Aryan  germ."  Thence  they  moved 
to  the  S.W.,  gradually  taking  possession  of 
the  present  Iran  and  Afghanistan.  [Medes.] 
Persia  proper  is  first  mentioned  by  name 
(Parsua)  by  Rammanu-Nirari  III.  (812-783 
or  810-781  B.C.)  as  conquered  by  himself. 
Doubtless  the  Persians  had  been  settled  there 
for  some  time.  According  to  the  Avesta 
the  people  were  originally  , divided  into  three 
classes,  (i)  thefire-priests  (/l/Z/mwan),  (2)  the 
charioteers  (Rathaeshtd),  (3)  the  farmers  {Vas- 
tra-fshuyaiith),  to  which  a  fourth,  that  of  arti- 
sans {Haiti)  was  afterwards  added.  (C/.  the 
original  castes  of  the  Hindus,  which  were  at 
first  three  and  then  four.)  From  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Cyrus  and  Darius,  coupled  with  what 
Herodotus  says,  we  learn  that  Hakhamanish 
(Achaemenes)  was  the  founder  of  the  dynasty 
from  which  both  these  kings  traced  their 
descent. 
Their  genealogical  tree  runs  thus  : 

Achaemenes. 

I 
Teispds  (Chaishpish). 


Cyrus  (Kurush).        Ariaramnes  (.\riyaramna). 

Cambyses  (Kambujiya).     Arsames  (ArshSma). 

I  I 

CyTUS  the  Great.  Hystaspfe  (Visht.'ispa). 

Cambj'ses.  Darius  I.  (Darayavahaush). 

Our  knowledge  of  Persian  history  practically 
begins  with  Cyrus.  He  was,  first  of  all,  king 
of  .Anshan  only,  as  his  fathers  before  him,  and 
of  pure  Persian  descent.  It  is  generally  sup- 
posed tliat  Anshan  was  a  city  in  Flam,  but  it 
may  have  been  Pasargadae.  War  broke  out 
between  Cyrus  and  Astyagcs  of  Fcbataua,  we 
know  not  why.  Astyages  marched  against 
him  in  person  in  549  b.c,  but  was  overthrown 


PERSIANS 

through  the  mutiny  of  his  army,  which  sur- 
rendered him  to  Cyrus.  After  this,  probably 
in  547,  Cyrus  overthrew  Croesus  of  Lydia,  de- 
stroyed the  Lycians  and  subdued  the  Asiatic 
Greeks.  In  546  he  crossed  the  Tigris  below 
Arbela,  and  defeated  the  Sute  or  Bedawin.  In 
the  same  year  he  became  ruler  of  the  whole 
of  Persis.  Marching  against  Nabu-na'id  of 
Babylon,  he  defeated  him,  and  the  Persian 
army  under  Gobryas  entered  E-Ki  (?  Borsippa) 
"  without  opposition  and  without  a  battle  " 
about  the  end  of  June,  538.  Cyrus  himself, 
entering  in  October,  appointed  Gobryas  viceroy 
(or  possibly  king  of  Chaldea).  Nabu-na'id 
had  incurred  the  anger  of  the  priests  of  many 
places  by  collecting  their  idols  and  removing 
them  to  Babylon.  Cyrus  reversed  this  policy, 
allowing  the  gods  to  be  restored  to  their 
shrines.  It  is  to  this  that  the  Jews  owed  per- 
mission to  return  to  Jerusalem  with  their  holy 
vessels  and  to  rebuild  the  temple  (Ezr.l.7,3.7). 
Cyrus,  perhaps  for  political  reasons,  professed 
belief  in  Bel  Merodach,  the  chief  god  of  Baby- 
lon, and  assumed  the  titles  of  the  old  Baby- 
lonian kings.  Cyrus  was  succeeded  on  his 
death  in  529  e.g.  by  his  son  Cambyses,  who 
conquered  Egypt  after  one  great  battle  at 
Pelusium  in  525.  Meanwhile,  a  Magian,  Gau- 
mata,  claiming  to  be  Cambyses'  murdered 
brother  Bardiya  (Smerdis),  rose  in  revolt  in  522 
B.C.,  and  Cambyses,  whilst  marching  against 
him,  committed  suicide.  The  usurper  was  put 
down  and  slain  in  521  by  a  Persian  revolt 
which  placed  Darius  on  the  throne.  But  it 
took  at  least  three  years'  fighting  to  subdue 
the  numerous  rivals  who  arose  in  almost  every 
part  of  the  empire,  claiming  the  throne  of  each 
country  in  virtue  of  real  or  pretended  descent 
from  its  ancient  royal  house.  Darius  then 
divided  the  empire  into  satrapies,  of  which 
there  were  finally  29  at  least,  establishing 
Persian  or  Median  governors  instead  of  allow- 
ing them  to  be  ruled  by  tributary  kings.  His 
Scythian  expedition,  subjugation  of  the  re- 
volted lonians  (499-494  e.g.),  the  defeat  of  his 
army  at  Marathon  (end  of  490),  and  the  digging 
of  the  canal  at  Suez  are  well  known.  Darius 
died  in  485,  before  the  collapse  of  the  Egyptian 
rebellion,  which  was  put  down  in  484  by  his 
son  and  successor  Xerxes  I.  It  is  needless  to 
enter  upon  the  narrative  of  this  monarch's 
long  and  disastrous  struggle  to  subdue  Greece. 
He  was  murdered  in  464,  and  succeeded  by  his 
son  Artaxerxes  I.  (Ma/cp6xf'p)-  Probably  the 
revolt  of  Megabyzus  in  Syria  during  this  reign 
was  the  cause  of  the  destruction  of  the  walls 
and  gates  of  Jerusalem  (445  e.g.  ;  Ne.l.3). 
Dying  in  424,  Artaxerxes  left  the  throne  to  his 
son  Xerxes  II.,  murdered  and  succeeded  in  423 
by  his  brother  Ochus  (Darius  II.).  Then 
came  Artaxerxes  II.  (404  e.g.)  and  Artaxerxes 
III.  (Ochus,  358).  After  the  murder  of  the 
latter  by  Bagoas  came  Arses,  whom  Bagoas 
murdered  in  335,  placing  Codomannus  on  the 
throne  as  Darius  III.  The  latter  was  over- 
thrown by  Alexander  of  Macedon,  when  the 
Persian  empire  passed  away. — Language.  The 
ancient  language  of  Persia  is  known  to  us 
from  the  inscriptions  of  the  Akhaemenian 
kings  and  from  the  Avesta.  It  may  be  divided 
into  two  dialects,  probably  those  of  the 
Persians  and  of  the  Medes  respectively.     It 


PERSIANS 


673 


is  a  sister  language  to  Sanskrit,  and  hence 
closely  connected  with  Armenian,  Gk.,  Lat.,  end 
other  Aryan  tongues.  In  the  Heb.  text  of 
O.T.  there  occur  a  small  number  of  Persian 
words  which  have  been  taken  into  the  Heb. 
and  Aramaic  languages.  Besides  proper 
names  we  have  (i)  some  titles,  (2)  some  com- 
mon nouns,  and  (3)  one  adjective  (?)  in  O.T., 
besides  one  verb  {ayyapevu)  and  a  noun  {yd^a) 
in  N.T.,  which  are  of  Pers.  origin.  Omitting 
the  N.T.  words,  the  Pers.  terms  found  in  the 
Bible  are  mostly  in  Dan.,  Esth.,  Ezr.,  and  Ne. 
Their  omission  from  the  older  parts  oC  the 
Bible  (e.g.  the  Pentateuch)  is  remarkable  in 
view  of  certain  modern  theories  as  to  the  com- 
paratively late  date  at  which  these  books  are 
supposed  to  have  received  their  final  form. 
On  the  other  hand,  many  of  the  Pers.  nouns 
which  occur,  in  Daniel  especially,  were  lost 
from  both  Heb.  and  Aramaic  so  long  before  the 
earliest  post-Biblical  writings  in  those  lan- 
guages were  composed  that  they  are  not  to  be 
found  in  the  Talmuds,  the  Targums,  or  in 
Syriac  writers.  These  facts  deserve  far  more 
careful  notice  than  they  have  yet  received. 
Among  Pers.  words  denoting  titles  we  may 
mention  :  'dhashdarpdn  (khshatrapdvan),  "  a 
satrap  "  ;  parth^mim  (Akhaem.  Pers. 
fratama,  "  first,"  in  the  sing.),  "  nobles  "  ; 
dHhabhdr  (in  Bab.  inscriptions  ddtabari,  Akh- 
aem. ddtabar,  does  not  actually  occur),  "  a 
judge  "  ;  and  sdrakk  (in  Avestic  sara  and  sdra 
mean  "  head  "),  "a  president."  The  meaning 
and  derivation  of  these  is  clear.  But  there 
are  others,  such  as  tirshdthd  [Ti-sh5thra],  tiph- 
tdyS  (Aramaic  definite  plur.  form),  'ddhargdzdr, 
and  hadddbhdr,  which  have  presented  diffi- 
culties. The  sing,  of  tiphtdyS  in  Akhaem. 
Pers.  would  be  ti-pati,  "  over-lord,"  the  prefix 
ti  being  a  shortened  form  of  ati  "  over,"  and 
being  still  used  in  Armenian ;  'ddhargdzdr 
should  probably  be  ddragthar,  which  would 
mean  "  guardian  of  honour,"  and  hence  per- 
haps "  venerable  "  ;  hadddbhdr,  or  more  pro- 
bably hadddbar  (id'^n),  is  from  a  word  for 
"  sword "  still  preserved  in  Armenian,  and 
means  "  sword-bearer."  Among  common 
nouns  we  find  ddth,  in  Akhaem.  Pers.  ddtam, 
"  a  law,"  in  Mod.  Pers.  dad,  "  justice  "  ;  rdz, 
"  a  secret,"  which  is  stiU  retained  in  the  lan- 
guage ;  'appedhen,  Akhaem.  apaddnam,  "  a 
palace  "  ;  pithgdm,  the  Arm.  patgam,  "  mes- 
sage," which  in  Akhaem.  must  have  been 
patigdma  and  in  Avest.  paitigdma ;  in  Skt. 
there  is  pratigdm,  "  to  go  towards,"  and  in 
Mod.  Pers.  paighdm,  "  message."  So  also 
hadddm,  "limb,"  is  the  Avest.  ha//ddma.  Arm. 
and  Mod.  Pers.  anddm  ;  zan,  "  kind,  sort,"  oc- 
curs in  Akhaem.  paru-zana,  "  of  many  kinds," 
and  in  Arm.  zanazan  ;  pathbdg,  "dainty"  or 
"  special  food,"  has  been  found  in  a  Babylon- 
ian inscription  at  Nipur  in  the  form  pitipabaga, 
and  must  have  been  patibaga  in  Akhaem., 
while  in  Skt.  it  is  pratibhdga.  sarbdl  is 
the  Avest.  sdravdra,  "  a  turban  "  ;  nidhnS, 
"  sheath,"  is  in  Skt.  nidhdna,  and  must  have 
been  niddna  in  Akhaem.  ;  n<'bhizbd  should  pro- 
bably be  nibdzend,  which  would  be  nibdzand 
in  Avest.,  meaning  "  reward."  The  only  Pers. 
adjective  found  is  'azdd  in  Daniel ;  it  is  the 
Arm.  azd,  and  is  found  in  Akhaem.  as  'azdd, 
and  means ' '  notified, "  or  "  knowledge."    Some 

43 


674  PERSis 

I'ers.  words  arc  also  found  in  Babylonian,  e.g. 
Jatabaru,  ganzabaru,  pirn,  though  their  ac- 
ceptance into  an  ancient  literary  language  was 
naturally  much  less  ready  than  into  the  Ara- 
maic colloquial  tongue  of  commerce,  in  which 
we  have  no  literature  older  than  the  Aramaic 
of  Daniel.  (Somewhat  similarly,  we  find  more 
Gk.  words  of  a  certain  kind  in  Plautus  and  Ter- 
ence than  in  Vergil.)  Certain  Biblical  words 
once  supposed  to  be  Pers.  are  now  known  to  be 
Babylonian.  For  example,  dark'mon  has  no 
connexion  with  Darius,  but  is  the  Babylonian 
coin  dariku  {BapeiKds);  'iggerclh,  "an  epistle," 
is  the  Bab.  egirtu.  The  N.T.  d77apei'w  also, 
from  dyyapos,  may  possibly  be  the  Bab.  ag- 
garu,  "  hired  labourer,  messenger,"  from  the 
verb  agdru,  "  to  hire,"  and  not  from  the  Ak- 
haem.  verb  hailkar,  from  which  in  Mediaeval 
Pers.  we  have  hangar,  "speed."  But  g'dhdbhdr 
(rendered  "treasurer"  in  Dan. 3. 2, 3)  and 
hamnikh,  "  necklace,"  about  the  origin  of  which 
there  has  been  doubt  entertained,  are  certainly 
Persian,  the  former  being  Avest.  gadd,  "mace  " 
(Skt.  gada  and  gadd),  with  the  ending  -bar, 
"  bearer  "  ;  the  latter  the  Avest.  maini,  mina, 
minu,  "  necklace,"  with  the  prefix  ham,  "  to- 
gether," whence  hammaini-ka.  The  viaini  is 
the  Skt.  mani,  manika,  "a  gem,"  and  in  Arm. 
we  have  >«aneaft,  "'necklace,"  whence  the  Gk. 
fiaviaKTjs,  "  a  torque,"  in  Polybius.  [Semitic 
Languages.] — Religion.  The  Akhaemenian 
Inscriptions  show  us  that  in  Darius  I.'s  time 
special  honour  was  paid  to  Auramazda, 
though  inferior  gods,  clan  deities,  shared  his 
worship.  Artaxerxes  mentions  with  him 
Mithra  and  Anahita  (Anahata).  The  Avesta 
in  its  earliest  part  (the  Gdsalh  or.  Hvmns) 
makes  Ahura-Mazda  {the  Omniscient  Lord) 
chief  of  the  Amesha-spentas  (Bountiful  Im- 
mortals), but  offers  worship  to  them  as  well 
as  to  him.  The  dualism  of  the  Zoroastrian 
religion  is  well  known,  but  it  should  be 
nf)ticed  that  worship  was  not  paid  to  the  Evil 
Principle  {Anro  Mainyush)  or  the da^as,  of 
whom  he  was  the  chief.  Even  in  the  Avesta, 
though  "  good  tlioughts,  good  words,  good 
deeds  "  are  specially  commended,  very  great 
importance  is  attached  to  forms  and  cere- 
monies, many  of  which  bear  a  great  likeness  to 
those  in  vogue  from  early  times  among  the 
Hindus.  Not  till  later,  under  Babylonian 
influence  probably,  did  the  foul  worship  of  the 
Nature-goddess,  identified  with  Anahita,  pre- 
vail in  Persia.  The  Magi,  originally  a  Median 
tribe,  finally  became  a  priestly  caste.  Rawlin- 
son,  W.  A.  Inscriptions;  Spiegel,  Altpers. 
Heilinschri/ten.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Pepsis,  a  Christian  woman  at  Rome  (Ro. 
16.12)  whom  St.  Paul  salutes. 

Peruda'  (i:zr.2.55)  =  Perida. 

Pestilence.     [Plague.] 

Pestle.     [Mortar.] 

Peter,  Simon,  was  the  sf)n  of  a  man  named 
J<.iias(Mt.l6.i7),or  Johii{Jn.I.42,21.ir),  R.V.). 
and  the  brother  oi  St.  Andrew.  SS.  I\ter  and 
Andrew,  in  partnership  with  SS.  James  and 
John,  the  sons  f)f  Zebedee,  were  fishermen  on 
the  sea  of  Tiberias.  Their  home  appears  to 
have  been  first  at  Bethsaida  (]n.i..u).  and 
afterwards  at  Capernaum  (Mt.8.5.14).  There 
is  little  to  justify  the  popular  idea  that  this 


PETER,  SIMON 

group  of  disciples  were  men  without  means  or 
education.  They  owned  boats,  they  had  hired 
servants  in  their  employ,  and  the  house  in 
which  SS.  Peter  and  Andrew  lived  at  Caper- 
naum seems  to  have  been  of  considerable  size 
(8.14,16).  St.  Peter  possessed  at  least  a  con- 
versational knowledge  of  Greek.  It  is  true  that 
he  and  St.  John  were  reckoned  "  unlearned  and 
ignorant  "  by  the  Sanhedrin  (Ac. 4.13),  but 
these  epithets  implied  no  more  than  that  they 
lacked  the  rabbinical  training,  which  alone,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Sanhedrin,  would  have  justified 
their  argumentative  use  of  the  Scriptures.  The 
call  of  St.  Peter  by  Christ  was  twofold :  first 
to  a  temporary  companionship,  and,  at  a  later 
date,  to  definite  discipleship.  As  St.  Andrew 
certainly,  and  St.  John  almost  certainly,  had 
been  followers  of  the  Baptist  (Jn.l.35,40),  it  is 
at  least  highly  probable  that  their  brothers,  SS. 
Peter  and  James,  were  also  among  his  dis- 
ciples. Having  heard  the  testimony  of  the 
Baptist  to  our  Lord,  St.  Andrew  followed  Him, 
and  then,  convinced  that  this  was  the  Christ, 
brought  to  Him  his  brother,  St.  Peter.  At  this 
meeting  the  promise  of  his  new  name  was  given 
(I.42).  Then,  having  accompanied  our  Lord 
for  a  time,  the  two  pairs  of  brothers  returned 
to  Capernaum  and  resumed  their  fishing.  After 
an  interval  of  uncertain  length,  the  second  call, 
that  to  definite  discipleship,  was  made.  Its 
scene  was  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  and  it  came  while 
the  four  were  engaged  in  their  work  (Mt.4.i8  ; 
Mk.l.i6  ;  Lu.5.2).  Shortly  after  it  Christ  en- 
tered St.  Peter's  house  and  healed  his  mother- 
in-law.  When  the  twelve  apostles  were  chosen, 
St.  Peter  seems  to  have  ranked  from  the  first 
as,  in  some  degree,  their  leader,  and  his  name 
stands  first  in  all  the  lists.  Through  the  next 
period  his  individual  story  is  merged  to  a  large 
extent  in  that  of  our  Lord's  ministry,  which  it 
would  be  superfluous  to  retell  here.  But  we 
may  notice  how  clearly  the  strong  and  weak 
points  of  St.  Peter's  character  are  brought 
out  in  the  course  of  the  narrative.  He  was, 
on  the  one  hand,  affectionate,  loyal,  and  en- 
thusiastic ;  on  the  other,  rash,  boastful,  and 
Iiresumptuous.  From  his  lips,  at  a  supreme 
moment  in  our  Lord's  life,  came  the  avowal 
"Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
God."  But  as  he  drew  from  Christ  the  fullest 
benediction,  so  shortly  after  he  brought  upon 
himself  the  sternest  rebuke  ever  addressed  to  a 
disciple  (Mt. 16.17,23).  With  SS.  James  and 
John  he  witnessed  the  Transfiguration ;  with  his 
brother  St.  Andrew  and  the  sons  of  Zebedee  he 
listened  to  the  predictions  of  the  second  advent 
(Mk.13.3).  After  the  Last  Supper  his  protest 
drew  from  Christ  the  explanation  of  His  act  in 
washing  the  discijilcs'  feet  ;  then,  too,  he  made 
those  protestations  of  fidelity,  so  quickly  falsi- 
fied by  his  threefold  denial.  On  the  morning  of 
the  Resurrection  St.  Peter  was  the  first  to  enter 
the  tomb,  and  to  him,  first  f>f  the  ajiostles,  the 
risen  Lord  ajipeared  (In. 24. 31  ;  iCor.15.5). 
At  a  later  date  he  was  publicly  reinstated  in  his 
apostlcship  by  Christ,  when  the  threefold  denial 
was  atoned  for  by  a  thrice-repeated  confession 
of  humble  love.  Then  followed  the  prophecy 
of  his  martyrdom  (Jn. 21. 15-10).  From  the 
time  of  the  Ascension  St.  Peter's  leadership,  as 
primus  inter  pares,  is  clearly  recognized  by  the 
Church.     He  suggests  the  election  of  an  apostle 


PETER,  SIMON 

to  fill  the  place  of  Judas,  he  addresses  the  peo- 
ple on  the  Day  of  Pentecost,  the  first  miracle 
after  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  is  wrought  by  him. 
With  his  actions  Ac.  1-1 2  is  mainly  concerned. 
About  five  years  after  the  Ascension  he  and 
St.  John  visit  Samaria  to  confirm  those  who 
have  been  baptized  there  by  Philip  (8. 14-17), 
and  St.  Peter  comes  into  conflict  with  Simon 
Magus.  Thence  he  returned  to  Jerusalem. 
Later  (the  date  may  be  given  approximately  as 
35  A.D.),  when  probably  St.  James  had  been 
given  the  oversight  of  the  Church  in  Jerusalem, 
St.  Peter  set  out  on  a  missionary  journey  (9-32) 
extending  possibly  over  eight  years.  In  the 
course  of  it  he  stayed  for  some  time  at  Lydda, 
where  he  healed  Aeneas,  at  Joppa,  where  he  re- 
stored JDorcas  to  life,  and  at  Caesarea,  where, 
in  obedience  to  a  vision,  he  baptized  Cornelius. 
Throughout  the  period  of  this  journey  he  seems 
to  have  paid  frequent  visits  to  Jerusalem  (11. 2, 
when  he  reported  the  baptism  of  Cornelius,  12. 
3-19,  when  he  was  imprisoned  by  Herod  and 
miraculously  delivered,  and  Gal.l.18,  which 
mentions  a  visit  paid  him  in  Jerusalem  by  St. 
Paul).  At  the  close  of  this  period  (c.  44  a.d)  he 
appears  to  have  made  the  Syrian  Antioch  his 
headquarters.  At  Antioch  arose  a  dispute 
between  him  and  St.  Paul  (Gal.2.ii)  concern- 
ing St.  Peter's  refusal  to  eat  with  the  Gentiles. 
Shortly  before  this  a  graver  question — that  of 
the  necessity  or  otherwise  of  circumcision  for 
Gentile  converts — had  caused  the  attendance 
of  both  apostles  at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem, 
held  under  the  presidency  of  St.  James  (Ac. 15). 
What  bitter  feelings  that  controversy  aroused 
is  shown  by  the  tone  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Galatians. 
St.  Peter  made  a  conciliatory  speech,  mention- 
ing his  own  call  to  work  among  the  Gentiles, 
and  claiming  liberty  for  them.  His  words  had 
the  effect  of  quieting  his  audience,  so  that  they 
listened  toSS.  Barnabas  and  Paul.  After  this 
St.  Peter  is  not  mentioned  in  Acts.  The 
tradition  that  he  visited  Babylon  is  of  late  date 
and  most  improbable.  Nor  does  the  fact  that 
there  was  a  "  Cephas  "  party  in  Corinth  (iCor. 
1.12)  in  any  way  imply  that  St.  Peter  was  ever 
in  that  city.  The  party  of  Cephas  were  those 
who  upheld  the  sole  authoritj^  of  the  original 
apostles  in  order  to  disparage  St.  Paul.  But 
that  St.  Peter  visited  and  suffered  martyrdom 
in  Rome  within  a  short  time  of  the  death  of  St. 
Paul  may  be  taken  as  practically  certain.  It  is 
upheld  by  the  explicit  statement  of  Caius  in 
the  3rd  cent.,  when  the  belief  was  accepted  also 
by  the  Chiurches  of  Asia,  Carthage,  and  Alex- 
andria, and  it  is  reinforced  by  the  language  of 
Clement  of  Rome,  wTiting  c.  90  a.d.  More- 
over, there  is  a  complete  absence  of  any  con- 
trary tradition.  On  the  other  hand,  the  later 
belief  that  St.  Peter  was  bishop  of  Rome  for  so 
long  a  period  as  25  years  is  quite  unhistorical. 
It  is  evident,  for  example,  that  he  would  have 
had  a  prominent  place  in  the  "  greetings  "  of 
R0.I6  had  be  been  in  Rome  when  this  ep. 
was  written — probably  in  the  year  57.  Sifting 
the  mass  of  conflicting  arguments  that  have 
been  advanced,  we  may  take  as  most  probable 
the  view  that  St.  Peter  continued  to  work  mainly 
in  S>Tia  until  60  or  61  a.d.,  that  then  he  was 
summoned  to  Rome  by  St.  Paul  during  the 
apostle's  first  imprisonment,  that  he  was 
absent  from  that  city  when  aTim.  was  written, 


PETER,  FIRST  EPISTLE  OF     675 

probably  in  63,  but  returned  not  long  after- 
wards, and  was  put  to  death  in  the  Neronian 
persecution,  shortly  after  the  fire  at  Rome  in 
July,  64.  It  is  most  likely  that  St.  Paul's  death 
took  place  between  two  and  three  years  later. 
The  internal  evidence  of  i Peter  supports  the 
idea  that  its  writer  was  in  Rome  with  St.  Paul 
and  under  his  influence.  It  is  unsafe  to  base 
any  argument  upon  so  doubtful  a  foundation 
as  the  Petrine  authorship  of  2Peter.  [Peter, 
Epp.  i.,  ii.]  We  learn,  on  the  authority  of 
Papias,  confirmed  by  Justin  Martyr,  Irenaeus, 
and  Clem.  Alex.,  that  the  gospel  of  St.  Mark 
was  based  on  material  supplied  by  St. 
Peter,  and  the  testimony  of  the  early  Church 
upon  the  point  seems  conclusive.  A  number 
of  tales  gathered  round  the  last  days  and  death 
of  St.  Peter,  of  which  the  quo  vadis  ?  legend  is 
the  best  known  ;  and  there  were  traditions  also 
concerning  his  wife,  who  is  supposed  to  have 
shared  his  martyrdom,  and  his  daughter, 
whose  name  has  been  given  as  Petronilla.  The 
"  Acts,"  the  "  Gospel,"  and  the  "  Apocalypse 
of  St.  Peter  "  were  among  the  apocryphal 
works  attributed  to  the  apostle.  St.  Peter  is 
called  Cephas  in  Jn.l.42,  iCor.l. 12, 3.22,9.5, 
15.5,  Gal.2.9,  and  R.V.  of  Gal.l.18,2.11,14  ; 
Cephas  being  the  Aram,  word  Cepha,  ''a  rock"; 
cf.  Job 30.6,  Je.4.29.  Our  Lord's  use  of  the 
word  in  Mt.l6.i8  ("  Upon  this  rock  I  will 
build  My  church  ")  has  received  various  in 
terpretations.  That  which  takes  "  this  rock" 
to  denote  Christ  Himself  is  inadmissible.  But 
the  further  question  remains  whether  the 
"  rock  "  is  (i)  the  Christian  creed  just  uttered 
by  St.  Peter  (ver.  16)  or  (2)  St.  Peter  himself, 
either  (a)  as  an  individual,  or  (6)  as  represent- 
ing the  Apostolic  order.  It  seems  needless, 
however,  to  limit  the  reference  exclusively  to 
any  one  of  these.  All  three — common  creed, 
individual  faith,  and  the  apostolate — com- 
bined to  form  the  basis  upon  which  the 
Church  would  be  built,  and  all  three  may  well 
have  been  present  to  our  Lord's  mind  as  He 
spoke  the  words.  Xavier,  Hist.  S.  Petri ; 
Birks,  Studies  in  the  Life  and  Character  of 
St.  Peter  ;  Lipsius,  Die  apokryphen  Apostel- 
geschichten  und  Apostellegenden  ;  Chase,  s.v. 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904 )  ;  Harnack, 
s.v.  in  Ency.  Brit.  For  earlier  life,  comm.  on 
gospels  :  Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  the 
Messiah  ;  for  later  period,  Rackham's  Comm. 
on  Acts  ;  Ramsay,  Church  in  Roman  Empire, 
etc. ;   Lightfoot,  Apostolic  Fathers,     [a.c.d.] 

Peter,  First  Bpistle  of.  A.  Author- 
ship, Date,  etc.  (a)  External  evidence  is  un- 
usually strong.  It  is  quoted  by  Polycarp, 
Papias,  Irenaeus,  Clemens  Alex.,  Origen,  and 
Tertullian,  and  finds  a  place  in  all  lists  of 
the  Canon  from  the  4th  cent,  onwards.  Hence 
the  genuineness  of  the  epistle  can  be  doubted 
only  on  grounds  of :  (b)  Internal  evidence. 
It  has  been  alleged  that  :  (i )  The  references  to 
persecution  require  a  date  when  it  had  become 
widespread  (iv  rep  Kdamp,  iPe.5.9),  and  merely 
because  of  the  adoption  of  the  name  "  Christian" 
((is  XpLcrTiav6s,  4.i6).  Holtzman,  Pfleiderer, 
and  others  date  the  letter  not  earlier  than  Tra- 
jan's rescript,  112  a.d.  On  the  other  hand, 
Bigg  considers  the  persecution  may  be  that  of 
Nero  in  64  ;  and  Chase  thinks  the  reference  is 
not  to  State  persecution  at  all,  but  the  violence 


676    PETER,  FIRST  EPISTLE  OP 

slandfT,  etc.,  oi  their  neighlxnirs.  (2)  The 
style  and  lan^iiagt',  wliich  are  ainoiig  the  best  in 
N.T.,  are  incompatible  with  the  IVtrine  author- 
ship. It  is  urged,  on  tlie  one  hand,  that  St. 
Peter,  living  in  Galilee,  must  have  known  some 
Greek  ;  and  on  the  other  that  he  could  not 
speak  even  his  own  tongue  correctly  (Mk.l4. 
70),  that  he  struck  his  fellow-countryman  as 
ignorant  (Ac.4.13),  and  tradition  assigns  him 
St.  Mark  as  amanuensis  {epfj.r)v(itTrjs).  But  St. 
Peter  mav  have  employed  some  one  to  write 
for  him  (St.  Mark  ?  Silvanus  ?).  "  By  Sil- 
vanus  "  (Ata.  "^iXavoO,  5.12),  cannot  be  pressed 
in  this  connexion,  as  it  probably  means  that 
Silvanus  was  the  bearer  of  the  letter.  (3)  If 
"  Babylon  "  means  Rome  [?  really  Babylon, 
?  Cairo,  ?  Jerusalem  (Harnack)],  thereshouldbe 
some  mention  of  St.  Paul,  if  he  was  there  when 
the  letter  was  written,  or  had  been  recently 
martyred.  But  St.  Paul  may  have  been  ab- 
sent from  Rome,  or  the  messages  delivered 
orally  by  the  bearer  of  the  epistle.  (4)  There 
is  a  striking  lack  of  reminiscences  of  our  Lord's 
life  and  words.  But  the  defenders  of  the 
epistle  reply  that  this  lack  is  exaggerated,  and 
moreover  can  be  paralleled  in  other  books  of 
N.T.  (5)  (Especially)  iPeter  is  "  deutero-Paul- 
ine  "  in  character;  there  is  nothing  un-Pauline 
in  it,  and  it  shows  great  affinity  with  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  especially  Romans  and  Ephesians,  in 
doctrine,  thought  and  language.  Cone  re- 
gards it  as  a  "  weakened  Paulinism,"  repre- 
senting a  transitional  stage  between  the  latter 
and  the  Fourth  Gospel.  But  the  reply  is  made 
that  these  coincidences  with  and  dependences 
upon  the  Pauline  epistles  can  be  acknowledged 
without  repudiating  the  Petrine  authorship  of 
our  epistle  ;  and  that  the  e.xaggerated  opposi- 
tion between  Pauline  and  Judaic  Christianity 
supposed  by  the  Tiibingen  school  has  long  since 
been  disproved. — B.  Contents.  The  contents 
of  I  Peter  furnish  but  little  support  to  those 
who  maintain  that  its  sole  object  was  to  recon- 
cile the  glaring  opposition  between  the  Pauline 
and  Petrine  types  of  Christianity,  but  seem 
rather  to  support  the  more  prevalent  view  that 
the  writer's  purpose  was  to  console  his  readers 
in  their  trials  and  connect  their  sufferings  with 
the  sufferings  of  Christ,  and,  as  in  His  case, 
with  their  future  glory.  He  wished  also  to 
dwell  upon  the  soundness  of  the  teaching  they 
had  already  received,  and  to  insist  upon  the 
practical  duties  resulting  from  it.  The 
epistle  is  divisible  into  three  sections :  (i) 
1.I-2.I0,  the  privileges  of  the  redeemed 
family  of  God;  (ii)  2.ii-4.i2,  the  duties  of 
the  brethren  ;  (iii)  4.12-5. 14,  their  trials.  The 
author's  sympathies  are  Jewish  without  being 
Judaizing  ;  he  is  saturated  with  the  spirit  of 
O.T.,  but  applies  its  teaching  in  the  light  of  the 
Gospel.  To  sum  up,  we  may  say  that  it  is 
highly  jirobable  that  the  epistle  was  written 
by  St.  Peter,  and  it  remains  at  least  a  possible 
conjecture  that  it  was  written  from  Rome  while 
St.  Paul  was  on  his  journey  to  Spain,  c.  64  a.d. 
— C.  Doctrine  OF  i  Peter.  The  predominant 
tone  of  I  Peter's  teaching  as  to  God  the  Father 
is  one  of  profcjund  awe  ;  He  is  our  Judge,  all 
holy  and  almighty,  yet  full  of  mercy  and 
grace  ;  and  the  suffering  whicii  He  sends  is  for 
our  good.  It  is  Christ  rather  whom  Christians 
love,  and  that  with  "  joy  unspeakable  "  (1.8). 


PETER,  SECOND  EPISTLE  OF 

The  difference  between  the  author  and  St.  Paul 
has  been  said  to  be  that  between  the  disciplin- 
arian and  the  mystic,  as  is  illustrated  by  their 
respective  use  of  such  words  as  nians,  x'^P'Ji 
Trvevfj-a,  and  ffdp^.  It  is  very  noteworthy  that 
there  is  no  trace  of  the  alleged  Paulino- J  uda- 
istic  controversy  in  this  epistle  ;  nor  is  Chris- 
tian prophecy  alluded  to.  The  word  "church" 
is  not  used,  and  the  ecclesiastical  organization 
implied  is  very  primitive.     The  eschatology  of 

1  Peter  is  important.  The  "  end  of  all  things  " 
will  be  a  time  of  revelation,  and  of  judgment. 
Especially  noticeable  are  8.19  and  4.6,  the 
only  places  in  N.T.  (with  the  doubtful  excep- 
tion of  Ro.lO. 7,14.9  ;  Eph.4.9)  where  reference 
is  made  to  the  descensus  ad  inferos,     [d.c.s. 

Peter,  Second  Epistle  of.  A.  External 
Attestation.  The  genuineness  of  2 Peter  has 
been  suspected  from  very  early  times.  Many 
rejected  it  as  spurious  in  the  days  of  Eusebius 
and  of  Jerome ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  Origen, 
in  opposition  to  some  of  his  contemporaries, 
seems  to  have  accepted  it  as  genuine.  The 
epistle  first  seciurcd  a  place  in  the  Canon  in  393, 
at  the  Council  of  Hippo  ;  it  has  been  but  little 
quoted  in  either  ancient  or  modern  times. — 
B.  Within  comparatively  recent  times  part  of 
the  Apocah-pse  of  Peter  has  been  discovered, 
the  resemblances  between  which  and  2  Peter 
are  so  close  as  practically  to  prove  some  con- 
nexion ;  some  think  they  are  by  the  same 
hand. — C.  Relation  to  i  Peter.  The  style 
and  vocabulary  of  2  Peter  are  ambitious  and 
artificial,  very  unlike  those  of  i  Peter.  The 
marked  predilection  of  the  author  of  the  first 
epistle  for  O.T.  quotations  is  absent  from  the 
second.  Similarly  the  contrast  is  emphasized 
by  the  fact  that  2  Peter  reveals  no  literary  or 
doctrinal  dependence  upon  St.  Paul,  except  in 
3.15,  and  here  St.  Paul's  writing  is  apparently 
quoted  as  Scripture,  implying  a  late  date  for 
this  epistle.     Finally,  as  regards  its  teaching 

2  Peter  is  very  different  and  distinctly  inferior 
to  I  Peter,  the  difference  being  particularly 
clear  in  the  teaching  upon  the  Parousia.  In 
reply,  the  possibility  of  the  employment  of  a 
different  amanuensis,  or  fpfirji/evTrj^,  by  St. 
Peter  might  be  urged,  but  this  and  similar  sup- 
positions have  little  evidence  to  rest  upon. 
The  hypothesis  that  the  difference  of  time  and 
circumstances  of  composition  is  sufficient  ex- 
planation of  the  contrast  between  the  two 
letters  is  equally  untenable,  since,  if  both  let- 
ters were  genuine  and  the  first  dates  from  64, 
no  great  interval  of  time  could  have  elapsed 
before  the  second  was  written. — D,  Relation 
to  Jude.  That  a  very  close  connexion  exists 
between  these  two  epistles  is  quite  obvious, 
but  it  has  been  explained  by  widely  divergent 
suppositions.  Which  is  the  earlier  and  de- 
pendent upon  the  other  ?  The  solution  of  the 
problem  dejiends  to  a  large  extent  upon  the  a 
priori  predilections  of  the  reader.  Thus  in 
2Pe.2.6f.  and  Ju.7f.  (Sodom  and  Gomorrah), 
the  sterner  and  more  vehement  language  of 
St.  J  ude  may  be  thought  to  be  due  to  deliberate 
intensification  of  that  of  2  Peter,  or  the  latter 
may  be  a  toning  down  of  that  of  St.  J  ude.  If  it 
be  considered  that  2  Peter  precedes  Jude,  we 
have  in  the  latter  a  strong  and  very  early  wit- 
ness in  favour  of  the  geiuiiuenessof  the  former. 
But  if  the  reverse  be  the  case,  it  is  improbable 


PETHAHIAH 

that  St.  Peter  was  the  author  of  the  second 
epistle  which  bears  his  name,  since  Jude  is 
usually  assigned  to  the  decade  70-80  a.d. 
Kiihl  thinks  that  2  Peter  consisted  originally 
of  ch.  1  and  3.2  to  the  end  ;  this  was  used  by 
St.  Jude,  and  later,  the  interpolation  2Pe.2  was 
inserted  from  Jude,  3.i  being  added  to  connect 
the  parts.  [Jude,  Epistle  of.]  Bigg,  Intern. 
Crit.  Comment.,  "  Epp.  Peter  and  Jude  "  ; 
Chase,  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904) ;  Mayor, 
Ep.  Jude  and  2Peter.  [d.cs.] 

Pethahiah'.— 1.  A  priest,  over  the  19th 
course  in  the  reign  of  David  (iChr.24.i6). — 2- 
A  Levite  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
10.23) ;  probably  the  same  as  in  Ne.9.5. — 3- 
Son  of  Meshezabeel,  and  descendant  of  Zerah 
(Ne.11.24)- 

Pethop',  the  city  whence  Balaam  came 
toMoab  (Nura.22.5  ;  Deut.23.4),  situated  near 
"  the  river "  Euphrates  in  Aram-naharaim, 
and  400  miles  from  Moab — about  3  or  4  weeks' 
journey.  Balak  sent  twice  (Num. 22. 5, 15)  ;  so 
that  the  narrative  requires  4  months  for  Ba- 
laam to  reach  Moab.  As,  however,  the  con- 
quest of  E.  Palestine  occupied  6  months,  there 
is  time  for  all  the  events  ;  and  as  the  Amorites 
had  recently  invaded  E.  Palestine  from  the 
Lebanon,  Balaam  may  have  been  known  to 
them.  An  interesting  modern  parallel  is  found 
in  the  fact  that  before  the  battle  of  Tell  el- 
Kebir  in  1882,  'Arabi  Pasha  sent  to  Upper  Egypt 
to  bring  down  a  famous  prophet  to  curse  the 
English.  Pethor  is  mentioned  in  Assyrian 
texts  dating  about  1130,  880,  and  854  b.c,  and 
lay  W.  of  the  Euphrates,  apparently  S.  of  Car- 
cHEMisH,  near  the  point  where  the  SdjUr  River 
flows  into  the  Euphrates.  [c.r.c] 

Pethuel',  father  of  the  prophet  J  oel  ( J 1. 1 .  i ) . 

Peultha'i  (R.V.  properly,  Peullethai),  the 
eighth  son  of  Obed-edom  (iChr.26.5). 

Pha'ath  Mo'ab  (lEsd.S.ii)  =  Pahath 
Moab. 

Phaeap'eth  (iEsd.5.34)  =  Pochereth. 

Phai'sup  (iEsd.9.22)  =  Pashur,   i. 

Phaldai'us  (iEsd.9.44)  =  Pedaiah,  4. 

Phale'as  (iEsd.5.29)  =  Padon. 

Pha'lee  (Lu.3.35)  =  Peleg. 

Phallu'  (Gen.48.9)  =  Pallu,  as  R.V. 

Phalti'  (iSam.25.44),  or  Phaltiel'  (2Sam. 
3.15),  the  son  of  Laish  of  Gallim,  to  whom 
Saul  gave  Michal,  David's  wife,  in  marriage. 
The  touching  scene  of  the  parting  of  Phaltiel 
from  her  on  her  restoration  to  David  is  recorded 
in  2Sam.3.i6. 

Phaltiel'  (God's  deliverance ;  2Esd.5.i6, 
R.V.  text;  Psaltiel,  R.V.  marg.,  Syr.;  Salathiel, 
A. v.,  Vulg.),  an  angel,  "the  captain  of  the 
people,"  who  came  to  Esdras  in  the  second 
night  of  his  first  vision.  [a.l.w.] 

Phan'uel,  an  Asherite  ;  father  of  Anna 
the  prophetess  (Lu.2.36). 

Phap'aeim.  "  Sons  of  Pharacira  "  were 
among  the  servants  of  the  temple  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.31  only). 

Phapaoh',  the  Biblical  title  of  the  native 
kings  of  Egypt,  corresponding  to  the  hiero- 
glyphic Per-da,  or  "  Great  House,"  a  title 
similar  to  that  of  the  "  Sublime  Porte."  Ten 
Pharaohs  are  mentioaed  ii  O.T. — 1.  The 
Pharaoh  of  Abraham.  He  must  have  be- 
longed to  one  of  the  three  Hyksos  or  Shepherd 
dynasties  (15th,  r6th,  and  17th),  which  were  of 


PHARAOH 


677 


the  same  race  as  the  patriarch,  who  naturally, 
therefore,  found  a  welcome  at  the  Egyptian 
court. — 2.  The  Pharaoh  of  Joseph.  He 
also  will  have  been  a  Hyksos  king,  belonging, 
it  would  appear,  to  the  last  Hyksos  dynasty. 
According  to  Eusebius,  he  was  an  Apophis,  of 
whom  three  are  known  from  the  monuments. 
— 3.  The  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression.  His 
identity  was  settled  by  the  excavations  of  Prof. 
Naville,  which  proved  Pithom  to  have  been 
built  by  Ramses  II.  of  the  19th  dynasty  c. 
1300  B.C.     Ramses  II.  was  also  the  builder  of 


CARTOUCHE  OF  RA-MESSU-MERI-AMEN  (RAMSES  II.). 

Raamses,  which,  like  Pithom,  was  built  for 
the  Pharaoh  by  Israelitish  labour  (Ex.1. 11). 
Ramses  II.  had  a  passion  for  building,  and 
during  his  long  reign  of  67  years  covered  the 
country  with  cities,  temples,  and  other  archi- 
tectural monuments. — 4.  The  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus.  As  Ramses  II.  was  the  Pharaoh  of 
the  Oppression,  his  son  and  successor,  Me- 
nephtah,  must  have  been  the  Pharaoh  of  the 


/VWAAA       "*- 


LA 


CARTOUCHE  OF  PTAH-IIERI-EN-HETEP-HER-MAAT 
(MENEPHTAH  I.j. 

Exodus.  The  name  of  the  Israelites  [Is- 
raelu)  has  been  found  on  one  of  his  monu- 
ments. The  Exodus  will  have  taken  place 
before  the  8th  year  of  his  reign,  as  in  that 
year,  we  learn  from  a  letter  to  the  Egyptian 
government,  the  land  of  Goshen  was  without 
inhabitants. — 5.  Pharaoh,  Father-in-law 
of  Mered.  In  the  genealogies  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  mention  is  made  of  the  daughter  of 
a  Pharaoh,  married  to  an  Israelite  :  "  Bithiah 
the  daughter  of  Pharaoh,  which  Mered  took  " 
(iChr.4.i8).  This  marriage  may  aid  us  in 
determining  the  age  of  the  sojourn  in  Egypt. 
It  is  perhaps  less  probable  that  a  later 
Egyptian  Pharaoh  would  have  given  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  an  Israelite  than  that 
a  Shepherd  king  would  have  done  so,  before 
theOppression.^8.  Pharaoh,  Father-in-law 
OF  Hadad  the  Edomite. — For  the  identifica- 
tion of  this  Pharaoh  we  have  chronological 
indications,  and  the  name  of  his  wife  Tahpenes 
(iK. 11. 18-20).  The  history  of  Egypt  at  this 
time  is  extremely  obscure,  neither  the  monu- 
ments nor  Manetho  giving  us  clear  information 
as  to  the  kings.  It  appears  that  towards  the 
latter  part  of  the  20th  dynasty  the  high- 
priests  of  Anion,  the  god  of  Thebes,  gained 
great  power,  and  at  last  supplanted  the 
Ramses  family,  at  least  in  Upper  Egypt. 
At  che  same  time  a  line  of  Tanite  kings, 
Manetho's  21st  dynasty,  established  itself  in 
Lower  Egypt.  Since  Shishak,  the  founder  of 
the  22nd  dynasty,  invaded  Palestine  5  years 
after  Solomon's  death,  this  Pharaoh  must 
have  been  one  of  the  last  kings  of  the  21st 
dynasty.— 7-  Pharaoh,  Father-in-law  of 
Solomon.  The  queen  was  brought  into  the 
city  of  David,  while    Solomou's  house  and 


678 


PHARAOH 


the  temple  and  the  city  wall  were  building, 
hence  the  marriage  took  place  not  later  than 
the  nth  year  of  the  king,  when  the 
temple  was  finished,  having  been  commenced 
in  the  fourth  year  (iK. 6. 1,37,38).  It  appears 
that  the  marriage  must  have  taken  place  be- 
tween about  24  and  11  years  before  Shishak's 
accession.  Hence  the  father-in-law  of  Solo- 
mon will  have  been  one  of  the  last  kings  of 
the  2ist  dynasty,  like  the  father-in-law  of 
Hadad,  though  it  does  not  seem  probable  that 
they  were  one  and  the  same. — 8.  Pharaoh,  the 
Opponent  of  Sennacherib  (Is.36.6),  was 
Shabataka,  the  successor  of  Sabaco  or  So,  and 


MJ  ^  u  J 

CARTOUCHH  OF  SHABATAKA. 

predecessor  of  Taharka  (Tirhakah,  Is.37.9),  who 
at  the  time  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  of  Judah 
was  not  yet  king  of  Egypt.— 9.  Pharaoh 
Necho.  The  first  mention  in  the  Bible  of  a 
proper  name  with  the  title  Pharaoh  is  in  the 
case   of  Pharaoh   Necho,   who   is   also  called 


CARTOUCHE  OF  NF.KAU   (NECHO  11.). 

Necho  simply.  His  name  is  written  Necho  and 
Nechoh,  and  in  hieroglyphics  NEKU.  He  was 
of  theSaite  26th  dynasty,  and  reigned  r6  years 
(611-595  B.C.).  He  altempted  to  complete 
the  canal  connecting  the  Red  Sea  with  the 
Nile,  and  sent  an  expedition  of  Phoenicians 
to  circumnavigate  Africa,  which  was  success- 
fully accomplished.  In  608  b.c.  he  invaded 
Palestine,  where  Assyria,  already  in  its  death- 
throes,  could  no  longer  enforce  its  authority  ; 
and,  being  encountered  on  his  way  by  Josiah, 
defeated  and  slew  the  king  of  Judah  at  Megid- 
do  (2K. 23.29,30  ;  2Chr.35.2o-24)  ;  and  later 
deposed  Jehoahaz  (2Chr.38.4).  In  605  e.g., 
the  Egyptians  were  utterly  overthrown  at 
Carchemish  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (Je.46.i,2,6, 
10),  in  a  battle  which  led  to  the  loss  of  all 

the  Asiatic  dominions  of  Egypt  {2  K. 24.7). 10. 

Pharaoh  Hophra.  The  next  king  of  Egypt 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  is  Pharaoh  Hophra,  the 
second  successor  of  Necho,  from  whom  he  was 
separated  by  the  six  years'  reign  of  Psammeti- 
chus  II.  Hophra  is  thehieroglypic  UAH-AB- 
RA,  written  Apries  by  Herodotus  and  Uaphris 


13 


CARTOUCHE  OF  UAH-AIi-RA   (aPRII:S). 

by  Manetho.  He  came  to  the  throne  589  b.c, 
and  ruled  19  years.  Herodotus  makes  him  son 
of  Psammetichus  II.,  whom  he  calls  Psammis, 
and  great-grandson  of  Psammetichus  I.  In 
Jor.37.5-1 1  we  read  that  Zedekiah,  the  last 
kmgof  Judah,  was  aided  bv  a  Piiaraoh  against 
Nebuchadnezzar,  in  fuKilinent  of  a  treaty, 
and  that  an  army  came  out  of  Egypt,  so  that 
tiie  Chaldeans  were  obliged  to  raise  the  siege 


FHAKISEES 

of  Jerusalem.  The  city  was  first  besieged  in 
the  9th  year  of  Zedekiah,  590  b.c,  and 
captured  in  his  nth  year,  588  b.c.  It 
was  evidently  continuously  invested  for  a 
length  of  time  before  it  was  taken,  so  that  it 
is  most  probable  that  Hophra's  expedition 
took  place  during  590  or  589.  There  may, 
therefore,  be  some  doubt  whether  Psam- 
metichus II.  be  not  the  king  here  spoken  of  ; 
but  the  siege  may  have  lasted  some  time  before 
the  Egyptians  could  have  heard  of  it  and 
marched  to  relieve  the  city.  The  Egyptian 
army  returned  without  effecting  its  purpose 
{Je.27.5-8  ;  Ezk.l7.ii-i8;  c/.  2K.25.i-4).  No 
subsequent  Pharaoh  is  mentioned  in  Scripture, 
but  there  are  predictions  doubtless  referring  to 
the  misfortunes  of  later  princes  until  the  2nd 
Persian  conquest  when  the  prophecy  "  there 
shall  be  no  more  a  prince  of  the  land  of  Egypt" 
(Ex. 30. 13)  was  fulfilled.  [a.h.s.] 

Pharaoh,  Daug-hter  of.  Three  Egyptian 
princesses,  daughters  of  Pharaohs,  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible. — 1.  The  preserver  of  Moses, 
daughter  of  the  Pharaoh  who  first  oppressed 
the  Israelites  (Ex. 2. 5-10).  She  would  thus 
have  been  one  of  the  numerous  daughters  of 
Ramses  II.  Artapanus,  a  historian  of  un- 
certain date,  calls  her  Merrhis,  and  her  father 
Palmanothes,  and  relates  that  she  was  married 
to  Chenephres,  who  ruled  in  the  country 
above  Memphis.  The  tradition  is  apparently 
of  little  value. — 2.  Bithiah,  wife  of  Mered  an 
Israelite,  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh  of  uncertain 
age,  probably  of  about  the  time  of  the  Exodus 
(iChr.4.i8).  [Pharaoh,  5.] — 3.  A  wife  of  Solo- 
mon, most  probably  daughter  of  a  king  of  the 
2ist  dynasty  (iK. 3. 1,7.8,9.24).  [Pharaoh,  7.] 

Phapatho'ni,  properly  Pharathon.  One 
of  the  cities  fortified  by  Bacchides  during 
his  contests  with  Jonathan  the  Hasmonaean 
( I  Mac. 9.50).  Perhaps  the  same  as  Pirathon 
(Judg.i2.15),  in  "  the  land  of  Ephraim,"  an 
unknown  site.  It  may,  however,  be  the  present 
village  Fer'on,  14 miles  W.  of  Shechem.   [c.r.c] 

Pha'pes  (Mt.1.3;  Lu.3.33)  =  Pharez,   i. 

Pha'pez. — 1.  (Perez,  iChr.27.3  ;  Phares, 
Mt.1.3,  Lu.3.33,  iEsd.5.5).  Twin  son,  with 
Zarah,  or  Zerah,  of  Judah  and  Tamar  his 
daughter-in-law  (Gen. 38. 29).  Pharez  seems  to 
have  kept  the  right  of  primogeniture  over  his 
brother,  as  (in  the  genealogical  lists)  his  name 
comes  first.  The  house  also  wliich  he  founded 
was  far  more  numerous  and  illustrious  than 
that  of  the  Zarhites.  Its  remarkable  fertility 
is  alluded  to  in  Ru.4.i2,  "  Let  thy  house  be  like 
the  house  of  Pharez,  whom  Tamar  bare  imto 
Judah."  After  the  death  of  Er  and  Onan 
without  children,  Pharez  occupied  the  rank  of 
Judah's  second  son,  and  from  two  of  his  sons 
sprang  two  new  chief  houses,  those  of  the 
Hezronites  and  Hamulites.  From  Hezron's 
second  son  Ram  (N.T.  A  ram),  sprang  David  and 
the  kings  of  J  udah,  and  eventually  Jesus  Christ. 
A.  considerable  nunabcr  of  David's  migiity  men 
seem,  from  their  patronymic  or  gentile  names, 
to  have  been  of  the  house  of  Pharez  ;  and  the 
roval  house  itself  was  the  head  of  the  family. 
— 2.   ( r  1^(1.8.30)  :-=  Parosh. 

Phap  ipa  (rlvsd.5.33)  =  Perida. 

Phapisees,  a  religious  party,  or  school, 
amongst  the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ  ;  so 
called  [from  prfsliSn,    the   Aram,  form  of  the 


PHARISEES 

Heb.  word  p''rushim,  "  separated."  The  name 
does  not  occur  either  in  O.T.  or  Apoc.  ;  but  it  is 
usually  considered  that  the  Pharisees  were 
essentially  the  same  as  the  Assideans  men- 
tioned in  iMac.2.42,7.13-17,  and  2Mac.l4.6. 
The  earliest  mention  of  them  in  Josephus  is 
when  the  breach  between  them  and  John  Hyr- 
canus  I.  occurred.  We  are  told  that  John  had 
been  a  disciple  of  theirs  before  this.  Alexander 
Jannaeus,  the  son  of  H>Tcanus,  persecuted  the 
Pharisees,  and  crucified  many  of  them.  Alex- 
andra (his  widow),  who  succeeded,  took  them 
into  favour.  They  supported  H>Tcanus  II. 
against  his  brother  Aristobulus.  Although 
Antipater,  the  father  of  Herod,  had  been  a 
supporter  of  Hyrcanus  II.,  their  candidate 
for  the  high-priesthood,  they  opposed  the 
Herodian  family.  This  fanaticism  precipi- 
tated the  final  contest  with  Rome,  which 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by 
Titus,  and  the  fall  of  the  Jewish  state. 
Authorities.  The  sources  of  information  are 
mainly  three,  (i)  The  writings  of  Josephus, 
himself  a  Pharisee  {Life  2),  who  in  each  of 
his  great  works  professes  to  give  a  direct  ac- 
count of  their  opinions  (2  Wars  viii.  2-14;  18 
Ant.  i.  2;  and  cf.  13  Ant.  x.  5,  6;  17  Ant.  ii.  4; 
13  Ant.  xvi.  2,  and  Life  38).  The  value  of  his 
accounts  would  be  much  greater,  if  he  had  not 
accommodated  them,  more  or  less,  to  Gk.  ideas. 
(2)  The  N.T.,  alike  in  St.  Paul's  epistles 
and  in  the  gospels  and  Acts.  (3)  The  first 
portion  of  the  Talmud  called  the  Mishna,  or 
"  second  law."  This  last  is  important,  it  being 
almost  impossible  to  have  adequate  concep- 
tions respecting  the  Pharisees  without  it.  It 
is  a  digest  of  the  Jewish  traditions,  and  a  com- 
pendium of  the  whole  ritual  law,  reduced  to 
writing  in  its  present  form  by  Rabbi  Jehudah 
the  Holy,  who  flourished  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  2nd  cent.  He  was  born  135  a.d.,  and  suc- 
ceeded his  father  Simeon  as  patriarch  of  Ti- 
berias, holding  that  office  at  least  30  years. 
The  precise  date  of  his  death  is  disputed,  but 
was  probably  c.  220  a.d.  There  is  no  reason- 
able doubt,  that  although  it  includes  a  few 
passages  of  a  later  date,  the  Mishna  was  com- 
posed as  a  whole  towards  the  very  end  of  the 
2nd  cent.  Though  it  represents  to  some  ex- 
tent the  traditions  current  amongst  the  Phari- 
sees at  the  time  of  Christ,  we  must  remember 
that  more  than  a  century  had  elapsed  since  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  During  that  period 
imagination  had  time  to  modify  to  a  very 
great  extent  what  had  been  received.  I.  The 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Pharisees,  com- 
mon to  them  and  all  orthodox  modern  Jews, 
was  that  by  the  side  of  the  written  law,  regarded 
as  a  summary  of  the  principles  and  general 
laws  of  the  Heb.  people,  there  was  an  oral  law 
to  complete  and  to  explain  it.  It  was  an  article 
of  faith,  that  in  the  Pentateuch  there  was  no 
precept — and  no  regulation  (ceremonial,  doc- 
trinal, or  legal) — of  which  God  had  not  given  to 
Moses  all  explanations  necessary  for  their  ap- 
plication, with  the  order  to  transmit  them  by 
word  of  mouth.  The  classical  passage  in  the 
Mishna  on  this  subject  is  the  following  : 
"  Moses  received  the  (oral)  law  from  Sinai,  and 
delivered  it  to  Joshua,  and  Joshua  to  the 
ciders,  and  the  elders  to  the  prophets,  and  the 
prophets  to  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  " 


PHARISEES 


679 


{Pirke  A  both  i.).  In  addition  to  such  revela- 
tions, which  were  not  disputed,  and  in  addition 
to  interpretations  received  from  Moses  which 
were  either  implied  in  the  written  law  or  to  be 
elicited  from  it  by  reasoning,  there  were  three 
other  classes  of  traditions,  (a)  Opinions  on 
disputed  points,  which  were  the  result  of  a  ma- 
jority of  votes,  (b)  Decrees  made  by  prophets 
and  wise  men  in  different  ages.  These  carried 
prohibitions  farther  than  either  the  written  or 
oral  law  of  Moses,  in  order  to  protect  the  Jew- 
ish people  from  temptations  to  sin  or  pollution, 
(c)  Legal  decisions  of  proper  ecclesiastical  au- 
thorities on  disputed  questions.  As  a  whole 
they  formalized  and  defined  the  minutest  par- 
ticulars of  ritual  observances.  The  expres- 
sions of  "  bondage,"  of  "  weak  and  beggarly 
elements,"  and  of  "  burdens  too  heavy  for  men 
to  bear,"  faithfully  represent  the  impression 
produced  by  their  multipUcity.  In  order  to 
observe  these  regulations  the  Pharisees  formed 
a  kind  of  society.  A  member  was  called  a 
hdbher,  and  those  among  the  middle  and  lower 
classes  who  were  not  members  were  called  "  the 
people  of  the  land,"  or  the  vulgar.  Each  mem- 
ber undertook,  in  the  presence  of  three  other 
members,  to  remain  true  to  the  laws  of  the  as- 
sociation. The  most  characteristic  laws  of  the 
Pharisees  related  to  what  was  clean  {(dhor)  and 
unclean  (tdm£).  Whatever  their  origin,  it  was 
a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  a  Pharisee  that 
he  should  be  well  acquainted  with  these  regu- 
lations ;  for  every  one  technically  unclean  was 
cut  off  from  almost  every  religious  ceremony 
(Num. 19. 20).  On  principles  precisely  similar 
to  those  of  the  Levitical  laws  (Lev. 20. 25, 22.4- 
7),  it  was  possible  to  incur  these  awful  religious 
penalties  either  by  eating  or  by  touching  what 
was  unclean  in  the  Pharisaical  sense.  In  re- 
ference to  eating,  independently  of  the  slaugh- 
tering of  holy  sacrifices,  which  is  the  subject  of 
two  other  treatises,  the  Mishna  contains  one 
treatise,  called  Hullin,  specially  devoted  to  the 
slaughtering  of  fowls  and  cattle  for  domestic 
use.  One  point  in  its  very  first  section  is  by 
itself  vitally  distinctive,  viz.  "  that  anything 
slaughtered  by  a  heathen  should  be  deemed  un- 
fit to  be  eaten,  like  the  carcase  of  an  animal  that 
had  died  of  itself,  and  like  such  carcase  should 
pollute  the  person  who  carried  it."  With 
regard  also  to  touching  what  is  unclean,  the 
Mishna  abounds  with  prohibitions  and  distinc- 
tions no  less  minute.  Josephus  compared  the 
Pharisees  to  the  sect  of  the  Stoics.  He  says 
that  they  lived  frugally,  but  that  they  followed 
the  leadership  of  reason  in  what  it  had  selected 
and  transmitted  as  a  good  (18  Ant.  i.  3).  We 
learn  from  the  Talmudic  accounts  of  great 
rabbis  (e.g.  Hillel)  that  poverty,  if  connected 
with  learning,  was  not  regarded  as  a  dishonour 
— rather  the  reverse.  Although  it  would  be 
unreasonable  to  class  all  Pharisees  as  hypo- 
crites, yet  the  Talmudic  statements  imply  that, 
many  of  them  were.  There  were  said  to 
be  seven  classes  of  Pharisees,  (i)  The  shoulder 
Pharisees,  who  wear  their  good  deeds  on  their 
shoulders.  (2)  The  wait-a-little  Pharisee,  who 
begs  for  time  to  do  good.  (3)  The  bleeding 
Pharisee,  who  to  avoid  a  woman  shuts  his  eyes 
and  bruises  himself  to  bleeding  against  a  wall. 
(4)  The  painted  Pharisee,  who  is  so  holy  that 
he  will  not  touch  any  one  lest  he  be  defiled. 


680 


PHARISEES 


(5)  The  reckoning  Pharisee,  who  says,  "  What 
duty  must  I  do  to  counteract  my  neglect  ?  " 

(6)  The  Pharisee  of  fear— like  Job.  (7)  The 
Pharisee  of  love — like  Abraham.  All  but  the 
last  two  have  elements  of  hypocrisy  or  acting 
in  their  character,  and  must  be  regarded  as 
having  been  some  of  the  most  intense  formal- 
ists whom  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Christ 
Himself  said  that  they  "  made  the  word  of  God 
of  none  cfifect  by  their  traditions."  This  was 
true,  not  only  because  the  purest  form  of  O.T. 
religion  was  almost  incompatible  with  such 
formality  (Mi.6.8)  ;  but  also  because  some  of 
the  traditions  were  decidedly  at  variance  with 
genuine  religion.  II.  In  regard  to  a  future 
state,  Josephus  represents  the  Pharisees  as 
believing  in  the  transmigration  of  souls : 
"  They  say  that  every  soul  is  imperishable,  but 
that  the  soul  of  a  good  man  only  passes  over  (or 
transmigrates)  into  another  body,  while  the 
soul  of  a  bad  men  is  chastised  by  eternal  punish- 
ment "  (2  Wars  viii.  14).  This  may,  however, 
only  be  Josephus'  attempt  to  present  the  doc- 
trine of  the  resurrection  of  the  body  in  a  way 
that  would  be  least  unpalatable  to  the  Gks. 
and  Hellenized  Romans.  There  are  two  passages 
in  the  gospels  which  might  countenance  this 
idea  :  one  in  Mt.14.2,  where  Herod  the  tetrarch 
is  represented  as  thinking  that  Jesus  was  John 
the  Baptist  risen  from  the  dead  (though  a 
different  colour  is  given  to  Herod's  thoughts  in 
the  corresponding  passage,  Lu.9.7-9)  ;  and 
another  in  Jn.9.2,  where  the  question  is  put  to 
Jesus  whether  the  blind  man  himself  had 
sinned,  or  his  parents,  that  he  was  born  blind  ? 
Notwithstanding  these,  the  Pharisees  appear  to 
have  believed  in  a  resurrection  of  the  dead  very 
much  in  the  same  sense  as  the  early  Christians. 
This  is  in  accordance  with  St.  Paul's  statement 
to  the  chief  priests  and  council  (Ac. 23. 6)  ;  and 
is  implied  in  Christ's  teaching,  which  does  not 
insist  on  the  doctrine  of  a  future  life  as  any- 
thing new  (Mt.22.30  ;  Mk.12.25  ;  Lu.20.34-36). 
The  Mishna  on  the  whole  assumes  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  body  rather  than  any  mere  transmi- 
gration of  souls  ;  and  the  peculiar  phrase,  "  the 
world  to  come,"  frequently  occurs  in  it.  III.  In 
reference  to  the  freedom  of  the  will,  Josephus 
represents  the  Pharisees  as  holding  views  be- 
tween the  absolute  fatalism  of  the  lisscnes  and 
the  absolute  freedom  of  the  Sadducees.  In 
the  Talmud  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy  is  re- 
garded as  conditional.  "  There  were  three  sects 
of  the  Jews,"  Josephus  says,  "which  had  differ- 
ent conceptions  respecting  human  affairs,  of 
which  one  was  called  Pharisees,  the  second 
Sadducees,  and  the  third  Essenes.  The  Phari- 
sees say  that  some  things,  and  not  all  things,  are 
the  work  of  Fate  ;  but  that  some  things  are  in 
our  own  power  to  be  and  not  to  he.  But  the 
Essenes  declare  that  Fate  rules  all  things,  and 
that  nothing  happens  to  man  except  by  its  de- 
cree. The  Sadducees,  on  the  other  hand,  take 
away  Fate,  holding  that  it  is  a  thing  of  nought, 
and  that  human  affairs  do  not  depend  upon  it  ; 
but  in  their  estimateall  things  are  in  the  power 
of  ours<;lves,  as  being  ourselves  the  rausos  of 
our  good  things,  and  meeting  with  evils  through 
our  own  inconsideratcness  "  {cf.  18  Ant.  i.  3, 
and  2  Wars  viii.  14).  The  opinion  of  Gractz 
(Cwtschichle  der  Jiiden,  iii.  500)  seems  not  im- 
probable—that the  real  difference  between  the 


PHASELIS 

Pharisees  and  Sadducees  in  reference  to  this 
was  at  first  practical  and  political.  [Saddu- 
cees.] IV.  There  is  indisputable  authority  for 
the  statement  that  proselytism  prevailed  among 
the  Pharisees  to  a  very  great  extent  at  the  time 
of  Christ  (Mt.23.r5)  The  number  of  proselytes 
referred  to  in  Josephus  and  in  N.T.  is  con- 
siderable, and  implies  a  larger  number  who  are 
not  noticed.  This  proselytism  probably  paved 
the  way  for  the  early  diffusion  of  Christianity. 
Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ  were  already  scat- 
tered over  the  fairest  portions  of  the  civilized 
world.  The  then  existing  regulations  of 
synagogues  afforded  facilities  which  do  not 
now  exist  either  in  synagogues  or  Christian 
churches  for  presenting  new  views  to  a  congre- 
gation (Ac.17.2  ;  Lu.4.i6),  as  there  seems  nor- 
mally to  have  been  in  every  synagogue  a  con- 
siderable number  of  proselytes.  Under  such 
auspices  the  proselytizing  spirit  of  the  Phari- 
sees inevitably  stinaulated  a  thirst  for  inquiry, 
and  accustomed  the  Jews  to  theological  con- 
troversies. Thus  there  existed  precedents  and 
favouring  circumstances  for  efforts  to  make 
proselytes,  when  the.greatest  of  all  missionaries, 
a  Jew  by  race,  a  Pharisee  by  education,  a  Greek 
by  language,  and  a  Roman  citizen  by  birth, 
preaching  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  to  those 
who  for  the  most  part  already  believed  in  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead,  confronted  the  ela- 
borate ritual-system  of  the  ^\Titten  and  oral 
law  by  pure  spiritual  religion  :  and  thus  ob- 
tained the  co-operation  of  many  of  the  Jews 
themselves  in  breaking  down  every  barrier 
between  Jew,  Pharisee,  Greek,  and  Roman,  and 
in  endeavouring  to  unite  all  mankind  in  the 
brotherhood  of  a  common  Christianity.  After 
the  fall  of  Jerusaleni,  when  the  Sadducean  sect 
disappeared,  and  the  Essenes  were  absorbed  in 
Christianity,  the  Pharisees  became  to  such  an 
extent  the  predominant  sect,  tliat  these  other 
tendencies  disappeared.  The  Talmud  is  es- 
sentially a  Pharisaic  book.     [Scribes.] 

Phaposh'  (Ezr.8.3).  Elsewhere  Parosh, 
as  R.V.  here. 

Phappap',  the  second  of  the  two  "  rivers 
of  Damascus  "  (2  K. 5. 12).  [Abana.]  It  is  pro- 
bably the  present  Nahrel  'Awaj  ;  but  Benjamin 
of  Tudela  and  an  old  Arab,  version  identify  it 
with  the  Taura,  which  joins  the  Abana  at 
Damascus.'  The  'Awaj  takes  its  rise  on  the 
S.E.  slopes  of  Hermon,  some  5  or  6  miles  from 
Beit  Jenn,  close  to  a  village  called  'Amy,  the 
name  of  which  it  bears  during  the  first  part  of 
its  course.  It  then  runs  S.E.  by  Ke/r  Hatiwar 
an(.  S'as'a,  but  soon  turns  N.  and  ultimately 
ends  in  the  Bahret  Hijaneh,  the  most  southerly 
of  the  three  lakes  or  swamps  of  Damascus, 
nearly  due  E.  of,  and  about  40  miles  from,  the 
point  at  which  the  river  started.        [c.k.c] 

Phap'zites,  The,  descendants  of  Pharez 
son  of  Judah  (Num. 26. 20). 

Phase'ah  C^v.l.^i)  =  Paseaii,  2. 

Phase'lls,  a  town  on  the  coast  of  .\sia 
Minor, on  the  confinesof  Lycia  and  Pamphylia, 
and  consequently  ascribed  by  the  ancient 
writers  sometimes  to  one  aiul  sometimes  to 
tiie  otlier.  Its  commerce  was  considerable 
in  the  6th  cent,  n.c,  for  in  tiie  reign  of  .\masis 
it  was  one  of  a  number  of  (ik.  towns  which 
carried  on  trade  somewliat  in  the  manner  of 
the  Ilanseatic  confederacy  in  tlic  Middle  Ages. 


PHASIRON 

In  later  times  Phaselis  was  distinguished  as  a 
resort  of  the  Pamphylian  and  Cilician  pirates. 
It  stood  on  a  rock  50  or  100  ft.  above  the  sea, 
joined  to  the  mainland  by  a  low  isthmus,  in  the 
middle  of  which  was  a  lake,  now  a  pestiferous 
marsh.  On  the  E.  side  of  this  were  a  closed 
port  and  a  roadstead,  and  on  the  W.  a  larger 
artificial  harbour,  formed  by  a  mole  run  out  into 
the  sea.  Considerable  remains  of  this  may  still 
be  traced  below  the  surface  of  the  water.  For 
a  time  the  Phaselites  confined  their  relations 
with  the  Pamphylians  to  the  purposes  just 
mentioned,  but  they  subsequently  joined  the 
piratical  league,  and  consequently  suffered 
the  loss  of  their  independence  and  their  town 
lands  in  the  war  which  was  waged  by  the 
Roman  consul  Publius  Servihus  Isauricus  in 
the  years  77-75  b.c.  In  the  interval  between 
the  growth  of  the  Cilician  piracy  and  the 
Servilian  expedition  the  incidents  related  in 
iMac.15.23  occurred. 

Phas'ipon,  the  head  of  an  Arab  tribe  (i, 
Mac. 9. 66),  defeated  by  Jonathan. 

Phas'sapon  (iEsd.5.25)  =  Pashur,   i- 

Phebe.     [Phoebe.] 

Pheniee,  Phenieia  (^oivIktj),  Phoeni- 
cians.—!. (Ac. 15. 3, 21. 2.)  This  name  does  not 
appear  in  the  Heb.  books  at  all,  but  occurs  in 
the  Gk.  Apoc.  (lEsd.  and  aMac),  being  always 
coupled  with  Coelosyria.  In  N.T.  we  have 
an  allusion  (Mk. 7. 24-30)  to  a  Syro-phe- 
NiciAN  woman.  The  Gk.  word  was  applied  to 
the  region  on  the  shores  W.  of  Lebanon,  of 
which  the  Phoinikes  were  natives.  The  word 
Phoinix  for  the  "  palm  "  probably  was  derived 
from  the  country,  and  applied  also  to  the 
"  pm-ple "  dye  of  Phoenicia,  and  to  the 
mythical  bird  of  the  E.  A  Phoenician  was 
called  Phoinix,  and  a  Phoenician  woman  Phoi- 
nissa.  But  the  Romans  also  called  a  Cartha- 
ginian Pnnicus  ;  and  it  seems  that  these  words 
— though  with  Aryan  terminations — may  have 
come  from  the  Semitic  root  piln,  "to  set  "  (of 
the  sun).  In  this  case  the  Phoenicians  were 
named  as  the  most  "  western  "  of  the  Semitic 
tribes  ;  and  according  to  their  own  traditions 
(Herodotus,  vii.  89 ;  Strabo,  xvi.  iii.  4 ;  Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  vi.  32)  they  came  at  a  remote 
period  (before  2700  b.c. — Herodotus,  ii.  44) 
from  the  Persian  Gulf.  Their  coast  region 
was  called  Kefa  {western)  by  the  Egyptians, 
Martu  {the  direction  of  sunset)  by  the  Akka- 
dians, Aharu  {west)  by  the  Assyrians. 
But  we  do" not  know  if  the  race  dwelling  on 
the  Phoenician  coast  had  any  special  name. 
They  called  themselves  after  their  great  cities, 
which  formed  separate  settlements  under  their 
kings. — Geographical.  Phoenicia  was  the 
shore  land  of  Sjnria,  from  the  gulf  of  Issus  on 
N.  to  AccHO  on  S.,  or  more  especially  from 
Arvad,  for  a  distance  of  150  miles,  to  the  bay 
N.  of  rnount  Carmel.  For  the  first  25  miles, 
from  Arvad  to  Tripoli,  the  plain  of  the  Eleu- 
therus  and  the  "entering  in  to  Hamath"  have 
a  breadth  of  5  to  10  miles.  The  Lebanon 
spurs  then  run  to  the  coast  at  the  promontory 
called  Theou-prosopon  by  the  Greeks  (perhaps 
Peni-el  by  the  natives),  and  the  road  runs  on 
cliffs,  or  along  a  narrow  beach  past  Bafrun  and 
Gebal,  till  it  gains  the  sands  N.  of  Beirut,  S. 
of  which  it  passes  over  sand  dunes  and  narrow 
shores  to  Sidon,  Sarepta,  and  Tyre,  where 


PHENICE,  PHENICIA 


681 


the  beach  and  plain  are  a  mile  wide.  The 
trade  route  then  crosses  the  pass  called  Rds 
en  Naqiirah  {headland  of  the  cutting),  the 
old  "ladder  of  T5Te  "  (1Mac.ll.59),  and  de- 
scends into  the  plain  of  Accho,  which  is  11 
miles  long  and  4  miles  wide  ;  while,  S.  of  this 
city  as  far  as  the  Kishon,  the  sandy  beach, 
sand  dunes,  and  plain  extend,  2  to  5  miles  in 
width,  for  8  miles  N.  and  S.  Thus  Phoenicia 
represents  a  very  narrow  strip  of  shore,  under 
the  mountains  ;  but  at  the  sites  of  Antaradus 
(opposite  Arvad),  Tripoli,  Beirut,  Sidon,  Tyre, 
and  Accho,  the  presence  of  natural  reefs  formed 
small  harbours,  sufficient  for  the  small  ships  of 
the  sturdy  sailors  who,  steering  by  the  pole- 
star,  traded  with  all  the  isles  of  Greece,  prob- 
ably before  1500  b.c,  and  afterwards  with 
Italy  ;  while  (after  850  b.c)  the  Punic  settlers 
at  Carthage  carried  Phoenician  commerce  over 
the  W.  Mediterranean,  as  far  N.  as  Marseilles, 
and  beyond  the  "  pillars  of  Hercules  "  to  Tar- 
tessus  and  Cades.  [Tyre.]  Their  native  coast 
was  watered  by  streams  more  or  less  perennial, 
including  the  Eleutherus,  the  Qadisha  (at 
Tripoli),  the  Adonis  River  (at  Gebal),  and 
the  Lycus  (N.  of  Beirut),  with  the  Tamyras 
{Damiir)  half  way  to  Sidon,  the  Leontes 
{Litany)  N.  of  Tyre,  and  the  Belus  just  S.  of 
Accho.  The  plain  and  low  hills  produced  corn, 
wine,  and  oil,  but  the  most  famous  natural  pro- 
ducts were  the  palm  {phoinix),  of  which  few 
remain  except  at  the  Kishon,  and  the  halzun 
or  "  snail  " — a  sea  shell  {Murex  trunculus) 
from  which  was  obtained  a  dye  which  varied 
in  colour  from  dark  purple  to  bright  red.  This 
is  still  found  along  the  shores.— Inhabitants. 
The  earliest  tribes  of  Canaanites,  or  "  low- 
landers,"  in  Phoenicia  (Gen.lO.15, 17,18)  were 
akin  to  Cush,  and  probably  of  the  non-Semitic 
Akkadian  race  of  Chaldea :  for,  c.  2800  b.c, 
the  Akkadians  knew  Syria,  and  they  also  were 
great  sailors.  A  bas-relief  at  Marathus  ( 'A  mrit) 
represents  a  deity  (thought  tobeNergal)  stand- 
ing erect  on  a  lion,  holding  a  lion  in  his  left 
and  a  sword  in  his  right  hand,  with  a  semi- 
Egyptian  head-dress,  and  a  pigtail  (like  the 
Hittites)  ;  and  Nergal  (who  was  adored  in 
Phoenicia)  was  an  Akkadian  deity.  But  the 
names  of  the  Phoenician  cities  are  Semitic, 
including  Sidon,  and  the  towns  of  the  Zemar- 
iTE  (at  Sumrah),  Arvadite  (at  er  Ruad),  and 
Arkite  (at  'Arqah).  Other  important  and 
ancient  towns,  such  as  Gebal,  Tyre,  Beirut, 
Sarepta,  Hosah,  and  Batriln,  were  apparently 
so  entirely  Semitic  as  not  to  be  included  in  the 
list  of  sons  of  Ham.  Even  as  early  as  1700 
B.C.  Egyptian  pictures  of  the  Keft  represent 
a  bearded  race  with  distinctively  Semitic 
features.  The  fresco  from  a  Theban  tomb 
(now  in  British  Museum)  shows  tribute-bearers 
of  the  Phoenician  Kharu  (probably  Aharu 
or  "west")  of  this  age,  bringing  vessels  of 
gold,  of  bronze,  and  one  of  silver  (showing  a 
highly  developed  art)  with  an  ivory  tusk,  and 
a  small  yellow  child  (of  another  race)  as  a 
slave.  The  name  Keft  is  translated  Phoinikes 
in  Gk.  on  the  Decree  of  Cannpus.  We 
know  also,  from  the  Amarna  tablets,  that  the 
language  written  (and  probably  spoken)  in 
Phoenicia  in  13th  cent,  b.c  was  the  Semitic 
Babylonian.  About  800  b.c.  it  appears  to  have 
been  an  early  Aramaic  dialect,  and  after  c.  500 


682 


PHENICE,  PHENICIA 


B.C.  it  approximates  to  Hebrew.  [Semitic 
Languages.]  These  Semitic  traders  were 
ruled  in  eacli  of  the  great  cities  by  "  kings  "  ; 
and  the  earliest  appearance  of  a  government 
by  "  judges  "  (shopklim)  among  the  Cartha- 
ginians belongs  to  the  Gk.  age,  while  in  Tyre 
it  is  not  known  before  the  6th  cent.  b.c.  In 
this  respect  the  Phoenicians  resembled  all  the 
other  Canaanite  and  Semitic  tribes  of  Syria 
and  Palestine. — History.  The  Hebrews  were 
acquainted  with  the  Phoenicians  of  Tyre, 
SiDON,  Gebal,  and  Arvad,  as  noticed  under 
those  headings  ;  and,  after  c.  looo  b.c,  they 
learned  from  these  civilized  neighbours  the 
arts  of  alphabetic  writing,  building,  and  navi- 
gation. Though  including  all  Lebanon  in  the 
promised  land,  the  O.T.  indicates  clearly  that 
the  Phoenician  shore  cities  remained  inde- 
pendent, even  in  the  time  of  David  and  Solo- 
mon ;  while,  in  the  time  of  our  Lord,  Accho 
and  all  the  plain  and  low  hills  to  N.  were  out- 
side the  border  of  Israel.     [Galilee.]     The 


PHENICE,  PHENICIA 

Parthian  attack  in  52  e.g.  (Dio.  Cassius,  Hist. 
Rom.  xlviii.  25) ;  but  under  the  Roman  emperors 
Phoenician  trade  prospered,  and  indeed  did 
not  really  decay  until  comparatively  recent 
times.  The  great  trading  towns  desired 
peaceful  commerce,  and  Gk.  philosophy 
flourished  at  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Byblos,  down 
to  Christian  times.  The  traders  were  willing 
to  accept  any  overlord  who  would  keep  peace 
for  them  throughout  his  empire. — Monu- 
mental Notices.  Egyptian  domination  in 
Phoenicia  began  in  the  time  of  Ahmes,  the 
first  king  of  the  i8th  dynasty.  Early  in  i6th 
cent.  B.C.  Thothmes  III.  marched  from 
Kadesh  on  Orontes  (Qades)  to  Zamar  (Simyra) 
and  Aradus,  and  on  the  "  sea  road  "  to  Arkatu 
('Arqah),  N.  of  Tripoli  (Brugsch,  Hist.  Egt.  i.  pp. 
33i>  343)-  S.  Phoenicia  was  perhaps  already 
tributary,  but  is  unnoticed  at  this  date.  In 
15th  cent,  much  of  the  Amarna  correspondence 
refers  to  the  attack  on  Phoenicia  by  the  allied 
Amorites  and  Hittites,  who  took  all  the  chief 


l:.\S-Hi:i.ll-l-    I- RUM  -SAM  A  I. A    (?  riUMMCIA.N 


Phoenicians  opposed  the  Assyrians,  and — 
while  buying  them  off  by  tribute — constantly 
rebelled  against  their  authority  ;  but,  after 
their  struggle  with  Babylon,  they  appear  to 
have  willingly  accepted  Persian  supremacy 
from  527  B.C.  till  351  b.c,  when  the  tyranny 
of  the  decadent  Persians  led  to  a  desperate 
revolt,  and  rendered  all  the  Phoenician  cities 
(except  Tyre)  willing  to  accept  Alexander  the 
Great  in  333  b.c  Gk.  rule  continued  till 
287  B.C.,  when  Phoenicia  came  under  Ptolemy 
Lagi,  to  pass  again  to  the  rulers  of  Antioch 
through  the  victories  of  Antiochus  III.  in  19S 
B.C.  During  the  troubiod  times  that  followed, 
Jonathan  the  brother  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  is 
said  to  have  driven  the  Greeks  N.  of  the 
lileutlierus  River,  c.  147  n.c  (1Mac.i2.31), 
attempting  to  restore  the  dominion  of  Solomon. 
Pompey,  aftiir  65  n.c,  respected  the  freedom 
of  tlio  I'hoenieian  cities,  as  did  Antoriv  r.  36 
B.C.  (Josephus,  I  I  \)U.\\\.  I,  s)  ;  and  even 
vvhen  he  gave  Cleopatra  power  as  far  N.  as  tiie 
ICIeiithiirusJihe  excepted  Tyre  and  Sidon  (15 
■  Xnt.    iv.    I).     Plioeuicia    suffered    from    the 


cities,  Simyra,  Arkah,  Gebal,  Batruna  (Bat- 
riln),  Beirut,  Sidon,  Tyre,  and  Accho  being 
noticed  as  attacked,  with  smaller  places.  The 
authority  of  Egypt  was  overtiirown,  and  was 
apparently  not  restored  till  Ramses  II.  (c. 
1350  B.C.)  marched  by  Sidon  and  Beirut  to 
reach  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  by  the  "  enter- 
ing in  to  Hamatli."  The  Egyptian  Mohar, 
later  in  the  same  reign,  drove  his  chariot  down 
this  pass,  and  by  Gebal,  Beirut,  Sidon,  Sarepta, 
Tyre,  Achzib,  and  Beth-dagon,  on  the  way  to 
Hazor  (Brugsch,  Hist.  Egt.  ii.  pp.  104-106). 
The  Assyrian  accounts  bc^in  with  tlic  attack 
on  Beirut  by  Assur-uballid  (before  1400  n.c), 
after  tiie  Caiiaanite  rebellion  against  Egypt. 
.'\ssur-ris-ilim  {c.  11 50  b.c.)  has  left  his  name 
at  the  Dog  River  (Lycus),  near  this  city  ;  and 
another  monun\ent  at  the  same  spot,  giving 
tiie  name  of  Tigiatli-piiescr,  is  supposed  to 
refer  to  c.  11 30  n.r.  Hut  tlic  struggle  for 
sujiremacy  in  Phoenicia  first  became  formid- 
able c.  885  n.c,  wiieti  Assur-nazir-p,i!  of  As- 
syria invaded  tlie  VV.  and  received  homage 
from   tlic   kings  of  Tyre,   Sidon,  Gebal,  and 


PHENICE,  PHENICIA 

Arvad  "  which  is  in  the  midst  of  the  sea." 
The  Assyrian  Eponym  Canon  gives  many 
historical  details,  from  the  time  when  Shal- 
maneser  II.  warred (877-860 b.c.) with  "twelve 
kings  beside  the  sea,"  including  Mattanbaal  of 
Arvad.  Tiglath-pileser  III.  (or,  as  otherwise 
reckoned,  the  second),  c.  740-738  b.c,  ap- 
pointed Assyrian  governors  in  Simyra  and 
Arkah,  and  the  revolt  of  Syria  which  he 
crushed  later  was  joined  by  the  Phoenicians  of 
Simyra.  Luliya  of  Tyre,  about  this  time, 
appears  to  have  dominated  Sidon,  Accho, 
Achzib,  and  Hosali ;  and,  according  to  Jose- 
phus  (9  Ant.  xiv.  2),  was  attacked  c.  727  b.c. 
by  Shalmaneser  IV.,  whose  annals  are  scanty. 
[Tyre.]  Sargon  appears  to  have  been  at 
peace  with  the  Phoenicians,  who  were  prob- 
ably tributary  like  the  seven  kings  of  Cyprus 
in  708  B.C.  Sennacherib  in  703  b.c.  took  (ac- 
cording to  the  Eponym  Canon)  "great  Sidon, 
little  Sidon,"  Sarepta,  Hosah,  Achzib,  Accho, 
and  other  "strong  cities,  fortresses  walled  and 
enclosed,  strongholds  of  Luliya";  but  he  does 
not  mention  Tyre  itself.  Esar-haddon — ac- 
ceding in  680  B.C. — attacked  'Abd-Milkut  of 
Sidon,  who  fled  by  sea,  but  who  was  caught 
and  beheaded.  This  Assyrian  monarch  re- 
ceived tribute  from  Tyre,  Gebal,  and  Arvad, 
and  from  12  Cyprian  kings  ;  but  Baal  of  Tyre 
was  allied  with  Egypt,  and  after  its  conquest 
(in  670  B.C.)  Assur-bani-pal  punished  him,  by 
besieging  Tyre  in  664  b.c  The  Assyrian 
suzerains  did  not,  however,  disdain  to  wed 
daughters  of  the  kings  of  Tyre  and  Arvad. 
In  645  B.C.  Hosah  rebelled  against  Assur-bani- 
pal,  who  carried  its  inhabitants  away  as  cap- 
tives, and  who  "  quieted  "  Accho.  The  re- 
cord of  Nebuchadnezzar's  wars  in  Phoenicia 
has  not  been  recovered,  but  fragments  of  an 
inscription  attest  his  presence  at  Beirut.  The 
texts  of  Phoenician  kings  and  coins  of  their 
cities  are  all  supposed  to  be  later  than  600  b.c 
— Religion.  The  gods  of  Phoenicia,  in  some 
cases,  bear  Akkadian  and  Babylonian  names, 
clearly  indicating  the  derivation  of  the  popula- 
tion. The  Kabirim,  or  "  great "  gods,  in- 
cluded Ba'al-shamaim  (lord  of  the  heavens), 
with  his  consort  Ba'alath,  the  earth-mother. 
The  sun  was  known  as  Ba'al  Hamon  (lord  of 
heat),  Melqarth  (of  unknown  meaning — per- 
haps Akkadian  for  "  lord  of  the  city"),  and 
Adoni,  or  Adonai  (my  lord),  associated 
with  the  goddess  Astarta  (also  of  Akkadian 
origin),  who  was  the  moon,  and  who  perhaps 
was  also  the  goddess  called  Peni-ba'al 
(counterpart  of  Baal),  Tanith  (powerful),  and 
Anath  (heavenly).  The  god  of  air  and 
of  storm  was  called  Hadad,  and  Reseph- 
Mical.  The  sea-god  was  Dagon,  and  the  deity 
ruling  the  under-world  was  Nergal  (an  Akka- 
dian name),  who  is  mentioned  in  a  Phoenician 
text  at  the  Piraeus  (Corpus  Inscript.  Semiti- 
caruni,  i.  No.  119).  To  these  seven  deities,  all 
of  Babylonian  origin,  was  added  Eshmun,  the 
god  of  "  fatness,"  prosperity,  and  health,  whom 
the  Greeks  likened  to  Asklepios,  the  healer. 
There  were  other  minor  gods  with  local  names, 
and  Egyptian  deities — such  as  Isis  and  Horus 
— were  sometimes  adored.  The  oldest  statues — 
such  as  the  Nergal  already  mentioned,  and  the 
gigantic  horned  and  bearded  god  tearing  a 
lion,  whose  statue  (15  ft.  high)  has  been  taken 


PHENICE,  PHENICIA 


683 


from  Cyprus  to  Constantinople — resemble  the 
early  Hittite  and  Babylonian  reliefs.  But 
after  500  b.c  the  influence  of  Egyptian  art  is 
visible  at  Gebal  and  at  Sidon.  The  Phoeni- 
cian sacred  emblems  included  the  holy  tree 
('dsherd),  the  cone,  and  the  hand,  with  doves 
sacred  to  Astarta.  The  Phoenicians  were 
circumcised  (Herodotus,  ii.  104),  and  they 
observed  the  custom  of  human  sacrifice,  at 
Laodicea,  even  as  late  as  400  a.d.  Their 
q^dheshoth,  or  devotees  of  Astarta,  were  sup- 
pressed at  Afka  by  Constantino,  and  existed 
late  also  at  Daphne  and  Paphos.  The  tariff 
of  sacrifices,  in  2nd  cent,  b.c,  is  preserved  on 
the  Marseilles  Tablet.  The  picture  at  Thebes 
(already  noticed)  shows  that  the  Phoenicians 
shaved  the  head  as  a  vow  in  the  17th  cent. 
B.C.,  like  the  Akkadians  and  Moabites.  Frag- 
ments of  Phoenician  mythology,  from  San- 
choniatho  and  from  the  later  Philo  of  Byblos 
(c.  ist  cent.  A.D.),  have  come  down  to  us  in  a 
very  corrupt  form,  in  Gk.,  but  serve  to  show  the 
Babylonian  origin  of  the  religion. — Civiliza- 
tion. From  the  15th  cent,  b.c  downwards,  the 
Phoenician  fleets  are  constantly  mentioned  on 
monuments  and  in  history.  We  have  also 
Assyrian  bas-reliefs  representing  their  triremes, 
and  many  allusions  to  their  trade  in  metals, 
and  in  slaves  whom  they  captured  abroad. 
The  monumental  remains  include  the  three 
bas-reliefs  of  Ramses  II.  at  the  Dog  River, 
which  accompany  six  Assyrian  tablets,  carved 
and  inscribed  for  Assur-ris-ilim,  Tiglath-pileser, 
Shalmaneser,  Sennacherib,  and  Esar-haddon. 
The  alphabetic  inscriptions  in  Phoenician  are 
less  numerous,  on  the  Sjnrian  coast,  than  those 
of  Cyprus,  Attica,  and  Carthage,  but  include 
important  texts  at  Sidon,  Tyre,  and  Gebal, 
and  at  the  ruins  of  Umm  el  'Arniid  N.  of  Accho, 
with  one  hard  by  at  M'asiib  of  the  same  age, 
dated  221  b.c  The  coins  of  Phoenician  cities, 
in  the  Gk.  age  and  later,  include  one  of 
Laodicea  with  the  Phoenician  legend,  "  of 
Ladakia  a  mother  in  Canaan."  [Writing.] 
As  regards  architecture  and  art,  it  is  unsafe 
to  call  anything  Phoenician  that  is  not  marked 
with  Phoenician  letters  ;  for  buildings  have 
been  ascribed  to  this  race  which  are  of  Gk., 
Rom.,  and  even  of  Crusading  origin.  But 
there  is  abundant  evidence  that  Phoenician 
art  was  first  influenced  by  Babylon,  and  later 
by  Egypt,  finally  adopting  Gk.  ideas.  In 
the  aqueduct  at  Tyre,  as  in  the  walls  of  Eryx 
in  Sicily,  we  find  the  Phoenicians  using  the 
false  arch.  Their  temples  were  often  hypethral 
shrines,  with  sacred  erect  stones  and  cones — 
as  among  Canaanites  generally.  The  remains 
found  in  tombs  and  temples  include  small 
votive  figures  of  bronze  or  of  pottery,  like  the 
Babylonian  examples,  with  seal-cylinders, 
representing  mythical  subjects  such  as  occur 
also  on  the  bronze  bowls.  To  these  may  be 
added  coins  and  gold  ornaments,  glass,  and 
ivory  carvings.  The  latest  remains  include 
Gk.  and  Lat.  texts,  in  some  of  which  Phoeni- 
cian names  still  occur  down  to  the  2nd  or  3rd 
cent.  A.D.,  as  copied  at  Beirut,  Ornithopolis, 
Heldua,  Tyre,  and  Sidon  (Waddington  Nos. 
1844-1873).  The  old  race  preserved  its 
language  and  its  pagan  rites  till  after  the 
establishment  of  Christianity.  The  leading 
sources  of  information  include  Kenan's  Corpus 


684 


PHERESITES 


Inscriptionuin  Semiticarum  (1881-1889),  and 
his  Mission  de  Phenicie  (1863- 1874)  ;  the  Surv. 
W.  Pal.  vol.  i.  sheets  i  to  5,  and  vol.  of  Special 
Papers,  pp.  75-85  (Aradus),  151-153  (Tripoli), 
1881 ;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Art  in  Phoenicia, 
1885  ;  and  Canon  Rawlinson's  History  of 
Plioenicia,  1889.  The  present  writer  explored 
the  whole  coast  S.  of  Sem>Ta,  to  Tyre  and 
Accho,  in  1881. — 2.  (Ac.27.i2),  more  pro- 
perly Phoenix  (as  R.V.),  a  haven  in  Crete  on 
the  S.  coast.  The  name  was  doubtless  derived 
from  the  Gk.  word  for  the  palm-tree,  which 
Theophrastus  says  was  indigenous  in  the  island. 
Both  Ptolemy  and  Strabo  mention  a  town 
Phoenix;  while  Ptolemy  alone  mentions  a 
haven,  of  a  similar  name.  Mr.  James  Smith 
placed  Phenice  at  the  modern  Liitro.  [c.r.c] 

Pheresites  (iEsd.8.69),  Pherezite, 
Pherezites   (Jth.5.i6;  2Esd.l.2i)  =  Periz- 

ZITES. 

Phichol',  chief  captain  of  the  army  of 
Abimelech  king  of  the  Philistines  of  Gerar  in 
the  davs  of  both  Abraham  (Gen.21.22,32)  and 
Isaac  (26.26). 

Philadelphia,  a  town  on  the  confines 
of  Lydia  and  Phrygia  Catacecaumene,  built 
by  Attalus  II.,  king  of  Pergamus.  It  was 
situated  on  the  lower  slopes  of  Tmolus,  on 
the  S.  side  of  the  valley  of  the  Ain-i-ghiid  Su, 
a  river  which  is  probably  the  Cogamus  of 
antiquity,  and  falls  into  the  Wdd-i-tchai  (the 
Hermus)  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sart-Kalesi 
(Sardis),  about  25  miles  to  the  W.  of  the  site  of 
Philadelphia,  which  is  still  represented  by  a 
town  called  Ala-shehcr  (the  reddish  city).  It  is 
952  ft.  above  the  sea.  The  region  around  is 
highly  volcanic,  and  geologically  speaking 
belongs  to  the  district  of  Phrygia  Catacecau- 
mene, on  the  W.  edge  of  which  it  lies.  The 
original  population  of  Philadelphia  seems  to 
have  been  Macedonian,  and  the  national 
character  to  have  been  retained  even  in  the 
time  of  Pliny.  There  was,  however,  as  ap- 
pears from  Rev. 3. 9,  a  synagogue  of  Hellenizing 
Jews  there,  as  well  as  a  Christian  church.  The 
locality  continued  to  be  subject  to  constant 
earthquakes,  which,  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  ren- 
dered even  the  town-walls  of  Philadelphia  un- 
safe. The  expense  of  reparation  was  constant, 
and  hence  perhaps  the  poverty  of  the  members 
of  the  Christian  church  (Rev. 3. 8). 

Philap'ches,  a  projier  name  in  A.V.  of 
2Mac.8.32,  but  properly  the  name  of  an  office, 
"  the  commander  of  the  cavalry"  (R.V.  the 
phylarch). 

Phlle'nion,  the  name  of  the  Christian  to 
whom  St.  Paul  addressed  his  epistle  on  behalf 
of  Onesimus.  He  was  a  man  of  some  wealth 
and  position  (Ph. 2, 5-7),  and  of  high  character, 
as  is  shown  by  the  nature  of  the  arguments  ad- 
dressed to  him  by  St.  Paul.  There  is  a  tradi- 
tion that  he  became  bishop  of  Colossae,  and 
died  in  the  Neronian  persecution.      [a.c.d.] 

Phlle'mon,  Epistle  to.  There  is  a  clear 
ni.irk  of  distiiictif)n  between  this  and  all  other 
extant  writings  of  St.  Paul.  The  other 
epistles  belong,  so  to  sjieak,  to  his  official  cor- 
respondence as  an  apostle.  Even  the  Pastoral 
I'^lMstlcs,  though  addressed  to  individuals,  par- 
take of  this  character  ;  they  arc  toiicerned 
chiefly  with  questions  of  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment.    But  the  Ep.  to  Philemon  is  a  letter  of 


PHILEMON,  EPISTLE  TO 

a  wholly  personal  and  private  kind,  wTitten  to 
ask  a  favour  from  a  friend.  For  this  reason 
Chrysostom  and  Jerome  had  to  uphold  its 
canonicity  against  those  who  argued  that  a 
merely  private  letter  had  no  right  place  in  the 
Bible.  But  its  genuineness  as  the  work  of  the 
apostle  has  never  seriously  been  questioned. 
It  is  supported  by  Origen  and  by  its  inclusion 
in  the  Muratorian  Canon,  and  even  more  con- 
vincing is  the  internal  evidence  supplied  by 
the  epistle  itself.  It  has,  moreover,  gained 
universal  admiration  by  its  tact,  delicacy,  and 
charm.  Kenan's  description,  "  un  petit  chef 
d'oeuvre."  epitomizes  the  general  verdict. 
While  its  precise  date  has  been  disputed,  there 
is  no  doubt  that,  like  Eph.,  Col.,  and  Philip- 
pians,  it  was  written  during  St.  Paul's  first  im- 
prisonment in  Rome,  and  most  probably  in  the 
year  61.  The  apostle,  to  whom  in  his  hired 
house  his  friends  were  allowed  access,  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Onesimus,  a  fugitive  slave 
from  Colossae.  Possibly  Onesimus  may  have 
been  brought  to  St.  Paul  by  Epaphras,  one  of 
St.  Paul's  companions,  and  a  presbyter  of 
Colossae.  This  slave  had  robbed  and  run  away 
from  his  master,  Philemon,  a  wealthy  Colossian, 
a  Christian,  and  the  personal  friend  and  con- 
vert of  St.  Paul.  A  normal  penalty  for  his 
crime  would  have  been  crucifixion,  or,  at  the 
least,  torture  and  branding.  To  escape  cap- 
ture, he  appears  to  have  made  his  way  to  Rome 
with  the  proceeds  of  his  theft,  there  concealing 
himself  in  the  vile  slums  which  were  the 
criminals'  quarter  of  the  city.  Such  was  the 
social  outcast  who  sought  St.  Paul's  aid.  And 
the  difference  between  the  heathen  and  the 
Christian  codes  was  never  exemplified  more 
strikingly  than  by  the  treatment  which  the 
apostle,  Roman  citizen  as  he  was,  accorded  to 
this  criminal  slave.  Onesimus  was  welcomed 
as  a  son,  instructed  in  the  faith,  and  baptized. 
Some  small  return  for  this  kindness  he  was  able 
to  make,  by  ministering  to  the  personal  needs 
of  his  benefactor.  So  useful  did  he  prove,  and 
so  sincere  grew  the  friendship  between  the  two, 
that  St.  Paul  would  fain  have  kept  Onesimus 
in  Rome.  But  his  conscience  compelled  him 
to  act  otherwise.  He  must  have  realized  keen- 
ly the  conflict  between  the  law  of  slavery  and 
the  law  of  Christ.  But  he  was  no  less  con- 
scious that  the  day  for  the  ending  of  slavery 
had  not  yet  dawned.  For  the  present  the  ex- 
isting laws  must  be  respected,  and  the  slave  re- 
turned to  his  master.  So  with  his  own  hand — 
St.  Paul  will  not  trust  this  task  to  an  amanu- 
ensis— the  apostle  \vritcs  this  letter  to  his 
friend  Philemon,  interceding  for  Onesimus, 
who  would  return  with  it  in  his  hand.  After 
warm  greetings  to  Philemon,  and  to  Apphia 
and  Archippus — possibly  Philemon's  wife  and 
son — and  a  thankful  recognition  of  his  services 
to  the  Church,  the  epistle  begs  that  Onesimus 
shall  be  received,  not  merely  with  forgiveness, 
but  with  brotherly  love.  The  amount  of  his 
theft  will  be  made  good  by  St.  Paul  himself, 
while  Philemon  is  reminded  of  his  own  in- 
debtedness for  the  highest  boon— that  of  his 
conversion  -to  tiie  writer  of  the  letter.  So 
witii  tact,  kindliness,  and  gentle  junnour  the 
]ilea  is  i)ressed  home.  Finally.  St.  Paul  bids 
Philemon  expect  him  shortly,  for  he  hopes  to  be 
released  and  to  visit  Colossae.     He  sends  greet- 


PHILETUS 

ings  from  his  companions  in  Rome,  and,  with  a 
benediction,  the  letter  ends.  We  cannot  doubt 
that  it  achieved  its  purpose.  Comm.  by  Light- 
foot  and  H.  J.  C.  Knight  ;  also  works  {e.g.  by 
W.  M.  Ramsay,  Conybeare  and  Howson)  on 
life  and  writings  of  St.  Paul.  [a.c.d.] 

Phile'tus  was  possibly  a  disciple  of  Hy- 
MENAEUS,  with  whom  he  is  associated  in  aTim. 
2.17.  The  names  of  Philetus  and  Hymenaeus 
occur  separately  among  those  of  Caesar's  house- 
hold whose  relics  have  been  found  in  the  Co- 
lumbaria at  Rome. 

Philip. — 1.  King  of  Macedonia,  359-336 
B.C.,  and  father  of  Alexander  the  Great  (iMac. 
1.1,6.2).— 2.  A  Phrygian,  left  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  as  governor  at  Jerusalem  (c.  170 
B.C.),  where  he  behaved  with  great  cruelty 
(2Mac.5.22,6.ii,8.8).  He  is  commonly  iden- 
tified with — 3.  The  foster-brother  (9.29)  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  whom  the  king  on  his 
death-bed  appointed  guardian  of  his  son  An- 
tiochus V.  (Eupator)  and  regent,  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  Lysias,  164  B.C.  (iMac.6.14,15,55). 
Lysias,  however,  secured  the  person  of  Eupator 
(6.17),  whose  enmity  caused  Philip  to  flee  into 
Egypt  (2Mac.9.29).  Lysias  and  Eupator  en- 
tered on  a  struggle  with  Judas  Maccabaeus 
(iMac.6.28-54)  ;  but  they  were  induced  to 
make  terms  with  him  by  the  news  that  Philip, 
backed  by  forces  from  the  north-eastern  pro- 
vinces of  Syria,  was  master  of  Antioch  and 
prepared  to  assert  his  position  (6.55-63).  They 
hastened  to  Antioch,  captured  the  city,  and 
killed  Philip  (Josephus,  12  Ant.  ix.  7). — 4. 
Philip  v.,  king  of  Macedonia,  220-179  b.c. 
His  extension  of  his  dominions  and  his  alliance 
with  Hannibal,  215  b.c,  brought  him  into  con- 
flict with  the  Romans,  whose  victory  over  him 
(at  Cynoscephalae,  197  b.c.)  is  mentioned  in 
iMac.8.5. 

Philip  Herod  I.,  II.     [Herod.] 

Philip  the  Apostle  was  from  Bethsaida, 
on  the  lake  of  Galilee.  Like  his  fellow-towns- 
man Andrew,  he  bore  a  purely  Gk.  name,  and 
seems  to  have  had  closer  Gk.  connexions 
than  others  (c/.  Jn.l2.2off.).  He  was  one  of  the 
earliest  disciples  of  our  Lord,  and  perhaps,  like 
at  least  two  of  them,  had  previously  been  a 
disciple  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  He  was  re- 
sponsible for  his  friend  Nathanael's  introduc- 
tion to  Christ,  and  was  evidently  one  of  the 
party  who  attended  the  marriage  feast  at  Cana 
with  Him  ( J  n.  2. 2 ).  In  all  four  lists  of  the  Twelve 
he  always  stands  fifth  in  order,  or  head  of  the 
second  quartette.  St.  John  has  recorded  three 
incidents  in  which  St.  Philip  took  a  leading 
part :  (i)  6.5ff.,  our  Lord  consults  St.  Philip  as 
to  the  possibility  of  feeding  the  multitude, 
and  his  conclusion  is  that  200  pennyworth 
of  bread  would  not  suffice  to  feed  so  many 
(5,000)  ;  (2)  12.22,  he  and  St.  Andrew  intro- 
duce to  our  Lord  certain  Greeks  who  had 
come  up  to  Jerusalem  for  the  feast  ;  (3) 
14.8,  he  enters  into  the  conversation  with 
the  remark,  "  Lord,  show  us  the  Father,  and  it 
sufficeth  us  "  ;  to  which  our  Lord  replies  that 
the  length  of  time  He  had  been  with  them 
should  have  convinced  him  that  seeing  Him 
meant  seeing  the  Father.  These  are  indica- 
tions of  a  character  possessed  of  considerable 
earnestness  and  missionary  zeal,  but  without 
much  depth  of  spiritual  insight.     The  refer- 


PHILIPPI 


685 


ences  to  St.  PhiUp  outside  the  Bible  are  rendered 
uncertain  by  frequent  confusion  between  him 
and  Philip  the  Deacon  ;  but  there  seems  some 
probability  that  he  was  married,  and  bad 
daughters,  and  that  after  various  missionary 
tours  he  settled  down  at  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia, 
and  there  died.  [c.l.f.] 

Philip  the  Evang-elist  is  first  men- 
tioned Ac.6.5.  He  is  one  of  the  Seven  appointed, 
because  of  the  dispute  between  the  Hebrew 
and  Hellenistic  disciples,  to  superintend  the 
daily  distribution  of  alms.  [Deacon.]  The 
after-history  of  St.  Philip  shows  him  as  one  of 
whom  it  is  no  great  presumption  to  think  as 
contributing  hardly  less  than  St.  Stephen  to 
the  great  increase  of  disciples.  The  persecu- 
tion of  which  Saul  was  the  leader  must  have 
stopped  the  "  daily  ministrations "  of  the 
Church.  The  most  prominent  teachers  were 
compelled  to  take  to  flight,  and  St.  Philip  was 
among  them.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  city  of 
Samaria  is  the  first  scene  of  his  activity  (Ac.8). 
He  is  the  precursor  of  St.  Paul  in  his  work,  as 
St.  Stephen  had  been  in  his  teaching.  After 
his  contact  with  Simon  Magus,  it  fell  to  the  lot 
of  St.  Philip  to  take  the  first  step  in  opposition 
to  the  exclusiveness  of  the  Jewish  Christians. 
He  is  directed  by  an  angel  of  the  Lord  to  take 
the  road  that  led  down  from  Jerusalem  to 
Gaza  on  the  way  to  Egypt.  A  chariot  passes 
by  in  which  there  is  an  Ethiopian.  The  his- 
tory that  follows  is  interesting  as  one  of  the 
few  records  in  N.T.  of  the  process  of  individual 
conversion,  and  one  which  we  may  believe  St. 
Luke  obtained,  during  his  residence  at  Caesarea, 
from  St.  Philip  himself  (8.26-39).  St.  Philip 
continued  his  work  as  a  preacher  at  Azotus 
(Ashdod),  and  among  the  other  cities  that  had 
formerly  belonged  to  the  Philistines,  and,  fol- 
lowing the  coast -line,  came  to  Caesarea  (ver.  40). 
Here,  for  not  less  than  18  or  19  years,  we  lose 
sight  of  him.  The  last  glimpse  of  him  in  N.T. 
is  when  St.  Paul,  on  his  journey  to  Jerusalem 
turned  to  his  house  at  Caesarea  for  shelter  ; 
and  we  are  told  of  his  four  daughters  (21.8,9), 
who  possessed  the  gift  of  prophetic  utterance, 
and  of  the  incident  of  Agabus,  which  occurred 
there  {vv.  10,11).  One  tradition  places  the 
scene  of  St.  Philip's  death  at  Hierapolis,  in 
Phrygia.  According  to  another,  he  died  bishop 
of  Tralles.  His  house  at  Caesarea  was  pointed 
out  to  travellers  in  the  time  of  Jerome. 

Philip'pi,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  about  9 
miles  from  the  sea,  to  the  N.W.  of  the  island  of 
Thasos,  12  miles  from  its  port  Neapolis,  the 
modern  Kavalla.  It  is  situated  in  a  plain  be- 
tween the  ranges  of  Pangaeus  and  Haemus.  St. 
Paul,  when,  on  his  first  visit  to  Macedonia  in 
company  with  Silas,  he  embarked  at  Troas,  made 
a  straight  run  to  Samothrace,  and  from  thence 
to  Neapolis,  which  he  reached  on  the  second  day 
(Ac.l6.ii).  This  was  built  on  arocky  promon- 
tory, on  the  W.  side  of  which  is  a  roadstead, 
furnishing  a  safe  refuge  from  the  Etesian  winds. 
The  town  is  cut  off  from  the  interior  by  a  steep 
line  of  hills,  anciently  called  Symbolum,  con- 
nected towards  the  N.E.  with  the  W.  extremity 
of  Haemus,  and  towards  the  S.W.,  less  con- 
tinuously, with  the  E.  extremity  of  Pangaeus. 
A  steep  track,  following  the  course  of  an 
ancient  paved  road,  leads  over  Symbolum 
to    Philippi,    the   solitary   pass   being    about 


686     PHILIPPIANS,  EP.  TO  THE 

1, 600  ft.  above  the  sea-level.  Between  the 
foot  of  Symbolum  and  the  site  of  Philippi,  two 
Turkish  cemeteries  are  passed,  the  gravc- 
ston(>s  of  wliich  arc  all  derived  from  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  city,  and  close  by  the  one 
first  reached  is  the  modern  Turkish  village 
Bereketli.  This  is  the  nearest  village  to  the 
ancient  ruins,  which  are  now  uninhabited. 
The  Philippi  which  St.  Paul  visited  was  a 
Roman  colony  founded  by  Augustus,  and  the 
remains  which  strew  the  ground  are  no  doubt 
derived  from  that  city.  The  establishment 
of  Philip  of  Macedonia  was  probably  not 
exactly  on  the  same  site.  Philip,  when  he 
acquired  possession  of  the  site,  found  there  a 
town  named  Dalus  or  Datum,  which  was  in 
all  probability  in  its  origin  a  factory  of  the 
Phoenicians,  who  were  the  first  that  worked 
the  gold-mines  in  the  mountains  here,  as 
in  the  neighbouring  Thasos.  The  proximity 
of  the  gold-mines  was  of  course  the  origin  of 
so  large  a  city  as  Philippi,  but  the  plain  in 
which  it  lies  is  also  of  extraordinary  fertility. 
The  position,  too,  was  on  the  main  road  from 
Rome  to  Asia,  the  Via  Egnatia,  which  from 
Thessalonica  to  Constantinople  followed  the 
same  course  as  the  existing  post-road.  The 
ruins  of  Philippi  are  very  extensive,  but  pre- 
sent no  striking  feature  except  two  gateways, 
which  are  considered  to  belong  to  the  time 
of  Claudius.  Traces  of  what  is  either  an  amphi- 
theatre, theatre,  or  stadium  are  also  visible 
towards  the  hills  on  the  N.E.  side.  Inscrip- 
tions both  in  Lat.  and  Gk.,  but  more  generally 
in  the  former,  are  found.     [Colony.] 

Philippians,  Epistle  to  the.  To  the 
Pauline  authorship  of  this  short  but  rich  and 
beautiful  epistle  the  external  evidence  from 
the  and  cent,  onwards  is  ample.  Not  till  the 
19th  cent,  was  it  suggested,  notably  by  F.  C. 
Baur  (1845),  that  it  was  a  znd-ccnt.  fabrica- 
tion. The  grounds  of  such  criticism  were 
essentially  a  priori,  lying  in  theories  of  the 
earliest  Christian  history  with  which  the 
epistle  did  not  square.  Even  Renan  thought 
them  futile  ;  and  Harnack  accepts  the  epistle 
without  doubt.  To  the  reader  not  biassed  by 
a  theory,  the  epistle  is  its  own  full  authen- 
tication with  its  "  divine  naturalness "  of 
simplicity,  sympathy,  and  wisdom.  Its  writ- 
ing, in  the  highest  likelihood,  falls  within  the 
"  two  years  "  of  St.  Paul's  captivity  at  Rome 
(Ac.28.30).  It  has  indeed  been  held  (e.g.  by 
H.  A.  Meyer ;  and  see  our  art.  Paul  for  this 
view)  that  it  belongs  to  his  imprisonment  at 
Caesarea  (Ac. 24. 23-27).  But  the  reasons  for  the 
Roman  alternative  are  strong;  among  them 
are  the  many  intimations  that  the  writer  was 
placed  at  an  all-important  centre.  We  think, 
with  Lightfoot,  that  the  epistle  was  written 
early — within  the  two  years  at  Rome  (sav,  61- 
f)3  A.D.).  We  gather  (I'h. 1.14)  that  St.  Paul's 
"  bonds  "  had  made,  just  before  he  wrote,  a 
strong  and  animating  impression  on  the  local 
converts — an  effect  much  more  likely  to  appear 
soon  after  his  arrival  than  later.  Moreover,  the 
"doctrinal  type"  of  tlie  epistle  (as  shown  e.g. 
in  3.9)  belongs  more  to  the  ]i('riod  of  eg,. 
Romans  than  to  that  of  e.g.  ICi)hcsians.  An 
objection  to  such  early  dating  is  found  in  the 
mission  of  Epaphroditus  (2,4)  with  money- 
supplioe  for  St.  Paul  :  could  the  Philippians,  it 


PHILIPPIANS,  EP.  TO  THE 

is  asked,  have  heard  of  the  apostle's  arrival, 
and  of  his  needs,  and  then  have  sent  (after 
some  delay,  4. 10)  their  agent  from  Mace- 
donia to  Rome,  all  within  a  few  months  ? 
But  quite  six  months  may  be  allowed  ;  and 
communication  within  the  empire  was  so  good 
as  to  make  such  an  interval  adequate.  We 
may  thus  date  Philippians  within  the  first 
half  of  62  A.D.  The  occasion  of  writing  is 
clearly  indicated.  Epaphroditus,  a  leading 
Philippian,  had  recently  brought  a  gift  of 
money  from  the  attached  mission  for  their 
imprisoned  founder's  comfort ;  and  he  was  now 
anxious  to  return.  Through  him  St.  Paul 
had  heard  much  to  gladden  him  about 
Philippi,  but  also  some  reasons  for  anxiety, 
especially  in  a  tendency  to  internal  divisions 
and  the  rise  of  cliques.  Some  errors  of 
teaching  seem  also  to  have  invaded  Philippi 
— a  I  harisaic  tendency  (3.2-ii),  and  an 
"antinomian"  view  of  moral  duty  (8.13-19), 
possibly  also  a  view  of  " Christian  perfection" 
(3.12)  dangerous  to  humility.  Under  these 
concurrent  conditions  the  epistle  was  com- 
posed ;  perhaps  dictated  to  Epaphroditus,  and 
then  consigned  to  his  care  as  bearer.  It  took 
a  form  eminent  even  amidst  St.  Paul's  epistles 
for  a  sustained  beauty,  at  once  exquisitely 
natural  and  gently  dignified.  Its  messages  on 
both  doctrine  and  duty  are  conveyed  with 
an  evidently  deliberate  intention,  but  also 
with  the  unartificial  tact  which  comes  of 
far-sighted  love.  The  mischiefs  of  division 
are  corrected  by  countless  passing  touches 
as  well  as  by  occasional  direct  precepts, 
descending  (4.2,3)  into  personal  detail  where 
necessary.  St.  Paul's  own  experience  at 
Rome  of  the  miseries  of  strife  (1. 15-18)  is 
glanced  at  with  perhaps  a  similar  purpose. 
The  more  dogmatic  instructions  and  warnings 
are  given,  as  always  by  St.  Paul,  not  by  way 
of  formal  pronouncement,  but  in  vital  contact 
with  life,  its  duties  and  affections.  The 
great  doctrinal  utterance  on  the  Person  of 
Christ  (2.5-1 1 )  is  embedded  in  an  appeal  for 
unselfish  unity,  and  the  restatement  (3,  passim) 
of  the  foundation  principles  of  personal  salva- 
tion, culminating  in  the  hope  of  the  glorifica- 
tion of  the  body,  is  made  in  connexion  with 
actual  dangers  to  faith,  purity,  and  godly 
fear,  and  is  blended  with  the  apostle's  own 
biography  in  a  way  which  brings  writer  and 
readers  into  vivid  sympathy.  In  similarly 
informal  yet  impressive  modes  the  letter 
teaches  its  lessons  of  patience  ;  of  the  faith 
which  finds  equally  in  life  and  in  death  the 
presence  of  Christ  ;  of  a  "  peace  of  God  "  (4.7) 
which  equally  overcomes  the  bitterness  of 
unloving  opposition  (I.18),  the  strain  of  a 
supreme  suspense  (1. 20-25),  and  the  straits 
of  want  (4.12).  Meanwhile,  allusions  to 
friends  and  fellow-workers  are  made  with 
the  utmost  naturalness  (2,4),  yet  always  so  as 
to  convey  a  spiritual  suggest  ion.  But  the  epistle 
must  be  read  and  re-read  if  its  inimitable  har- 
mony of  the  divine  with  the  human  is  to  be  felt, 
the  tone  throughout  being  that  of  a  message 
from  the  eternal  Master,  while,  equally  through- 
out, the  heart  of  the  himian  servant  has  its 
free  and  perfect  play,  strong  while  tender,  in- 
dividually affectionate  while  widely  compre- 
hensive.    Philippi  lay  at  the  northern  end  of 


PHILISTIA 

the  Aegean,  near  a  pass  in  the  Balkans,  in  a 
beautiful  country.  Hard  by  were  fought 
{42  B.C.)  the  two  battles  which  decided  the  fate 
of  the  Roman  oligarchy,  and  paved  the  way 
for  the  rise  of  the  imperial  regime.  Augustus 
later  made  the  place  a  "colony"  (colonia) — i.e. 
a  military  municipality — whose  two  chief 
magistrates  were  "  generals  "  {strategi),  and 
their  constables  "  lictors  "  {rhabduchi,  "  rod- 
bearers  ").  The  vivid  story  of  the  evangeliza- 
tion of  Philippi  (probably  52  a.d.),  St.  Paul's 
first  effort  in  Europe,  is  told  in  Ac.l6.  Twice 
later  he  visited  Philippi ;  in  57  a.d.  (20.  i)  and 
58  A.D.  (20.6).  We  may  safely  assume  a  still 
later  visit,  after  his  release,  from  the  confident 
language  of  Ph.l. 25-27.  After  the  apostolic 
age  we  hear  little  of  the  place.  Ignatius  passed 
through  (c.  no  a.d.)  on  his  way  to  martyrdom 
at  Rome.  His  friend  Polycarp  wrote  to  the 
Philippians  his  one  extant  epistle.  Green  and 
quiet  pastures  now  occupy  the  site  of  the 
memorable  town.  [h.c.g.m.] 

Philis'tia  (Ps.60.8,87.4).  Elsewhere  the 
Heb.  p^'lesheth  is  uniformly  rendered  Palestine. 
Philistines,  The.  Whence  did  they  come  ? 
In  Gen.lO.14  and  iChr.l.12  we  read  that  Miz- 
raim  (Egypt)  begat  "  Casluhim  (whence  went 
forth  the  Philistines),  and  Caphtorim"  (R.V.). 
Driver  thinks  the  parenthesis  should  follow 
Caphtorim,  but  the  point  to  note  is  that 
the  Heb.  has  "  whence,"  and  cannot  mean 
"  from  whom,"  as  in  A.V.  Genesis  does  not 
connect  the  Philistines  racially  but  geographic- 
ally with  Mizraim  and  Ham.  In  Deut.2.23, 
Je.47.4,  Am.9.7,  the  Phihstines  are  said  to 
come  from  Caphtor.  Centuries  after  their 
settlement  in  Palestine  they  were  still  for- 
eigners. The  LXX.  calls  them  allophylloi 
(aliens). —  Where  then  is  Caphtor  ?  Ebers  con- 
nects it  with  the  Delta,  the  LXX.  with  Cappa- 
docia,  a  good  case  can  be  made  out  for  Cyprus, 
whence  came  the  Zakkel ;  but  modem  opinion 
is  predominantly  in  favour  of  Crete,  which  was 
always  connected  with  the  S.  and  not  with  the 
N.  coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  Knobel  thinks 
the  Philistines  migrated  from  the  Delta  to 
Crete,  and  thence  to  Palestine.  This  opinion 
in  consistent  with  Gen.lO,  and  may  find  sup- 
port from  recent  archaeology.  Crete  was  the 
abode  of  many  races,  Aryan  and  Semitic 
{Odyssey  xix.  170  f.),  and  there  was  a  time 
when  it  derived  its  civilization  from  Egypt. 
In  1Sam.3O.14,  Ezk.25.i6,  Zeph.2.5,  Chere- 
thites  and  Philistines  are  thought  by  many 
to  be  one  race.  For  Cherethites  the  LXX. 
reads  "Cretans."  In  Is.9.i2  the  LXX.  for 
"  Philistines  "  reads  "  Hellenes."  Tacitus 
(Hist.  v.  2)  preserves  a  story  that  the  Jews 
came  from  Crete,  showing  how  traditions 
persist  and  are  confused.  In  Ps.87.4  Philistia, 
Tyre,  and  Ethiopia  are  linked  together,  as 
Mizraim,  the  Philistines,  and  Sidon  are  in 
Gen.lO. II, 1^,15.  For  Phoenician  tradition  as 
to  origin,  see  Herodotus  i.  i ;  xvii.  89. — Were 
they  Semites  or  Aryans?  On  the  one  hand, 
the  names  of  their  cities  are  Semitic,  so  are  the 
names  of  their  gods,  so  are  some  proper  names, 
e.g.  DeUlah,  Goliath,  and  Obed-edom.  But 
they  probably  took  the  names  with  the  cities, 
and  naturally  worshipped  the  gods  of  the 
land  where  they  lived.  It  is  not  certain  that 
Delilah,  Goliath,  and  Obed-edom  were  pure 


PHILISTINES,  THE 


687 


Philistines.  On  the  other  hand,  they  be- 
longed to  an  uncircumcised  people  (Judg. 
14.3,15.18  ;  iSam.14.6,17. 26-31  ;  2Sam.l.2o). 
They  did  not  kill  their  sacrifices  according 
to  Semitic  ideas  (Zech.9.7),  and  what  we 
know  of  their  polity  finds  analogies  in  Greece 
rather  than  Asia.  Sayce,  moreover,  thus 
describes  a  Philistine  in  Egyptian  art :  "  The 
features  [are  those]  of  the  typical  Greek,  with 
straight  nose,  high  forehead,  and  thin  lips. 
Like  the  Zakkel,  he  wears  on  his  head  a  curious 
sort  of  pleated  cap,  which  is  fastened  round  the 
chin  by  a  strap.  Besides  the  cap  and  some- 
times a  cuirass  of  leather,  his  dress  consisted  of 
a  kilt,  or  perhaps  a  pair  of  drawers,  similar  to 
those  depicted  on  objects  of  the  '  Mykenaean ' 
period  ;  and  he  was  armed  with  a  short  round 
shield  with  two  handles,  a  spear,  and  a  short 
but  broad  sword  of  bronze.  The  kilt  and  arms 
were  the  same  as  those  of  the  Shardana  or 
Sardinians"  (Early  Hist  of  Heb.  293). — The 
Genesis  Stories.  Gen. 21, 26  tell  of  Phihstines 
at  Gerar  in  the  southern  desert,  a  pastoral 
people  under  kings  named  Abimelech.  Many 
scholars  deny  there  were  any  Philistines  in 
patriarchal  times  in  S.W.  Asia.  Driver  attri- 
iDutes  Gen.21.23,34  to  a  redactor,  but  in  ch.  26 
( J )  no  such  attribution  is  possible.  Even  Sayce 
thinks  the  latter  story  a  doublet  of  later  date 
and  inferior  authority  to  ch.  21.  On  Knobel's 
theory  it  is  a  possible  hypothesis  that  on  the 
migration  to  Crete  a  remnant  found  shelter  in 
the  desert.  In  any  case,  the  Phihstines  of 
Genesis  seem,  to  the  present  writer,  to  have 
no  connexion  with  the  Philistines  of  later 
history.- — When  did  they  arrive  ?  The  Amama 
tablets  do  not  mention  them.  In  Num. 13. 29 
the  Canaanites  dwell  by  the  sea.  In  Judg.l. 
18  Judah  captures  Gaza,  Ashkelon,  and  Ekron 
apparently  from  the  Amorites.  Deut.2.20-23 
is  an  editorial  addition  to  the  text.  But  in 
Joshua's  old  age  (Jos. 13. 2, 3)  they  possess  their 
five  cities  and  the  "  circuits."  So  the  settle- 
ment was  subsequent  to  the  Israelite  invasion 
but  before  the  death  of  Joshua.  Their  power 
was  at  first  circumscribed.  In  Judg.l. 34  the 
Amorites  drive  Dan  out  of  the  plain.  In  Judg. 
5.17  Dan  had  still  places  on  the  coast.  These 
deductions  are  not  inconsistent  with  Egyptian 
history.  Menephtah  II.  (the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus)  had  fought  with  marauders  from  the 
N.  who  attacked  the  Delta  by  sea  and  land. 
In  Ex. 13. 17  we  read  "  the  way  of  the  Philis- 
tines," in  23.31  "  the  sea  of  the  Philistines." 
The  coast  had  known  their  incursions  long  be- 
fore they  came  to  settle  (cf.  in  British  history, 
"  the  Saxon  shore  ").  In  the  reign  of  Ramses 
III.  (c.  1232  B.C.)  the  Philistines,  Zakkel,  etc., 
came  not  to  raid  but  to  settle.  They  brought 
families  in  ox-carts,  camped  among  the  Amor- 
ites, plundered  the  country,  and  threatened 
Egypt.  Ramses  defeated  them,  took  Gaza 
and  marched  to  N.  of  Syria  (Hommel).  It  was 
then  that  the  Philistines  drove  out  the  Avim 
(Deut.2.23).  Justin  (xviii.  3)  records  how 
some  years  later  they  fought  the  Sidonians, 
probably  the  confederacy  presided  over  by 
Jabin.  Checked  N.  and  S.,  they  oppressed 
Judah  (Judg. 3. 31).  Though  Shamgar  effected 
a  temporary  deliverance,  Judah  plays  no 
part  in  the  history  of  the  Judges,  and  from 
15.4  we  infer  that  they  regarded_Philistine 


688 


PHILISTINES,  THE 


domination  as  normal.  After  Jephthah 
had  defeated  Ephraim  at  the  fords  of  Jordan 
(I2.3),  the  Philistines  penetrated  to  central 
Israel  and  kept  it  subject  40  years.  To 
this  time  Samson's  exploits  may  be  referred, 
though  see  Beecher,  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 
1904).  Half-way  through  this  period  was  the 
first  battle  of  Eben-ezer,when  the  ark  was  taken 
( I  Sam.  4).  The  period  ends  with  Samuel's 
victory  in  the  second  battle  of  Eben-ezer  (ch. 
7).  Throughout  the  reign  of  Saul,  40  years, 
there  were  continual  wars  (14. 52),  whidi 
may  be  divided  into  three  periods,  (i)  The 
Philistines  were  dominant,  garrisoned  the 
land  and  collected  tribute  (13.  i).  The  text  is 
corrupt  if  we  must  allow  time  for  Jonathan 
to  grow  up,  for  it  is  with  his  slaughter  of 
Philistines  at  Geba  that  the  revolt  begins. 
(2)  A  punitive  expedition.  The  Philistines 
fortify  Michmash  and  engage  in  systematic 
pillage.  Jonathan  seizes  Michmash,  and  Saul 
pursues  the  Philistines  down  Aijalon  (ch.  14). 
From  ver.  21  we  learn  that  the  Philistine  army 
included  Hebrews.  (3)  Fighting  and  raids — 
vide  the  valley  of  Elah  (ch.  17),  the  forays  of 
David  (ch.  18),  at  Keilah  (ch.  23).  Saul  was,  on 
the  whole,  successful  in  defence,  but  while  he 
was  organizing  an  army  in  the  highlands,  the 
Philistines  were  becoming  masters  of  the  plain 
of  Sharon  northwards.  The  final  struggle  was 
for  Esdraelon,  and  Saul  was  defeated  and  slain 
on  Mt.  Gilboa. — Philistine  Triumph  and  Fall. 
For  the  next  seven  years,  David  at  Hebron  and 
Ishbosheth  at  Mahanaim  were  tributaries. 
Ephraim  was  jealous  of  Judah  and  divided 
from  the  N.  by  Esdraelon.  The  Philistines 
dominated  all  the  trade  routes.  But  on  David's 
becoming  sole  king,  their  supremacy  was  chal- 
lenged. At  first  they  drove  him  to  his  hold, 
Adullam  (2Sam.5.i7),  but  he  won  a  decisive 
victory  at  Baal-perazim,  and  in  two  subsequent 
campaigns  completely  subdued  Pliilistia  (vv. 
18-25). — David's  Body-guard.  David  enlisted 
Cherethites  and  Pelethites,  probably  in  Philis- 
tia,  besides  600  men  from  Gath  (2Sam.i5.18). 
Note  the  part  these  mercenaries  play  in  the 
coronation  of  Solomon  (1K.I.38)  and  of  Joash 
(2K.II.4  ;  jR.V.  Carites,  but  A.V.  captains). 
They  were  also  apparently  temple  guards 
(f/.  iK. 14.28;  2K.II..1  ;  Ezek.44.6ff.).  In 
the  reign  of  Josiah  they  are  denoimced 
by  Zephaniah  (I.9 ;  for  "  leaping  over  the 
threshold"  cf.  iSam.5.5). — Subsequent  His- 
tory. Philistia  was  subject  to  Solomon  (iK. 
4.21),  but  regained  a  partial  independence 
under  Rehoboam.  He  retained  Gath  (2Chr. 
11.8),  but  Israel  lost  Gibbethon  (1K.I5.27, 
16. 15).  The  Philistines  paid  tribute  to 
Jchoshaphat  (2Chr.i7.11),  but  raided  Judah  at 
his  death  (2Chr.21. 16,17).  In  803  b.c.  Adad- 
nirari  subdued  Philistia.  A  little  later  Uzziah 
conquered  it  (2Chr.26.C)  ;  but  the  Philistines 
revenged  themselves  upon  Ahaz  (Is. 9. 12-14), 
who  summoned  Tiglath-pilcser  to  his  aid  (734 
B.C.).  Hczekiah,  probably  in  alliance  with 
Sargon  (720  b.c),  made  an  expedition  as  far  as 
Gaza,  but  in  711  Ashdod  again  revolted  and 
was  captured  by  Sargon.  By  this  time  Heze- 
kiah  was  allied  with  J'^gypt  and  Philistia,  and 
there  were  great  rejoicings  when  Sargon  died 
(Is.l4. 20,32  :  cf.  20).  Sennacherib,  however, 
took  Ashkclou  and  Ekron  c.  703.     la  the  next 


PHILOLOGUS 

century  Egypt  was  the  enemy.  Psammetichus 
took  Ashdod  after  the  longest  siege  in  history 
— -29  years.  The  Scythians,  too,  swept  over 
the  country  in  the  time  of  Josiah:  but  the 
Philistines,  not  yet  broken,  opposed  the  return 
of  Necho  from  the  battle  of  Megiddo  c.  608. 
They  suffered  much  in  the  wars  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar with  Egypt,  and  they  showed  "  the  old 
hatred  "  to  Israel  at  the  time  of  the  Exile  (Ezk. 
25.15),  though  they  intermarried  with  them  on 
the  return  (Ne.13.23,24).  Cambyses  (525  b.c.) 
found  Gaza  subject  to  the  Arabians,  but  from 
Zech.9.4  we  learn  the  pride  of  the  Philistines 
was  not  abated.  It  was  Alexander  in  332  who 
conquered  the  country  and  took  Gaza  after 
two  months'  siege,  and  served  Bates,  the 
governor,  as  Achilles  did  Hector.  The  plain 
became  Hellenized.  The  Maccabees  fought 
there  (iMac.3-5),  and  finally  Zechariah's  pro- 
phecy was  fulfilled — Philistia  was  reckoned 
with  Judah. — Polity  and  Characteristics.  The 
Philistines  lived  in  five  cities  and  ruled  a 
mixed  population  in  the  country.  That 
country  was  wonderfully  fertile — a  comland 
(Judg.15.5  ;  iSam.6  ;  2K.8.2,3).  They  had 
ports  at  Gaza  and  .Ashkelon;  a  fleet  (LXX.  Is. 
11.14) ;  they  sold  slaves  to  the  Grecians  (J1.3. 
4-6  ;  Am. 1.6  ;  iMac.3.41).  Their  cities  were 
well  nigh  impregnable.  They  were  well  armed, 
having  chariots  and  armour.  They  were  pro- 
bably expert  at  smith's  work.  At  any  rate,  in 
later  periods  they  had  a  coinage.  Their  con- 
federacy was  controlled  by  five  lords  (Jos. 
13.3;  Judg.3.3),  \yho  always  acted  together 
(Judg.l6  ;  iSam.5.'8,6.i6),  who  could  over-rule 
the  kings  of  the  cities  (iSam.29.2ff.).  After 
the  time  of  David,  kings  take  the  place  of  the 
lords  (Je.25.20 ;  Zech.9.5).  They  had  also 
captains  (A.V.  princes)  of  the  combined  army 
that  was  divided  in  thousands  and  hundreds 
(iSam.29.2).  They  enlisted  foreigners  in  their 
service — Amorites  (7.14),  Hebrews  (14.21). 
Goliath  may  not  have  been  a  Philistine  by 
race,  though  classed  with  those  he  aided  (17.8, 
32,  etc.).  They  disarmed  their  enemies  and 
compelled  them  to  trade  with  them  (Judg.5.8, 
cf.  3.31  ;  iSara. 13. 19-23).  Their  fighting  was 
for  tribute  and  trade  routes.  They  wor- 
shipped Baalzebub  (2K.I.6),  Ashtaroth  (i 
Sam. 31. 10  ;  Herod,  i.  105),  Dagon  (Judg.16. 
23;  iSam.5.3-5;  iChr.lO.io;  1Mac.lO.83), 
and  Derceto  (Diod.  Sic.  ii.  4).  They  carried 
their  gods  into  battle  (2Sam.5.2i),  and  jiro- 
claimed  victories  in  their  temples  (iSam.31. 
9),  and  had  a  reputation  as  diviners  {cf.  8.2). 
— This  persistent  people  never  seem  to  have 
lost  their  warlike  spirit  in  the  midst  of  luxury 
and  enervating  surroundings.  Like  the  Turks 
in  Europe,  they  were  probably  never  more  than 
a  garrison  in  the  midst  of  a  subject  people 
of  mixed  race.  Besides  authorities  already 
quoted,  see  W.  Max  Miiller,  Asien  und  Europa  ; 
Maspero,  Struggle  of  the  Nations  ;  Brugsch, 
Egypt  under  Pharaohs  ;  G.  A.  Smith,  Hist. 
Geog.  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets  ;  Pinches,  0.7". 
in  Light  of  Ancient  Mon.;  Coram,  on  Genesis, 
Judges,  Samuel,  and  Isaiah.  For  otlier  views, 
see  Cai'paiuk  lA  ;   Palestine.  [ii.m.s.]    1 

Philorog-us,  a  Christian  at  Rome  saluted 
by  St.  Paul  (R0.I6.15).  Psoudo-Hippolytus 
includes  hini  among  tlie  Seventy,  and  tradition 
makes  him  bishop  of  Sinopc. 


PHILOSOPHY 

Philosophy.  The  Jews  were  not  by  na- 
ture a  philosophic  race.  Their  conclusions 
came  to  them  by  intuitions  rather  than  by 
logic,  intuitions  which  reached  their  highest 
level  in  the  sayings  and  the  writings  of  the 
prophets.  It  was  these  intuitions  of  the 
prophets,  preserved  for  us  in  the  historical 
and  prophetical  books  of  the  Bible,  that 
served  them  instead  of,  indeed  took  the  place 
of,  systems  of  philosophy.  It  was  not  till 
after  their  contact  with  the  Gk.  world,  which 
came  about  as  the  result  of  the  conquests  of 
Alexander,  that  we  can  trace  any  directly 
philosophical  strain  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  ; 
after  that  date  there  are  elements  of  philosophy 
which  manifest  themselves  alike  in  the  Apocry- 
phal literature  of  O.T.  and  in  the  writings 
of  St.  Paul  and  St.  John  in  N.T.  The  two 
systems  of  Gk.  philosophy  which  had  most 
influence  on  Jewish  and  Christian  thought  and 
expression  were  the  writings  of  Plato  and  the 
works  of  the  Stoics.  Of  the  influence  of  Aristotle 
we  find  scarcely  a  trace,  except  perhaps  in  the 
fieTpiowadeiv  of  Heb.5.2.  Nor  is  this  wonderful ; 
for  while  Plato's  mind  was  deeply  and  truly 
religious,  Aristotle  certainly  approached  the 
problems  of  philosophy  from  the  side  of 
science,  not  of  religion.  To  Plato,  on  the  other 
hand,  and  in  a  much  less  degree  to  the  Stoics, 
the  book  of  Wisdom  is  undoubtedly  indebted  ; 
and  the  same  is  true  among  N.T.  writings  of 
the  gospel  and  ist  ep.  of  St.  John  and  of  the 
epp.  of  St.  Paul.  The  debt  of  the  author  of  the 
book  of  Wisdom  to  Gk.  philosophy  is  seen  (i) 
in  the  conception  formed  of  the  creation  of  the 
world,  (2)  in  the  conception  of  Wisdom  and  its 
relation  to  God,  (3)  in  his  belief  in  the  soul's 
pre-existence,  (4)  in  his  doctrine  of  the  four  car- 
dinal virtues,  derived  partly  from  Plato,  partly 
from  the  Stoics,  (i)  The  author  of  the  book 
of  Wisdom  describes  the  world  as  created  by  the 
hand  of  God,  from  formless  matter  (e^  a.iii6p(pov 
v\7]s,  Wis.ll.17).  This  expression,  while  it 
has  a  certain  reminiscence  of  Gen.l.1,2,  shows 
evident  traces  of  a  philosophy  distinct  from 
the  teaching  of  Genesis  in  that  it  implies  that 
matter  was  co-eternal  with  God  and  speaks  of 
that  matter  in  the  more  or  less  technical  lan- 
guage of  Gk.  philosophy  as  formless,  i.e.  pos- 
sessed of  no  definite  attributes  or  qualities. 
Such  a  conception,  however  familiar  to  the 
students  of  Gk.  philosophy,  was  quite  alien  to 
Jewish  thought.  (2)  The  conception  of  Wis- 
dom, as  we  have  it  in  this  book,  has  its  roots 
in  earlier  writings,  particularly  in  Pr.8,  where 
it  is  described  as  the  guide  of  man  and  the  as- 
sessor of  God  in  the  creation  of  His  works, 
having  been  His  possession  from  all  eternity 
(Pr.8. 22, 23).  But  to  this  conception  the  au- 
thor of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  adds  an  element 
of  His  own,  and  that  element  seems  drawn  from 
Gk.  philosophy.  For  in  the  later  book  Wisdom 
is  conceived  no  longer  as  a  possession  of  God 
and  therefore  presumably  separable  from  Him, 
but  as  an  element,  aspect,  or  part  of  the 
divine  nature,  something  which  He  could  not 
be  without  (Wis. 7. 25, 26).  Some  writers  have 
supposed  that  in  ch.  1,  2,  where  the  author 
of  the  book  is,  perhaps,  alluding  to  and  re- 
futing the  teaching  of  Ecclesiastes,  there  is  a 
reference  to  the  Stoical  and  Epicurean  doc- 
trines which  these  same  critics  find  embodied 


PHILOSOPHY 


689 


in  that  book ;  but  the  reference  to  Ecclesiastes, 
though  possible,  is  not  clearly  made  out ;  and 
the  despairing  utterances  of  the  preacher,  if 
they  are  glanced  at  in  the  book  of  Wisdom, 
seem  rather  to  represent  deep-rooted  ten- 
dencies in  human  nature,  tendencies  repro- 
duced in  the  teachings  of  Zeno  and  Epicurus 
respectively,  than  to  be  directly  traceable  to 
Stoic  or  Epicurean  influence.  Indeed,  the  fact 
that  the  two  elements  are  found  subsisting 
side  by  side  in  the  book  Ecclesiastes  points 
rather  to  the  conclusion  that  the  book  was 
composed  at  a  date  before  the  tenets  of  the 
two  schools  had  taken  definite  shape,  or,  at  any 
rate,  before  they  had  become  known  to  the 
Jews  generally.  (3)  The  third  doctrine  which 
seems  to  mark  the  influence  of  Platonism  is 
that  of  the  pre-existence  of  the  soul  before 
birth  expressed  in  Wis.8.19,20.  There  is  no 
analogous  tenet  to  be  found  in  any  other  part 
of  O.T.  literature,  and  we  may  therefore  un- 
hesitatingly set  this  doctrine  down  to  external 
influences,  and  almost  certainly  to  Plato,  as  it 
formed  so  distinctive  a  feature  of  his  philoso- 
phical system.  (4)  Lastly,  we  seem  to  have 
in  the  list  of  cardinal  virtues,  soberness,  under- 
standing, righteousness  andcourage  (o-w(/)/30(n5i' 77, 
<pp6vr]<TLS,  diKaioavvT],  dvdpeia:  Wis. 8. 7),  a  classi- 
fication which  is  distinctively  Gk.,  certainly  as 
old  as  the  Republic,  but  one  to  which  the  Stoics 
in  later  times  also  gave  currency.  In  N.T.  the 
doctrine  of  the  \6yos  as  enunciated  by  St.  John, 
also  bears  traces  of  the  influence  of  Gk.  thought 
and  Gk.  philosophy.  It  seems  certain,  and 
would  be  generally  admitted,  that  the  term 
itself  was  derived  from  its  current  use  in  Gk. 
philosophy.  The  term  X670S  finds  a  place 
both  in  the  Platonic  and  the  Stoic  philosophy, 
and  each  of  these  contributes  in  turn  an  ele- 
ment to  the  theological  conception  of  the  X670J 
as  we  have  it  in  the  preface  to  St.  John.  In  the 
Timaeus  of  Plato,  p.  1053,  creation  is  de- 
scribed as  the  work  of  the  \6yos  and  diavola  of 
God,  and  this  thought  became  a  commonplace 
in  Gk.  philosophy.  But  while  Plato  does  not 
discuss  the  relation  of  the  \6yos  to  the  person- 
ality of  God,  still  less  has  he  any  idea  of  the 
X670S  becoming  incarnate  in  the  person  of  a  man ; 
the  X670S  which  was  active  in  creation  was  still 
with  him  the  X670S  of  a  Personal  God,  and  this 
brings  him  into  relation  with  St.  John  when 
he  says  in  the  preface  (1.2,3),  ovtos  17c  eV  dpxv 
7rp6s  Tov  Qedv.  IlavTa  81  airrov  iyevero,  Kal  x^P'S 
auTov  eyivero  ovbk  iv,  6  yeyovev.  In  the  Stoics, 
though  the  world  is  still  conceived  as  the  work 
of  reason  (X670S),  that  reason  is  no  longer  be- 
lieved to  be,  as  it  usually  was  in  Plato,  the 
reason  of  a  Personal  Being.  It  seems  rather 
to  be  an  impersonal  principle  inherent  in  the 
system  of  the  universe  itself,  a  law  in  accord- 
ance with  which  the  universe  develops  it- 
self. While  in  this  respect  the  Stoic  conception 
is  much  farther  from  that  of  St.  John  than 
is  that  of  Plato,  still,  the  fact  that  the  Stoics 
regarded  the  \6yos  as  the  supreme  law  of  the 
universe  made  it  more  easy  and  natural  for 
St.  John  to  adopt  the  phraseology  of  the  X670S 
to  express  his  own  fundamental  thought. 
The  way  in  which  Gk.  philosophy  was  com- 
bined with  Jewish  thought  and  tradition  in  the 
Johannine  doctrine  of  the  Logos  seems  to  be 

u 


690 


PHILOSOPHY 


admirably  expressed  by  Dr.  Drummond  {Fourth 
Gospel,  p.  419),  who  says  :  "  In  the  doctrine 
of  the  Logos  he  [St.  John]  seems  to  place  him- 
self between  Jews  and  Greeks,  and  to  appro- 
priate a  common  term  as  the  expression  of  an 
uniting  faith.  It  is  as  though  he  said,  '  You 
Greeks  behold  in  Christ  the  consummate  Rea- 
son, that  Reason  of  which  I  have  so  often 
heard  you  speak,  which  dwells  eternally  with 
God,  and  in  which  you  have  seen  the  divine 
basis  of  the  Universe,  and  the  indwelling  light 
of  man  ;  you  Jews  behold  in  Him  that  Word 
of  God,  which  spake  to  your  fathers  and  was 
handed  down  in  your  Scriptures,  but  for  you 
who  believe  is  no  longer  inscribed  in  tables  of 
stone  or  parchment,  but  of  flesh.'  "  St.  Paul's 
attitude  to  Gk.  philosophy  is,  on  the  whole, 
an  unfavourable  one.  In  some  forms  of  it  in 
Stoicism  he  must  have  been,  as  we  shall  see, 
well  versed ;  but  philosophy  seemed  to  him  to 
lack  that  power  of  moral  incentive  and  that 
constraining  force  which  were  with  him  the 
primary  requisites  in  any  system  which  de- 
served at  all  the  attention  of  mankind.  In 
the  speech  before  the  Areopagus  at  Athens  (Ac. 
17.22-32)  St.  Paul  had  indeed  used  arguments 
of  a  more  or  less  philosophic  kind  :  he  had  ap- 
pealed to  a  Stoical  authority  ;  he  used  a  Stoical 
and  even  an  Epicurean  argument ;  he  had 
spoken  in  some  sense  as  a  philosopher  to 
philosophers.  [Stoics.]  But  the  speech  had 
not  touched  the  consciences  or  awakened  the 
heart-searchings  of  his  hearers.  He  did  not 
make  many  converts  through  it ;  some  had 
gone  away  mocking,  others  had  only  got  as 
far  as  to  say.  We  will  hear  thee  again  about 
these  matters  (Ac. 17. 32).  And  so  at  Corinth 
he  tells  us  that  he  entirely  altered  his  method. 
He  determined  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
teachers  of  this  world,  the  dialecticians  and  the 
philosophers,  and  not  to  know  anything  but 
Jesus  Christ  and  Him  crucified  (iCor.2. 2).  For 
the  wisdom  of  this  world  is  foolishness  with 
God  (iCor.3.19),  seeing  that  knowledge  puffcth 
up,  but  love  edifieth  (i Cor. 8.1)  (Ramsay,  St. 
Paul,  the  Traveller  and  Roman  Citizen,  pp.  250- 
260).  But  while  St.  Paul  in  this  and  in  other 
passages  seems  to  regard  philosophy  as  of  little 
value  in  making  men  Christians,  and  even 
speaks  as  if  there  were  some  fundamental  an- 
tagonism between  the  philosophic  spirit,  as  he 
knew  it  in  his  day,  and  the  Christian  temper 
(iTim.6.20,21),  yet  he  does  not  hesitate  to 
press  the  teachings  of  philosophy  into  the  ser- 
vice of  Christ,  and  to  find  in  a  form  of  Christian 
philosophy  the  best  antidote  to  the  perver- 
sions of  a  false  system.  In  the  epp.  to  the 
Colossians  and  to  the  Ephesians  we  have  more 
than  the  outlines  of  aconxplete  Christian  philo- 
sophy— a  philosophy  which,  while  it  never  em- 
bodies the  word  "Logos,"  yet  virtually  embraces 
the  whole  Logos  doctrine  as  it  is  found  in  the 
jireface  to  St.  John's  Gospel.  For  Christ  in 
these  epistles — and  the  same  truths  are  equally 
implied,  though  not  so  explicitly  stated,  in  his 
earlier  epistles — is  set  forth  as  the  one  and 
only  mediator  between  God  and  the  universe, 
and  between  God  and  man.  In  relation  to  the 
universe  He  is  the  Person  through  Whom  God 
created  it  and  administers  it.  He  is  "  the  image 
of  the  in  visible  God,  the  firstborn  of  all  creation ; 
for  in  Him   were  all  things   created,   in  the 


PHILOSOPHY 

heavens  and  upon  the  earth,  things  visible  and 
things  invisible,  whether  thrones  or  dominions 
or  principalities  or  powers  ;  all  things  have 
been  created  through  Him,  and  unto  Him ; 
and  He  is  before  all  things,  and  in  Him  all 
things  are  held  together  "  (Col. 1. 15-18).  This 
language  is  repeated,  though  less  fully,  elsewhere 
(e.g.  iCor.8.6,  '*  Through  Him  are  all  things, 
and  we  through  Him  ").  It  is  God's  good  plea- 
sure and  purpose  to  sum  up  all  things  in  Christ 
(Eph.l.io).  Nor  is  His  mediation  less  com- 
plete in  reference  toman.  St.  Paul  no  less  than 
St.  John  sets  Him  forth  as  the  light  which 
lighteth  every  man  that  cometh  into  the 
world  ;  equally  emphatically  does  he  declare 
that  in  Him  is  life,  and  the  life  is  the  light  of 
men,  since  "  He  is  the  life-giving  spirit "  (2Cor. 
3.17).  Assuch  He  is  the  possession  of  "  all  true 
Christians 'living  in  them'  (Gal. 2.20);  'form- 
ing Himself  in  them'  (4.19);  'transforming 
them  into  His  image  '  (2Cor.3.i8)  ;  enlighten- 
ing their  understandings  so  that  they  can  judge 
all  things,  even  searching  out  '  the  hidden 
things  of  God'  (iCor.2),  and  uniting  them  in 
closest  union  with  each  other  and  himself  " 
(Inge,  Personal  Idealism  and  Mysticism).  But 
while  they  are  thus  one  on  this  point,  there  is, 
on  another  side,  a  certain  contrast  between  the 
gospel  of  St.  John  and  the  epp.  of  St.  Paul.  In 
St.  John  the  incarnation  takes  the  first  place 
and  redemption  the  second ;  with  St.  Paul  it  is 
the  other  way.  St.  John's  object  was  to  set 
forth  "that  which  was  from  the  beginning,  that 
which  we  have  heard,  that  which  we  have  seen 
with  our  eyes,  that  which  we  beheld,  and  our 
hands  handled,  concerning  the  Word  of  life 
(ijn.l.1,2),  i.e.  how  the  Logos  "became 
flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us  (and  we  beheld  His 
glory,  glory  as  of  an  only-begotten  of  the 
Father),  full  of  grace  and  truth  (Jn.l.14)  ; 
but  in  St.  Paul  we  have  scarcely  any  reference 
to  the  earthly  life  of  Christ,  except  His  passion 
and  resurrection.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
mediatorial,  atoning,  reconciling  work  of  Christ 
receives  an  importance  and  stress  in  St.  Paul 
which  is  hardly  given  to  it  by  St.  John,  though 
the  apostle  by  no  means  ignores  this  aspect 
of  His  work  (Lightfoot,  Colossians,  \^y>.  116-120; 
Inge,  op.c).  Yet  it  is  not  in  regard  to  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Logos  alone  that  St.  Paul  is  brought 
into  relation  with  (ik.  jihilosophy,  and  parti- 
cularly with  the  Stoics.  Tarsus  and  its  neigh- 
bourhoixl,  the  home  of  St.  Paul's  childhood  and 
of  his  middle  life,  was  one  of  the  chief  centres  in 
which  Stoicism  sprang  up  ;  and  St.  Paul,  with  his 
keen  intelligence  and  active  mind,  can  scarcely 
have  failed  to  come  under  its  influence  and  to 
have  had  his  language  affected  by  its  phrase- 
ology. In  three  directions  in  particular  we  find 
traces  of  its  influence  in  his  writings,  (i)  He 
almost  certainly  owed  to  the  influence  of 
Stoicism  the  name  of  conscience  (crvvelSriffis) 
and  the  paramount  importance  which  he  at- 
tached to  it  :  only  he  gave  to  the  conception  a 
new  direction  ;  for  while  with  the  Stoics  con- 
science remained  an  unexplained  fact  and  in- 
fluence, to  St.  Paul  it  is  the  voice  of  God,  speak- 
ing in  man.  (ii)  St.  Paul  in  a  way  adopts  the 
Stoical  doctrine  of  the  self-suflicingness  of  the 
wise  man  and  his  suiieriority  alike  to  the 
buffetings  of  fortune  and  to  the  slights  which 
are  put  upon  him  by  his  fellow-men  ;  but  to  St. 


PHINEES 

Paul  the  man  who  is  thus  impervious  to  the 
stroke  of  fate  and  to  the  jibes  of  man  is  not 
the  wise  man,  despite  his  fancied  superiority  to 
the  rest  of  the  world,  but  he  is  who  has  be- 
come a  new  creature  in  Christ.  Even  so  the 
form  of  his  doctrine  is  Stoic,  while  the  spirit  is 
Christian,  (iii)  The  idea  of  a  citizenship  in 
Heaven — a  citizenship  not  incompatible  with, 
though  at  some  points  over -riding,  the  citizen- 
ship of  a  particular  country,  one  in  which  all 
men,  whatever  their  race,  nationality,  posi- 
tion, culture,  could  share — is  a  thought,  again, 
which  St.  Paul  has  in  common  with  many  Stoic 
teachers.  Only  there  is  this  characteristic 
difference — that  the  common  citizenship,  in 
which  the  Stoics  held  that  every  man  might  and 
ought  to  claim  his  share,  is  a  citizenship  of  the 
world,  while  that  to  which  St.  Paul  would  admit 
all  men,  of  which  all  men  might  walk  worthily, 
is  a  citizenship  in  Heaven.  But  while  the  re- 
semblances which  it  is  possible  to  trace  between 
St.  Paul  and  Stoicism  are  thus  real,  they  are 
resemblances  rather  in  form  than  in  spirit  ; 
the  words  in  which  the  thoughts  are  expressed 
are  the  same  or  similar,  but  the  underlying 
thoughts  themselves  very  different,   [w.a.s.] 

Phin'ees. — 1.  (iEsd.5.5,8.2,29  ;  2Esd.l.2&; 
Ecclus.45.23  ;  iMac.2.26)  =  Phinehas,  I. — 2- 
(2Esd.l.2a)  =  PHiNEHAS,  2. — 3.  (iEsd.8.63)  = 
Phinehas,  3. — 4.  (5.3i)  =  Paseah,  2. 

Phinehas'. — 1.  Sonof  Eleazarandgrandson 
of  Aaron  (Ex. 6. 25).  His  mother  was  a  daugh- 
ter of  Putiel.  While  quite  a  youth,  Phinehas, 
by  his  zeal  and  energy  against  the  licentious 
idolatry  of  Shittim,  appeased  the  divine  wrath 
and  put  a  stop  to  the  plague  which  was  de- 
stroying the  nation  (Num.25).  For  this  he 
was  rewarded  by  the  special  approbation  of  Je- 
hovah, and  by  a  promise  that  the  priesthood 
should  remain  in  his  family  for  ever  (10-13). 
This  promise,  like  all  the  promises  of  God,  was 
conditional,  and  there  is  good  reason  to  think 
that  Abiathar  was  his  last  direct  representa- 
tive. He  accompanied  as  priest  the  expedition 
by  which  the  Midianites  were  destroyed  (31.6). 
Many  years  later  he  also  headed  the  party 
despatched  from  Shiloh  to  remonstrate  against 
the  altar  which  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes  were 
reported  to  have  built  near  Jordan  (Jos. 22.13- 
32 ).  In  the  partition  of  the  country  he  received 
a  hill  on  mount  Ephraim  which  bore  his  name 
— GiBEAH  OF  Phinehas  (R.V.  marg.).  Here 
his  father  was  buried  (24.33).  Phinehas  appears 
to  have  been  the  chief  of  the  great  family  of 
the  Korahites  who  guarded  the  camp,  and 
especially  the  entrances  to  the  sacred  tent  (i 
Chr.9.2o).  After  Eleazar's  death  he  became 
high-priest — the  third  of  the  series — and  gave 
the  oracle  to  the  nation  during  the  struggle  with 
the  Benjamites  on  the  matter  of  Gibeah  (Judg. 
20.28).  The  zeal  of  Phinehas  (Num.25)  made 
a  lasting  impression  upon  the  nation,  and  allu- 
sions in  praise  of  him  are  found  in  Ps. 106. 28-31, 
Ecclus. 45. 23-25,  iMac.2. 26,54.  His  tomb,  a 
place  of  great  resort  to  both  Jews  and  Samari- 
tans, is  shown  at  'Awertah,  4  miles  S.E.  of 
Ndblus. — 2.  The  second  son  of  Eli  (iSam. 1.3,2. 
34,4.4,11,17,19,14.3)  was  killed  with  his  brother 
HoPHNi  by  the  Philistines  when  the  ark  was 
captured.  He  is  introduced,  apparently  by 
mistake,  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra  in  2Esd.l.2a. 
—3.  A  Levite  of  Ezra's  time  (Ezr.8.33),  unless 


PI-BESETH 


691 


the  meaning  be  that  Eleazar  was  of  the  family 
of  the  great  Phinehas. 

Phinehas,  Hill  of.  [Gibeah  of  Phine- 
has.] 

Phi'son  (Ecclus.24.25),  the  Gk.  form  of 
Pison.     [Eden.] 

Phleg'on,  a  Christian  at  Rome  whom  St. 
Paul  salutes  (R0.I6.14).  Pseudo-Hippolytus 
makes  him  one  of  the  Seventy.  According  to 
tradition,  he  became  bishop  of  Marathon. 

Phoe'be  {^oi^-q  ;  A.V.  Phebe),  the  "servant 
of  the  ch lurch  "  at  Cenchrea,  commended  by 
St.  Paul  to  the  Roman  church  (Ro.l6.i,2). 
[Deaconess.] 

Phoenice,  Phoenicia,  Phoenicians. 
[Phenice.] 

Phop'os  (iEsd.5.9,9.26)  =  Parosh. 
Phpyg-'ia.  Perhaps  there  is  no  geo- 
graphical term  in  the  N.T.  which  is  less 
capable  of  an  exact  definition.  In  fact  there 
was  no  Roman  province  of  Phrygia  till  con- 
siderably after  the  first  establishment  of 
Christianity  in  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  word  was  rather  ethnological  than 
political,  and  denoted,  in  a  vague  manner, 
the  W.  part  of  the  central  region  of  that 
peninsula.  Accordingly,  in  two  of  the  three 
places  where  it  is  used,  it  is  mentioned  in  a 
manner  not  intended  to  be  precise  (Ac.16.6, 
18. 23).  By  Phrygia  we  must  understand  an 
extensive  district,  which  contributed  portions 
to  several  Roman  provinces,  and  varying 
portions  at  different  times.  [The  Phrygians — 
from  whom  the  Armenians  were  descended 
(Herod,  vii.  73) — were  European  Aryans,  whose 
language  was  distantly  related  to  Gk.  A  few 
Phrygian  texts  (after  about  800  b.c.)  have  been 
found  written  in  an  early  Gk.  alphabet,  c.r.c] 
Phud=  Phut  (Jth.2.23  ;  cf.  Ezk.27.io). 
Phurah'  (Purah,  R.V.),  Gideon's  servant, 
probably  his  armour-bearer  {cf.  iSam.l4.i), 
who  accompanied  him  in  his  midnight  visit  to 
the  Midianite  camp  (Judg.7.io,ii). 
Phu'pim  (Est.Apoc.ll.i)  =  Purim. 
Phut,  Put,  the  third  name  in  the  list  of 
the  sons  of  Ham  (Gen.10.6  ;  iChr.1.8).  In 
the  list  it  follows  Cush  and  Mizraim,  and 
precedes  Canaan.  The  few  other  Biblical  refer- 
ences to  Phut  seem  to  indicate  a  country  or 
people  of  Africa,  probably  not  far  from  Egypt 
(Is. 66. 19,  A.V.  Pul ;  Je.46.9  marg. ;  Ezk.27.io, 
30.5,marg.,38.5  ;  Na.3.9).  Hence  it  is  usually 
identified  with  some  part  of  Libya.  In  a  frag- 
ment of  the  annals  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  relating 
to  his  war  with  Egypt,  reference  is  made  to 
"  Phut  of  the  lonians,  a  distant  land  that  is 
within  the  sea."  It  may,  therefore,  have 
represented  Cyrene  or  Barca.  [a.h.s.] 

Phuvah'  (R.V.  Puvah),  a  son  of  Issachar 
(Gen. 46. 13),  and  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Punites.  He  is  called  Pua  in  Num.26. 23,  and 
Puah  in  iChr.T.i. 

Phyg-erius(2Tim.l.i5),  named  by  St.  Paul 
among  the  "  all  in  Asia  "  [Hermogenes]  who 
had  turned  away  from  him.  [a.c.d.] 

Phylactepy.  [Frontlets.] 
Pi-be'seth  (Ezk.30.i7only).  The  "young 
men  of  Aven  and  of  Pi-beseth  shall  fall  by  the 
sword,  and  these  cities  shall  go  into  captivity." 
The  Vulg.  gives  Juvenes  Heliopoleos  et  Bubasti, 
aiid  the  city  was  known  by  the  name  of 
Bubastis,  having  been  a  place  of  considerable 


692  PICTURE 

importance  from  very  early  times.  It  was 
situated  in  Lower  Egypt,  and  was  the  centre 
of  the  worsliip  of  the  goddess  Bast,  whose  cult 
was  extremely  popular  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  Delta.  Its  ruins,  which  have  been  ex- 
cavated by  Naville,  lie  near  to  modern  Zaga- 
zig,  and  they  have  revealed  inscriptions  and 
discoveries  of  the  most  valuable  description. 
A  point  of  interest  is  the  frequent  references 
made  to  the  city  by  classical  writers — e.g. 
Herodotus,  Diodorus,  Strabo,  and  Pliny. 
Herodotus,  especially,  greatly  admired  it  and 
its  temple,  and  has  described  the  somewhat 
licentious  festivals  held  there,  in  honour  of 
Bast,  in  April  and  May.  Bast  is  generally 
figured  in  the  form  of  a  woman  with  the  head 
of  a  cat.  With  Sekhet,  she  personified  the 
power  of  the  Sun-god.  Both  Sekhet  and  Bast 
were  goddesses  of  fire.  [a.h.p.] 

Picture  occurs  three  times  in  A.V.  as  the 
rendering  of  two  kindred  words.  In  Num.33. 
52,  where  the  word  is  maskith,  R.V.  has 
"  figured  stones."  [Idol.]  The  same  word  in 
Prov.25.ii,  "pictures  of  silver,"  is  in  R.V. 
"  baskets  Lmarg.  "  filigree  work  "J  of  silver." 
The  other  word,  s'khiyyoth  (Is.2. 16),  is  rendered 
"picture"  in  A.V.,  but  in  R.V.  "imagery" 
(marg.  "watch-towers").  [j-R-] 

Piece  of  grold.  The  A.V.,  in  rendering  the 
elliptical  expression  "  six  thousand  of  gold," 
in  a  passage  respecting  Naaman,  relating  that 
he  "  took  with  him  ten  talents  of  silver,  and 
six  thousand  of  gold,  and  ten  changes  of 
raiment  "  (2K.5.5),  supplies  "  pieces  "  as  the 
word  understood.  The  rendering  "  pieces  of 
gold  "  is  very  doubtful  ;  and  "  shekels  of 
gold"  (c/.  R.V.  marg.),  as  designating  the  whole 
quantity,  not  individual  pieces,  is  preferable. 

Piece  of  money.  [Weights  and 
Measures.] 

Piece  of  silver,  (i)  In  O.T.  the  word 
"  pieces  "  is  used  in  A.V.  for  a  word  under- 
stood in  the  Heb.,  with  one  exception.  The 
phrase  is  always  "  a  thousand  "  or  the  like 
"  of  silver  "  (Gen.20.i6,37.28,45,22  ;  Judg.9.4, 
16,5;  2K.6.25;  Ho.3.2;  Zech.ll.12,13  ;  c/.  "  sil- 
verlings,"  Is. 7. 23).  In  similar  passages  the 
word  "  shekels  "  occurs  in  the  Heb.  There  are 
other  passages  in  which  A.V.  supplies  the  word 
"shekels"  instead  of  "pieces"  (Dent. 22.19, 
29;  Judg.17.2,3,4,10  ;  2Sam.l8.ii,i2),  and  of 
these  the  first  two  require  this  to  be  done.  The 
shekel  was  the  common  weight  for  Money,  and 
therefore  most  likely  to  be  understood  in  an 
elliptical  phrase.  The  exceptional  case  in 
which  a  word  {mf)  corresponding  to  "  piece  " 
is  found  in  the  Heb.  is  in  Ps.68.3o[3i].  This 
word,  which  occurs  nowhere  else,  if  it  keeps 
its  radical  meaning,  must  signify  a  piece 
broken  off,  or  a  fragment.  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  a  coin  is  meant.  (2)  In  N.T. 
two  words  are  rendered  by  the  plirase  "  piece 
of  silver  " — dpaxfj^v,  and  dpyiipiov.  (i)  The 
first  (Lu.15.8,9)  should  be  represented  by 
drachma.  It  was  a  Gk.  silver  coin,  equivalent, 
at  the  time  of  St.  Luke,  to  the  Roman 
denarius,  (ii)  The  second  word  is  very  properly 
rendered.  It  occurs  in  the  account  of  the 
betrayal  of  our  Lord  for  "  thirty  pieces  of 
silver"  (Mt.28.15.27.3,5,6,9).  It  is  difficult 
to  ascertain  what  coins  arc  here  intended.  If 
the   most    common   silver    pieces   be   meant, 


PILLAR 

they  would  be  denarii.  The  parallel  passage 
(Zech.ll.12,13)  must,  however,  be  taken 
into    consideration,    where,    if    our    view    be 


correct,  shekels  must  be  understood.  It  is 
more  probable  that  the  30  pieces  of  silver  were 
tetradrachms  than  that  they  were  denarii. 

Pig-eon.     [Turtle-dove.] 

Pi-lialiipoth',  an  encampment  of  the  Is- 
raelites "  between  Migdol  and  the  sea,"  and 
near  to  Baal-zephon  (Ex.14.2,9).  Here  it  was 
that  Pharaoh  overtook  the  hosts  of  Israel 
during  the  course  of  the  Exodus.  Budge  and 
others  make  Pa-Qerhet,  "  the  house  of  the 
goddess  Qerhet  "  (a  sacred  place  adjacent  to 
Pithom,  where  Tum,  the  god  of  Pithom,  was 
worshipped  under  the  form  of  a  serpent),  to  be 
Pi-hahiroth.  Possibly  the  site  is  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Tell  el-Maskhuta,  near  to  the  modern 
village  of  Tell  el-Kebir.  [a.h.p.] 

Pilate.     [Pontius  Pilate.] 

Pildash',  one  of  the  eight  sons  of  Nahor, 
Abraham's  brother  (Gen. 22. 22). 

Pileha',  one  of  the  chief  of  the  people  who 
signed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.24). 

Pillar.  The  A.V.  so  renders  eight  Heb. 
words  which  have  different  meanings,  from 
columns  to  rude  erect  stones,  and  pillars  of 
cloud  or  of  dust,  (i)  mis'ddh  (1K.IO.12), 
wooden  posts  or  rails  (marg.).  (2)  ma((chhd, 
or  ntafcebhfth,  a  common  word  for  a  long  stone 
erected  as  a  memorial,  or  for  a  "  post."  It 
occurs  38  times  in  O.T.  and  is  often  rendered 
image  and  even  garrison  (Ezk.26.ii),  or 
"post."  [Pillars.]  (3)  wrtf  "(7  (iSam.2..s,14,5), 
rendered  situate  by  A.V.  in  the  second  case, 
meaning  something  "set  up."  (4)  mucfdbh 
(Judg.9.6),  a  memorial  stone.  The  Arabs  call 
the  ancient  menhirs  of  Moab  >ii/,W)  (a  word 
from  the  same  root)  and  still  erect  stone  pillars 
both  as  boundary  stones  and  as  memorials  of 
a  visit  to  a  shrine.  [Moab.]  Throughout  Pales- 
tine the  latter  are  erected  by  Moslems,  and 
called  meshdhid,  or  "  witnesses."  In  no  case  are 
these  regarded  as  idols.  [Witness.]  (5)  n^ibh, 
from  the  same  root,  applies  to  the  pillar  of  salt 
(Cien. 19.26),  but  is  rendered  garrison  in  nine 
cases  and  officer  in  two.  (6)  'ammtidh  (Arab. 
'ainud)  is  the  common  word  for  a  "  column," 
and  applies  to  the  pillar  of  cloud  and  fire 
(Ex. 18. 21).  Such  pillars  were  of  stone,  of 
bronze,  and  of  wood.     [Chapiter,   Palace.] 


PILLAR,  PLAIN  OF  THE 

(7)  'omHioth  (2K.I8.16),  "firm  things,"  is 
rendered  pillars  (R.V.  marg.  door-posts).  (8) 
ttwroth  (Cant. 3.6  ;  (Jl.2.30),  columns  of  dust. 
[Whirlwind.]  [c.r.c] 

Pillap,  Plain  of  the  (R.V.  oak  of  the 
pillar),  near  Shechem,  where  the  men  of 
Shechem  and  the  house  of  Millo  assembled 
to  crown  Abimelech  son  of  Gideon  (Judg.9.6). 
Samaritan  tradition  places  the  "  holy  oak  " 
near  Shechem,  and  Eusebius  {Onomasticon) 
at  Balanus  near  Joseph's  tomb,  i.e.  at  Baldta 
(oak),  S.  of  which  at  the  foot  of  Gerizim  is 
the  'AmUd,  or  traditional  site  of  Joshua's 
"  pillar "  (Jos.24.26).  The  oak  was  that 
where  Jacob  buried  the  images  (Gen.35.4), 
and  hence  also  called  Elon  Meonenim  (Judg. 
9-37)>  "  enchanters'  oak."  [c.r.c] 

Pillars  (in  worship).  Some  critics  are  ac- 
customed to  associate  the  mafcebhoth  with  stone 
worship  (Gen.28.i8  is  appealed  to  in  proof 
that  Jehovah  was  believed  to  reside  in  the 
stone),  and  to  draw  a  sharp  contrast  between 
the  pre-Deuteronomic  period  in  Israel's  history, 
when  such  worship  was  permitted,  and  the 
period  subsequent  to  Deut.,  when  use  of  tnaf- 
febhoth  was  forbidden.  The  theory  rests  on  a 
misconception.  The  patriarchal  maf febhoth  (28. 
18,35.14,15)  had  nothing  to  do  with  worship  of 
holy  stones.  (So  Dillmann,  Alttest.  Theol.  p.  90 ; 
cf.  Konig,  art.  "  Symbol,"  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
extra  vol.  p.  170).  Deut.  and  the  prophets 
condemn  idolatrous  maffebhoth,  and  Deut. 
forbids  the  setting  up  of  a  maccebhd  beside 
God's  altar  (16. 22  ;  there  was  no  maffebhd  in 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem).  But  there  is  not 
the  slightest  evidence  that  disrespect  was  in- 
tended to  such  memorial  maffebhoth  as  were 
set  up  by  Jacob  or  Joshua  (Jos. 24. 26).  Isaiah 
predicts  the  setting  up  of  a  maffebhd  to  Je- 
hovah at  the  border  of  Egypt  (19. 19).  The 
distinction  between  lawful  and  unlawful 
maffebhoth  is  well  brought  out  in  the  history  of 
the  transactions  at  Sinai.  Canaanitish  idola- 
trous maffebhoth  are  to  be  utterly  destroyed 
(Ex. 23.24).  On  the  other  hand,  Moses  sets  up 
twelve  maffebhoth  at  the  ratification  of  the 
covenant  (24;  cf.  Jos. 24.26,27 — pillars  of  wit- 
ness). An  instance  of  non-religious  memorial 
usage  is  furnished  in  Absalom's  maffebhd 
(2Sam.l8.18).  Ho.3.4  groups  together  lawful 
pillars  and  unlawful  objects  of  worship,    [j.c] 

PilloAVS.  (i)  keseth  ;  only  used  in  plur. ; 
means  "  bands."  It  was  sown  on  to  either 
elbow,  and  was  used  as  an  amulet,  or  charm 
(Ezk.l3, 18,20  only).  According  to  the  neo- 
Hebraic  use,  the  word  means  "  cushion,"  or 
"pillow"  in  the  modern  sense.  (2)  kebhir, 
from  a  root  "to  plait."  In  1Sam.i9.13  only, 
where  A.V.  translates  "pillow  [R.V.  marg. 
network,  or  quilt]  for  his  bolster  [R.V.  at  the 
head  thereof]  " ;  probably  a  mat  or  rug  of 
shaggy  black  goat's  hair  to  represent  David's 
black  hair.     [Michal.]  [w.o.e.o.] 

Piltai'  (Ne.i2.17),  the  representative  of  the 
priestly  house  of  Moadiah,  or  Maadiah  (ver.  5), 
in  the  time  of  Joiakim  son  of  Jeshua. 

Pine-tree,  (i)  Heb.  tidMhar  =  "fitva" 
(Is. 41. 19,60.13).  This  has  been  variously  ex- 
plained to  be  the  plane,  the  larch,  or  the  elm ; 
but  the  rendering  "  pine  "  seems  as  probable 
as  any.  (2)  'ef  shemen  (Ne.8.15)  is  rendered 
"  pine  branches  "  (A.V.).     The  LXX.  reading 


PIRAM 


693 


here  is  "cypress"  (Turk,  zemin,  according  to 
Scheuchzer).  This  interpretation  is  possibly 
correct,  but  pine,  in  the  general  sense  of 
conifer,  seems  satisfactory.  [Fir  ;  Cedar  ; 
Cypress.]  [h.c.h.] 

Pinnacle  (Mt.4.5  ;  Lu.4.9  ;  t6  irrepijyLov 
the  wing  wall).  In  4th  cent,  a.d.,  when  the 
ruined  walls  of  the  temple  enclosure  stood 
up  like  a  pinnacle  at  the  S.E.  angle,  the  pil- 
grims supposed  this  corner  to  be  intended  ;  but 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  extreme  sum- 
mit of  the  Temple  itself  is  meant — the  great 
fagade  rising  some  150  ft.  above  the  court  of 
the  priests,  and  extending  N.  and  S.  beyond 
the  breadth  of  the  holy  house,  thus  forming 
wing  walls  on  each  side.  The  roof  of  this 
pylon  was  flat.  [c.r.c] 

Pinon',  one  of  the  "  dukes "  of  Edom 
(Gen.36.41  ;    iChr.1.52). 

Pipe.  The  Heb.  word  so  rendered  is  derived 
from  a  root  signifying  "  to  bore,  perforate," 
and  is  represented  with  sufficient  correctness 
by  "  pipe  "  or  "  flute,"  as  in  1K.I.40  (A.V. 
marg.).  It  is  one  of  the  simplest,  and  there- 
fore probably  one  of  the  oldest,  of  musical  in- 
struments ;  and,  as  it  was  so  simple  in  form,  the 
"  pipe  "  of  the  Hebrews  probably  did  not  dif- 
fer materially  from  that  of  the  ancient  Egyp- 
tians and  Greeks.  It  is  associated  with  the 
tabret,  or  timbrel  (toph),  as  an  instrument  of  a 
peaceful  and  social  character.  They  were  both 
used  at  the  banquets  of  the  Hebrews  (Is.5.i2), 
and  their  bridal  processions  (Mishna,  Baba 
Mefia  vi.  i),  and  accompanied  the  simpler  re- 
ligious services,  when  the  young  prophets,  re- 
turning from  the  high-place,  caught  their  in- 
spiration from  their  harmony  (iSam.lO.5)  ;  or 
the  pilgrims,  on  their  way  to  the  great  festivals, 
beguiled  the  weariness  of  the  march  with 
psalms  sung  to  the  simple  music  of  the  pipe 
(Is. 30. 29).  The  sound  alluded  to  in  the  pro- 
phet's lament  over  the  destruction  of  Moab 
(Je.48.36)  was  apparently  a  soft  wailing  note, 
appropriate  for  mourning  and  funerals  (Mt.9. 
23),  a  use  which  still  survives.  In  the  temple 
choir  there  were  "  players  on  instruments  " 
(Ps.87.7),  who  are  really  "  pipers  "  ;  unless,  in- 
deed, the  word  means  "  dancers  "  (see  R.V.). 
Twelve  days  in  the  year,  according  to  the 
Mishna,  the  pipes  (not  less  than  two  nor  more 
than  twelve)  sounded  before  the  altar.  They 
were  of  reed,  because  this  gave  a  softer  sound 
than  copper  or  bronze.  In  the  social  festi- 
vities of  the  Egyptians  the  pipe  was  as  popular 
as  among  the  Hebrews.  In  the  Egyptian 
bands  we  generally  find  the  double  pipe  or  the 
flute,  and  sometimes  both  ;  the  former  being 
played  both  by  men  and  women,  the  latter  ex- 
clusively by  women.  For  any  of  the  instru 
ments  above  described  the  Hebrews  would  use 
the  general  term  hdltl,  and  not  improbably 
derived  their  knowledge  of  them  from  Egypt. 
The  single  pipe  is  said  to  have  been  the  inven- 
tion of  the  Egyptians  alone,  who  attribute  it  to 
Osiris.  The  double  pipe  is  represented  on 
Assyrian  and  Phoenician  monuments.  The 
hdlil  is  sometimes  identified  with  the  Fr.  chalu- 
mean  =  Ger.  schalmei,  i.e.  our  Shawm,  of  which 
the  clarionet  is  a  modern  improvement. 

Pi'pa  (iEsd.5.19),  apparently  a  repetition 
of  the  name  Caphira  (cf.  R.V.).    [Chephirah.] 

Plpam',    the  Amorite    king  of    Jarmuth  ; 


694 


PIKATHON 


one  of  the  five  kings  defeated  at  the  battle 
of  Gibcon,    and    subsequently    hanged    (Jos. 

10.3fl)- 

Pipathon'  (Judg.i2.15),  the  home  _  of 
Abdon  the  judge,  who  was  a  Pipathonite 
(I2.13  ;  see  2Sam. 23.30  ;  iChr.ll.31,27.14),  as 
was  also  Benaiah  "of  the  children  of  Ephraim." 
rirathon  was  "  in  the  land  of  Ephraim  in  the 
mount  of  the  .\malekites,"  and  cannot  there- 
fore have  been  at  Fer'ata,  which  was  in 
Manasseh.  [Ophrah,  2.]  The  site  is  unknown, 
and  it  is  not  of  necessity  the  same  as  Phara- 
THONi  (iMac.9.50),  which  may  have  been 
Fer'on,  14  miles  W.  of  Shechem.         [c.R.c] 

Pisgah'.  The  word  comes  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to  separate,"  "  distinguish,"  and 
perhaps  "  contemplate,"  and  may  refer  to  the 
view;  for  the  "top"  {rosh)  of  Pisgah  looked 
towards  Jeshimon  (Num. 21. 20),  and  was  part 
of  Nebo  (Deut.34.i)  by  the  "field  of  Zophim  " 
(or  of  "  views,"  Num.23.i4).  Israel  camped  at 
the  "  springs  of  Pisgah"  (21.20  ;  Deut.4.49) 
onN.  side.  [Nebo;  Ashdoth-pisgah.]  Accord- 
ing to  theTargumof  Onkelos  on  Num. 32-3,  the 
later  name  of  Nebo  or  Pisgah  was  Si'ath, 
which  probably  survives  at  the  Rds  Sidghah, 
or  summit  2  miles  W.  from  Neba.  A  ruin  of 
the  same  name,  on  the  N.  slope,  contains  re- 
mains of  an  early  chapel,  which  may  be  that 
visited  in  380  a.d.  by  St.  Silvia  on  Mt.  Nebo. 
The  view  from  this  summit  is  practically  the 
same  as  from  Nebo.  [c.r.c] 

Pisid'ia  was  a  district  in  Asia  Minor,  N. 
of  Pamphylia,  reaching  to  and  partly  included 
in  Phrygia.  Thus  Antioch  in  Pisidia  was 
sometimes  called  a  Phrygian  town.  St.  Paul 
passed  through  Pisidia  twice,  with  Barnabas, 
on  the  first  missionary  journey — i.e.  both  in 
going  from  Perga  to  Iconium  (Ac.13.13,14,51) 
and  in  returning  (14.21,24,25  ;  cf.  2Tim.3.ii). 
It  is  probable  also  that  he  traversed  the  N. 
part  of  the  district,  with  Silas  and  Timotheus, 
on  the  second  missionary  journey  (.A.c.16.6)  ; 
but  the  word  Pisidia  does  not  occur  except 
in  reference  to  the  former  journey. 

Plson.     [Eden.] 

Plspah',  an  Asherite,  son  of  J  ether,  6 
(iChr.7.38). 

Pit.  In  A.V.  this  word  appears  both  figur- 
atively and  literally,  (i)  s/^•■'d/,inNum.l6.3o,33, 
Job  17.16,  is  used  only  of  the  hollow,  shadowy 
world,  the  dwelhng  of  the  dead.  [Hell.] 
(2)  shahath.  Here  the  sinking  of  the  pit  is 
the  primary  thought.  It  is  dug  into  the  earth 
(Ps.9.16,119.85).  It  thus  became  a  type  of 
sorrow  and  confusion  (Job  33.18,24,28,30).  (3) 
bor,  as  the  cognate  b''er,  is  a  pit  or  well  dug 
for  water.  In  the  phrase  "they  that  go  down 
to  the  pit,"  it  becomes  even  more  constantly 
than  the  synonyms  already  noticed,  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  world  of  the  dead  (Ezk.31.i4, 
16,32.18,24  ;  Ps. 28. 1, 143. 7).  There  may  have 
been  two  reasons  for  this :  (i)  The  wide  deep 
excavation  became  the  place  of  burial  (Ezk.32. 
24).  (ii)  The  pit.  however,  in  this  sense,  was 
never  simply  ((piivalcnt  to  burial-plare.  There 
is  always  imiMicd  in  it  a  thought  of  scorn  and 
condeinnatioii  (Zech.9.i  I  ;  Is. 51. 14;  Jc.38.6. 
9).  It  is  not  strange  tiiat,  witli  its  associations 
of  material  horror,  it  siiuuld  liave  involved 
more  of  the  idea  of  a  place  of  punishment  for 
the  haughty  or  unjust,  thaa  did  sh''6l  or  the 


PLAGUE 

grave.  In  Rev. 9. 1,2,  and  elsewhere,  the  pit  of 
the  abyss  is  represented  as  a  dungeon. 

Pitch.  The  three  Heb.  words  all  repre- 
sent the  same  object,  viz.  mineral  pitch  or 
asphalt,  in  different  aspects  :  zepheth  (the  ztft 
of  the  modern  Arabs)  in  its  liquid  state ; 
hemar,  in  its  solid  state ;  and  copher,  in  refer- 
ence to  its  use  in  overlaying  wood-work  (Gen. 
6.14).  Asphalt  is  an  opaque,  inflammable 
substance,  mainly  a  compound  of  carbon  and 
hydrogen,  which  is  either  thrown  up  from  the 
earth  in  a  liquid  state,  hardening  by  exposure 
to  the  air,  or  impregnates  rocks.  It  readily 
melts  under  the  influence  of  heat,  and  is  then 
very  tenacious.  For  its  uses  and  source,  see 
Slime,  Salt  Sea. 

Pitcher.  The  word  "  pitcher  "  is  used  in 
A.V.  to  denote  the  water-jars  or  pitchers  with 
one  or  two  handles,  used  chiefly  by  women  for 
carrying  water,  as  in  thestorvof  Rebckah  (Gen. 
24.15-20  ;  but  see  Mk.i4.13  ';  Lu.22.io).  This 
practice  has  been  (and  is  still)  usual  both  in  the 
East  and  elsewhere.  These  vessels  are  generally 
carried  on  the  head  or  the  shoulder.  The 
Bedawiyeh  women  commonly  use  skin-bottles. 
Such  was  the  "  bottle  "  carried  by  Hagar  (Gen. 
21.14).  The  same  word  is  used  of  the  pitchers 
employed  by  Gideon's  300  men  (Judg.7.i6). 

Pithom  ipithom,  IleiSu}  Hidwfi,  Phithom ; 
Ex.1. 11),  one  of  the  store-cities  built  by  the 
Israelites  for  the  oppressor.  Its  Egyptian 
name  is  Pa-Tum,  the  house  of  the  god  Turn, 
the  Patsumos  of  the  Greeks.  It  has  been 
identified  with  the  present  Tel  el-Maskhuta,  in 
the  WSdy  Tumilat,  12  miles  from  Ismailia. 
Important  monuments  have  been  found  there. 
The  Gk.  and  Lat.  name  of  Tum  being  Ero,  the 
city  was  called  in  later  times  Eroopolis,  or  Ero 
Castra,  and  also  Heroopolis.  As  we  know, 
from  several  ancient  authors,  that  travellers 
going  to  the  Red  Sea  left  the  Nile  at  Heroopolis 
and  took  to  the  sea,  it  is  evident  that  even  in 
Roman  times  the  Red  Sea,  or  the  Arabian 
Gulf,  as  that  part  of  it  was  called,  extended 
much  farther  N.  than  to-day.  [Red  Sea.] 
The  excavations  made  at  Pithom  have  revealed 
part  of  the  temple,  with  statues,  a  sphinx,  a 
shrine,  and  several  steles  ;  also  what  looks  like 
store-rooms  for  the  armies  which  had  to  cross 
the  desert.  The  very  thick  enclosure  wall 
shows  that  it  was,  at  the  same  time,  a  fortress. 
Pithom  is  mentioned  in  the  pap>Ti  of  the  19th 
dynasty.  Near  the  sea  there  were  marshes  pro- 
duced by  the  Nile,  where  was  good  pasture- 
land  ;  and  the  documents  speak  of  the  Sinaitic 
nomads  asking  to  be  allowed  to  graze  their 
cattle  in  those  marshes.  Pithom  was  the 
starting-point  of  one  of  the  roads  going  to 
Palestine  across  the  desert.  According  to  the 
LXX.  and  the  Coptic  version,  it  was  near 
Pithom-Hcroopolis  that  Joseph  first  met  his 
father,  when  Jaccjb  came  to  Egypt.  The  re- 
gion near  Pithom  is  called  in  Egyptian  Thnkct 
or  Thukot.  which  the  Hebrews  changed  into 
Succoth  (Icntx).  It  was  the  Israelites'  first 
haltiiig-placc  when  they  left  Ivgypt.      [i'.n.] 

PIthon',  a  descendant  of  Saul  in  the  line  of 

MrpliiliMsheth   (lChr.8.35.9.41). 

Plag-ue.  "  Several  Heb.  words  are  trans- 
lated by  the  word  plague  in  the  O.T.,  and 
as  used  in  both  the  O.  and  N.T.  the  term  is  of 
very  wide  signification  "  (Bennett,  The  Diseases 


PLAGUE 

of  the  Bible).  In  nearly  all  of  the  Biblical 
references  to  plague  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at 
any  conclusion  as  to  the  nature  of  the  disease 
referred  to,  and  it  is  most  probable  that  several 
different  epidemic  diseases  characterized  by 
sudden  onset  and  heavy  mortality  are  included 
under  the  same  name  of  plague.  As  we  know 
that  bubonic  plague  prevailed  in  Libya,  Egypt, 
and  Syria  some  two  or  three  centuries  before 
Christ  there  is,  prima  facie,  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  some  of  the  grave  pestilences  spoken  of 
in  O.T.  were  of  this  nature.  In  modern 
terminology  the  word  plague  is  used  to  desig- 
nate an  epidemic  or  pandemic  specific  disease, 
caused  by  a  bacillus  (S.  ^es/z's)  and  characteri  ^ed 
by  acute  glandular  swellings  (buboes),  virulent 
blood  poisoning,  and  a  very  high  mortality. 
There  is  still  much  to  be  done  in  elucidating 
the  means  by  which  the  plague  is  spread, 
but  it  is  highly  probable  that  rats  and  mice 
play  an  important  part  in  propagating  the 
disease.  That  mice  and  rats  are  very  sus- 
ceptible to  the  disease  has  long  been  known, 
and  a  great  mortality  amongst  these  animals 
has  been  frequently  observed  to  precede  an 
outbreak  of  plague.  It  is  suggested  that  the 
flea  which  is  common  to  the  rat  and  to  man  is 
the  carrier  of  the  bacillus  from  the  infected 
rat  to  the  susceptible  human  subject.  It  is 
interesting,  in  this  connexion,  to  read  in  iSam. 
5  and  6  the  account  given  of  the  plague  which 
broke  out  amongst  the  Philistines  ;  5.6 
( R.  V. ) :  "  But  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  heavy 
upon  them  of  Ashdod,  and  He  destroyed  them, 
and  smote  them  with  tumours."  The  marg. 
reading  gives  plague  boils,  as  read  by  the  J  ews, 
emerods,  as  an  alternative  rendering  of  "  tu- 
mours." "The  Septuagint  has  instead,  and  in 
the  midst  of  the  land  thereof  mice  were  brought 
forth,  and  there  was  a  great  and  deadly  destruc- 
tion in  the  city."  In  ver.  9  tumours  brake  out 
upon  them.  In  6.4  the  Philistines  ask  the 
priests  and  diviners,  "  What  shall  be  the  tres- 
pass offering  which  we  shall  return  to  them  ? 
They  answered,  five  golden  emerods  [R.V. 
tumours]  and  five  golden  mice :  ...  for  one 
plague  was  on  them  [R.V.]  all  and  on  your 
lords."  The  association  in  this  narrative  of 
mice,  tumours,  and  a  terrible  mortality  would 
lead  to  a  reasonable  conclusion  that  this 
was  the  genuine  bubonic  plague  attacking 
both  mice  and  men.  In  one  other  passage 
(Deut.28.27)  the  word  "emerods  "is  used  (R.V. 
tumours).  "  The  Lord  will  smite  thee  with 
the  botch  [R.V.  boil]  of  Egypt  and  with  the 
emerods"  (R.V.  tumours  or  plague  boils) ;  but 
here  there  is  no  further  indication  as  to  the 
nature  of  this  disease.  So  also  in  the  plagues 
with  which  the  Egyptians  were  afflicted,  there 
is  nothing  stated  that  would  connect  any  of 
them  with  the  plague  as  now  understood.  In 
the  sixth  plague  some  authorities  believe  they 
can  trace  small-pox,  but  this  cannot  be  said 
to  have  been  clearly  established.  In  other 
instances  the  word  plague  is  sjmonymous  with 
pestilence  or  epidemic  disease,  without  specific 
reference  to  any  special  disease  (Ex.30. 12  ; 
Nura.8.19  ;  Deut.28.6i).  The  word  is  also 
used  in  connexion  with  leprosy — "the  plague 
of  leprosy"  (Lev.13).  The  radical  meaning 
of  the  Gk.  word  whence  plague  is  derived  is 
"to  strike,"  or  "smite,"  and  the  association  of 


PLAGUES,  THE  TEN 


695 


plague  as  a  stroke  or  smiting  of  the  hand  of  God 
suggests  a  sudden  onset  of  the  epidemic  and  its 
grievous  nature.  Inthiswayin2Chr.21.i4,i5  an 
epidemic  of  acute  dysentery  may  be  the  plague 
referred  to.  Then  the  word  is  used  also  in  the 
sense  of  a  moral  plague  or  sin  (iK.8.38) — "the 
plague  of  his  own  heart."  In  N.T.  the  word 
plague  is  used  to  apply  to  the  disease  of  the 
woman  with  the  issue  of  blood,  and  is  rendered 
as  scourge  in  R.V.  marg.  in  Mk.5.29,34,  and 
again  in  Rev.l6.21  the  plague  of  hail  is  spoken 
of.  It  is  thus  abundantly  evident  that  plague 
in  Scripture  is  susceptible  of  a  great  variety 
of  interpretations,  but  amongst  them  there  is 
at  least  a  reasonable  presumption  that  true 
bubonic  plague  must  be  included,     [w.l.s.] 

Plag-ues,  The  ten.  The  series  of  terrible 
divine  visitations  described  in  Ex. 7-1 2, 
although  spoken  of  as  extending  over  "all  the 
land  of  Egypt,"  seem  to  have  been  specially 
concerned  with  Lower  Egypt,  and  with  the 
district  which  lay  nearest  to  "  the  land  of 
Goshen,"  alluded  to  in  Ps.78.i2  as  "  the  field  of 
Zoan."  These  plagues,  with  the  probable  ex- 
ception of  the  tenth,  were  all  of  them  aggra- 
vations of  natural  phenomena  or  calamities. 
Their  supernatural  character  lay  in  their  se- 
verity, and  in  the  way  in  which  they  were  fore- 
told, brought  about,  directed,  and  taken  away. 
It  should  be  noted  that  they  were  for  the  most 
part  directed  against  the  Egyptian  gods,  who 
would  seem  to  their  worshippers  to  be  humili- 
ated and  conquered  in  this  great  struggle  with 
Jehovah,  the  God  of  Israel.  The  magicians,  for 
whom  Egypt  was  famous  in  antiquity,  also  bear 
their  part  in  this  contest.  From  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Moses  and  Aaron  before  Pharaoh  these 
adepts— the  names  of  two  of  whom,  Jannes 
and  Jambres,  were  preserved  in  Jewish  tradi- 
tion (2Tim.3.8) — endeavour  to  imitate  their 
miracles,  and  so  discredit  their  message,  but 
after  a  few  preliminary  successes  are  defeated 
and  disappear,  (i)  The  Plague  of  Blood  (Ex. 
7.14-25).  The  Nile  is  usually  discoloured  dur- 
ing its  summer  floods  ;  but  on  this  occasion  the 
water  became  unwholesome  to  life  and  dis- 
gusting, and  resembled  blood  in  colour.  This 
may  have  been  caused,  like  the  so-called  ap- 
pearances of  rain  and  dew  of  blood  (noted  as 
terrible  omens  in  antiquity),  by  the  presence  of 
enormous  quantities  of  fungi  or  minute  animals. 
Whatever  its  secondary  cause,  this  pollution 
was  most  humiliating  to  Egyptian  religion, 
which  held  the  Nile  to  be  a  god,  or  indeed  "  the 
father  of  the  gods,"  and  most  distressing  to 
every  one  concerned,  as  drinking-water  could 
only  be  obtained  by  digging  round  the  banks 
of  the  river.  It  was  doubtless  by  some  conjur- 
ing feat  performed  with  small  vessels  of  the 
water  thus  procured  that  the  magicians  coun- 
terfeited the  transformation  into  blood.  (2)  The 
Plague  of  Frogs  (Ex.8. i -15).  This  again  would 
be  an  especially  annoying  visitation  for  the 
Egj'ptians,  as  frogs  were  sacred  animals  dedi- 
cated to  the  goddess  Heqet,  who,  with  other 
divinities,  is  represented  with  a  frog's  head. 
The  swarms  of  frogs  were  so  ubiquitous  that 
even  the  driest  and  therefore  the  most  unlikely 
places,  the  ovens  and  kneading-troughs,  were 
full  of  them.  (3)  The  Plague  of  Lice  (Ex.S.i6- 
19).  The  Egyptians,  according  to  Herodotus 
(ii.  37),  were  remarkable  for  personal  cleanli- 


696 


PLAQUES,  THE  TEN 


ness,  and  they  must  have  suffered  intensely 
under  such  a  plague  as  this.  There  is,  how- 
ever, some  difficulty  as  to  the  word  ken,  which 
LXX.  renders  oKvl^e^  and  the  Vulg.  sciniphes 
— i.e.  gnats  or  mosquitoes  (R.V.  marg.,  sand- 
flies), one  of  the  most  common  pests  of  Egypt 
at  all  times,  being  produced  from  eggs  laid  in 
the  dust  or  sand.  The  magicians  for  the  first 
time  break  down  in  their  attempts  at  rivalry, 
and  confess  "  This  is  the  finger  of  God."  (4) 
The  Plague  of  Flies  (Ex. 8. 20-32).  Flies  are  a 
characteristic  Egyptian  plague  {of.  Is.lS.i), 
and  to  this  day  one  of  the  contributing  causes 
of  Egyptian  ophthalmia.  But  it  is  again  doubt- 
ful what  species  of  insect  is  referred  to  in  the 
expression  rendered  by  A.V.  "  swarms  of  flies." 
It  is  generally  thought  to  have  been  the  dog-fly. 
But  Josephus  and  the  Heb.  commentators 
translate  it  "  a  mixture  of  noisome  beasts  " 
(so  A.V.  marg.).  Oedmann  suggests  the  Blatta 
orientalis,  a  species  of  beetle.  [Fly.]  If  the 
"  flies  "  were  really  beetles,  the  plague  may 
have  been  a  special  judgment  on  the  Egyptian 
superstition  which  venerated  the  scarab,  or 
sacred  beetle.  During  this  and  subsequent 
plagues  the  land  of  Goshen,  in  which  the  Israel- 
ites sojourned,  is  stated  to  have  been  specially 
exempted  from  the  visitation.  (5)  The  Plague 
of  Murrain  (Ex. 9. 1-7).  This  "murrain,"  or 
"  mortality,"  of  domestic  animals  is  not  an  in- 
frequent calamity  in  Egypt,  and  is  said  to  be  a 
forerunner  of  bubonic  plague.  It  would  be  re- 
garded as  very  disastrous,  as  Egypt  was  famous 
for  its  horses  and  its  oxen  were  sacred  and 
much  valued  animals.  (6)  The  Plague  of  Boils 
(9.8-12).  Again  a  characteristic  Egyptian 
scourge.  The  eruptive  diseases  common  there 
are  referred  to  with  horror  in  Deut. 28. 27,35, 
60.  This  was  an  exceptionally  severe  visita- 
tion, afflicting  all  classes,  and  beasts  as  well 
as  man.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  final  dis- 
comfiture of  the  magicians,  who  were  unable 
to  enter  Pharaoh's  presence,  and  do  not  appear 
again.  (7)  The  Plague  of  Hail  (Ex. 9.13-35). 
This  differed  in  some  respects  from  the  preced- 
ing plagues,  for  neither  Hail  nor  thunder  are 
very  common  in  Egypt  (though  occasionally 
very  severe) ;  and  the  Israelites  (as  well  as  some 
of  the  Egyptians  who  "  feared  the  Lord")  only 
preserved  their  own  cattle  by  bringing  them 
indoors.  (8)  The  Plague  of  Locusts  (Ex.lO.i- 
20).  The  terrible  character  of  this  visitation 
was  well  known  then,  as  now.  The  very  warn- 
ing of  it  causes  for  the  first  time  a  protest  from 
Pharaoh's  courtiers  (IO.7).  This  is  stated  to 
have  been  the  worst  visitation  of  Locusts  ever 
known  in  Egypt,  and  it  completed  the  destruc- 
tion of  crops  caused  by  the  thimder  and  hail. 
(0)  The  Plague  of  Darkness  (Ex.lO.21-29 ;  cf. 
Wis.  18).  This  visitation  seems  to  have  had 
a  sjiccial  reference  to  Egyptian  religion.  The 
sun-god,  Ra,  was  the  principal  Egyptian 
divinity  [Sun],  and  indeed  all  other  gods  were 
supposed  by  tlie  more  philosophical  to  be  only 
different  manifestations  of  him.  The  immedi- 
ate cause  of  this  terrible  3  days  of  thick  dark- 
ness may  have  been  some  aggravated  form  of 
the  well-known  desert  sand-storm  (or  shimdm), 
or  f  Ise  nf  the  hainsln  (or  electrical  wind)  which 
usually  blows  from  S.W.  for  about  3  days  at 
a  time  during  a  period  of  50  days  round  the 
vernal  equinox,  producing  an  atmoaphefe  like 


PLAGUES,  THE  TEN 

a  yellow  fog,  of  the  most  distressing  character, 
and  causing  sometimes  total  darkness.  (10) 
The  Death  of  the  First-born  (Ex. 11, 12).  This 
plague  stands  in  a  different  category  altogether 
from  the  preceding.  It  is  more  difficult  to 
assign  any  immediate  natural  cause,  unless 
"  the  destroyer  "  is  to  be  understood  as  the 
angel  of  sudden  pestilence  (perhaps  an  out- 
break of  bubonic  plague),  as  in  the  destruction 
of  the  army  of  Sennacherib  (2K.I9.35).  The 
visitation  throughout  is  mysterious  and  ter- 
rible. The  Israelites  themselves  are  only  pre- 
served from  it  by  special  symbolical  acts, 
which  not  only  became  the  foundation  of  na- 
tional religious  rites  (the  Consecration  of  the 
First-born  and  the  Passover),  but  pointed  most 
significantly  to  the  divine  redemption  still  to 
be  revealed  in  the  future.  "  The  first-born  of 
Pharaoh  which  sat  on  his  throne  "  (Ex. 12. 29) 
perished  in  the  common  calamity.  If  these 
words  mean  that  Pharaoh's  eldest  son  was 
already  associated  with  him  in  his  sovereignty, 
a  corroboration  of  the  narrative  is  seen  in  the 
museum  at  Berlin,  where  the  eldest  son  of  this 
Pharaoh  (Merenptah)  is  represented  as  crowned 
and  sitting  with  his  father  on  his  throne  ;  he 
bore  the  same  name  as  his  father,  but  died 
before  him;  and  his  younger  brother  Seti  II. 
succeeded  (Nichol,  Recent  Archaeology  of  the 
Bible).  In  addition  to  its  awful  character,  this 
plague  had  a  religious  significance.  The  first- 
born, in  ancient  Heb.  religion,  was  symbolical 
of  the  whole  family.  Israel  is  spoken  of  as 
God's  first-born  (Ex. 4. 22),  as  representing  the 
f utiu^e  Catholic  Church,  the  new  family  of  God, 
redeemed  in  Christ.  Hence  the  protection  of 
the  Heb.  first-born  pointed  to  their  national 
preservation  for  a  divine  purpose;  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Egyptian  first-born  to  the  truth 
that  all  mankind  lay  by  nature  under  God's 
displeasure,  that  all  life  is  forfeit  to  divine 
justice,  and  can  only  be  saved  by  grace.  It  is 
imcertain  how  long  the  plagues  continued. 
The  tenth  took  place  in  spring,  on  the  night 
of  Nisan  14.  If  we  assume  that  the  dis- 
coloration of  thcNilecoincided  with  the  July  or 
August  floods,  this  would  make  the  whole 
period  about  eight  months.  The  remembrance 
of  the  plagues  passed  into  the  tradition  of  other 
nations  (see  iSam.4.8),  and  it  not  only  left  an 
ineffaceable  record  in  Heb.  history  (cf.  Ps.78, 
105,106),  but  coloured  the  latest  iirojihetic 
utterances  in  the  .\pocalypse  (cf.  Rev. 8, 9, 16). 
Whatever  view  is  taken  as  to  the  exact  histori- 
cal value  of  the  narrative,  the  whole  account 
has  a  profound  religious  and  moral  significance. 
It  i'>oints  to  the  truth  that  natural  jihenomena 
are  under  the  immediate  direction  of  God  and 
minister  to  His  sovereign  purpose.  It  illus- 
trates also  (as  do  the  parallel  visions  of  the 
Apocalypse)  the  age-long  struggle  of  the  na- 
tural man,  both  as  an  individual  and  in  his 
social  and  national  combinations,  against  the 
will  of  God.  The  attitude  of  Pharaoh  and  the 
statements  that  he  "  hardened  "  his  heart  and 
that  God  hardened  it  for  him  illustrate  impor- 
tant ethical  truths.  No  proofs,  however  start- 
ling or  cumulati\'o,  of  divine  ]iower  and  will 
can  convince  those  who  have  made  uji  their 
minds  not  to  be  convinced.  .Xiul,  on  the  other 
hand,  when  a  man  deliberately  refuses  the 
light  of  reason  and  conscience,  he  gradually 


PLAIN,  CITIES  OF 

loses  altogether  the  guidance  of  these  God- 
given  faculties.  Moreover  the  mystery  of 
providence,  by  which  even  human  obstinacy 
and  sin  are  compelled  in  the  long  run  to  minis- 
ter to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  advancement  of 
His  purpose,  is  strikingly  expressed  in  Ex.9.i6 
(quoted  in  Rom.9.i7).  Hengstenberg,  Egypt 
and  the  Books  of  Moses  (1847)  ;  Dillmann- 
Ryssel,  Ex.  and  Lev.  (1897)  ;  Macalister  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  gives  a  full  list 
of  Egyptian  travels  and  researches,  [a.r.w.] 
Plain,  Cities  of.  [Cities  of  the  Plain.] 
Plain,  Sea  of  the.  [Salt  Sea.] 
Plains.  The  A.V.  thus  renders  seven  Heb. 
words,  (i)  Abel  (Heb. 'a6/?e/),  a  meadow.  (2) 
biq'd  (Arab,  biiqd'a),  properly  a  large  valley 
between  chains  of  mountains  (see  Coelo- 
syria):  this  is  applied  to  the  valleys  of 
AvEN,  and  of  Lebanon  (Jos.ll.i7,12.7), 
which  is  perhaps  that  of  Mizpeh  (11.8). 
The  word  applies  to  Shinar  (Gen.  11. 2) 
and  to  Chebar  (Ezk.3.23,8.4),  with  the 
"plain"  of  Dura  (Dan.S.i).  It  is  rendered 
also  "valley"  by  A.V.  in  the  case  of  Megiddo 
(2Chr.35.22;  Zech. 12.11).  The  word  occurs  19 
times  in  O.T.  Even  the  "  plain  of  Ono  "  (Ne. 
6.2)  in  Sharon  is  a  broad  depression  between 
hills.  (3)  kikkdr  applies  exclusively  to  the 
Jordan  Valley.  [Cities  of  the  Plain.]  The 
word  occurs  11  times  (Gen. 13. 10, 11, 12, 19. 17, 
25,28,29;  Deut.34.3  ;  2Sam.l8.23  ;  iK.7.46; 
2Chr.4.i7).  [Region.]  (4)  mishor  (even) 
applies  to  the  plateau  of  Bashan  (Deut.S.io  ; 
iK. 20.23, 25),  but  more  often  to  that  between 
Heshbon  and  Medeba  (Deut.4.43  ;  Jos.l3.9,i6, 
17,21,20.8).  (5)  The  Arabah  (Heb.  'drdbhd), 
or  valley  from  Hermon  to  the  Red  Sea.  (6) 
The  Shephelah  {}ieh.sh<'pheld),  or  low  hills  W. 
of  the  mountains  of  Judaea.  (7)  Elon  (Heb. 
'clon),  which  more  probably  means  an  "  oak," 
as  in  LXX.  These  famous  oaks  include  those 
of  Mamre,  Moreh,  Zaanaim,  Meonenim, 
Tabor,  and  of  the  Pillar.  [c.r.c] 

Plaistep.  (i)  Heb.  sidh,  Arab,  shid  (i.e. 
"lime  "),  from  which  a  cement  was  made  on 
which  an  inscription  could  be  engraved  (Deut. 
27.2,4 ;  Jos. 8. 32).  It  was  used  also  perhaps  in 
the  Morter  daubed  on  house-walls  ( 'dphdr ;  see 
Lev.  1 4.42 ),  though  this  may  have  been  clay  only. 
That  the  lime  was  slaked  is  clear  (Is.33.i2). 
Amos  (2.i)  notices  the  burning  of  the  bones 
of  a  king  of  Edom  to  make  lime,  as  a  terrible 
misfortune  for  the  unburied  foe.  (2)  Aram. 
gira  (Dan. 5. 5) ;  Arab,  jty  (lime).  This  also  was 
worked  to  a  smooth  surface  as  a  hard  cement, 
fit  for  engraving  letters  on  it.  The  Egyptians 
used  a  lime  whitewash  on  bas-reliefs  to  take 
colour,  and  varnished  the  pictures.  The  Assy- 
rians also  appear  to  have  coloured  thefr  bas- 
reliefs,  as  did  the  Lycians  and  Greeks,  [c.r.c] 
Plane-tpee.  [Chesnut-tree.] 
Pledge.  The  law  provided  (i)  that  a  poor 
man's  garment  taken  in  pledge  should  be  re- 
stored by  sunset  (Ex.22.26f.[25f.]  ;  Deut.24. 
i2f.) ;  (2)  that  a  mill  or  upper  mill-stone  and  a 
widow's  garment  should  not  be  taken  in  pledge 
at  all  (Deut. 24.6, i7f.) ;  and  (3)  that  a  creditor 
should  not  enter  the  debtor's  house  for  a  pledge, 
but  should  wait  outside  (Deut. 24. 10-13).  These 
provisions  all  rested  on  purely  religious  sanc- 
tions. For  an  example  of  pledge,  see  Gen. 38. 
17-20.     [Poor;  Loan.]  [h.m.w.] 


POETRY,  HEBREW 


697 


Pleiades.  The  Heb.  word  (kimd)  so 
rendered  occurs  in  Job  9.9,38.31  and  Am.5.8. 
In  the  last  passage  A.V.  has  "  the  seven  stars," 
although  the  Geneva  version  translates  the 
word  "  Pleiades,"  as  in  the  other  cases.  In 
Job  the  LXX.  has  HXetas,  the  order  of 
the  Heb.  words  having  been  altered  ;  while 
in  Amos  there  is  no  trace  of  the  original,  and 
it  is  difficult  to  imagine  what  the  translators 
had  before  them.  The  Vulg.  renders  :  Hyades 
in  Job 9.9,  Pleiades  in  38.31,  and  Arcturus  in 
Am.5.8.  The  Jewish  commentators  vary  as 
widely.  R.  David  Qimhi  (Kimchi)  says  :  "  R. 
Jonah  wrote  that  it  was  a  collection  of  stars 
called  in  Arabic  Al  Thuraiyd."  The  words 
of  Ibn  Ragel  prove  that  Al  Thuraiyd  and  the 
Pleiades  are  the  same.  "  Al  Thuraiya  is  the 
mansion  of  the  moon,  in  the  sign  Taurus,  and 
it  is  called  the'celestial  hen  with  her  chickens." 
With  this  Hyde  compares  the  Fr.  pulsiniere, 
and  Eng.  Hen  and  chickens,  which  are  old 
names  for  the  same  stars.  The  opinion  of 
Ibn  Ezra  has  been  frequently  misrepresented. 
He  held  that  kimd  was  a  single  large  star, 
Aldebaran  the  brightest  of  the  Hyades,  while 
kh''sil  (A.V.  Orion)  was  Antares,  the  heart 
of  Scorpio.  On  the  whole,  though  certainty 
is  impossible,  our  translators  appear  to  have 
been  justified  in  rendering  kimd  by 
"  Pleiades."  Hea  or  Ea,  the  third  god  of 
the  Assyrian  triad,  was  known  among  the 
stars  by  the  name  of  Kimmut,  which  Rawlin- 
son  compares  with  the  Heb.  kimd,  and 
identifies  with  the  constellation  Draco. 

Plepoma.     [Kenosis.] 

Plough.     [Agriculture.] 

Poche'peth.  The  children  of  Pochereth  of 
Zebaim  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.2.57  ;    Ne.7.59). 

Poetpy,  Hebrews.  I.  It  is  so  difficult 
to  draw  a  hard-and-fast  line  between  prose  and 
poetry  that  individual  writers  differ  greatly  as 
to  what  portions  of  the  Bible  should  be  classed 
as  one  or  the  other.  If  rhyme  and  metre  be 
considered  essential,  poetry  would  have  to  be 
denied  to  the  Bible  altogether.  For  of  rhyme 
there  is  absolutely  none  ;  and,  as  metre  depends 
upon  pronunciation  and  accent,  it  has  gener- 
ally been  regarded  as  hopeless  to  restore  these 
essential  elements,  so  long  have  they  been  lost 
in  the  transmission  of  the  language  through 
consonants  alone.  Little  confidence  can  be 
placed  in  the  Massoretic  vocalization.  In  the 
opinion  of  Bishop  Lowth,  "A  man  born  deaf 
may  as  reasonably  pretend  to  acquire  an  idea 
of  sound,  as  a  critic  of  these  days  to  attain  to 
the  true  modulation  of  Greek  bjj^  accent,  and  of 
Hebrew  by  metre."  Nevertheless  numerous  at- 
tempts to  reduce  the  Hebrew  poetry  to  metre 
have  been  recently  made.  In  1866  Julius  Ley 
set  out  on  the  most  promising  line  of  effort 
in  this  direction,  and  has  been  followed  with 
considerable  success  by  Prof.  Briggs,  accord- 
ing to  whom  "  the  psalms  were  composed  in 
the  parallelisms,  measures,  and  strophical  or- 
ganizations of  lyric  poetry.  .  .  .  The  mea- 
sures, however,  were  not  of  feet,  as  in  classical 
Latin  and  Greek,  or  of  syllables,  as  in  ordinary 
lyric  poetry,  but  of  words,  or  of  word  accents." 
But  monosyllables  were  not  counted,  and 
special  allowance  had  to  be  made  for  various 
other  words.     Dr.  Briggs  would  use  the  metri* 


698 


POETRY,  HEBREW 


cal  arrangement  which  he  has  devised  to  de- 
termine the  changes  that  have  been  made  in 
the  original  text.  The  best  statement  is  that 
of  SchacUer,  who  maintained  that  the  Heb. 
poet  considered  only  the  syllables  receiving  the 
main  accent,  and,  as  in  the  German  Nibelun- 
genlied  and  in  the  songs  of  Palestine  in  use  at 
the  present  time,  "  the  rhythms  are  manifold. 
There  may  be  eight  accents  in  one  line,  and 
three  syllables  are  often  inserted  between  two 
accents,  the  symmetry  and  variation  being  de- 
termined by  emotion  and  sentiment."  Jose- 
phus,  followed  by  Origen  and  Jerome,  says 
that  Hebrew  poetry  is  composed  in  trimeters, 
pentameters,  and  hexameters  (2  Ant.  xvi.  4; 
4  viii.  44;  7  xii.  3).  Briggs  regards  Gen.l  as 
a  lyric  in  six  pentameter  strophes,  and  the 
Priestly  account  of  the  Deluge  as  a  poem. 
Bickell  goes  still  further,  and  maintains  that 
"  the  metrical  accent  falls  regularly  upon  every 
alternate  syllable."  But  to  make  his  theory 
work,  he  has  to  remove  or  add  in  the  Psalms 
alone  2,600  syllables.  Sievers  even  goes  so  far 
as  to  say  that  all  the  prophetical  books  are  in 
verse,  and  that  the  historical  books  are  poeti- 
cal. But,  since  the  distinction  between  poetry 
and  rhetorical  prose  is  so  slight,  it  would  seem 
that  they  are  mingled  in  the  prophecies  in  a 
manner  that  renders  classification  somewhat 
difficult,  while  in  the  historical  books  the  line 
can  be  more  clearly  drawn,  and  the  poetical 
books  (Job,  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Solomon's  Song, 
and  Lamentations)  stand  out  by  themselves. — 
II.  As  far  as  form  is  concerned,  the  main  char- 
acteristic of  Hebrew  poetry  is  the  parallel- 
ismus  membrorum,  clearly  brought  to  light  by 
Bishop  Lowth  in  1741  in  his  lectures  at  Oxford 
on  the  Sacred  Poetry  of  the  Hebrews,  and  fur- 
ther illustrated  in  the  preliminary  dissertation 
to  his  translation  of  Isaiah  in  1778.  This  pe- 
culiarity "  consists  chiefly  in  a  certain  equality, 
resemblance,  or  parallelism  between  the  mem- 
bers of  each  period  ;  so  that  in  two  lines  (or 
members  of  the  same  period)  things  for  the 
most  part  shall  answer  to  things,  and  words  to 
words,  as  if  fitted  to  each  other  by  a  kind  of 
rule  or  measure."  This  seems  to  have  been 
the  most  ancient  and  original  form  of  poetry, 
examples  of  which  are  found  in  early  Assyrian 
and  Egyptian  literature,  and  remnants  in  the 
Finnish  song  "  Kalevala."  The  richness  of  its 
development  in  Heb.  poetry  is  due  largely  to 
the  wealth  of  synonymous  expressions  found  in 
that  language.  This  also  secures  the  result 
that  its  beauty  and  imprcssiveness  cannot  be 
wholly  lost  in  translation.  No  other  poetry 
bears  translation  like  the  Hebrew.  From  no 
other  literature  could  the  whole  world  derive 
its  songs  of  praise  as  it  does  from  the  Psalms. 
The  main  characteristics  of  this  parallelism 
appear  sufficiently  well  in  the  oldest  recorded 
poetical  stanzas,  uttered  by  Lamech  (Gen. 4.23, 
24),  "  And  Lamech  said  to  his  wives: 

Aflah  and  Zillah,  hear  my  voice  ; 

Ye  wives  of  I^nioch,  hearken  unto  my  speech  : 

I"or  I  have  slain  a  man  for  wounding  me. 

And  a  yonnj;  man  for  I)ruisinR  me  ; 

If  I'ain"  shall  lie  avenged  scven-fnld, 

Trnly  I.amcch  seventy  and  seven-fold." 

Lowth's  division  of  the  Hebrew  jiarallels  into 
classes  has  been  generally  followed,  namely. 
Into  (i)  synonymous,  (2)  antithetical,  and  (3) 


POETRY,  HEBREW 

synthetical,  (i)  Good  illustrations  of  the 
synonymous  are  found  in  Ps.25.4  : — 

Show  me  Thy  ways,  O  Jehovah, 
Teach  me  Thy  paths. 

"  Show  "  corresponds  to  "  teach  "  and  "  ways  " 
to  "  paths."     Num. 23. 7-10  : — 

From  Aram  hath  Balak  brought  me, 

The  king  of  Moab  from  the  mountains  of  the  East,  etc. 

Here  "  Aram  "  corresponds  to  the  "  moun- 
tains of  the  East,"  and  "  Balak  "  to  the  "  king 
of  Moab."     Pr.1.31  : — 

They  shall  eat  of  the  fruit  of  their  own  way, 
And  be  tilled  with  their  own  desires. 

Is.55.7  :  — 

Let  the  wicked  forsake  his  way. 

And  the  unrighteous  man  his  thoughts,  etc. 

"  The  synonymous  parallels  prevailed  chiefly 
in  shorter  poems,  in  many  of  the  Psalms,  in 
Balaam's  prophecies,  and  frequently  in  those 
of  Isaiah,  which  are  most  of  them  distinct 
poems  of  no  great  length."  Other  typical  ex- 
amples of  synonvmous  parallelism  occur  in 
Ps.l04,  Is.53,  and  Ho.lL8,9.  But  there  is  great 
variety  in  the  form  of  synonymous  parallelism. 
As  Lowth  has  pointed  out,  the  parallelism 
is  sometimes  formed  by  the  iteration  of  the 
former  number,  as  in  Ps.l29.i,2  : — 

1.  Many  a  time  have  they  afilicted  me  from  my 

youth  up  : 
I<et  Israel  now  say. 

2.  Many  a  time  have  they  afflicted  me  from  my 

youth  up  ; 
Yet  they  have  not  prevailed  against  me. 

Frequently,  also,  an'ellipsis  occurs  in  the  second 
member,  as  in  Ps.l05.2o  : — 

The  king  sent  out  and  loosed  him  ; 

Even  the  ruler  of  peoples,  and  let  him  go  free. 

where,  in  strict  form,  "  loosed  him  "  would  have 
been  repeated.  Again  the  whole  of  the  second 
part  of  the  parallel  frequently'  answers  only  to 
a  portion  of  the  first  part,  as  in  Ps.97.i  : — 

Jeliovah  reigneth  ;    let  the  eartli  rejoice ; 
lyCt  the  multitude  of  isles  be  glad. 

Occasionally  also  there  are  triplet  parallelisms; 
as  in  Ps.93.3,4  : — 

The  floods  have  lifted  up,  O  Jehovah, 
The  floods  have  lifted  up  their  voice  ; 
The  floods  lift  up  their  waves. 

Above  the  voices  of  many  waters. 
The  mighty  breakers  of  the  sea, 
Jeliovah  on  high  is  mighty. 

Again,  five  lines  are  sometimes  nearly  similar, 
but  divided  into  two  distichs  by  the  third  line 
which  is  dissimilar,  as  in  Zech.9.5.  Where  four 
parailelisnis  occur,  they  generally  form  two 
regular  distichs,  the  latter  members  referring 
alternately  to  the  former,  as  in  Deut. 32.42  : — 

I  will  make  Mine  arrows  drunk  with  blood, 
And  My  sword  shall  devour  flesh  ; 
With  tin-  l>Iix)(l  of  the  slain  and  the  captives, 
I'rom  the  head  of  the  leaders  of  the  enemy. 

Jcbh  has  pertinently  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  in  the  so-called  synonymous  paral- 
l<;lisuis  "  th('  second  or  responsive  clause  (al- 
most) invariably  diversifies  the  preceding 
clause  and  generally  so  as  to  rise  above  it,"  and 
therefore  suggests  that   the  name  should   be 


POETRY,  HEBREW 

cognate  parallelism,  rather  than  synonymous. 
This  is  well  illustrated  in  Ps.l.1,2  : — 

Blessed  is  the  man  that  walketh  not  in  the  counsel 

of  the  wicked, 
Nor  standeth  in  the  way  of  sinners, 
Nor  sitteth  in  the  seat  of  scoffers. 

But  his  delight  is  in  the  law  of  Jehovah  ; 

And  in  His  law  doth  he  meditate  day  and  night. 

In  this  there  is  a  clear  intensification  of  the 
thought  in  the  three  negative  clauses  of  the 
first  verse,  as  well  as  in  the  positive  statements 
of  the  second.  "Walking,"  "standing,"  and 
"  sitting  "  with  the  wicked  are  three  stages  in 
the  downward  progress,  while  "  counsel  of  the 
wicked,"  "way  of  sinners,"  and  "seat  of 
scoffers  "  imply  increased  depravity  on  the 
part  of  the  wicked.  "  Meditating  day  and 
night  "  on  the  "  law  of  the  Lord  "  is  the  high- 
est summit  of  delight  which  can  be  obtained. 
Other  examples  will  be  found  in  Ps. 21. 12, 24. 
3,4;  Is. 51. 1, 4, 7,55. 6, 7.  (2)  Antithetical  paral- 
lelisms are  well  illustrated  in  Prov.ll.3  '• — 
The  integrity  of  the  upright  shall  guide  them. 
But  the  perverseness  of  the  treacherous  shall  de- 
stroy them, 

and  so  on,  for  a  number  of  verses,  where  various 

forms  of  virtue  and  vice  are  contrasted  in  their 

effects,  as  well  as  in  their  nature ;  Is.54.7  : — 

For  a  small  moment  have  I  forsaken  thee. 

But  with  great  mercies  will  I  gather  thee,  etc. ; 

while  the  following  verse  repeats  the  idea 
and  amplifies  the  antithesis.  "  The  antithetic 
parallelism  gives  acuteness  and  force  to  adages 
and  moral  sentences  ;  and  therefore  abounds 
in  Solomon's  Proverbs,  but  elsewhere  is  not 
often  to  be  met  with."  (3)  Synthetic,  or 
constructive  parallelism,  is  that  in  which  the 
sentences  answer  to  each  other  not  by  the 
iteration  of  the  same  image  or  sentiment,  or 
the  opposition  of  their  contraries,  but  merely 
by  the  form  of  construction,  as  in  Ps.l.3  : — 

And  he  shall  be  like  a  tree  planted  by  the  streams 

of  water. 
That  bringeth  forth  its  fruit  in  its  season : 
Whose  leaf  also  doth  not  wither  ; 
And  whatsoever  he  doeth  shall  prosper. 

The  verses  in  this  parallelism  are  usually 
longer  than  in  the  others  and  are  frequently 
arranged  in  triplets,  as  in  Ps. 77. 18, 19  : — 

The  voice  of  the  thunder  was  in  the  whirlwind  : 
The  lightning  lightened  the  world  : 
The  earth  trembled  and  shook. 

In  this  kind  of  parallelism  also  a  definite  num- 
ber is  often  put  for  an  indefinite,  as  in  Am.1.3, 
6,  and  9  : — 

For  three  transgressions  of  Damascus, 
Yea,  for  four,  I  will  not  turn  away  ; 

and  so  of  Gaza  and  of  Tyre.  The  variety  in 
the  form  of  synthetic  parallelism  is  very  great. 
(4)  To  this  classification  Jebb  would  add  that 
of  the  introverted  parallelism,  in  which,  what- 
ever be  the  number  of  lines,  the  first  shall  be 
parallel  with  the  last,  the  second  with  the  pen- 
ultimate, and  so  on  throughout,  illustrated  in 
Pr.23.15, 16  :— 

My  son,  if  thy  heart  be  wise. 

My  heart  will  be  glad,  even  mine  ; 

Yea,  my  heart  will  rejoice 

When  thy  lips  speak  right  things. 


POETRY,  HEBREW 


699 


Other  instances  are  Ps.84.5-7,123.i,2  ;  Is.27. 
12,13;  Ezk.1.27;  H0.I3.14. — III.  Among  the 
minor  poetical  embellishments  of  the  Heb. 
literature  is  the  use  of  acrostics,  as  in  Ps.25, 
34,37,111,112,119,145.  Pr.31.io,  and  Lam.l, 
2,3.  In  all  these  cases  the  poems  contain  22 
lines,  or  systems  of  lines,  in  the  order  of  the 
Heb.  alphabet,  each  one  beginning  with  its 
appropriate  letter.  The  poetical  passages  are 
marked  also  by  various  archaic  forms  of 
speech,  especially  of  case-endings,  suffixes, 
and  prepositions.  But  these  would  not  be 
observable  in  a  translation.  That  parallelism, 
however,  does  not  alone  make  poetry  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  occasionally  the  laws  are  ar- 
ranged in  easily  recognized  parallelisms.  The 
poetry  of  the  Hebrews  is  likewise  surcharged 
with  rhetorical  figures  of  speech,  but  we  must 
not  suppose  that  sublime  figures  of  speech 
alone  make  poetry.  The  figures  of  metaphor, 
personification,  metonymy,  apostrophe,  and 
hyperbole  are  most  frequently  introduced.  It 
is  specially  to  be  noted  that  in  the  Bible  these 
figures  are  never  far-fetched,  and  are  mainly 
derived  from  four  sources  :  (i)  well-known 
material  objects;  (2)  circumstances  of  common 
life  ;  (3)  familiar  sacred  things  ;  and  (4)  re- 
markable facts  of  their  sacred  history,  (i)  In 
the  use  of  metaphor  the  Heb.  poets  derive 
their  illustrations  from  familiar  and  well- 
known  objects,  so  that  there  is  rarely  any  ob- 
scurity attending  them.  The  imagery  drawn 
from  light  and  darkness  is  peculiarly  forcible. 
What,  for  example,  can  be  more  splendid  than 
the  use  of  this  figure  in  Is.3O.26  ?  — 

The  light  of  the  moon  shall  be  as  the  light  of  the 

sun, 
And  the  light  of  the  sun  shall  be  sevenfold  ; 

or  Is.24.23  ? — 

Then  the  moon  shall  be  confounded,  and  the  sun 

ashamed. 
For  Jehovah  of  Hosts  will  reign  in  Mount  Zion, 
And  before  his  elders  shall  be  glory  ; 

or  more  impressive  than  Ezekiel's  metaphori- 
cal description  of  the  destruction  to  be  brought 
upon  Egypt  (Ezk.32.7,8)  ?— 

When  I  shall  extinguish  thee  I  will  cover   the 

Heavens 
And  make  the  stars  thereof  dark. 
I  will  cover  the  sun  with  a  cloud, 
And  the  moon  shall  not  give  its  light. 

As  peculiar  to  the  Hebrews  may  be  noticed 
the  figures  drawn  from  a  deluge  of  waters  such 
as  was  familiar  in  connexion  with  Jordan's 
annual  overflow,  the  melting  of  the  snows  on 
Lebanon,  and  the  frequent  cloud-bursts  turn- 
ing into  torrents  the  dry  water-courses  of 
Palestine.  Other  objects  familiar  to  the  peo- 
ple from  which  metaphors  are  specially  drawn 
are  those  belonging  to  the  natural  scenery  of 
the  land.  Thus  mount  Lebanon  stands  for  sub- 
limity (Can.5.15  ;  Is.33.9,35.2  ;  Je.22.6,23  ; 
Zech.ll.i;  and  esp.  Ezk.31)  ;  and  Carmel  for 
whatever  possesses  fertility,  wealth,  or  beauty 
(Can.7.5  ;  Is.35.2  ;  Je.46.i8  ;  Mi.7.14).  And 
so  "  the  fat  rams,"  "  heifers,"  and  "  bulls  of  " 
Bashan,"  and  "the  lion  of  Jordan"  (Ps. 22.12, 
66.15;  Je.49.19;  Ezk.39.i8;  Am.4.i),  are  used 
with  a  boldness  of  imagery  that  would  not  have 
been  tolerated  in  Greek  or  Latin  poets,  and  yet 
without  any  sacrifice  of  elegance.     Study  of 


700 


POETRY,  HEBREW 


the  natural  history  of  Palestine  makes  such 
imagery  clear;  seeesp.  Is.35.6,7,36.i7;  JI.3.18). 
(2)  Hebrew  poetry  naturally  reflects  in  a  re- 
markable degree  the  scenes  of  common  life, 
which  were  largely  agricultural.  The  thresh- 
ing floor,  the  flail,  the  fan,  and  the  wine-press, 
arc  figuratively  used  with  a  force  and  elegance 
scarcely  approached  even  by  Homer.  The 
dignity  with  which  the  Heb.  poet  could  in- 
vest what  would  seem,  at  first,  an  inelegant 
form  of  expression  is  seen  in  2K.2I.13  : — 

I  will  wipe  Jerusalem 

As  a  man  wipeth  a  dish, 

Wiping  it  and  turning  it  upside  down. 

The  figures  of  speech  drawn  from  the  regions 
of  the  dead  are  in  striking  contrast  to  those  of 
the  Gk.  poets,  whose  imagination  peopled  the 
infernal  regions  with  such  a  profusion  of  mon- 
sters as  to  excite  ridicule.  The  Heb.  poets, 
on  the  contrary,  limit  their  figures  under  this 
head  to  those  drawn  from  the  most  obvious 
facts  connected  with  burial  (e.g.  Job  33. 18; 
Ps.28.i,88.3-7,141-7;  Ezk.26.2o).  (3)  Of  special 
interest  are  the  poetical  figures  drawn  by 
the  Heb.  poets  from  the  requirements  of  the 
law  and  the  official  work  of  the  priesthood. 
The  distinctions  between  the  clean  and  un- 
clean things,  the  methods  of  removing  pollu- 
tion, and  of  atoning  for  sin,  are  freely  used 
with  force  and  propriety  to  intensify  the  sense 
of  human  depravity  and  ot  divine  gracious- 
ness(Is.64.6  ;  Ezk.36.i7;  Lam.l. 8,9,17;  Ex.28. 
2  ;  Ps.93.i).  (4)  The  sacred  history  also  fur- 
nishes the  basis  for  many  of  the  most  striking 
poetical  figures.  Chaos  and  creation,  the 
Deluge,  the  destruction  of  Sodom,  the  flight 
of  Israel  from  Egypt,  and  the  scenes  from 
mount  Sinai,  are  used  with  powerful  effect  in 
many  places  {e.g.  Je.4.23,26  ;  Is. 34. 4, 11  ;  J1.3. 
15,16;  Is.51.i5,i6;  Ps.11.6;  Is.34.8,9,io ;  Mi. 
1.3,4,13,14;  Ps.l8.7,i6).  (i)  Allegory.  The 
most  noteworthy  examples  of  allegory  are 
found  in  Ec.12.2-6;  Is.28.23-29  ;  Ezk.15,19, 
31 ;  though  ch.  31  more  properly  belongs  to 
the  class  of  Parable,  as  do  also  Judg.9.7- 
15  ;  2Sam. 12.1-4.  (ii)  Simile  or  Comparison. 
The  similes  of  Heb.  poetry  are  equally 
striking,  see  esp.  Is.lO.14.17.12,13,49.14,15  ; 
Na.3.12;  Ps.129.6-8;  Deut.32.2, 11,12  ;  Job  6. 
15-20.  (iii)  Personification.  One  of  the  most 
striking  cases  of  this  figure  occurs  in  Pr.8.27- 
31  ;  also  in  Hab.3.5  ;  Job 28.22  ;  Is. 5. 14  ;  Je. 
47.f),7  ;  but  esp.  Is.i4.4-27. — IV.  When  classed 
in  a  more  general  way  the  poems  of  the  Bible 
would  fall  under  the  head  of  (i)  Epic-lyric. 
For  examples  see  Ex.15. 1-18  ;  Num. 21. 27-30  ; 
Dent. 32.1-43  ;  Judg.5  ;  Ps.8,104  ;  Is.38.o-2o. 
(2)  Didactic,  which  appeal  more  to  the  reason  : 
Judg.9.7-15;  2Sam.l2.i-4,14.4-9 ;  1K.2O.39f. 
(the  last  three  are  in  the  form  of  prose);  Is. 5. 
1-6  ;  a  large  part  of  Proverbs,  much  of  Job  and 
Ecclesiastes,  and  also  many  Psalms.  (3)  Lyric 
poems  of  individual  experience.  See  examples 
in  fien.4.23,24  ;  2Sam.23.1-7;  Ps.16,22,27, 
39,51,106,130,143;  Is.l2.i-6.  {4)  Hortatorv. 
Num. 10.35, 3'''. 21. 17,18  ;  Jos.lO.12, 13  ;  Ps.44, 
60,122,137.  (5)  Dramatic.  Can.  and  Job  are 
regarded  by  some  as  dramas  ;  but,  while  both 
these  remarkable  works  have  dramatic  ele- 
ments, neither  lias  a  sufficiently  defined  and 
sustained  plot  to  come  under  the  modern  de- 
finition  of   drama.     Can.   is    more    properly 


POISON 

described  as  a  scries  of  songs  appropriate  to 
the  seven-day  nuptial  feasts  common  among 
the  Hebrews  ;  while  such  plot  as  Job  con- 
tains is  mostly  found  in  the  first  three  chapters 
and  a  portion  of  the  last,  written  in  plainest 
prose.  The  bulk  of  the  book,  written  in  poeti- 
cal form  of  highest  elegance  and  sublimity,  de- 
velops only  one  act  of  the  drama,  in  which  the 
dialogues  move  on  a  high  but  rather  uniform 
plane,  without  the  startling  effects  expected  in 
drama.  Here,  as  throughout  Heb.  poetry, 
the  sublimity  is  due  in  great  measure  not  only 
to  the  extraordinary  selection  of  figures  of 
speech,  but  largely  to  the  lofty  conception  of 
monotheism  and  to  the  inherent  beauty  of  the 
moral  ideas  which  pervade  and  etherealize  the 
whole. — V.  Interpretation.  It  is  important  to 
note  the  general  effect  which  poetical  forms 
and  figures  have  upon  the  interpretation  of 
Scripture.  It  is  evident  that  whenever  a 
writer  endeavours  to  enforce  or  familiarize  his 
ideas  by  the  use  of  rhetorical  figures  and  poetic 
forms,  he  should  not  be  subjected  to  the  nar- 
row requirements  of  bald  literalism.  But  no 
definite  rules  can  be  laid  down.  The  writer's 
appeal  is  confidently  made  to  the  general  un- 
derstanding of  figurative  speech  obtained  from 
observing  the  daily  use  of  it  by  all  classes,  and 
by  study  of  classic  \vriters  of  all  periods  and 
nationalities.  If  extremes  in  both  directions 
be  avoided,  proper  attention  to  the  distinction 
between  the  diction  of  prose  and  poetry  will 
prevent  serious  misunderstanding  and  open 
the  way  to  that  wholesome  and  appropriate 
exaltation  of  feeling  which  the  sublime  truths 
of  the  Bible  are  calculated  to  produce  when 
clothed  in  their  becoming  figurative  attire,  and 
marshalled  in  their  most  impressive  natural 
array.  [Jeremiah,  Book  of;  Psalms, 
Titles  of.]  Bp.  Lowth,  Led.  on  the  Sacred 
Poetry  of  the  Hebrews  (1741),  trans,  from  the 
Lat.  by  G.  Gregory,  1787,  2  vols.,  and  Prelim. 
Dissertation  to  Is.  (London,  1778)  ;  Bp.  Jebb, 
Sacred  Literature  (London,  1820)  ;  Ewald,  Die 
Dichter  der  Alten  Bundes  (1866)  ;  Julius  Ley, 
Leading  Features  of  Heb.  Rhythm  (1875)  ;  C. 
A.  Briggs,  General  Intro,  to  Study  of  Holy 
Script.  (1899),  and  Crit.  Comm.  on  the  Psalms 
(2  vols.  1907)  ;  L.  Schncller,  Kennst  Die  das 
Land  (section  "  Musik  ")  ;  Edward  Konig, 
Stiiistik,  Rhetoric,  Poetik  (1900)  ;  E.  Sievers, 
Mctrische  Untersuchungen  (1901)  ;  W.  H. 
Cobb,  A  Criticism  of  Systems  of  Heb.  Metre 
(Oxford,  1905)  ;  J.  H.  Gardiner,  The  Bible  as 
Eng.  Lit.  (1906).  [g.f.w.] 

Poison.  References  to  poisons  in  Holy 
Scripture  are  very  few,  and  in  almost  every 
case  they  deal  with  external  rather  than  in- 
ternal effects.  Thus  we  have  the  "  fiery  "  or 
venomous  servients  sent  to  chastise  the  dis- 
obedient Israelites  (Num.21. 6  ;  cf.  Ps.140.3). 
This  passage  deserves  a  special  notice  from  the 
use  made  of  the  Brazen  Serpent.  This  figure 
was  symbolical  only.  It  was  customary  to 
consecrate  the  iniage  of  the  affliction  either  in 
its  cause  or  its  effect,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
golden  emerods  and  goltlen  mice  of  iSam.6.4,8, 
and  these  and  tiu>  "  ex-votos  "  common  in 
Ivgypt  before  tiu>  l^xodus  may  well  be  classed 
witli  tliis  Brazen  Serjieiit.  Two  Heb.  words 
are  translated  "poison"  in  A.V.  (i)  hemd, 
from  a  root  signifying  "  to  be  hot,"  only  re- 


POLLUX 

ferring  to  animal  poison,  and  only  used  in 
Job  6.4,  where  the  allusion  seems  to  be  to  the 
very  ancient  custom,  still  prevalent  among  the 
Arabs,  of  poisoning  arrows  and  spears.  (2) 
rosh  denotes  primarily  a  vegetable  poison,  and 
is  only  twice  used  to  describe  venom  of  snakes 
(Deut.32.33  ;  Job  20.16).  In  all  other  passages 
where  it  occurs  A.V.  gives  "  gall,"  except  in 
Ho. 10. 4,  where  it  is  rendered  "  hemlock." 
Internal  poison  is  never  directly  mentioned 
in  O.T.,  though  2K.4.39  will  hardly  bear  any 
other  explanation,  and  2. 21  at  least  suggests 
the  same.  There  is  a  clear  case  of  its  use  in 
2Mac.lO.13,  and  a  definite  allusion  in  Mk.l6. 
18.  It  was  a  very  favourite  method  of  getting 
rid  of  difficult  people  with  all  the  Herods. 
[Serpent  ;   Adder.]  [f-J-] 

Pollux.     [Castor  and  Pollux.] 

Polygamy.     [Marriage.] 

Pomeg'panate.  The  Heb.  rimmon  occurs 
frequently  in  O.T.,  and  is  used  for  both  the 
pomegranate-tree  and  its  fruit.  The  pome- 
granate was  doubtless  early  cultivated  in 
Egypt  ;  hence  the  complaint  of  the  Israelites 
in  the  wilderness  of  Zin  (Num. 20. 5),  this  "  is  no 
place  of  figs,  or  of  vines,  or  of  pomegranates." 
The  bush,  with  its  characteristic  calyx-crowned 
fruit,  is  easily  recognized  on  the  Egyptian 
sculptures.  Carved  figures  of  the  pomegranate 
adorned  the  tops  of  the  pillars  in  Solomon's 
temple  (iK. 7. 18,20,  etc.);  and  worked  repre- 
sentations of  this  fruit,  in  blue,  purple,  and 
scarlet,  ornamented  the  hem  of  the  robe  of  the 
ephod  (Ex.28. 33, 34).  Russell  (Nat.  Hist,  of 
Aleppo,  i.  85,  2nd  ed.)  states  "  that  the  pome- 
granate "  (rummdn  in  Arab.,  the  same  word  as 
the  Heb.)  "is  common  in  all  the  gardens." 
[Wine  of  the  pomegranate  is  mentioned  in 
Can.8.2.  Sir  John  Chardin  says  considerable 
quantities  of  this  drink  are  made  in  Persia. 
Or  the  expression  may  be  understood  "wine 
flavoured  with  pomegranate  juice."  More  pro- 
bably still  the  meaning  is  merely  the  pleasant 
juice  itself.  Pliny  says,  "Nature  hath  shewed 
her  admirable  worke  in  this  fruit ;  for  at  the 
very  first  opening  of  the  rind  she  presently  mak- 
eth  shew  of  a  perfect  wine,  without  apparence 
of  any  grape  at  all,  not  so  much  as  of  must,  which 
ordinarily  is  the  rudiment  of  wine.       h.c.h.] 

Pommel  (Heb.  guild,  "  a  bubble,"  hence 
a  spherical  object ;  A.V.  2Chr.4.i2,i3  ;  R.V. 
bowl).  In  this  connexion  doubtless  a  bulb  or 
bulbous  capital.  The  word  is  rendered  spring 
(Jos.i5.19;  Judg.1.15),  and  bowl  (iK. 7.41, 42  ; 
Ec.12.6  ;    Zech.4.3).  [c.r.c] 

Pond.  Fish-ponds  are  not  noticed  in  the 
Bible.  In  Is.l9.io,  A.V.  "fish-ponds"  is  an 
error  for  "sad  of  soul  "  (see  R.V.).  In  Cant. 
7.4  the  Heb.  has  only  "  pools."  The  Heb. 
agam  occvurs  nine  times,  meaning  a  "  marsh," 
or  "reedy  swamp"  (see  Je.5i.32;  R.V.  marg. 
■marshes).  A.V.renderstheword"pond,"  "pool," 
"standing  water,"  and  "reeds."         [c.r.c] 

Pontius  Pilate,  the  fifth  Roman  Pro- 
curator of  Judaea,  was  appointed  by  Tiberius, 
26  A.D.,  shortly  before  St.  John  the  Baptist's 
public  ministry  began,  and  he  remained  in  his 
office  till  the  year  36  a.d.,  in  which  Tiberius 
died.  At  his  appointment  Sejanus  was  at  the 
height  of  his  power,  and  Pilate  has  been  de- 
scribed as  a  creature  of  Sejanus,  but  apparent- 
ly without  any  direct  evidence,  and  his  posi- 


PONTITJS  PILATE 


701 


tion  was  unaffected  by  the  fall  of  Sejanus  in 
31  A.D.  The  chief  authorities,  outside  the 
gospels,  for  the  character  of  Pilate's  adminis- 
tration are  :  (i)  a  letter  from  Agrippa  I.  to 
Caligula,  recorded  by  Philo,  Leg.  ad  Caium,  §38 
(c.  40  A.D.),  and  (2)  Josephus,  18  Ant.  iii.  i; 
iv.  I ;  2  Wars  ix.  2-4  (c.  93  a.d.).  From 
these  writers  it  is  clear  that  his  conduct  in 
office  roused  the  bitter  and  lasting  resentment 
of  the  Jews.  They  regarded  him  as  obstinate 
and  savagely  cruel.  We  must,  however, 
remember  (i)  that  we  have  only  the  Jewish 
side  of  the  question,  and  that  at  least  in  the 
case  of  Agrippa  the  writer  had  an  interest  in 
painting  the  character  of  Pilate  in  as  dark 
colomrs  as  possible,  in  order  to  dissuade  the 
emperor  from  carrying  out  a  plan  which  was 
far  worse  than  anything  which  even  Pilate  had 
attempted;  (2)  that  Tiberius,  who,  whatever 
his  vices  may  have  been,  did  not  neglect  the 
provinces,  left  Pilate  undisturbed  for  ten 
years  ;  (3)  that  in  only  one  of  the  recorded 
cases  of  popular  excitement,  when  the  mob 
rose  in  protest  against  his  use  of  the  temple 
treasure  to  pay  for  an  aqueduct  to  bring  water 
to  Jerusalem,  did  Pilate's  measures  of  repres- 
sion lead  to  actual  bloodshed,  and  then  clearly 
contrary  to  his  intention.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  list  of  crimes  attributed  to  him  by  Agrippa 
has  a  lurid  light  thrown  on  it  by  (i)  the  refer- 
ence in  Lu.13.1,  to  certain  Galileans,  "whose 
blood  Pilate  had  mingled  with  their  sacrifices," 
no  doubt  on  the  occasion  of  some  riot  in  the 
temple  courts  ;  and  (2)  by  the  massacre  of 
Samaritans,  for  which  he  was  finally  sent  home 
indisgrace  by  Vitellius( Josephus,  i8/ln#.  iv.  2). 
There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  refer- 
ences to  Pilate  in  later  Christian  literature  (Tert. 
Apol.  21 ;  Orig.  Horn,  in  Mat.  35  ;  the  Gospel  of 
Peter,  and  the  various  so-called  Acts  of  Pilate), 
embody  any  independent  trustworthy  tradi- 
tion. Eusebius  [Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  7)  recounts  Cali- 
gula's judgment  on  him  on  his  arrival  at  Rome, 
on  the  evidence  of  an  authority  which  we  have 
no  means  of  identifying.  As  Agrippa  I.  was 
at  that  time  high  in  imperial  favour,  the  judg- 
ment is  likely  to  have  been  severe.  In  N.T. 
our  interest  is  fixed  on  his  conduct  of  the  trial 
of  our  Lord.  It  will  be  well  to  take  each  ac- 
count separately. — St.  Mark's  account  (15.i- 
1 5 )  is  enigmatically  concise.  J  esus,  condemned 
by  the  Sanhedrin  for  blasphemy,  is  brought 
bound  to  Pilate.  Pilate  commences  his  ex- 
amination by  asking,  "  Art  thou  the  King  of 
the  Jews  ?  "  and  Jesus  answers,  "Thou  say- 
est,"  an  answer  which  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand as  anything  less  than  an  admission  of  the 
truth  of  the  charge.  Yet  no  formal  sentence 
follows,  only  a  prolonged  impeachment,  which 
is  met  with  such  resolute  silence  on  the  part  of 
the  Prisoner  as  to  astonish  the  judge.  The  ad- 
vent of  the  people  to  claim  the  release  of  a  con- 
vict causes  a  diversion.  Pilate  endeavours  to 
seciu"e  the  escape  of  Jesus  from  the  malice  of 
the  chief  priests  by  a  popular  vote,  and  from 
henceforth  the  matter  is  one  between  him  and 
the  people.  They  choose  Barabbas,  and  re- 
peatedly demand  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus,  and 
prevail. — St.  Matthew  (27.1,2,11-26),  no  doubt 
with  Mark  in  his  hands,  adds  the  account  of 
Pilate's  wife's  dream,  and  of  the  washing  of 
Pilate's  hands  before  the  multitudes.     He  only 


702 


PONTIUS  PILATE 


differs  from  Mark  in  making  Pilate  hin:isclf 
offer  the  alternative  of  Barabbas'  release,  and 
in  marking  more  clearly  the  interval  between 
Pilate's  offer  and  the  taking  of  the  popular 
vote. — St.  Luke,  though  he  shows  traces  of 
acquaintance  with  Mark  (Lu. 23.2, 19),  is  (as 
throughout  ch.  22-24)  substantially  inde- 
pendent. He  commences  with  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  charges  brought  before  Pilate  (23. 
2).  He  gives  an  explicit  acquittal  (ver.  4),  ac- 
counting for  the  prolonged  impeachment,  and 
interpolates  the  trial  before  Herod,  and  Herod's 
mockery,  before  introducing  the  popular  de- 
mand for  Barabbas.  This,  when  it  comes,  is 
an  answer  to  an  offer  to  dismiss  Jesus  with  a 
scourging.  After  three  expostulations  the 
governor  yields,  and  the  people  have  their 
way.  This  account  explains  the  transforma- 
tion of  the  religious  charge,  on  which  our  Lord 
had  been  condemned  by  the  Sanbedrin,  into 
the  political  charge  on  which  he  was  tried 
by  Pilate.  At  the  same  time  it  brings  out 
even  more  strongly  the  efforts  Pilate  made 
to  secure  the  release  of  his  Prisoner.  But 
St.  Luke  gives  no  clue  to  account  for  those 
efforts  or  for  their  failure.— St.  John  here, 
as  always,  assumes  in  his  readers  a  general 
acquaintance  with  current  Cliristian  tradi- 
tion. What  he  adds  was  no  doubt  drawn 
from  his  own  observation.  He  had  gone  with 
Jesus  into  the  palace  of  the  high-priest  (18. 15), 
and  no  ritual  scruple  would  exclude  him  from 
attendance  at  the  trial  in  open  court.  The  first 
scene,  however,  takes  place  outside  the  palace. 
The  prosecutors  refuse  to  enter  a  Gentile  house 
in  feast-time,  and  Pilate  has  to  come  out  to  in- 
terview them.  After  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  secure  a  sentence  without  bringing  any  spe- 
cific charge,  they  accused  Jesus  (as  St.  Luke 
tells  us)  of  claiming  to  be  King  of  the  Jews. 
This  becomes  the  subject  of  investigation  as 
soon  as  the  judge  returns  into  court.  The 
charge  was  new  to  the  Prisoner.  He  asks, 
therefore,  whence  this  accusation  came  ?  Pilate 
disclaims  any  association  with  the  charge,  and 
asks  Him  to  explain  His  position,  no  doubt  re- 
garding the  charge  as  a  malicious  libel.  He  is 
surprised  to  learn  that  Jesus  did  actually  re- 
gard Himself  as  a  King.  But  a  King  who  dis- 
claimed the  use  of  physical  force  was  not  a  per- 
son whose  loyalty  to  Caesar  need  be  suspected, 
whatever  might  be  the  nature  of  the  truth  to 
which  He  had  come  to  witness.  Pilate  there- 
fore goes  out  and  pronounces  His  acquittal. 
There  must,  however,  have  been  some  serious 
obstacle  to  an  immediate  discharge,  because 
the  governor  couples  his  verdict  with  an  ap- 
peal to  the  people  to  exercise  theirfestival  pre- 
rogative in  the  Prisoner's  favour.  The  appeal 
failed  ;  the  people  chose  Barabbas.  Pilate 
then  took  Jesus  and  scourged  Him.  It  is  com- 
monly assumed  that  this  was  the  first  part  of  a 
Roman  sentence  of  capital  ])unishmcnt,  and 
that  Pilate  ordered  its  infliction  hoping  there- 
by to  glutthemaliceof  theprosecutorsandsoto 
escape  completing  the  sentence.  The  language 
emi)ioyed  {ifLaarlywatv,  cf.  fiddTit^iv  dt'erd^ffftiai, 
Ac.22.24)  suggests  rather  that  it  constituted 
a  further  stage  in  the  judicial  examination,  fol- 
lowing on  our  Lord's  refusal  to  answer  the  fur- 
ther charges  brought  by  the  chief  priests,  and 
the  failure  of  Pilate's  attempt  to  transfer  the 


PONTIUS  PILATE 

case  to  Herod  Antipas.  It  is  at  least  worth 
notice  that  it  is  followed  (Jn.I9.4)  by  a  fresh 
verdict  of  acijuittal.  The  mockery  by  the 
soldiers,  though  distinct  in  form,  was  no  doubt 
identical  in  spirit  with  the  mockery  by  Herod. 
Pilate  makes  himself  a  part  y  to  it  by  parading  it. 
It  was  meant  to  show  that  it  was  impossible  to 
take  the  Messianic  pretensions  of  such  a  man 
seriously.  The  appeal  ad  misericord iam  only 
roused  the  chief  priests  to  fresh  fury.  They 
and  their  attendants  raise  a  cry  for  crucifixion. 
Pilate's  pride  is  roused  by  this  attempt  at 
dictation,  and  he  throws  them  back  once  more 
t)n  their  own  resources.  This  compelled  the 
chief  priests  to  change  their  ground.  The 
effort  to  secure  a  conviction  under  Roman  law 
for  political  offences  had  failed.  They  were 
forced  to  raise  the  question  of  the  rights  of 
Jewish  courts  and  the  Jewish  law.  "  He  is 
under  sentence  of  death  from  our  courts  for 
blasphemy.  Execute  Him  on  the  ground  of 
our  sentence,  if  not  of  your  own."  This  new 
charge  throws  light  on  the  words  the  governor 
had  already  heard  from  his  Prisoner.  The 
awe  which  Jesus  had  inspired,  and  which  the 
mockery  had  not  enabled  Pilate  to  throw  off, 
was  deepened.  "  He  was  the  more  afraid." 
Once  more,  therefore,  he  goes  back  into  court 
with  Jesus  to  examine  this  new  charge,  and  to 
probe  the  recurring  suspicion  that  there  was 
more  in  this  strange,  silent  Man  than  met  the 
eye.  He  gets  no  direct  answer  to  his  challenge ; 
only  a  reminder  that  the  source  of  his  own 
authority  was  in  God.  As  a  result  Pilate  was 
nerved  to  fresh  effort,  but  still  not  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  boasted  power  to  set  his  Prisoner 
free.  The  Jews  threaten  Pilate  with  impeach- 
ment on  a  charge  of  treasonable  complicity 
with  a  Pretender  to  the  throne.  On  this 
Pilate's  resistance  collapses.  He  retains  sufl&- 
cient  hold  on  the  situation  to  make  his  sur- 
render as  galling  as  possible  to  their  national 
pride.  He  brings  Jesus  once  more  before  them 
expressly  as  their  King  ;  and  sells  Him  to 
them  at  the  price  of  an  explicit  act  of  national 
apostasy,  which  he  takes  pains  to  publish  to 
all  the  world  in  the  title  which  he  wrote  and 
affixed  to  the  cross.  But  he  gives  Him  into 
their  hands  to  be  crucified. — Such  are  the  four 
accounts  of  the  Trial  before  Pilate,  not  perhaps 
capable  of  being  mechanically  harmonized  in 
all  their  details,  but  strikingly  harmonious  in 
the  view  that  they  give  of  the  part  played  by 
the  main  actors  in  the  scene.  In  each  the 
Roman  governor,  convinced  of  the  innocence 
of  his  Prisoner,  but  afraid,  for  some  unex- 
plained reason,  to  deliver  Him  on  his  own 
responsibility  out  of  the  hands  of  His  perse- 
cutors, appeals  to  the  multitude  to  assist  in 
His  release  and  ultimately  yields,  protesting  to 
the  end,  to  the  demand  of  priest  and  people  for 
His  crucifixion.  Personally  Pilate  was  in  no 
sense  cowed  by  the  chief  priests.  Again  and 
again  he  thri)ws  them  back  when  they  try  to 
force  his  hand  directly.  Why,  then,  did  he  not 
dare  openly  to  rescind  their  judgment,  and  set 
their  Prisoner  free  ?  Was  it  that  in  the  excited 
state  of  popular  feeling  it  would  risk  a  riot  to 
disregard  openly  a  decision  of  the  Sanhedrin, 
unless  he  could  associate  the  people  with  him- 
self in  his  action  ?  In  any  case,  once  con- 
vinced of  the  harmlessness  of  Jesus,  the  popu- 


PONTUS 

lar  demonstration  in  favour  of  Jesus  five  days 
before  must  have  made  it  seem  certain  that 
they  would  be  ready  to  take  any  opportunity 
of  rallying  in  His  support.  The  appeal,  how- 
ever, failed,  and  reacted  with  fatal  effect  on  the 
man  who  made  it.  The  fact  was  that  the  re- 
fusal of  Jesus  to  forbid  the  payment  of  tribute 
to  Caesar  and  the  reports  of  threatening  lan- 
guage used  by  Him  against  the  temple,  coupled 
with  the  palpable  failxire  of  His  cause  to  assert 
itself  against  His  foes,  were  more  than  suffi- 
cient to  kill  the  enthusiasm  aroused  by  the 
triumphal  Entry  into  Jerusalem.  Barabbas, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  a  typical  popular  hero, 
caught  red-handed  in  revolt  against  the  Ro- 
mans, and  his  friends  must  have  been  waiting 
anxiously  for  the  chance  afforded  by  the  feast 
to  secure  his  release.  The  chief  priests,  there- 
fore, had  little  difficulty  in  defeating  the  gover- 
nor's attempt  to  deliver  their  Victim  out  of 
their  hands  by  an  appeal  to  the  populace,  and 
at  the  same  time  in  turning  against  Jesus  the 
very  power  that  Pilate  had  hoped  to  erdist  in 
His  defence.  Even  this  did  not  exhaust  the 
advantage  that  this  false  move  of  Pilate's 
gave  them.  There  was  yet  another  factor  to 
be  reckoned  with,  the  jealous  sensitiveness  of 
the  absent  emperor.  And  Pilate,  by  publicly 
taking  the  part  of  a  Pretender,  had  laid  him- 
self open  to  a  charge  of  treason.  It  was  a 
dangerous  matter  to  play  with  the  title  ' '  King ' ' 
in  bidding  for  popular  support  within  the 
Roman  empire.  He  therefore  receives  a  sig- 
nificant hint  that  he  must  either  yield  to  their 
demand  or  be  prepared  to  answer  for  himself 
before  Tiberius.  As  he  was  not  man  enough 
to  do  the  right  in  scorn  of  consequence,  this 
threat  was  too  much  for  him,  and  he  has  to 
bear  from  generation  to  generation  the  shame 
of  his  "  Great  Refusal."  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  he  meant  stili  fiurther  to  insult 
"  the  King  of  the  Jews  "  by  crucifying  Him 
between  two  robbers.  The  release  of  Barab- 
bas must  have  made  it  necessary  to  make  an 
example  at  once  of  any  members  of  his  band 
who  were  in  prison  at  the  time.       [j.o.f.m.] 

Pontus,  a  large  district  in  the  N.  of  Asia 
Minor,  extending  along  the  coast  of  the  Pontus 
Euxinus,  from  which  its  name  was  derived. 
It  is  three  times  mentioned  in  N.T.  (Ac.2.9, 
18.2  ;  iPe.l.i).  .A.11  these  passages  agree  in 
showing  that  there  were  many  Jewish  residents 
in  the  district.  The  one  brilliant  passage  in 
its  history  is  the  life  of  Mithridates.  Under 
Nero  the  whole  region  was  made  a  Roman 
province,  bearing  the  name  of  Pontus. 

Pool.  [Cistern  ;  Pond.]  The  ordinary 
Heb.  word  is  b"rekhd  (Arab,  birkeh),  referring 
to  a  rock-cut  tank,  filled  with  rain  water 
(Ps.84.6,  b''rdkhd).  The  A.V.,  in  four  passages, 
renders  'aghdm  {marsh)  as  "  pool."  The  word 
^rekhd  occurs  17  times,  and  usually  means  an 
artificial  reservoir,  including  those  of  Gibeon 
{2Sam.2.i3),  Hebron  (2Sam.4.i2),  Samaria 
(iK.22.38),  SiLOAH  {Ne.3.15),  those  made  by 
Solomon  (Ec.2.6),  the  "King's Pool  "  (Ne.2.14) 
or  "  made  pool  "  (3.i5),  and  the  "  upper  "  and 
"  lower  "  pools(Is.7.3,36.2,22.9),with  the"  old 
pool"  (22.li).  [Conduit.]  In  the  Siloam 
inscription  the  pool  of  Siloah  is  called  the 
b^rekhd.  InNahum(2.8)  the  "pool"  may  mean 
a  lake  formed  by  the  flooded  Tigris  at  Nineveh. 


POPLAR 


703 


In  Can.7.4  (LXX.  lakes)  theeyes  of  Solomon's 
bride  are  compared  to  the  deep  brown  "  pools" 
(A.V.  fish  pools,  which  is  not  the  Heb.)  in 
the  brook  W.  of  Heshbon.  [c.r.c] 

Poop.  Poverty  existed  throughout  O.T. 
times,  and  there  are  many  references  to  the 
oppression  of  the  poor  by  the  wealthy  and  un- 
just {e.g.  Is.3.i4f.l0.2;  Am.8.4  ;  Pr.22.7,  etc.). 
For  a  general  picture,  see  esp.  Job  24,  and  cf. 
Widow,  Stranger,  Servant,  Family,  Levite. 
The  law  favoured  the  poor  in  manifold  ways, 
(i)  In  certain  cases  cheaper  sacrifices  were 
accepted  from  them  (Lev.5.7-13.  etc.),  and 
poverty  was  also  considered  in  assessing  the 
redemption  money  of  certain  vows  (Lev.27.8). 
(2)  Their  support  was  ensured  by  (a)  provisions 
favouring  gleaning  and  securing  to  them  for- 
gotten sheaves  and  the  produce  of  corners  of 
fields,  etc.  (Deut. 24.19-22;  Lev.l9.9f.23.22  ;  cf. 
Ru.2;  (6)  commands  for  their  participation  in 
sacrificialfeasts(Deut.l6.ii,i4)[FEASTs];(c)the 
tithe  in  the  third  year  [Tithe]  ;  {d)  the  law  that 
in  every  seventh  year  the  land  was  to  lie  fallow 
and  its  produce  might  be  taken  by  the  poor 
(Ex. 23. II).  Charity  appears  to  have  been  re- 
garded as  a  duty  in  every  age  (Pr.l9.i7,22.9,28. 
27,31.20;  Job  29.16,  etc.).  (3)  The  law  en- 
joined lending  to  the  poor  without  interest,  and 
provided  for  the  periodical  remission  of  debts. 
[Loan.]  It  also  imposed  restrictions  in  favour 
of  poor  borrowers  on  the  practice  of  taking 
pledges.  [Pledge.]  (4)  If.  nevertheless, 
poverty  eventuated  in  insolvency,  which  in 
archaic  societies  took  the  form  of  loss  of  liberty 
{cf.  Am.2.6,8.6 ;  Gen.47.i8ff.),  the  law  provided 
that  the  Israelitish  debtor  should  be  treated 
leniently  and  not  used  as  a  slave,  and  that  in 
the  year  of  Jubilee  he  should  go  free  and  re- 
cover his  lands  (Lev.25.39-43)-  Moreover,  if 
sold  to  a  stranger,  he  might  at  any  intervening 
time  be  redeemed  by  one  of  his  relations  (Lev. 
25.47-55).  Doubtless  these  provisions  also 
applied  to  children  sold  by  their  parents 
through  poverty  (2K.4.1  ;  Ne.5.5 ;  Is.SO.i  ; 
Job  24.9).  (5)  In  judgment  the  poor  were  to 
be  treated  with  absolute  impartiality  (Ex. 23. 3, 
6  ;  Lev.i9.15  ;  cf.  Pr.31.9  ;  Je.22.i6,  etc.). 
Encycl.  Bibl.  s.v. ;  Wiener,  Studies  in  Biblical 
Law,  5-16;  parallels  in  Z«'tec/j/. /.  vergl.  Rechts- 
wissenschaft,  xviii.  141-143 ;  Post,  Grundriss,  i. 
359.  363-367 ;  Kohler,  Shakespeare,  17.  [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.  times  beggars  solicited  help  {a)  at 
the  temple  gate  (Ac.3.2) ;  {b)  at  the  entrance  to 
the  houses  of  the  rich  (Lu  I6.20) ;  (c)  by  the 
wayside  (Mk.lO.46).  Relief  was  given  {a)  in 
money  (Mt.26.9  ;  Jn.i3.29) ;  {b)  in  kind  (Lu.l6. 
20).  Property  was  sold  to  provide  the  means 
of  relief ;  Christ  charged  the  rich  young  man 
(Mt.l9.2i)  and  the  disciples  (Lu.i2.33)  to  do 
this,  which  became  the  custom  of  the  early 
Christians  (Ac.2.45.4.34.35)-  The  care  of  the 
poor  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  early 
church  organization  ( Ac.6.iff.,24.i7 ;  Ro.15.26 ; 
2Cor.8.i-4 ;  Gal.2.io  ;  Jas.2.i5,i6).  St.  James 
condemned  the  practice  of  making  a  distinction 
between  rich  and  poor  in  the  house  of  prayer 
(Jas.2.2,3,6).  Kind  treatment  of  the  poor  is 
considered  in  the  great  Messianic  judgment 
scene  (Mt. 25. 35, 42).  See  also  Lu. 3.11,14.13. 
[Deaconess;  Widow.]  [h.h.] 

Poplar  (Heb.  libne  =  "  white  "  ;  Gen. 30. 
37  ;    H0.4.13).     Several  authorities,  including 


704 


PORATHA 


Celsius,  favour  the  rendering  of  A.V.,  and 
think  the  "  white  poplar  "  {Populus  alba)  is 
denoted ;  others  understand  the  "  storax- 
tree "    {Styrax    officinale    Linn.).     The    white 


STVRA.V  OFFICINALE. 

appearance  agrees  with  the  etymology  of 
the  Heb.  libne,  the  root  of  Lebanon,  "  the 
white  mountain."  The  poplar  (P.  puphratica) 
was  perhaps  formerly  common  in  the  Jordan 
Valley  ;  it  is  now  found  at  Banias.  The 
Arabs  believe  its  wood  makes  the  best  charcoal 
for  gunpowder,  and  it  has  become  scarce,  but 
some  fine  trees  remain  in  the  Ghor,  and 
smaller  ones  near  Jericho.  It  is  known  to  Arabs 
as  the  haur,  or  "  white  "  tree.  [h.c.h.] 

Popa'tha,  one  of  ten  sons  of  Hanian  slain 
by  the  Jews  in  Shushan  the  palace  (Hstii.9..S). 

Popch.  (i)  Heb.  'ulain,  a  pylon  or  liall. 
[Palace.]  (2)  misd'ton  {Judg.3.23),  a  por- 
tico with  a  row  of  posts  or  pillars — a  verandah. 
[House.]  In  N.T.  (Mt. 26.71,  irv\G)v)  a  pylon, 
or  f.Kjadi;,  of  tlic  high-priest's  palace.   [c.R.c] 

Popclus  Festus.     [Festus.] 

Poptep  (Heb.  sho'er  ;  (ik.  6vpwp6i)  never 
means  in  A.V.  a  carrier  of  burdens,  but  always 
a  gate-keeper,  often  used  of  the  Levitcs  in  charge 
of  the  entrances  of  the  sanctuary,  from  the  Lat. 
portaritts.  Cf.  2Chr.l5. 23, 24,  "  doorkeepers," 
a  variant  translation  found  also  in  R.V. ;  and 
see  Jii. 18. 16,17. 

Posldo'nius,  an  envov  sent  by  Nicanor  to 
Judas  (2Mar.l4.P)). 

Possession.     [Demoniacal  Possession.] 

Post,  a  woiiden  pillar.  The  A.V.  S(j  ren- 
ders four  Heb.  words,  (i)  'ayil.  [Linti:i,.|  (2) 
'a»M»»a  (Is.6.4),  "the  cubits  of  the  door"  (R.V. 
thresholds).  (3)  nvziXzdm  18  cases  for  a  door- 
post, has  now  come  to  mean  the  case  contain- 
ing two  passages  of  the  law  (Deut. 6.4-0.11- 
13-21),  attached  to  a  Jewish  door.     (4)  saph 


POTTER'S  FIELD,  THE 

{2Chr.3.7)in  22  cases  is  rendered  post,  door, 
or  threshold,  the  latter  being  probably  the 
real  meaning.  [c.R.c] 

Posts,  i.e.  runners  (Heb.  rufim),  a  late 
word  in  this  sense  (2Chr.30.6, 10  ;  Esth.3. 
13,15;  8.10,14;  Job9.23).  The  reference  in 
Esther  is  to  the  famous  Persian  postal  system 
(Herodotus,  viii.  98).  [c.R.c] 

Pot.     [Handicrafts,  (4);   Cup;   Pan.] 

Potiphap'  {UfTe<pprjs,  Putiphar;  Cien.37.36, 
39.1).  An  officer  of  Pharaoh,  and  the  captain 
of  the  guard  to  whom  Joseph  was  sold  by  the 
Midianites  who  had  brought  him  to  Egypt. 
He  is  said  to  be  an  Egyptian,  which  means  that 
he  was  a  native  who  had  risen  to  a  high  posi- 
tion under  the  foreign  dynasty  of  the  Hyksos, 
the  Shepherd  kings.  He  seems  to  have  been  a 
wealthy  man,  who  had  a  considerable  estab- 
lishment, the  direction  of  which  he  gave  to 
Joseph.  The  word  here  translated  officer 
means  originally  an  eunuch,  but  this  sense 
would  certainly  be  wrong  here  ;  this  word  is 
repeatedly  employed  in  the  sense  of  court- 
officer.  His  second  title  may  signify  chief  of 
the  executioners,  or  of  the  body-guard  which 
had  to  defend  the  sovereign,  and  also  to  exe- 
cute capital  punishment  when  it  was  ordered 
by  the  king.  An  episode  nearly  identical  to 
that  which  caused  his  master  to  throw  Joseph 
into  prison  is  related  in  an  I'^gyptian  tale  called 
"  the  tale  of  the  two  brothers."  Most  inter- 
preters, led  astray  by  the  LXX.,  have  con- 
sidered Potipharand  Poti-phkrah  as  the  same 
name,  as  a  transcription  of  Patu  pra,  ovPet-pra, 
(Heliodorus).  We  believe  that  the  two  names 
are  different  :  Potiphar  ends  with  the  name  of 
the  god  Horus,  which  in  the  first  syllable  often 
has  the  vowel  a,  while  Potiphera  (see  R.V.) 
would  end  with  Ra.  We  should  transcribe 
Potiphar  p  hotep  Har,  the  offering  of  Horus, 
or  the  well-plcasing  to  Horus.  [e.n.] 

Poti-phe'pah  (R.V.  more  correctly  Poti- 
phera), the  high-priest  of  On,  Heliopolis, 
whose  daughter  Asenath  was  given  to  Joseph 
(Gen. 41. 45, 50,46.20).  There  was  probably  a 
political  motive  in  this  marriage.  The  king, 
being  a  stranger,  wished  to  introduce  a  man  of 
a  kindred  race  into  the  college  of  priests  of  On, 
which  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  in  lilgypt. 
We  have  a  statue  of  a  high-priest  of  On  which 
goes  back  to  the  3rd  or  4th  dynasty  ;  he  is 
called  Rahote]!,  which  is  probably  to  be  read 
Hotep  Ra.  With  the  Egyptian  article  p, 
p  hotep  l\a,  the  offering  of  Ra,  or  the  well- 
lileasing  to  Ra,  it  would  be  the  Poti-pherah 
of  the  Heb.  Most  interpreters  have  adopted 
the  transcription  of  the  LXX.,  Petephrcs 
(Heliodorus).  St.  Jerome  ct)usiders  Potipmar 
and  Poti-plicrah  as  the  same  name,  so  that 
Josejih  would  have  married  the  daughter  of  his 
former  master.  [e.n.] 

Potshepd,  a  broken  piece  of  earthenware 
(Prov.26.23  :    r/.  Is. 30. 14,  "  sherd"). 

Pottag°e  (uazUlh),  a  dish  composed  of  boiled 
vegetables  (Gen. 25.20.34  :  2 K. 4.38-40).  In 
Hag.2.i2  it  is  spoken  of  among  the  most  ordin- 
ary reipiirements  of  food.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Pottep.     [Handicrafts,  (4).] 

Pottep's  fleld,  The  (.Acki.dama,  Ac.l. 
i<),  the  ticld  (if  bloc.d,  s.i  named  as  the  scene  of 
the  traitor's  suicide),  a  piece  of  land  which,  ac- 
cording  to   Mt.27.7,    was   purchased    by   the 


POTTERY 

priests  with  the  rejected  30  pieces  of  silver, 
and  converted  into  a  burial-place  for  Jews 
not  belonging  to  the  city.  It  seems  to  be 
identified  with  "  the  potter's  house  "  of  Je.l8. 
2,19-2,  in  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  and  may 
have  been  the  site  of  a  potter's  workshop, 
or  potter's  clay  may  have  been  dug  there 
(Krafft.  Top.  Jer.)  St.  Matthew  regards  the 
incident  as  a  fulfilment  of  a  prophecy,  naming 
Jeremiah  as  the  author.  But  this  is  obviously 
a  mere  slip  of  memory  due  to  the  mental  asso- 
ciation of  the  allusions  in  Je.18,19  and  32.6ff. 
The  passage  which  the  Evangelist  had  in  view 
is  manifestly  Zcch.ll.13,  although  the  verse  is 
quoted  inaccurately,  and  in  any  case  there 
are  difficulties  of  text,  even  if  the  suggestion  is 
adopted  that  Zech.11-14  is  by  a  different 
author,  who  may  be  Jeremiah.  Other  com- 
mentators, however,  have  come  to  another 
conclusion — e.g.  "  St.  Matthew,  targuming  this 
prophecy  (Je.l9)  in  form  as  in  its  spirit,  and  in 
true  Jewish  manner  stringing  to  it  the  pro- 
phetic description  furnished  by  Zechariah, 
sets  the  event  before  us  as  the  fulfilment  of 
Jeremy's  prophecy "  (Edersheim,  Life  of 
Christ).  [S.N.S.] 

Pottery.  [Handicrafts,  (4).] 
Pound,  (i)  Weights  AND  Measures.  (2) 
In  the  parable  of  the  Ten  Pounds  (Lu.l9.i2- 
27),  the  reference  appears  to  be  to  a  Gk. 
pound,  a  weight  used  as  a  money  of  account, 
of  which  60  went  to  the  talent,  the  weight 
depending  upon  that  of  the  talent. 

Power  on  the  head  (iCor.ll.io,  i^ovalav 
^X^"'  ^Tt  riji  KecpaXrjs  Sia  tovs  dyy^Xovi  ; 
potestatem  habere  supra  caput  propter  ange- 
los  ;  R.V.  "  to  have  a  sign  of  [marg.  or,  have 
aut  hority  over]  herhead  because  of  the  angels"). 
There  is  no  variation  in  the  text,  and  conjec- 
tural emendations  may  at  once  be  set  aside. 
"  Power  on  her  head  "  must  mean  a  sign  of 
subjection,  and  so  be  equivalent  to  a  head- 
dress. Some  have  supposed  that  the  word  is  a 
provincialism  for  a  female  head-dress,  but  of 
this  there  is  no  evidence.  St.  Chrysostom 
paraphrases  it  as  "  veil."  "  Because  of  the 
angels  "  must  be  taken  in  the  ordinary  sense, 
and  not  as  meaning  messengers  or  bishops.  It 
was  the  general  belief  that  angels  were  present 
at  the  Christian  services.  Women  should  be 
veiled,  as  the  seraphim  covered  their  faces 
with  their  wings  (Is. 6. 2),  or  else  lest  they 
should  tempt  the  angels  to  lust,  as  before  the 
Flood.  Cf.  Stanley,  Corinthians,  pp.  184- 
188.  [G.M.y.] 

Ppaetopium.  [Judgment  Hall.] 
Praise,  (i)  O.T.  The  Heb.  word /'/t/ZW, 
derived  from  the  root  hdlal,  meaning  "  to 
break  out "  (in  a  cry  especially  of  joy),  denotes 
strictly  the  act  of  homage  offered  to  God  in 
acknowledgment  of  His  essence  and  character 
as  revealed  to  men  (iChr.16.4  ;  Ps.22.3,  etc). 
But  the  homage  as  shown  in  the  Magnificat 
(Lu.1.47)  is  linked  so  closely  with  thanksgiving 
in  which  the  divine  glory  and  goodness  find 
expression  that  the  two  cannot  always  be 
sharply  distinguished.  In  O.T.  examples  of 
songs  of  praise  are  those  in  Ex.15. 1-3,  and 
iSam.2.i,2  (though  the  latter  may  not  always 
have  belonged  to  its  present  context).  The 
Psalter,  Vhillim,  naturally  supplies  in  its  ex- 
ultation at  the  Name,  the  glories,  the  loving- 


PRAYER 


705 


kindness  and  the  bounty  of  God,  the  purest 
examples.  Hallelujah  ("praise  ye  Jah")  is 
generally  used  liturgically  as  a  short  doxology 
at  the  beginning,  or  the  end,  or  both,  of  three 
groups  (104-106,111-117,  and  146-150)  of  later 
Pss.,  together  with  135.  Praise  and  prayer  are 
evoked  by  mention  of  the  divine  attributes 
(Ps.l8.1-3).  Ps.145,  alone  entitled  Uhilld,  ex- 
pands in  terms  of  universal  and  unceasing 
praise  such  a  doxology  as  that  in  iChr.29.ii- 
13.  In  Ps.l48  (the  foundation  of  the  Bene- 
dicite)  all  creation  is  called  to  praise  at  Israel's 
restoration.  Cf.  Tob.13  and  Ba.5.  (2)  N.T. 
Praise  is  a  dominant  note  (especially  in  the 
structure  of  St.  Luke's  gospel),  in  which 
Gentiles,  in  fulfilment  of  prophecy  (Ps.l8.49  : 
Is.ll.i)  unite  with  Jews  (R0.15.9-13).  It  is 
the  service  of  the  Royal  Priesthood  (iPe.2.9  ; 
Rev. 1.6)  manifesting  the  divine  glory  in  wor- 
ship and  life  (Mt. 5. 16).  In  Rev.  (4.9,10,5.9;  5. 
11;  4.8,5.13)  "  the  throne  of  God  and  of  the 
Lamb  "  (22. i)  is  the  centre  of  praise  offered 
by  the  Church,  by  angels,  and  by  all  forms 
of  created  life.  Kirkpatrick  and  Perowne, 
Commentaries  on  the  Pss.  (1883,  1892-1901)  ; 
Milligan,  "The  Revelation,"  Expositor's  Bible 
(1891) ;  Bodington,  Books  of  Devotion,  Oxf. 
Libr.  of  Practical  Theology  (1903).     [a.j.w.] 

Ppaise-offeping'.  [Sacrifice,  2,  end ; 
3.  ii-  c.] 

Ppayep.  Prayer  has  been  defined  as  "  the 
act  by  which  man,  conscious  at  once  of  his 
weakness  and  of  his  immortality,  puts  himself 
into  real  and  effective  communication  with  the 
almighty,  the  eternal,  the  self-existent  God." 
The  term  contains  the  whole  cycle  of  commu- 
nion between  the  soul  and  God,  of  which  O.T. 
examples  are  Ps.84,  Is.63. 7-64.12,  where  every 
form  of  address  to  God  is  included.  [Praise  ; 
Worship.]  But  address  by  way  of  petition  is 
the  main  subject  of  this  article,  in  which  the 
growth  of  prayer  is  sketched,  following  the 
broad  outlines  of  Jewish  history,  (i)  At  the 
root  of  the  prayer  of  Israel  lies  the  Heb.  belief 
in  God  Who  is  at  once  transcendent  (Deut.32. 
39  ;  Is.37.i6,43.io,ii)  and  immanent  (Job  12. 
10;  Ps.139.7;  Jn.l.10,5.17;  Ac.i7.24ff.),  com- 
bined with  the  conviction  that  man  is  capable 
of  communion  with  Him.  The  history  of 
Israel  is  that  of  a  people  who,  with  all  their 
failures,  lived  as  believing  in  the  intercourse 
of  God,  the  Creator  and  Preserver,  Whose 
sovereignty  is  righteous,  with  man.  The  foxm- 
dation  of  that  belief  rests  on  the  revealed 
relation  between  man  and  God  (Gen. 1.26,27, 
2.7,5.1,2,9.6;  iCor.11.7  ;  Jas.3.9).  With  the 
unveiling  of  the  character  of  God  through  his- 
toric manifestations  of  His  holiness  and  love 
there  was  a  corresponding  growth  in  prayer. 
From  the  primitive  use  of  the  Name  of  J  ehovah 
(Gen.4.26)  in  invocation,  prayer,  after  the 
nature-covenant  with  Noah  had  confirmed  the 
promise  of  Creation  (Gen.9.i6),  is  upheld  under 
the  grace-covenant  with  Abraham  by  the 
sense  of  the  greatness  and  righteousness  of  the 
Lord  (Gen.l8.25, 31, 32),  while,  in  the  crisis  of 
Jacob's  life,  tenacity  of  purpose  secures  with 
the  blessing  a  change  in  character  (Gen.32.28  ; 
Ho.12.4).  The  work-covenant  at  Sinai  deep- 
ened through  the  law  the  sense  of  duty  and  of 
weakness,  of  the  call  to  holiness  (Ex.19.6  ;  Lev. 
11.44)  aad  oi  social  unity  (Ex.24.3).     Prayer 

45 


"700  PRAYER 

became  more  serious  as  the  sense  of  sin  in- ' 
creased  (Ex.32.ii-i3).  while  the  "tent  of 
meeting  "  was  a  symbol  of  the  satisfaction  of 
human  need  of  fellowship  with  God  (Ex. 25. 8, 
40-34).  Intercession  was  gradually  developed, 
as  in  the  prayers  of  Samuel  (iSam. 12. 19,23), 
Elijah  ( I K. 18. 36, 37),  in  the  liturgical  prayer 
of  Solomon  (iK. 8.22-53),  and  later  in  the 
prayer  of  the  Levites  (Ne.9),  and  Daniel 
(Dan. 9).  Through  experiences  gradually 
formed  under  the  life-covenant  with  David 
(2Sam.7.i2-i6),  prayer,  as  disclosed  in  the 
psalter  and  in  the  prophets,  became  enriched 
with  religious  affections,  thought,  and  reason. 
All  yearnings  are  met  by  God  (Ps.27.4-'>,63. 
1-3).  The  awakening  of  conscience  (26.2), 
penitence  and  rest  oration  (51. 2, 1 0,17),  spiritual 
illumination  (119.27,143. 10),  intercession  for 
the  Church  (122.6-8),  and  for  a  future  brighter 
than  the  past  (144.12, 13),  illustrate  the  firm 
belief  of  successive  generations  of  Israelites  in 
God  all-holy,  almighty,  and  omniscient,  the 
vitalizing  of  the  faculty  for  fellowship  with  Him, 
and  the  reality  of  prayer.  To  Him  are  due  the 
preparation  of  the  heart  (10. 17),  and  the  move- 
ment to  the  prayers  (27.8)  which,  without 
doubt,  He  hears  and  answers  (86.7,91.15).  In 
the  deutero-canonical  books  there  are  striking 
prayers  for  wisdom  as  the  guide  of  life  (Wis. 9  ; 
Ecclus.51),  acts  of  faith  (Ec(lus.23.i-3),  and 
intercession  for  the  Church  (36.I-I7).  (2)  In 
N.T.  the  revelation  in  the  Incarnate  Son  of  the 
Fatherhood  of  God  (Jn.i4.9-11)  crowns  this 
progressive  witness  to  the  reality  and  issues  of 
prayer.  In  Christ  O.T.  expectations  as  to  the 
character  of  God  are  confirmed  (Jn. 14. 10, 11), 
and  the  idea  of  the  divine  Fatherhood  is  now 
extended  to  the  individual  believer  (Mt.6.8 ;  Lu. 
11.9-13;  cf.  an  anticipation  in  Ecclus.23.i,4). 
In  harmony  with  His  own  prayer  of  consecra- 
tion (Jn.l7),  and  of  resignation  (Mt. 26. 39,42- 
44),  as  well  as  the  Lord's  Prayer  (Mt.6.9-11),  the 
Church  has  learnt  to  pray  in  His  Name,  while 
every  Christian  has  addressed  God  with  child- 
like confidence  (Ro.8.15,28).  Belief  in  the 
efficacy  of  prayer  was  secured  by  large  general 
promises  (Mt.7.7  ;  lMk.ll.24),  especially  to 
united  prayer  (Mt.l8.19),  but  Christian  prayer 
is  conditioned.  It  must  be  made  in  the  Name 
of  Christ,  not  only  as  a  plea  for  success  in 
petition  (Jn. 14.13,14),  but  in  accordance  with 
His  will  (15.7,8),  purjiose  (15. 15, 16),  with 
trust  in  the  divine  revelation  (16. 25),  and  in 
reliance  on  the  Mediator's  power  (16. 26-28; 
cf.  Eph.2.18,3.12).  Under  these  conditions, 
spiritual  and  temporal  blessings  are  guaranteed 
(Mt.6.33  ;  iTim.4.8).  (3)  In  the  apostolic 
Church  "  the  prayers  "  arc  significantly  linked 
with  "  the  breaking  of  the  bread  "  (.\c.2.42),  for 
abiding  in  Christ  is  connected  by  Himself  with 
Holy  Communion  (Jn.6.5i>,15.i-8).  The  action 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  is  assured  (Ko.8.26).  In 
the  I'-pp.  Christ's  promises  in  regard  to  prayer 
are  claimed  for  the  highest  Sjiiritual  ends  (I'^ph. 
3. 14-21)  and  for  si)ecial  circumstances  (Ko. 
15.30-32).  Intercession  is  a  first  duty  of  the 
ministry  (iTim.2.i).  Petitions  according  to 
the  Lord's  will  are  certainly  heard  and  an- 
swered (ijn.5.14,15).  as  they  arc  confidently 
offered  through  the  Mediator  (Heb.lO.19).  Who 
appears  for  us  before  God  (Heb.9.24  ;  Rev. 
5.6).     (4)  In  the  Lord's  Prayer,  probably  dc- 


PRECIOUS  STONES 

livered  on  two  occasions  (Mt.6.9ff.  I  Lu.ll.1-4), 
investing  older  phraseology  of  the  Jewish 
Church  with  a  new  spiritual  meaning  in  a  new 
setting,  the  keynote  is  the  invocation  of  the 
Father  as  the  eternal  Fountain  of  Deity.  The 
whole  prayer  is  offered  in  the  Name  of  Christ, 
for  in  it  the  Father  is  revealed.  His  Name 
hallowed,  His  kingdom  advanced,  and  His  will 
fulfilled  through  the  gift  of  His  Spirit  (Jn. 
I6.13-15  ;  R0.I4.17;  iih.4.3;  2Th.2.i3).  In 
line  with  passages  like  Ps.lb6.4,5,  the  Lord's 
Prayer  is  essentially  corporate,  while  every 
believer  can  make  it  his  own.  Thus,  in  the  use 
of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  highest  conception  of 
prayer  as  an  agency  for  the  manifestation  of 
the  divine  glory  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  will  of 
God  is  maintained  in  the  spirit  of  His  Son,  Who 
thus  taught  the  Church  to  pray  (Jn.l'7.1,4). 
[Name  ;  Heavicn.]  Ho  iker,  Eccl.  Pol.  v.  47, 
48;  Jellett,  Efficacy  of  P.  (1877);  Karslake, 
Theory  of  P.  (S.P.C.K.) ;  Liddon,  Some  Elements 
of  Religion,  lect.  v.  (1872) ;  Lodge,  Hibbert  J. 
(T903) ;  Boyd  Vincent,  God  and  Prayer  (189)) ; 
Chase,  The  Lord's  P.  in  the  Early  Church;  Ter- 
tuUian,  DeOrat.,  and  St.  Cyprian,  DcDom.  Oral. 
(Camb.  Texts  and  Studies);  J.  H.  Bernard,  The 
P.  of  the  Kingdom  (1905) ;  Goulburn,  The  Lord's 
P.  (1898)  ;  C.  Gore,  Prayer  and  the  Lord's  P. 
(1898)  ;  Aitken,  The  Divine  Ordinance  of  P. 
(1904);  Church,  Discipline  of  the  Christian 
Character,  serm.  iii.  (1886)  ;  Worlledge,  Prayer 
{Oxf.  Lib.  of  Practical  Theology,  1902);  E.  K. 
Bernard  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904);  A. 
Barry,  Smith's  D.P.  (1  vols.  1893).  [a.j.w.] 
Prayer,  Place  of.  [Pkoseucha.] 
Preacheps.  Preaching  is  often  mentioned 
in  A.V.  The  older  temple  worship  was 
mainly  ritual  and  sacrifice  :  before  the  Cap- 
tivity the  prophets  were  the  chief  preachers  of 
God's  message,  mostly  delivering  their  pro- 
phecies verbally  before  they  were  written  (cf. 
Je.36.2).  After  the  Captivity  the  building  of 
synagogues  caused  a  great  development  of 
preaching.  At  the  reading  of  the  law  and 
the  prophets  in  Heb.  an  interpreter  trans- 
lated into  Aramaic  and  added  comment  and 
explanation.  This  often  became  an  ex- 
pository sermon  {cf.  Edersheim,  Life  of  Jesus, 
i.  445).  There  was  no  appointed  preacher  set 
apart  for  this  work,  but  the  archi-synagogos 
invited  any  duly  qualified  person  present  to 
interpret  and  preach.  This  is  evidenced  by 
Jewish  writers,  and  in  the  N.T.  we  have  ex- 
amples in  the  case  both  of  our  Lord  (Mt.l3.S4  : 
Mk.6.2  ;  Lu.4.16)  and  of  St.  Paul  (Ac.i3.15). 
Our  Lord  also  ]ireached  in  the  temple  colon- 
nades (Jn. 7. 14, 28, 8.2).  St.  John  the  Baptist 
revived  the  projilietic  iircaching  of  repentance 
and  faith  (Mt.3.i),  as  did  our  Lord  (4.i7)-  We 
learn  from  i Cor.  14  tiiat  in  the  early  days  in 
churches,  as  in  synagogues,  any  duly  qualified 
person wasencouraged  topreach,  andat  Corinth 
disorder  resulted.  St.  Paul  forbade  women  to 
preach  (xcr.  34).  Tlie  l)idachi{Ki.,  xiii.)speaks 
of  travflling  apostles  aiul  ]iro]ihets  (i.e. 
preachers)  sjieaking  "in  the  Spirit."     [c.c.t.] 

Precious  stones.  The  L.\.\.  shows  what 
the  translators  nf  O.T.,  about  the  middle  of 
3rd  cent,  n.c,  supposed  to  be  the  Gk.  equiva- 
lents for  the  Heb.  names  of  iirecious stones,  and 
these  stones  with  others  are  described  by  Theo- 
phrastus  (d.  287  B.C.).    Josephus  gives  the  Gk. 


PREDESTINATION 

names  for  the  gems  in  the  high-priest's  breast- 
plate as  he  knew  them ;  and  Pliny  (d.  79  a.d.), 
in  his  Naturalis  Historia,  describes,  often  fully 
and  precisely,  the  stones  then  held  in  value. 
But  mineralogy  was  still  in  its  infancy,  so  that 
distinct  substances  might  pass  under  one 
name,  or  mere  varieties  be  regarded  as  separate 
species.  We  may,  however,  at  any  particular 
time  exclude  from  consideration  stones  ob- 
tained only  in  localities  then  inaccessible,  and, 
in  the  case  of  engraved  gems,  those  which  were 
too  hard  to  be  carved  by  the  artists  of  that 
age.  But  we  must  not  forget  that,  even  in 
very  early  times,  special  articles  of  commerce 
often  travelled  far.  Amber  passed  from  the 
Baltic  to  the  Mediterranean  in  prehistoric 
times;  scarabs,  pottery,  and  vases  of  polished 
stone  were  brought  from  Egypt  to  the  isles 
of  Greece  many  centuries  before  the  Exodus ; 
and  the  spices  of  Gilead,  as  we  read  in  Genesis, 
were  carried  across  Palestine  to  the  Nile. 
Still,  it  is  very  improbable  that  such  gems  as 
the  diamond,  ruby,  or  sapphire  could  have 
reached  either  of  these  regions  before  the  days 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  or  have  been  generally 
known  in  republican  Rome.  But  of  late  years 
much  information  has  been  gained.  The  dis- 
covery by  Prof.  Flinders  Petrie  of  the  brace- 
lets worn  by  the  wife  of  Zer,  second  king  of 
the  first  dynasty,  shows  that  some  66  centuries 
ago  the  Egyptians  could  make  beads  of 
various  shapes  from  lapis  lazuli,  turquoise, 
and  even  amethyst  ;  while  about  the  time 
of  the  Exodus,  according  to  the  same  au- 
thority, they  worked  the  following  materials 
for  ornaments — serpentine,  malachite,  lapis 
lazuli,  felspar,  turquoise,  amethyst,  and  rock- 
crystal,  with  jasper,  agate,  carnelian,  and  other 
varieties  of  chalcedonic  quartz.  Some  of 
these  stones  also  were  used  by  the  ancient 
Chaldeans  and  by  the  precursors  of  the  Greeks 
in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  while  from  al- 
most the  earliest  days  of  Egypt  and  more  than 
2,000  years  b.c.  in  Chaldea  vases  and  even 
large  statues  were  carved  out  of  rocks  as  tough 
as  diorite  and  as  hard  as  granite.  Thus,  though 
some  identifications  are  very  doubtful,  because 
we  cannot  always  be  sure  that  authors,  when 
using  a  particular  name,  meant  the  stone  which 
now  bears  it,  a  fair  number  cannot  be  really 
wide  of  the  mark.  [t.g.b.] 

Predestination.  The  belief  in  pre- 
destination is,  in  the  Bible,  a  direct  outcome  of 
belief  in  God.  The  religious  history  of  the 
Jews  shows  a  progressive  wideningand  deepen- 
ing of  the  conception  of  God  ;  and  the  de- 
veloped conception  is  the  presupposition  of 
N.T.  All  that  takes  place  in  the  universe  of 
nature  or  the  history  of  man  is  subject  to  His 
rule  and  guidance.  It  is  because  God  is  omni- 
potent that  history  is  teleological,  and  records 
the  working  out  of  a  divine  purpose  which 
nothing  can  defeat.  Moreover,  in  Heb. 
thought,  God  is  not  so  much  an  immanent,  in- 
tellectual principle  as  a  free,  righteous,  and 
immeasurably  exalted  Person.  The  divine 
will  and  purpose  are  even  more  prominent 
than  the  divine  mind.  This  conception  of 
God  is  the  guiding  thought  of  St.  Paul  in  the 
great  passages,  R0.8. 28-30,9-11,  Eph.l.3-14. 
The  keynote  of  the  whole  is  to  be  found  in  the 
closing  verses   of   Ro.ll.     Closely   connected 


PREDESTINATION 


707 


with  the  belief  in  predestination,  but  logically 
distinguishable  from  it,  is  the  belief  in  elec- 
tion, the  singling  out  of  some  from  among  men 
for  a  position  of  special  privilege.  The  doctrine 
of  election  is  found  throughout  both  O.  and 
N.T.  And  it  is  in  so  far  as  predestination  is 
bound  up  with  this  belief,  i.e.  the  acceptance 
of  some  and  the  rejection  of  others  on  grounds 
other  than  their  own  merit,  that  it  has  caused 
moral  difficulty.  It  is  necessary  to  ask  (i) 
Who  are  the  elect  ?  (2)  What  is  the  status 
conferred  by  election  ?  (i)  In  O.T.,  election 
refers  primarily  to  the  community.  It  is  the 
people  Israel  that  is  elect,  and  the  remaining 
peoples  of  the  earth  that  are  not.  In  St.  Paul, 
although  there  is  a  stronger  sense  of  individu- 
ality, it  is  still  primarily  with  regard  to  com- 
munities, Jews  and  Gentiles,  that  the  question 
is  discussed.  (2)  Election  is  rather  to  a 
position  of  immediate  privilege  and  service 
than  to  ultimate  salvation  ;  and  this  position 
is  not  independent  of  the  moral  qualities  of 
those  who  hold  it.  The  conception  of  Jewish 
privilege  is  modified  by  the  deepening  concep- 
tion of  the  divine  nature.  If  God  is  holiness, 
acceptability  to,  and  intimacy  with,  Him  must 
involve  holiness,  and  privilege  be  associated 
with  service.  Because  God  is  not  merely  a 
national  God,  Jewish  privilege  merges  in  a 
wider  purpose  of  mercy  to  mankind.  This  is 
suggested  in  the  prophets  ;  and  St.  Paul's 
quarrel  with  contemporary  Judaism  is  due  to 
its  failure  to  live  up  to  such  suggestions.  So 
far  is  his  view  of  predestination  from  being  in- 
compatible with  moral  responsibility,  that  his 
argument  is  expressly  directed  to  showing  that 
moral  responsibility  remains,  and  that  moral 
failure  may,  at  least  for  a  time,  involve  for- 
feiture of  the  status  of  election.  This  can 
hardly  be  ignored,  if  we  view  St.  Paul's  teach- 
ing as  a  whole  and  consider  the  great  part 
played  in  it  by  moral  exhortation.  The 
phrase  KXrjroi  ayioi  continually  recurs,  and 
the  need  of  the  most  strenuous  moral  effort 
is  in  the  forefront  of  his  thought.  Thus  (i) 
Election  is  not  a  non-moral  status.  It  may  be 
tested  by  a  moral  criterion.  Holiness  must 
be  its  result,  if  not  a  pre-existent  condition, 
(ii)  Because  it  is  moral,  it  may  be  forfeited  by 
moral  failure  (cf.  Ph.3.i2  ;  C0I.I.23).  It  is, 
in  the  first  instance,  a  present,  rather  than  a 
future  or  an  external,  relation  to  God.  In  the 
light  of  these  considerations  it  is  possible  to 
ask  in  what  sense  St.  Paul  teaches  a  doctrine 
of  reprobation,  (a)  In  any  case,  St.  Paul's 
chief  insistence  is  on  the  election  of  some,  not 
on  the  rejection  of  others.  He  is  writing  to 
the  elect,  and  preaching  a  gospel  of  hope.  Re- 
probation is  arrived  at  rather  by  logical  de- 
duction from  what  he  says  than  from  direct 
statements.  And,  with  a  homiletic  teacher 
like  St.  Paul,  such  deductions  are  specially 
precarious.  (6)  In  the  simile  of  the  Potter, 
Ro. 9. 19-24  (cf.  also  R0.9.18,  dv  deXet  aKXTjpvvei), 
vessels  fashioned  for  dishonour  are  ex- 
plicitly mentioned.  But  we  must  distinguish 
between  vessels  fashioned  for  higher  and  lower 
uses  and  those  which  fail  to  fulfil  the  purposes 
for  which  they  are  destined.  The  former  dis- 
tinction may  be  taken  naturally  to  represent 
the  undoubted  fact  of  higher  and  lower 
responsibilities  in  this  present  life,      (c)  The 


708 


PREDESTINATION 


provisional  character  thus  assigned  to  repro- 
bation is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  it  is,  in 
some  mysterious  sense,  a  means  to  the  working 
out  of  the  divine  purpose  of  universal  mercy. 
Through  all  the  miserable  rejections  and 
failures  of  human  history,  this  purpose  steadily 
fulfils  itself,  converting  them  into  material 
for  its  own  uses.  (Yet  we  have  in  R0.II.12  an 
a  fortiori  argument  which  seems  to  suggest 
that,  though  man  can  never  defeat  (iod's  will, 
he  may  help  or  hinder  its  accomplishment.) 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  impossible  to  draw  a 
sharp  line,  and  confine  election  and  predestina- 
tion absolutely  to  this  provisional  meaning. 
We  are  dealing  with  God  ;  and  our  leading 
thought  is  His  sovereignty  and  unchangeable- 
ness.  "  The  gifts  and  the  calling  of  God  are 
without  repentance."  The  whole  passage 
(Ko.9-11)  is  a  prolonged  theodicy,  a  vindica- 
tion of  the  justice  and  the  sovereignty  of  God. 
The  defence  is,  first,  that  the  Jews  had  mis- 
conceived the  conditions  and  nature  of  their 
election,  which  were  ethical  and  so  far  unful- 
filled ;  but,  secondly,  that  the  rejection  is  not 
ultimate,  and  is  itself  a  means  to  an  ultimate 
and  universal  mercy.  There  is  a  distinct  sug- 
gestion that  election  is  not  in  the  end  defeated. 
But  it  is  quite  superfluous  to  draw  the  same 
corollary  with  regard  to  reprobation,  since  the 
two  cases  are  distinguished  by  their  different 
relation  to  the  ultimate  purpose,  which  is 
mercy.  In  conclusion  :  (i)  AH  depends  on 
our  not  isolating  particular  attributes  of  God. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  explain  away  the  Biblical 
insistence  on  His  omnipotence  and  omni- 
presence, or,  with  the  early  Gk.  commenta- 
tors, to  reduce  predestination  to  foreknow- 
ledge in  the  supposed  interests  of  free  will, 
separating  God's  reason  from  His  will  and 
purpose.  It  is  equally  a  mistake  to  forget 
that,  though  God's  will  is  determined  by  no- 
thing outside  Himself,  it  is  determined  by  His 
own  character,  His  holiness  and  His  love. 
(2)  In  the  reaction  against  a  narrowly  logical 
Calvinism,  some  modern  commentators  con- 
sider that  St.  Paul  simply  places  the  two  truths 
of  divine  governance  and  hmnan  freedom  side 
by  side,  and  gives  us  an  antinomy  which  he 
does  not  attempt  to  solve.  This  would  be 
in  accordance  with  the  Pharisaic  thought  in 
which  the  apostle  was  educated.  But  it  may 
be  doubted  whether  the  antinomy  is  not  rather 
in  the  minds  of  the  commentators  than  in  that 
of  St.  Paul.  With  him  the  two  are  not  on  a 
level,  nor  are  they  inconsistent.  Whether  we 
can  follow  his  reasoning  or  not,  to  him  human 
responsibility  §eems  to  spring  directly  from  an 
overruling  Providence.  And  it  is  at  least 
questionable  whether  the  common  and  rather 
negative  conception  of  freedom,  as  involving 
a  measure  of  real  independence  even  of  God,  is 
to  be  found  in  St.  Paul.  Two  cautions  should 
perhaps  be  added,  (a)  It  is  a  mistake  to  isolate 
particular  texts  or  passages.  Ko.9  must  be 
interpreted  in  tiie  light  of  the  rest  of  St.  Paul, 
St.  Paul  by  the  rest  of  the  Bible,  (b)  St.  Paul 
does  not  write  as  a  philosojjher,  and  gives  no 
ready-made  answers  to  philosophical  problems. 
We  find  in  him  suggestions,  but  not  a  system. 
He  has  been  and  will  be  differently  interpreted 
according  to  the  different  presuppositions  with 
which  he  is  approached.     (Two  opposed  views, 


t»RlEST  IN  O.f . 

the  Calvinistic  and  the  anti-Calvinistic,  at& 
very  ably  maintained  in  the  articles  on  "  Pre- 
destination "  and  "  Election  "  respectively  in 
Hastings,  D.B.,  5  vols.  1904.  A  very  good 
discussion  is  also  found  in  Gore,  Romans,  vol. 
ii.  pp.  1-94).  [W.H.M.] 

JPpeparation,  Day  of  the.  [Passover; 
Eucharist.] 

Ppesbytep.  This  word  (irpeapvTepoi)  as 
denoting  an  official  in  the  Christian  Ministry, 
was  borrowed  fr-)m  the  Jews.  O.i  the  use  of 
the  terms  (iriaKowos  and  Tr/jftr/SiVepo?  as  equi- 
valent, and  on  the  nature  of  the  office  and 
method  of  appointment,  see  Bishop  ;  Church  ; 
Timothy,  Epp.  to.  [d.s.] 

Presents.     [Gift.] 

President  (sdrakh  ;  Dan. 6)  ;  probably  a 
Pers.  word.  In  Avestic,  sara  and  sdra  mean 
"  head,"  and  sdrakh  would  mean  "  little  head," 
as  inferior  to  the  monarch ;  but  Col.  Conder 
suggests  that  it  is  the  Bab.  sarku,  which  he 
takes  to  mean  "chief."  [w.st.c.t.] 

Presses  (Is.16.io),  Press-fats  (Hag. 
12.16).     [Winepress.] 

Pricks.     [Goad.] 

Priest  in  O.T.  (Heb.  kohen,  "he  that 
stands  "),  a  general  designation  of  the  ministers 
in  religion  who  act  as  mediators  between  their 
fellowmen  and  the  deity — e.g.  Melchizedek(Gen. 
14.18),  Potipherah  (41. 4.5),  Jethro  (Ex.2.i6). 
It  may  signify  either  their  function  as  offerers, 
because  of  those  services  at  the  altar  they  per- 
formed standing,  or  more  generally  as  servants, 
since  to  "  stand  before  one  "  is  said  of  service 
in  general  (iK.10.8  ;  Je.35.i9  ;  Dan.l.5). 
There  does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  the  pre- 
Mosaic  days  any  special  class  of  priests.  Sacri- 
fice is  offered  by  Noah  (Gen. 8. 20),  Abraham 
(I2.7),  Jacob  (31.54,35.7),  as  the  head  of  the 
tribe  or  household,  by  the  dignity  inherent  in 
that  position,  which  became  typical  through 
the  priest-king  Melchizedek  (Gen.l4.i8  ;  Heb. 
7.1) ;  and  long  after  the  death  of  Moses  we  find 
instances  of  a  similar  combination,  not  only  in 
cases  admittedly  disloyal  to  Jehovah,  as  that 
of  Micah  (Judg.l7f.),  but  also  in  cases  of  such 
signal  devotion  as  Gideon  (Judg.6.26)  and 
Manoah  (13. 19).  The  Israelites  indeed,  until 
the  time  of  the  establishment  of  the  central 
sanctuary  on  Mt.  Moriah,  seem  to  have  felt 
free  to  offer  sacrifice  when  occasion  required 
(2.1-5;  iSam.6.15  ;  cf.  iK.8.5);  and  had 
been  enjoined  themselves  to  kill  thcpassover 
for  their  households  (Ex. 12.21, 27)  each  year. 
Hence  we  find  those  who  for  the  time  occu- 
pied the  position  of  head  or  representative  of 
the  nation  offering  sacrifice  ;  Samuel  (iSam. 
7.9),  Saul  (13. 9),  David  (2Sam.6.i3,24.25), 
Elijah  (iK. 18. 23, 32-38),  all  offered  sacrifice 
without  any  such  suggestion  of  trespass  as 
is  inseparably  connected  with  the  similar, 
but  schismatic,  act  of  Jeroboam  (13. i),  and 
Solomon's  act  at  the  dedication  of  liis  temple 
was  obviously  unique  (8.63).  The  description 
of  David's  sons  as  jiriests  is  excejUional  (2Sam. 
8.18),  and  the  A.V.  paraphrases  as  "chief- 
rulers  "  ;  their  position  may,  however,  have 
been  similar,  in  a  period  of  uusettlement  and 
transition,  to  that  of  the  young  men  inthe  camp 
at  Sinai  (Ex. 24.5  :  <:/■  19.22),  though  the  cases 
of  Ira  (2Sam.2O.26)  and  Zabud  (iK.4.5)  rather 
point  to  the  sense  of  "privy  councillor,"  i.e. 


PRIEST  IN  O.T. 

one  who  has  the  privilege  of  drawing  near  to 
advise.  At  Sinai  the  whole  nation  was  brought 
into  covenant  with  Jehovah  as  "  a  kingdom  of 
priests  "  (Ex. 19.6),  and  in  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant,  which  immediately  follows,  the  de- 
mand is  made  that  the  first-born  son  should 
be  given  to  Jehovah  (22.29).  But  Israel  itself, 
the  kingdom  of  priests,  had  stood  to  Jehovah 
in  the  relation  of  first-born  (4.22),  and  the  re- 
quirement of  the  first-born  is  therefore  repre- 
sentative (13. 15)  ;  they  were  consecrated  to 
holy  service  by  their  being  "  given  "  to  God 
as  were  the  Levites  (Num.8. 16)  and  Samuel  (i 
Sam.  1 . 1 1 ).  The  Levites  indeed  are  represented 
as  being  the  substitute  for  the  First-born 
(Num.8. 18).  Although  the  founders  of  the 
Israelitish  nation  must  have  been  familiar 
with  priesthood  and  sacrifice  before  they 
crossed  the  river  (Jos.24.2,3),  it  was  in  Egypt 
that  the  most  vivid  impress  was  received  in 
the  direction  of  ceremonial  and  religious 
organization.  Joseph's  marriage  to  the 
daughter  of  a  priest  (Gen. 41. 45)  and  the  special 
favour  he  showed  to  the  priests  during  the 
famine  (47.26),  as  well  as  in  a  later  day  the 
education  given  to  Moses  (Ac.7.22  ;  cf.  Ps.99.6), 
show  how  familiar  the  Israelites  must  have 
been  with  the  Egyptian  conception  of  priest- 
hood ;  and  it  is  to  the  time  of  their  captivity 
in  Egypt  that  the  institution  of  an  hereditary 
representative  priesthood  of  Jehovah  is  as- 
signed (iSam.2.27,28  ;  cf.  Ex. 5.1, 3, 8. 27,10.25, 
19.22).  Hence  the  triumph  expressed  by 
Micah  in  regard  to  his  idolatry,  "  I  have  a 
Levite  to  wy  priest  "  (Judg.i7.13).  The  de- 
scription of  the  instalment  of  this  priest  men- 
tions certain  formalities  which  also  appear  in 
the  law  of  Leviticus.  Micah  "fills  the  hand" 
of  one  of  his  sons,  so  that  he  becomes  his  priest, 
and  afterwards  does  the  same  for  the  Levite 
(Judg.17.5,12).  By  this  phrase  is  probably 
meant  such  a  handing  over  of  sacrificial  por- 
tions as  pointed  to  the  priestly  functions  (Ex. 
28.41, R.V.  marg.,  29.24;  cf.  1K.I3.33;  ^Chr. 
29.5  ;  2Chr.l3.9,29.3i ;  Ezk.43.26).  The  whole 
ceremony  of  the  consecration  of  the  Levitical 
priesthood,  to  which  a  special  word,  qiddiish, 
is  appropriated,  is  described  in  Ex.29,  Lev. 8. 
It  consisted  of  two  parts,  each  part  comprising 
three  distinct  actions.  The  first  part  embraces 
the  purification  (Ex. 29. 4  ;  Lev. 8. 6),  the  in- 
vestiture (Ex. 29.5, 6,8, 9  ;  Lev.8. 7-9,13)  and 
the  unction  (Ex. 29. 7)  of  the  persons  ordained; 
the  second  part  is  a  threefold  sacrificial 
action,  viz.  the  offering  of  a  sin-offering  (29. 
10-14),  burnt-offering  (29.15-18)  and  peace- 
offering,  which  was  the  "ram  of  consecra- 
tion "  (29.27),  LXX.  KpLbs  Tijs  TeXeidiaeojs,  or 
rather  "  ram  of  the  fillings  "  (29.22,26,31,34  ; 
Lev.8. 22, 29),  because  the  hands  of  the  con- 
secrated persons  were  filled  by  portions  of  it 
being  placed  upon  them  (8.27).  The  whole 
ceremony  of  consecration  was  repeated  daily 
for  seven  days  (8.33-35),  and  on  the  eighth 
day  the  persons  thus  consecrated  entered 
upon  the  independent  discharge  of  their 
priestly  functions,  by  offering  (a)  for  them- 
selves a  calf  for  a  sin-offering  and  a  ram 
for  a  burnt-ofifering,  and  (b)  for  the  people,  a 
goat  for  a  sin-offering,  a  sheep  for  a  burnt- 
offering,  and  a  bullock  and  a  ram  for  a  peace- 
offering   (Lev.9).     Ori   that   day   Aaroq   also 


PRIEST  IN  O.T. 


709 


entered  upon  his  priestly  function  of  blessing 
the  people  (9.22).  The  entire  ceremony  of 
consecration  was  to  be  repeated  in  the  case  of 
each  succeeding  high-priest,  but  it  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  repeated  in  the  case  of 
ordinary  priests  (Ex. 29. 29, 30;  cf.  Lev. 6. 22). 
Common  to  the  priests  and  the  high-priest 
were  the  linen  drawers  worn  for  decency  (Ex. 
28.42),  and  over  these  the  priests  wore,  "  for 
glory  and  for  beauty,"  coats,  girdles,  and  tur- 
bans, all  of  white  linen  (28.40),  but  had  bare 
feet  for  all  liturgical  actions.  Hence  the 
necessity  for  washing  feet  as  well  as  hands  be- 
fore entering  the  tabernacle  (30. 17-21, 40. 31, 
32).  They  might  drink  no  wine  or  strong 
drink  before  ministering  (Lev. 10. 9  ;  Ezk.44. 
21),  and  were  to  make  no  mourning  for  the  dead 
except  their  nearest  relations  (Lev.21.i-5  ; 
Ezk. 44.25),  and  a  physical  blemish  was  a  dis- 
qualification (Lev.21. 17-23).  They  had,  too, 
special  laws  for  marriage,  and  might  not  con- 
tract unions  with  an  unchaste  or  divorced 
woman  or  the  widow  of  any  but  a  priest  (Levr 
21.7,14  ;  Ezk. 44.22).  Their  functions  were 
(i)  to  watch  over  the  fire  on  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offerings,  and  to  keep  it  from  ever  going  out 
(Lev.6.i2  ;  2Chr.l3.ii) ;  (ii)  to  burn  incense 
upon  the  golden  altar  (Ex. 30. 7, 8)  ;  (iii)  to  set 
the  shewbread  in  order  (25.30)  ;  (iv)  to  feed 
the  seven  golden  lamps  outside  the  veil  with 
oil  (27.20,21  ;  Lev.24.2);  (v)  to  offer  at  the 
door  of  the  tabernacle  the  daily  sacrifices  (Ex. 
29.38-44)  ;  (vi)  to  minister,  by  sprinkling  the 
blood  of  their  sacrifices  which  the  offerer  had 
himself  to  kill,  to  any  guilty,  penitent,  or  re- 
joicing Israelite  (cf.  Lev.S.sf. ;  Num. 5. 6,7  ;  Lev, 
7.14).  The  priest  had  to  hear  the  confession  of 
the  sin  or  trespass  for  which  the  sacrifice  was 
offered  (Lev.5.5  ;  Num. 5. 7),  but  might  not 
divulge  such  confession,  and  had  to  give  direc- 
tion for  amendment  of  life  :  "  The  priest's 
lips  should  keep  knowledge,  and  they  should 
seek  the  law  at  his  mouth  "  (Mal.2.7  ;  cf. 
Lev.lO.ii  ;  Deut.33.io  ;  2Chr.l5.3  ;  Ezk.44. 
23,24).  The  priests  also  acted  as  a  court  of 
appeal  in  more  difficult  criminal  cases  (Deut. 
17.8-13).  Special  to  the  wilderness  wanderings 
were  their  duties  of  covering  the  ark  and  all  the 
vessels  of  the  sanctuary  with  a  purple  or 
scarlet  cloth  before  the  Levites  might  approach 
them  (Num. 4.5-15),  and  of  giving  the  signal  to 
commence  each  day's  march  with  long  silver 
trumpets  (10. 1-8).  '  All  other  functions  were 
included  and  consummated  in  the  "  blessing  of 
the  people  "  or  "  putting  on  them  the  Name  of 
the  Lord  "  (Num. 6.22-27  ;  Lev.9.22  ;  Deut. 
21.5).  Their  maintenance  was  on  a  scale  far 
removed  from  wealth,  yet  not  verging  on 
poverty,  and  was  derived  from  (i)  one-tenth  of 
the  tithes  paid  to  the  Levites  (Num. 18. 26-28)  ; 
(2)  a  special  tithe  every  third  year  (Deut. 14. 
28,26.12)  ;  (3)  redemption  money  for  first-born 
(Num. 18. 14-19) ;  (4)  or  for  special  dedications 
(Lev.27) ;  (5)  spoils  of  war  (Num.31. 25-47) ;  (6) 
shewbread  and  other  offerings  (18. 8-14  ;  Lev. 
6.26,29,7.6-10,10.12,15)  ;  (7)  first-fruits  of  corn, 
wine,  and  oil  (Ex. 23.19  ;  Lev.2.14  ;  Deut.26. 
r-io);  and,  after  the  settlement  in  Canaan, 
cities  with  pasture  grounds  were  assigned  them 
(J0S.2I. 13-42).  For  abuses  to  which  these 
payments  in  kind  led,  cf.  iSam.2.13-16  and  Ho. 
4.8,  cf.  Lev.lO.17.     [Levites  ;  Family  ;  First- 


710 


PRIEST  IN  O.T. 


lings;    First-fruits;    Judge.]      According' 
to  Jewish  tradition,  the  priests,  or  "sons  of! 
Aaron,"  were  divided  into  eight  courses  in  the 
wilderness  days;  these  were  increased  to  sixteen  I 
while  the  ark  was  at  Shiloh,  the  two  families  of 
Eleazar  and  Ithamar  standing  in  both  cases  on 
an  equality.     To  the  reign  of  David  belonged 
the    division    of    the     priesthood     into     24  - 
"  courses  "  or  "  orders"  (iChr.24.i-i9  ;  aChr. 
23.8  ;  I.u.l.sl,  which  had  to  be  rearranged  after 
the  return  of  the  remnant  from  captivity  (Ezr.  ' 
2-36-39)-     Courses  commenced  their  round  of 
duties  on  the  sabbath,  and  were  responsible  for  ' 
all  duties  for  a  week,  the  particular  duties  of 
each  member  of  the  course  being  assigned  by 
lot   (Lu.1.9).       Half  of   the  members  of  each 
course  were  resident  at  Jerusalem,  half  were 
scattered  over  the  land,  but  all  were  in  attend-  j 
ance  at  the  centtal  sanctuary  for  each  of  the  I 
three    great    feasts    (Deut.16.16,17).     During 
the  23  weeks  out  of  everv  24  when  they  were 
not  on  duty,  they  probablv  lived  the  life  of 
ordinary  citizens,  looking  after  their  homes  and 
cattle    (Jos. 21. 42)  ;     some    perhaps    became 


PRIEST  IN  O.T. 

"  teaching  priests  "  (2Chr.l5.3),  and  found  oc- 
cupation in  the  schools  of  the  prophets  ;  others 
sank  into  depths  of  corruption  (Is. 28. 7, 8, 56. 
10-12).  On  the  return  from  the  Captivity 
they  were  made  immune  from  taxation  (Ezr. 
6.8,0,7.24),  and  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees 
were  prominent  in  the  defence  of  their  country's 
freedom,  though  some  apostatized.  Later  on 
they  became,  like  the  rest  of  the  nation,  divided 
into  sects,  and  though  in  the  Gospels  and  the 
Acts  their  chiefs  were  apparently  consistent 
Sadducees  (Ac. 4. 1,6, 5. 17),  yet  in  quite  early 
days  of  the  New  Way  a  great  multitude  of  the 
priests  was  obedient  to  the  faith  (6.7).  The 
table  below  gives  the  three  lists  of  courses 
which  returned,  with  the  original  list  in 
David's  time  for  comparison.  Jn.  Lightfoot, 
Ministerium  Templi,  vol.  i.  pp.  671-758  ; 
E.  F.  Willis,  Worship  of  the  Old  Covenant ; 
Edersheim,  The  Temple,  Its  Ministry  and 
Service  as  they  were  in  the  Time  of  Jesus 
Christ ;  Schiirer,  History  of  the  Jewish  People 
in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ  (trans.  :  T.  &  T. 
Clark).  [c.R.D.B.] 


COURSES    OF    PRIESTS. 


In  David's  reign 

In  list  in  Ezr. 2 

In  Nehemiah 's  tim 

In  Zerubbabel's  time 

(iChr.24). 

(Xe.7}. 

(Ne.lO). 

(Ne.l2). 

I.  Jehoiarib 





Joiarib. 

(iChr.  9.10, 

Ne.ll.io). 

2.  Jedaiah 

Children  of  Jedaiah. 

— 

Jedaiah. 

3.  Harim. 

Children  of  Harim 

Harim. 

Rehum  (Harim,  v.  15). 

4.  Seorim. 

— 





5.  Malchijali. 

Children  of  Pashur 
(iChr.9.12). 

Malchijali 

— 

6.  Mijaniin. 

— 

Mijamin. 

Miamin  (Miniamin,  v.  17). 

7.  Hakkoz. 

— 

Merenioth,  son  of  Hakkoz 
{Ne.3.4,  R.V.). 

Meremoth  (Meraioth,  v.  15). 

8    Abijah. 

— 

Abijah. 

Abijah. 

9.  Jeshuah. 

?  House  of  Jeshua 
(Ezr.2.36  ;    Ne.7.39). 

— 

— 

10.  Shechaniah. 

— 

Shebaniah. 

Shechaniah 
(Shebaniah,  v.  14). 

II.  Eliashib. 

— 





12.  Jakim. 







13.  Huppah. 







14.  Jeshebeab. 

— 





15.   Bilgah. 

— 

Bilgai. 

Bilgah. 

16.  Immer. 

Children  of  Immer. 

Amariah. 

Amariah. 

17.  Hczir. 



18.  Aphses. 







19.   Pethahiah. 







20    Jehezekel. 







21.  Jachin.        [9. 10. 







Ne.ll.io;   iChr. 

22.  Gamul. 







23.  Delaiah. 







24.  Maaziah. 

— 

Maaziah. 

Maadiah. 

The  courses  cnumera 

ted    after    the  Return 

which    cannot    be   identified 

with  those  of  David's  arrange- 

mcnt  are  : 

Seraiah. 

Seraiah(c/.  Ne.ll.ii;  iChr.9. 
10,  R.V.  marg.). 

Azariah. 

Ezra. 

Jeremiah. 

Jeremiah. 

Pashur. 

— 

Hattuch. 

Hattuch. 

Malluch. 

Mullnch. 

Obadiah. 

Iddo  (f/.  iChr.9.i2  ;  Adai;ih). 

Daniel. 

— 

Ginnelhou. 

Ginnethon. 

liaruch. 

— 

Mesluillam. 

— 

Shemaiah. 

Shemaiah. 
Sallu,  Amok,  Hilkiah, 

Jedaiah  (2). 

PRIEST  IN  N.T. 

Priest  in  N.T.  The  word  lepevs  is  fre- 
quently used  to  denote  Jewish  priests,  as,  e.g., 
in  Mt.8.4.  In  Ac.i4.13  it  is  used  for  the  priest 
of  Jupiter  at  Lystra.  In  Hebrews  it  occurs 
repeatedly  with  reference  to  our  Lord  (see, 
e.g.,  Heb.7.16,17,8.4).  [Hebrews,  Ep.  to.] 
In  Rev.l.6,5.io,20.6  it  denotes  the  Christian 
people  and  the  redeemed.  So  also  in  iPe.2. 
5,9,  "  priesthood "  (ie/jdrei'/xa)  denotes  the 
Christian  people,  'lepevs  is  not  used  in  N.T. 
for  a  Christian  minister  as  distinct  from 
the  Christian  people.  St.  Paul  uses  the  verb 
"doing  the  work  of  a  priest"  (iepovpyovvTo)  of 
himself  in  Ro.l5.i6  :  "  that  I  should  be  a 
minister  {XeLTOvpyou)  of  Christ  Jesus  unto  the 
Gentiles,  doing  the  work  of  a  priest  in  regard 
to  the  Gospel  of  God{iepovpyovvTa  to  evayy eXiov 
Tov  Qeov).  that  the  offering  up  (irpoacpopd]  of 
the  Gentiles  might  be  acceptable,  being  sancti- 
fied by  the  Holy  Ghost."  For  the  second  order 
of  the  Christian  Ministry,  see  Church,     [d.s.] 

Prince.  The  rendering  in  A.V.  of  ten 
different  Heb.  words,  which  are  more  ac- 
curately distinguished  by  R.V.  These  include 
almost  every  kind  of  rule  or  authority,  whether 
connected  with  birth  or  office,  civil  or  military, 
whether  in  Israel  or  in  the  surrounding  nations. 
In  N.T.  the  title  "  prince  "  (apxvy^^)  is  given  to 
the  exalted  Christ  (Ac.5. 31).  [Judge.]  [j.c.v.d.] 

Princess.  The  rendering  in  A.V.  (iK.ll. 
3  ;  Lam.l.i)  of  the  Heb.  word  which  appears 
in  the  proper  name  Sarah.  It  connotes  merely 
a  lady  of  high  position.  [j.c.v.d.] 

Print.     [Writing.] 

Ppisca(2Tim.4'.i9),  Ppiscilla.  [Aquila.J 

Prison.  In  Egypt  special  places  were 
used  as  prisons  under  the  custody  of  a  military 
officer  (Gen. 40. 3).  During  the  wandering  in 
the  desert  we  read  on  two  occasions  of  confine- 
ment "  in  ward  "  (Lev. 24. 12  ;  Num. 15. 34)  ;  but 
imprisonment  was  not  directed  by  the  law,  and 
a  J  ewish  prison  is  not  mentioned  till  the  time  of 
the  later  kings  (iK.22.27).  Sometimes  it  was 
in  or  near  the  king's  house  (J  e. 32. 2, 37. 21  ; 
Ne.3.25),  as  may  have  been  the  case  also  at 
Babylon  (2K.25.27)  ;  but  private  houses  were 
also  used  as  places  of  confinement  (Je.37.i5). 
Public  prisons  were  in  use  by  Canaanitish 
nations  at  an  earlier  date  (Judg.16.21,25). 
Under  the  Herods  royal  prisons  were  perhaps 
still  attached  to  the  palace,  or  in  royal  for- 
tresses (Mt.14.3  ;  Ac.12.4,10).  The  tower  of 
Antonia,  a  fortress  built  by  Herod  on  the  N.W. 
of  the  temple,  was  used  as  a  Roman  prison 
(Ac.23.io),  as  the  praetorium  of  Herod  was 
at  Caesarea  (35).  The  "  common  prison"  (5. 
i8ff.,  R.V.  public  ward)  was  possibly  that  of 
the  priestly  rather  than  the  civil  authority 
(8.3,26.10).     For  imprisonment,  see  Crimes. 

Ppoch'opus,  one  of  the  seven  deacons, 
named  next  after  Stephen  and  Philip  (Ac. 6. 5); 
said  by  tradition  to  have  been  consecrated  by 
St.  Peter  bishop  of  Nicomedia  (Baron,  i.  292). 

Ppoconsul.  The  Gk.  avdviraTOS,  for  which 
this  is  the  true  equivalent,  is  rendered  uni- 
formly "  deputy  "  in  A.V.  of  Ac.l3.7,8,i2,19. 
38  ;  and  the  derived  verb  di'^i'Trarei'-w  in  18. 12 
is  translated  "  to  be  deputy."  For  the  dis- 
tinction between  imperial  and  senatorial  pro- 
vinces see  Roman  Empire.  Over  the  sena- 
torial provinces  the  Senate  appointed  by  lot 


PROPHECY 


711 


yearly  an  officer,  called  the  "  proconsul  "  (Dio 
Cass.  liii.  13),  who  exercised  purely  civil  func- 
tions. Among  the  proconsular  provinces  in 
the  first  arrangement  by  Augustus,  were  Cy- 
prus, Achaia,  and  Asia  within  the  Halys  and 
Taurus  (Strabo,  xvii.  p.  840).  Achaia  became 
an  imperial  province  in  the  second  year  of 
Tiberius,  a.d.  16,  and  was  governed  by  a  pro- 
curator (Tac.  Ann.  i.  76),  but  was  restored  to 
the  Senate  by  Claudius  (Suet.  Claud.  25),  and 
therefore  Gallio,  before  whom  St.  Paul  was 
brought,  is  rightly  termed  "  proconsul  "  in  Ac. 

18.12. 

Ppocupatop.  For  the  Gk.  ijye/uiibi',  and  its 
application  to  Pontius  Pilate  (Mt.27.),  Felix 
(Ac.23,24),  and  Festus  (26.30),  see  Gover- 
nor. In  all  these  cases  the  Vulg.  equivalent 
is  praeses.  The  office  of  procurator  is  men- 
tioned in  Lu.3.i.  The  imperial  provinces 
[Roman  Empire]  were  administered  by  legates 
called  legati  Aiigusti  pro  praeiore,  sometimes 
with  the  addition  of  consulari  potesiate,  and 
sometimes  legati  consulares,  or  legati  or  con- 
sttlares  alone.  These  officers  were  also  called 
praesides.  No  quaestor  came  into  the  emperor's 
provinces,  but  the  property  and  revenues 
of  the  imperial  treasury  were  administered  by 
the  Rationales,  Procuratores,  and  .-If tores  of  the 
emperor,  who  were  chosen  from  among  his 
freedmen,  or  from  among  the  knights  (Tac. 
Hist.  v.  9  ;  Dio  Cass.  liii.  15).  These  procura- 
tors were  sent  both  to  the  imperial  and  to  the 
senatorial  provinces  (Dio  Cass.  liii.  15).  Some- 
times a  province  was  governed  by  a  procurator 
with  the  functions  of  a  praeses  ;  especially  in 
the  case  of  the  smaller  provinces  andthe  outly- 
ing districts  of  a  larger  province  ;  and  in  such 
relation  Judaea  stood  to  Syria.  The  head-quar- 
ters of  the  procurator  were  at  Caesarea  (Ac. 23. 
23),  where  he  had  a  judgment-seat  (25.6),  in 
the  audience  chamber  (25.23)  and  was  assisted 
by  a  council  (25.12)  in  cases  of  difficulty.  In 
N.T.  we  see  the  procurator  only  in  his  judicial 
capacity,  as  in  the  three  instances  referred  to 
above,  and  in  iPe.2.14.  He  was  attended  by 
a  cohort  as  body-guard  (Mt.27. 27),  and  appa- 
rently went  up  to  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the 
high  festivals,  and  there  resided  in  the  palace 
of  Herod,  or  in  Antonia,  in  which  was  the 
praetorium,  or  Judgment  Hall  (Mt.27.27 ; 
Mk.l5.i6;    cf.  Ac.23.35)- 

Ppo  grn  osticatops  (Is.47.i3  only). 
"  Monthly  prognosticators  "  ;  better  "  who 
[i.e.  the  astrologers  and  star-gazers]  declare  at 
the  new  moons  "  things  which  are  to  come. 
This  refers  to  the  astrologers  who  rendered 
to  the  Assyro-Babylonian  monarchs  a  forecast 
of  the  coming  events  of  the  month.  Rawlinson, 
Cuneif.  Inscr.  of  W.  Asia,  iii.  51.  [h.h.] 

Ppophecy.  I.  It  is  an  old  opinion  that 
Heb.  prophecy  has  its  analogy  in  all  nations. 
Clement  of  Alexandria  held  this.  The  true 
moral,  even  spiritual,  insight  of  philosophers 
andof  poets  is  very  closely  allied  to  it.  St.  Paul 
held  so  (Tit. 1.12);  and  O.T.  declares  the  spirit 
of  prophecy  to  be  not  confined  to  the  Hebrews, 
in  the  case  at  least  of  Balaam,  though  here, 
prominently  but  not  exclusively,  the  mantic 
or  ecstatic  element  enters,  because  he  acted 
more  from  compulsion  than  from  a  ready  mind. 
In  him,  too,  we  see  it  allied  to  what  we  call 
genius.     But  those  who  would  push  all  this  to 


712 


PROPHECY 


the  denial  of  anything  distinctive  in  Hcb.  pro- 
phecy are  generally  content  to  be  vague.  Any 
strict  comparison  shows  lines  of  deep  cleavage. 
The  character,  extent,  and  limits  of  O.T.  pro- 
phecy are  questions  of  inductive  inquiry. 
Authority  does  not  settle  them.  If  the  in- 
stinct that  creates  words  lies  always,  and 
specially  in  the  earliest  ages,  at  the  heart  of 
things,  the  words  which  the  Hebrews  use  for 
"prophets  "  and"  prophecy  "should  shedlight 
upon  the  thing.  rdV,  hozS,  and  ndbhi  are 
the  usual  synonyms  for  "  prophet."  "  To 
prophesy,  "  "  to  behave  as  a  prophet  "  (from 
ndbhd),  "  thus  saith  Jehovah,"  "  it  is  the 
utterance  [w'ttm]  of  Jehovah,"  "the  word  of 
Jehovah  which  He  spake  by  the  hand  of," 
"  the  vision  "  which  the  prophet  "  saw,"  "  the 
word  of  Jehovah  came  to,"  "  I  saw  visions  of 
God,"  "  the  hand  of  Jehovah  was  upon  "  the 
prophet,  "  dreams  "  in  sleep,  and  "  the  bur- 
den "  of  foreign  nations,  are  some  of  the  syn- 
onyms for  "  prophecy."  That  the  last  word, 
"  burden,"  is  accurately  rendered,  in  the  Heb. 
understanding  of  it,  appears  from  "  Jehovah 
laid  this  burden  upon  him"  (2K.9.25).  The 
sense  "  oracle  or  utterance  "  is  ill  grounded,  as 
in  usage  something  to  be  borne  and  adverse  is 
denoted.  The  synonyms  for  "  prophet  "  are 
distinguishable ;  ro'e  and  hoze  both  mean 
"  seer,"  but  the  first  refers  to  a  man  who  sees 
anything  external,  the  second  involves  more 
the  prophet's  understanding,  but  is  still  from 
without,  yet  involves  what  we  call  insight 
and  intuition  into  the  truth  of  things  behind 
their  appearance.  On  the  other  hand,  ndbhi, 
undoubtedly  akin  to  the  root  ndbha',  "  to 
spring  or  bubble  up,"  involves  the  whole  man. 
It  is  akin  to  our  word  "  inspiration,"  but  in- 
cludes the  whole  natural  endowments  and 
limits,  as  we  say,  of  the  prophet  to  a  greater  de- 
gree. iSam.9.9  denotes  that  prophecy  had  de- 
scended to  a  lower  plane,  as  an  answer  to  casual 
questions.  The  traces  of  ecstatic  enthusiasm  in 
the  earlier  chapters  of  Samuel  show  the  re- 
vival of  prophecy  to  be  then  associated  with 
violent  emotion  and  the  rush  of  music.  Like 
genius,  it  is  allied  to  madness,  which  in  Saul's 
rash  and  arrogant  want  of  self-control  it  be- 
came {IO.10-13,  and  I6.14).  In  the  popular 
view  of  men  of  the  world,  such  as  Jehu's  fellow- 
officers,  it  did  not  lose  this  association  (2K.9. 
11).  The  "violent  rushing"  of  the  spirit  of 
God  or  Jehovah  upon  Samson  and  ui)on  the 
"  colleges  "  of  the  prophets,  and  tliose  who 
came  into  their  society  in  Judges  and  Samuel, 
disapi^ears  later  both  in  word  and  fact. 
Samuel  himself  in  his  earlier  period  heard  the 
external  voice  of  Jehovah  (iSam.3),  later  ap- 
parently in  dreams  and  from  within,  ro'd  dis- 
appe.-irs,  except  by  a  kind  of  archaism,  and 
occasionally  in  the  verb  of  a  projihet's  "  seeing  " 
visions.  So  the  Heb.  idea  of  prophecy, after 
the  times  of  its  revival,  settles  into  an  idea  of 
"  springing  or  bubbling  up  "  witliin,  which  in- 
volves the  whole  man,  and  is  akin  to  what  we 
call  a  gift  or  endowment.  Hut  as  clearly,  in 
the  Heb.  view,  the  immediate  action,  com- 
munication, or  sending  of  Jehovali  Himself  is 
never  absent.  If  then  the  proiihets  were  the 
spokesmen  (c/.  Aaron  for  Moses,  Ex.T.i).  mes- 
sengers, or,  so  to  speak,  organs  of  Jehovah 
^"  by  the  hand  of "),  and  in  proportion  to  their 


PROPHECY 

conscious  elevation  "  standing  before  Jeho- 
vah "  (iK.17.1 ;  2K.3.I.1)  as  privy  councillors, 
and  entrusted  with  His  secret  (Am.3.7),  our 
view  of  their  message  will  proceed  from  our 
view  of  Jehovah.  Here  is  the  place  where  the 
paths  of  expositors  divide.  We  shall  either 
put  their  message  on  the  Procrustean  bed  of  a 
preconceived  idea  of  the  Sender  and  the  capa- 
city of  the  messenger  for  receiving  it,  or  we 
shall  allow  the  message  to  inform  us  of  the 
nature  of  the  Sender,  and  give  it  a  sympathetic 
hearing,  and  room  enough  to  be  what  the 
Heb.  idea  of  it  makes  it.  In  the  careful  expo- 
sition of  Ebers  (Aegvfylen  und  die  Bilcher 
Moses,  pp.  341  f.)  we  find  in  Egypt  the  ana- 
logue of  prophets,  related  or  belonging  to  the 
priestly  class,  as  was  often  the  case  among  the 
Hebrews  ;  and  also  the  analogue  of  prophetic 
colleges  and  of  priests  and  Levitical  singers  ; 
and  we  find  the  chiefest  of  them  a  kind  of 
royal  privy  council.  That  these  functions 
are  related  all  the  world  over  appears  from 
the  apparently  certain  use  in  Samuel  and 
Kings  of  the  word  kohen  (related  to  the  root 
kun,  probably  meaning  "  one  who  stands  by 
or  before,"  usually  rendered  "  priest  ")  for 
chosen  individuals,  who  were  specially  "  king's 
friends  "  or  "  councillors."  Daniel  stands  in 
relation  to  a  similar  body  in  Babylon.  But  it 
is  inconceivable  that  Moses,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  "  sacred  scribes,  diviners,  and  wise 
men  "  of  Egypt  stand  for  the  same  thing. 
It  is  inconceivable,  too,  that  Elijah,  and  the 
prophets  of  Baal  and  the  prophets  of  the 
.\sherah  who  "ate  at  Jezebel's  table"  stand 
for  the  same  thing.  The  judgment  of  history 
and  of  the  world  have  set  them  wide  apart. 
The  Philistine,  Phoenician,  or  Assyrian  view 
of  Heb.  prophets  is  out  of  date.  The  false 
prophets  in  Israel  are  discredited  by  events. 
The  special  distinctness,  then,  of  the  Hebrew 
idea  of  prophecy  arises  from  the  unique- 
ness of  the  Sender.  Certain  unique  features 
appear  at  once  and  undeniably,  (i)  Their 
message  is  to  the  whole  world.  It  includes  "the 
nations."  It  is  probable  that  any  sympathetic 
idea  of  the  whole  world,  or  indeed  in  the 
earliest  age  any  comprehensive  idea  at  al ,  was 
alien  to  the  ordinary  conceptions  of  antiquity. 
In  this  respect  the  O.T.,  and,  outside  the  Stoic 
philosophy,  even  the  N.T.,  stand  by  them- 
selves. When  Jeremiah's  call  to  be  a  prophet 
is  thus  expressed,  "The  Lord  said  to  me,  Be- 
hold, I  have  put  My  words  in  thy  mouth  ;  see, 
;  I  have  this  day  set  thee  over  the  nations  and 
!  over  the  kingdoms,  to  root  out,  and  to  pull 
j  down,  and  to  destroy,  and  to  throw  down, 
I  to  build  and  to  plant"  (Je. 1.9,10),  its  form 
1  is  striking,  as  strengthening  the  weakest  and 
I  most  friendless  of  the  prophets,  but  its 
substance  is  not  new.  All  the  prophets 
have  a  message  "  to  the  nations,"  and  even 
to  the  universe,  invoking  "  a  new  heaven  and 
a  new  earth  "  (Is.65.i7).  (2)  Their  message, 
i  with  scarcely  an  exception,  is  a  message  of 
\  hope.  It  is  fearless  in  denunciation  of  their 
own  nation,  as  of  others.  The  chastisement 
of  Israel's  sins  will  bring  them  almost  to 
nothing,  but  not  quite.  But  the  pledge  of 
I  tlieir  persistence  is  the  coming  of  a  righteous 
[  "  Scion  "  of  David,  a  wonderful  Child,  Who 
\  shall   attain   to   a   universal   government    to 


r 


PROPHECY 


PROPHECY 


713 


which  there  shall  be  no  end.  This  Person, 
the  Establisher  of  a  universal  dominion,  the 
Performer  of  the  work  Jehovah  set  Him,  is 
sometimes  God  or  Jehovah  Himself  (Is.40.io, 
ii),  sometimes  closely  related  to  Him — "  the 
Man  that  is  my  Neighbour"  (Zech.13.7;  E.V. 
fellow),  Jehovah's  special  Servant.  N.T.  de- 
fines this:  in  "many  parts  and  many  manners" 
(Heb.l.i),  "  the  witness  of  Jesus  is  the  spirit 
of  prophecy"  (Rev.l9.io).  (3)  This  Indi- 
vidual, Hebrew  prophecy,  in  the  Hebrew  view 
of  it,  describes  in  detail  as  to  Himself  and  as 
to  the  preparation  for  Him  (Riehm,  Messianic 
Prophecy,  p.  310) — e.g.  (a)  The  birth  at  Beth- 
lehem (Mi.5.2  ;  cf.  Mt.2.5,6)  ;  the  quiet 
growth,  rejection,  and  suffering,  as  Jehovah's 
Servant  (Is.53).  Wiinsche  has  demonstrated 
(Die  Leiden  des  Messias)  that,  before  the  rise 
of  Christian  controversy,  the  Jewish  expositors 
were  agreed  in  recognizing  a  suffering  Messiah 
in  Is.53.  (b)  The  greater  glory  of  the  second 
temple  in  the  gift  of  "  peace  "  (Hag.2.6-io). 
That  the  "  desire  of  all  nations,"  modern  ex- 
position notwithstanding,  is  probably  a  per- 
son (so  Alford)  arises  from  the  use  of  the  phrase 
of  Saul  (iSam.9.20).  (c)  The  "  sudden " 
coming  in  an  unexpected  fashion  (Mal.3.i). 
(d)  The  Captivity  to  be  turned  in  70  years  (it 
was  68)  ;  Je.25.ii,i2,29.io.  (e)  The  total 
destruction  of  Babylon  and  Tyre  when  at 
their  height,  but  the  preservation  of  Egypt  as 
an  inferior  race  (Je. 51. 41-43  ;  Ezk.26.19,20, 
29.15).  Bleek,  in  his  valuable  commentary, 
allows  that  the  O.T.  exposition  in  Hebrews 
accords  with  a  pre-Christian  method.  (4) 
The  Messianic  type  discovers  itself  in  yet 
another  way.  Starting  with  the  "  media- 
tion "  (Riehm)  of  certain  historical  horizons, 
it  far  transcends  them.  We  are  frequently 
told  that  O.T.  is  full  of  unfulfilled  prophecies, 
and  it  is  singularly  true,  but  not  quite  in 
the  sense  intended.  Their  want  of  fulfilment 
arises  partly  from  their  poetic  form,  which 
is  not  to  be  pressed  in  a  bald  hteralism, 
and  partly  from  their  exuberant  idealism. 
Bacon  finely  says  of  poetry  {Advancement  of 
Learning,  11.  iv.  2),  "  Poetry  was  ever  thought 
to  have  some  participation  of  divineness, 
because  it  doth  raise  and  erect  the  mind,  by 
submitting  the  shews  of  things  to  the  desires 
of  the  mind,  whereas  reason  doth  buckle 
and  bow  the  mind  unto  the  nature  of  things." 
This  idealism  is  directly  Messianic,  whether  it 
is  of  conquered  suffering  or  of  royal  peace  and 
national  rejoicing.  The  strictly  typical  sig- 
nificance of  Israel's  heroes  and  of  Israel's  his- 
tory is  therefore  to  be  retained.  This  idealism 
is  not  deceptive,  for  the  Christian  faith  be- 
lieves that  all  ideals  meet  in  the  Christ  that  is, 
or  "  that  is  to  be."  The  modern  interpreta- 
tion which  reduces  Hebrew  prophecy  to 
vague  generalities  and  explains  away  every- 
thing specific  has  to  justify  itself  before  the 
claims  of  sound  exegesis,  the  pre-Christian 
interpretation  of  the  Hebrews  themselves, 
the  teaching  of  the  risen  Christ  reflected  in 
N.T.,  and  the  interpretations  of  the  early 
Church,  still  sound  in  principle,  though  later 
pressed  to  an  absurd  degree.  The  Hebrew 
prophets  were  a  fine  succession  of  faithful  men, 
distinguished  by  much  simplicity  of  dress  (2K. 
1.8  ;    Zech.13.4)  and  life,  but  no  asceticism. 


They  had  some  state — for  example,  ministers 
or  servants  (2K. 3. 11, 8.4).  The  courtly  Isaiah, 
and  Jeremiah,  were  probably  exceptions. 
As  prophecy,  like  poetic  inspiration,  is  akin 
to  genius,  their  wTitings  as  a  whole  are  writings 
of  true  genius. — II.  From  what  has  been  said, 
we  may  pass  to  the  earlier  ages.  That  some 
kind  of  Messianic  expectation  was  world- 
wide in  the  first  ages  is  seen  in  the  beautiful 
but  comphcated  picture  of  Marduk  in  Babylon, 
from  which  Zimmern  even  deduces  the  whole 
of  Christianity,  with  possible  later  additions 
(Zimmern  in  Schrader,  pp.  370-396),  and  from 
the  vague  concomitant  form  of  Osiris  in 
Egypt  (Hardwick,  Christ  and  Other  Masters, 
p.  448),  If  we  hold,  therefore,  that  the  ancient 
ancestors  of  the  Hebrews  were  in  any  way  the 
depositaries  of  divine  revelation,  we  have  no 
reason  to  deny  any  traces  of  the  prophetic 
spirit  which  we  may  find.  In  Genesis  we  find 
the  same  characteristics  in  embryo,  (i)  The 
God  of  the  Hebrews  has  to  do  with  the  whole 
world.  The  words  of  Noah  set  before  us  the 
divine  leading  of  history,  the  spreading  ten- 
dency and  predominance  of  the  Japhetic  races, 
the  possession  by  them  of  the  blessing  of  Shem 
(i.e.  true  religion),  and  the  lower  level  of  the 
Hamite  races  (Gen.9.26,27).  Balaam  sees  the 
extinction  of  the  surrounding  world-powers,  the 
ultimate  prevailing  of  the  West,  and  the  rise  of 
Him  Who  shall  have  dominion  as  a  star  out  of 
Jacob  (Num.24).  Moses  ascribes  to  a  divine 
leading  the  boundaries  of  the  nations,  which 
shall  niake  a  place  for  Israel  to  fulfil  its  mission 
(Deut. 32.8,9).  (2)  To  evacuate  the  protevan- 
geliimi  (Gen. 3.15)  into  a  flat  and  unmean- 
ing statement  of  the  natural  antagonism  of 
men  and  serpents  is  out  of  all  proportion  to  the 
gravity  of  the  context.  This  antagonism  is 
used  as  a  symbol  of  an  enigmatic  hope.  The 
behaviour  of  Eve  and  the  special  longing  of 
Hebrew  women  for  children  are  its  comment- 
ary. The  modern  interpretation  of  Jacob's 
words  (Gen.49.io)  only  darkens  them.  Judah 
never  did  come  to  Shiloh  in  any  special  sense, 
and  the  predominance  of  the  tribe  came  too 
late  for  any  reasonable  post-dating  of  the  pas- 
sage. The  principle  "  omne  vaticinium  post 
eventum  "  ("every  prophecy  after  the  fact  ") 
is  demonstrably  false  (see  Blass,  Philology  of  the 
Gospels,  pp.  40  ff.).  The  pre-Christian  interpre- 
tation of  both  these  places  is  precise.  The 
Targum  refers  Gen.3.15  to  "the  last  days,  the 
days  of  the  king  Messias."  For  Gen. 49. to  the 
Targum  has  "  He  that  hath  dominion  shall  not 
be  taken  away  from  Judah,  nor  a  scribe  from 
his  children's  children,  until  the  time  that  the 
King  Christ  do  come.  Whose  the  kingdom  is, 
and  all  the  kings  of  the  earth  shall  be  subject 
unto  Him."  The  Breshith  Rabba  interprets 
"  Shiloh  "  "  this  is  the  Christ,"  as  Ezekiel  does 
(Ezk.21.27,  Ainsworth  ad  loc,  and  Wetstein). 
(3)  In  a  book  which  is  the  gracious  product  of 
his  old  age  (Impregnable Rock  :  Isbister,  p.  114), 
Gladstone  has  called  Gen.12.3  the  "  divine 
signature."  No  human  power  could  have 
foreseen  the  blessing  of  all  human  families  in 
Abraham  as  we  have  seen  it,  and  no  Egyptian 
or  Hittite  would  have  imagined  it.  Dillmann, 
the  best  of  his  school,  bases  his  negative  ex- 
planation of  every  time-honoured  passage  not 
on  exegetic  necessity,  but  on  a  theoretic  pre- 


714 


PBOPITIATION 


conception   (see    his   Commentaries,   passim). 

(4)  It  is  the  fashion  of  some  scholars  to  refer  us 
to  the  book  of  Enoch,  the  Psalms  of  Solomon, 
the  fourth  book  of  Esdras,  the  Apocrypha,  or 
even  to  the  Sibylline  Oracles,  as  pointing  to  the 
sources  of  Messianic  expectation  inChrist's  time. 
These  books  are  useful  as  showing  more  or  less 
what  that  expectation  was  amongst  the  scribes 
and  Pharisees.  But  they  are  reflections  upon, 
and  in  large  part  a  faulty  exegesis  of,  the  older 
writings.  (5)  Finally,  the  Apocalypse,  with  its 
splendid  poetic  symbolism,  "fulfils"  {i.e.  fills 
to  its  height )  O.T.  prophecy — to  which  it  alludes 
in  almost  every  line — in  the  spirit  of  Christ 
Who  came  not  to  destroy  but  to  fulfil  "  the 
prophets."  In  this  way,  if  we  are  to  credit  it 
with  the  inspiration  it  claims,  it  sets  a  divine 
seal  upon  what  precedes  it  (Rev.22. 18, 19). 
[Messiah.]  Hiihn's  Die  Mess.  Weissagungen, 
i.  (1899),  ii.  (1900:  Freiburg)  gives  a  clear 
statement  in  i.  of  the  negative  case,  balanced 
in  ii.  by  an  exhaustive  account  without  much 
genius  of  N.T.  citations  and  reminiscences. 
In  Ewald's  Die  Dichter  and  Die  Propheten  we 
have  rash  criticism  but  poetic  insight.  Of 
much  value  are  Giesbrecht's  Die  Berufsbega- 
bung  der  Alt.  Propheten  (Gottingen) ;  Die  Messi- 
anische  Erwarlung  of  W.  Moiler  (1906,  Gii- 
tersloh),  Hengstenberg's  Christology,  Riehm's 
Messianic  Prophecy  (T.  &  T.  Clark).  Prof.  C. 
A.  Briggs,  Messianic  Prophecy  (T.  &  T.  Clark), 
arranges  the  prophecies  in  their  supposed 
sequence,  with  a  useful  running  commentary. 
Wiinsche's  Die  Leiden  des  Messias  (Leipzig) 
has  been  alnisod  but  not  answered,    [f.e.s.] 

Propitiation.     [Atonement.] 

Proselyte.  The  word  7r/)0(T7jXi'ros  is  used 
upwards  of  80  times  in  the  LXX.  to  translate 
the  Heb.  ger,  but  the  Eng.  versions  have  rightly 
abstained  from  rendering  it  by  "  proselyte," 
which  is  not  found  in  the  A.V.  of  O.T.  [ForgtY, 
see  Stranger  ;  Foreigner.]  It  is,  however, 
found  four  times  in  N.T.  as  the  rendering  of 
irpo<rr]\vTos  ■  the  zeal  of  the  Pharisees  in  mak- 
ing proselytes  (Mt. 23.15) ;  proselytes  present  at 
Pentecost  (Ac.2. 10);  Nicolas,  "a  proselyte" 
(6.5);  tQv  ffe^o/j.^vitji'  wpoarjXvrwv  (13. 43).  We 
shall  here  consider  (i)  Instances  of  prosely- 
tism  in  O.T.  (2)  In  Maccahaean  times.  (3) 
Proselytes  in  N.T.     (4)   The  status  of  proselytes. 

(5)  Admission  of  proselytes,  (i)  The  law  con- 
templates the  admission  of  Gentiles  to  the 
covenant,  but  only  tmdcr  severe  restrictions. 
Circumcision  was  an  indispensable  preliminary 
(Ex. 12. 48)  in  the  case  of  a  sojourner.  Edom- 
ites  and  Egyptians  were  considered  as  privi- 
leged, but  it  took  three  generations  before  they 
could  be  regarded  as  pure  Israelites  (Deut.23. 
7,8),  whereas  Moabites  and  Ammonites  were 
excluded  till  the  tenth  (23.3).  Naaman  is 
typical  of  a  would-be  proselyte  of  early  times. 
He  desires  to  adopt  Jehovah  as  his  only  God, 
and  considers  that  he  can  the  better  serve  Him 
if  he  takes  home  some  of  the  soil  of  His  land : 
and  he  recognizes  that  even  his  formal  attend- 
ance as  an  official  in  the  house  of  Kimnion  will 
need  forgiveness  (2K. 5. 17,18).  The  pro])hets 
(in  their  hopes  that  Israel's  God  will  be  acknow- 
ledged by  the  whole  world)  contemplate  the 
possibility  of  the  nations  becoming  jiroselvtes 
(Zech.8.23.).  In  Esth.8.i7wearetoldthat  after 
the  tieliverance  of  Israel  from  the  schemes  of 


PROSETJCHA 

Haman  "  many  became  Jews."  (2)  In  the 
days  of  the  Hasmonaean  priest-kings  the  Jews 
enforced  prosely  tism  with  the  sword — John 
H>Tcanus,  Aristobulus,  and  Alexander  Jan- 
naeus  spread  J  udaism  among  the  Edomites  and 
inhabitants  of  eastern  Palestine  in  this  manner 
(Jos.  13  Ant.).  There  were  not,  however, 
wanting  voluntary  proselytes,  and  Josephus 
relates  how  Izates,  king  of  Adiabene,  and  his 
mother  Helena,  embraced  Judaism,  and  were 
buried  at  Jerusalem  (20  Ant.  ii.).  Our  Lord 
testifies  to  the  zeal  of  the  Pharisees  in  making 
proselytes  (Mt.23.5).  Josephus  says  that  in 
Damascus  nearly  all  the  women  were  proselytes 
(2  Ii'arsxx.2).  Thenecessity  for  circumcision 
was  a  deterrent  to  the  men  embracing 
Judaism.  (3)  In  the  Acts  the  proselytes,  often 
called  crfl36/j.ei>oi,  or  (polioifxevoi  rhv  dtov,  are 
frequently  alluded  to,  and  are  distinguished 
from  the  Israelites  (13. 16)  and  those  of  the  race 
of  Abraham  (13.26).  We  read  of  them  at 
Jerusalem,  Caesarea,  Antioch  in  S>Tia  and  in 
Pisidia,  Philippi,  Thessalonica,  Athens,  and 
Corinth.  The  Judaizing  Christians  sought  to 
make  converts,  and  insisted  on  Circumcision 
(Gal. 6. 12).  [Paul.]  As  in  Josephus,  the 
women  proselytes  are  described  as  numerous 
and  influential  (Ac. 13. 50).  Roman  soldiers 
who  did  not  embrace  Judaism  showed  favour 
to  the  nation  (Lu.7.5),  and  observed  Jewish 
hours  of  worship  (Ac.lO.30),  though  they  re- 
fused circumcision  (11. 3).  The  Jews  continued 
their  proselytizing  labours  even  after  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem;  and  as  late  as  the  time  of  Sep- 
timius  Severus  (193-211  a.d.)  a  law  was  passed 
forbidding  persons  to  become  Jews  (Judaei 
fieri).  (4)  As  has  been  indicated,  there  were 
Gentiles  who  sympathized  with  Jewish  mono- 
theism, and  yet  refused  to  become  actual  pro- 
selytes ;  but  the  distinction  between  these,  as 
"  proselytes  of  the  gate,"  and  the  real  prose- 
lytes, who  were  called  "  proselytes  of  righteous- 
ness," is  no  earlier  than  13th  cent.,  and  only 
one  instance  is  given  by  Schiirer.  The  rabbis, 
however,  allude  to  the  "  commands  of  Noah" 
(Gen. 9.  iff.),  which  may  possibly  be  referred  to 
in  .Ac. 15. 29  (but  see  Hort,  Judaistic  Christian- 
ity, p.  68).  These  commands  (it  is  sometimes 
assumed)  were  insisted  upon  from  all  who  en- 
tered into  alliance  with  Judaism,  (s)  Proselytes 
were  admitted  by  three  acts.  Firstly  they  had 
to  be  circumcised,  secondly  to  be  baptized,  and 
thirdly  to  offer  sacrifice  (qorbdn).  The  nature 
of  the  second  condition  is  a  subject  of  much  dis- 
pute. Was  it,  like  the  Christian  rite,  sacra- 
mental, or  merely  of  tlie  nature  of  ritual  puri- 
fication ?  The  latter  (on  the  whole)  seems  the 
more  probable,  especially  when  the  analogy  of 
the  "  washings  "  prescribed  in  the  law  is  taken 
into  consideratiou.  Ocsterley  and  Box,  Rel. 
and  Worship  of  Synag.  pp.  261  ff.     |f.j.f.-j.1 

Proseucha  (Trpocrei'X^),  ^  general  term  for 
"  place  of  prayer,"  also  r67roj  irpoatvx'i^  (LXX. 
Epiphanius),  irpoafVKrriptov  (Philo)  ;  often  a 
synonym  for  the  more  precise  "  synagogue  " 
(juv.  iii.  296;  Decree  of  Halicarnassus,  ap. 
Josephus,  14  .■int.  x.  23).  In  towns  where  Jews 
were  few,  with  no  regular  synagogue,  a  space 
set  ajiart  for  prayer,  t)ften  unroofed,  was  called 
proseucha.  Ac. 16. 13,  R.V.,  "  Outside  the  gate 
by  a  river-side,  where  we  sui>pi>sed  there  was  a 
proseucha,"   implies  that  there  was  no  roofed 


PROVERB 

synagogue  at  Philippi,  unlike  Thessalonica 
"  where  was  a  synagogue  of  the  Jews."  This 
is  the  best  authenticated  reading,  though 
Ramsay  {P.  the  Trav.  p.  235)  gives  reasons  for 
preferring  the  A.V.  reading.  Among  Hellen- 
istic J  ews  synagogues  or  proseuchae  were  often 
placed  by  the  sea-  or  river -side  outside  the 
city.  [c.c.T.] 

Ppovepb,  a  pithy  saying,  usually  figura- 
tive, summing  up  past  experience  as  appHcable 
to  the  present,  distinct  from  an  elaborated 
parable.  The  Heb.  mdshdl,  Gk.  TrapoifiLa, 
irapa^o\TJ,  are,  however,  used  of  both  (LXX., 
N.T.).  Proverbs  are  found  in  the  histories — 
e.g.  Judg.8.2i  ;  iSam.l0.iif.,2Sam.5.8 — and 
prophets  :  Je.3i.29  ("sour  grapes") ;  Isa.32.8  ; 
Ezk.l6.44;  c/.  Job  2.4  ("skin  for  skin  ").  Our 
Lord  often  used  such  proverbs:  thus,  the  needle's 
eye  (Mt.i9.24),  mote  and  beam  (Mt.7.3), 
blind  leading  blind  (Lu.6.39),  "Physician,  heal 
thyself"  (Lu.4.23),  were  all  probably  well- 
known  sayings;  c/.  also2Pe.2.2  2,  andLogmi.  4: 
"  Raise  the  stone,  .  .  .  cleave  the  wood,  and 
I  am  there."  [c.c.t.] 

Proverbs.  The  book  of  Proverbs  comes 
second  to  the  Psalms  in  the  Hagiographa,  or 
fourth  collection  of  the  sacred  books  (Pent., 
Earlier  Proph.,  Later  Proph.,  Hagiographa)  of 
O.T.  Scriptures.  It  bears  the  simple  title  of 
the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  son  of  David,  king 
of  Israel.  The  word  fndshdl  (plur.  trfshdlim) 
properly  signifies  "simihtude"  or  "parable," 
and  the  rendering  "proverb,"  adopted  from  the 
LXX.  and  Vulg.,  is  incorrect  (but  cf.  Jn.l6.29). 
There  are,  however,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  number 
of  "  proverbs  "  included  in  the  collection.  The 
book  opens  with  a  short  introduction  {I.1-7) 
which  describes  in  striking  language  the  general 
object  of  the  writer.  Those  seven  verses  may 
without  difficulty  be  traced  as  more  fully  de- 
veloped in  following  parts  of  the  book.  The 
second  part  (1. 7-9.18)  contains  a  number 
of  exhortations  in  praise  of  wisdom,  with  a 
description  of  her  character  and  her  disciples. 
With  this  is  contrasted  a  description  of  folly  and 
of  those  who  listen  to  her  inducements.  The 
third  portion(10-22. 16)  bears  thesuperscription 
"  Proverbs  of  Solomon."  Ewald  divides  this 
section  into  five  smaller  portions.  The  sayings 
contained  in  it  are  followed  by  two  appendices. 
The  first  begins  at  22.17.  The  sayings  in  it 
are  entitled  "  Sayings  of  the  wise,"  and  from 
25-1  it  would  seem  at  least  to  have  been  col- 
lected by  Solomon,  and  the  LXX.  recognizes 
no  other  author  throughout.  The  phrase 
"Sayings  of  the  wise"  is  not,  however,  at  first 
employed  as  a  superscription,  but  is  thus  used 
in  the  second  appendix,  which  begins  at  24.23, 
at  the  words  "  These  are  also  sayings  of  the 
wise."  The  former  of  these  appendices  de- 
scribes vividly  the  evil  effects  of  drunkenness 
(23.29-35).  The  latter  closes  with  an  equally 
vivid  description  of  slothfulness  and  the 
sluggard  (24.30-34).  The  fourth  division  of 
the  book  (25-29)  contains  a  collection  with 
the  superscription  "  These  also  are  Proverbs 
of  Solomon  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah 
copied  out."  "The  men  of  Hezekiah"  ap- 
pear to  have  been  a  college  of  scribes  who 
were  employed  upon  the  work  of  compiling 
and  copying  the  sacred  records.  The  name 
W3is  probably  kept  up  after  the  time  of  H§ze- 


PROVIDENCE 


715 


kiah,  though  possibly  that  body  of  scribes  was 
temporarily  dispersed  in  the  bloody  reign  of 
Manasseh.  This  portion  abounds  with  emblem- 
atic sentences  often  runnmg  to  three,  four, 
or  five  lines  each,  and  closes  with  a  parabolic 
poem  of  the  flocks  and  herds  (27.23-27). 
Belonging  to  this  collection  are  the  proverbs 
in  28,29,  which  pithily  describe  the  wicked 
and  the  upright  poor.  The  fifth  and  last  part 
consists  of  three  remarkable  appendices,  (a) 
The  words  of  Agur  (ch.  30).  Nothing  is  known 
with  certainty  about  Agur,  although  the 
Jewish  Midrash  explains  that  word  as  being 
an  epithet  of  Solomon,  whose  friends  are, 
by  other  Jewish  thinkers,  considered  to  be 
referred  to  under  the  names  that  follow. 
All  this  is,  however,  simple  conjecture.  Our 
Lord  seems  to  quote  ver.  14  in  Jn.3.13,  in 
which  case  an  important  significance  is  given 
to  the  verse  in  question,  (b)  The  second 
appendix  (31. 1-9)  contains  "  the  words  of  king 
Lemuel,"  and  consists  of  warnings  against 
temptations  and  vices  to  which  the  city 
was  specially  prone.  The  Jewish  expositors 
considered  the  name  Lemuel  as  another 
name  of  Solomon,  but  that  is  very  doubtful, 
(c)  The  third  appendix,  which  is  in  praise 
of  a  good  wife,  closes  the  book.  This  por- 
tion is  arranged  after  the  order  of  the  Heb. 
alphabet,  and  has  been  termed  "  a  golden 
alphabet."  There  are  a  number  of  proverbs 
in  the  LXX.  version  of  this  book  which  are 
not  found  in  the  Heb.  text,  and  in  some  cases 
the  chapters  are  arranged  in  a  different  order. 
Repetitions  also  occur  in  the  Heb.  text,  many 
proverbs  being  repeated  word  for  word.  E.g. 
19.12  reappears  at  16. 25  ;  21. 19  in  25.24  ; 
18.8  in  26.22  ;  22.3  in  27.12  ;  20. 16  in  27.13. 
In  other  places  proverbs  are  found  with  slight 
alterations.  Among  the  Reformers,  Melanch- 
thon  wrote  on  the  book  (1555).  Martin  Geier's 
commentary  appeared  first  in  1669,  2nd  ed. 
1725.  A.  Schultens  wrote  a  massive  commen- 
tary in  1748,  re-ed.  in  1769.  Umbreit  (1826), 
Rosenmiiller  (1829),  Moses  Stuart  (1852),  Ewald 
(1867),  Berthean,  re-ed.  bv  Nowack  (1883), 
Zockler  (1867),  Franz  Defitzsch  (1873),  H. 
Strack  (2nd  ed.,  1899).  S.  C.  Malan,  Original 
Notes  on  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  mostly  from 
Eastern  writing  (3  vols.  1889-1893),  is  a  re- 
markable book.  There  are  many  monographs 
on  the  book ;  some  cited  in  C.  H.  H.  Wright's 
Introd.  to  the  O.T.  [c.h.h.w.] 

Providence,  once  used  in  A.V.  (of  Felix' 
forethought).  The  Gk.,  irpdvoia,  as  divine 
providence,  occurs  six  times  in  the  Apocrypha 
(LXX.).  The  idea  expressed  pervades  O.  and 
N.T.  alike  :  the  unsleeping,  loving  watch- 
fulness of  the  righteous  God  over  His  chil- 
dren, contrasted  with  the  immorality  of  Gk. 
mythology  and  the  careless  indifference  of 
Stoic  and  Epicurean  gods.  This  Heb.  con- 
ception of  God's  watchful  providence  dis- 
tinguishes the  cosmogony  of  Genesis  from  the 
Babylonian.  This  ideal  is  seen  clearly  in  the 
life-stories  of  O.T.  saints — Abraham,  Jacob, 
Moses,  David,  Elijah  ;  it  is  the  key  to  the  drama 
of  Job;  it  pervades  all  the  books  of  the  Psalter — 
"  Thou  art  about  my  path  and  about  mv  bed  " 
(Ps.139.2,  P.B.V.) ;  "Lord,  what  is  man,  that 
Thou  art  mindful  of  him?"  (Ps.8.4) — and  of 
the  prophet§.  Above  aU,  this  providence  of  Go^ 


716 


PROVINCE 


explains,  and  isexiilaincd  by,  the  Incarnation  : 
"God  so  loved  the  world"  (Jn.3.i6).  The  two 
complete  the  truth,  summed  up  fully  in  "God 
is  Love."  God's  care  for  the  sparrow  (Mt.lO. 
2q)  and  the  lily  (Mt.6.28)  is  but  one  side  of 
the  many-sided  truth.  Early  Christian  writers, 
unlike  the  N.T.  writers,  adopted  the  word 
irpdvoia  ("providence")  as  a  personification 
almost  equivalent  to  God  Himself.  Aristides, 
Apol.  i.  ;    Athanasius,  passim.  [c.c.t.] 

Province,  (i)  In  O.T.  this  word  appears 
in  connexion  with  the  wars  between  Ahab  and 
Benhadad  (i  K.20.r  <,i5,i9).  The  victory  of 
the  former  is  gaincti  chiefly  "  by  the  young 
men  of  the  princes  of  the  provinces,"  i.e.  pro- 
bably, of  the  cliiefs  of  tribes  in  the  Gilead 
country.  (2)  Moreconimonly  the  word  is  used 
of  the  divisions  of  the  Chaldean  (Dan. 2. 49, 3. 
1,30)  and  the  Persian  kingdoms  (Ezr.2.i  ;  Ne. 
7.6;  Esth.l.i.22,2.3,  etc.).  The  facts  as  to 
the  administration  of  the  Persian  provinces 
vs'hich  bear  on  these  passages  are  chiefly  these  : 
Each  province  has  its  own  governor,  who 
communicates  with  the  central  authority  for 
instructions  (Ezr.4,5.).  Each  province  has 
its  own  system  of  finance,  subject  to  the  king's 
direction  (Herod,  iii.  89).  The  total  number  of 
the  provinces  is  given  as  127  (Esth. 1.1,8.9). 
Through  the  whole  extent  of  the  kingdom  there 
is  something  like  a  postal  system.  [Posts.] 
The  word  is  used  of  the  smaller  sections  of  a 
satrapy  rather  than  of  the  satrapy  itself.  (3) 
In  N.T.  we  are  brought  into  contact  with  the 
administration  of  the  provinces  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  The  classification  given  by  Strabo 
(xvii.  p.  840)  into  imperial  and  senatorial  pro- 
vinces, and  of  the  latter  again  into  proconsular 
and  praetorian,  is  recognized,  more  or  less  dis- 
tinctly, in  the  Gospels  and  Acts.  [Proconsul  ; 
Procurator.]  The  ffTpaTTjyoi  of  Ac.l6.22 
("magistrates,"  E.V.),  on  theothcr  hand,  were 
the  duumviri,  or  praetors  (see  R.V.  marg.)  of  a 
Roman  colony. 

Psalms,  Book  of.  The  Heb.  word 
translated  "  psalm,"  mizmor,  is  never  used  in 
the  plur.  Each  psalm  was  a  composition  by 
itself.  When  the  collection  was  made,  it  re- 
ceived the  name  "  Book  of  Praises,"  or  simply 
"Praises"  (I'^hillim),  because  it  furnished 
material  for  the  temple  service.  The  Gk. 
translators,  from  whom  we  have  the  word 
"  psalm,"  entitled  the  collection  ^aX/xol,  tak- 
ing the  Heb.  root  to  correspond  with  a  Gk.  word 
meaning  "  to  pull,  or  twitch,"  ajiplied  to  the 
pulling  of  tlie  strings  of  the  lyre.  Our  word 
Psalter,  apjilied  to  the  collection,  was  primarily 
the  name  of  a  musical  instrument,  the  psaltery. 
It  would  be  interesting,  but  it  is  not  possible, 
to  trace  the  course  of  the  Psalter  downwards, 
from  the  time  when  the  first  psalm,  technically 
so  called,  was  composed.  Like  a  great  river, 
it  conceals  its  origins.  And,  as  a  river  at  its 
ultimate  source,  as  a  tiny  stream,  may  seem  to 
hesitate  for  a  little  as  to  which  side  of  the 
watershed  it  shall  take,  so  i)salm-comi)osition 
seems  to  take  its  rise  when  the  distinction  of 
secular  and  sacred  was  not  drawn,  on  the  soil 
of  a  people  eminently  gifted  with  the  poetic 
faculty,  as  part  uf  a  literature  wliich  is  all  more 
or  less  tinged  with  poetry.  But,  its  course 
being  once  determined,  it  flows  on  in  the  same 
pver-dcepcning  channel,   a   great    volume  of 


PSALMS,  BOOK  OF 

religious  poetry,  touching  upon  all  that  was 
sacred  in  the  ideas  and  associations  of  Israel. 
The  most  cursory  glance  is  sufficient  to  per- 
ceive the  immense  variety  of  these  composi- 
tions. They  are  all  religious,  but  every  tone 
of  the  religious  experience,  every  aspect  of  the 
religious  life,  finds  expression.  Even  within 
the  compass  of  one  psalm  we  find  alternations 
of  confidence  and  fear,  hope  and  despondency, 
trust  in  God  and  denunciation  of  man.  But 
the  prevaihng  character,  the  thing  that  deter- 
mines the  quality  of  the  psalm,  is  the  feeling 
and  experience  of  the  singer,  rather  than  the 
nature  of  the  theme,  and  it  is  this  which  has 
given  them  their  hold  on  human  hearts  in  all 
times  and  in  all  conditions  of  hfe.  This  also 
makes  it  impossible  to  classify  the  Psalms  in 
any  satisfactory  way,  either  according  to 
theme  or  tone.  Yet,  though  there  is  this 
variety  to  such  a  degree  that  contiguous 
psalms  are  often  most  contrasted,  the  collection 
as  a  whole  is  not  a  number  of  pieces  thrown  to- 
gether haphazard.  There  is  an  arrangement 
of  the  book,  though  it  is  not  of  the  kind  found 
in  our  modern  books  of  praise.  First  of  all  there 
is  the  division  of  the  whole  into  five  "  books," 
as  now  exhibited  in  our  R.V.  This  is  a  some- 
what artificial  and  comparatively  late  division, 
introduced  no  doubt,  as  tradition  says,  to 
make  the  Psalm-book  conform  to  the  five-fold 
Book  of  the  Law.  The  conclusion  of  each 
book  is  marked  by  a  doxology,  the  last  psalm 
of  all  being  regarded  as  a  final  doxology.  Be- 
neath this  division,  however,  and  not  altogether 
conforming  to  it,  we  can  see  indications  of 
other  collections  or  classes.  Thus  a  certain 
number,  coming  mostly  but  not  exclusively 
together,  are  entitled  "  to  David,"  a  number  of 
others  "  to  Asaph,"  and  a  group  or  groups  "  to 
the  sons  of  Korah  "  ;  the  "  Songs  of  Degrees  " 
(Ps. 120-134)  all  come  together  ;  and,  towards 
the  close  of  the  collection,  psalms  with  "  Hal- 
lelujah "  (111-117,146-150),  and  "O  give 
thanks"  (105-107)  are  grouped  together. 
These  features  point  to  smaller  collections,  by 
the  accretion  of  which  the  Psalm-book  attained 
its  present  form  and  bulk.  Though  we  are 
unable  to  trace  the  process  by  which  this  took 
place,  we  may,  by  observing  the  characteristics 
of  the  various  parts,  obtain  an  idea  of  the 
guiding  principle  of  the  arrangement.  There 
is  a  characteristic  note  at  the  end  of  Book  II., 
"  The  prayers  of  David  the  son  of  Jesse  are 
ended,"  and  Ps.72,  to  which  it  is  appended,  is 
inscribed  to  Solomon.  We  cannot  indeed  con- 
clude from  this  that  all  the  preceding  psalms 
were  composed  by  David,  and  collected  per- 
haps by  Solomon,  seeing  that  a  group  of 
Korahite  psahns  (42-49),  and  one  of  .\saph  (50) 
are  inserted  among  them.  Yet  the  note  seems 
to  be  older  than  the  division  into  books  (for 
Davidic  i>salms  occur  in  a  later  part),  and  most 
probably  it  indicated  what  was  at  one  time 
the  close  of  a  collection  witli  wliich  tlio  name  of 
David  was  asso('iated.  It  will  be  noticed  tliat 
the  great  majority  of  tiie  "  David  "  i)salms  fall 
before  this — vis.  37  psalms  in  Book  L  and  18 
in  Book  II.,  out  of  a  total  of  73  in  the  wliole 
Psalter;  and  the  very  name  of  "  jirayers  " 
given  to  them  is  significant,  imi^lying,  what  is 
borne  out  by  the  contents,  that  the  jisalms  in 
that  collection  arc  of  a  more  private  and  per- 


1>i&alms,  book  0]? 

Sonal  kind,  as  distinguished  from  "  praises," 
by  which  the  whole  collection  was  described 
when  in  use  for  public  service.  If,  however, 
there  was  an  original  collection  assigned  to 
David,  we  must  suppose  that  it  got  broken  up 
by  the  insertion  of  these  Asaph  and  Korahite 
psalms,  which  again  must  be  assumed  to  have 
been  collections,  and  that  what  was  the  con- 
cluding psalm,  with  its  colophon,  got  pushed 
down  to  the  place  it  now  occupies.  This  is 
much  more  probable  for  another  reason.  It 
has  been  observed  that  the  different  books 
show  a  striking  distinction  in  the  use  of  the 
divine  Name,  thus  :  Book  I.  uses  most  fre- 
quently the  name  Jehovah  (272  times,  as 
against  Elohim  15  times)  ;  Book  II.,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  Jehovah  only  30  times,  as  com- 
pared with  Elohim  164  times  ;  in  Book  III. 
the  occurrences  are  about  equal,  Jehovah  oc- 
curring 44  times  and  Elohim  43  times  ;  Book 
IV.  has  Jehovah  103  times  and  no  occurrence 
of  Elohim  ;  and  Book  V.  has  Jehovah  237 
times  and  Elohim  only  7  times.  What  was  the 
reason  for  this  discriminating  use  of  the  divine 
Name  has  never  been  satisfactorily  explained, 
but  that  it  was  of  purpose  is  evident.  There 
are,  e.g.,  certain  common  phrases,  "  the  altar 
of  God,"  "  judge  me,  O  God,"  "  have  mercy 
on  me,  O  God,"  in  which  the  distinctive  use  of 
"  Lord  "  (Jehovah)  and  "  God  "  (Elohim)  is 
carefully  observed.  We  have  actually  the 
same  psalm,  numbered  14  in  Book  I.  and  53  in 
Book  II.,  differing  in  the  use  of  the  name — a 
strong  presumption  that  Book  II.  belongs  to  a 
different  collection  from  Book  I.  We  may 
therefore  describe  Books  I.  IV.  and  V.  as 
Jehovistic,  while  Books  II.  and  III.  are  Elo- 
histic  ;  and  there  is  a  strong  presumption  that, 
underlying  the  artificial  division  into  five 
books,  is  an  older  arrangement  of  three  collec- 
tions, viz.  The  first  collection,  the  "  David  " 
Psalm-book,  Jehovistic,  embracing  Book  I., 
or  Ps.3-41 ;  the  second  collection,  an  Elohistic 
Psalm-book,  embracing  Books  II.  and  III.,  or 
Ps. 42-89  made  up  of  three  parts — a  Davidic 
part,  Ps.51-72,  a  Korahite  part,  Ps. 42-49, 
and  an  Asaphic  part,  Ps.50,73-83,  with  a 
supplement,  Ps. 84-89  ;  and  the  third  collec- 
tion, Jehovistic,  embracing  Books  IV.  and  V., 
or  Ps. 90-150,  and  containing  various  smaller 
groups  and  psalms  that  had  not  been  inclu- 
ded in  the  previous  collections.  This  scheme 
would  denote,  roughly  speaking,  the  chrono- 
logical order  of  the  growth  of  the  Psalter, 
the  earliest  collection  containing  the  earliest 
compositions,  and  the  last  the  latest.  It  will 
be  observed  that  the  first  and  second  collec- 
tions are  nearly  of  equal  length,  41  psalms  in 
the  first,  and  48  in  the  second,  while  the  third, 
gathering  up  all  that  was  left,  is  longer  ;  and 
we  must  admit  the  possibility  of  the  collec- 
tions having  been  broken  up  or  disturbed  in 
the  process  of  the  five-fold  arrangement.  It 
is  possible,  indeed,  that  the  Psalter  was  treated 
in  the  service  of  the  synagogue  as  a  threefold 
collection.  Although  the  Pentateuch  is  ar- 
ranged in  five  books,  the  public  reading  of  it 
in  the  Palestine  synagogues  followed  a  trien- 
nial cycle,  for  which  purpose  it  was  divided 
into  sections,  variously  estimated  from  150  to 
167,  so  as  to  extend  over  the  sabbaths  of  three 
years.    The  psalms,  numbering  as  they  do  150, 


I»SALMS,  BOOK  OF 


717 


would  suit  themselves  to  a  similar  division, 
and  Dr.  E.  G.  King  {The  Psalms,  in  Three 
Collections,  1 898-1 905)  has  shown  how  the  two 
cycles  would  correspond  and  illustrate  one 
another.  Opinions  differ  greatly  as  to  the 
approximate  dates  of  the  completion  of  these 
collections.  The  earliest  dates  proposed  are 
the  time  of  Solomon  for  the  first  collection,  the 
time  of  Hezekiah  for  the  second,  and  the  time 
of  Ezra  for  the  third.  At  the  other  extreme 
are  those  who  hold  that  there  is  scarcely  a 
psalm  of  pre- Exilian  origin  in  the  whole  Psalter, 
and  bring  down  the  composition  of  many  of 
them  to  the  Maccabaean  age  or  later,  and  the 
final  closing  of  the  Psalter  to  a  short  time  be- 
fore the  Christian  era.  All  depends  upon  the 
dates  assigned  to  individual  psalms  in  the 
collections  ;  and  it  is  evident  that  conclusions 
differing  so  widely  must  be  based  to  a  great 
extent  on  subjective  grounds.  There  are, 
however,  certain  positive  facts  which  may 
be  cited  as  evidence  towards  the  determination 
of  the  question.  As  to  the  latest  date  at  which 
the  completion  of  the  Psalter  is  to  be  placed, 
we  have  to  consider  such  relative  facts  as 
these:  (i)  There  is  a  collection  known  as  the 
"  Psalms  of  Solomon,"  or  "  Psalms  of  the 
Pharisees,"  the  date  of  which  can  be  fixed 
about  60  B.C.  It  stands  so  far  below  our 
Psalter  in  all  essential  features,  that  we  must 
suppose  a  very  considerable  interval  between 
it  and  our  Psalter.  (2)  The  LXX.  translators 
of  the  Psalms,  not  later  than  160  B.C.,  evi- 
dently did  not  understand  the  meaning  of 
certain  liturgical  expressions  prefixed  to  the 
psalms  (see  next  article),  a  presumption  that 
a  very  considerable  time  must  have  elapsed 
for  the  memory  of  them  to  have  been  lost. 
(3)  The  compiler  of  Chronicles,  not  later 
than  300  B.C.,  incorporates  in  his  narrative 
(iChr.16)  portions  of  Ps.  105,  96,  and  106 
which  belong  to  the  third  collection.  (4)  In 
the  prologue  to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus 
(c.  132  B.C.)  the  writer  states  that,  in  the  time 
of  his  grandfather,  the  author  of  the  book 
(say  180  B.C.),  the  canonical  Scriptures,  con- 
taining "  the  law,  the  prophets,  and  the  other 
books  of  our  fathers,"  were  already  translated 
into  Greek.  (5)  In  the  first  book  of  the 
Maccabees,  written  c.  100  b.c,  Ps.79is  quoted 
as  Scripture.  In  view  of  these  facts  it  is  hard 
to  believe  that  the  Psalter  was  not  completed 
before  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  much  harder 
to  believe  that  many  psalms  now  in  the  col- 
lection were  composed  at  that  or  a  later  period. 
[Canon  of  O.T.]  As  to  the  date  of  the 
earliest  collection,  we  can  hardly  place  it  later 
than  the  time  of  Ezra,  when  the  service  of 
praise  in  the  second  temple  was  arranged. 
But  before  such  a  collection  could  be  made 
there  must  have  existed  psalms,  or  groups  of 
psalms,  to  be  thus  collected  ;  and  the  use  of 
psalms  in  praise  and  the  exercise  of  psalm- 
composition  must  be  carried  back  to  pre- 
Exilian  times.  The  captives  in  Babylon  speak 
of  the  "  Lord's  songs,"  which  they  had  sung  in 
their  own  land  (Ps.137.4).  Jeremiah,  in  look- 
ing forward  to  the  time  when  the  city  and 
temple  should  be  restored,  actually  uses  the 
language  of  late  psalms  (Je.33.io,ii)  :  "  Yet 
again  there  shall  be  heard  in  this  place  .  .  .  the 
voice  of  joy  and  the  voice  of  gladness,  .  .  .  the 


718 


PSALMS,  BOOK  OF 


voice  of  them  that  say.  give  thanks  to  the  Lord 
of  hosts,  for  the  Lord  is  good,  for  His  mercv 
endureth  forever"  (cf.  Ps.l06,  136,  etc).  Then 
we  have  in  the  pre-Mxihan  books  examples 
of  Psahns:  Is.12,38;  Jon. 2;  Hab.3.  In  fact, 
the  people  were  poetical;  some  of  the  earliest 
portions  of  the  literature  are  poetical  ;  and, 
seeing  that  the  nation  was  constituted  on 
a  basis  of  religion,  and  that  the  distinction  of 
secular  or  national,  and  sacred  or  religious,  is 
not  sharply  drawn,  we  should  be  disposed  to 
ask  rather  how  early  we  might  look  for  religious 
songs  than  how  late  we  should  place  any  that 
we  have.  The  persistent  tradition  that  asso- 
ciates David  with  psalmody  cannot  be  lightly 
set  aside,  and  when  once  a  literature  of  this 
kind  had  made  a  beginning,  it  was  most  likely 
to  be  continued.  It  is  true  that,  if  we  reject 
titles  and  formal  ascriptions  of  psalms  to 
David,  it  may  be  difficult  or  even  impossible  to 
say  with  certainty,  from  internal  examination 
of  them,  that  sucti  and  such  psalms,  as  we  have 
them,  came  from  David's  hand.  But  the  diffi- 
culty would  be  as  great,  on  these  conditions, 
with  any  poetry  ;  and  there  are  certainly  not  a 
few  psalms  in  regard  to  which  it  cannot  be 
proved  that  he  could  not  have  written  them. 
And,  bearing  in  mind  how  liable  popular  songs 
are  to  suffer  change  in  course  of  transmission, 
we  may  well  believe  that  there  are  Davidic 
elements  even  in  psalms  which  contain  ex- 
pressions suggestive  of  a  later  time.  But  the 
question  of  Davidic  psalms,  which  is  but  part 
of  the  question  of  prc-Kxilian  psalmody,  isniore 
than  a  simple  literary  question.  The  Chris- 
tian reader,  whose  faith  has  been  nourished  by 
these  psalms,  and  has  found  them  expressive 
of  all  the  moods  of  his  spiritual  experience,  be- 
lieving that  words  which  go  to  the  heart  must 
have  come  from  the  heart,  would  fain  grasp 
the  hand  of  a  man  of  like  passions  who  penned 
them.  And  to  be  told  that  men  like  David 
and  the  great  prophets  of  pre-Kxilian  times 
never  reached  such  experience  ot  personal 
religion  is  to  do  violence  to  more  than  a 
pleasing  sentiment.  To  be  told  that  the  sins 
confessed,  the  hopes  and  fears  depicted  in  the 
psalms  are  merely  the  expressions  of  the 
political  vicissitudes  and  aspirations  of  the 
corporate  Jewish  nation  or  "  Church,"  which 
is  the  chief  speaker  in  the  Psalms,  is  repugnant 
to  Christian  reason  ;  for  no  one  could  speak  as 
the  psalmists  express  themselves  unless  he  had 
experience  of  these  things  first  in  his  own  soul  ; 
even  in  order  to  personify,  he  must  first  have 
])crsonally  felt.  The  underlying  question  is 
the  question  of  the  existence  and  character  of 
religion  in  the  pre-lCxilian  period,  the  period 
of  the  bloom  of  literature  and  prophecy  in 
Israel  ;  it  is  the  question  of  revelation.  If 
(iod  could  si>c;ik  to  the  hearts  of  His  chosen 
servants  as  He  did  to  the  jiroijhets,  tluir 
hearts  could  hold  converse  with  Him,  for  the 
uplifting  of  the  heart  to  the  Power  above  is  an 
instinct  of  men  at  a  far  lower  grade  of  spiritual 
attainment  ;  and,  whereas  in  the  law  and  the 
jiropiiets  we  hear  (lod's  voi('e  S()eaking  to  men 
and  through  men,  in  the  Psalms  the  heart  of 
man  speaks  to  (iod  or  speaks  to  itself  in  (iod's 
sight.  No  doubt  it  is  difficult  or  impossible 
to  determine  from  a  psalm  itself  the  precise 
historical  occasion  or  personal  situation  that 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 

called  it  forth.  But  the  same  may  be  said  of 
some  of  the  best  of  other  poetry  ;  and  the 
psalms  would  never  have  exerted  the  influence 
they  have  had,  if  they  had  been  full  of  local 
and  temporary  colouring.  It  is  comparatively 
easy,  to  those  who  look  for  such  indications, 
to  find  situations  in  the  Maccabaean  history 
that  would  fit  certain  expressions  in  the 
psalms,  seeing  that  w^e  have  much  more  de- 
tailed information  in  regard  to  that  period 
than  the  brief  narratives  of  earlier  tinaes  con- 
tained in  the  Biblical  books  supply.  But  the 
mere  fact  that  different  critics  often  ascribe 
one  and  the  same  psalm  to  periods  separated 
by  centuries  shows  how  precarious  is  this  mode 
of  reasoning,  and  shows  also  that  the  charac- 
teristic element  in  the  Psalms  is  the  grasping 
and  expressing  of  truths  and  principles  which 
are  abiding  and  ever  revealing  themselves. 
The  book  of  Psalms  is  a  part  of  the  national 
literature  of  Israel,  and  the  national  feeling 
often  expresses  itself  in  what  to  us  is  narrow 
and  harsh  language  ;  yet  we  are  to  remember, 
and  the  psalmists,  like  the  prophets,  did  not  for- 
get, that  God  had  not  dealt  so  with  any  nation 
as  He  did  with  Israel,  and  that  their  calling 
was  for  a  purpose  yet  to  be  revealed.  In  this 
way  the  Psalms  are  prophetic,  as  they  are 
also  in  the  Messianic  expectation  which 
breathes  through  them,  and  which  was  ful- 
filled in  a  higher  sense  when  the  fulness  of  the 
time  was  come.  Above  all  the  Psalms  may  be 
described  as  Christological,  inasmuch  as  they 
express,  and  helped  to  nurture,  those  convic- 
tions of  man's  sin  and  insufficiency,  and  that 
unshaken  hope  in  God  as  the  only  Helper, 
which  prepared  for  the  advent  of  God  manifest 
in  the  flesh.  No  book  is  quoted  more  fre- 
quently in  N.T.,  and  nothing  can  better  prove 
the  inspiration,  spiritual  power,  and  Christian 
value  of  the  Psalms  than  the  fact  that  on  such 
Scriptures  were  sustained  the  hearts  of  those 
that  waited  for  the  consolation  of  Israel,  that 
they  made  ready  a  people  prepared  for  the 
Lord.  Sharpe,  P.sa/m<  (Eyre  and  Spottis- 
woode);  Kirkpatrick,  The  Book  of  Psalms  ( ?  vols, 
in  Cambridge  Bible) ;  W.  T.  Davison,  The  Praises 
of  Israel ;  W.  T.  Davison  andT.  Witton  Davies, 
The  Psalms  {z  vols,  in  Cerilury  Bible),    [j.r.] 

Psalms,  Titles  of.  All  the  Psalms,  with 
the  exception  of  34  (called  by  Jewish  writers 
" oqihan  psalms"),  are  provided  w'ith  head- 
ings or  titles,  longer  or  shorter,  and  of  more  or 
less  intelligible  import.  These  headings  in- 
clude names  of  j)crsons  with  whom,  in  some 
wav,  the  several  psalms  are  associated,  notices 
of  the  occasion  or  historical  reference,  and 
other  expressions,  to  a  great  extent  obscure, 
denoting  the  class  of  composition  t<i  which  the 
])salin  was  considered  to  belong,  and  the  ritual 
or  liturgical  use  to  which  it  was  to  be  jnit. 
The  (luestion  arises  at  the  outset  whether  tiiese 
headings  form  part  of  the  original  composi- 
tions ;  for  on  their  origin  and  antiquity  will 
depend  to  a  considerable  degree  the  value  we 
l)Iace  u]>on  tiiem  for  the  right  understanding 
of  the  Psalter.  Those  who  regard  them  as 
an  integral  part  of  the  original  text  point  to 
the  various  poetical  i)ieces  embodied  in  the 
historical  and  i>ro]ilietical  books,  wiiich  are 
introduced  by  the  names  of  their  authors 
(Gen.4.23,49.1,2  ;       Ex.15;       Deut.Sl.jo.SS ; 


IPSALMS,  TITLES  OP* 

Judg.5;  iSam.2;  aSam.l. 17,3.33, 22, 23  ;  Is.38. 
9  ;  Hab.3).  These,  however,  are  all  cases  of 
editorial  superscription  (unless  the  case  of 
Habakkuk  be  an  exception),  and  do  not  prove 
that  the  author  was  in  the  habit  of  prefixing 
his  name  to  his  compositions.  At  all  events, 
since  some  of  the  psalms  bear  no  name,  the 
custom,  if  there  was  one,  was  not  universal.  In 
regard  to  Arabic  and  Syriac  poems,  it  is  well 
known  that  the  names  of  authors  were  added 
by  late  transcribers,  and  in  many  cases  on  con- 
jecture. The  notices  prefixed  to  the  psalms 
are  such  as  almost  to  declare  themselves  to 
come  from  later  hands  :  "A  psalm  of  David 
when  he  fled  from  "Absalom  his  son"  (Ps.3), 
etc.  Accordingly  our  version,  by  not  number- 
ing them  as  constituent  verses,  tacitly  as- 
sumes them  to  be  later  than  the  Psalms.  That 
they  are,  however,  of  comparatively  early  date 
is  proved  by  the  fact  that  they  existed  in  the 
Heb.  MSS.,  from  which  the  LXX.  and  other 
Gk.  versions  were  made  ;  and,  as  shown  in 
the  preceding  article,  they  are  of  value  as  show- 
ing the  manner  in  which  the  Psalm-collections 
were  formed.  The  versions,  indeed,  use  a  free- 
dom in  adding  details  to  the  inscriptions,  which 
shows  that  they  regarded  them  as  extraneous 
to  the  text,  although  in  very  few  cases  is 
any  detail  of  the  Heb.  title  omitted.  The 
Syriac  translators,  influenced  no  doubt  by 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  who  was  the  first  to 
express  the  opinion  that  the  titles  were  not 
original,  omit  the  Heb.  titles  altogether,  and 
substitute  for  them  headings  of  their  own. 
A  still  more  decisive  proof  of  their  early  date 
is  the  fact  that  the  Gk.  versions  show  evi- 
dently, by  the  variety  and  vagueness  of  their 
renderings,  that  certain  elements  of  the  super- 
scriptions were  unintelligible  to  the  trans- 
lators— a  proof  that  the  situation  of  the  trans- 
lators was  quite  different  from  that  of  the 
authors  of  the  headings,  and  a  strong  presump- 
tion that  a  change  of  circumstances,  involving 
a  considerable  lapse  of  time,  intervenes  be- 
tween the  two.  The  inference  can  hardly  be 
resisted  that  the  headings,  however  much  more 
recent  than  the  psalms,  were  very  much  earlier 
than  the  versions.  In  this  connexion  also  it  may 
be  remarked  that  there  is  no  mention  of  these 
technical  ritual  matters  in  the  books  imme- 
diately following  the  Exile — Ezra,  Nehemiah, 
and  Haggai — and  that  there  is  only  one  refer- 
ence to  them  in  the  Chronicles  (iChr.l5.20,2i), 
which  may  be  incorporated  from  an  older 
source.  This  silence,  in  books  that  have  so 
much  to  say  about  singers  and  temple  ritual, 
is  remarkable  ;  and,  seeing  that  the  most  of 
these  enigmatical  notices  are  found  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  Psalter,  one  would  be  in- 
clined to  assign  these  elements  to  the  time  of 
the  first  temple.  At  all  events,  the  titles  are 
not  to  be  discarded  as  mere  guesses  of  late 
editors,  but  are  to  be  reckoned  as  evidence  as 
to  the  history  of  the  Psalter,  (i)  Beginning 
with  the  more  intelligible  elements,  we  notice 
the  names  of  the  persons  associated  with  in- 
dividual psalms.  There  are  in  all  7  names 
which,  at  first  sight,  seem  to  be  intended  to 
denote  authorship.  David's  name  stands  at 
the  head  of  74  psalms,  to  Solomon  are  assigned 
2,  to  Asaph  12,  to  the  sons  of  Korah  11  [Korah- 
iTEs],  to  Heman    and  Ethan   the   Ezrahites 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 


719 


and  "  Moses  the  man  of  God,"  one  each. 
The  ascription  in  all  cases  is  expressed  by  the 
most  general  preposition  of  reference,  "  to,"  or 
"belonging  to,"  which  may  even  mean  "re- 
ferring to."  The  prayer  of  Moses,  e.g.  (Ps.90), 
may  have  had  some  tradition  of  authorship 
attached  to  it,  or  it  may  have  been  understood 
as  appropriate  to  the  position  of  Moses  ;  and 
Dr.  King  (The  Psalms  in  Three  Collections, 
Introd.  to  Part  III.  p.  xi)  points  out  that,  on 
the  supposition  that  the  Psalter  was  read,  like 
the  Pentateuch,  in  a  three-years'  cycle,  the 
psalm  would  fall  about  the  same  time  as  the 
lesson  narrating  the  death  of  Moses.  So  with 
the  psalms  inscribed  to  Solomon  (72  and  127, 
although  his  name  is  absent  from  127  in  LXX.). 
But  the  case  is  different  when  groups  of  psalms 
bear  the  same  name.  Though,  no  doubt, 
David  would  be  thought  of  as  author  in  many 
of  the  psalms  to  which  his  name  is  prefixed, 
"  the  sons  of  Korah  "  could  hardly  be  re- 
garded collectively  as  authors,  and  we  ought  to 
give  the  preposition  such  a  sense  as  will  apply 
to  all.  Asaph,  besides  being  the  name  of  an  in- 
dividual, designates  also,  like  "sons  of  Korah," 
a  guild  occupied  in  the  temple  service  ;  and 
it  is  safer,  therefore,  to  regard  the  references  to 
David,  Asaph,  and  the  sons  of  Korah  as  point- 
ing to  collections  bearing  their  names.  As 
pointed  out  in  the  preceding  article,  the  psalms 
bearing  these  names  occur,  for  the  most  part, 
in  groups,  though  they  have  been  to  some  ex- 
tent broken  up  in  the  final  arrangement  of  the 
Psalter.  (2)  We  notice  next  the  references  to 
the  historical  occasions  of  the  psalms.  Such 
notices  are  found  only  in  psalms  bearing  the 
name  of  David,  and  only  in  some  of  these.  All 
the  occasions  referred  to  are  incidents  or  epi- 
sodes mentioned  in  the  books  of  Samuel,  and 
they  are  expressed  almost  in  the  language  of 
these  books  (c/.,  e.g.,  Ps.34  with  1Sam.2i.14  ; 
Ps.52  with  iSam.22.9  ;  Ps.54  with  iSam.23.i9). 
It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  the  writers  of 
these  notices  regarded  the  psalms  as  having 
been  composed  on  these  occasions,  or  judged 
them,  by  internal  indication,  to  be  suitable  to 
the  situations.  If  they  proceeded  on  grounds 
of  internal  evidence,  there  is  this  much  to  be 
said  for  them,  that  they  knew  how  to  curb 
their  critical  faculty,  for  such  a  process,  once 
begun,  could  have  been  continued  indefinitely. 
The  tendency  is  actually  seen  in  operation  in 
the  LXX.,  where  Jeremiah,  Haggai,  and 
Zechariah  are  named  as  authors  of  psalms  ; 
and  some  Heb.  MSS.  have  on  the  margins 
guesses  of  this  kind  by  a  scribe  or  glossator. 
Thus  a  note  is  found  on  the  margin  of  Ps.ll 
"  on  the  priests  of  Nob,"  based  on  "  the  up- 
right in  heart  "  in  ver.  2.  So  Ps.l4  is  applied 
to  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  and  there  is  an  example  of 
a  note  of  this  kind  finding  its  way  into  the  text. 
TertuUian  says  of  the  first  psalm  that  it  might 
be  understood  of  such  a  pious  man  as  Joseph 
of  Arimathaea,  and  the  Codex  Amiatinus,  tak- 
ing this  up,  has  the  heading  "A  psalm  of  David, 
spoken  of  Joseph,  who  buried  the  body  of  the 
Lord."  (3)  Then  there  are  elements  in  the  in- 
scriptions which  denote  the  character  of  the 
composition,  or  the  occasion  on  which  it  was  to 
be  used.  The  simplest  and  most  intelligible  is 
the  single  word  "  a  psalm  "  alone,  or  followed 
by  the  name  of  the  person,  or  "  a  song  "  (only 


720 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 


in  Ps.46),  or  the  two  combined,  "  a  psalm,  or 
song  "  (in  7  psalms)  or  "  a  song,  or  psalm  "  (in 
5  psalms).  All  that  need  be  said  of  these  is 
that  a  song,  shir,  is  the  wider,  generic  word,  and 
psalm,  mizmor,  is  the  technical  word,  foimd  only 
in  the  headings  of  the  psalms.  The  character 
of  the  composition  is  more  particularly  speci- 
fied in  such  titles  as  "  Praise,"  thilld  (only 
in  Ps.l45),  "Prayer"  Vphilli  (in  Ps.90,102, 
142),  and  possibly  the  "  psalm  for  praise  " 
(K.V.  thanksgiviiii;)  in  the  beading  of  Ps.lOO. 
There  are  a  few  other  expressions  which  stand, 
like  "  psalm  "  or  "  song,"  in  close  connexion 
with  personal  names,  and  may  also  be  intended 
as  designations  of  the  cliaracter  of  the  psalm  : 
MASCHIL  occurs  in  the  titles  of  13  psalms 
(32,42,4*, 45,52-55,74, 78,88,89,142),  and  also  in 
the  text  of  47.7,  where  it  is  rendered  "  with 
understanding "  (R.V.  marg.  "  in  a  skilful 
psalm).  The  verb  occurs  in  32.8,  "  I  will  in- 
struct thee,"  and  maskil  occurs  frequently  in 
the  sense  "  intelligent,"  as  "  behaved  himself 
wisely  "  (1Sam.l8.14),  and  "  the  Levites  who 
were  skilled  in  the  service  of  the  Lord  "  (aChr. 
30.22).  A  common  view  is  that  this  word  in  the 
titles  nieans  "  a  didactic  poem,"  although  only 
two  of  the  number  (Ps.32,78),  might  properly 
be  so  described,  and  one  (Ps.l42)  is  actually 
entitled  "  a  prayer."  Accordingly  Delitzsch 
preferred  "  pious  meditation,"  while  Ewald 
thought  its  connexion  with  "  sing  praise  " 
in  47.7  pointed  to  "  melodious  song." 
MICH TAM  is  a  word  found  only  in  psalm-in- 
scriptions (16,56-60,  all  Davidic),  and  is  of 
doubtful  signification.  Some  connect  it  with 
keihem,  "  gold,"  and  see  a  comparison  with  the 
so-called  golden  or  prize  poems  of  the  Arabs. 
There  is  a  verbal  form  in  Je.2.22  meaning 
stained  or  blood-dyed  (A.  and  R.V.  marked), 
and  perhaps  this  idea  led  the  Gk.  versions  to 
"an  inscription  for  a  pillar."  Delitzsch  thought 
"  epigrammatic  poem  "  best  agreed  with  the 
etymology  of  the  word  and  the  character  of  the 
psalms.  The  Targum  on  Ps.60  gives  "  a  copy  " 
or  "  pattern,"  but  in  other  places  they  divided 
the  word  into  two,  "  humble  and  simple,"  ap- 
plying it  to  David,  and  this  view  was  long 
prevalent  among  Jewish  interpreters.  Hitzig, 
falling  back  on  the  sense  of  the  root  in  Arabic, 
"  secret,"  made  it  "  anecdoton,"  or  "  hitherto 
unpublished."  Thirtle  (Titles  of  the  Psalms) 
makes  it  a  private  prayer  or  meditation,  as 
contrasted  with  Maschil,  a  public  homily ; 
and  for  another  suggestion,  see  Wuitimg. 
SHIGGAION  is  found  only  in  the  title  of  Ps.7. 
The  root  which  it  most  nearly  resembles  de- 
notes to  "  reel,"  "  wander,"  or  "  go  astray." 
Those  who  take  the  word  as  descriptive  of  the 
psalm  make  it  a  rambling  or  dithyrambic  ode, 
though  there  seems  notliing  in  the  psalm  to 
warrant  this.  Most  of  the  \ersions  follow  the 
sense  of  the  word  rendered  "  errors  "  in  19. 12, 
I.e.  sins  of  inadvertence  or  ignorance-  The 
plur.  shighyon'ith  occurs  in  the  inscription  of 
Habakkuk's  psalm,  but  the  LXX.  translators 
seem  to  have  read  there  tvpliinnth,  while  in 
Ps.7  they  have  simply  "  a  psalm."  —In  other 
expressions  we  have  reference  to  the  destina- 
tion or  use  of  the  ])salm.  "  A  Psalm,  or  song 
for  the  sabbath  day"  (Ps.92),  explains  itself  ; 
and  here  it  may  lie  remarked  that  the  LXX. 
designates  other  psalms  for  other  days  of  the 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OP 

week,  as  does  the  Talmud.  The  "  Song  at  the 
dedication  of  the  house  "  (Ps.30,  R.V.),  which 
is  called  Davidic,  may  have  been  referred  to 
David's  consecration  of  the  site  on  which  the 
temple  was  to  be  built,  or  of  his  own  palace  ; 
or,  taking  the  title  as  composite,  to  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  second  temple  under  Ezra.  It  is 
probable  also  that  the  titles  of  Ps.38and70"to 
bring  to  remembrance"  (R.V.  mar?;,  to  make 
memorial)  have  a  ritual  reference,  the  psalms 
being  regarded  as  suitable  accompaniments 
of  the  "  memorial "  of  incense  mentioned 
in  Lev.24.7,8  in  connexion  with  the  shew- 
bread,  which  was  renewed  every  sabbath.  The 
Targum  evidently  took  this  view,  and  the 
LXX.  has  "  for  a  memorial  concerning  the 
sabbath."  The  title  of  Ps.lOO,  "  for  praise," 
which  has  been  already  mentioned,  is  believed 
by  some  to  be  intended  for  the  thank-offering 
which  bears  that  name  (Lev.7.12).  One 
psalm  (60)  bears,  as  part  of  its  title,  "  to 
teach,"  the  only  explanation  of  which  that  is 
offered  is  that  the  psalm  was  to  be  committed 
to  memory,  or  said  by  the  youth  during  mili- 
tary exercise,  as  in  aSam.l.iS,  where  the 
reference  is  supposed  to  be  to  a  song  to  be  simg 
during  archery  practice  ;  but  why  this  psalm 
was  thus  singled  out  does  not  appear.  Among 
psalms  designed  by  their  titles  for  use  on 
special  occasions  may  probably  be  included 
the  so-called  SONGS  OF  DEGREES  (R.V. 
ascents),  those  15  psalms  (120-134)  standing 
together  in  a  group  with  the  same  title 
(slightly  varied  in  121).  The  word  translated 
"  degrees,"  or  "  ascents,"  is  found  in  the  sense 
of  "  steps  "  of  a  throne  (1K.IO.19),  of  an  altar 
(Ex.20.2'^>),  of  a  temple  (Ezk.40.6),  of  a  sun- 
dial (2K.2O.9;  Is.38.8;  in  A.V.  degrees).  It 
is  also  used  of  the  "  going  up  "  from  Babylon 
(Ezr.7.9).  The  LXX.  title  is  "  Song  of  the 
steps,"  but  other  Gk.  versions  (Aquila,  Theo- 
dotion,  and  Symmachus)  have  "song  of  [or, 
for]  the  ascents."  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
saw  a  reference  to  the  return,  or  rather  two 
returns,  from  Babylon  under  Zerubbabel  and 
Ezra.  Seeing,  however,  that  several  of  these 
psalms  (at  least  122  and  134)  imply  that  the 
temple  was  standing,  the  view  is  now  very 
generally  held,  as  hinted  at  in  R.V.,  that  these 
formed  a  collection  of  sacred  songs  suitable  for 
the  pilgrims  who  went  up  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
great  feasts.  The  noun,  it  is  true,  is  not 
found  elsewhere  applied  to  the  pilgrimage, 
though  the  verb  in  that  sense  is  common  ;  but 
this  may  be  because  there  was  no  occasion  to 
use  it,  and  the  psalms,  permeated  with  the 
warm  feelings  of  home  and  country,  would  be 
well  suited  for  such  occasions.  The  Jewish 
interpreters  had  a  theory  that  the  15  psalms 
were  sung  on  the  15  steps  leading  up  from  the 
Court  of  the  Women  to  the  Court  of  Israel  in 
the  temple — an  external  mode  of  designating 
the  psalms  which  Delitzsch  declares  is  un- 
paralleled. His  own  explanation  was  that  the 
title  denoted  the  style  of  composition,  a  phrase 
or  word  in  one  line  being  caught  up  and  de- 
veloped in  the  next  ;  but  this  is  not  limited  to 
these  psalms,  and  is  not  indeed  carried  out  in 
them.  Finally  may  be  mentioned  the  view 
recently  advaiiced  by  Thirtle  (Old  Testament 
Problems)  that  thcre'is  a  reference  to  the  15 
"  degrees  "  on  the  sun-dial  of  Ahaz,  mentioned 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 

ia  connexion  with  the  sickness  and  recovery 
of  Hezekiah,  to  whom  Thirtle  ascribes  a 
prominence  in  the  history  and  literature  of 
Israel  which  can  hardly  be  deduced  from  the 
Biblical  records  which  we  possess.  [Isaiah.] 
(4)  The  expressions  hitherto  considered  have 
all  some  reference  to  the  character  of  the 
psalm  to  which  they  are  prefixed,  and  it  may 
be  so  also  with  a  few  of  those  that  remain  to 
be  mentioned  ;  among  which,  however,  are  a 
number  of  enigmatical  words  or  expressions, 
whose  precise  import  is  very  much  matter  of 
conjecture,  and  apparently  was  so  at  the  time 
the  Gk.  translations  were  made.  It  is  uni- 
versally agreed  that  a  number  of  these  at  least 
point  to  the  musical  rendering  or  accompani- 
ment of  the  psalms  in  question.  We  notice, 
first,  the  frequently  recurring  (in  55  psalms) 
TO  THE  CHIEF  MUSICIAN,  where  the 
preposition  "  to"  is  regarded  by  some  as  mean- 
ing "  committed  to  "  the  choir-master  for 
liturgical  use,  while  others  think  it  is  to  be 
taken  in  the  same  sense  as  when  used  before 
personal  names,  and  to  be  referred  to  a  choir- 
master's collection.  The  psalms  to  which  it  is 
prefixed  bear  the  names  of  David  (39),  or  the 
sons  of  Korah  (9),  or  Asaph  (5),  only  two  being 
anonymous  (86  and  67).  The  "  Musician's 
Collection  "  would  thus  have  been  made  up 
of  psalms  from  these  earlier  collections.  The 
word  "  chief  musician,"  iwnacrcah,  is  from  a 
verb  meaning  "  to  be  eminent,"  or  "  enduring," 
and  the  form  of  the  verb  of  which  this  is 
the  participle  is  used  in  the  sense  of  acting 
as  "  overseer,"  e.g.  in  connexion  with  the 
building  of  the  temple  (2Chr.2.2,i8  ;  Ezr.3. 
8,9;  cf.  2Chr.34.12, 13)  and  with  the  ministry 
of  the  house  of  the  Lord  (iChr.23.4),  but 
chiefly  in  music  and  temple  song  (iChr.l5.2i  ; 
Hab.3.19).  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
this  was  the  meaning  of  the  word,  although 
the  Gk.  translators  apparently  did  not  under- 
stand it,  giving  various  renderings  in  a  later 
sense  of  the  root — "  perpetuity,"  "  eternity," 
or  "  victory."  Closely  connected  in  the  titles 
with  the  chief  musician  are  certain  expressions, 
almost  certainly  of  musical  import,  which 
confirm  the  conclusion  that  a  choir-master 
is  referred  to.  The  psalms  themselves  which 
bear  these  titles  give  no  certain  indication 
of  their  meaning.  Thirtle  {The  Titles  of  the 
Psalms)  has  advanced  the  view  that  the  super- 
scriptions to  the  psalms  have,  in  transmission, 
got  broken  up  {cf.  the  heading  and  ending  of 
the  psalm  of  Habakkuk),  the  scribes  being 
misled  by  the  ancient  custom  of  continuous 
writing  of  MSS.,  and  that  the  words  "  to  the 
chief  musician  "  and  those  immediately  follow- 
ing are  meant  to  refer  to  the  preceding  psalm. 
His  confidence,  however,  that  he  has  solved  a 
long-standing  mystery  will  not  be  shared  by 
every  one  ;  and  we  must  be  content  to  repeat 
conjectures  or  advance  probabilities  on  a 
matter  still  obscure.  References  presumably 
of  a  musical  character  may  perhaps  be  found 
in  the  name  of  Heman  the  Ezrahite  (Ps.88), 
Ethan  the  Ezrahite  (Ps.89),  and  Jeduthun 
(Ps.39,62,77),  for  all  these  are  mentioned  in 
Chr.  in  connexion  with  sacred  song  (iChr.l5. 
19,16.41,  etc.),  and  it  will  be  observed  that  in 
nearly  all  the  titles  of  these  psalms  the  names 
in  question  af  e  additional  to  the  other  personal 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 


721 


names.  Among  the  least  obscure  of  these  ex- 
pressions are  two,  mentioned  in  the  only  passage 
in  Chronicles  which  gives  these  technical  terms 
{15.20,2i),viz.ALAMOTH3.ndSHEMINITH. 
The  former  {'aldmoth),  mentioned  there  in  con- 
nexion with  psalteries,  is  found  in  the  heading 
of  one  psalm  (46).  As  pointed  by  the  Massoretes 
it  means  "  virgins,"  and,  as  a  musical  term, 
might  denote  either  female  or  soprano  voices 
or  high-set  instruments.  If  so  sh^minith, 
associated  in  Chr.  with  harps,  would  denote 
male  voices  or  bass  instruments.  It  occurs  in 
the  titles  of  psalms  6  and  12,  and  is  rendered 
in  the  Gk.  versions  and  Jerome  "on  [or,  for] 
the  eighth,"  and  in  the  Targum  "  on  the 
cither  with  eight  strings."  Adopting  another 
pointing  for  Alamoth,  the  versions  get  another 
meaning,  "  secrets "  or  "  ages."  About 
NEGINOTH  there  can  be  httle  doubt. 
Besides  its  occurrence  in  the  titles  of  six 
psalms  (4,6,54,55,67,76;  cf.  61,  A.V.  Neginah, 
where  LXX.  and  Vulg.  read  the  plur.  Negi- 
noth)  and  in  Hab.S.ig  (see  marg.),  the  word 
is  found  in  the  sing,  in  Ps.77.7  translated 
"song,"  and  in  Lam. 5. 14  "music."  In  the 
title  of  Ps.61  the  sing,  is  used,  but  the 
versions  had  the  plur.,  and  render  vaguely 
"  psalms  "  or  "  hymns  "  ;  but  R.V.  is  no  doubt 
correct,  "  stringed  instruments."  The  verb 
is  used,  e.g.,  in  the  accounts  of  David's  playing 
before  Saul  (iSam.l6,  etc.).  The  word 
N  EH  I  LOTH  (in  the  title  of  Ps.5.  only)  is 
otherwise  unknown.  A  general  opinion  is  that 
it  is  cognate  to  hdlilirn,  "  flutes  "  or  "  pipes," 
mentioned  as  played  by  the  prophetic  bands  in 
Samuel's  time  (iSam.lO.5)  and  (by  Is.3O.29) 
as  used  in  sacred  processions.  The  Gk. 
versions,  with  another  pointing,  render  "  in- 
heritances," or  "  her  who  inherits  "  ;  and 
Thirtle,  adopting  this  reading,  makes  it  refer 
to  a  supposed  "  commemoration  of  the  coming 
into  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan."  The 
two  expressions  MAHALATH  (Ps.53)  and 
M  AH  A  LATH  LEAN  NOTH  (Ps.88)  may  be 
taken  together.  In  the  LXX.  the  first  word 
is  left  untranslated  in  Ps.53,  "  upon  Maeleth," 
and  Ps.88  has  "  on  the  responsive  Maeleth." 
Other  explanations  follow  different  hues  of 
derivation.  One  view  connects  mahdlath  with 
dancing,  which  is  thought  to  be  confirmed  by 
iSam. 21. 11,29.5,  "sang  to  one  another  [a  verb 
from  which  l>''ann6th  may  be  derived]  in 
dances  "  So  the  Gk.  versions.  The  Targum, 
however,  connects  it  with  the  idea  of  softness 
or  sickness,  and  Delitzsch  interprets  it  "  a  soft 
or  plaintive  melody."  Leannoth  may  either 
have  the  general  meaning  of  singing  (Ex. 32.i8; 
Is. 27. 2)  or  the  special  meaning  of  responsive 
singing,  from  the  common  signification  of  the 
verb  "  to  answer."  R.  V.,  in  "  set  to  Mahalath," 
evidently  supposes  a  reference  to  some  melody. 
GITTITH  (Ps.8,81,84)  can  only  mean,  as  it 
stands,  "  the  [fem.]  Gittite,"  and  if  so  read 
may  refer  to  an  air  (Ewald)  or  an  instrument 
(Targ.)  associated  in  some  way  with  Gath. 
Aquila  and  Theodotion  leave  it  untranslated 
in  Ps.8,  but  the  LXX.  and  Symmachus  read 
or  understood  it  as  gittoth,  "  wine -presses,"  and 
so  did  Aquila  in  Ps.81,84.  So  most  modern 
expositors,  taking  the  reference  to  be  to 
psalms  sung  at  the  treading  of  the  grapes,  or 
celebrating  the  vintage  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 

46 


722 


PSALMS,  TITLES  OF 


nacles.  All  the  three  psalms  are  joyous,  and 
Ps.81  seems  composed  for  such  an  occasion 
(cf.  vv.  3,4  with  Num. 29.1  ;  Lev.23.24K  Dr. 
King  points  out  that,  in  a  three-years'  cycle, 
Ps.81  would  fall  on  the  first  sabbath  after 
Tishri.  Ps.84  is  a  pilgrim  song,  and  the 
"  early  rain  "  (ver.  6,  K.  V.)  comes  in  the  end  of 
harvest.  Thirtle  also  refers  the  Gittith  psalms 
to  the  celebration  of  the  autumn  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  ;  but,  according  to  his  scheme,  the 
psalms  are  7,80,  and  83,  which  do  not  seem  so 
appropriate  to  the  season  as  the  others.  The 
three  expressions  SHUSH AN-EDUTH  (Ps. 
60).  SHOSHANNIM-EDUTH  (Ps.80),  and 
SHOSHANNIM  (45,69)  may  be  taken  to- 
gether. The  meaning  of  shushdn,  shoshannhn, 
is  "lily,  lilies,"  and  'cclhiUh means  "  testimony," 
but  what  is  meant  by  the  combination  is  un- 
certain. Rashi,  connecting  shushdn  with 
shesh,  "  six,"  applied  it  to  an  instrument  of 
six  strings,  but  Ibn  Ezra  to  the  opening  words 
of  some  melody  to  wliich  the  psalm  was  to 
be  sung.  So  l)elitzsch,  "  lilies  are  the  testi- 
mony," and  Ewald,  "  as  lilies  [pure  and  cleanj, 
so  is  the  law."  Another  turn  was  given,  as 
in  LXX.,  by  connecting  with  the  verb  to 
"  change,"  shdnd.  Thirtle,  basing  his  sugges- 
tion on  the  idea  that  the  lily  is  the  flower  of 
spring,  refers  it  to  the  spring  festival,  the  Pass- 
over, and  shushan-'cdhuih  to  the  Passover  in 
the  second  month  as  appointed  by  special  ordin- 
ance (Num.9.6-14).  AIJELETH-SHAHAR, 
or  rather,  as  in  R.V.,  Aijcleth-hash-Shahar 
(Ps.22),  means  "  hind  of  the  dawn,"  but  the  re- 
ference is  imknown,  and  usually  supposed  to 
be  to  a  melody.  The  Gk.  versions  seem  to  have 
followed  the  meaning  of  a  similar  word  occur- 
ring in  ver.  19,  and  translated  "  O  Thou,  my 
strength  "  (R.V.  succour).  Bacthgen  thinks 
"  hind  of  the  dawn  "  is  the  dawn  itself,  so 
called  from  its  evanescence.  Thirtle,  attaching 
it  to  Ps.21,  thinks  David  is  celebrated  under 
this  figure.  AL-TASCHITH,  R.V.  Al-iash- 
heth  (in  Ps.57,58,59,75),  means  "  destroy  not," 
is  so  translated  in  LXX.  and  Jerome,  and 
from  the  time  of  Ibn  Ezra  has  been  regarded 
as  the  beginning  of  some  song,  possibly  for 
the  vintage  (see  Is. 65. 8).  Thirtle  supposes  the 
psalms  were  selected  for  some  season  of 
humiliation  (cf.  Deut.9.2Cff.).  JONATH- 
ELEM-RECHOKIM  (R.V.  rchokim),  found 
only  in  Ps.56,  might  be  rendered  "  the  dumb 
dove  of  distant  places,"  or  better  (reading 
elim),  "  the  dove  of  distant  terebinths,"  and 
may  also  denote  a  melody.  The  Targum  re- 
ferred it  to  Israel  as  a  mute  dove,  and  the  LXX., 
"  for  the  people  far  removed  from  the  holy 
ones,"  seems  to  have  read  'ciim  in  the  sense  of 
''  gods."  Thirtle,  who  of  course  takes  this 
inscription  with  the  preceding  psalm,  jioints  to 
the  resemblance  to  Ps.55.6,  "  Oh  that  I  had 
wings  like  a  dove."  If  this  collocation  was 
intentional  it  might  be  suflicicnt  to  sav,  in 
explanation,  that  the  titles  were  prefixed  to  the 
psalms  before  they  were  arranged  in  their 
present  order.  Delitzsch  long  ago,  in  his 
Symbolae,  etc.,  showed  how  certain  catch-words 
in  contiguous  psalms,  as  aids  to  the  memory, 
had  some  influence  on  the  jirescnt  arrangement. 
MUTH-LABUEN  (oidy  Ps.9)  is  very  obscure. 
As  they  stand  the  words  might  be  translated 
"  death  to  the  son,"  or  "  death,  whiten,"  and 


PSALTERY 

some  melody  might  be  intended.  In  many 
Heb.  I\ISS.  the  ]:)reposition  'a/,  "  on,"  is  com- 
bined with  inuth  into  one  word  ;  and  the  Gk. 
versions  seem  to  have  followed  such  a  reading, 
making  the  word  "  hidden  things  "  [cf.  Ps.90. 
8)  or  "  youth."  Other  old  versions,  however, 
separate  the  words.  The  Targum,  on  a 
fancied  resemblance  to  the  word  for  "  cham- 
pion "  (in  iSam.17.4),  referred  the  title  to  the 
death  of  Goliath.  Thirtle  follows  this,  and 
thinks  Ps.8  appropriate.  Others  will  judge 
differently.  It  is  to  be  obser\ed  that  the  two 
words  at  the  end  of  Ps.48,  "  even  unto  death  " 
{'al-miUh),  are  taken  by  some  to  belong  to  the 
next  psalm,  though  even  then  they  would  be 
out  of  the  usual  order.  There  remain,  finally, 
two  words,  not  occurring  in  the  titles,  but  in  the 
body  of  the  Psalms,  HIGGAION  and  SELAH. 
The  former  occurs  in  Ps.92.4,  where  it  is  trans- 
lated "  with  a  solemn  sound  "  ;  it  is  also  found 
in  19.14  translated  "  meditation,"  and  this  is 
the  usual  meaning  of  the  verb  as  in  I.2, 
"  meditates."  The  two  words  are  found  to- 
gether in  9.16,  and  left  untranslated  in  our 
version.  Selah  occurs  71  times  in  39  psalms, 
and  3  times  in  the  psalm  of  Habakkuk,  mostly 
at  the  end  of  a  verse,  and  only  rarely  in  the 
middle.  The  LXX.  render  by  diapsalma,  and 
so  it  has  been  generally  taken  to  mean 
"  pause."  Thirtle  thinks  it  should  stand  at 
the  head  of  a  paragrajih,  and  be  taken  to  mark 
its  commencement.  It  is  now,  however,  very 
generally  understood  as  related  to  the  verb 
"  lift  up  "  or  "  cast  up,"  and  explained  as  the 
lifting  up  of  the  voice.  The  word  was  in  use 
as  late  as  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the 
Psalms  of  Solomon,  in  which  it  occurs  ;  it  is 
also  found  in  the  "  Eighteen  Benedictions  "  of 
the  Jewish  liturgy,  standing  after  the  closing 
words  "  for  ever  and  ever."  Jacob  of  Edessa 
comiiares  it  to  the  "  Amen  "  uttered  by  the 
people  after  the  Gloria  ;  and  it  may  have  been 
for  such  a  reason  that  Aquila,  Jerome,  and  the 
Targum  render  it  by  "  always "  or  "to 
eternity,"  a  sense  which  seems  to  have  no 
justification  in  the  etymology.  On  Selah,  and 
also  on  other  words  here  mentioned,  see 
Hebrciv  and  English  Lexicon,  Clarendon  Press  ; 
Millar's  art.  "  Music"  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 

1904).  [J.R.] 

Psaltery.  This  was  a  stringed  instrument 
of  music,  to  accompany  the  voice.  The  Heb. 
nchhcl,  or  ncbhel,  is  thus  rendered  in  \.\.,  ex- 
cept in  Is. 5. 12, 14. 1 1,22.24  niarg.  ;  Am. 5. 23, 6. 5, 
where  it  is  translated  viol.  The  ancient  viol 
was  a  six-stringed  guitar.  In  the  P.B.  version 
of  the  Ps.,  the  Heb.  word  is  rendered  "  lute." 
This  resembled  the  guitar,  but  was  superior  in 
tone,  being  larger,  and  having  a  convex  back, 
somewhat  like  tlie  \'ertical  section  of  a  gourd,  or 
more  nearly  resembling  that  of  a  pear.  These 
three  instruments — the  psaltery  (or  sautry), 
viol,  and  lute — are  frequently  associated  in  old 
Iinglisli  i>oets,  and  clearly  resembled  each  other, 
though  still  different.  The  Cik.  \l/a\Tr}piov,  from 
which  our  word  is  derived,  denotes  an  instru- 
ment played  with  the  fingers,  instead  of  a  jilect- 
rum  or  (juill ;  the  verb  \pa\\(Lv  being  used  of 
twanging  the  bow-string.  Hut  it  only  occurs 
in  tile  l..\X.  as  the  rendering  of  ;iiV)//t7,  ornehhel, 
in  Ne.12.27  and  Is. 5. 12,  aiul  in  all  the  jiassagcs 
in  the  Psalms,  except  Ps.49.4,71.22,81.2,149.3, 


PTOLEMAIS 

while  in  Am.5.23,6.5  the  general  term  opyavov 
is  employed.  In  all  other  cases  I'djiXa  represents 
ncbhel,  or  nebhel.  These  various  renderings  show 
that  at  the  time  of  the  translation  of  the  LXX. 
the  identification  of  the  Heb.  instrument  was 
not  known.  Josephus  tells  us  that  the  difference 
between  the  Kivvpa  (Heb.  kinnor)  and  the  vdjiXa 
was  that  the  former  had  10  strings,  and  was 
played  with  the  plectrum;  the  latter  had  12 
notes,  and  was  played  with  the  hand.  We  have 
also  strong  presumptive  evidence  that  nabla 
and  nebhel  are  the  same ;  and  that  the  nabla  and 
psalterion  are  identical,  appears  from  the  Glos- 
sary of  Philoxenus.  Of  the  psaltery  among  the 
Greeks  there  appear  to  have  been  two  kinds. 
Both  Isidorus  and  Cassiodorus  describe  the 
psaltery  as  triangular  in  shape,  like  the  Gk. 
A,  with  the  sounding-board  above  the  strings, 
which  were  struck  downwards.  The  nebhel  of  the 
Heb.  was  probably  of  various  kinds,  as  Kim- 
chi  says  on  Is.22.24,  differing  from  one  another 
both  with  regard  to  the  position  of  the  pegs  and 
the  number  of  the  strings.  The  nebhel  'dsor  (Ps. 
33.2,92.3[4],144'.9)  appears  to  have  been  an 
instrument  of  the  psaltery  kind,  with  ten 
strings,  and  of  a  trapezium  shape,  according  to 
some  accounts.  From  the  fact  that  nebhel  in 
Heb.  also  signifies  a  wine-bottle,  or  skin,  it  has 
been  conjectured  that  the  term  when  applied 
to  a  musical  instrument  denotes  a  kind  of  bag- 
pipe. The  psalteries  of  David  were  made  of 
cypress  or  fir  (2Sam.6.5),  those  of  Solomon  of 
aigum  (or  almug)  trees  (2Chr.9.ir  ;  1K.IO.12). 
Among  the  instruments  of  the  band  which 
played  before  Nebuchadnezzar's  golden  image 
on  the  plains  of  Dura,  we  again  have  the  psaltery 
(Dan.3.5,10, 15  ;    p''sant''rin).     [Dulcimer.] 

Ptolema'is  (iMac.5.15,55,10.1,58,60,12. 
48)  is  mentioned  in  Ac. 21. 7  as  containing  a 
Christian  community,  visited  for  one  day  by 
St.  Paul.     [AccHO.] 

Ptoremee  or  Ptol'eineus. — 1.  Surnaraed 
Macron  (2Mac.lO.12),  son  of  Dorymenes  (iMac. 
3.38).  Made  governor  of  Cyprus  by  Ptolemy 
Philometer,  he  had  deserted  to  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  (2Mac.lO.13),  who  made  him 
governor  of  Coelosyria  and  Phoenicia  (8.8).  He 
was  bribed  (171  e.g.)  to  use  his  great  influ- 
ence with  Epiphanes  on  behalf  of  Menelaus 
(4.45-47).  While  governor  of  Coelosyria,  he 
received  from  Philip,  governor  of  Jerusalem, 
a  letter  urging  him  to  greater  activity  in  Epi- 
phanes' interest  (8.8)  ;  and  was  appointed  by 
the  regent  Lysias  to  a  command  in  the  unsuc- 
cessful campaign  against  Judaea,  166  b.c. 
(iMac.3.38).  Later,  by  his  friendliness  to  the 
Jews,  he  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Antiochus 
Eupator  (164-162  b.c),  and  poisoned  himself 
(2Mac.l0.i2,i3). — 2.  Son  of  Abubus,  and  son- 
in-law  of  Simon  the  Hasmonaean.  Being  made 
governor  of  the  district  of  Jericho,  he  aspired 
to  the  sovereignty  of  Judaea.  To  this  end  he 
treacherously  murdered  Simon  and  two  of  his 
sons,  135  B.C.  (iMac.16.iiff.).  John  Hyr- 
canus,  however,  escaped,  besieged  Ptolemee  in 
Dok,  and  drove  him  thence  across  the  Jordan 
(Josephus,  13  Ant.  viii.  i). — 3.  A  citizen  of 
Jerusalem  named  in  the  LXX.  subscription  to 
Esther  as  the  father  of  Lysiraachus,  the  Gk. 
translator  of  that  book.  [c.d.] 

Ptolemy  I.,  king  of  Egypt  (323-283  b.c), 
known    as    Ptolemy    Lagi     (son    of    Lagos) 


PTOLEMY  III. 


723 


and  afterwards  called  Sotey  by  the  Rhodians 
for  defending  theni  against  Demetrius  Polior- 
ketes,  was  originally  a  common  scldier  in  the 
army  of  Alexander  the  Great.  By  his  courage 
and  ability  he  became  a  leading  general  in 
the  Macedonian  army.  When  Alexander's 
dominions  were  divided  among  the  Diadochii 
Ptolemy  became  ruler  of  Egypt  and  part  of 
Arabia  (323  b.c),  to  which  Cyrene,  Cyprus,  and 
Phoenicia  were  afterwards  added  by  him  (Dan. 
11.5).  He  showed  himself  an  able  ruler,  wise 
in  peace  and  brave  in  war.  During  most  of 
his  reign  he  was  at  war  with  Antigonus,  ruler 
of  Phrygia  Major  and  of  a  great  part  of  Asia 
Minor.  Palestine  was  generally  the  battle- 
ground. In  320  Ptolemy  carried  Jerusalem 
by  assault,  attacking  it  on  the  sabbath,  and 
took  many  Jewish  captives,  whom  he  settled 
in  Alexandria  and  Cyrene.  He  gained  a  victory 
over  Demetrius,  son  of  Antigonus,  at  Gaza, 
but  afterwards  the  latter  defeated  Ptolemy  in 
a  naval  engagement,  compelling  him  to  retire 
to  Egypt.  Antigonus  thus  took  possession 
of  Palestine  (315  b.c).  When  Lysimachus 
of  Thrace  and  Seleucus  Nicator  of  Syria  in 
the  battle  of  Ipsus,  in  Phrygia,  in  301  b.c, 
defeated  Antigonus  (who  was  slain)  and  De- 
metrius, Ptolemy  was  proclaimed  king  by  his 
soldiers,  and  his  example  in  assuming  the  regal 
title  was  followed  by  Lysimachus  and  by 
Cassander  of  Macedonia,  the  Diadochi  having 
hitherto  abstained  from  calling  themselves 
kings.  In  285  b.c.  Ptolemy  associated  his 
youngest  son,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  with  him  in 
the  government,  and  died  283  b.c    [w.st.ct.] 

Ptolemy  II.  (Philadelphus),  king  of  Egypt 
(283-247  B.C.),  youngest  son  of  Ptolemy  Lagi, 
was  engaged  in  a  war  with  Antiochus  II.  of 
Syria  for  the  greater  part  of  his  reign  (Dan. 11.6). 
[Antiochus  II.]  The  LXX.,  or  Gk.  version 
of  O.T.,  according  to  a  tradition  preserved  by 
Aristeas,  was  made  in  this  king's  reign  and 
by  his  orders,  being  sanctioned  also  by  the 
Sanhedrin,  under  the  presidency  of  Eleazar, 
the  high-priest.  It  was  used  first  by  the  Gk.- 
speaking  Jews  of  Alexandria,  and  afterwards 
by  "the  Dispersion"  generally,     [w.st.ct.] 

Ptolemy  III.,  King  of  Egypt  (247-222 
B.C.),  surnamed  EiJepYerTjy  {Benefactor)  was 
eldest  son  and  successor  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus. When  his  sister  Bernice,  wife  of 
Antiochus  II.  of  Syria,  was  murdered,  Ptolemy 
invaded  Syria  to  avenge  her.  For  a  time  suc- 
cess attended  his  arms  (Dan. 11. 7),  and  his 
forces  overran  Palestine  and  Syria,  reaching 
Antioch  on  the  one  side  and  Babylon  on  the 
other.  But  a  revolt  in  Egypt  compelled  him 
to  retreat,  carrying  with  him  such  an  im- 
mense quantity  of  booty  (11.8)  that  he  thus 
received  his  distinctive  appellation  (243  b.c). 
Seleucus  Callinicus,  king  of  Syria,  then  col- 
lected a  great  fleet  to  subdue  the  cities  which 
had  joined  Ptolemy  in  his  invasion,  but  a  ter- 
rible storm  entirely  destroyed  it.  However, 
Ptolemy's  retreat  left  Palestine  and  Phoenicia 
no  choice  but  to  submit.  It  was  probably  on 
this  occasion  that  the  high -priest  of  the  Jews, 
Onias  II.,  refused  to  pay  tribute  to  Ptolemy,  as 
Josephus  relates.  Having  recovered  his  own 
dominions,  Seleucus  then  attacked  Egypt,  but 
was  so  completely  defeated  that  he  fled  to 
Antioch  (11. 9).     A  ten  years'  peace  was  then 


724 


PTOLEMY  IV. 


made  between  Syria  and  Egypt.  Ptolemy 
was  murdered  in  222  B.C.  by  his  son  Ptolemy 
Philopator.  [w.st.c.t.  | 

Ptolemy  IV.,  king  of  Eg>TJt  (222-205 
B.C.),  having  murdered  his  father,  Ptolemy 
Eucrgetcs,  as  well  as  his  mother  and  other 
members  of  his  family,  was  in  mockery  sur- 
named  Philopalor  ("  lover  of  his  father  ").  He 
abandoned  himself  to  luxury  and  vice,  and 
Egyjit  thus  seemed  an  easy  prey  to  Antiochus 
the  Great  of  Syria,  who  at  the  head  of  a  large 
army,  in  219  b.c,  swept  through  Palestine 
(which  had  been  recovered  by  Ptolemy  III.) 
and  invaded  Egypt,  advancing  as  far  as  Pelu- 
sium.  Ptolemy,  to  gain  time  to  prepare  for 
war,  sent  ambassadors  to  make  a  truce,  during 
which  Antiochus  retired  to  Seleucia.  Mean- 
while Ptolemy  sent  an  army  into  Greece  to 
attack  Antiochus  from  that  side,  and  renewed 
the  w'ar  with  such  vigour  that,  after  sustaining 
some  loss  in  the  first  campaign  (218  e.g.),  he 
inflicted  a  complete  overthrow  on  Antiochus' 
forces  at  Kaphia  in  217.  Palestine  and  Coelo- 
syria  were  then  surrendered  to  Egypt,  and  for 
a  time  remained  subject  to  that  country, 
Ptolemy  contenting  himself  with  the  recovery 
of  these  provinces  that  he  might  return  to  his 
licentious  court.  He  died  205  b.c.  C/.  Dan.lt. 
10,11.12.     [Antiochus  III.]  [w.st.c.t.] 

Ptolemy  V.,  king  of  Egypt  (205-181  b.c), 
surnamed  Epiphanes,  son  of  Ptolemy  IV., 
succeeded  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  five 
years.  The  people  of  Alexandria,  fearing  lest 
Antiochus  and  his  ally,  Philip  III.  of  Macedon, 
should  take  advantage  of  their  king's  minority 
to  attack  the  country,  sent  an  embassy  to 
Rome  to  beg  the  republic  to  become  the 
guardian  and  protector  of  the  youthful 
monarch.  This  was  done,  Marcus  Lepidus 
being  dispatched  to  Egypt  as  regent,  and 
Philip  and  Antiochus  being  commanded  to 
desist  from  their  undertaking.  [Antio- 
chus III.]  Meanwhile  Antiochus  had  over- 
run Palestine,  which  was  soon  recovered  by 
the  Egyptians  and  again  lost  (iqS  b.c).  It 
was  to  be  restored  to  Egypt  as  the  dowry  of 
Cleopatra,  Antiochus'  daughter,  on  her 
marriage  with  Ptolemy  (193  b.c).  But  this 
agreement  was  not  carried  out.  Ptolemy  was 
prepared  to  attempt  its  recovery  from  Antio- 
chus' successor,  Seleucus  Philopator,  when  he 
was  poisoned  (181  b.c).  Cf.  Dan. 11. 14-17. 
Smith,  D.li.  (4  vols.  1893),  gives  Bp.  Wcstcott's 
interpretation  of  the  prophecies  of  Dan.  as  ap- 
plied to  eacli  of  the  Ptolemies.      [w.st.c.t.] 

Ptolemy  VI.  (I'hilomelor),  king  of  Egypt 
(181-145  B.C.),  was  a  child  when  he  succeeded 
his  murdered  father,  Ptolemy  Epiphanes. 
His  mother,  Cleopatra,  held  the  regency 
until  her  death  in  173  B.C.  Soon  afterwards 
war  with  Syria  was  renewed.  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  advanced  against  Egypt  and  gained 
a  battle  at  Pelusium  (171  b.c).  The  follow- 
ing year  he  took  Philometor  prisoner,  but 
the  interposition  of  the  Romans  (Dan. 11.25- 
30)  in  168  prevented  the  conquest  of  the 
country.  Ptolemy  Physcon,  younger  brother 
of  Philometor,  claimed  the  throne  under  the 
title  of  Euergetes  II.,  and  was  besieged  by  the 
Syrians  in  Alexandria  in  169  ;  but  the  two 
brothers  agreed  to  reign  in  concert,  Antiochus 
having  set  Philometor  ffcc.     This  agreement 


PUBLICAN 

remained  in  force  for  six  years  (169-163),  but 
was  then  terminated  through  Physcon's  endea- 
vour to  usurp  the  whole  regal  authority.  Philo- 
metor appealed  to  Rome,  and  the  Romans 
limited  Piiyscon's  sway  to  the  provinces  of 
Libya  and  Cyrcnaica.  After  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes' death  in  164,  Philometor  took  advan- 
tage of  the  strife  between  the  rival  regents  of 
Syria,  Lysias  and  Philip,  to  interfere  in  the 
affairs  of  that  country  by  supporting  Philip's 
claims.  Somewhat  later  he  aided  Alexander 
Balas  to  overthrow  Demetrius  I.  (150  b.c). 
When  Balas  became  king  of  Syria  he  wedded 
Cleopatra,  Philometor's  daughter,  but  being 
overthrown  by  Demetrius  II.,  the  latter,  who 
had  been  greatly  assisted  by  Philometor,  mar- 
ried her.  (.Another  account  states  that  Pto- 
lemy Philometor  aided  Alexander,  and  was 
defeated  in  146  at  the  river  Oenoparas  by 
Demetrius.)  Philometor  died  in  145.  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother  Physcon,  who  reigned 
29  years.  In  Philometor's  reign  Onias  IV., 
the  high-priest,  fleeing  into  Egypt,  founded  the 
Jewish  temple  at  Leontopolis.  The  date  of  this 
event  was  probably  167  b.c,  though  some  have 
placed  it  as  late  as  154  b.c  [w.st.c.t.] 

Pu'a.     [Phuvaii.] 

Puah'. — 1.  Father  of  Tola  ;  a  man  of  Issa- 
char,  and  judge  of  Israel  after  Abimelech 
(Judg.lO.i).— 2.  (iChr.7.1)  =  Phuvah.— 3. 
One  of  two  midwives  whom  Pharaoh  instruct- 
ed to  kill  the  Hebrew  male  children  at  their 
birth.  "  Hebrew  midwives  "  of  Ex.1. 15  may 
be  rendered  "  women  who  acted  as  midwives 
to  the  Hebrew  women."  [h.c.b.] 

Publican.  This  word  represents  the 
TfXd)vr)%  of  the  gospels,  though  not  very  felicit- 
ously, in  view  of  its  common  use  in  modern 
Eng.,  nor  even  quite  accurately,  in  view  of 
Prof.  Ramsay's  investigations.  It  appears  from 
them  that  under  the  Roman  management 
of  Judaea  in  our  Lord's  time,  the  tax-collectors 
had  come  to  have  no  connexion  with  the  pub- 
licant,  who  under  the  republic  "  had  been 
financiers  on  a  vast  scale."  The  TfXwvai  of  the 
gospels,  who  were  mostly  (if  not  entirely)  natives 
of  Palestine,  and  mostly  from  the  lowest  classes, 
were  much  more  numerous  (especially  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  towns)  than  they  or  their 
agents  would  have  been,  and  they  collected  for 
the  government  on  a  much  smaller  scale,  each 
of  them  being  responsible  for  one  special  tax  in 
his  district.  The  instance  where  their  num- 
ber is  speciallv  mentioned  refers  to  the  district 
of  Galilee  (rj:.Mt.9.9ff.  ;  Mk.2.i6f. ;  Lu.5.27ff.); 
but  the  fact  that  Zacchaeus  was  apx'Te\d}vr}i 
at  Jericho  bears  out  the  general  impression 
that  they  were  numerous  in  Judaea  also.  It 
was  money,  iKjt  payments  in  kind,  that  they  had 
to  demand;  audit  was  this  chiefly  that  brought 
them  intosucli  direct  collision  with  the  Jewish 
authorities,  and  excited  so  much  prejudice 
against  them  (see  Triiiute  for  this,  and  for  the 
various  kinds  of  taxes  referred  to  in  Mt.17.25, 
22.17  ;  .Mk.i2.14  ;  Lu.20.22  :  Ro.l3.6f.).  Yet 
their  ])owers  were  strictly  limited  by  law  (see 
Lu.3.i2ff.)  ;  and  in  case  of  arrears,  they  could 
only  inform  tiie  Roman  officials  (Lu. 19.8;  see 
Ramsay's  note  I.e.  on  the  meaning  of  iai'xo- 
(pdvTtjaa).  Hence  it  is  evident  that  though  they 
were  often  exacting,  dishonest,  and  unjust,  yet 


i>tJBLlUS 

their  great  unpopularity  was  not  only  earned 
by  the  malpractices  of  individuals,  but  in- 
herent in  their  office.  Arrangements  similar 
to  the  Roman  ones  seem  to  have  been  permitted 
to  be  made  by  Herod  Antipas  in  his  kingdom, 
which  included  Galilee.  St.  Matthew  was 
one  of  his  reXuivai  at  Capernaum.      [c.l.f.] 

Pub'lius,  the  chief  man — probably,  go- 
vernor— of  Melita,  who  received  and  lodged  St. 
Paul  and  his  companions  when  shipwTecked  off 
that  island  (Ac. 28. 7).  Publius  possessed  pro- 
perty in  Melita  ;  the  distinctive  title  given  to 
him  is  "  the  first  of  the  island  "  ;  and  inscrip- 
tions have  been  found  in  which  that  apparently 
official  title  occurs.  Publius  may  have  been 
the  delegate  of  the  Roman  praetor  of  Sicily,  to 
whose  jurisdiction  Melita  or  Malta  belonged. 
Tradition  makes  him  the  first  bishop  of 
Malta. 

Pu'dens,  a  Christian  friend  of  Timothy  (2 
Tim.4.2i).  The  poet  Martial,  who  lived  in 
Rome  c.  66-iop  a.d.,  mentions  two  contem- 
poraries of  his,  Pudens  and  Claudia,  as  hus- 
band and  wife  {Epig.  iv.  13,  xi.  53).  Again, 
researches  among  the  Columbaria  at  Rome 
have  brought  to  light  an  inscription  in  which 
the  name  Pudens  occurs  as  that  of  a  servant 
of  Tiberius  or  Claudius.  Interesting  as  such 
coincidences  maybe,  they  must  not  be  pressed 
too  far.  As  in  many  similar  cases,  the  con- 
fident attempts  made  to  identify  the  Pudens  of 
N.T.  with  some  character  of  secular  history 
are  largely  discounted  by  the  fact  that  the 
name  was  far  from  uncommon.  [a.c.d.] 

Pu'hites,  The  (R.V.  Pulhites),  were  among 
the  families  of  Kirjath-jearim  (iChr.2.53). 

Pul(2K.15.i9)isthe  Heb.  formof  the  Baby- 
lonian Pulu,  applied  in  the  Canon  of  Kings  to 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  This  name,  which  is  given 
as  Poros  in  the  Canon  of  Ptolemy,  does  not 
occur  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  which  only 
recognize  Tiglath-pileser.  [t.g.p.] 

Pul,  a  district  only  once  mentioned  (if  the 
Massoretic  text  be  correct)  in  O.T.  (Is. 66. 19). 
Refugees  were  to  be  sent  "  to  the  nations,  to 
Tarshish,  Pul,  and  Lud,  that  draw  the  bow,  to 
Tubal,  and  Javan,  to  the  isles  afar  off."  Bo- 
chart  and  Michaelis  compared  the  name  with 
that  of  the  island  of  Philae  in  Egypt.  The 
MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  however,  have  Phoud  and 
Phouth,  suggesting  that  the  Heb.  had  really 
Phut  (Put)  in  this  place.  [t.g.p.] 

Pulse  (Heb.  zero'im  and  zer"'6ntm;  Dan.l. 
12,16).  The  literal  meaning  of  these  plur.  nouns 
is  "  seeds  "  of  any  kind.  Probably  the  term 
denotes  uncooked  grain,  whether  barley,  wheat, 
millet,  vetches,  etc.  In  2Sam.i7.28  "  qdlV  is 
rendered  "parched  pulse"  in  A.V.  and  R.V., 
avoiding  the  repetition  of  "  Parched  Corn." 
Wyclif,  following  the  Vulg.,  has  "cicer"  or 
"  fried  chichis."  These  parched  chick-peas 
were  held  in  the  highest  esteem  in  ancient 
times,  and  are  mentioned  by  Plautus  and  Hor- 
ace. The  word  "  pulse  "  is  properly  applied  to 
seeds  which  grow  in  pods.  [h.c.h.] 

Punishments.     [Crimes.] 

Pu'nites,  The,  the  descendants  of  Pua,  or 
Phuvah,  son  of  Issachar  (Num.26.23). 

Punon',  one  of  the  halting-places  of 
Israel  E.  of  Edom  (Num. 33. 42, 43).  Eusebius 
and  Jerome  read  Pinon  (Onomasticon,  Phinon). 
"  Now  a   little  village    in  the  desert,  where 


^VR,  iPUElM 


725 


copper  ore  is  dug  by  convicts  as  a  punish- 
ment, between  Petra  and  Zoar."  The  site  is 
unknown.  (c.r.c] 

Pup,  Pupim',  the  annual  early  spring 
festival  on  Adar  14  and  13  (or  one  day  later, 
if  the  14th  fell  on  sabbath  or  on  the  second 
or  fourth  day  of  the  week),  originated,  accord- 
ing to  the  book  of  Esther,  in  the  rejoicing  of 
the  Jews,  after  the  overthrow  of  their  enemies 
on  Adar  13,  the  day  which  Haman  had 
chosen  bylot(pM>')  fortheir  extermination.  The 
custom  of  deciding  by  lot  obtained  widely  in 
the  East.  Herodotus  (iii.  128)  and  Xenophon 
[Cyrop.  i.  6,  44,  iv.  5,  35)  testify  to  its  use  in 
Persia.  The  festival  was  preceded  by  a  fast 
on  the  13th  (or  two  days  earlier,  if  the  13th 
was  a  sabbath),  in  memory  of  the  Shushan  fast 
(Esth.4.i6).  Men.women,  and  children  gathered 
in  their  synagogues  at  the  close  of  the  13th,  and 
Ustened  to  the  story  of  Esther,  joining  in  the 
loud  recital  of  passages  relating  to  the  Jewish 
triumph.  At  the  mention  of  Haman's  name 
those  present,  especially  the  younger  portion, 
stamped,  shook  their  fists,  and  pounded  on 
the  benches,  saying,  "  Let  his  name  be  blotted 
out !  "  "  Let  the  name  of  the  wicked  perish  ! " 
The  names  of  Haman's  ten  sons  were  read  in 
one  breath,  in  allusion  apparently  to  their 
simultaneous  death.  In  the  Jewish  rolls 
their  names  appear  in  3  vertical  lines  of  3,  3, 
and  4  words,  to  indicate  that  they  were  hung 
on  three  parallel  cords.  At  the  end  the 
congregation  joined  in  exclaiming,  "  Cursed  be 
Haman,  blessed  be  Mordecai  !  cursed  be 
Zeresh,  blessed  be  Esther  !  cursed  be  all 
idolaters,  blessed  be  all  Israelites  !  and  blessed 
be  Harbonah,  who  hanged  Haman!  "  The 
synagogue  service  on  the  morning  of  the  14th 
included  the  reading  of  Ex.l7.8-i6  (the  de- 
struction of  the  Amalekites,  from  whose  king 
Agag  Haman  was  thought  to  be  descended), 
after  which  came  merrymaking.  The  Jewish 
custom  (see  Esth.9.19)  of  making  gifts 
(usually  sweetmeats)  is  still  preserved  at 
Purim.  The  religious  side  of  the  festival  is 
probably  not  original,  the  earliest  observance 
seeming  to  have  been  purely  social  and  con- 
vivial. It  included  at  least  one  festive  meal,  for 
which  cakes — called  in  Germany  Hamantaschen 
[Haman-pockets),  or  Hamanohren  (Haman- 
ears),  in  XtaXy  orecchi  d'Atnan — were  made  as 
symbolizing  the  history.  Among  the  orthodox 
Jews  of  the  E.  of  Europe  masquerades  are  got 
up,  and  boys  and  girls  walk  about  wearing 
masks  and  singing  doggerel  rhymes.  The  name 
Pur  (not  found  in  the  Bible  outside  Esther)  is, 
according  to  Esth.3.7,  equivalent  to  the  Heb. 
word  gordl  {lot),  and  in  Esth.9.24  the  title 
of  the  feast  is  definitely  connected  with  it. 
From  the  nature  of  the  case  pilr  is  pre- 
sumably Persian  ;  yet  we  know  of  no  Persian 
word  bearing  the  meaning  required.  It  seems, 
however,  as  though  some  such  word  must  have 
been  known  to  the  author  of  the  book.  There 
is  at  the  same  time  an  apparent  unsuitability 
in  giving  the  festival  a  name  drawn  from  a 
mere  detail.  Hence  it  has  been  sought  either 
(a)  to  give  at  least  a  partial  support  to  the 
Biblical  explanation  by  connecting  it,  e.g.,  with 
the  Persian  ^ar^,  a  piece,  or  fragment,  or  Assjt. 
pttru  or  buru,  a  stone,  or  (b)  to  discover  a 
wholly    independent    origin    of    the    festival, 


726 


PURIFICATION 


unconnected  with  the  sense  n{  partition,  or 
lot,  e.g.  from  the  Persian  bahar  (sprini;),  or 
puhru  (assembly — of  the  Babylonian  gods),  a 
New  Year  festival,  or  Assyrian  purii  (turn — 
of  office),  in  connexion  with  New  Year 
accessions  to  office.  These  explanations,  how- 
ever, are  at  the  least  dubious,  and  those  of 
(b)  break  completely  with  the  traditional  sense. 
The  disputed  "feast"  of  Jn.5-i  cannot,  from 
the  general  course  of  the  narrative,  have  been 
Pentecost  or  Tabernacles.  It  was  therefore 
either  Purim  or  Passover,  the  absence  of  the 
article  before  iopr-q  supporting  the  former  view. 
On  the  other  hand,  attendance  at  Jerusalem, 
necessary  for  Passover,  was  not  so  for  Purim. 
Moreover,  we  may  well  think  that  the  char- 
acter of  the  latter  festival,  marked  by  national 
pride  rather  than  religion, would  have  had  small 
attraction   in  our  Lord's  eyes.  [a.w.s.J 

Pupiflcation.  The  term  applied  to 
cerenumial  cleansing  from  defilement  accord- 
ing to  the  Mosaic  law.  [Holy.]  I.  The 
sini])lest  form  of  purification — immersion  of  the 
body  in  water,  usually  with  washing  of  the 
clothes — was  prescribed  for  minor  defilements, 
viz.  contact  with  a  man  or  with  anything  that 
had  touched  a  man,  afflicted  with  gonorrhea 
(Lev. 15. 5-10),  involuntary  discharge  (ver.  16), 
sexual  intercourse,  both  parties  (ver.  18),  con- 
tact with  a  woman  during  the  menses,  or  with 
anything  that  had  touched  her  (vv.  19-23), 
the  woman  herself  (cf.  2Sam.tL2,4),  eating 
the  flesh  of  an  animal  that  had  died  a  natural 
death  or  been  torn  by  a  beast  (Lev. 17. 15),  and 
touching  surli  carcase  of  either  clean  or  un- 
clean animal  (11.24,28,39)  ;  touching  one  who 
was  unclean  through  contact  with  the  dead 
(Num. 19. 22)  ;  taking  part  in  the  preparation 
of  the  "  waters  of  impurity  "  (or  purifying 
water),  i.e.  the  priest  who  officiated  at  the 
slaying  of  the  red  heifer  (ver.  7),  the  man  who 
burned  it  (ver.  8),  collected  the  ashes  (ver. 10) 
or  sprinkled  or  touched  the  purifying  water 
(ver.  21).  On  the  Day  of  Atonement  the  high- 
priest  bathed  after  sending  off  the  scapegoat 
(Lev. 16. 2-0  ;  the  man  who  led  it  out,  and  the 
one  who  burned  the  ox  and  the  goat  of  the  sin- 
offering,  bathed  and  washed  their  clothes  [vv. 
26,28).  n.  F"or  defilements  of  a  greater 
degree,  sprinkling  with  specially  prepared 
water  was  superadded  to  immersion,  (i) 
Any  one  who  was  defiled  by  entering  a  dwelling 
in  which  was  a  dead  person,  or  who  touched 
the  body  of  a  man  who  had  died  in  the  open, 
the  bone  of  a  dead  man,  or  a  grave  (Num.19. 
14-16),  was  sprinkled  with  water  mixed  with 
the  ashes  of  a  red  heifer  (vv.  2-6).  The 
sprinkling  took  place  on  the  3rd  and  7th  day, 
and  after  the  second  si)rinkling  the  man 
bathed  and  washed  his  clothes,  and  was  clean 
at  even  (ver.  10).  (2)  The  recovered  leper 
was  siirinkled  seven  times  with  water  (from 
a  river  f>r  spring,  Lev. 14. 3)  with  which  was 
mixed  the  blood  of  a  bird  ;  he  then  washed  his 
clothes  and  bathed  and  was  declared  clean. 
He  was  allowed  to  return  to  the  camp,  but 
was  not  to  enter  his  tlwelling  till  after  the 
further  ceremonial  seven  days  later  (14.7- 10). 
in.  In  certain  cases  there  were  also  sin-  and 
trespass-offerings  in  addition  to  the  ceremonies 
of  purification,  (i)  For  the  prescribed  sacri- 
fices for  a  leper,  sec  14. 10-32.     (2)    A  man 


PVGARft 

or  woman  with  an  unclean  issue  was  to  offer 
two  turtledoves  or  two  young  pigeons,  one  for 
a  sin-  and  the  other  for  a  burnt-offering  (15. 
14,13,25-29.  (3)  The  offering  after  childbirth 
was  to  consist  of  a  lamb  (or,  if  the  offerer  were 
poor,  a  young  pigeon  or  turtledove)  for  a 
burnt-offering,  and  one  of  the  above  birds  for 
a  sin-offering  (12.6-8).  IV.  Other  instances. 
The  leprous  house  was  sprinkled  seven  times 
with  the  blood  and  water  {I4.48-53).  The 
water  of  the  sin-offering  was  sprinkled  on 
the  Levites  to  purify  them  (Num.8. 7,  R.V.). 
Those  who  had  killed  a  man  in  the  war  with 
Midian  were  to  purify  themselves  (31. 19). — 
Notices  in  N.T.  The  Blessed  Virgin  (Ln.2.22)  ; 
the  leper  (Mk.l.44)  ;  the  Nazirite  (Ac. 21. 23, 
24)  ;  Passover  julgrims  at  Jerusalem  (Jn.ll. 
55)  ;  and  the  discussion  mentioned  Jn.3.25  ; 
Heb.9.13,  R.V.,  "  The  blood  of  goats  and  bulls, 
and  the  ashes  of  a  heifer  sprinkling  them  that 
have  been  defiled,  sanctify  unto  the  cleanness 
of  the  flesh."  The  penalty  of  neglecting  the 
law  of  purification  was  "  cutting  off  "  (Lev. 
17.16;  Num. 19. 20).  [Medicine;  Law  in 
O.T.  ;   Ckimes. ]  [h.h.] 

Pupim.     [Pur  ;  Lot.] 

Pupple.     [CoLouus.] 

Pupse.     [Bag;  Girdle.] 

Put.     [Phut.] 

Pute'oli,  the  chief  landing-place  of  travellers 
to  Italy  from  the  Levant,  and  the  harbour 
to  which  the  .■\lexandrian  corn-ships  brought 
their  cargoes  (Ac. 28. 13).  Puteoli  was  at  that 
period  a  place  of  very  great  importance,  for 
the  celebrated  bay  which  is  now  "  the  bay  of 
Naples,"  and  in  early  times  was  "  the  bay  of 
Cumae,"  was  then  called  "  Sinus  Puteolanus." 
The  city  was  on  N.  side  of  the  bay.  The 
earlier  name  of  Puteoli,  when  the  lower 
part  of  Italy  was  Greek,  was  Dicaearchia. 
Puteoli  is  a  true  Roman  name,  and  arose  from 
the  strong  mineral  springs  which  are  charac- 
teristic of  the  place.  In  the  5th  cent.  Puteoli 
was  ravaged  both  by  .Alaric  and  Genseric,  and  it 
never  afterwards  rect)vercd  its  formereminence. 
It  is  now  a  fourth-rate  Italian  town,  still  called 
Pozzuoli.     Its  remains  are  considerable. 

Putiel'.  .\  daughter  of  Putiel  was  wife  of 
Eleazar.  and  mother  of  Phinehas  (l-;x.6.23). 

Pygrapg-  (Heb.  dishon)  occurs  only  (Dent. 
14.3)  in  the  list  of  clean  animals  as  the  render- 
ing of  tiie  Heb.  dishon,  which  is  generally 
believed  to  indicate  some  species  of  antelope. 
The  Gk.  vvyapyo^.  denoting  an  aininal  with 
a  white  rump-patch,  is  used  by  Herodotus 
(iv.  192)  as  the  name  of  a  N.  African  antelope  ; 
l)ut  whether  it  refers  to  the  sanu-  species  as 
tlishon  seems  altogether  doubtful.  Be  this 
as  it  mav,  iri'yapyoi  and  the  l.at.  pyt;argus 
have  been  generally  identified  with  the  rather 
large  N.  African  desert  antelojie  known  as 
the  addax  (.-Idddx  nasomanilalus),  a  relative  of 
the  oryx  group  [Bull,  Wild],  easily  recognized 
bv  its  sitirally  twisted  horns  and  long,  light- 
coloured  coat.  Tristram  consiilered  tliat  the 
pygarg  of  A.V.  refers  to  the  same  animal  ; 
but,  in  spite  of  assertions  to  the  contrary, 
there  is  no  evidence  of  its  occurrence  in  S.VV. 
.'\sia,  or  even  IL  of  the  Nile.  Moreover, 
even  woyapyo^  itself  may  be  a  general  term 
applicable    to    any    species    of   whiterumped 


aUAlLS 

antelope  or  gazelle.  Tlie  addax  is  a  desert 
antelope,  and  therefore  not  likely  to  have  ever 
inhabited  lower  Egypt.  [r.l.] 


Q 

Quails  (Heb.  sndv,  sHdv).  That  the  Heb. 
word  (Ex.16. 13  ;  Num.11. 31, 32)  is  correctly 
rendered  "  quails  "  seems  beyond  doubt,  al- 
though such  alternative  translations  as  locusts, 
flying-fish,  rosy  starlings  (Pastor  roseus),  red 
sheldrakes  (Casarca  rittila),  and  sand-grouse 
have  been  suggested.  From  the  statement  of 
Num. 11. 316  Dean  Stanley  suggested  that 
"red-legged  cranes"  (=  storks)  were  the  birds 


QUOTATIONS 


72? 


THE  QUAIL  {Cotitrjiix  co}ntntinis). 

mentioned  ;  but  the  reference  is  evidently  to 
the  height  at  which  quails  fly  above  the  ground. 
The  Heb.  word  is,  in  fact,  equivalent  to  salwd, 
the  Arab,  name  for  the  quail.  It  must  con- 
sequently be  admitted  that  Coturnix  communis 
is  the  bird  intended,  all  the  passages  according 
well  with  the  habits  of  that  species.       [r.l.] 

Quarries  (Judg.3. 19, 26).  [Gilgal;  Ehud.] 

Quap'tus,  a  Christian  of  Corinth  (R0.I6. 
23).  There  is  a  tradition  that  he  was  one  of 
the  Seventy,  and  ultimately  became  bishop  of 
Berytus. 

Quaternion,  a  military  term,  signifying  a 
guard  of  four  soldiers,  two  being  attached  to 
the  person  of  a  prisoner,  the  other  two  keep- 
ing watch  outside  his  cell  (Ac.12.4). 

Queen.  It  was  foreign  to  the  ideas  of  the 
Hebrew  race  for  a  woman  to  reign  as  queen  in 
her  own  right.  Hebrew  history,  apart  from  the 
usurpation  of  Athaliah  (2K.II.1),  presents  no 
example  of  such  a  claim.  In  other  Eastern 
nations,  however,  sex  was  not  regarded  as  a 
barrier — e.g.  the  queen  of  Sheba  (iK.lO.i),  and 
Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia  (Ac.8. 2  7).  [.\r.\bia.] 
The  title  "  queen  "  is  given  in  Israel  to  the 
royal  consort,  but  more  conspicuously  to  the 
mother  of  the  reigning  king.  For  it  was  one  of 
the  results  of  polygamy,  as  affecting  family 
life,  that  the  royal  consort  occupied  a  position 
of  little  importance  compared  with  that  of  the 
queen-mother.  The  reigning  king,  having  been 
brought  up  in  the  harim  under  the  training  of 
his  mother,  who  in  fact  often  selected  his  wife 
for  him,  would  naturally  be  deeply  imbued  with 
a  sense  of  his  mother's  authorit3%  even  when 
his  succession  placed  him  in  the  position  of  head- 
ship. Thus  the  deference  paid  to  Bathsheba  as 
queen-mother  (1K.2.19)  is  more  typical  of  the 
normal  relations  in  Israel  than  was  the  influ- 


ence which  an  exceptional  personality  enabled 
such  a  woman  as  Jezebel  to  exert  during  her 
husband's  reign  (iK. 18. 13, 21. 8).  [Maachah; 
Mother;  Family.]  [j.c.v.d.] 

Queen  of  Heaven  (Je. 7.18,44.17,18,19, 
25).  The  title  "Queen  of  Heaven"  (malkat 
same,  sarrat  same,  Assyr. ;  in  Sumerian  Mul-us 
an-na-gi,  "monarch  of  the  sky")  is  one  fre- 
quently bestowed  on  Ishtar,  the  planet  Venus, 
in  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  In  Akkadian  she 
was  first  called  dil-bat  (the  announcer),  as 
herald  of  the  dawn,  and  was  wife  of  Anu, 
the  sky.  She  "set  up  a  glittering  throne 
beside  king  Anu  and  plotted  for  the  sovereignty 
of  Heaven."  Under  Esar-haddon  and  Assur- 
bani-pal  she  became  of  great  importance  as 
"  lady  of  battle  "  as  well  as  "  of  love"  ;  but 
still  earlier  she  was  "  lady  of  the  moun- 
tain peak  of  the  world "  (the  Akkadian 
Olympus,  mount  Nisir,  now  Rowandiz),  where 
she  reigned  as  "lady  of  the  gods"  on  "the 
mount  of  the  assembly"  of  the  deities  (of. 
Is.i4.13).  In  Southern  Palestine  Ishtar  became 
Asherah  ;  elsewhere  she  was  finally  identified 
(but  wrongly)  with  Ashtoreth  as  the  moon. 
The  Targum  renders  nVleketh  hashshdmayim 
in  Jeremiah  by  "  the  star  of  heaven,"  referring 
to  Venus.  Rashi  agrees,  but  Kimchi  prefers 
"  }iost  of  heaven,"  adopting  the  other  reading, 
m''le'keth.  This  and  the  vocalization  m^'leketh 
for  malkath  are  due  to  taking  Ex.23.i3&  too 
literally.  Some  hold  that  Ishtar  was  originally 
the  moon,  as  she  already  is  in  some  of  the 
Amarna  tablets,  and  was  afterwards  identified 
with  the  planet  Venus.  Rawlinson,  Cuneiform 
Inscriptions  of  W.  Asia.  Sayce,  Hibbert  Lec- 
tures. Hommel,  Sumerisches  Lesebuch  ;  Hymn 
to  Ishtar.  Targum,  Kimchi,  and  Rashi  in 
Miqrdoth  Gedoloth,  Warsaw  ed.     [w.st.c.t.] 

Quicksands,  The,  more  properly  the 
Syrtis,  the  broad  and  deep  bight  on  the  N. 
African  coast  between  Carthage  and  Cyrene. 
This  region  was  an  object  of  peculiar  dread  to 
the  ancient  navigators  of  the  Mediterranean, 
partly  because  of  the  drifting  sands  and 
the  heat  on  the  shore,  but  chiefly  on  account 
of  the  shallows  and  the  uncertain  currents  in 
the  bay.  There  were  properly  two  Syrtes  : 
the  E.  or  larger,  now  called  the  gulf  of  Sidra  ; 
and  the  W.,  now  the  gulf  of  Cabes.  It  is  the 
former  which  is  referred  to  in  Ac. 27. 17. 

Quintus  Memmius  (2Mac.ll. 34).  [See 
Manlius  T.] 

Quiver.     [Arms.] 

Quotations.  The  Bible  is  full  of  quota- 
tions in  the  sense  that  the  sacred  writers 
incorporate  phrases,  and  sometimes  passages, 
from  other  books  of  the  Canon.  This  is  the 
natural  result  of  the  literary  conditions  of  the 
East,  where  the  memory  was,  and  is,  capaci- 
ously stored  with  religious  tradition.  This  habit 
of  quotation  bears  directl}'  upon  the  question  of 
the  interdependence  of  the  canonical  books, 
which  question,  though  of  vital  importance  in 
determining  the  age  of  the  writings,  lies  outside 
the  scope  of  this  article,  the  several  instances 
being  discussed  under  the  books  most  affected. 
In  N.T.  and  O.T  alike  there  is  but  very  slight 
trace  of  the  habit  of  definitely  consulting  a  pre- 
vious writing.  Quotation  in  each  is  a  matter 
mainly  of  mnemonics,  (i)  In  O.T.,  however, 
there  are  a  few  cases  in  which  the  writer  gives 


t28  RAAMAH 

his  authority  by  name  ;  thus  Num. 21. 14, 15  is 
quoted  from  "the  book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord," 
and  Jos. 10. 13  and  aSam.l.iS  acknowledge  ob- 
ligations to  "  the  book  of  Jasher  "  or  "  the  Up- 
right "  [Jasher,  Book  of],  as  if  it  were  quite 
familiar  to  the  reader;  while  in  iK.8.53  the 
LXX.  adds  to  a  lyrical  excerpt  ovk  idov  air-q 
■yiypairrai  ev  jiipXiu}  ttjj  (jSijs  : collections  of  mar- 
tial odes  seem  to  be  implied  in  each  case,  and  pos- 
sibly the  last  two  are  identical  (c/.CoruiU,  I.O.T. 
Eng.  tr.  p.  207).  (2)  In  N.T.  the  quotations 
consist  of  (a)  a  few  from  non-scriptural  authori- 
ties, (6)  a  considerable  number  from  O.T.  (a) 
The  non-scriptural  quotations  are  either  (i) 
pagan  or  (ii)  pseudepigraphical.  (i)  The  pagan 
are  confined  to  St.  Paul.  In  Ac. 17. 28  he  quotes 
words  found  in  the  Phaenomena,  5,  of  the  Stoic 
poet  Aratus,  and  in  the  Stoic  Hymn  to  Jupiter, 
5,  of  Cleanthes.  1C0r.i5.33  contains  a  prover- 
bial line  from  the  Thais  of  Menander.  Tit.l. 
12  quotes  Epimenides.  But  the  imagery  of 
1C0r.i2.12ff.  need  not  be  attributed  to  the  apo- 
logue of  McneniusAgrippa.  (ii)  Reminiscences 
of  pseudepigraphical  writings  are  practically 
confined  to  Ju.14  (from  the  Book  of  Enoch) 
and  2Tim.3.8.  (b)  The  quotations  from  O.T. 
in  N.T.  are  partly  (i)  direct,  partly  (ii)  indirect, 
and  often  almost  unconscious,  (i)  The  direct 
number  nearly  300  (E.  Hiihn  reckons  286),  and 
vary  in  quantity  according  to  the  ethos  of  the 
writer  ;  note  especially  Mt.,  Rom.  and  Heb. 
(on  which  cf.  excursus  in  Westcott,  Ep.  Heb.  p. 
469  fi. ).  They  are  mostly  made  (often  inexactly) 
from  the  LXX.,  and  in  one  case  (Mt.27.46  =  Mk. 
15.34)  the  quotation  is  transliterated  with 
(practically)  the  LXX.  rendering  added  (cf. 
Swete,  St.  Mk.  adloc).  (ii)  The  indirect  refer- 
ences, or  "reminiscences,"  can  only  be  estimated 
by  consulting  Westcott  and  Hort's  or  Nestle's 
Gk.  Test.,  where  they  are  shown  by  special  type 
(Hiihn  reckons  3,578).  Turpie,  The  O.T.  in 
the  New ;  E.  Hiihn,  Die  A.T.  Cit.  und  Reminisc. 
im  N.T.  (Tubingen,  1900).  [e.h.p.] 


R 

Raamah',  a  son  of  Cush,  and  father  of 
Sheba  and  Dedan  (Gen.lO.7).  The  tribe  of 
Raamah  became  afterwards  renowned  as 
traders  (Ezk.27.22).  The  name  seems  to  be 
recovered  in  the' Pe7/x(i  of  Ptol.vi.7,and'r^7/ia 
of  Steph.  Byzant.,  on  the  Persian  Gulf. 

Raamiah'  =  Reelaiaii. 

Raamses'  (Ex.1. 11).     [Rameses.] 

Rabbah'  (f^reat — a  title  applying  to  chief 
cities,  as  in  the  case  of  Sidon,  A.V.  Jos.11.8, 
marg. ;  so  called  in  Sennacherib's  history  as 
well  as  in  O.T.).  Ar  of  Moab  was  called  Rab- 
bath-moab,  and  Areopolis,  in  4th  cent.  a.d. 
(Onomasticon).  Now  Rabhuh. — 1.  Rauhatii- 
AMMON. — ■2.  The  town  Rabbah  in  Judah  (15. 
60),  mentioned  with  Kikjath-jearim,  was  no 
doubt  the  present  ruin  Rubba,  2  miles  N.W.  of 
AnrLi.AM.  It  presents  remains  of  pillars  and 
lintel  stones,  with  cisterns  and  caves,  and  is 
evidently  an  old  site  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  360). 
It  seems  to  be  the  Rul)atu  of  the  list  of  Thoth- 
mes  III.  (Xc).  105)  in  i()th  cent.  n.c.     [c.r.c] 

Rabbath'-ammon', or  "Rabbah  [or  Rab- 
bath]  of  the  children  of  Ammon"  (Deut.S.ii  ; 


KABBl 

2Sam.i7.27,  etc.) ;  also  called  Rabbah  only  (Jos. 
13.25;  Am.1.14,  etc.).  A  city  on  E.  border  of 
Gilead,  at  the  source  of  the  Jabbok  River,  a 
strong  and  well-watered  site.  It  was  attacked 
by  J  oab  ( 2Sam.  1 1 .  i ),  who  took  the  "royal  city," 
or  "  city  of  waters  "  (12.26,27),  probably  the 
lower  town  by  the  stream,  while  David  took 
the  rest — probably  the  citadel — of  Rabbah  {vv. 
29-31),  and  tortured  the  defenders,  carrying  off 
the  royal  crown  of  gold  set  with  gems  {cf.  iChr. 
20.1).  Hanun  son  of  Nahash  had  shamed 
David's  peace-envoys  to  Ammon  (2Sam.lO.1- 
5),  which  was  the  cause  of  war.  Yet  when 
David  fled  to  Gilead,  Shobi  son  of  Nahash  "of 
Rabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon  "  (17.27) 
brought  him  supplies.  The  "  couch  "  ('eres) 
of  Og  was  long  shown  at  this  city  (Deut.S.u), 
and  was  of  iron,  which  was  used  in  W.  Asia  as 
early  as  15th  cent.  e.g.  Jeremiah  predicts  evil 
for  "  Rabbath-bene-'Ammon  "  (49.2)  from  the 
Babylonian  invaders.  Ezekiel  represents  the 
king  of  Babylon  at  the  "  parting  of  the  way," 
casting  lots  to  decide  whether  to  attack  Jeru- 
salem or  "  Rabbath  of  the  children  of  Ammon  " 
(Ezk. 21. 20-23).  As  Beth  'Ammon,  the  city  is 
noticed  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  in  727  B.C.,  its 
king  being  then  named  Sanibu.  [Shinab.]  The 
site,  now  called  'A  mmdn,  presents  very  remark- 
able ruins  {Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  19-65)  illustrat- 
ing the  history  of  the  city.  These  include  sev- 
eral dolmens  and  sacred  erect  stones,  and  rock 
tombs  with  kokim  (or  tunnel  graves)  like  those 
of  Heb.  and  Phoenician  tombs  of  early  date. 
The  valley  is  occupied  by  a  long  Roman  town 
with  a  street  of  pillars,  a  theatre,  and  an  odeum 
(or  music  theatre),  to  which  the  Byzantines 
added  two  churches,  and  the  Moslems  an  early 
mosque  with  round  arches,  and  a  beautiful 
kiosque  in  the  citadel.  The  citadel  is  on  the  N., 
and  remains  of  its  walls,  and  of  a  temple  with 
Gk.  texts  on  its  cornice,  exist.  Polybius,  des- 
cribing the  siege  of  Rabbatamanaby  Antiochus 
III.  in  218  B.C.,  says  that  a  secret  passage  led 
out  of  the  fortress  to  the  water-supply.  This 
passage  was  found  in  i88r,  leading  towards  N. 
wall  of  the  citadel  from  a  fine  tank  outside  the 
fortress.  Rabbah,  according  to  Jerome  (on 
Ezk. 25.1),  was  called  Philadelphia  in  honour 
of  Ptolemy  Philadelphos  (285-247  B.C.).  Jose- 
phus  mentions  this  name  (3  Wars  iii.  3),  placing 
the  city  on  E.  border  of  Gilead.  Coins  of  Mar- 
cus Aurelius  (161-180  a.d.)  bear  the  legend 
"  Philadelphia  of  Hercules  of  Coelosyria,"  and 
are  supposed  to  belong  to  this  city.  A  Gk. 
text,  found  in  1881,  is  explained  by  Ramsay  to 
refer  to  the  loth  legion  "  Fretensis  Gordiana  " 
(about  3rd  cent,  a.d.),  a  member  of  which 
was  honoured  by  Aurelius  Victorianus.  The 
loth  legion  is  known  to  have  been  stationed  in 
this  region.  [c.r.c] 

Rabbi',  a  title  of  respect  used  first  during 
the  century  preceding  the  birth  of  Christ,  given 
by  the  Jews  to  their  doctors  ami  teachers,  and 
often  addressed  to  our  Lord  (Mt. 23. 7,8, 28.25, 
40;  Mk. 9.5, 11. 21, 14.45;  Jn. 1.38,49,3.2, 26,4.31, 
6.25,9.2,11.8  ;  R.V.  throughout,  but  A.V.  some- 
times "master").  The  moaning  of  the  title  is 
interpreted  in  express  words  by  St.  John,  and 
by  implication  in  St.  Matthew,  to  mean  "  master, 
teacher":  Jn. 1.39  (c/.ll. 28.13.13)  and  Mt. 23.8. 
The  same  interpretation  is  given  by  St.  John 
of  the  kindred  title  Rabboni  (Jn.20.i6),  which 


RABBITH 


RACES 


729 


RARRAH  {•Ainilldit).  FROM  THK  K.,  SHOWING  THR   PERi:NNIAI.   SIRTAM. 
(From  a  sketch  by  Win.  Tipping,  Esq.)     See  art.  "  Kabbath-aninv.n." 


also  occurs  in  Mk.lO.51,  R.V.  The  t"  which  is 
added  to  these  titles  is  the  pronominal  affix 
"  my  "  ;  but  it  seems  to  have  lost  any  especial 
significance  as  a  possessive  pronoun  intimating 
appropriation  or  endearment,  and  to  be  merely 
part  of  the  formal  address.  The  title  Rabbi  is 
not  known  to  have  been  used  before  the  reign  of 
Herod  the  Great,  and  is  thought  to  have  taken 
its  rise  about  the  time  of  the  disputes  between 
the  rival  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai. 
"  Doctor  "  (Lu.2.46,  etc.)  is  simply  "  teacher  " 
(SiSdo-K-aXos).     [Scribe  ;  Doctrine.] 

Rabbith',  a  town  in  Issachar  {Jos. 19. 20 
only).  Now  Rdba,  a  village  7  miles  S.E.  of 
Jenin,  on  the  S.E.  border  of  the  tribe,  [c.r.c] 

Rabbo'ni  (Jn.20.i6).     [Rabbi.] 

Rab-mag''  (Je.39.3,13)  is  a  title  borne  by  a 
certain  Nergal-sharezer,  who,  as  has  already 
been  stated,  is  probably  the  Neriglissar  of  the 
Greeks.  [Nergal-sharezer.]  The  nearest 
approach  to  Rab-mag  in  Babylonian  is  rab- 
mugi,  probably  meaning  "  chief  of  the  com- 
manders." The  second  element  has  been 
compared  with  the  word  Magus,  "  Magian  "  ; 
but  this  connexion  is  improbable.        [t.g.p.] 

Rab'saces  (Ecclus.43.i8)  =  Rab-shakeh. 

Rabsaris'.  The  title  of — 1.  An  officer  sent 
by  the  king  of  Assyria  to  Hezekiah  (2  K. 18. 17). 
—2.  A  Babylonian  officer  named  Sarsechim, 
present  at  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  (Je.39.3). 
•^3.  A  Babylonian  officer  named  Nebushas- 
ban  (39.13).  Rabsaris  has  been  interpreted  as 
"  chief  eunuch  " — in  Dan.1.3  Ashpenaz  is  called 
the  master  of  the  eunuchs  (Rab-sarisim) — but 
perhaps  it  signifies  "chief  of  the  heads,"  or 
principal  men.  Cf.  Academy,  June  25,  1892. 
[Nebushasban.]  [h.c.b.] 

Rab-shakeh',  an  officer  sent  by  Sen- 
nacherib to  Hezekiah  to  demand  the  surrender 


of  Jerusalem,  at  that  time  besieged  by  the 
Ass>Tian  host  (2K.l8.17ff-, 19-1-8  ;  Is.36,37). 
Formerly  interpreted  as  "  chief  cup-bearer," 
the  word  Rab-shakeh  is  now  considered  to  be 
the  Heb.  transcription  of  the  Ass^Tian  rab- 
saqi,  "  chief  of  the  high  ones,"  a  military 
officer,  inferior  to  the  Tartan,  but  of  high  rank. 
See  Schrader,  Cuneif.  Inscrip.  and  O.T.  ii. 
pp.  3,  4  ;  Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  and  the  Monu- 
ments, 44r,  442.  [h.c.b.] 

Raca  (Mt.5.22),  obviously  a  virulent 
term  of  reproach,  for  its  use  is  mentioned  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  as  rendering  a  man  liable 
to  prosecution.  The  word  itself  is  sometimes 
derived  from  a  root  meaning  to  spit,  but  it 
seems  to  have  obvious  connexion  with  the 
Aram,  rdqd,  and  Heb.  req  (used  in  Judg.ll.3), 
with  the  sense  of  emptiness  or  worthlessness. 
It  is  impossible  at  this  date  to  distinguish 
between  the  use  of  the  words  "  raca  "  and 
"fool,"  as  the  exact  difference  is  obviously 
dependent  upon  the  use  and  language  of  the 
time.  [b.f.s.] 

Race.     [Games.] 

Races  in  the  list  of  Gen. 10.  These  include 
Asiatic  stocks  of  a  single  origin,  spreading 
from  the  cradle  of  man  at  the  sources  of  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates  (2. 10-14),  and  extending 
from  Persia  on  E.  to  Ionia  on  W.,  and  from 
Armenia  on  N.  to  Arabia  and  Egypt  on  S.  The 
ethnology  of  these  races,  which  were  distin- 
guished by  their  "tongues"  (10.5,20,31),  is 
that  of  the  earliest  known  historic  ages.  On 
the  W.  there  is  no  mention  of  Carthage  (850 
B.C.)  or  of  Greece  ;  on  the  E.  India,  which  was 
unknown  to  Hebrews  before  500  b.c,  is  un- 
noticed, and  even  the  Persians — who  were 
known  to  Assjnrians  by  700  e.g. — are  not  men- 
tioned.    Certain  Egyptian  tribes  are  classed  as 


730 


HACES 


connected  with  the  Canaanitcs,  which  condition 
existed  in  the  Hyksos  period  before  the  time  of 
Moses,  but  ceased  when  the  Asiatics  were  ex- 
pelled from  the  Nile  delta  before  1600  n.c.  The 
"  fair  "  race  of  the  N.  [Japiieth]  includes  the 
Medes  (Madai),  who  were  known  to  Assyrians 
by  850  B.C.,  and  who  may  have  dwelt  S.  of  the 
Caucasus  much  earlier,  and  the  lonians  [Ja- 
van],  whom  the  Assyrians  knew  c.  710  b.c. 
That  these  fair  Aryan  tribes  had  spread  over 
Asia  Minor  even  as  early  as  the  14th  cent.  u.c. 
we  know  from  te.xts  of  Ramses  II.,  and  from 
coloured  pictures  of  the  age  of  Ramses  III.  c. 
1200  B.C.  The  early  inhabitants  of  Mesopo- 
tamia, Canaan,  and  Egypt  are  classed  to- 
gether [Ham I,  and  apparently  represent  the 
earlv  Mongolic  race  to  which  Akkadians  and 
Hittites  belonged  ;  while  the  Philistines  and 
Caphtorim  came  from  Cappadocia,  according 
to  LX.X.  [Cappadocia.]  Cush  (perhaps  the 
Akkadian  Cus,  for  "'  west  ")  includes  not  only 
the  earliest  inhabitants  of  Chaldea,  but  also 
some  tribes  in  Arabia,  such  as  Sheba  and  Dedan. 
[Arabia.]  The  third  family  [Shem]  includes 
races  which  are  now  called  Semitic  [Semitic 
Languages],  and  which  appear  on  monu- 
ments in  the  Babylonian  empire  earlier  than 
2200  B.C.  Elam  is  reckoned  (IO.22)  as  Semitic, 
and  a  Semitic  monument  of  very  early  date  has 
recently  been  discovered  by  De  Morgan  at 
Susa,  on  the  W.  border  of  Elam,  though  in 
later  times  the  Elamite  population  was  Mon- 
golic, and  the  old  Akkadian  name  [Si.n'im]  was 
known  to  Isaiah.  The  Semitic  tribes  of  Arabia 
are  said  (IO.25)  to  descend  from  Joktan,  the 
"  younger  "  branch  of  the  family  of  Eber,  or  of 
the  race  "  beyond  "  the  Euphrates,  akin  to 
that  of  Aram' and  of  Li'd,  which  latter  may 
represent  the  Lydians,  whose  civilization  was 
clearly  of  Babylonian  origin.  The  Semitic 
race  had  reached  Cappadocia  by  c.  2000  b.c, 
and  spread  W.  even  to  the  shores  of  the  Aegean 
Sea  in  Lydia.  These  three  distinct  stocks — 
Aryan,  Turanian,  and  Semitic — were  much  in- 
termixed even  in  the  earliest  known  historic 
ages,  but  the  ethnology  of  (ienesis  represents 
conditions  existing  even  earlier  than  the  time 
of  Moses,  and  does  not  represent  those  of  the 


HacheL 

6th  cent.  B.C.  Nineveh  (lO-ii)  appears  as  A 
colony  of  the  Babylonian  empire,  just  as  in  the 
days  of  Hammurabi,  the  contemporary  of 
Abraham."  [Aram  ;  Phenice;  Syria.]  [c.r.c] 

Ra'chab  (Mt.1.5),  mentioned  in  our 
Lord's  genealogy ;  usually  identified  with 
Rahab  [(Ienealogy  of  J.C],  but  others 
consider  (for  chronological  reasons)  that  they 
are  two  distinct  persons;  see  Judah. 

RachaL  (R.V.  Racal),  a  place  frequented 
by  David  and  his  followers  during  his  exile 
(iSam.30.29).  The  LXX.  appears  to  read 
Cakmkl,  but  the  text  is  obscure.        [c.r.c] 

Rachel,  younger  daughter  of  Laban,  wife 
of  Jacob,  and  motlier  of  Joseph  and  Benjamin. 
The  incidents  of  her  life  mav  be  found  in  Gen. 
29-33,35.  There  is  that '  in  the  story  of 
Jacob  and  Rachel  which  appeals  to  some  of  the 
deepest  feelings  of  the  human  heart.  The 
beauty  of  Rachel,  the  deep  love  with  which 
she  was  loved  by  J  acob  from  their  first  meeting 
by  the  well  of  Haran,  when  he  showed  to  her 
the  simple  courtesies  of  the  desert  life,  and 
kissed  her  and  told  her  he  was  Rebekah's  son  ; 
the  long  servitude  with  which  he  patiently 
served  for  her  in  which  the  seven  years 
"  seemed  to  him  but  a  few  days  for  the  love  he 
had  to  her  "  ;  their  marriage  at  last  ;  and  the 
death  of  Rachel  at  the  very  time  when,  in 
giving  birth  to  Benjamin,  the  long-delayed 
hopes  of  "  yet  another  son  "  expressed  by  her 
at  the  birth  of  Joseph  were  accomplished,  and 
she  had  become  still  more  endeared  to  her 
husband  ;  his  deep  grief  and  ever-living  regrets 
for  her  loss  (48./), — all  make  up  a  touching 
story  which  has  kept  alive  the  memory  of 
Rachel.  Yet  there  is  nothing  in  her  character 
which  calls  forth  unstinted  admiration  or 
praise.  Her  fretful  impatience  at  being  for  a 
time  childless  moved  even  Jacob  to  anger 
(30.1,2)  ;  nor  is  she  exempt  from  the  dujdicity 
and  falsehood  of  her  family,  as  is  shown  in  the 
incident  of  her  stealing  her  father's  images,  and 
in  the  ready  dexterity  with  which  she  concealed 
her  theft  (31).  From  this  story  we  may  also 
infer  that  she  was  not  altogether  free  from  the 
superstitit)ns  and  idolatry  which  [irevailed  in 
the   land   whence    .\braham    had    been   called 


KACiiii.'s  ^cl^nl,  ki  ar  111:1  mi. imiim. 


RADDAI 

(Jos.24.2,14). — Rachel's  Tomb.  "  Rachel  died 
and  was  buried  in  the  way  to  Ephrath,  which 
is  Bethlehem.  And  Jacob  set  a  pillar  upon  her 
grave  :  that  is  the  pillar  of  Rachel's  grave  unto 
this  day  "  (Gen. 35. iq, 20).  The  site  of  Rachel's 
tomb,  "  on  the  way  to  Bethlehem,"  "  a  little 
way  to  come  to  Ephrath,"  "  in  the  border  of 
Benjamin,"  has  never  been  questioned.  It  is 
about  4  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem,  and  one  mile 
N.  of  Bethlehem. 

Raddai',  fifth  son  of  Jesse  (iChr.2.14). 

Rag'a'u. — 1.  Aplace named  onlyin  Jth.l.5, 
15  ;  probably  identical  with  Rages. — 2.  One 
of  the  ancestors  of  our  Lord,  son  of  Phalec 
(Lu.3.35).     He  is  the  same  person  with  Reu. 

'Ra.ges,  the  name  of  an  important  city  in 
N.E.  Media  (Media  Ragiana),  bordering  on 
Parthia,  occurs  only  in  the  Apocrypha  (Tob. 
1.14,5.5,6.9,12,  etc.  ;  in  Jth. 1.5,15  it  is  called 
Ragau).  Darius  Hystaspis  gives  the  name  as 
Ragd,  the  Ragha  of  the  Zendavesta,  Isidore, 
and  Stephen.  Duris  of  Samos,  Strabo,  and 
Arrian  have  Rhagae,  and  Ptolemy  has  Rhagaea. 
From  the  Zendavesta  it  seems  to  have  been  one 
of  the  earliest  settlements  of  the  Aryans,  who, 
in  the  province  named  after  it,  were  mingled 
with  two  other  races,  and  were  thus  brought 
into  contact  with  heretics.  Isidore  calls 
Rages  "  the  greatest  city  in  Media."  In  the 
troubles  which  followed  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander it  fell  into  decay,  but  was  rebuilt  by 
Seleucus  I.  (Nicator),  who  gave  it  the  name  of 
Europus  ;  and  it  was  long  used  by  the  Parthi- 
ans  as  a  royal  residence  under  the  name  of 
Arsacia.  It  soon  recovered  its  ancient  appel- 
lation, and  its  ruins  are  still  known  under  the 
name  of  Rdi.  They  lie  about  5  miles  S.E. 
of  Teheran,  and  cover  a  space  of  4,500  by 
3,500  yds.  Its  well-marked  walls  are  of 
enormous  thickness.  Rdi  was  superseded  by 
Teheran,  built  out  of  its  remains.       [t.g.p.] 

Ragruel.     [Reuel,  2,  5.] 

Rahab,  or  Rachab,  a  woman  of  Jericho, 
who  received  the  spies  sent  by  J  oshua  to  search 
out  the  land.  At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Israelites  in  Canaan  she  was  dwelling  in  a  house 
of  her  own  alone,  though  she  had  a  father  and 
mother,  and  brothers  and  sisters,  living  in 
Jericho.  She  was  a  "  harlot,"  but,  from  the 
mention  of  the  flax  and  crimson  cord,  seems 
to  have  combined  with  her  shameful  calling 
the  occupation  of  weaving  and  dyeing.  Her 
house,  on  the  wall,  was  probably  near  the  town 
gate,  and  convenient  for  persons  coming  in  and 
going  out  of  the  city.  Rahab  therefore  had 
been  well  informed  with  regard  to  the  events 
of  the  Exodus.  She  had  heard  of  the  passage 
through  the  Red  Sea,  of  the  destruction  of 
Sihon  and  Og,  and  of  the  irresistible  progress 
of  the  Israelitish  host.  This  knowledge  led 
her  to  faith  in  Jehovah  as  the  true  God,  and  to 
the  conviction  that  He  purposed  to  give  the 
land  of  Canaan  to  the  Israelites.  When 
therefore  the  two  spies  came  to  her  house,  they 
found  themselves  under  the  roof  of  one  who, 
alone  probably  of  the  whole  population,  was 
friendly  to  their  nation.  Her  reception  of 
the  spies,  the  artifice  by  which  she  concealed 
them,  their  escape,  and  the  saving  of  Rahab 
and  her  family  at  the  capture  of  the  city,  are 
all  told  in  Jos. 2.  From  Mt.l.5  we  learn  that 
she  became  the  wife  of  Salmon,  and  the  mother 


S,A1N 


731 


of  Boaz,  and  hence  she  has  the  honour  of  being 
an  ancestress  of  Christ.  Others  take  this  Ra- 
chab to  be  a  different  person  [see  Judah],  but 
for  a  suggestion  for  meeting  the  chrono- 
logical difficulties  see  Genealogy  of  J.C. 
The  character  of  Rahab  has  much  and  deep 
interest.  Some  regard  the  word  zona  (LXX. 
wopvri)  as  meaning  a  "  hostess  "  or  "  inn- 
keeper," though  Gesenius  refuses  to  accept 
this.  In  the  laws  of  Hammurabi  women  who 
kept  wine-shops  are  noticed  (c.  2100  B.C.) ;  but 
respectable  women  are  forbidden  to  enter  such 
shops.  Even  if  we  take  zona  in  the  sense 
accepted  by  E.V.,  it  is  very  possible  that 
to  a  woman  of  her  country  and  religion  such 
a  calling  may  have  implied  a  far  less  devia- 
tion from  the  standard  of  morality  than  it 
does  with  us  [Harlot],  and  moreover,  that 
with  a  purer  faith  she  seems  to  have  entered 
upon  a  pure  life.  Her  conduct  in  deceiving 
the  king  of  Jericho's  messengers,  and  in 
taking  part  against  her  own  countrymen, 
has  been  much  discussed.  With  regard  to  the 
first,  strict  truth,  either  in  Jew  or  heathen, 
was  a  virtue  so  utterly  unknown  before  the 
promulgation  of  the  Gospel,  that,  as  far  as 
Rahab  is  concerned,  the  discussion  is  super- 
fluous. With  regard  to  her  taking  part 
against  her  own  countrymen,  it  can  be  fully 
justified  by  the  circumstance  that  fidelity  to 
her  country  would  in  her  case  have  been  in- 
fidelity to  Jehovah,  and  that  the  higher  duty 
echpsed  the  lower.  If  her  own  life  of  shame 
was  in  any  way  connected  with  that  idolatry', 
one  can  readily  understand  what  a  further 
stimulus  this  would  give,  now  that  her  heart 
was  purified  by  faith,  to  her  desire  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  nation  to  which  she  belonged  by 
birth,  and  the  establishment  of  that  to  which 
she  wished  to  belong  by  a  community  of  faith 
and  hope.  This  view  of  Rahab's  conduct  is 
fully  borne  out  by  N.T.  She  is  there  cited  as 
an  example,  with  Abraham,  alike  of  faith 
(Heb.ll.31)  and  of  works  (Jas.2  25). 

Ra'hab.  Used  first  in  the  sense  of  abyss, 
Rahab  is  a  companion  to  the  Tiamat  or  "void  " 
of  the  Babylonian  Creation.  It  then  appears 
to  have  designated  a  sea-monster,  and  is  thus 
used  in  Job  9.13  (R.V.),  26.12,  and  Ps.89.io. 
In  Is. 51. 9  it  stands  in  close  connexion  with 
the  tannin,  or  great  beast,  used  of  Egypt  in  a 
passage  dealing  with  the  Exodus.  Egypt  is 
elsewhere  described  as  "  lying  in  the  midst  of 
her  waters,"  a  fact  which  may  have  facilitated 
its  designation  as  a  sea-monster.  Others  think 
that  Rahab  means  "boisterous,"  and  is  applied 
to  Egypt  on  account  of  the  arrogance  of  that 
land.  It  was  certainly  a  recognized  poetical 
name  for  the  enemy  on  the  Nile.     Cf.  Is. 30. 7  ; 

PS.87.4.  [B.F.S.] 

Ra'ham  (iChr.2.44),  described,  among  the 
descendants  of  Caleb-ben-Hezron,  as  the  son  of 
Shema  and  father  of  Jorkoam. 

Rahel'  (J  e. 31. 15),  the  more  accurate  form 
of  Rachel. 

Rain,  mdtdr  (Arab,  matar),  and  geshem, 
which,  when  it  differs  from  the  more  common 
word  mdtdr,  signifies  a  more  violent  rain ;  it 
includes  the  early  and  latter  rain  (Je.5.24  ;  Jl. 
2.23).  Early  Rain,  the  rains  of  the  autumn, 
yore  (Deut.ll.14;  Je.5.24)  ;  also  wdj-e  (Jl.2.23). 
Latter    Rain,   the    rain    of    spring,    malqosh 


732  RAINBOW 

(Job 29.23;  Pr.l6.15:  Je.3.3;  Ho.6.3;  Jl.2.23  ; 
Zech.lO.i).  Another  word,  of  a  more  poetical 
character,  is  rbhibhim,  translated  "  showers  " 
(Deut.32.2;  Je.3.3, 14.22;  Mi.5.7[6];  Ps.65. 
io[ii],  72.6).  The  word  zerem  expresses 
violent  rain,  storm,  tempest,  accompanied  with 
hail — in  Job  24. 8  the  heavy  rain  which  comes 
down  on  mountains  ;  and  saghrir,  which  occurs 
only  in  Pr.27.i5,  continuous  and  heavy  rain. 
In  Palestine  for  six  months  in  the  year  no 
rain  falls  as  a  rule,  and  the  harvests  are 
gathered  in  without  any  anxiety.  The  whole 
land  becomes  parched  and  brown  in  summer  : 
the  springs  begin  to  fail,  and  the  autumn  rains 
are  eagerly  looked  for,  to  prepare  the  earth 
for  the  reception  of  the  seed.  These  early 
rains  commence  about  the  latter  end  of 
Oct.  or  beginning  of  Nov. ;  they  come  from 
the  W.  or  S.W.  (Lu.i2.54),  continuing  for 
two  or  three  days  at  a  time,  with  thunder- 
storms ;  the  wind  then  shifts  round  to  the 
N.  or  E.,  and  several  days  of  fine  weather 
succeed  (Pr.25.23).  During  the  months  of 
Nov.  and  Dec.  the  rains  continue  with  heavy 
storms  at  intervals  ;  afterwards  they  return 
at  longer  intervals,  and  are  less  heavy  ;  but 
at  no  period  during  the  winter  do  they 
entirely  cease.  Jan.  and  Feb.  are  the  coldest 
months,  and  snow  falls,  sometimes  to  the 
depth  of  a  foot  or  more,  at  Jerusalem,  but  it 
does  not  lie  long  ;  it  is  very  seldom  seen 
along  the  coast  in  the  low  plains.  Rain 
continues  to  fall  more  or  less  during  the  month 
of  March  ;  it  is  rare  in  April,  and  even  in 
Lebanon  the  showers  that  occur  are  generally 
light.  The  three  months  of  winter  are  called 
"  the  time  of  rain  "  by  Syrians.  The  spring 
showers  are  specially  refreshing  to  the  flowers 
and  grass  (Jas.5.7  ;  Pr.l8.15).  Kain  in  thun- 
derstorms does,  however,  sometimes  occur 
in  harvest  time  in  May  (iSam.l2.i7,i8).  The 
average  rainfall  in  Palestine  is  from  20  to  30 
in.  annually,  though  years  of  drought  occur. 
It  is  usually  sufficient  for  the  agricultural 
needs  of  the  country.  [c.r.c] 

Rainbo\v.  The  rainbow  is  only  alluded  to 
in  three  connexions  in  Scripture.  The  first  is 
in  Gen. 9. 13,  in  the  story  of  Noah,  where  it  is 
related  that  God  set  His  bow  in  the  cloud  as  a 
witness  that  the  earth  should  never  more  be 
destroyed  by  water.  There  is  a  beautiful  ap- 
propriateness in  the  bright  arc,  outlined  upon 
black  clouds,  as  a  symbol  of  hope  ;  but  per- 
haps the  real  meaning  is  that,  having  assuaged 
his  anger,  Jehovah  has  suspended  His  bow  in 
heaven  as  a  sign  that  hostilities  are  over  (cf. 
"arrows  .  .  .  lightnings,"  Ps.l8.14).  We  are 
not,  of  course,  to  infer  from  the  narrative  that 
the  rainbow  did  not  exist  before  Noah's  time. 
The  other  references,  apart  from  the  beau- 
tiful passage  in  Kcclus.43.ii,i2,  are  in 
apocalyptic  literature  (Ezk.l.28;  Kev.4.3, 
10.  i),  and  arc  simply  nieta[)hors  to  denote  the 
brightness  and  the  glory  of  the  divine  appear- 
ance. Natural  phenomena  are  frequently  thus 
used  to  depict  the  awfulness  of  the  "  glory  of 
the  Lord."  [b.f.s.] 

Raisins.     [Vine  ;    Food  ;    Flagon.] 

Ra'kem,  apparently  a  son  of  Sheresh 
(i(  hr.7.i(.). 

Rak'kath  (shore),  a  fortified  town  of 
Naphtali,    named    between    Hammath     and 


RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIlf 

Chinnereth  (Jos.19.35).  According  to  the 
Jerusalem  Talmud  (Megillah  i.  i),  Rakkath 
was  the  old  name  of  Tiberias.  [c.r.c] 

Rak  kon  {shore),  a  town  of  Dan  (Jos. 19. 
46),  near  Joppa.  Now  Tell  er  Raqqeit,  a  ruin 
on  the  coast  si  miles  N.  of  Joppa.    [c.R-c] 

Ram — 1.  An  ancestor  of  David  (iChr.2. 
pff.  ;  Ru.4.19).  In  2.9  he  is  called  the  brother, 
in  2.25  the  son,  of  Jerahmeel. — 2.  Hlihu,  the 
son  of  Barachel  the  Buzite,  is  described  as  "  of 
the  kindred  of  Ram "  (Job  32.2).  Ram  is 
supposed  by  Ewald  and  others  to  be  a  short- 
ened form  of  Aram,  mentioned  in  Gen. 22. 21  in 
connection  with  Huz  and  Buz.  [h.c.b.] 

Ram.     [Sheep  ;    Sacrifice.] 

Ram,  Battepingr.     [Arms.] 

Rama'.  This  form  of  the  name  Ramah  is 
familiar  through  St.  Matthew's  quotation  (2. 
17,18),  in  his  account  of  the  slaughter  of  the 
Innocents — "  Rachel  weepeth  for  her  children, 
and  will  not  be  comforted,  because  they  are 
not."  The  words  come  from  Je.3i.15,  where 
Rachel,  the  mother  of  Benjamin  and  grand- 
mother of  Ephraim,  is  represented  as  bewailing 
the  Ephraimites  (or  Benjamites),  who  have 
gone  into  exile.  The  point  of  the  allusion  lies 
in  the  fact  that  Rachel's  tomb  was  close  to 
Bethlehem.     [Ramah,  i.]  [b.f.s.] 

Ramah'  (=  height).  The  word  has  lost 
this  meaning  in  Arab.,  and  now  signifies  a  tank 
(rdmeh),  or  place  where  water  is  dammed  up  to 
a  certain  height. — 1.  Ramah  of  Benjamin  is 
now  the  village  er  Rdm,  on  a  hill  half  a  mile  E. 
of  the  main  N.  road,  5  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem, 
and  2  miles  W.  of  Gibeah.  It  belonged  to 
Benjamin  (Jos. 18. 25),  and  was  not  far  from 
Bethel  (J  udg.4.5 ).  It  is  coupled  with  Gibeah 
(19. 13),  and  was  the  home  of  Elkanah  the  Le- 
vite,  father  of  Samuel  (iSam. 1.19,2. 11),  and  of 
Samuel  (7.17,8.4,15.34,16.13)  :  see  Naioth  (19. 
18-24).  It  was  close  to  Saul's  home  at  Gibeah 
and  to  Sechu  ;  hence  David  easily  met  Jona- 
than hard  by  (20. i)  ;  while  Saul  "abode  in 
Gibeah  under  a  tree  in  Ramah  "  (22.6).  At 
Ramah  Samuel  was  buried  (25.  i),  "  even  in  his 
own  city  "  (28.3).  [Ramathaim-zophim.]  In 
the  loth  cent.  b.c.  Baasiia  of  Israel  built  Ra- 
mah to  command  the  N.  road  from  Judah  (iK. 
15.17);  but  it  was  destroyed  by  Asa  of  Judah, 
who  used  the  stones  to  build  Geba  (2  miles  E.) 
and  MizpEH  (2  miles  N.).  See  15.21,22  ;  aChr. 
16.1,5,6.  It  was  reoccupied  after  the  Captivity 
(Ezr.2.26  ;  Ne.7.30)  with  Cieba  by  Benjamites 
(Ne.11.33).  Isaiah  also  notices  it  with  Geba 
and  Gibeah  (Is. 10. 29).  Jeremiah  pictures 
Rahel  mourning  for  her  children  in  Ramah 
(Je.3i.15),  with  reference  probably  to  the  mas- 
sacre of  Benjamin  in  Gibeah  (see  Slt.2.iS),  and 
Hosea  (5.8)  also  couples  Ramah  with  Gibeah. 
— 2.  A  town  of  Asher  (Jos. 19. 29)  near  Tyre, 
probably  lidmia,  a  village  on  E.  border  of  .Asher 
13  miles  S.S.l'^  of  Tyre. — 3.  A  town  of  Naph- 
tali (Jos.19.36).  Now  the  village  Rdmeh  on  the 
S.  border,  3  miles  N.W.  of  Hazor  {Hazziir). 
— 4.  [Ramoth-gilead.]  [c.r.c] 

Ramath' of  the  South  (R.V.  Ramah  of 
the  S-).  a  town  of  Simeon  (Jos. 19.8),  apparently 
at  its  extreme  S.  limit ;  =-  S.  Ramoth  (iSain.30. 
27)  and  Baalath-bcer.     [Baal,  i.]      [c.r.c] 

Ramatha'im-zophim'  (iSam.l.i  only; 
Heb.  [«  man  from]  the  Ramathaim,  Zophim). 
Much  confusion  has  resulted,  apparently  from  a 


RAMATHEM 

grammatical  error  regardiag  this  name,  which 
the  LXX.  treats  as  that  of  a  town  in  Mt.  Eph- 
raim.  The  first  word  is  not  in  the  construct 
case,  and  the  two  terms  are  therefore  in  appo- 
sition. Ramathaim  probably  means  Ramath- 
ites,  and  Zophim  descendants  of  Zuph,  or 
Zophai,  the  ancestor  of  Samuel  (iChr.6.26) — a 
name  recurring  in  the  genealogy  of  the  family 
of  KoHATH,  whence,  we  are  told,  Samuel  was 
descended  (ver.  35).  Samuel's  father  was  the 
son  of  "  Zuph  an  Ephrathite  " — a  term  which 
means  an  Ephraimite  (Judg.12.5  in  Heb.),  but 
is- also  specified  to  mean  a  native  of  Bethlehem 
(Ru.1.2  ;  1Sam.i7.12).  Wherever  this  family 
may  have  sojourned  (like  other  Levites  :  see 
Judg.l9.i  in  Mt.  Ephraim,  or  I7.7  in  Bethle- 
hem), they  were  not  of  Ephraimite  descent, 
though  the  "  Ramathites-Zuphites  "  abode  in 
Mt.  Ephraim  (iSam.l.i).  [Ephraim.]  Elka- 
nah's  home  was  at  Ramah  (I.19),  probably 
Ramah  of  Benjamin,  Samuel's  home  near 
Gibeah.  [Ramah,  i.]  The  site  of  that  home  was 
variously  placed  by  later  traditions,  though 
Rama  and  Gabaa  are  called  "  cities  of  Saul  " 
(Onomasticon),  and  were  evidently  known  at 
er  Rdm  and  Jeb'a,  Rama  being  near  Gibeon 
(Onomasticon,  s.v.  "Gabaon"),  and  Michmash 
(s.v.  "Machmas").  Eusebius  and  Jerome  placed 
"  Armathem  Sophim  "  at  Arimathaea,  and 
near  Lydda,  which  is  impossible  for  Samuel's 
home.  In  the  Middle  Ages  his  tomb  was  shown 
on  the  mountain  a  mile  S.  of  Gibeon,  which 
still  is  called  Nehy  Samwil,  with  a  mediaeval 
church  converted  into  a  mosque,  the  walls 
scribbled  with  the  Heb.  graffiti  of  early  Jewish 
pilgrims.  The  Jewish  pilgrim  journals  gener- 
ally refer  to  this  site.  Benjamin  of  Tudela 
(1163  A.D.)  seems  to  place  Ramah  at  Ramleh; 
but  Isaac  Khelo  (1333  a.d.)  knew  that  Ramleh 
did  not  exist  till  8th  cent.  a.d.  Biladhuri 
states  that  Ramleh  was  built  by  Suleiman  son 
of  'AbdelMelek  (after  705  a.d.).  The  Samari- 
tan Chronicle  makes  its  foundation  as  late  as 
c.  900  A.D.    See  William  of  Tyre,  X.  17.  [c.r.c] 

Ramathem,  mentioned  with  Apherema 
and  Lydda  (iMac.l  1.34)  as  a  seat  of  government 
[Judea],  is  probably  Ramah,  i.  [c.r.c] 

Ramathite  (iChr.27.27),  an  inhabitant  of 
Ramah  ;  probably  of  Ramah,  i.         [c.r.c] 

Ramath'-Ie'hi,  the  name  bestowed 
by  Samson  on  the  scene  of  his  slaughter 
of  the  1,000  Philistines  with  the  jaw-bone 
(Judg.l5.i7).  "  He  cast  away  the  jaw-bone 
out  of  his  hand,  and  called  that  place  Ramath- 
lehi  "  (hill  of  the  jaw).  The  site  is  unknown, 
but  Lehi  (the  jaw)  seems  to  have  been  near 
Etam  (Judg.15.8,9),  perhaps  in  the  gorge  of  the 
valley  of  Sorek,  N.W.  of  Beit  'Atdb.    [c.r.c] 

Ramath'-mizpeh'  (Jos.13.26  only),  in 
the  territory  of  Gad,  apparently  one  of  its 
N.  landmarks  ;  near  Betonim.  It  may  be 
Mizpeh  of  Gilead,  [c.r.c] 

Rameses',  or  Raamses'.  In  Gen.47.ii 
the  settling  of  Jacob  and  his  sons  by  Joseph 
is  recorded  to  have  taken  place  "  in  the  land 
of  Rameses."  This  locality  may  be  taken  as 
practically  equivalent  to  the  land  of  Goshen. 
It  is,  however,  at  a  later  date  that  the  name 
acquires  greater  importance.  During  the 
Israelites'  sojourn  in  Egypt  they  were  em- 
ployed to  build  for  Pharaoh  (Ex.1. 11)  two 
"  treasure  cities,  Pithom  and  Raainses."    The 


RAMS'  SKINS  DYED  RED      733 

ruins  of  the  former  of  these  cities  were  dis- 
covered in  1883  by  Dr.  Naville,  at  Tell  el- 
Maskhuta,  about  12  miles  distant  from  the 
modern  Ismailia,  and  there  is  good  evidence  for 
the  view  that  the  builder  of  Pithom — and,  in- 
ferentially,  of  Rameses  also — was  Ramses  II., 
who  thus  becomes  identified  with  the  Pharaoh 
of  the  Oppression.  Rameses  was  the  start- 
ing-place of  the  Israelites  in  their  flight  from 
Egypt  (12.37),  and  their  next  halting-place 
was  Succoth.  The  two  cities  could  not  have 
been  far  distant  from  each  other.  Lepsius 
identified  the  city  of  Rameses  with  Tell  el- 
Maskhuta,  but  this  conjecture  was  after- 
wards abandoned  owing  to  Naville's  excava- 
tions, referred  to  above.  It  is  known  that 
Rameses  was  built  by  the  Pharaoh  of  that 
name,  of  the  19th  dynasty  ;  that  it  was  ad- 
jacent to  Pithom  ;  and  that  it  was  in  the  land 
of  Goshen.  Some  Egyptian  texts  refer  to  it, 
alluding  to  its  canals,  its  fields  green  with 
vegetation,  and  its  lakes  crowded  with  water- 
fowl. From  its  situation  it  was  well  fitted  as  a 
frontier  town  to  serve  as  a  storehouse  for  the 
tribute  or  treasure  brought  in  from  eastern 
lands,  and  also  as  a  base  for  the  food-supply  of 
Egyptian  military  forces  passing  on  to  S^nria. 
Sayce,  Egypt  and  the  Hebrews  ;  Ball,  Light 
from  the  East ;  Budge,  History  of  Egypt ; 
Brugsch,  Dictionnaire,  etc.  [a.h.p.] 

Rames'se  (Jth.l.g)  =  the  town  Rameses. 
Ramiah',  a  layman  of  Israel,  of  the  sons 
of    Parosh,    who   had   taken    a   foreign    wife 
(Ezr.10.25). 

Ramoth'  (R.V.  Jeremoth),  an  Israelite 
layman,  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  who  had  taken  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.  IO.29). 

Ramoth',  one  of  the  four  Levitical  cities 
of  Issachar  (iChr.6.73),  otherwise  Remeth 
(Jos. 19. 21).  Now  the  village  Rdmeh,  10^ 
miles  S.W.  of  Jenin,  at  the  S.W.  angle  of  the 
territory  of  Issachar.  [c.r.c] 

Ramoth'-gilead'  (heights  of  Gilead),  or 
Ra'moth  in  Gilead,  called  also  Ramah' 
only  (2K.8.29;  2Chr.22.6).  A  city  of  refuge 
(Deut.4.43  ;  Jos.20.8  ;  iChr.6.8o)  given  to  the 
Levites  (Jos. 21. 38).  It  was  the  capital  of 
Solomon's  sixth  district  (1K.4.13),  and  seems 
to  have  been  near  the  border  of  the  Syrians  of 
Damascus  (22.3).  Here  Ahab  was  slain  fighting 
the  Syrians  (vjk  29-36),  while  his  son  Joram  was 
wounded (2K. 9.24),  and  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah, 
disguised  in  Ahab's  robes  (according  to  LXX.  of 
iK. 22.30),  escaped  (2Chr.l8. 2-34, 22.5).  Here 
also  Jehu  was  proclaimed  king,  at  the  "  strong 
place  of  the  ascents  "  (A.V.  top  of  the  stairs, 
2K. 9.1, 4, 13, 14).  The  probable  site  (Ewald)  is 
Reimun,  a  village  about  7  miles  W.  of  Gerasa, 
in  N.  Gilead,  built  on  a  remarkable  "  height," 
or  rocky  hill.  [c.r.c] 

Ram's  horn.  [Cornet;  Jubilee.] 
Rams'  skins  dyed  red  formed  part  of 
the  materials  that  the  Israelites  were  ordered 
to  present  as  offerings  for  the  making  of  the 
Tabernacle  (Ex.25.5)  ;  of  which  they  served 
as  one  of  the  inner  coverings.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  A.V.,  following  the  LXX.,  Vulg., 
and  the  Jewish  interpreters, is  correct,  although 
the  original  words  admit  of  being  rendered 
"  skins  of  red  rams,"  which  has  suggested 
the  idea  that  the  N.  African  wild  sheep  i§ 
referred  to.     See,  however,  Chamois, 


734 


RANSOM 


Ransom.      [Homicide;     Je^us     Chuist, 

VIII.    (ili)    (2).] 

Ra  pha  (iClir.8.37)  =  REPtiAiAii,   4. 

Raphael'  (Gud  heals).  C/.  Kephacl  (iChr. 
26.7):  cf.  Kephaiah  (iChr.3.2i,  and  often), 
also  Kapha  (Num. 13. 9)  and  the  place-name 
Virpa'el  (Jos.l8.27)-  Often  in  Tobit.  (i)  One 
of  his  ancestors  (Toll. 1. 1  in  Sin.  MS.).  (ii.)Tht' 
angel  sent  to  heal  Tobit,  to  go  witli  Tobias,  and 
to  bind  Asniodeus,  the  evil  spirit  of  Sara  the 
daughter  of  Kaguel,  is  "one  of  the  seven  holy 
angels,  which  present  the  prayers  of  the  saints, 
and  go  in  before  the  glory  of  tiie  Holy  One" 
(12. 15).  He  is  also  often  mentioned  in  lith. 
Knocli  (Rufael);  i.x.  i  (probably),  x.  4-8  ("to 
bind  Azazel  and  heal  the  earth  "),  x.\.  3,  xxii.  3, 
6,  xxxii.  6,  xl.  5,  9  ("  set  over  ail  the  diseases  and 
the  wounds  of  the  children  of  men  "),  liv.  6. 
[.Angel.]  "His  name  occurs  in  Judaeo-Baby- 
lonian  conjuring  texts, and  is  conspicuous  in  the 
Jewish  liturgy — as  in  the  evening  prayer,  where 
he  is  mentioned  with  the  three  other  angels, 
at  whose  head  stands  (iod,  exactly  as  in  the 
Christian  version  of  Zecli.6"  (Lueken,  Michael, 
p.  122).     See  Jew.  Ency.  x.  318.  [a.l.w.] 

Rapha'im,  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jth.8.1). 

Ra  phon,  a  city  of  Gilead,  under  the 
walls  of  which  Judas  Maccabaeus  defeated 
Timotheus  (iMac.5.37  only).  It  may  have 
been  identical  with  Raphana,  mentioned  by 
Pliny  as  one  of  the  cities  of  the  Decapolis. 
Probably  er  Rdfeh,  a  ruin  in  the  Hauran,  8 
miles   N'.E.   of  .\shtaroth.  [c.r.c] 

Raphu',  father  of  Palti  (Num. 13. 9). 

Ras  ses,  Chlldpen  of,  one  of  the  nations 
whose  country  was  ra\aged  by  Holofernes 
in  his  approach  to  Judaea  (Jth.2.23  only). 
The  old  Lat.  version  reads  Thiras  et  Rasis. 
Wolff  restores  the  supposed  original  Aram, 
text  of  the  passage  as  Thars  and  Rosos,  and 
compares  the  latter  with  Rhesus,  a  place  on 
the  gulf  of  Issus. 

Rath'umus.  "  Rathumus  the  story 
writer"  of  i]isd.2.i6,i7,25,3o  is  the  same  as 
"  Riiiir.M  the  chancellor  "  of  Ivzr.4.8ff. 

Raven  (Heb.  'orebh)  nmst  be  taken  in  a  wide 
sense,  so  as  to  include  not  only  the  bird 
(Corvus  corax)  properly  so  called,  but  likewise 
the  crow  (C.  corone)  and  the  jackdaw  (C. 
monedula).  All  are  forbidden  as  food  by  the 
Mosaic  law  (Lev. 11. 15).  The  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
differ  from  the  Heb.  and  A.V.  in  Gen. 8. 7,  for 
in  the  Heb.  we  read  "  that  the  raven  went 
forth  to  and  fro  [from  the  ark]  until  the  waters 
were  dried  up,"  but  in  the  L.XX.  and  Vulg., 
together  with  the  Syriac,  the  raven  is  repre- 
sented as  "  not  returning  until  the  water  was 
dried  from  off  the  earth."  lilijah's  susten- 
ance at  Cherith  by  means  of  ravens  has  given 
occasion  for  much  unnecessary  speculation. 
Some  have  attempted  to  show  that  the 
'orbhim  (ravens)  were  the  people  of  Orbo, 
others  the  Arabs,  and  yet  others  have  found  in 
the  ravens,  merchants  ;  while  .Michaelis  sug- 
gests that  lilijali  plundered  ravens'  nests  of 
hares  and  other  game.  To  the  fact  of  their  being 
common  in  Palestine,  and  their  habit  of  flying 
about  in  search  of  food,  may  perhaps  be  traced 
the  reason  for  ravens  (including  crows)  being 
selected  as  illustrations  of  (iod's  care,    [k.i..] 

Ra'zis,  an  elder  of  Jerusalem,  who  killed 
himself  ui^der  peculiarly  terrible  circumstances, 


RECHABITES 

that  he  might  not  fall  "  into  the  Iiands  of  the 
wicked  "  (2Mac.l4.37-46).  In  dying,  he  is  re- 
ported to  have  expressed  his  faith  in  a  resurrec- 
tion (ver.  46).  The  act  of  suicide,  wholly  alien 
to  the  spirit  of  the  Jewish  law  and  people,  has 
aroused  considerable  discussion. 

Razop.  Besides  other  usages,  the  practice 
of  shaving  the  head  after  the  completion  of  a 
vow  must  have  created  among  the  Israelites  a 
necessity  for  the  special  trade  of  a  barber  (Num. 
6.9,18,8.7  ;  Lev.14.8;  Judg.13.5;  Is.7.2o  ;  Ezk. 
5.1  ;  .\c.l8.i8).  His  instruments  were  jirob- 
ably,  as  now,  tiie  raz<jr,  the  basin,  the  mirror, 
and  i)crhaps  also  the  scissors  (see  aSam. 14.20). 
Like  the  Levites,  the  ligyptian  priests  were 
accustomed  to  shave  their  whole  bodies. 

Reaia'  (R.V.  Reaiah),  a  Reubenite,  son  of 
Micah  (iChr.5.5). 

Reaiah'. — I.  A  descendant  of  Shobal,  soa 
of  Judah  (iChr.4.2).— 2.  The  children  of  R. 
were  a  family  of  Nethinim  who  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (lizr-2.47;  Ne.7.50). 

Re'ba,  one  of  five  Midianite  kings  (Num. 
21.8).  or  "dukes  of  Sihon  "  (Jos. 13. 21),  slain 
with   Balaam. 

Rebec'ca,  the  Gk.  form  of  Rebekah 
(R0.9.10  only). 

Rebekah,  daughter  of  Bethuel  (Gen. 22. 
20-23)  and  sister  of  Laban,  married  to  Isaac, 
her  father's  cousin.  We  first  hear  of  her  when 
Eliezer  goes  to  Padan-aram  (24)  to  seek  a  wife 
from  among  Abraham's  kindred  for  Isaac. 
For  nineteen  years  from  her  marriage  she  was 
childless  ;  then,  after  the  prayers  of  Isaac  and 
her  journey  to  inquire  of  the  Lord,  Esau  and 
Jacob  were  born,  and  while  the  younger  was 
more  particularly  the  companion  and  favourite 
of  his  mother  (25.19-28),  the  elder  became  a 
grief  of  mind  to  her  (26.33).  When  Isaac  was 
driven  by  a  famine  into  the  lawless  country  of 
the  Philistines,  Rebekah's  beauty  became,  as 
was  apprehended,  a  source  of  danger  to  her 
husband.  It  was  probably  a  considerable 
time  afterwards  when  Rebekah  suggested  the 
deceit  that  was  practised  by  Jacob  on  his 
father.  She  aided  him  in  carrying  it  out, 
foresaw  the  probable  consequence  of  Esau's 
anger,  and  prevented  it  by  moving  Isaac  to 
send  Jacob  away  to  Padan-aram  (27)  to  her 
own  kindred  (29.12).  It  has  been  conjectured 
that  she  died  during  Jacob's  sojourn  in  Padan- 
aram,  and  she  is  said  to  have  been  buried  in 
the  cave  of  Machpelah  (49.3i).  St.  Paul  (Ro. 
9.10)  refers  to  her  as  being  made  accjuaintctl 
with  the  purpose  of  God  regarding  her  children 
before  they  were  born  (cf.  Gen. 25. 22, 23). 

Rechab'. — 1.  F'ather  or  ancestor  of  Je- 
honadab  (2K. 10.15, 23  ;  iChr.2.55  ;  Je.35.6- 
19),  identitied  by  some  with  Hobab. — 2.  One 
of  the  two  "  captains  of  bands,"  whom  Ish- 
bosheth  took  into  his  service,  and  who  con- 
spired to  murder  him  (2Sam.4.2ff.). — 3.  (Ne.3. 
14.)     I-athcr  of  Mai-cuiah.  4. 

Rechabites.  In  Ji'.35  the  prophet  is 
Commanded  to  go  to  the  house  of  the  Recha- 
bites to  invite  tliem  to  one  of  the  chambers  of 
the  temple  to  drink  wine.  Their  chief  was 
Jaaziniah.  the  son  of  Habaziniah.  With  one 
accord  thev  refused,  because  their  "  father  " 
Jehonadab  the  son  of  Rechab  had  commanded 
them  not  to  drink  wine  or  build  houses  or  sow 
the  land,  but  to  dwell  in  tents.     This  they  h^d 


RECHAH 

always  done  ;  and  their  presence  in  Jerusalem 
at  the  time  was  due  to  fear  of  the  invading  army 
of  Nebuchadnezzar.  For  their  obedience  the 
Rechabites  are  highly  commended,  and  the 
people  of  Judah  are  contrasted  with  them  un- 
favourably. Jehovah  promises  that  "  Jonadab 
the  son  of  Rechab  shall  not  want  a  man  to  stand 
before  Me  for  ever  "  (Je.SS.ig).  In  2K.IO.15- 
17  Jehu  meets  with  "Jehonadab  the  son  of 
Rechab,"  and  invites  him  "  to  see  his  zeal  for 
Jehovah."  Evidently  the  person  mentioned 
was  a  religious  leader  opposed  to  the  Baal-wor- 
ship of  the  age  and  a  supporter  of  Elijah  and 
Elisha  against  the  house  of  Ahab.  Whether  he 
was  the  founder  of  the  Rechabite  sect  must  re- 
main uncertain.  Probably  their  mode  of  life 
could  have  been  traced  back  to  a  much  more 
remote  period.  It  has  been  supposed  that  the 
Rechabites  were  Kenites,  since  in  iChr.2.55 
we  read,  "These  are  the  Kenites  that  came  of 
Hemath  the  father  of  the  house  of  Rechab." 
Now,  the  Kenite  mode  of  life  seems  to  have  been 
nomadic,  for  we  find  this  tribe  with  the  Cana- 
anites  in  the  N.  in  the  time  of  Deborah  and 
Barak,  and  among  the  Amalekites  in  the  S. 
in  the  days  of  Saul  (Judg.4.ii;  iSam.15.6). 
The  Rechabite,  in  adhering  to  the  life  of  a 
wanderer,  would  be  a  standing  protest  against 
the  Israelites  conforming  to  the  settled  habits 
of  the  agricultural  Canaanites,  whose  religious 
practices  they  had  too  often  assimilated.  Elijah, 
it  will  be  remembered,  appeared  clad  in  the 
garb  of  an  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness  (2K.I. 
8),  which  in  later  times  became  the  recognized 
dress  of  a  prophet  (Zech.13.4).  The  promise 
that  the  Rechabites  should  "  stand  before 
Jehovah  "  has  a  reference  to  priestly  duties 
(see  Deut.10.8);  and  from  iChr.2.55  we  see 
that  they  were  recognized  as  scribes  dwelling  in 
Jabez.  According  to  Hegesippus  (apud  Euseb. 
H.E.  xi.  23),  a  priest  of  the  house  of  Rechab 
protested  against  the  murder  of  St.  James  the 
Just.  Dr.  Wolff  (1829)  met  with  an  Arab  tribe 
who  declared  themselves  to  be  sons  of  Rechab 
and  observers  of  the  laws  of  Jehonadab,  an 
incident  to  which  Lord  Beaconsfield  alludes  in 
Tancred.  In  the  LXX.  the  heading  to  Ps.70 
(A.V.  Ps.71)  is,  "To  David  of  the  sons  of 
Jehonadab,  etc.  [f.j.f.-j.] 

Reehah'.  In  iChr.4.i2,  Beth-rapha,  Pa- 
seah,  and  Tehinnah  the  father,  or  founder,  of 
Ir-nahash,  are  said  to  have  been  "  the  men  of 
Reehah." 

Reconciliation.  [Atonement  ;  Media- 
tor.] 

Reeopdep,  an  officer  of  high  rank  in  the 
Jewish  state,  exercising  the  functions  probably 
of  king's  representative,  whether  as  chancellor, 
or  president  of  the  privy  council.  In  David's 
court  he  appears  among  the  high  officers  of 
the  household  (2Sam.8. 16,20.24  ;  1Chr.l8.15); 
in  Solomon's,  he  is  coupled  with  the  three 
secretaries,  and  is  mentioned  last,  probably  as 
being  their  chief  (iK.4.3  ;  cf.  2K. 18.18,37, 
2Chr.34.8).       The    Heb.    title,    T-Sran      (the 

remembrancer),  probably  shows  that,  whilst  he 
may  or  may  not  have  been  the  annalist,  his 
duty  was  to  remind  the  king  of  important 
matters  by  preparing  them  for  his  considera- 
tion. [S.N.S.] 

Red  heifep  (Xum.l9.i-io).  [Purifica- 
tion.] 


RED  SEA 


735 


Red  Sea.     The  sea  known  to  us  as  the  Red 

Sea  was  called  by  the  Israelites  "the  sea" 
(yam;  Ex. 14. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28,  etc.),  or  the  sea  of 
Suph,  yam  si'tph.  ydmm.a.y  mean  any  sea,  and 
is  sev'eral  times  used  for  the  Mediterranean  ; 
while  yam  suph  always  means  the  Red  Sea, 
and  is  always  translated  t)  'EpvOpa  OdXaaaa, 
except  once  (Judg.ll.i6),  where  several  manu- 
scripts read  ddXaaaa  ^€i(p.  The  word  silph 
(reed)  is  the  same  as  the  Eg^T^tian  thufi  (reed 
water-plant).  The  name  yam  stlph  does  not 
apply  only  to  the  gulf  of  Suez  (or,  as  it  was 
called  in  old  times,  the  Arabian  Gulf),  but  to 
the  whole  sea,  or  at  least  to  the  northern 
part,  which  alone  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
i.e.  the  two  gulfs  between  which  lies  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula.  Beginning  with  the  gulf 
of  Suez,  the  latest  excavations  have  proved 
that  which  had  been  stated  by  geologists, 
but  which  had  been  considered  as  pre-faistoric 
— viz.  that  the  sea  extended  a  long  way 
further  into  the  isthmus  than  it  does  now.  The 
gulf  included  what  is  now  sea  again,  since  the 
Suez  Canal  has  been  dug,  the  so-called  Bitter 
Lakes  and  lake  Tinisah.  Near  the  head  of  the 
gulf  stood  the  city  of  Pithom,  the  Gk.  Hero- 
opolis.  Strabo  says  that  Heroopolis  was  built 
at  the  end  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  and  Artemi- 
doros  states  that  from  there  the  ships  started 
which  went  to  the  land  of  the  Troglodytes. 
Not  only  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  but  even 
under  the  Romans,  the  physical  condition  of 
that  part  of  the  Delta  was  very  different  from 
what  it  is  now.  There  has  been  much  move- 
ment in  the  soil ;  the  upheaval  of  the  southern 
part  of  the  isthmus  must  have  been  very 
gradual ;  while  at  the  same  time  the  ground 
was  sinking  near  the  Mediterranean.  The 
Nile  flowed  into  the  Red  Sea  at  Heroopolis; 
there  the  river  formed  marshes  which  were 
good  pasture-land.  As  there  were  cities  along 
the  gulf,  it  was  necessary  to  have  also  a  fresh- 
water canal.  It  appears  that  the  movement 
in  the  soil  was  already  taking  place  in  the  time 
of  the  Pharaohs.  We  have  several  accounts 
of  the  digging  of  a  canal  for  ships  from  the  Nile 
to  the  Red  Sea.  There  was  a  tradition  that 
Ramses  II.  had  started  it  ;  which  seems  very 
probable,  as  in  his  time  there  were  flourishing 
cities  in  the  Wady  Tumilat.  Herodotus  says 
that  Necho  began  it,  but  that  Darius  carried  it 
as  far  as  Patumos  (Pithom),  near  the  present 
lake  Timsah.  Several  trilingual  tablets  of 
Darius  (of  which  scanty  remains  have  been 
preserved)  speak  of  his  having  dug  a  canal 
from  Pirava  (the  Nile)  "  unto  the  sea  which 
comes  from  Persia."  Evidently  the  silting  of 
the  canal  must  have  been  felt  chiefly  where  it 
had  small  width,  and  where  the  water  was 
shallow.  The  communication  between  the 
two  lakes  and  between  the  Bitter  Lakes  and  the 
gulf  of  Suez  must  have  been  interrupted  be- 
fore these  large  basins  were  dried  up,  so  that  it 
is  quite  possible  that  Darius  had  to  re-establish 
those  communications  ;  for  it  is  in  such  places 
that  his  tablets  have  been  found.  Pliny 
speaks  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  having  carried 
it  as  far  as  the  Bitter  Lakes.  Afterwards 
Trajan  or  Hadrian  again  cleared  the  canal, 
which  was  called  Trajan's  River.  From  the 
time  of  the  Roman  emperors  we  do  not  hear  of 
any  work  being  done  until  640  a.d.,  wl^eq 


736 


BED  SEA 


the  conqueror  'Ainr  ibn  cl-'Asl  had  it  reopened 
in  order  to  transport  corn  to  Arabia  ;  but  loo 
years  afterwards  a  klialif  ordered  it  to  be  filled 
up,  because  he  wished  to  starve  the  city  of 
Medina.  This  was  the  end  of  the  old  canal  ; 
the  upheaval  of  the  soil  continued,  and  the 
large  basins  of  the  Bitter  Lakes  and  lake  Tim- 
sah  dried  up  completely,  until  the  work  of  the 
Suez  Canal  filled  them  again.  Thus  when  the 
author  of  Exodus  speaks  of  yam  stiph,  the  Reed 
Sea,  it  means  a  sea  which  extended  as  far  as 
Pithom  (Hcroopolis),  about  half  the  length  of 
the  present  isthmus.  Ships  could  reach  it 
from  the  Nile  through  a  canal  originating  at 
Bubastis ;  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  kind  of 
a  canal  across  the  isthmus  joining  the  Red  Sea 
to  the  Mediterranean.  The  gulf  on  the  E.  side 
of  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula  is  now  called  the  gulf 
of  'Aqaba.  It  is  possible  that  this  also  ex- 
tended farther  inland  ;  it  is  even  supposed  that 
in  prehistoric  times  there  was  a  communication 
with  the  valley  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Its  ancient 
name  is  the  Elanitic  Gulf,  from  Aelana,  a  city 
at  its  head,  which  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible 
as  Elath  or  l^loth  (iK.9.26).  Near  it  was 
Ezion-geber  (Num.33. 33),  the  last  station 
mentioned  for  the  encampment  of  the  Israelites 
before  they  reached  "  the  wilderness  of  Zin 
(the  same  is  Kadesh)."  It  is  chiefly  known  as 
the  harbour  from  which  Solomon  and  Hiram 
the  king  of  Tyre  sent  their  ships  to  Ophir. 
Jehoshaphat,  allied  to  Ahaziah,  wished  to  do 
the  same,  but  their  fleet  was  destroyed,  pro- 
bably by  one  of  the  terrible  storms  which  often 
rage  in  that  gulf  (iK. 22.48  ;  2Chr.2O.37). 
The  Egyptians  were  not  fond  of  the  sea,  which 
they  considered  as  typhonic;  their  commerce 
with  the  inner  part  of  Africa  followed  the  Nile. 
However,  on  several  occasions  we  hear  of  naval 
expeditions  which  they  sent  on  the  Red  Sea, 
for  commercial  purposes.  The  country  to 
which  they  went  was  the  land  of  Punt,  which 
was  on  both  sides  of  the  sea,  but  the  African 
side  f)f  which  scpms  to  have  attracted  the 
Egyptians  more  than  the  othex  did.  The  land 
of  Punt  was  the  coast  from  Suakim,  or  Mas- 
sowah,  towards  Somaliland  ;  it  was  the  region 
called  by  the  geographer  Ptolemy,  Aromatifera 
regio,  and  it  even  now  produces  incense. 
There  was  one  kind  of  frankincense  which  the 
Egyptians  valued  very  highly  for  its  fragrance 
as  well  as  for  its  curative  virtues,  and  of  which 
they  made  a  great  use  in  religious  ceremonies 
and  in  medicine.  This  incense  was  the  chief 
object  of  their  expeditions  to  Punt ;  but  they 
brought  from  the  country  other  products,  gold 
in  rings  and  in  powder,  ivory,  ebony,  panther- 
skins,  and  also,  besides  cattle,  giraffes,  apes, 
and  leopards  for  hunting.  When  they  made 
expeditions  they  built  ships  on  jiurpose,  for 
they  do  not  seem  to  have  had  a  jjcrmanent 
fleet  before  the  time  of  the(ik.  kings.  Their 
primitive  and  elementary  crafts  were  not  de- 
terred by  the  strong  winds  of  the  Red  Sea,  any 
more  than  are  the  Arab  dhows  of  the  present 
day.  Commerce  on  the  Red  Sea  increased 
under  the  Gk.  kings  of  Egypt.  We  hear  of  the 
second  Macedonian  sovereign,  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  having  sent  one  of  his  generals  to  the 
coast  of  the  Troglodytice  to  found  a  city — 
Ptolemais  OrjpQiv  or  I'lpitheras,  "  Ptolemais  of 
the  chase  " — specially  destined  for  tlie  pursuit 


RED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OF 

of  elephants  and  as  a  landing-place  for  the 
travellers  who  went  into  the  inner  part  of  the 
country.  The  hieroglyphic  inscriiitions  con- 
firm Strabo's  statement  about  the  foundation 
of  that  city.  We  hear  also  of  other  harbours, 
Myos-Hormos  and  Berenice,  on  the  Egyptian 
coast.  The  commerce  of  the  Red  Sea  seems  to 
have  been  flourishing  under  the  Ptolemies  and 
the  Romans,  but  until  (juitc  lately  the  Eg^^p- 
tian  coast  of  the  Red  Sea  has  been  entirely 
abandoned.  [e.n.] 

Red  Sea,  Passag-e  of.  The  passage  of 
tiie  Red  Sea  is  the  crowning  episode  of  the 
Exodus.  Most  divergent  explanations  have 
been  put  forward  ;  the  old  view,  however,  that 
the  passage  had  taken  place  near  Suez,  is  now 
almost  unanimously  rejected.  The  consider- 
able distances  over  which  the  Israelites  had  to 
travel,  the  mountains  which  they  had  to  pass, 
if  they  had  followed  that  route,  were  diffi- 
culties which  made  the  narrative  of  Scripture 
nearly  impossible  to  understand.  We  shall 
now  describe  the  route  which  seems  indicated 
by  the  explorations  made  during  the  last  20 
years  in  that  region,  and  by  the  well-estab- 
lished fact  which  had  been  stated  by  geologists 
like  Prof.  Hull  and  Sir  William  Dawson,  that 
the  Red  Sea  extended  much  farther  N.  than  at 
present,  and  that  it  went  as  far  as  Pithom- 
Heroopolis,  the  site  of  which  has  been  identi- 
fied. [Ri£D  Sea  ;  Pithom.]  The  Israelites 
were  in  the  land  of  Goshen,  called  also  the  land 
of  Rameses,  where  they  had  built  two  store- 
cities,  Raamses  and  Pithom  (Ex.1. 11).  The 
site  of  Raamses  has  not  yet  been  identified 
with  the  same  certainty  as  Pithom.  Prof. 
Petrie  has  quite  lately  stated  that  it  was  Tel 
Retabeh,  a  mound  about  9  miles  W.  of  Pithom ; 
but  in  the  words  "  The  children  of  Israel 
journeyed  from  Rameses  to  Succoth"  (12. 37), 
the  word  Rameses  is  to  be  taken  rather  in  the 
sense  of  "  land  of  Rameses,"  the  centre  of 
which  must  have  been  farther  W.,  nearer 
Bubastis,  for  instance  the  city  of  Goshen, 
Phacusa.  Their  first  station  was  Succoth,  the 
Tliuket  or  Thukot  of  the  Egyptians,  a  border- 
land, the  territory  round  Pithom  where  Egypt 
ended.  In  that  first  journey  they  had  plenty 
of  water,  as  they  followed  the  canal  going  from 
Bubastis  to  the  Red  Sea.  Leaving  Succoth 
and  marching  towards  the  desert  of  Etham, 
they  had  to  skirt  the  northern  coast  of  the  Red 
Sea  ;  from  there  they  could  go  straight  across 
the  desert  to  Canaan,  through  a  caravan  route 
which  was  used  as  late  as  the  19th  cent.,  and 
the  entrance  of  which  is  seen  near  Isniailia.  It 
appears  from  the  LXX.  of  Gen. 46.29  that 
Jacob,  coming  to  Egypt,  had  taken  that  route, 
since  Joseph  first  met  him  at  Pithom  (Hero- 
(ipolis).  The  narrative  says  (Ex.l3.i7)  that 
"  God  led  them  not  by  the  way  of  the  land  of 
the  Philistines,  although  that  was  near  ;  for 
God  said,  I. est  peradventure  the  people 
repent  when  thev  see  war."  The  way  by  the 
landof  the  Philistines  wascertainly shorter.  It 
followed  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  it 
passed  at  first  through  cultivated  and  well- 
irrigated  land,  and  the  Israelites  would  have 
had  to  march  in  the  lee  of  important  fortresses 
like  Tanis  and  Zar,  with  large  garrisons  ;  they 
would  i>robablv  have  "  seen  war  "  long  before 
reaching  Canaan.     Their  second  station  w^s 


ED  SEA,  PASSAGE  01* 


737 


^taa/bi35T<^TSSi» 


"KcutruiInjtUuJU.Caji/n^hC 


MAP  OF  LOWER  EGYPT,  SHOWING  THE  ROUTE  OF  THE  ISRAELITES. 


OH  the  edge  of  the  wilderness  of  Etham.  They 
had  only  to  go  straight  through  that  wilderness 
to  reach  the  promised  land  ;  but  suddenly  they 
received  a  command  of  a  nature  to  shake  their 
confidence  in  their  leader  (14.  i)  :  "And  the 
Lord  spake  unto  Moses,  saying,  Speak  unto  the 
children  of  Israel,  that  they  turn  back  and 
encamp  before  Pi-hahiroth,  between  Migdol 
and  the  sea,  before  Baal-zephon,  over  against 
it  shall  ye  encamp  by  the  sea.  And  Pharaoh 
will  say  of  the  children  of  Israel,  They  are 
entangled  in  the  land,  the  wilderness  hath  shut 


them  in."  Certainly  this  command  seemed 
very  strange.  They  had  reached  the  desert, 
they  had  nothing  in  front  of  them,  and  instead 
of  hastening  across  the  wilderness  so  as  to  be 
as  soon  as  possible  out  of  the  reach  of  their 
oppressors,  they  were  told  to  change  entirely 
their  route,  to  retrace  their  steps  so  as  to  re- 
main on  Egyptian  soil,  and  even  to  put  the  sea 
between  themselves  and  the  desert.  Surely  it 
would  encourage  Pharaoh  in  his  pursuit.  To 
the  king,  the  reason  of  this  sudden  change 
and  of  this  extraordinary  move  would  seem 

47 


738        KED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OF 

obvious.  The  Israelites  were  afraid  of  crossing 
the  desert.  "  The  wilderness  hath  shut  them 
in,"  can  only  mean  that  they  were  entangled 
and  wandering  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  because 
the  desert  was  for  them  an  insuperable  barrier. 
It  is  to  be  noticed  that  whereas  in  other  parts 
of  Scripture,  and  especially  in  the  description 
of  the  route  in  the  wilderness,  the  geographical 
data  are  sometimes  vague  and  always  very 
concise,  here  they  are  given  with  a  remark- 
able precision.  It  is  not  said  to  the  Israelites 
merely  that  they  are  to  stop  near  the  sea  in  the 
most  favourable  camping-ground.  They  are 
to  reach  a  definite  spot,  the  landmarks  of 
which  are  given  :  on  the  N.  Pi-hahiroth,  on 
the  S.  Migdol,  in  front  the  sea,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  Baal-zephon.  We  have  the 
Egyptian  name  of  Pi-hahiroth.  A  great  tablet 
found  in  the  excavation  at  Pithom  mentions  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  that  locality  another 
sanctuary  called  Pi-Qereht  (the  house  of  the 
serpent).  It  was  a  sanctuary  of  Osiris,  or 
what  the  Greeks  called  a  Serapeum.  The 
Antonine  Itinerary  mentions  Serapiu  as  being 
i8  miles  from  Hero.  It  seems  impossible 
not  to  connect  Pi-hahiroth  with  Pi-Qereht. 
Undoubtedly  the  Heb.  letters  do  not  corre- 
spond exactly  to  the  Egyptian  ;  but  a  proper 
name  passing  into  another  language  always 
takes  a  form  which  has,  if  not  a  sense,  at  least 
a  sound  familiar  to  those  who  pronounce  it, 
and  hahiroth  sounds  much  more  Semitic  than 
Qereht.  Standing  on  the  pier  at  Ismailia  and 
looking  over  lake  Timsah,  the  horizon  is 
limited  on  the  S.  by  a  flat  ridge,  a  kind  of  table 
mountain  now  called  Jebel  Mariam.  Just  at 
the  foot  of  that  mountain  on  the  S.  and  near 
the  bank  of  the  Suez  Canal  is  an  important 
Roman  settlement,  partly  covered  by  the 
lagoons,  but  the  ruins  of  which  above  the  water 
cover  an  area  of  500  yds.  square.  This  seems 
to  be  Serapiu  (Pi-Qereht).  Its  distance  from 
Hero agreesnearly  with  the  Itinerary — 14  miles 
instead  of  18.  This  would  be  the  landmark 
on  the  N.  On  the  S.  we  have  Migdol.  This 
name  in  Heb.  means  "  a  tower."  We  have  in- 
formation about  it  in  the  papyri  of  the  Brit. 
Mus.  In  one  of  them  a  scril)e  who  is  going 
after  two  fugitive  slaves  relates  that  first  he 
arrived  at  the  enclosure  of  Succoth,  evidently 
a  wall  which  protected  the  region  against  the 
invasions  of  nomads.  There  he  was  informed 
that  the  fugitives  had  crossed  the  wall  N.  of 
the  tower  Migdol  (the  Heb.  word  is  employed 
there  in  an  Egyptian  form)  of  king  Seti  I. 
Another  papyrus  speaks  of  the  stronghold  in 
the  southern  part  of  Succoth.  Migdol  was  the 
watch-tower,  which  from  the  aspect  of  the 
country  we  should  place  on  the  height  called 
by  the  French  the  Sera])eum,  and  where,  until 
a  few  years  ago,  there  was  a  trilingual  tablet, 
Egyptian  and  cuneiform,  dedicated  by  Darius, 
but  destroyed  when  the  canal  was  dug.  This 
watch-tower  was  necessary,  since,  as  we  shall 
see,  owing  to  a  phenomenon  which  took  jilacc 
occasionally,  the  nomads  fouiul  the  sea  o])en, 
and  could  easily  wade  through  in  order  to 
pillage  the  royal  domains  on  the  Egyptian  side. 
"  Over  against  Baal-zephon  "  :  most  com- 
mentators agree  that  this  was  not  a  city  nor 
even  a  village,  but  a  place  of  worship  of  a 
Semetic  divinity  in  the  form  of  a  Baal.     It 


RED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OP 

was,  as  the  Targum  explains  it,  the  sanctuary 
of  an  idol,  the  form  of  which  is  unknown,  but 
which  may  have  been  a  mere  stone.  The  name 
Baal-zephon,  in  its  Semitic  form  Baal- 
zapuna,  is  mentioned  in  a  papyrus,  which  also 
shows  that  it  was  outside  Egypt,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  sea.  We  may  consider  that  it  was 
a  holy  place,  like  the  tombs  of  sheikhs  generally, 
placed  on  hills  around  which  people  congregate 
on  certain  days.  Even  now  there  is  a  place 
of  that  kind  in  that  region.  Going  out  of 
lake  Timsah  there  is  a  hill  called  Tussum,  on 
which  a  sheikh,  called  sheikh  Ennedek,  was 
buried  at  the  beginning  of  the  19th  cent. 
Every  year,  about  July  14,  thousands  of 
people  assemble  on  that  hill  and  celebrate 
near  this  tomb  a  religious  festival.  There  is 
evidently  (perhaps  not  on  the  spot  of  the  tomb, 
but  in  that  neighbourhood)  a  religious  tradition, 
which  has  persisted,  in  spite  of  the  numerous 
political  as  well  as  religious  changes,  and  that 
seems  to  be  the  reason  why  the  sheikh  wished 
to  be  buried  there.  Having  determined  the 
landmarks  of  the  encampment  of  the  Israelites 
it  is  natural  to  ask  why  this  spot  was  chosen 
and  pointed  out  to  Moses  with  such  precision. 
The  reason  seems  to  be  that  at  that  spot  a 
phenomenon  occurred  which  was  the  means  of 
the  escape  of  the  Israelites  :  the  sea  receded 
under  the  influence  of  the  wind.  "  The  Lord 
caused  the  sea  to  go  back  by  a  strong  east  wind 
all  the  night,  and  made  the  sea  dry  land,  and 
the  waters  were  dix'ided  "  (Ex.l4.2i).  It  has 
often  been  noticed  by  travellers  in  Egypt  that 
when  a  strong  wind  blows  from  a  certain 
direction,  the  sea  recedes  sometimes  for  a  great 
distance,  and  comes  back  again  to  its  former 
bed  when  the  wind  ceases  or  changes  its  direc- 
tion. This  phenomenon  is  not  rare  in  lake  Men- 
zaleh  (see  //.  of  Victoria  Institute,  vol.  xxviii. 
p.  267),  which  communicates  with  the  sea,  in 
lake  Bourlos,  and  in  other  parts  of  Egypt. 
There  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  its  taking 
place  in  old  times  in  the  part  of  the  sea 
between  lake  Timsah  and  the  Bitter  Lakes  ; 
moreover,  the  slow  rising  of  the  ground  which 
in  later  times  cut  of!  lake  Timsah  from  the 
Bitter  Lakes  was  already  being  felt,  the  sea 
must  have  been  shallow,  and  probably  not 
very  wide.  One  may  even  sujjpose  that  it  had 
been  known  before  that  this  phenomenon 
occurred  at  that  particular  spot,  and  for  this 
reason  the  place  was  pointed  out  so  exactly  to 
Moses  ;  and  it  may  also  have  been  this  which 
led  the  Pharaohs  to  build  a  stronghold  there. 
The  result  of  the  action  of  the  wind  in  causing 
the  water  to  recede  was  to  create  a  temporary 
ford  which  people  could  easily  wade  through, 
as  was  seen  N.  of  Suez,  at  the  end  of  the  present 
Red  Sea,  before  the  canal  was  dug.  This 
occasional  i)assage  was  watched  from  the  tower 
Migdol.  To  the  action  of  the  wind  we  must 
add  that  of  the  tide.  Striking  instances  of  the 
power  of  the  wind  compelling  even  a  strong 
current  to  stop  for  a  time  have  occurred  in 
other  countries — in  the  Rhone  at  Geneva  and  in 
South  American  rivers.  We  have  here  an  in- 
stance of  a  miracle  consisting,  not  in  something 
quite  new  and  marvellous,  but  in  a  natural 
phenomenon,  beginning  and  ending  at  the 
right  moment  for  a  detinite  i)urpose.  As  was 
said  at  the  beginning,  this  route  shortens  con- 


REED 

siderably  the  distances  of  the  journey,  and  also 
avoids  an  objection  made  to  the  place  advo- 
cated by  Sir  William  Dawson — the  southern 
part  of  the  Bitter  Lakes.  The  Israelites  would 
have  had  to  pass  over  the  ridge  of  Jebel 
Geneffe,  a  considerable  height,  difficult  of 
access.  In  travelling  by  rail  from  Ismailia  to 
Suez,  before  reaching  the  Bitter  Lakes  the 
way  seems  entirely  closed  by  the  Jebel  Geneffe 
and  its  highest  summit.  The  Israelites  in  their 
flight  would  have  had  either  to  climb  over  the 
mountains  or  to  follow  a  narrow  track,  if  such 
existed,  between  the  sea  and  the  mountains. 
Josephus  twice  alludes  to  the  fact  that  the 
Israelites  had  before  them  steep  mountains 
projecting  into  the  sea,  and  that  they  were  shut 
up  between  the  sea  and  the  mountains.  Their 
way  seemed  entirely  barred,  and  this  explains 
their  despair,  as  described  in  Scripture  and  by 
Josephus.  After  passing  through  the  sea,  they 
had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  the  Egyptians  ; 
the  water  had  covered  the  chariots  (Ex. 14. 27, 
28),  a  light  and  quick  vanguard  very  suitable 
for  a  pursuit,  and  which,  as  was  often  the 
case,  may  have  been  under  the  command  of  a 
son  of  the  king,  and  "all  the  host  .  .  .  that 
came  into  the  sea  after  them"  was  destroyed. 
[Pharaoh  ;   Exodus,  The.]  [e.n.] 

Reed.  Under  this  name  we  shall  notice 
four  Heb.  words:  (i)  'aghmon  occurs  Job  40. 
26  (A.V.  41.2,  hook),  40.12  (A.V.  41.20, 
caldron)  ;  Is.9.14  (A.V.  nish).  The  'aghmon 
is  mentioned  also  as  an  Egyptian  plant, 
in  a  sentence  similar  to  the  last,  in  Is.i9.15  ; 
while  from  58-5  we  learn  that  it  had  a  pendulous 
panicle.  It  doubtless  denotes  some  aquatic, 
reed-like  plant,  whether  of  the  nat.  order 
Cyperaceae  or  that  of  Gramincae.  Celsius' 
opinion  that  it  is  the  Arundo  phragmitis  is  pro- 
bably right.  The  drooping  panicle  of  this 
plant  answers  well  to  the  "  bowing  down  the 
head"  of  which  Isaiah  speaks.  {2)  gome,  trans- 
lated "  rush  "  and  "  bulrush  "  by  A.V.,  un- 
doubtedly denotes  the  celebrated  paper-reed 
of  the  ancients  (Papyrus  antiquorum),  a  plant 
of  the  sedge  family,  Cyperaceae,  formerly  com- 
mon in  some  parts  of  Egypt.  The  Heb.  word 
is  found  four  times  in  the  Bible  (Ex. 2. 3  ; 
Is.l8. 2,35.7  ;  Job  8. 11).  Modern  Abyssinians 
use  boats  made  of  the  papyrus  reed  (Bruce), 
which  is  found  in  Syria,  but  not  now  in 
Egypt.  Dr.  Hooker  saw  it  on  the  banks  of 
lake  Tiberias,  a  few  miles  N.  of  the  town.  It 
is  abundant  in  the  Huleh  marshes,  and  the 
P.  syriacus  in  the  Kishon  and  in  Sharon 
(Tristram,  Nat.  Hist.  Bible,  p.  434).  The  papy- 
rus plant  (Papyrus  antiquorum)  has  an  angular 
stem  from  3  to  6  ft.  high,  though  occasionally 
reaching  14  ft.  R.V.  renders  gome  "  papyrus  " 
in  Is.18.2  and  in  the  marg.  of  Job.  8. 11 — an  in- 
troduction of  much  judgment  and  taste,  as 
Groser  remarks.  Specimens  of  a  cyperus 
gathered  by  the  present  writer  in  the  Ghor  in 
an  imperfect  condition  (December,  1883)  were 
doubtfully  referred  by  Prof.  Oliver  to  the 
papyrus,  an  interesting  extension  of  the  range, 
if  correct,  as  is  probable.  Another  cyperus  (C. 
eleusinoides)  of  tropical  distribution  was  dis- 
covered there,  also  for  the  first  time  in  Palestine, 
on  the  same  occasion.  In  the  same  situation 
Phragmites  communis  is  abundant  and  well 
deserves  the  variant  name  P.  gigantea  of  J. 


REED 


739 


Gay.  In  Wady  el  'Ain  in  Sinai  this  form  reaches 
a  height  of  15  ft.  (3)  'droth  is  translated 
"paper-reeds"  in  Is.19.7,  the  only  passage  where 
the  plur.  noun  occurs  ;  there  is  no  reason  for  the 
rendering  of  A.V.     "  'droth,"  says  Kinichi,  "is 


CVPRRUS  PAHVRUS. 

the  name  to  designate  pot-herbs  and  green 
plants."  It  probably  denotes  the  open  grassy 
land  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile  (R.V.  mea- 
dows). (4)  qdne,  the  generic  name  of  a  reed 
of  any  kind  ;  it  occurs  often  in  O.T.,  and  some- 
times denotes  the  "  stalk  "  of  wheat  (Gen. 41. 
5,22),  or  the  "branches"  of  the  candlestick 
(Ex. 25. 32, 37. 18)  ;  in  Job31.22  it  denotes  the 
bone  of  the  upper  arm  (os  humeri).  Elsewhere 
A.V.  renders  it  "calamus"  or  "reed."  The 
Arundo  donax,  the  A.  aegyptiaca  (?)  of  Bove,  is 
common  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  may 
perhaps  be  "the  staff  of  the  bruised  reed" 
to  which  Sennacherib  compared  the  power  of 
Egypt  (2K.I8.21  ;  Ezk.29.6,7).  The  dry  culms 
of  this  huge  grass  are  in  much  demand  for  fish- 
ing-rods, walking-sticks,  etc.,  and  may  be'the 
"  measuring  reed  "  of  Ezk.40.5.  Some  kind  of 
fragrant  reed  is  denoted  by  the  word  qdni  (Is. 
43.24;  Ezk.27.19;  Can.4. 14),  or  more  fully  by 
q^ni  bosem  (see  Ex. 30. 23),  or  by  qdne  hattobh 
(Je.6.2o)  ;  which  A.V.  renders  "sweet  cane" 
and  "  calamus."  It  was  of  foreign  importation 
(Je.6.2o).  Some  writers  have  sought  to  identify 
the  q''ni  bosem  with  the  A  cor  us  calamus,  the 
"sweet  sedge."  Dr.  Royle  refers  the  Kokafios 
dpu/xariKOS  of  Dioscorides  to  a  species  of  A  ndro- 
pagan,  which  he  calls  A.  calatnus  aramaticus,  a 


740 


KEELAIAH 


plant  of  remarkable  fragrance,  and  a  native  of 
Central  India.  The  q' n&  bosein,  or  hal(dbh, 
may  be  tliis  KaXafios  apw/xaTiKdi  of  Dioscorides  ; 
or  it  may  be  the  Andropo^on  schoenanthus,  the 
lemon-grass  of  India  and  Arabia.    I'liny  speaks 


ARU.NDO  DO.NA.X. 


of  the  "  sweet  calamus,  and  also  squinanth  or 
/uncus  odoratus,  the  sweet-rush."  The  for- 
mer, he  says,  grows  within  Arabia  and  is  "com- 
mon to  the  Indians  and  Syrians  likewise,"  while 
both  occur  in  the  Lebanon.  The  latter  is  the 
more  valuable.  Neither  was  observed  by 
Tristram.  [h.c.h.] 

Reelaiah',  one  of  the  children  of  the 
province  who  went  \ip  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.2)  ;  in  Ne.7.7  called  Raamiah,  and  in  lEsd. 
5.8  Reesaias. 

Ree'lius.  This  name  occupies  the  place 
in  ii:sd.5.8  of  Bicvai  (Ezr.2.2  ;  Ne.7.7). 

Reesai'as  (iI':sd.5.8)=KEEi.AiAH  (Ezr.2. 
2)  or  Kaamiah  (N'c.7.7). 

Refiner.     [Handicrafts,  (2).] 

Refug-e,  Cities  of.     [Cities  of  Refuge.] 

Re'gem,  s<in  of  Jaiidai  (iChr.2.47). 

Re'g-em-me'lecli,  one  of  a  deputation 
sent  nil  belialf  of  some  of  the  Captivity  io 
inquire  of  the  priests  whether  the  fast  in  the 
fifth  month  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of 
the  temple  should  continue  to  be  observed 
(Zecli.7.2).  The  meaning  of  the  passage  is 
doubtfid.  See  K.V.  and  Smith's  D.B.  (4  vols. 
i8()3),  .s.t;.  [h.c.b.] 

Regrlon-Pound-about,The(:7  7rfpiXwpos). 
Used  in  O.T.  by  the  I. XX.  as  the  equivalent 
of  the  Heb.  hakkikkdr  (lit.  the  round  Plain), 
or  Jordan  Valley.  In  Mt.3.5  and  l,u.3.3  it 
<lenotcs  the  region  which  cuntained  Jericho 
and  its  dependencies,  in  the  Jordan  Vallev. 
[Cities  of  the  Plain.]    The  Gk.  term  is  also 


REHOBOAM 

applied  to  the  district  of  Gennesaret  (Mt.l4. 
35  ;  Mk.6.55  ;  Lu.7.17)-  [c.R.c] 

Rehablah',  the  only  son  of  Eliezer,  son  of 
Moses  {iChr.23. 1 7,24.2 1,26.25). 

Rehob'. — 1.  Father  of  Hadadezer  king  of 
Zobah  (2Sam.8.3,i2). — 2.  A  Levite  who  sealed 
the  covenant  (Ne.lO.ii). 

Rehob'  (broad  place). — 1.  A  place  near 
the  "entering  into  Hainath  "  (Num. 13. 21), 
visited  by  the  spies  of  Moses.  It  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  they  could  ha\'e  reached  this 
l)lace,  so  far  N.,  and  returned  to  Kadesh-barnea 
in4odays(ver.  25).  The  description  is  perhaps 
an  ancient  gloss,  and  the  original  description 
may  have  referred  to  explorations  from  Zin  on 
the  E.  to  Rehobotii  on  the  W.,  in  the  wilder- 
ness, before  approaching  Hcbron  from  the 
neghebh  (ver.  22).  There  was  a  Beth-rehob 
near  Dan  (Judg.l8.28  ;  2Sam.l0.6)  called  also 
Rehob  (ver.  8);  but  this  lay  in  quite  another 
direction,  near  Hermou. — 2.  A  town  of  Asfaer 
given  to  the  Levites  (Jos. 19. 28, 21. 31),  the  site 
of  which  is  unknown. — 3.  Apparently  another 
town  of  Asher  (19. 30).  One  of  these  remained 
Canaanite  (Judg.l.31).  [cr-c] 

Rehoboam'  (?  the  people  is  enlarged),  son 
of  Solomon  by  the  Ammonite  princess  Naamah 
(iK. 14. 21,31),  and  his  successor  (iK. 11. 43). 
From  the  earliest  period  of  Jewish  history  there 
are  signs  that  the  confederation  of  the  tribes 
was  imperfectly  cemented.  The  powerful  Eph- 
raim  could  never  brook  a  position  of  inferiority ; 
while,  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Judges,  when 
the  northern  tribes  made  common  cause  against 
their  oppressors,  Judah  stood  apart.  The 
same  spirit  was  shown  by  the  two  rebellions  in 
David's  reign  (2Sam. 15-20),  in  spite  of  his 
transference  of  the  capital  from  Hebron  north- 
wards to  Jerusalem  (2Sam.5.4).  The  forced 
labour  imposed  by  Solomon  intensified  political 
dissatisfaction,  and,  his  strong  rule  ended, 
the  crisis  at  once  came.  At  Shechem  in  Eph- 
raini,  the  chief  religious  centre  of  the  northern 
tribes,  Rehoboam  scornfully  rejects  the  de- 
mand for  a  remission  of  exacting  burdens. 
His  hearers'  reply  was  the  song  of  insurrection 
heard  once  before  (2Sam.20. i),  when  the  tribes 
quarrelled  after  the  return  from  the  war  with 
Absalom.  Adorain(.\donirani),  sent  by  Reho- 
boam to  quash  the  rebellion,  was  slain,  and  the 
king  fled  to  Jerusalem,  Jeroboam  assuming  the 
government  of  the  northern  kingdom.  Reho- 
boam assembled  an  army  of  180,000  men  from 
the  two  faithful  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
in  the  hope  of  reconquering  Israel.  The  ex- 
pedition, however,  was  forbidden  by  the 
l)rophet  Shcmaiah  (1K.I2.24);  still,  during 
Relu)boam's  lifetime  peaceful  relations  be- 
tween Israel  and  Judah  were  never  restored 
(2Chr.i2.15;  iK. 14.30).  The  pure  worship  of 
God  was  maintained  in  Judah  ;  but  Reho- 
boam did  not  check  the  introduction  of  foreign 
abominations  into  his  capital.  The  lascivious 
worshi])  of  Ashtoreth  was  allowed  to  exist  by 
the  side  of  the  true  religion,  images  were  set 
up,  and  the  worst  immoralities  were  tolerated 
(1K.i4.22ff.).  These  evils  were  punished  and 
imt  ilown  by  the  terrible  calamity  of  an  I'-gyp- 
tian  invasion.  In  the  fifth  year  of  Ivchoboam's 
reign  tin?  countrv  was  entered  (1K.I4.25)  by 
Shishak  (Sesonchis),  tlic  first  king  of  the  20th 
dynasty,  invited  very  possibly  by  Jeroboam,  as 


REHOBOTH 

having  been  the  latter's  Egyptian  patron.  Of 
the  fifteen  fortresses  built  by  Rehoboam  (aChr. 
11.6-10),  all  but  one  lieS.  of  Jerusalem.  This 
protecting  line,  however,  was  forced,  Jerusalem 
itself  was  taken,  and  Rehoboam  had  to  pur- 
chase an  ignominious  peace  by  delivering  up  all 
the  treasures  with  which  Solomon  had  adorned 
the  temple  and  palace,  including  his  golden 
shields,  200  of  the  larger  and  300  of  the  smaller 
size  (iK.10.i6f.).  Shishak's  success  is  com- 
memorated by  sculptures  discovered  by 
Champollion  on  the  S.  wall  of  the  temple  of 
Amon  at  Karnak,  where  in  the  long  list  of 
places  subjugated  are  found  the  names  of 
towns  even  in  the  N.  of  Palestine,  e.g.  Megiddo. 
This  suggests  that  Jeroboam,  at  the  price  of 
Shishak's  assistance  against  the  king  of  Judah, 
became  vassal  to  the  former.  After  this  great 
humiliation  the  moral  condition  of  Judah 
seems  to  have  improved  (2Chr.i2.12),  and  the 
rest  of  Rehoboam's  life  not  to  have  been  marked 
by  any  events  of  importance.  Calculations 
made  from  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  would 
place  his  accession  in  937  b.c.  He  reigned 
17  years,  and  his  age  on  coming  to  the  throne 
is  recorded  as  41.  Other  authorities,  how- 
ever, give  the  latter  figure  as  21  (so  some  MSB.) 
or  16  (so  a  Gk.  version),  statements  which  har- 
monize better  with  his  attitude  at  the  com- 
mencement of  his  reign.  [a.w.s.] 

Rehoboth'  (broad  places). — 1.  The  place 
where  Isaac  dug  his  third  well,  and  said  to 
be  so  named  because  "  the  Lord  hath  made 
room  for  us."  It  was  apparently  not  near 
EsEK  and  Sitnah  in  the  valley  of  Gerar,  since 
Isaac's  herdsmen  "removed  thence"  (Gen. 26. 
19-23),  and  "went  up"  thence  toBEER-SHEBA. 
It  is  probably  the  present  Ruheibeh,  25  miles 
S.W.  of  Bir  es  Seb'a ;  and  an  ancient  well  still 
exists  on  N.E.  side  of  the  valley,  which  Robin- 
son, visiting  the  ruins  on  the  opposite  side,  over- 
looked (Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  i.  p.  197;  Palmer, 
in  Stirv.  W.  Pal.  volume  of  Special  Papers,  p. 
31).  This  site  is  probably  also  the  Rahebu  of 
the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  87)  in  i6th  cent. 
B.C.,  and  the  Rehobroth  noticed  a  cent,  later, 
by  the  Mohar  traveller,  in  connection  with 
Gaza  (same  vol.  pp.  174,  193). — 2.  "  The  city 
Rehoboth  "  (r'hohhdth  'ir)  in  Gen.lO.ir  is 
generally  supposed  to  lie  in  AssyTia,  near 
Nineveh,  and  for  this  view  see  next  art. ; 
but  perhaps  the  wording  of  the  passage  would 
allow  of  its  being  one  of  the  sites  next  noticed, 
for  Nimrod,  ruling  first  in  Chaldea,  "  went  forth 
out  of  that  land  to  Asshur,  and  builded  Nineveh 
and  the  city  Rehoboth. "^3.  "  Rehoboth  by 
the  river  "  (Gen. 36. 37)  is  supposed  to  mean 
"  by  the  Euphrates  "  [River],  and  in  this  case 
is  either  Rahabah  on  the  W.,  3  miles  from  the 
Euphrates,  below  the  junction  of  the  Khabur, 
or  Rahabat-melek,  some  4  miles  S.  of  the  preced- 
ing, on  E.  bank.  It  would  seem,  if  this  view  is 
correct,  that  Edom  was  ruled  by  a  Babylonian 
named  Saul  about  a  century  before  the  acces- 
sion of  Saul  in  Israel.  [c.r.c] 

Rehoboth',  The  city,  one  of  the  four 
cities  built  by  Asshur  (R.V.  by  Nimrod)  in  As- 
shur or  Assyria  (Gen. 10. 11).  Fried.  Delitzsch 
makes  this  city  to  be  the  Rebit  Ninua  of 
the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  which,  according 
to  Sargon,  lay  N.E.  of  Nineveh,  stretching 
towards  Khorsabad.     Possibly  it  was  an  im- 


KEMPHAN 


741 


mense  suburb  consisting  of  many  open  spaces, 
hence  the  Assyrian  name,  which  means  "  broad 
spaces  of  Nineveh,"  whilst  the  Heb.,  Reho- 
both-ir,  signifies  "  broad  spaces  of  the  city." 
Excavations  on  the  site  will  probably  determine 
the  correctness  of  this  theory.  For  another 
suggestion,  see  preceding  art.  [t.g.p.] 

Rehum'. — 1.  One  of  the  "  children  of  the 
province  "  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.2). — 2.  "  The  chancellor,"  who,  with  others, 
wrote  a  letter  to  Artaxerxes  against  the  re- 
building of  Jerusalem  (4.8,9,17,23). — 3.  A 
Levite  who  helped  to  repair  the  walls  (Ne.3.i7). 
—4.  One  of  those  who  signed  the  covenant 
(10.25). — 5.  A  priestly  family,  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (12. 3). 

Rei',  a  man  of  influence  (probably  an 
officer  of  the  royal  guard)  who  remained  loyal 
to  David  when  Adonijah  rebelled  (iK.1.8). 
The  reading  is  uncertain.  Ewald  suggests  that 
Rei  is  identical  with  Raddai.  [h.c.b.] 

Reins,  i.e.  kidneys,  from  Lat.  renes.  In  the 
ancient  system  of  physiology  the  kidneys  were 
believed  to  be  the  seat  of  desire  and  longing, 
hence  they  are  often  coupled  with  the  heart 
(Ps.7.9,26.2  ;  Je.ll.20,17.io,  etc).     [Soul.1 

Re'kem. — 1.  One  of  five  kings  or  chief- 
tains of  Midian  slain  by  the  Israelites  (Num.31. 
8  ;  Jos.13.2i). — 2.  Son  of  Hebron,  and  father 
of  Shammai  (iChr.2.43,44). 

Re'kem,  one  of  the  towns  of  Benjamin 
(Jos. 18. 27).  The  site  is  unknown,  unless 
we  should  read  Dekem,  which  would  be  Beit 
Duqqu;  near  Irpeel  and  Mozah,  with  which 
it  is  noticed.  [c.r.c] 

Remaliah',  father  of  Pekah  (2K.i5.25ff., 
16.1,5  ;  2Chr.28.6  ;  Is.7.1-9,8.6). 

Re'meth  (Jos.l9.2i)  =  Ramoth. 

Remmon'  (Jos. 19. 7).     [Rimmon,  2.] 

Remmon'-methoap'  (R.V.  Rimmon),  a 
place  which  formed  one  of  the  landmarks  of 
the  E.  boundary  of  Zebulun  (Jos.i9.13  only). 
nftho'dr  does  not  form  a  part  of  the  name  ; 
but  should  be  translated  (as  in  A.V.  marg.), 
"  Remmon  which  reaches  to  Neah."  Now  the 
ruin  Rummdneh,  6  miles  N.  of  Nazareth  and 
on  E.  border  of  the  tribe.  [c.r.c] 

Remphan'  (Ac.7.43,  A.V.,  but  R.V. 
Rephan  :  so  Coptic  [Memphitic]  here  and  in 
Am.5.26,  Itala  Rephan  and  Raiphan  following 
the  LXX.  spelling.  Nestle  Romphan,  Westcott 
and  Hort  and  Weiss  Rompha,  Vulg.  Rempham) 
is  read  in  the  LXX.  of  Am.5.26  for  the  Heb. 
Chiun  (kiyyun),  and  hence  quoted  in  Acts. 
The  LXX.  evidently  used  the  name  Rephan 
(the  correct  Coptic  form)  instead  of  the  Heb. 
name  of  the  same  god  (i)  in  order  that  readers 
in  Egypt  might  know  who  was  meant,  and 
(2)  to  avoid  using  a  word  which  would  sound 
obscene  in  Egypt  (as  Koun  in  Coptic^ 
pudendum  virile,  while  Ken  =  "  bosom,"  Aeg. 
qenau,  cf.  Arab,  kain,  also  an  indecent 
word),  through  kiyyun  (or  better  kewdn) 
has  not  this  latter  sense  in  Heb.  Rephan 
is  the  Coptic  name  of  the  planet  Saturn, 
according  to  Kircher,  though  he  spells  it 
Rephan,  and  this  suits  the  passage  well,  as 
kiyyun  (kSwdn)  is  the  Heb.  form  of  the  name 
of  that  planet.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  to 
give  the  etymology  of  Rephan  or  Rephan, 
but  it  seems  to  be  for  re  (or  re  :    both  Mem- 


742 


KESIPHAN 


phitic  forms)  +  pha  4-  en,  Aeg.  Rd-pa-dn, 
"  Ra  the  bearer."  If  so,  Saturn  must  have 
been  identified  in  later  times  with  Rd,  who, 
as  sun-god,  carried  the  justified  dead  through 
the  sky  in  his  bark  Sektet  (Book  of  the  Dead, 
cap.  XV.).  Otherwise  the  word  might  =  Aeg. 
repd,  "prince.'  The  m  in  such  forms  as 
Remphan  or  Romphan  would  easily  creep  in; 
cf.  Aeg.  repit,  renpit,  "  vegetables,"  -/renp, 
whence  Aeg.  renpit,  "  year,"  in  Coptic  rompi. 
Another  alternative:  Wilkinson  (Manners  and 
Customs  of  Anct.  Egyptians,  vol.  ii.  plate  69; 
cf.  Bunsen,  Egypt's  Place,  vol.  i.  pp.  411,  412) 
mentions  an  Asiatic  god  Renpa,  apparently 
a  war-god,  found  depicted  on  a  tablet  of 
the  1 8th  dynasty  ;  perhaps  from  Arab. 
yranafa,  in  conj.  iv.  =  "to  hasten."  If  this 
is  so,  the  LXX.  blunders  in  using  the  name 
here  as  =  Kaitvdn.  The  Heb.  text  of  Am. 5. 26 
(with  the  transposition  of  one  word,  for  which 
we  have  the  support  of  the  LXX.)  runs  thus  : 
"And  yc  shall  carry  Sikkuth  [=  Mars]  your 
king  and  Kevvan  [Saturn],  the  star  of  your 
god  [=  your  star-god],  your  idols  which  ve 
have  made  unto  you."  kiwdn  (Chiun)  is  the 
Syriac  (Peshittd)  form  of  the  name  of  the 
planet  Saturn,  in  Arab.  Kaiwdn,  from 
Assyr.  Kaiamdnu,  a  title  of  Nirgal,  god 
of  pestilence,  who  was  god  of  that  planet, 
as  was  his  "  doppelganger "  Nindar  (other- 
wise Ninip  or  Adar)  of  Mars.  The  latter  was 
also  known  to  the  Akkadians  as  Sakkut  (whence 
the  sikkuth  of  the  Heb.  Massoretic  text, 
wrongly  rendered  a-Krji'ri  by  the  LXX.),  "the 
chief  of  destiny."  Like  his  classical  parallel, 
lie  was  a  war-god.  In  Rawlinson's  Cuneiform 
Inscrip.  of  W.  Asia  (vol.  ii.  p.  57,  cols.  3  and 
4,  1.  40)  Sakkut  is  given  as  =  Ninip,  so 
the  meaning  of  the  word,  which  puzzled  all 
the  ancient  translators,  is  now  clear,  and 
we  see  that  Qimhi  (Kimchi)  was  right  in 
rendering  the  beginning  of  Am. 5.26  thus  : 
"  \'e  did  not  accept,  but  ye  shall  accept  and 
bear  tlie  slavery  of  Sikkuth  as  your  king." 
Rashi  also  saw  that  Sikkuth  must  be  a  name 
of  a  deity.  The  passage  does  not  refer  to 
any  idolatrous  worship  offered  by  the  Israel- 
ites in  the  wilderness,  but  to  their  yet  future 
(in  Amos's  time)  slavery  to  idolatry  during 
the  Babylonian  Captivity,  as  is  clear  from  the 
use  of  tiie  waw  conversivum.  Saturn  was  called 
KSwdn  (cither  from  Assyr.  Kanu,  "to  be,"  or 
from  Assyr.  Kama,  "to  stand."  cf.  Arab.  Kdna 
and  qdma,  ^  "  tiie  firm")  from  liis  apiiarentlv 
sirjw  moticjn,  just  as  in  Sanskrit  tlic  same 
reason  caused  him  to  be  known  as  Sani  (the 
slow)  and  Manda  (the  tardy).  The  old  deri- 
vation of  the  name  from  the  Avestic  Kavi, 
Kavan,  Kavana  (imperial,  royal),  is  impos- 
sible, not  only  because  this  word  in  I'ahlavi 
becomes  Kay  an,  not  Kaiwdn,  but  because  the 
word  Kaiwdn  (.Arab.,  in  Mod.  Pers.  Kaivdn), 
if  of  Persian  origin,  could  not  have  denoted 
Saturn  (as  it  does),  but  must  liave  meant 
Venus,  as  docs  Kdvya  (a  iJatronvmic  of  Sukra, 
the  usual  name  of  the  latter  i)lanet)  in  the 
cugnatt-  Sanskrit.  Of  Assyr.  origin,  the 
title  Kaiamdnu  or  Kaiawdn  (for  in  Assyr. 
m  and  w  are  i)ractically  interchangeable, 
owing  to  Akkadian  influence)  became  the 
name  of  the  god  in  Palestine  (cf.  Sakkut, 
originally  a  title  and  then  a  name),  and  the 


REPHAIAH 

word  was  received  among  the  Arabs  as  the 
name  of  the  planet  and  thus  introduced  into 
Persia,  instead  of  having  originated  in  the 
latter  country.  Jerome  rendered  kiyyun  by 
"  imaginem,"  and  has  misled.. some  later 
translators.  Hommel,Dt>/4//tsr.  Uberlieferung; 
Kircher,  Lingua  A  eg.  Rest.  p.  49 ;  Schrader,  Die 
Keilinschriften  u.  d.  A.T.;  Budge,  Book  of  the 
Dead,  Aeg.  Text  and  Voc. ;  Miqrd'oth  Gedoloth, 
Warsaw  ed.  ;  Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  and  Monu- 
ments ;  Tattam's  ed.  of  Coptic  XII.  Prophetae 
Minores.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Repentance.  The  divine  part  in  salvation 
has  been  treated  in  Salvation,  Saviour. 
The  new  attitude  of  God  to  man  is  connected 
with  a  new  attitude  of  man  to  God.  The  first 
stage  towards  occupying  this  new  attitude  is 
repentance.  The  goodness  of  God  leads  to  re- 
pentance. What  is  repentance  ?  Not  merely 
a  sorrow  for  having  done  amiss,  though  this  is 
its  first  beginning,  if  it  be  "  the  godly  sorrow 
that  worketh  repentance  "  (2Cor.7.io) ;  still  less 
a  mere  remorse  induced  by  punishment,  but,  as 
the  Gk.  imports,  a  change  of  mind,  an  aversion 
to  one's  previous  acts  not  merely  as  having 
such  and  such  consequences,  but  in  them- 
selves. Cf.  Tertull.  Adv.  Marcion,  ii.  24,  "  In 
Graeco  sermone  poenitentiae  nomen  non  est  ex 
delicti  confessione,  sed  ex  animi  demutatione 
compositum  est."  Such  change  of  mind  will 
afterwards  imply  a  change  of  conduct,  "works 
meet  for  repentance "  (Ac.26.2o).  Repent- 
ance is  a  necessary  condition  of  salvation,  for 
to  be  saved  from  sin  we  must  desire  to  depart 
from  sin,  and  repentance  is,  in  fact,  this  desire. 
Hence  in  N.T.  repentance  is  constantlypreached 
as  essential  to  salvation  (Mt.9.13  ;  Lu.24.47  ; 
Ac. 20. 21,  and  passim).  This  insistence  is  not 
arbitrary,  for  the  morality  of  forgiveness  is 
grounded  in  repentance.  Forgiveness  prior 
to  repentance  is  actually  the  condonation  of 
sin,  but  as  the  recognition  of  repentance — 
"if  he  repent,  forgive  him" — it  is  not 
opposed  to,  but  is  a  part  of,  justice;  and 
St.  John  tells  us  that  "  if  we  confess  our  sins 
He  is  faithful  and  just  to  forgive  us  our  sins," 
implying  that,  if  (iod  did  not  forgive.  He  wfiuld 
be  unjust,  as  not  regarding  the  vital  ditfcrence 
that  must  ever  exist  between  a  sin  that  is 
heartily  abandoned  and  a  sin  that  is  retained. 
Being  the  reversal  of  previous  principles  of  con- 
duct, repentance  dissociates  a  sinner  from  his 
past  and  puts  him  "  on  the  side  of  the  angels," 
and  while  it  cannot  undo  what  is  done,  in  all  or 
most  cases,  yet,  if  combined  with  restitution 
and  amendment,  it  is  the  best  that  under  the 
circumstances  is  possible;  and,  as  Butler  says, 
"Christ  not  merely  taught  its  efficacy,  but  ren- 
dered it  of  the  efficacy  which  it  is  by  what  He 
dill  and  suffered,  and  obtained  for  us  the  benefit 
of  having  our  repentance  accepted  unto  eternal 
life"  (.Inalof^y,  11.  v.  19).      [Faith.]       [m.s.] 

Rephael',  a  gate-keeper  of  the  tabernacle  ; 
son  of  Slicniaiah,  g  (iChr.26.7). 

Rephah',  a  son  of  Fphraim  (iCIir.7.25). 

Rephaiah'. — 1.  Sons  of  Rephaiah  appear 
anions;  the  tii'sccndants  of  /<'rubl)abel  in  iChr. 
3.2  1.^2.  .\  Sinicoiiite  chieftain,  one  of  those 
who  smote  the  .Xiiialckitcs  in  mount  Scir  in  the 
reign  of  Hczekiali  (4.42). — 3.  Son  of  Tola  the 
son  of  Issachar  (7.2).— -4.  Son  of  Binea,  and 
descendant  of  Saul  (9..)3). — 5.  Son  of  Hur,  and 


REPHAIM 

ruler  of  a  portion  of  Jerusalem.  He  assisted  in 
the  repair  of  the  walls  (Ne.3.9). 
Rephaim.  [Giants.] 
Rephaim',  Valley  of,  a  deep  valley 
{'emeq),  having  its  head  at  the  hill  to  its  N., 
which  lay  W.  of  the  valley  of  Hinnom  (Jos. 15. 
8,18. 16),  but  running  W.  so  as  to  be  near  Adul- 
LAM  also  (aSam.S. 18-22,23. 13  :  iChr.ll.15,14. 
9).  This  applies  to  Wddy  el  Werd,  rising  near 
Jerusalem  on  S.VV.,  and  joining  the  valley  of 
SoREK,  7  miles  N.  of  Adullam.  The  LXX.  and 
A.V.  render  the  name  "  Valley  of  Giants  " — 
referring  perhaps  to  the  Philistine  giants  or 
Rephaim  (iChr.20.4).  Isaiah  speaks  of  this 
valley  as  producing  corn,  wine,  and  oil  (17.5,6), 
which  applies  to  its  lower  course.      [c.r.c] 

Rephidim'  (refreshments),  the  place  where 
Moses  struck  "  the  rock  in  Horeb  "  (Ex. 
17.1,6,8),  and  consequently  in  the  region  of 
Sinai,  which  was  the  next  stage  in  the  journey 
of  Israel  (19.2  ;  Num. 33. 14, 15).  It  is  conse- 
quently supposed  to  be  the  present  Wddy 
Feirdn  [Paran],  which  has  now  a  good 
stream,  with  open  space  for  camps  (Robinson, 
Bib.  Res.  i.  p.  85),  about  15  miles  W.  of  the 
broad  plain  where  Israel  next  camped  "  before 
the  mount  "  (Ex. 19. 2).  [c.r.c] 

Re'sen  (Gen. 10. 12)  was  one  of  the  four 
cities  built  by  Asshur  (R.V.  by  Nimrod),  and 
lay  "  between  Nineveh  and  Calah  "  (Kouyun- 
jik  and  Nimrud).  It  is  probably  not  the 
Res-eni,  "  fountain-head,"  mentioned  by  Sen- 
nacherib as  the  place  from  which  he  made 
conduits  to  the  cities  of  the  district,  as  that 
seems  to  be  Rds-al-'Ain,  a  little  N.  of  Nineveh. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  Biblical  Resen 
is  the  rather  extensive  ruins  near  the  modern 
Selamiyah,  which  really  lie  between  the  two 
points  named,  on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Tigris. 
The  explanation  "  the  same  is  the  great  city  " 
probably  does  not  refer  to  Resen  alone,  but 
also  to  Rehoboth  the  city  and  Calah,  which, 
with  it,  might  possibly  be  regarded  as  having 
been  suburbs  of  Nineveh.  [t.g.p.] 

Re'sheph,  apparently  a  son  of  Ephraim 
and  brother  of  Rephah  (iChr.7.25). 

Resuppection.  [Future  Life  ;  Phari- 
sees.] 

Resuppection  of  oup  Lopd.  The 
earliest  personal  testimony  is  St.  Paul's  (iCor. 
15.4-8),  recorded  within  30  years,  experienced 
possibly  within  one  year,  of  the  Ascension. 
His  summary  of  the  appearances  is  the  most 
ancient  and  most  official  of  the  records  we 
possess,  being  evidently  derived  from  the 
older  apostles  (ver.  3).  St.  Mark  (if  we  exclude 
the  last  12  verses)  mentions  the  vacant  grave, 
but  no  appearance  of  the  risen  Lord.  St. 
Matthew  and  St.  Luke  add  independent 
features  ;  so  also  St.  John.  The  fact  of  the 
Resurrection  formed  the  basis  of  the  earliest 
apostolic  preaching.  The  earliest  gospel 
presupposes  the  Resurrection.  There  would 
be  no  Gospel  conceivable  without  it.  If 
the  details  are  dif&cult  to  harmonize,  "  the  un- 
certainties which  attend  the  Synoptic  accounts 
.  .  .  are  not  greater  than  we  might  have  ex- 
pected, and  cast  no  shadow  of  suspicion  on  the 
general  truth  of  the  narrative  "  (Swete,  The 
Appearances  of  our  Lord,  p.  12).  Two  series  of 
appearances  are  recorded,  divided  by  locality. 
The  original  Mark  implies,  but  does  not  re- 


RESURRECTION  OF  OUR  LORD    743 

cord,    a   meeting  in  Galilee.     Luke   contains 
exclusively  a  series  in  Judaea.     Modern  criti- 
cism sometimes   excludes  the  former  or  the 
latter,  but  without  real  justification.     There 
was  time  in  the  40  days  for  both.     If  the  pre- 
diction seems  to  require  a  first  appearance  in 
Galilee,    perhaps    the    disciples'    incredulity 
necessitated  an  earlier  appearance  in  Jerusa- 
lem.    If  tradition   generally  tends  to   unite 
various  vCTsions  of  the  same  event,  it  cannot 
follow   that    Christ    did   not    appear   in   two 
localities.     Moreover,   St.   Mark  implies  that 
the  apostles  were  still  in  Jerusalem  on  Easter 
morning  (16. 7).     Again,    "The  third  day  is 
hardly  less  firmly  rooted  in  the  tradition  of  the 
Church  than  the  Resurrection  itself  "  (Sanday, 
Outlines).     But  by  the  Third  Day  the  disciples 
could  not  have  been  home  in  Galilee.      Also 
Jerusalem,    not    Galilee,    becomes   the   place 
where  the  Church  is  founded.     The  evidence 
shows  that  belief  in  the  emptiness  of  the  grave 
was  not  an  inference  from  a  theory  of  Resur- 
rection, but  ascertained  from  actual  inspection 
prior  to  belief. — The  nature  of  Christ's  Resurrec- 
tion-body is  ascertained  from  the  doctrine  of 
St.  Paul  and  the  evidence  of  the  evangelists. 
There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  former 
held  a  theory  differing  from  the  latter  ;   or  that 
St.  Paul,  in  his  theory  of  the  spiritual  body, 
was  consciously  deviating  from  the  generally 
accepted  view.     The  evangelists  describe  the 
manifestations  of  the  Resurrection-body  under 
terrestrial  conditions  ;   St.  Paul,  the  nature  of 
the  same  body  in  itself  apart  from  temporary 
conditions.     It  is  uncritical  to  argue  that  if 
the  spiritual  body  of  Christians  does  not  re- 
quire the  resumption  of  the  material  elements 
of  the  buried  body,  neither  does  Christ's  re- 
surrection require  the  emptiness  of  His  grave. 
There     were     altogether     unique     evidential 
reasons  for  the  latter.     Resurrection  is  not 
equivalent  to  t  he  immortality  of  the  soul.   Any 
contemporary  Jew,  except  a  Sadducee,  would 
have  believed  in  Christ's  Resurrection  in  that 
sense.     What  he  would  deny,   and  what  the 
apostles  affirmed,  was  the  transmutation  of  the 
earthly  body  of  Christ  into  the  instrument  of 
His  perpetuated  life. — Christ's  Resurrection 
certifies  (i)  His  Messiahship  (Ac. 2. 25, 36, 5. 31) ; 
(2)    that    His    Death    was    redemptive    (Ro. 
6.4,10);  (3)  His  divinity  (1.3,4  ;   c/.   Liddon's 
Analysis  ;     Gifford    on    Romans).     It    is    the 
means  (4)  of  His  human  exaltation  (Lu.24.26  ; 
Ac.13.33  ;     Ro.6.9)  ;    (5)  of  our  justification 
(Ro.4.25  ;     see    Newman's    sermon,    Christ's 
Resurrection  the  Source  of  Justification)  ;  (6)  of 
our  physical  resurrection  (iTh.4.14  ;   Ac. 4. 2  ; 
Ro.6.5,8.11 ;  iCor.l5).    Consequently,  it  is  the 
foundation  of    apostolic  Christianity.     Sher- 
lock, Trial  of  the  Witnesses  ;   Horsley,  Sermons 
on  the  Nature  of  the  Evidence  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion ;  Moberly,  Sayings  of  the  Great  Forty  Days  ; 
Goulburn,  The  Resurrection  of  the  Body  (1850) ; 
Westcott,  Gospel  of  the  Resurrection  (1879)  and 
Revelation  of  the  Risen  Lord  ;    Milligan,  Resur- 
rection of  our  Lord  (1881)  ;  Liddon,  Easter  tn 
St.  Paul's  (188$);  Bruce,  Apologetics;  Knowling, 
Witness   of  the  Epistles  ;    Lathom,   The  Risen 
Master  (1901) ;  Du  Bose,  Gospel  in  the  Gospels  ; 
Oxford  Library  of  Pract.  Theol.,  Our  Lord's 
Resurrection     (1905)  ;     Lacey,     The    Historic 
Christ ;   Swete,  Appearances.  [w.j.s.s.] 


744  REU 

Reu',  son  of  Peleg  and  ancestor  of  Abraham 
(Gcn.ll.i8ff.  ;  iChr.l.25). 

Reuben'  {behold  a  son),  the  eldest  son  of 
Jacob  and  of  Leah,  named  from  his  mother's 
exclamation  at  his  birth  (Gen. 29. 32).  He  is 
stated,  as  a  child,  to  have  discovered  the  "love 
apples,"  prized  as  a  charm  (3O.14-16),  and  his 
later  crime  caused  him  to  be  cursed  by  his 
father  (35.22,23,49.3)  in  the  song  of  Jacob, 
where  he  seems  to  be  compared  to  the  rivers  of 
S\Tia,  which  leap  out  as  great  fountains,  and 
finally  dry  up  in  the  deserts — "  leaping  up  as 
the  waters,  thou  shalt  not  abound."  So  also  in 
'vuS  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.33.6)  it  is  predicted 
that,  though  not  to  become  extinct,  yet  the 
men  of  the  tribe  shall  be  few  (see  R.V.  and 
marg.).  As  the  eldest  son,  Reuben  counselled 
the  brothers  not  to  kill  Joseph  (who  was  sold  in 
his  absence),  and  he  reminded  them  of  this  ad- 
vice later  (Gen. 37. 21, 22, 29, 42. 22).  On  the  de- 
scent to  Egypt  he  had  four  sons  (46.8,0  ;  Ex.6. 
14),  whencesprangfour  clans  who,  in  the  desert, 
marched  on  the  right  flank  under  Elizur  (Num. 
1.5,2.10,16,7.30,10.18).  The  tribe  furnished 
Shammua  as  a  spy  (13. 4).  Its  numbers  [Pales- 
tine] decreased  (1. 21, 26. 7)  by  2,770  men 
before  the  conquest  of  Palestine,  and  some  of 
the  Reubenites  perished  when  joining  the 
conspiracy  of  the  Levite  Korah  against  Moses 
(Num.l6.i  ;  Deut.11.6).  The  tribe  chose  the 
mishor  plateau  in  N.  Moab  as  their  lot,  on  ac- 
count of  their  cattle  (Num. 32. 1-38),  but  crossed 
Jordan  to  aid  Joshua,  returning  after  the  con- 
quest of  the  VV.  (Num. 26. 7-10  ;  Jos.4.i2,22. 
9-34)  ;  they  stood  on  Ebal  to  respond  to  the 
curses  (Deut.27.13).  They  remained  by  their 
distant  brooks  (R.V.  Judg.5.i5,i6)  while 
Barak  strove  against  the  Canaanites,  but  were 
renowned  for  fighting  prowess  and  for  swift- 
ness in  their  contest  with  Hagakites  to  the  E. 
of  their  lot  (iChr.5.i8)  till  taken  captive  by 
Tiglath-pileser  in  734  B.C.  (ver  26),  after  they 
had  been  already  smitten  by  Hazael  of  Damas- 
cus (2K.tO.33).  The  tribe  is  last  named  in 
Ezk.48.6,7,3i,  Rev. 7. 5.  The  ethnic  name 
Reubenite  occurs  in  18  passages  of  O.T. 
Among  these  was  Adina  (1Chr.ll.42),  a  Reu- 
benite captain  under  David,  and  others  (12. 37) 
came  well  armed  to  his  aid  at  Hebron  (c/.  26.32, 
27.16).  The  Tribal  Lot  of  Reuben  coincided 
with  the  kingdom  of  Sihon  the  Amorite,  includ- 
ing the  plateau  of  Moab  from  Jaazer  to  the 
Arnon,  and  the  Jordan  Valley  E.  of  the  river 
and  immediately  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea.  They 
rebuilt,  and  in  some  cases  renamed,  six  cities 
(Num. 32. 37),  and  within  their  border  Gad  re- 
built DiBON,  Atarotii,  and  Aroer  (ver.  34). 
Besides  these  and  other  cities  in  the  plateau 
(Jos. 13. 15-21),  Reuben  held  Betii-jeshimoth 
in  the  Jordan  Valley  (vv.  20,23),  but  Beth- 
aram  (ver.  27)  belonged  to  Gad.      [c.r.c.1 

Reuel'  and  Ragruel'  (friend  of  God  ;  Hcb. 
r''uH  for  both  renderings). — 1.  A  son  of  Esau, 
and  father  of  four  "dukes"  ('a//M/'/f  =  "leader") 
of  lulom  (Gen. 36.4, 10,13, 17  ;  iChr.l.35,37). 
— 2.  The  father-in-law  of  Moses,  and  a  priest 
of  Midian  (i:x.2.i6,ia).  In  Num.lO.29  A.V. 
gives  Rapiicl  (like  Gaza  for  Heb.  'azzd),  but 
the  Hcb.  is  the  same.  His  son  is  Hobab  in 
this  passage,  and  (as  noted  under  Hobab) 
there  is  no  sound  reason  to  suppose  that 
Reqel  is  also  called  Hobab  in  O.T.,  though  the 


REVELATION 

names  "  friend  of  God "  and  "  friend " 
(hobhdbh)  are  aUke.— 3.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of 
Gad  in  the  time  of  Moses  (Num. 2. 14). — 4.  A 
Ben  jamite,  the  son  of  Ibnijah,  whose  name  was 
found  "  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah  "  (iChr.9.i,8),  but  is  not  found  in  O.T. 
bookof  Kings,  indicating  independent  informa- 
tion possessed  by  the  author  of  Chr. — 5.  F  ague! 
i'l'ayovriX),  a  pious  Hebrew  of  Ecbatana  in 
Media  (Tob. 3. 7,17  ;  see  ver.  16),  father  of  Sara. 
For  the  difficulty  of  the  double  name  Jethro  = 
Reuel,  see  Jethro.  [c.r.c] 

Reumah',  the  concubine  of  Nahor,  Abra- 
ham's brother  (Gen. 22.24). 

Revelation,  (i)  We  commonly  use  the 
term  "  revelation  "  of  any  knowledge  which  ap- 
pears to  come  to  us  otherwise  than  by  our  own 
mental  processes  ;  sometimes,  therefore,  (a)  of 
ideas  about  a  thing  which  either  suggest  them- 
selves (as  an  "  inspiration,"  or  "  happy 
thought  ")  or  are  suggested  by  a  book  or 
teacher  ;  more  strictly  (h)  of  some  manifesta- 
tion of  the  thing  itself.  While  the  former  gives 
us  only  a  limited  number  of  ideas,  the  second 
provides  an  opportunity  of  learning  an  inde- 
finite number,  and  also  of  verifying  them.  The 
first  leads  to  opinion  or  belief  ;  the  second  is  the 
ground  of  what  we  call  real  knowledge.  Psycho- 
logically, faith — i.e.  the  confidence  to  act  upon 
beliefs— comes  of  the  latter  only.  (2)  The  same 
holds  equally  of  objects.  We  call  gravitation 
an  abstraction,  for  its  whole  meaning  is  confined 
to  the  one  limited  idea ;  but  a  man  is  real,  for 
in  him  are  indefinite  potentialities.  Between 
"  real  knowledge  "  and  "  knowing  the  reality  " 
there  is  a  very  close  connection.  Upon  out- 
side knowledge  of  formal  actions  we  base  an 
opinion,  but  only  personal  intercourse  justifies 
us  in  saying  that  we  know  a  man.  The 
difference  is  of  kind  and  not  of  degree; 
our  knowledge  may  be  real  without  being 
extensive,  and  the  man  may  be  "  real  "  to 
us,  even  if  our  knowledge  is  slight.  (3) 
Natural  or  heathen  religion  is  based  on  abstract 
inference.  To  the  primitive  or  uncivilized 
man,  considering  only  the  affairs  of  his  own 
tribe  (monolatry),  the  god  seemed  real  enough. 
With  a  wider  intercourse  and  outlook,  poly- 
theism is  inevitable,  for  the  notions  so  formed 
plainly  differ,  and  equally  plainly  are  nothing 
but  notions.  Idols  and  myths  represent  two  pa- 
thetic attempts  to  create  something  real,  an  ob- 
ject of  worship  or  a  narrated  incident  as  a  basis 
of  knowledge  ;  but  the  mind  is  quite  conscious 
that  they  are  only  its  own  notions  restated. 
Neither  are  taken  seriously.  Heathenism  has 
no  controversies,  because  it  has  no  creeds.  It 
can  exert  no  moral  power  upon  ideas  of 
which  it  is  only  a  reflection.  (4)  Judaism, 
Christianity,  and  Mohainmcdanisni  alone  have 
claimed  real  knowledge.  All  have  shown  the 
consequent  characteristics,  being  intolerant,  to 
some  extent  proselytizing,  and  morally  effec- 
tive. All  based  their  claims  on  a  miraculous 
revelation.  The  universe  is  the  sphere  of 
God's  normal  operation  ;  but  if  the  Name  means 
anything  more  than  the  abstract  totality  of 
the  universe,  it  implies  that  which  transcends 
it.  Nature  and  law  are  co-extensive.  The 
manifestation  of  that  which  transcends  nature 
can  only  be  given  within  the  natural  sphere  by 
traqscending  the  natural  Isiw,     Th^  mirctcles 


REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN 

do  not  guarantee,  but  constitute,  the  revela- 
tion. (Psychologically,  phenomena  are  always 
"  eruptive  " — i.e.  they  break  into  the  evolution 
of  thought  after  the  fashion  of  a  miracle.)  The 
difference  between  these  religions  follows  on 
the  difference  of  the  revelation  claimed.  (5) 
The  Jews  believed  that  God  had  revealed  Him- 
self to  them  in  certain  real  events  or  acts  of 
His  own,  which  thus  constituted  a  basis  of  real 
knowledge  and  of  faith  as  in  a  reality.  Early 
J  udaism  has  much  of  the  naive  reality  common 
to  all  monolatry,  but  in  a  higher  degree,  and 
this  stage  is  prolonged,  partly  by  political, 
partly  by  deliberate,  religious  isolation.  With 
increased  intercourse,  it  was  impossible  to 
ignore  other  religions  ;  but  the  Jehovah  Who 
had  been  known  could  not  be  made  one  factor 
in  a  system  of  notions,  and  no  religion  has  ever 
grown  out  of  a  confusion  between  fact  and 
myth.  It  was  only  possible,  therefore,  either 
by  apostasy  to  adopt  an  alien  religion,  or  to 
accept  the  inference  of  the  prophets  that  the 
true  God  was  also  One,  the  God  of  the  whole 
earth.  The  acts,  however,  by  which  He  was 
known  to  them,  being  of  a  purely  national 
character,  did  not  provide  a  revelation  cap- 
able of  universal  application.  There  was 
something  yet  to  come.  (6)  The  Christians 
asserted  that  God  had  made  Himself  known  in 
a  life  by  assuming  humanity,  not  in  the  limita- 
tion, and  therefore  imperfection,  of  a  single 
human  personality,  but,  as  God  only  could  do, 
in  the  wholeness  of  the  nature.  Since  human- 
ity is  the  utmost  man  can  know,  a  revelation 
in  the  fulness  of  humanity  was  a  revelation  to 
the  utmost  of  human  capacity.  The  ideas  of 
the  early  Christians,  as  of  the  early  Jews,  about 
God  were  often  defective,  and  in  this  respect 
both  had  much  to  learn  (cf.  rise  of  Alexandrian 
theology)  from  the  philosophers  ;  but  while  to 
the  latter  He  was  an  abstraction  and  a  theory, 
to  the  Christians  He  was  a  reality.  Philoso- 
phers and  Roman  politicians  recognized  that 
there  was  a  difference  of  kind  and  not  of  de- 
gree. (7)  The  sense  of  reality  found  in  Moham  - 
medanism  was  derivative,  and  not  original.  It 
represents  an  attempt  to  make  a  religion  out  of  a 
subjective  revelation  of  the  first  kind  \_(a)  above] 
only,  without  any  phenomenal  manifestation 
of  God.  As  miraculous  and  not  merely  in- 
ferential, it  provides  a  basis  of  something  like 
faith  ;  but  (i)  the  ideas  so  given  are  inevitably 
fixed,  incapable  of  development,  and  cannot  be 
adequate  for  all  minds  and  all  times  ;  (ii) 
since  God  is  not  personally  known,  He  is  not  an 
object  of  love,  and  obedience  can  only  be  fear 
or  pride.  (8)  Summarily,  heathenism  had 
thought  about  God,  but  had  no  means  of  get- 
ting beyond  opinions.  Mohammedanism  only 
added  that  certain  opinions  had  been  authen- 
ticated by  a  revelation.  The  Jews  claimed 
that  God  had  made  Himself  known  to  them  in 
certain  mighty  works  ;  the  Christians,  that  He 
had  made  Himself  known  for  all  men  by  the 
Incarnation.  There  is  a  constant  tendency  in 
the  human  mind  to  regard  the  actual  opinions 
held  as  representing  the  true  substance  of  know- 
ledge, but  it  is  obvious  that  the  principles 
underlying  the  first  two  and  the  second  two  are 
fundamentally  different.  [h.h.k.] 

Revelation     of    St.    John.     Canonical 
Authority.     This  should   be   carefully  distin- 


REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN    745 

guished  from  the  question  of  authorship.  Re- 
ception into  the  Canon  is  matter  of  fact, 
authorship  matter  of  presumption.  For  the 
former,  evidence  is  exact  ;  for  the  latter,  it  re- 
quires careful  weighing.  At  the  same  time,  in 
summarizing  the  evidences  of  canonicity  we 
necessarily  include  the  external  evidences  of 
authorship.  The  facts  are  as  follows:  (i) 
2nd  cent.  Papias  (c.  115),  the  "hearer"  of 
St.  John,  pronounces  Rev.  "credible"  (accord- 
ing to  Andreas  of  Crete,  c.  650).  Justin  (c.  150) 
says  that  it  is  "  by  John,  one  of  the  apostles," 
but  makes  a  serious  misquotation.  Melito  of 
Sar dis  ( c.  1 65 )  \vrot e  a  treatise  On  the  A  pocalyps  e 
of  John.  The  Muratorian  Fragment  (c.  170) 
refers  to  "  the  Apocalypse  of  John  "  as  canon- 
ical. The  epistles  ,of  the  churches  of  Lyons 
and  Vienne  (c.  177)  quote  it  as  "  Scripture." 
Irenaeus  (c.  195)  speaks  of  "  John  the  disciple 
of  the  Lord  "  as  the  author,  and  identifies  him 
with  the  evangelist.  Tertullian  and  Clement 
of  Alexandria  (c.  200)  cite  it  as  Scripture  and 
attribute  it  to  the  apostle.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  book  was  rejected  along  with  the  Fourth 
Gospel  by  Marcion  (according  to  Tertullian) 
and  by  the  sect  of  the  Alogi.  (2)  3rd  cent. 
Gains  in  Rome  (c.  210)  rejected  with  scorn  both 
the  contents  of  the  book  and  the  attribution 
of  it  to  an  apostle  ;  he  was  answered  by 
Hippolytus,  who  maintained  that  it  was  by 
the  apostle  John,  and  henceforward  we  hear 
of  little  further  opposition  in  the  West.  It  is 
received  by  Cyprian,  and  by  Origen,  who 
ascribes  it  to  "  John  the  son  of  Zebedee  who 
lay  on  the  breast  of  the  Lord."  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria  (c.  255)  marks  a  new  epoch.  He 
held  that  Rev.  was  inspired,  but  written  by  a 
non-apostolic  "  John  "  (the  apostle  being  the 
author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel).  He  bases  his 
view  on  the  marked  difference  in  thought,  style, 
and  general  character  between  Rev.  and  the 
gospel  of  St.  John,  and  mentions  in  support  of 
it  the  interesting  fact  that  there  were  two  re- 
puted tombs  of  J  ohn  in  Asia  Minor.  Dionysius' 
criticism  appears  to  have  stimulated  opposi- 
tion to  Rev.  in  the  East,  though  Alexandria 
itself  did  not  generally  reject  the  book.  (3) 
4th  cent.  Eusebius  speaks  uncertainly  as 
to  the  canonicity  of  Rev.,  and  again  we  have 
the  suggestion  of  a  non-apostolic  John  as  the 
author,  who  may,  he  says,  be  a  certain  "  John 
the  Elder  "  mentioned  by  Papias.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  wished  the  book  excluded  from  use. 
Arian  canons  of  this  period  ignore  it.  Amphi- 
lochius  of  Iconium  states  that  "  most  say  it 
is  spurious."  In  Eastern  Syria  the  Peshitta 
version  omits  it,  and  sets  a  precedent  followed 
even  down  to  the  13th  cent.  In  Western 
Syria,  where  the  authority  of  the  book  had 
in  the  2nd  cent,  been  fully  recognized,  we  now 
find  a  growing  dislike  to  it,  sufficient  to  keep  it 
among  the  Antilegomena  until  the  9th  cent. 
[Canont  of  N.T.] — Date.  The  traditional  date 
is  c.  93-96.  "  It  was  seen,"  says  Irenaeus,  "  at 
the  close  of  Domitian's  reign."  (Dr.  Chase, 
quoted  bj'  Dr.  Swete,  suggests  that  the  meaning 
is  that  St.  John  was  seen  at  that  time. )  But  the 
traditional  date  is  well  supported  apart  from 
Irenaeus'  testimony.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
two  Syriac  versions  assign  St.  John's  banish- 
ment to  the  reign  of  Nero,  Epiphanius  to  that 
of    Claudius,    and   other  writers   to    that    of 


740    REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN 

Trajan.  The  last  seems  excliided  by,  e.g.,  13. 
13-17,  which  is  unlike  what  we  know  of  the 
persecutions  under  Trajan's  rule.  On  the 
whole,  the  internal  evidence  corresponds  with 
the  traditional  date.  The  "  seven  churches  " 
do  not  seem  to  be  infant  communities,  and  in 
particular  an  earlier  persecution  is  referred  to 
(2.13).  Moreover,  Domitian  seems  to  be  in- 
troduced (13. 3, 12, 17. 8- 10).  The  interpretation 
of  these  passages  seems  to  be  that  Nero  (the 
fifth  emperor)  and  Domitian  (the  eighth,  not 
reckoning  the  three  ephemeral  reigns  of  68,  69) 
are  to  be  regarded  as  both  heads  and  embodi- 
ments of  the  "  beast  from  the  sea  "  (=  the 
world-power  of  the  Roman  empire).  Domitian, 
moreover,  is  thought  of  as  a  second  Nero 
{cf.  Juv.,  Sat.  iv.  38,  "  calvus  Nero"),  and  so, 
though  "an  eighth,"  he  is  one  "of  the  seven"  ; 
and  there  appears  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  ru- 
mour that  Nero  was  not  really  dead  at  all. 
So  far  there  seems  a  clear  case  for  dating 
Rev.  in  the  reign  of  Domitian.  On  the  other 
hand,  17. 10  professes  to  be  written  in  the  reign 
of  Vespasian.  This  verse  may  be  an  earlier 
fragment  inserted  in  the  passage,  but  more 
probably  it  is  simply  a  case  of  ante-dated  pre- 
diction in  the  well-known  apocalyptic  man- 
ner. 13.18  appears  to  refer  to  Nero.  11.1-13 
also  seems  to  be  earlier  than  70  a.d.  in  origin, 
but  the  figurative  use  made  of  it  suggests  a  later 
date  for  its  insertion. — Language.  The  Gk.  of 
Rev.  is  of  a  very  remarkable  character.  Prima 
facie  it  appears  full  of  elementary  mistakes  in 
grammar,  besides  its  many  unusual  phrases 
and  constructions.  On  closer  examination  we 
are  struck  by  the  fact  that  many  of  these  pecu- 
liarities are  evidently  deliberate,  and,  more- 
over, that  they  do  not  detract  from  the 
lucidity  and  literary  power  of  the  book.  Wc 
may  conceive  that  they  are  consciously  or  un- 
consciously intended  to  reproduce  the  effect  of 
the  Heb.  prophetic  style,  or  to  give  the  vivid 
effect  of  a  series  of  interjections.  With  Zahn 
wc  may  suppose  that  the  seer  actually  wrote 
his  disjointed  sentences  luuler  the  jjrophetic 
at'llatus  ;  or  with  Henson  we  may  look  for 
p)areiithctic  comments  of  the  writer  himself,  or 
attempt  to  set  (jbscure  passages  right  by  alter- 
ing the  punctuation.  Hut  when  all  has  been 
said  and  done,  we  are  still  without  a  com- 
pletely satisfactory  acc.f)unt  of  the  linguistic 
jieculiarities  of  the  book. — Authorshify.  (i) 
For  external  evidence,  vide  .supra.  This  evi- 
dence is  even  stronger  than  it  seems,  for  the 
f)bjections  felt  in  the  Mast  to  an  apostolic 
origin  rested  on  dogmatic  considerations.  (2) 
Internal  evidence,  (i )  Its  relation  to  the  Fourth 
Gospel.  We  can  hardly  deal  with  the  question 
of  the  authiirsliip  of  Rev.  until  we  have  given 
some  provisional  account  cif  that  nf  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  {a)  If  we  believe  that  the  gospel 
comes  straight  from  the  pen  of  the  apostle, 
there  arc  serious  difficulties  in  supjiosing  that 
Rev.  does  the  sanu'.  In  siute  nf  (|uite  distinct 
affinities  in  vocabulary,  graTiimar,  and  style, 
tlic  contrast  in  each  respect  is  very  remarkai)le, 
and  no  explanation  of  the  peculiarities  of  Rev. 
hitherto  suggested  seems  sufficient  to  over- 
come it.  Nor  can  it  be  accounted  for  simiily 
by  the  difference  between  the  traditional  style 
of  narrative  and  apocalypse.  The  cleavage  is 
far  deeper,  e.g.,  as  Dr.  Swetc  points  out,  than 


REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN 

that  between  the  apocalyptic  portions  of  Thess. 
and  aPe.  and  the  rest  of  those  epistles.  Nor 
can  the  mere  fact  that  the  title  of  "  the  Word  " 
appears  in  both  books  be  held  to  outweigh  all 
their  differences  (Zahn).  Westcott,  it  may 
be  noticed,  urges  the  earlier  date  for  the  Rev., 
on  the  ground  that  it  could  not  hav'e  been 
written  after  the  Fourth  Gospel  by  the  same 
author,  (b)  If  we  believe,  with  the  author 
of  the  Muratorian  Fragment,  that  the  Fourth 
Gospel  was  dictated  by  the  apostle  and  revised 
by  others,  it  becomes  much  easier  to  accept 
the  apostolic  authorship  of  Rev.  (c)  If  the 
apostle's  authorship  is  rejected  in  the  case  of 
the  gospel,  the  linguistic  difficulty  in  ascribing 
Rev.  to  him  of  course  disappears.  But  in  that 
case  some  weight  will  probably  have  been 
allowed  to  Papias'  statement  that  the  apostle 
was  killed  '"  by  the  Jews  "  (i.e.  before  70). 
This  would  all  but  exclude  the  earliest  possible 
date  ior  Rev.  (ii)  Other  internal  evidence 
leads  us  to  believe  that  the  book  is  at  any 
rate  by  some  "  John  "  who  knew  the  Asian 
churches  and  had  authority  there.  A  pseu- 
donymous author  would  have  claimed  apostolic 
rank  more  decidedly.  It  does  not,  of  course, 
folloiv  that  this  person  is  the  apostle.  We 
must  keep  open  the  possibility  that  when 
"  John  the  disciple  "  is  mentioned  as  residing 
in  Asia  and  being  exiled  to  Patmos  and  living 
till  the  end  of  the  ist  cent,  it  is  not  the 
apostle  who  is  meant,  and  that  the  two  are 
identified  by  a  later  confusion.  The  only  2nd- 
cent.  evidence  which  plainly  states  that  the 
apostle  resided  in  .^sia  Minor  is  the  "Acta 
Johannis  "  ;  and  the  evidence  for  his  exile 
in  Patmos  is  chiefly  Western,  and  begins  with 
Clement  of  Alexandria.  On  the»other  hand, 
the  tone  of  the  book  is  just  what  we  should  have 
expected  from  St.  John  as  he  is  depicted  in  the 
gospels,  and  the  only  serious  difficulty  in  as- 
cribing it  to  him  is  that  of  language. —  Unity 
and  Use  of  Other  Literature,  (i)  (i)  Thegeneral 
unity  f>f  Rev.  is  clear  from  the  evidences  of  a 
plan  running  throughout;  though  it  is  of  a 
souu>what  broken  character,  as  if  the  available 
material  did  not  always  fit  the  scheme  quite 
readilv.  (ii)  Closer  study  sliows  that  the  same 
hand  has  written  1-3  and  20-22,  and  has  also 
been  active  throughout.  (2)  What  sources 
can  be  distinguished,  and  how  arc  they  used  ? 
(i)  The  O.T.  We  observe  extraordinary  de- 
jKMulence,  but  no  citation  :  and  the  seer  does 
not  tie  himself  to  the  O.T.  language,  except 
where  it  suits  his  purpose,  (ii)  Extant  non- 
canonical  apocalypses.  Little  direct  use  ap- 
pears to  be  made  of  these,  (iii)  Lost  apoca- 
lypses. Some  {e.g.  S]iitta)  suppose  Rev. 
practically  made  up  of  these  ;  but  such  a  view 
ignores  the  general  unity  of  the  book,  and  is 
quite  contrary  to  the  observed  facts  of  our 
author's  use  of  those  sources  which  are  known 
to  (IS.  (iv)  Apocalyptic  tradition.  Gunkel 
siipposes  a  conuuon  stock  of  traditional  matter 
on  which  the  seer  has  drawn,  aiul  supposes  that 
his  confidence  proceeds  from  his  own  reverence 
for  these  traditions.  In  ch.  12.  e.g..  we  arc  to  find 
what  was  originally  a  Habylonian  stm-niyth, 
describing  the  victory  of  Tiamat  over  Marduk. 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  such  theories,  it 
is  clear  from  the  writer's  use  of  the  O.T.  that 
he  never  permits  himself  to  be  bound  to  the 


REVISED  VERSION 

thought  or  language  of  his  source. — Inter- 
pretation. For  more  than  200  years  a  literal 
and  "  futurist  "  interpretation  prevailed,  ex- 
cept at  Alexandria,  where  all  Scripture  bore 
a  mystical  sense.  The  "  1000  years  "  of 
triumph  were  looked  forward  to  as  equivalent 
to  the  Second  Coming  :  hence  came  the  term 
"  Chiliasm  "  to  express  the  tendency  of  the 
time.  With  the  triumph  of  the  Church  came 
new  methods.  Tyconius  (end  of  4th  cent.) 
suggested  that  "  the  genus  is  hidden  in  the 
species,"  i.e.  that  the  contests  and  struggles  of 
the  book  are  typical  of  the  continual  conflict 
of  good  and  evil.  This  view  was  developed  by 
Augustine,  who  saw  in  the  1,000  years  simply 
the  reign  of  Christ  in  the  kingdom  of  God  in 
his  own  day.  In  the  9th  cent.  Berengaud 
made  the  first  effort  after  a  "  continuous 
historical"  interpretation,  which  was  carried 
much  further  by  Joachim  (c.  1200),  and  was 
destined  to  prove  the  staple  method  of  the  Re- 
formation controversies.  The  Jesuit  Alcasar 
(17th  cent.)  was  the  first  to  adopt  a  frankly 
"  preterist  "  view,  seeing  in  the  last  chapters 
the  present  triumph  of  the  Church,  and  in  the 
greater  part  of  the  book  simply  an  account  of 
the  age  of  persecution.  Most  modern  inter- 
pretation may  be  considered  "preterist,"  for 
the  most  part,  or  "  contemporary  historical," 
seeking  a  meaning  in  every  case  suitable  to 
the  historical  circumstances  of  the  writer's 
times.  It  is  generally  felt  that  the  schemes 
of  the  "  continuous  historical  "  school  are 
little  more  than  a  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  its 
methods,  while  naive  "  futurism  "  is  contrary 
to  the  true  spirit  of  prophecy.  But  we  are 
not  on  that  account  debarred  from  reading 
into  the  seer's  words,  with  Tyconius  and 
Augustine,  a  meaning  which  no  age  and  no 
partial  fulfilment  can  exhaust.  Swete,  Apoc. 
of  St.  John;  Scott,  "Revelation"  in  Century 
Bible;  Milligan,  Lect.  on  Apoc. ;  Benson,  Apoc. ; 
art.  "  Revelation"  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 
1904).  [k.d.m.] 

Revised  Version.     [Version,  Revised.] 

Re'zeph,  one  of  the  places  which 
Sennacherib  mentions,  in  his  taunting  message 
to  Hezekiah,  as  having  been  destroyed  by  his 
predecessor  (2 K. 19. 12  ;  Is. 37. 12).  It  is  men- 
tioned by  Ptolemy  (v.  15)  under  the  name  of 
'Pri(Td<f>a.  Now  Resdfa,  S.  of  Tiphsah,  which  is 
on  the  Euphrates  N.E.  of  Hamath.  Rezeph 
is  noticed  in  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  348) 
in  i6th  cent.  B.C.,  and  a  century  later  it 
probably  appears  as  Arzapi  in  one  of  the 
Amarna  letters  (Berlin  10).  [c.r.c] 

Rezia',  an  Asherite;  sonof  Ulla(iChr.7.39). 

Rezin'. — 1.  A  king  of  Damascus,  who,  in 
alliance  with  Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  attacked 
Jotham  (2K. 15. 37)  ;  but  his  chief  war  was  with 
Ahaz  (c.  741  B.C.).  The  combined  army  un- 
successfully besieged  Jerusalem,  where  Ahaz 
was  (Is. 7. 1  ;  2K.I6.5)  ;  but  Rezin  "recovered 
Elath  to  Syria  "  (2K.I6.6).  Soon  after  he  was 
attacked,  defeated,  and  slain  by  Tiglath-pileser 
II.,  king  of  Assyria  (2K.I6.9  ;  cf.  Tiglath-pile- 
ser's  own  inscriptions,  where  the  defeat  of  Rezin 
and  destruction  of  Damascus  are  distinctly 
mentioned). — 2.  One  of  the  families  of  the 
Nethinim  (Ezr.2.48  ;   Ne.7.50). 

Rezon',  son  of  Eliadah,  and  a  vassal  of 
Hadadezer  king  of  Zobah.     When  the  latter 


RIBLAH 


747 


was  defeated  by  David  (2Sam.8.3-i2),  Rezon 
fled  from  his  master  and  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  freebooters,  and  eventually, 
at  Solomon's  accession,  established  himself  as 
king  in  Damascus.  During  his  own  hfetime 
he  was  "  an  adversary  to  Israel  all  the  days  of 
Solomon,"  and  the  subsequent  kings  who 
claimed  descent  from  him  were  amongst  the 
most  troublesome  of  Israel's  enemies  (iK.ll. 

23-23).       [HeZION.]  [H.C.B.] 

Rhe'srium.  This  Italian  town  which  was 
situated  on  the  Bruttian  coast,  just  at  the 
S.  entrance  of  the  straits  of  Messina)  is 
mentioned  incidentally  (Ac. 28.13)  in  the 
account  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  from  Syracuse 
to  Puteoli,  after  the  shipwreck  at  Malta. 
By  a  curious  coincidence  the  figures  on  its 
coins  are  the  "  twin  brothers  "  which  gave 
the  name  to  St.  Paul's  ship.  It  was  originally 
a  Greek  colony  ;  it  was  miserably  destroyed 
by  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  ;  from  Augustus 
it  received  advantages  which  combined  with 
its  geographical  position  in  making  it  important 
throughout  the  duration  of  the  Roman  empire. 
The  modern  Reggio  is  a  town  of  10,000  in- 
habitants. It  is  about  6  miles  across  the 
straits  from  Messina. 

Rhe'sa,  son  of  Zorobabel  (Lu.3.27). 

Rho'da,  a  maid  who  announced  Peter's 
arrival  at  the  door  of  Mary's  house  after  his 
miraculous  release  from  prison  (Ac.  12. 13). 

Rhodes.  St.  Paul  touched  at  this  island, 
so  illustrious  in  ancient  history,  on  his  return 
voyage  from  the  third  missionary  journey 
(Ac. 21.1).  Rhodes  is  immediately  opposite 
the  high  Carian  and  Lycian  headlands  at  the 
S.W.  extremity  of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor. 
Its  real  eminence  began  (about  400  b.c.)  with 
the  founding,  at  its  N.E.  e.xtremity,  of  the  city 
which  is  still  the  capital.  After  Alexander's 
death  it  entered  on  a  glorious  period,  its 
material  prosperity  being  largely  developed, 
and  its  institutions  deservedly  obtaining 
general  esteem.  As  we  approach  the  time 
of  the  consolidation  of  the  Roman  power  in 
the  Levant,  we  have  a  notice  of  Jewish 
residents  in  Rhodes  (1Mac.i5.23).  The 
Romans,  after  the  defeat  of  Antiochus, 
assigned,  during  some  time,  to  Rhodes  certain 
districts  on  the  mainland.  Its  Byzantine 
history  was  also  eminent.  Under  Constantinc 
it  was  the  metropolis  of  the  "  Province  of  the 
Islands."  It  was  the  last  place  where  the 
Christians  of  the  East  held  out  against  the 
advancing  Turks  ;  and  was  famous  as 
the  home  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John. 

Rhod'ocus,  a  Jew  who  betrayed  his  coun- 
trymen's plans  to  Antiochus  V.  (2Mac.i3.21). 

Rhod'us   (iMac.15.23)  =  Rhodes. 

Riba'i,  father  of  Ittai  the  Benjairdte  of 
Gibeah  (2Sam.23.29;    1Chr.ll.31). 

Ribband  of  blue  (p'thil  fkheleth).  pro- 
perly speaking,  a  cord  of  blue  entwined  with 
the  fringes  ((l(ith).  This  command,  given  in 
Num.15. 38,  is  still  observed  by  all  orthodox 
Jews.     [Hem  of  Garment.]  [w.o.e.o.] 

Riblah'  [fertility),  a  town  on  the  border 
of  the  land  of  Israel  [Shepham]  and  of  Ha- 
math (Num.34. II  ;  2 K. 23. 33),  where  Nebu- 
chadnezzar made  his  headquarters  in  588  e.g. 
(2K.25.6,20,2i  ;  Je. 39.5, 6, 52.9, 10, 27).  It|  is 
now  a  mud  village  on  W.  bank  of  the  Orontes, 


748  RIDDLE 

about  35  miles  N.  of  Ba'albek.  N.  of  Kiblah 
the  great  battle  at  Arjiin  was  fou^lit  [Sykia]  in 
853  B.C.  ;  and  oiie  of  the  Syrian  princes  then 
defeated  was  "  Ahabu  of  Rib-lai  "  (probably 
not  Sir-lai,  as  some  read  it)  assisting  Hadad- 
ezer  II.  He  has  been  taken  for  Ahab  of 
Israel,  who  reigned  nearly  half  a  cent,  earlier  in 
the  time  of  Benhadad  I.  [DamascusI,  causing 
needless  confusion  in  O.T.  chronology,  [c.r.c] 

Riddle  (Hcb.  hidhd;  cf.  Arab,  hdda  =  to 
twist  or  knot  ;  i Cor.  13. 12,  aHviy/xa).  On 
account  of  its  deriv-ation,  the  Heb.  word  has 
several  senses,  and  is  translated  by  different 
Eng.  words,  according  to  the  nature  of  that 
obscurity  which  is  the  fundamental  idea  in 
all.  It  is  used  in  Dan.8.23  of  double  dealing  ; 
of  obscure  utterance  (Num. 12. 8),  of  allegory 
and  figurative  language  (Ezk.17.2  ;  Pr.1.6  ; 
Ps.78.2  —  "parables"),  perplexing  questions 
used  by  the  queen  of  Shcba  for  testing  Solomon 
(iK.lO.i  ;  2Chr.9.i),  and  of  a  riddle  in  the 
modern  sense,  something  of  which  the  answer 
has  to  be  guessed  (Judg.l4.i2).  The  interpre- 
tation of  riddles  n^cntioned  in  the  Prologue  to 
Proverbs  is  perhaps  ability  to  understand 
allegory  and  metaphor.  The  primitive  mind 
loves  allegory  ;  it  is  its  substitute  for  abstract 
thought.  Hence  ability  to  interpret  it  is  re- 
garded as  a  sign  of  wisdom,  and  this  probably 
accounts  for  Solomon's  reputation,  which 
neither  his  life  nor  his  policy  justified.  Some 
think  that  the  form  of  the  proverb  was  origin- 
ally similar  to  that  of  our  modern  riddle  ;  e.g. 
"What  is  better  than  the  man  that  honoureth 
himself  and  lackcth  bread  ?  He  that  is  not 
esteemed,  but  hath  a  servant  "  (sec  l'r.l2.o)- 
The  transition  from  these  "  dark  sayings  "  to 
the  parables  of  N.T.,  which  were  intended 
both  to  conceal  and  reveal,  is  obvious. 
[Parable.]  The  visions  of  Daniel  and  all 
apocalyptic  literature  are  parabolic  in  this  sense. 
The  word  "  enigma  "  {aiviyfj.a),  which  occurs 
only  in  iCor.l3.i2,  has  also  this  connotation  of 
dark  saying.  It  is  the  parable,  under  the  out- 
ward form  of  which  the  spiritual  reality  is 
hidden.  Every  jiarable  may  be  regarded  as  in 
some  sense  a  "  riddle,"  the  interpretation  of 
which  has  either  to  be  guessed  or  supplied. 
The  "  number  of  the  beast  "  in  the  Apocalypse 
has  been  called  "  the  unsolved  enigma  of  the 
N.T."  [Number.]  The  one  definite  instance 
of  riddle  in  the  modern  sense  is  the  famous 
parallelism  of  Judges,  jiropounded  by  Samson 
to  his  wedding-guests.  Hebrew  humour  was  ap- 
parently of  a  somewhat  grim  type,  and  the  in- 
terpretation of  "  the  strong"  and  "  the  sweet " 
was  obviously  imjiossible  to  any  one  who  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  sjiecial  circumstances  which 
gave  rise  to  the  association.  The  Arabs  were 
fond  of  propounding  similar  riddles  and 
ingenious  devices,  books  of  which  are  still 
extant.  [b.f.s.] 

RIe  (Heb.  kusscmcth)  occurs  in  Ex. 9. 32  ; 
and  Is.2iB.23  (marg.  spelt).  It  is  ])robabIe  that 
by  kussemclh  "spelt"  (as  K.V.)  is  intended. 
Triticum  spclla  is  a  hard,  coarse,  bearded 
wheat,  much  cultivated  formerly  for  fodder  ; 
the  ff(d  of  the  Greeks,  the  cdor  or  ador  of  the 
Romans.  It  is  a  winter  wheat.  [Bread; 
Corn.]  [ii.c.ii.] 

Rlg-ht  hand.  Erequent  in  O.T.  of  God, 
symbolically    rei^resenting    His    (i)    creative 


RIMMON 

might,  (2)  protecting  (ir  avenging  power,  (3) 
overruling  providence,  (4)  presence,  (3)  fatherly 
love.  Like  "  ear,"  "  eye,"  "  fingers,"  "  arm," 
of  God,  this  phrase  originally  belonged  to  the 
language  of  anthropomorphism,  but  had  early 
passed  into  conscious  metaphor.  Found  com- 
monly in  the  Psalms,  not  seldom  in  the  pro- 
phets, e.g.  Ts.41.io  ;  Zech.S.i  in  senses  (i),  (2), 
(4).  In  N.T.  it  is  far  less  common,  but  St.  Peter 
(Ac.2.33,5.31  ;  cf.  I  Pe.3.22)  speaks  of  our  Lord 
as  exalted  by  the  right  hand  of  God;  St. 
Paul,  Acts,  Hebrews;  of  Christ  as  sitting  or 
standing  at  God's  right  hand.  [c.c.t.] 

Rig-hteousness  {SiKaioavvn,  Heb.  cdhdqd) 
is  a  quality  and  attitude  of  heart — that  is, 
of  the  whole  individual  man  with  reference  to 
his  fellow-men.  The  term,  as  used  in  Holy 
Scripture,  denotes  no  specific  virtue,  but 
stands  in  contrast  with  sin  (R0.6.20  ;  iPe.2. 
24  ;  Jn.16.8  ;  ijn.3.7f.),  .and  implies  a  general 
obedience,  or  fidelity,  to  the  voice  and  will  of 
God  (Ro.10.3  ;  Ac. 10. 33).  The  primary  con- 
stituent of  righteousness  is,  accordingly,  faith 
(including  trustfulness  and  faithfulness), 
which  thus  itself  may  be,  and  is,  accepted,  the 
will  for  the  deed,  by  a  God  Himself  infinitely 
righteous  (Jn.i7.25  ;  Rev.16.5),  as  cause  for 
deeming  righteous — "  justifying  " — men  who 
arc  yet  sinners.  As  in  E.V.  "  just "  and  "  righ- 
teous "  are  alternative  renderings  of  the  same 
original  word,  so  theologically  "righteousness  " 
and  "  justice  "  are  one.  But  the  term  "  jus- 
tice "  being,  outside  the  Bible,  used  to  denote 
the  less  comprehensive,  though  cardinal,  virtue 
recognized  in  Gk.  and  Roman  literature  and 
philosophy,  is  apt  in  Christian  usage  also  to 
be  of  narrower  extension  than  "righteousness," 
which,  however,  in  turn  is  misinteri)reted  and 
made  void,  if,  like  the  Pharisees  (Mt.5.2o),  we 
omit  from  it  distributive  justice — the  con- 
stant will  to  render  to  every  man  his  due.  For 
the  godly  "  righteousness "  is  an  object  of 
longing  (Mt.5.6)  and  foremost  seeking  (6.33), 
though  entailing  persecution  (5. 10).  In 
Christ  all  righteousness  is  completely  imper- 
sonated (iCor.1.30  ;  cf.  Ac.7.52  ;  ijn.2.29). 
Likened  (Is. 59.17  ;  Eph.6.14)  to  a  "  breast- 
plate," righteousness  has  elsewhere  its  own 
"  armour  "  (2Cor.6.7)  and  final  "  crown  " 
(2Tim.4.8).  [J.M.S.] 

Rimmon',  a  deity  worshipped  by  the 
Syrians  of  Damascus,  where  there  was  a  temple 
or  house  of  Rimmon  (2K.5.18).  The  word  is 
usually  understood  to  mean  "  exalted "  ; 
but  the  Babylonian  Rammanu  apparently 
means  "  storm,"  and  this  god  (called  Hapad 
or  Addu  in  Syria)  was  the  Babylonian  Jupiter 
Pluvius,  the  god  of  rain  and  of  the  air  or 
wind.  Geograi)hically  the  word  appears  to 
mean  "  high."  [c.r.c] 

Rimmon',  a  Benjamite  of  Beeroth  ;  father 
of  Kcchali  and  Baanah,  the  murderers  of  Ish- 
boshclh  (jS.iin.4.2.3,<)). 

Rimmon'. — 1.  .\  city  of  Zcbulun  belonging 
to  the  Mcrarilc  Levites(iClir.6. 77).  Dimnah 
(Jos. 21. 35)  api)ears  to  be  a  clerical  error  for 
Rimmon.— 2-  -^  town  in  the  S.  portion  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15.32),  allotted  to  Simeon  (Jos. 
19.7,  R.V. ;  iCiir.4.32).  In  each  of  the  above 
lists  the  name  follows  that  of  .Ain.  In  the 
catalogue  of  the  places  reoccupied  by  the 
Jews  after  the  return  from  Babylon  (Nc.il. 29) 


RIMMON-PAREZ 

the  two  are  joined,  as  En-rimmon.  The 
probable  site  is  the  ruin  Umm  er  Rumdmin, 
lo  miles  N.N.E.  of  Beer-sheba. — 3-  The  Rock 
Rimmon  was  a  cliff  where  the  600  Benjamites 
who  escaped  the  slaughter  of  Gibeah  took 
refuge  (Judg.20.45,47,2t.i3).  It  is  described 
as  in  the  "  wilderness."  Now  the  village 
Rutmnon,  3I  miles  E.  of  Bethel,  on  a  conical 
hill  commanding  a  fine  view,  with  rugged 
valleys  to  E.  and  S.  in  the  desert  W.  of  the 
Jordan  Valley.  There  are  many  caves  in 
the  rocky  hill  side.  [c.r.c] 

Rimmon'-pa'pez,  a  place  in  the  wilder- 
ness (Num.33. 19,20) ;  probably  "  height  of  the 
cleft."  It  lay  some  20  miles  N.E.  of  Haze- 
roth,  but  the  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Ring-.  The  ring  was  (i)  the  symbol  of  au- 
thority, and  as  such  was  presented  by  Pharaoh 
to  Joseph  (Gen. 41. 42),  by  Ahasuerus  to  Ha- 
man  (Esth.S.io),  by  Antiochus  to  Philip  (iMac. 
6.15).  (2)  As  an  ornament  it  was  worn  not 
only  by  men,  but  by  women  (Is. 3. 21).  The 
signet -ring  was  worn  on  the  right  hand  (Je.22. 
24).  We  may  conclude,  from  Ex.28. 11,  that 
the  rings  contained  a  stone  engraven  with  a 
device  or  with  the  owner's  name.  In  N.T.  a 
ring  is  mentioned  in  Jas.2.2.  [Ornaments, 
Personal.]  Many  Heb.  signet-rings  have 
been  found  by  Warren,  Bliss,  and  others,  in 
excavations.  Some  of  them  are  apparently 
(judging  from  the  characters)  as  old  as  c.  700 
B.C.  They  present  familiar  Heb.  names,  such 
as  Shebniah  and  Azariah  (at  Jerusalem ; 
Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Hist,  de  I'art,  iv.  p.  439), 
Jeremiah  (at  Taanach),  and  (somewhat  later 
at  Jerusalem)  Haggai  (Warren),  Ishmael- 
neriah,  etc.  (Bliss). 

Rinnah',  a  son  of  Shimon  in  the  genealogy 
of  the  descendants  of  Judah  (iChr.4'.2o). 

Riphath',  second  son  of  Gomer,  and  brother 
of  Ashkenaz  and  Togarmah  (Gen. 10. 3).  The 
Heb.  of  iChr.1.6  gives  the  form  Diphath,  but 
many  MSS.  read  Riphath.  The  name  itself 
has  been  variously  identified  with  that  of  the 
Rhipaean  mountains,  the  river  Rhebas  in 
Bithynia,  the  Rhibii,  a  people  living  eastward 
of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  the  Ripheans,  the 
ancient  name  of  the  Paphlagonians. 

Rissah',  a  station  in  the  wilderness  (Num. 
33.21,22).  It  was  apparently  some  20  miles 
S.W.  of  Shapher  (Tell  el  Asfar)  but  the  site 
is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Rithmah',  a  march-station  in  the  wilder- 
ness (Num. 33. 18, 19),  probably  about  10  miles 
N.E.  of  Hazeroth.  The  name  means 
"  broomy,"  from  the  white  broom  which 
grows  in  the  desert.  [c.r.c] 

Rivep.  The  A.V.  in  various  passages  so 
renders  six  different  Heb.  words,  (i)  ndhdr,  a 
terra  applied  to  large  rivers,  though  the  Arab. 
nahr  is  used  of. smaller  streams.  The  four 
rivers  of  Eden,  including  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris  (Gen.2.10-14),  are  so  called,  and  the  Nile 
(Ex.7. 19),  and  rivers  of  Cush  (Zeph.S.io  ;  E.V. 

£</jW/'W),G0ZAN(2K.17.6),CHEBAR(Ezk.3.I5), 

and  Damascus  (2K.5.12),  as  also  the  Jordan 
(R.V.  Ps.66.6).  In 70  chapters  of  O.T.  the  A.V. 
renders  the  word  as  "  river,"  but  also  as 
"flood"  (24.2,  etc.).  "The  River,"  however, 
appears  always  to  mean  the  Euphrates  (Gen. 
31.21  ;  Ex.23. 31  ;  Num.24.6  ;  2Sam.lO.16). 
(2)    nahal   {torrent)  is  rendered    "  river  "   by 


RIZPAH 


749 


A.V.  in  23  chapters.  [Vale.]  (3)  y^'or  is 
usually  a  term  for  the  Nile,  but  also  for  the 
Tigris  (Dan. 12. 5),  and  even  for  channels  cut 
among  rocks  (Job 28. 10).  Rendered  "river" 
by  A.V.  in  48  cases,  but  also  "  flood  "  (Je.46. 
7,8;  Am. 8. 8, 9.5),  and  "brook"  (in plur.)  refer- 
ring to  the  Nile  branches  (Is. 19. 6, 7,8).  The 
word  was  used  in  the  Egyptian  language,  and 
is  especially  frequent  in  relation  to  Egypt  (Gen. 
41  ;  Ex. 1-17  in  29  instances)  ;  but  it  may  be  a 
Semitic  word  borrowed  in  Egyptian,  like  many 
others  in  and  after  the  Hyksos  period.  It  does 
not  refer  to  rivers  in  Egypt  as  used  by  the 
Assyrians  in  703  b.c  (2  K. 19. 24),  for  they  had 
as  yet  not  conquered  the  Nile  valle}',  and  the 
word  is  also  Assyrian.  [J ordan  ;  Semitic  Lan- 
guages.] {4)  yilbhal  (]e.n.8),  or 'ubhal  (Dan. 
8. 2, 3, 6),  is  rendered  "river  "in  A. v.,  and  means 
a  "  stream."  (5)  pelegh  signifies  an  "irrigation 
channel,"  but  is  rendered  "river"  by  A.V.  in 
Job  29.6,  Ps.1.3  ("streams"  in  46.4 — V^o- 
ceeding  from  a  ndhdr  at  Jerusalem),  65.9,119. 
136  (of  streaming  tears),  Pr.5.i6,21.i  ;  Is. 30. 
25,32.2  ;  Lam.3.48.  (6)  'dphiq  [cf.  Aphek] 
occurs  in  18  chapters  of  O.T., rendered  "chan- 
nel," "  stream,"  and  "  brook  "  in  A.V.  It 
applies  to  the  source  of  the  Adonis  River  at 
Afqa,  and  to  the  spring  of  the  same  name  at 
Tadmor,  to  the  present  day.  It  is  rendered 
"river"  in  A.V.  Cant.5.i2  ;  Ezk.6.3,31.i2,32.2, 
34.13,35.8,36.4  ;  J1.1.20,3.i8.  Possibly  the 
Aphek  at  which  the  Philistines  camped  near 
Shunem  (iSam.28.4,29.i)  should  be  read 
Aphiq,  as  there  is  a  good  stream  at  Shunem 
(SAlem).  Palestine  is  not  merely  a  land  of 
winter  torrents,  but  also  of  rivers  and  streams 
with  perennial  supply.  [c.r.c] 

Rivep  of  Kg-ypt.  Two  Heb.  terms  are 
thus  rendered  in  A.V.  (i)  n'-har  mi(rayim 
(Gen.l5.i8),  "  the  river  of  Egypt,"  that  is  the 
Nile,  and  here  the  Pelusiac  or  easternmost 
branch.  (2)  nahal  tnifravim  (Num. 34. 5  ; 
Jos. 15.4,47;  iK.8.65  ;  2K.24.7  ;  and  Is. 27, 
12,  "  the  stream  of  Egypt  ").  It  is  commonly 
held  that  this  designates  a  desert  stream  on 
the  border  of  Egypt,  still  flowing  after  rains 
in  the  valley  called  Wddy  el  'Arish.  The 
stream  is  first  mentioned  as  the  point  where 
the  S.  border  of  the  Promised  Land  touched 
the  Mediterranean,  which  formed  its  W. 
border  (Num. 34. 3-6).  Later,  we  find  Solo- 
mon's kingdom  extending  from  the  "  entering 
in  of  Hamath  unto  the  river  of  Egypt  "  (1K.8. 
65),  and  Egypt  limited  in  the  same  manner 
where  the  loss  of  the  E.  provinces  is  mentioned 
(2K.24.7).  In  certain  parallel  passages  the  Nile 
is  distinctly  specified  instead  of  "the  nahal  of 
Egypt"   (Gen.l5.i8  ;  c/.  Jos.13.2,3). 

Rizpah',  concubine  to  king  Saul,  and 
mother  of  his  two  sons  Armoni  and  Mephibo- 
sheth.  She  is  called  (2Sam.3.7,21.8)  the  daugh- 
ter of  Aiah,  perhaps  =  Ajah,  which  may  imply 
that  she  was  a  Hivite,  a  descendant  of  Zibeon 
the  grandfather  of  one  of  Esau's  wives  (Gen. 
36.2,24).  Her  name  is  first  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  an  accusation  levelled  at  Abner 
by  Ishbosheth  (2Sam.3.6-ii).  When,  at  a  later 
period,  seven  of  Saul's  sons  were  hanged,  or 
rather,  "  exposed  "  after  death  on  the  top  of 
the  sacred  hill  of  Gibeah,  as  an  act  of  atone- 
ment for  Saul's  persecution  of  the  Gibeonites 
whom  Israel  had  sworn  to  protect  (Jos. 9. 3-27), 


750      ROBBERS  OF  CHURCHES 

Ripzah,  the  mother  of  two  of  them,  watched 
over  the  bodies  day  and  night,  and  "  suffered 
neither  the  birds  of  tlie  air  to  rest  on  them  by 
day^  nor  the  beasts  of  the  field  by  nigiit." 
When  at  length  Uavid  heard  of  her  devotion, 
he  gave  them  honourable  burial,  along  with 
the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jonathan.  The  victims 
were  sacrificed  at  the  beginning  of  barley 
harvest,  and  Rizpah  remained  at  her  post 
until  "  water  dropped  ujion  them  out  of 
heaven,"  i.e.,  probably,  until  the  drought  was 
over,  an  evidence  to  all  that  the  sacrifice  was 
effectual  (2Sam.2i.1-14).  [h.c.b.] 

Robbeps  of  churches  (i.e.  robbers  of 
temples,  sacrilegious).  The  word  occurs  in 
Ac. 19. 37,  in  the  description  of  the  famous 
scene  at  Ephesus.  The  charge  of  sacrilege 
was  a  serious  one,  but  there  were  degrees  in 
the  offence.  Of  a  lighter  kind  was  the  crime 
of  embezzling  the  sacred  i)roperty,  but  the 
more  heinous  kind  consisted  in  an  act  of  de- 
secration. The  punishment  for  this  was  death. 
On  the  authority  of  the  town-clerk,  St.  Paul 
and  St.  Barnabas  had  done  and  said  nothing 
directly  that  could  be  twisted  into  a  charge 
of  sacrilege,  though  Demetrius  had  played 
upon  his  fellow-craftsmen's  fears  lest,  as  the 
consequence  of  St.  Paul's  preaching,  "  the 
temple  of  the  great  Artemis  be  made  of  no 
account."  [a.r.] 

Roboam'  (Ecclus.47.23  ;  Mt.l.7)  =  Reho- 

BOA.M. 

Rock,  the  translation  of  several  Heb. 
words  with  different  ideas,  whether  sela' 
(Num. 24.21),  where  the  underlying  idea  is  that 
of  inaccessibility  or  height,  or  halldmish 
(Is.51.1),  where  the  idea  is  that  of  hardness 
or  firmness.  The  general  Heb.  word  is  (ur, 
and  whilst  the  others  are  only  rarely  used 
figuratively  of  God  {e.g.  2Sam.22.2),  cur  is 
often  so  employed  {e.g.  Deut.32.4,13,18,  etc.) 
that  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  word  has 
the  sense  of  a  proper  name.  In  N.T.  the  word 
"  rock  "  always  represents  the  tik.  itirpa  {e.g. 
Mt.l6.i8).     [Petkk.]  [s.N.s.l 

Rod.  The  rod  or  staff  was  the  symbol  of 
travel  in  the  East.  Typical  instances  of  this 
idea  are  found  in  lix. 12. 1 1,  2K.4.29.  The  staff 
also  represented  a  means  of  protection  and 
support.  The  Smepuekd  of  the  Bible  carries 
both  rod  and  staff  (cf.  Ps.23.4).  Here  the 
rod  {shi'hhet)  is  a  club  or  mare,  with  a  rounded 
head,  a  weapon  of  defence  against  robbers  or 
wild  beasts  (in  other  jtlaces  a  symbol  of 
authority,  Ju(lg.5.i4  [see  R.V.I,  6.21,  etc.), 
the  staff  {mtsli'eneth)  is  a  i>ole,  like  an  alpen- 
st(jck,  for  climbing,  clearing  a  way  through 
undergr(jwth,  or  for  dealing  with  refractory 
animals.  The  rod  of  Jesse  (Is.ll.i  ;  R.V.  a 
shoot  out  of  the  slock  of  Jesse)  expresses  the 
figure  of  a  tree-stump  out  of  which  springs 
a  single  living  shoot.  In  Lev. 27. 32  and  Ezk. 
20.37  the  expression  "  passing  under  the  rod" 
refers  to  the  shepherd's  club,  used  for  counting 
the  flock  as  it  passed  in  and  out  of  the  fold. 
|. Aaron's  Kon.j  [s.N.S.] 

Roe,  Roebuck.  This  deer  is  knr)wn  in 
Palestine,  but  the  Heb.  word  {fbhi  m.,  c'bhiyyd 
fern.,  Arab,  zebi)  is  the  gazelle  (Gazella  dorcas), 
still  foutid  in  numbers  in  the  jilains.  It  has 
always  in  the  E.  been  a  type  of  beauty  (Can. 
2-<j>  1 7,8. 14),  famed  for  its  swiftness  (2Sam.2. 1 8 ; 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 

iChr.l2.8)when  hunted  for  food  (I)eut.l2.i5, 
22;  Is. 13. 14;  Pr.6.5).  The  three  species  of 
game  for  Solomon's  table  (i  K. 4. 23)  were  the 
fallow  deer  Cayydl;  A.V.  Hakt)  or  Dama 
vulgaris,  still  found  in  the  woods  of  mount 
Tabor;  the  gazelle  (A.V.  roebuck);  and  the  roe- 
buck proper  (yahniiir ;  A.V.  Fallow  Deer). 
In  1872  the  present  writer  found  that  the  roe- 
buck is  still  hunted  on  mount  Carmel.and  still 
called  yahmur.  In  i)S82  he  found  it  known  in 
the  woods  of  Gilead  as  the  hamur,  and  it  has 
also  been  found  in  Lebanon.  The  two  species 
of  A.V.  (fallow  deer  and  roe),  though  mis- 
applied to  the  Heb.,  thus  exist  ;  but  the  hart 
or  red  deer  does  not  occur  in  Syria,   [ck-c] 

Gazelles  (G.  dorcas  and  G.  arabica)  are  for 
the  most  part  relatively  small  and  delicately 
built  antelopes,  easily  recognized  by  their  ridged 
lyrate  horns,  and  the  parallel  fawn  and  white 
face  markings.  The  usual  colour  of  the  upper 
parts  is  sandy  with  a  darker  flank-band  and 
a  white  rump-i)atch.  [r.l.] 

Rogelim',  the  residence  of  Barzillai  the 
Gileadite  (2Sam.l7.27,19.3i)  in  the  highlands 
E.  of  Jordan.  Nothing  is  said  to  indicate  its 
situation. 

Rohg-ah',  an  Asherite ;  son  of  Shamer 
(iC'hr.7.34). 

Ro'imus  (iEsd.5.8)  =  REHUM,  i. 
Roll  (Hel).  m'ghilhi,  irom  galal,  "to  roll," 
strictly  answering  to  the  Lat.  volumen,  whence 
our  volume).  The  roll  was  usually  written  on 
one  side  only,  and  hence  the  particular  notice 
of  one  that  was  "  written  within  and  without  " 
(Ezk. 2.10).  The  writing  was  arranged  in  col- 
umns. The  term  in  Is. 8.1,  rendered  in  .\.V. 
"  roll,"  means  tablet.      [Writinc..] 

Rolls,  House  of.     [Treasure-house.] 
Romam'tl-e'zep,  son  of  Heman  and  head 
of  the  2.|tli  course  of  singers  (iChr.25.4,31). 

Roman  Empipe.  k.  Rome  and  the  East 
before  and  after  Christ.  The  notices  of  Roman 
history  in  the  Bible  are  confined  to  the  last 
cent,  and  a  half  of  the  commonwealth  and  the 
first  cent,  of  the  imperial  monarchy.  The 
chief  prophetic  ncitices  of  the  Roman  empire 
are  found  in  the  bo(»k  of  Daniel.  .According  to 
some  interpreters,  the  Romans  are  intended  in 
Deut. 28. 40-57.  The  first  historic  mention  of 
Rome  in  the  Bible  is  in  iMac.l.  10.  .About  161 
B.C.  Judas  Maccabaeus  heard  of  the  Romans 
as  the  conquerors  of  Philii>,  Perseus,  and  .An- 
tiochus  (8.i,5,()).  Tostrengthen  himself  against 
Demetrius,  king  of  Syria,  he  sent  ambassadors 
to  Rome  (8.17),  and  concluded  a  defensive 
alliance  with  the  senate  (8.22-32).  This  was 
renewed  by  Jonathan  (12.i)  and  by  Simon 
(15. 17).  In  65  B.C.,  when  Syria  was  made  a 
Roman  province  by  Pompey,  the  Jews  were 
still  governed  by  a  Hasmonaean  ])rince. 
.Aristobulus  had  lately  driven  his  brother 
Hyrcanus  from  the  chief  priesthood,  and  was 
attacked  by  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia  Petraea, 
the  ally  of  Hyrcanus.  Poinjiey's  lieutenant, 
M.  .Aemilius  S(-aurus,  intervened  (64  n.c),  and 
in  65  B.C.  Pomi)ey  marched  into  Judaea  and 
took  Jerusalem.  From  this  time  the  Jews 
were  jiractically  inider  the  government  of 
Rome.  Hyrcanus  retained  the  high-priest- 
hood and  a  titular  sovereignty,  subject  to  the 
control  of  his  minister  .Antiiiater,  a  i>artisan 
of  the  Romans.      In  40  u.c.  Antii>atcr's  son, 


PLATE   XXVII 


SAMARITAN    ROLL   OF  THE    LAW. 


EGYPTIAN   TOILET-BOX.     (Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.  "  Paint." 


EGYPTIAN    UAS   SCEPTRE.     (From  the  Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.  "Sceptre." 
p.  7So] 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 

Herod  the  Great,  was  made  king  by  Antony's 
interest,  and  confirmed  by  Augustus,  30  B.C. 
The  Jews  were  all  this  time  tributaries  of 
Rome,  and  their  princes  were  under  control, 
not  merely  in  their  foreign  relations  but  even 
in  their  domestic  policy.  On  the  banishment 
of  Archelaus  (6  a.d.),  Judaea  became  a  mere 
appendage  of  the  province  of  Syria,  and  was 
governed  by  a  Roman  procurator,  who  resided 
at  Caesarea.  Such  were  the  relations  of  the 
Jewish  people  to  the  Roman  government  when 
the  N.T.  history  begins. — B.  A  brief  general 
account  of  the  position  of  the  emperor,  the  ex- 
tent of  the  empire,  and  the  administration  of 
the  provinces  in  N.T.  times,  is  necessary  to 
illustrate  the  sacred  narrative.  I.  Position 
of  the  Princeps.  Augustus  was  in  theory 
simply  the  first  citizen  of  the  republic,  en- 
trusted with  temporary  powers  to  settle  the 
disorders  of  the  state.  The  old  magistracies 
were  retained,  but  the  various  powers  and 
prerogatives  of  each  were  conferred  upon 
Augustus.  Above  all,  he  was  the  emperor 
{imperator).  This  word,  used  originally  to 
designate  any  one  entrusted  with  the  imperium 
or  full  military  authority,  acquired  a  new 
significance  when  adopted  as  a  permanent  title 
by  Julius  Caesar.  By  his  use  of  it  as  a  con- 
stant prefix  to  his  name  in  city  and  in  camp 
he  openly  asserted  a  paramount  military 
authority  over  the  state.  The  empire  was 
nominally  elective,  but  practically  it  passed  by 
adoption  ;  and  till  Nero's  time  a  sort  of  here- 
ditary right  seemed  to  be  recognized.  II. 
Extent  of  the  Empire.  Cicero's  description  of 
the  Gk.  states  and  colonies  as  a  "  fringe  on 
the  skirts  of  barbarism  "  has  been  well  applied 
to  the  Roman  dominions  before  the  conquests 
of  Pompey  and  Caesar.  The  Roman  empire 
was  still  confined  to  a  narrow  strip  encircling 
the  Mediterranean.  Pompey  added  Asia 
Minor  and  Syria.  Caesar  added  Gaul.  The 
generals  of  Augustus  overran  the  N.W.  portion 
of  Spain,  and  the  country  between  the  Alps 
and  the  Danube.  The  boundaries  of  the 
empire  were  now,  the  Atlantic  on  W.,  the 
Euphrates  on  E.,  the  deserts  of  Africa,  catar- 
acts of  the  Nile,  and  Arabian  deserts  on  S.,  the 
British  Channel,  Rhine,  Danube,  and  Black 
Sea  on  N.  The  only  subsequent  conquests  of 
importance  were  those  of  Britain  by  Claudius 
and  of  Dacia  by  Trajan.  The  only  important 
independent  powers  were  the  Parthians  on  E. 
and  the  Germans  on  N.  The  population  of  the 
empire  in  the  time  of  Augustus  has  been  cal- 
culated at  85,000,000  ;  and  it  is  noteworthy 
that  this  vast  population  or  confederacy  was 
kept  under  control  by  the  trifling  military  force 
of  some  25  legions,  massed  for  the  most  part 
on  the  frontiers  of  the  Rhine,  Danube,  and 
Euphrates.  Thus  a  total  (with  auxiliaries)  of 
some  350,000  sufficed  for  the  preservation  of 
order  in  an  area  now  suffering  under  mili- 
tarism and  racial  envies  and  suspicions.  III. 
The  Provinces.  The  usual  fate  of  a  country 
conquered  by  Rome  was  to  become  a  subject 
province,  governed  by  officers  sent  from  Rome. 
Sometimes,  however,  petty  sovereigns  were 
left  a  nominal  independence.  There  were 
differences,  too,  in  the  political  condition  of 
cities  within  the  provinces.  Some  were  free 
cities — i.e.  governed  by  their  own  magistrates, 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 


751 


and  exempt  from  occupation  by  a  Roman 
garrison.  Other  cities  were  "  colonies  " — i.e. 
communities  of  transplanted  Roman  citizens. 
Augustus  divided  the  provinces  into  two 
classes:  (i)  imperial,  (2)  senatorial;  retain- 
ing in  his  own  hands  those  provinces  where  the 
presence  of  a  large  military  force  was  necessary, 
and  committing  the  peaceful  and  unarmed 
provinces  to  the  senate.  The  imperial  pro- 
vinces at  first  were — Gaul,  Lusitania,  Syria, 
Phoenicia,  Cilicia,  Cyprus,  and  Egypt  ;  the 
senatorial — Africa,  Numidia,  Asia,  Achaia  and 
Epirus,  Dalniatia,  Macedonia,  Sicily,  Crete 
and  Cyrene,  Bithynia  and  Pontus,  Sardinia, 
Baetica.  Cyprus  and  Gallia  Narbonensis  were 
subsequently  given  up  by  Augustus,  who  in 
turn  received  Dalmatia  from  the  senate. 
Many  other  changes  were  made  afterwards. 
The  N.T.  writers  invariably  designate  the 
governors  of  senatorial  provinces  by  the  correct 
title  of  avdinraroi,  pro-consuls  (Ac.l3.7,18.i2, 
19.38,  R.V.).  For  the  governor  of  an  imperial 
province,  properly  styled  "  Legatus  Caesaris," 
the  word  'H7€/;twi'  (governor)  is  used  in  N.T. 
Under  the  empire  the  governors  received  a 
fixed  pay,  and  their  term  of  command  was  pro- 
longed. The  condition  of  the  Roman  empire 
at  the  time  when  Christianity  appeared  affords 
obvious  illustrations  of  St.  Paul's  expression 
that  the"  fulness  of  time  had  come  "  (Gal. 4. 4). 
The  general  peace,  the  formation  of  military 
roads,  the  suppression  of  piracy,  the  march  of 
the  legions,  the  voyages  of  corn  fleets,  the 
general  increase  of  traffic,  the  spread  of  the 
Latin  language  in  the  VV.  as  Greek  had  already 
spread  in  the  East,  the  external  unity  of  the 
empire,  offered  facilities  hitherto  unknown  for 
the  spread  of  a  world-wide  religion.  The 
tendency,  too,  of  an  orderly  monarchy  like  that 
of  the  Roman  empire  to  reduce  all  its  subjects 
to  an  equitable  level  was  a  powerful  instrument 
in  breaking  down  the  pride  of  privileged  races 
and  national  religions,  and  familiarizing  men 
with  the  truth  that  "  God  hath  made  of  one 
blood  all  nations  on  the  face  of  the  earth  " 
(Ac. 17. 24, 26). — [C.  General  View  of  the  Roman 
Empire  and  the  Influence  of  the  Gospels.  The 
assumption  of  the  direct  control  of  India  by 
Queen  Victoria  (1857)  forms  an  almost  perfect 
analogy  to  the  policy  of  Augustus  and  his 
successors.  Hitherto,  both  empires  had 
suffered  from  fiscal  oppression  and  private 
avarice.  The  provincials  were  exploited  by 
merchant-princes  ;  and  the  law  gave  no  re- 
medy. It  is  obvious  from  the  later  history  of 
the  republic  that  the  senate  (or  oligarchy  of 
"  Venetian  "  nobles)  neither  desired  nor  exer- 
cised any  control  over  bad  governors.  Mal- 
versation was  connived  at  ;  and  redress  was 
impossible,  in  spite  of  excellent  enactments 
which  remained  a  dead  letter.  At  the  battle 
of  Actium  the  fortune  of  the  world  was  de- 
cided. The  question  lay  between  the  frank 
selfishness  and  cupidity  of  Antony  (supported 
by  the  Oriental  traditions  of  a  Macedonian 
military  monarchy),  and  a  far  more  serious  con- 
ception of  responsible  sovereignty.  The  em- 
pire might  indeed  be  termed  a  reaction  of  the 
provinces  against  a  careless  and  unprincipled 
governing  caste.  Augustus  stood  for  honest 
and  untiring  work  and  for  the  general  welfare. 
The  provinces  benefited  enormously  by  the 


752 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 


ROMAN  EMPIRE 


change.  The  East  has  neither  before  nor  since 
known  such  good  government.  The  characters 
of  Roman  soldiers,  and  for  the  most  part  of 
Roman  governors  and  administrators,  form  a 
most  pleasing  episode  in  N.T.  We  find  all  the 
best  features  of  military  training  and  dis- 
cipline, frankness,  vigour,  and  equity,  a  sym- 
pathetic treatment  of  alien  creeds  and  races,  a 
sense  of  the  limits  of  imperial  interference  with 
local  custom  and  law,  an  almost  chivalrous 
pity  for  inferiors,  a  constant  reference  to  the 
great  impartial  ruler  at  the  centre — which 
features  are  only  rivalled,  and  not  often  sur- 
passed, by  the  British  officials  of  our  own  day. 
But  the  Romans  under  the  empire  far  sur- 
passed ourselves  in  the  art  of  exciting  the 
affection  as  well  as  the  respect  of  the  pro- 
vincials. The  permanent  camps  of  the  legions 
were  popular  with  the  inhabitants  ;  and  soon 
became  centres  of  sober  domestic  life  and  a 
hereditary  defensive  caste.  Gradually  the 
distinction  between  Roman  and  i)rovincial 
faded  ;  and  the  empire  found  its  stoutest 
champions  among  the  newest  additions  to  the 
great  family.  The  worship  of  the  emperor,  or 
rather  of  his  genius,  provided  a  central  focus 
of  devotion  for  the  complex  and  hostile  local 
cults.  The  various  revolts  which  disfigure 
later  history  were  due  largely  to  provincial 
protests  against  those  who  abused  or  perverted 
the  traditions  of  the  Roman  heritage.  Re- 
bellion was  always  directed  against  the  person, 
never  against  the  system.  Indeed,  the  repre- 
sentative system  may  be  said  to  be  fore- 
shadowed in  the  provincial  assemblies  for  the 
imperial  worship  ;  and  the  usurpers  or  pre- 
tenders never  failed  to  pose  as  the  true  "  Ro- 
man emperors,"  as  the  restorers  of  the  ancient 
paths.  The  democratic  source  of  power  was 
never  forgotten  ;  and  a  decrepit  dynasty  was 
set  aside  by  a  popular  election.  Under  such  a 
system  the  provinces  exerted  ever  more  and 
more  influence.  Soon  Spaniards,  Asiatics,  and 
Africans  sat  on  the  throne,  and  represented  or 
gave  effect  to  certain  phases  of  public  opinion. 
For  something  like  three  centuries  the  hardy 
and  warlike  Danubian  provincials  provided  a 
series  of  emperors  who  cannot,  whether  as 
generals  or  administrators,  be  surpassed  in  any 
annals.  The  ruling  class  had  no  privilege  or 
monopoly  ;  and  though  the  basis  of  society 
was  plutocratic,  merit  and  good  service  had 
far  fewer  barriers  to  recognition  than  exist  to- 
day. The  emperor  chose  his  executive  with- 
out "respect  of  persons."  Taxation  (according 
to  the  most  recent  research)  was  moderate  ; 
and  local  liberties  and  municipal  rights  well 
respected.  Only  when  dishonest  officials  had 
introduced  confusion  into  city  finance  did  the 
Roman  government  interfere  ;  and  the  later 
(cntralizing,  with  its  unhappy  results,  was  due 
far  more  to  the  incompetence  of  the  provincial 
and  his  inaptness  for  self-governnxent  than  to 
any  deliberate  encroachment  by  the  centre. 
During  the  epoch  of  the  N.T.  a  hierarchy  of 
Roman  governors  and  oflicials  spread  a  slender 
but  effective  network  of  order  over  the  coun- 
tries of  the  Mediterranean.  It  was  neither 
costly  nor  numerous.  It  was  thus  free  from 
the  chief  objections  which  arc  urged  to-day 
against  jiopular  government  and  tlie  bureau- 
cracy which  invariably  accompanies  it.     The 


"  Roman  Peace  "  restrained  and  finally  ex- 
tinguished the  unmeaning  feuds  of  neighbours, 
which  had  been  the  common  lot  of  the  East 
during  the  dominance  of  the  city-state,  or  the 
Macedonian  military  occupation.  But  we  see 
clearly  the  indications  of  popular  influence  in 
the  N.T.  As  a  rule  the  people  made  their 
wishes  felt  and  their  voice  heard  far  better 
than  in  the  so-called  democratic  systems  of 
recent  days.  The  later  persecutions  of  Chris- 
tians were  mainly  sporadic  outbursts  of  local 
resentment  against  a  sect  suspected  of  esoteric 
doctrine,  horrid  rites,  and  unpatriotic  ab- 
stention from  civil  interests.  It  will  be  noted 
that  the  order  to  persecute  comes  but  rarely 
from  above  ;  the  governors  are  far  more 
humane  than  the  governed.  St.  Paul,  proud 
of  his  position  as  Roman  citizen,  shows  a 
touching  confidence  in  the  final  equity  of  the 
imperial  tribunals,  stretching  up  to  the  ulti- 
mate court  of  appeal,  the  emperor  himself. 
It  may  be  urged  that  the  counsels  of  loyalty 
and  obedience  in  Romans  were  uttered 
during  the  famous  "  quinquennium  Neronis," 
before  the  fatal  seeds  of  family  madness  had 
transfonned  a  promising  if  artistic  tempera- 
ment (with  all  its  dangers  and  limitations)  into 
an  unrecognizable  monster  ;  while  Seneca  and 
Burrus  were  administering  the  empire,  and 
Nero  had  not  yet  entered  into  his  full  inherit- 
ance. But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the 
scandals,  corruption,  or  lavish  waste  of  the 
court  had  a  very  wide  influence  on  the  outer 
world,  or  interfered  with  that  tranquil  and 
equitable  rule  of  the  provinces  for  which  Rome 
was  famous  and  justly  respected.  We  who 
know  the  Caesarian  records  mainly  through 
the  idle  gossip  of  professional  scandal-mongers 
and  the  irresponsible  innuendo  of  overt  re- 
publicans, naust  not  transfer  our  own  know- 
ledge or  feelings  or  prejudices  into  the  minds 
of  those  who,  after  a  long  winter,  basked  in  the 
imperial  sunshine.  The  Roman  government 
under  Nero  and  Domitian  showed  the  same 
broad  features  of  honesty,  sagacity,  and  self- 
restraint  upon  which  Augustus  and  Tiberius 
had  insisted  in  their  appointment  or  super- 
vision of  provincial  magistrates.  It  may 
safely  be  said  that  never  since  have  Europe  and 
Western  Asia  enjoyed  order  and  justice  over  so 
large  an  area  ;  and  it  may  be  suspected  that,  in 
spite  of  the  obvious  demerits  of  the  socialistic 
legislation  and  pauperism  of  imperial  Rome, 
even  the  most  favoured  countries  once  under 
its  sway  have  not  attained  in  subsequent  times 
so  fair  a  distribution  of  comfort,  so  satisfactory 
a  compromise  between  competition  and  stag- 
nation. As  to  the  moral  and  religious  con- 
dition of  the  people,  the  widest  divergence  of 
opinions  will  prevail.  It  has  been  assumed 
that  the  invective  of  St.  Paul  may  be  taken  as 
merited  by  the  whole  pagan  civilization.  Yet 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  his  strictures 
would  find  an  object  in  any  large  and  con- 
gested metropolis  of  our  own  times  ;  and  that 
the  type  of  callous,  morbid,  and  hyper-aesthetic 
fashion  is  much  the  same  in  all  over-refined 
society,  and  never  represents  the  silent  bulk  of 
the  nation.  The  N.T.  introduces  us,  no  doubt, 
to  a  dissolute  or  an  unprincipled  governor  ; 
but  the  heart  of  the  people  is  still  sound,  their 
morality  much  on  a  level  with  the  middle  class 


ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  TflE 

of  to-day  or  of  any  other  age.  To  judge 
Roman  society  by  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and 
Juvenal  is  to  estimate  modern  standards  by 
the  onslaughts  of  the  pulpit  or  the  press  upon 
the  acknowledged  evils  of  wealthy  and  ir- 
responsible idleness.  The  careful  hearing 
given  to  the  emissaries  of  the  Gospel  bears  wit- 
ness, indeed,  to  the  decay  of  religious  beliefs 
(which  had  been  long  obsolete),  but  not  to 
the  decay  of  religious  instinct  or  interest. 
Nor  must  it  be  supposed  that  the  Gospel 
provided  an  entirely  new  code  of  morals. 
Rather,  it  reinforced,  with  the  sanctions  of 
a  new  revelation  of  man's  nature  and  destiny, 
the  old  instinctive  morality  of  custom,  the 
wholesome  family  ties,  the  lowly  or  lofty 
occupations,  which,  in  the  moribund  civiliza- 
tion of  classic  paganism,  had  lost  cogency, 
charm,  and  vitality.  So  far  from  intro- 
ducing ascetic  despair  and  proud  repression 
(already  present  in  one  form  or  ether  in  Stoic 
and  Epicurean),  Christians  gave  new  meaning 
to  the  old  truths  ;  weaned  the  philosopher 
from  his  haughty  disdain,  and  made  the  slave 
contented  with  the  "  day  of  small  things, "  seen 
in  the  light  of  eternity.  Indeed,  asceticism 
formed  an  integral  part  of  every  substitute 
proposed  for  the  Gospel,  either  by  thought  or 
feeling  ;  and  the  Gospel  came  just  in  time  to 
combat  a  dangerous  intellectualism,  which 
confined  a  nihilistic  truth  to  the  inner  circle, 
and  left  the  ignorant  without  guide  or  solace. 
The  weakness  of  the  Roman  empire  did  not  lie 
in  its  political  system,  but  in  the  decay  of  its 
social  enthusiasm.  The  upper  classes  became 
extinct,  in  rigorous  or  voluptuous  celibacy  ; 
and  the  Gospel  trained  and  upheld  the  pro- 
vincials in  the  simple  life,  and  taught  the  abid- 
ing value  of  each  soul.  f.w.b.] 

Romans,  Epistle  to  the.  I.  The  Chris- 
tian Church  at  Rome  had  been  in  existence 
a  considerable  time  when  St.  Paul  wrote  to 
it  (1.8-13,13.11,15),  and  probably  organized 
like  other  churches  (12.5ff.,  and  perhaps  16. 5). 
In  Acts  the  existence  of  the  church  is  pre- 
supposed as  something  well  known  (Ac. 28. 15), 
and  the  author  had  no  reason  to  narrate  its 
origin.  There  was  movement,  however,  to 
Rome  from  all  parts  of  the  empire  ;  and 
amongst  other  immigrants  were  Jewish  and 
Greek  Christians.  Who  was  the  organizer  of 
the  church  or  the  founder  of  its  congregational 
life  is  quite  unknown.  Roman  tradition  says 
St.  Peter,  and  fixes  his  arrival  in  the  second 
year  (or  about  the  beginning)  of  the  reign  of 
Claudius,  c.  41  a.d.,  saying  that  he  stayed 
there  twenty-five  years  till  his  death,  and  was 
the  first  bishop.  But  in  the  year  44,  and  at  the 
date  of  the  apostolic  council  in  52,  St.  Peter 
was  still  living  in  Jerusalem  (12.4,15.7  ;  Gal. 
2.1).  Later,  when  St.  Paul  was  living  at 
Ephesus,  St.  Peter  had  not  been  labouring 
at  Rome,  because  (Ro.15.2o;  2Cor.lO.16)  St. 
Paul  made  a  rule  of  not  interfering  with  an- 
other's field  of  labour  ;  and  had  St.  Peter  been 
in  Rome  when  St.  Paul  wrote  to  the  Romans, 
he  would  have  been  saluted  before  all  others, 
for  the  numerous  salutations  in  R0.I6  pre- 
suppose an  accurate  acquaintance  with  the 
teachers  then  in  Rome.  St.  Peter  cannot 
have  been  in  Rome  at  all  before  St.  Paul  was 
brought  there,  otherwise,   as  apostle    to  the 


ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE     753 

Jews,  he  would  have  brought  Christianity  into 
closer  contact  with  the  Jewish  population  than 
can  be  allowed  from  Ac. 28. 22.  It  is  also  most 
improbable  that  St.  Peter  could  have  been  in 
Rome  before  the  writing  of  the  epistle  to  the 
Philippians — the  only  one  certainly  written  by 
St.  Paul  in  Rome,  or  at  the  time  ;  for  it  is 
quite  inconceivable  that  St.  Paul  should  not 
have  mentioned  a  fellow- apostle,  especially 
when  complaining  so  deeply  of  being  forsaken 
(Ph.2.20).  Therefore  St.  Peter's  arrival  in 
Rome  (certain  from  Dionys.  of  Corinth,  in 
Euseb.  ii.  25  ;  Caius,  in  Euseb.  ii.  25  ; 
Origen,  in  Euseb.  iii.  i  ;  Irenaeus,  Tertullian, 
etc.)  could  only  be  at  the  end  of  St.  Paul's 
captivity,  after  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians. 
It  is  highly  probable  that  a  Christian  church 
was  founded  in  Rome  after  St.  Paul  had  come 
to  Europe  ;  if  it  had  been  before,  there  would 
surely  have  been  something  Hke  it  in  the 
nearer  cities  of  Macedonia  and  Achaia,  but  of 
that  there  is  no  trace.  The  special  inspiration 
sent  to  St.  Paul  to  go  to  Europe  impUes  that 
it  was  a  new  step,  not  yet  taken  by  other 
apostles.  But  when  St.  Paul  was  working 
successfully  in  Greece,  it  was  very  likely  that 
men  of  his  school  should  carry  the  Gospel 
farther  westward,  to  Rome  itself.  The  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Jews  from  Rome  under  Claudius 
(Suet.  Claud.  25  ;  Ac. 18. 2)  served  this  end. 
Of  these  Aquila  and  Priscilla  are  an  example  ; 
they  emigrated  as  Jews  to  Corinth,  lived  there 
with  St.  Paul  more  than  a  year  and  a  half,  and 
at  the  date  of  Romans  had  settled  again  in 
Rome,  where,  as  in  Ephesus  (1C0r.l6.19),  they 
are  teachers  and  possessors  of  a  house  where 
the  Roman  church  met  (R0.I6.3).  They  re- 
ceive St.  Paul's  first  salutation,  more  laudatory 
than  any  others.  Christianity,  having  taken 
root  first  among  the  Jews,  made  all  the  more 
way  among  the  Gentiles  because  paganism 
had  fallen  into  contempt,  inducing  despair 
both  among  cultivated  and  uncultivated 
classes.  Hence  inclination  to  monotheism 
was  general,  and  the  number  of  Jewish 
proselytes  was  great  (Juvenal,  Sat.  xiv.  96  ; 
Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44,  Hist.  v.  5  ;  Seneca,  in 
Augustine  De  Civ.  Dei  vii.  11  ;  Josephus, 
18  Ant.  iii.,  5).  These  would  be  fertile  soil 
for  the  Liberal  Pauline  theology  of  Aquila 
and  others.  From  the  names  mentioned  in 
ch.  16,  from  the  approval  given  to  the  doctrine 
the  Romans  had  received  (16.17,6.17),  and 
from  the  fact  of  the  letter  itself  (no  extant 
letter  of  Paul's  is  directed  to  a  non-PauUne 
church),  it  is  certain  that  Pauline  Christianity 
preponderated  in  Rome  ;  and  a  second  certain 
inference  is  that  a  very  important  part  of  the 
Roman  church  consisted  of  Gentile  Chris- 
tians— indeed,  this  must  have  been  the  pre- 
ponderating and  chief  constituent  element, 
since  St.  Paul  repeatedly  designates  the  Ro- 
mans as  belonging  to  the  I6vt],  Gentiles  (1.5,6, 
13,11.13),  and  insists  on  his  calling  as  Apostle 
of  the  Gentiles  (15.15,1.5,16.4,26).  In  accord- 
ance with  the  apostolic  agreement  in  Gal.2.7, 
St.  Paul  would  not  have  written  a  doctrinal 
epistle  to  the  Romans,  especially  containing 
his  whole  Gospel,  if  they  had  been  in  the  main 
a  church  of  the  Circumcision.  Even  7.i, 
where  he  says,  "  I  speak  to  them  that  know  the 
law,"  and  the  numerous  references  to  O.T., 

48 


754    ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 

and  proofs  from  it,  do  not  mean  Jewish  pre- 
dominance, but  are  explained  by  the  fact  that 
in  the  apostolic  age  all  Christian  knowledge 
was  conveyed  through  the  O.T.,  that  this  ac- 
quaintance grew  through  the  O.T.  being  read  in 
the  assemblies  (cf.  (ial.4.2i),  and  that  the  com- 
mingling of  Jews  and  (ientiles  in  the  churches 
led  to  a  still  closer  use  and  understanding. 
This  preponderance  of  Gentiles  is  further  illus- 
trated by  the  fact  that  when  St.  Paul  arrives 
in  Rome,  and  wishes  to  make  himself  ac- 
quainted with  the  Jewish  leaders,  they  do  not 
allude  to  the  existence  of  an  organized  Chris- 
tian congregation,  however  small,  as  they  must 
have  done  had  Jews  preponderated,  but 
merely  say  that  the  sect  is  everywhere  spoken 
against  (Ac. 28. 22).  They  do  not  say  anything 
about  it  for  the  present  till  St.  Paul  has  ex- 
plained himself ;  but  clearly  their  relation 
to  it  is  far  from  close. — II.  Occasion.  Long 
before  writing  ("  these  many  years,"  R0.I5.23), 
St.  Paul  had  a  longing  desire  (Ac. 19. 21)  to 
preach  the  Gospel  in  Rome  (Ro.l.ii),  where 
the  founders  and  teachers  of  the  church  were 
of  his  school,  and  where  he  had  many  friends 
and  fellow-labourers  (16).  His  other  official 
labours  had  prevented  this  hitherto  (1. 13,15. 
22).  Now  he  hoped  to  come,  but  must  first 
take  the  collections  to  Jerusalem  (15. 23-25)  ; 
and  as  Spain  rather  than  Rome  was  to  be  his 
ultimate  goal  (15. 24-28),  he  could  not  be  con- 
templating a  long  stay  at  the  capital.  So  he 
wished  no  longer  to  delay  a  written  com- 
munication of  his  full  message,  and  also  so 
to  prepare  the  way  for  his  arrival  that  a  pro- 
longed stay  wt)uld  be  lumecessary.  Such  was 
the  occasion  ;  and  the  JDurney  of  the  Corin- 
thian deaconess  Phebe  to  Rome  (16. i)  was  the 
opportunity.  He  knew  the  circumstances  of 
the  church  through  his  relation  to  the  teachers 
(eh.  16),  and  the  active  intercourse  between 
Corinth  and  Rome  (cf.  the  indications  in  12, 
14,15).  Of  all  his  letters  this  sprang  least  out 
of  special  casual  circumstances.  Baur's  sug- 
gestion that  the  epistle  was  occasioned  by  a 
Jewish-Christian  polemic  against  St.  Paul  for 
working  amongst  Gentiles  rather  than  Jews 
receives  no  probability  from  the  epistle.  We 
see  his  polemical  treatment  in  Galatians  and 
I  and  2Cor.  ;  here  the  method  is  not  pole- 
mical, but  theological. — III.  Object.  Obvi- 
ously this  epistle  is  not  a  complete  doctrinal 
system,  but  an  exposition  of  the  doctrine  of 
redemption.  St.  Paul  wished  to  lay  before 
the  Romans  in  writing,  for  their  Christian 
edification  (1.11,16.25),  his  evangelic  doctrine 
— the  doctrine  of  the  sole  way  of  salvation 
given  in  Christ — viewed  in  its  full  specific 
character  of  the  superseding  of  Judaism,  in 
such  a  way  as  the  necessities  and  circumstances 
of  the  church  demanded,  and  as  he  would  have 
preached  it  amongst  them,  had  he  been  pre- 
sent in  person  (l.ii).  The  importance  of  the 
Roman  churcii  made  it  desirable  to  set  this 
forth  "  in  the  entire  connexion  of  its  con- 
stituent fundamental  principles."  If  there 
was  a  polemical  purpose,  it  was  against  all 
legal  righteousness  whatsoever  ;  but  the 
dangers  of  the  church  were  more  moral  than 
dogmatic,  and  are  touched  upon  in  13. iff., 
14. iff. ,16. iff.  It  was  a  very  partial  view  of 
Augustine,  Theodoret,  Mclancthon,  and  others 


ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 

to  see  in  the  epistle  mainly  the  refutation  ol 
Jewish  arrogance  ;  or  a  chief  purpose  of  con- 
ciliation between  Jewish  and  Gentile  Chris- 
tians (Hug)  ;  f)r  a  personal  apologetic  from 
St.  Paul  himself  (Sabatier). — IV.  Contents. 
(i)  Introduction  (\.i-i^).    (a)  Salutation  (1-7). 

(b)  St.  Paul  and  the  Roman  church  (8-15). 
(2)  Theoretic  or  Doctrinal  (I.16-II.36),  main 
thesis.  Problem  :  How  is  righteousness  to  be 
attained  ?  Answer  :  Not  by  man's  work,  but 
by  God's  gifts,  through  faith,  or  loyal  attach- 
ment to  Christ  (1.16,17).  (a)  The  necessity 
of  this  plan  of  salvation  :  required  by  the 
whole  himian  race,  Gentiles  and  Jews  alike. 
The  Jews,  even  according  to  their  own  law, 
are  guilty  before  God,  and  cannot  attain  to 
righteousness  (1. 17-8.20).  (b)  The  nature  of 
this  plan  of  salvation  :  righteousness  really, 
and  only,  comes  by  faith  ;  specially  obvious 
from  the  justification  of  Abraham  (3.21-4.25). 

(c)  The  blessed  results  of  this  plan  of  salva- 
tion :  partly,  the  blissful  inward  condition  of 
the  justified  before  God  (5.i-ii)  ;  partly,  that 
justification  through  Christ  is  just  as  uni- 
versally effective  as  Adam's  fall  was  once 
universally  destructi\'e  (5. 12-21)  ;  and  partly 
that  true  morality  is  not  only  not  endangered 
by  the  manifestation  of  grace  in  Christ,  but  is 
infinitely  promoted  and  quickened  by  it  (ch.  6), 
and  made  free  from  the  fetters  of  the  law  (1. 
1-6).  (d)  This  last  assertion  demanded  a 
defence  of  the  law  as  tiiat  which  is  in  itself 
good  and  holy,  but  was  abused  by  the  sinful 
principle  in  man,  against  his  own  better  will, 
to  his  destruction  (7.7-25)  ;  a  sad  variance  of 
man  with  himself,  which  could  not  be  removed 
througli  the  law.  but  only  through  Christ, 
Whose  Spirit  jiroduccs  in  us  (i)  the  freedt)m  of 
the  new  divine  life,  (ii)  the  consciousness  of 
adoption,  (iii)  the  assurance  of  future  glory 
(ch.  8).  (e)  From  the  lofty  description  of  this 
blessed  and  newly  revealed  connexion  with 
Christ,  St.  Paul  passes  by  contrast  to  the 
saddening  thought  that  a  great  jiart  of  that 
very  Jewish  people,  so  signally  favoured  of 
God,  has  rejected  the  finally  developed  and 
crowning  message  of  salvation  ;  and  therefore 
he  develops  in  full  a  doctrinal  theory  with 
regard  to  the  exclusion,  apparently  irrecon- 
cilable witli  the  divine  ])romises,  of  so  many 
members  of  the  theocracy  from  the  attain- 
ment of  salvation  in  Christ  (9-11).  (3)  Hor- 
tatory (12-15. 13).  The  essentials  of  the 
Pauline  ethical  system  :  partly  general  ex- 
hortations (12.1-21,13.8-14)  ;  partly  in  some 
special  discussions  deemed  necessary  in  the 
circumstances  of  the  Romans  (13. 1-7, 14. i- 
15.13).  (j[)  Conclusion,  (a)  Corresponding  to 
the  introduction  (I.8-15),  jiersonal  explana- 
tions witii  regartl  to  Paul's  intended  journey 
by  way  of  Rome  to  S|)ain  (15. 14-33).  C")  R^" 
commendation  of  Phebe  (16. 1,2).  (c)  Salu- 
tations (16. 3-16).  (d)  Warning,  with  a  closing 
wish  (I6.17-20).  (<•)  Some  supplementary 
salutations,  with  a  second  closing  wish  (16. 2 1- 
24).  (/)  Concluding  doxology  (I6.25-27). — V. 
TiMi;  AND  Plack  of  Composition.  St.  Paul, 
when  composing  this  letter,  was  about  to 
convey  to  Jerusalem  the  proceeds  of  collec- 
tions made  in  Macedonia  and  Achaia  (15. 15- 
27),  intending  to  journev  thence  by  way  of 
Rome  to  Spain  (15.28  ;    Ac. 19.2 1)  ;    therefore 


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we  arrive  at  his  last  sojourn  (three  months) 
in  Achaia  (20. 3).  He  intended  to  go  direct 
from  Achaia  to  Syria  for  Jerusalem,  but, 
owing  to  Jewish  plots,  took  quite  a  different 
route,  back  through  Macedonia  (20. 3).  This 
change  had  not  been  made  when  he  wrote,  or  he 
would  have  mentioned  it  in  Ro.15,  in  connexion 
with  vv.  25  and  31.  Therefore  it  must  have 
been  written  before  he  left  Achaia.  St.  Luke 
mentions  no  particular  city  for  that  stay,  but 
probably  the  greater  part  was  at  Corinth,  the 
principal  mother-church,  and  dear  to  St.  Paul 
from  his  former  labours.  Also  from  i  Cor.  16. 
1-7,  2Cor.9.4,12.20-13.3,  it  is  clear  that  in 
travelling  from  Macedonia  to  Achaia  St.  Paul 
chose  that  city  for  his  stay,  with  a  view  to 
completing  the  collection  and  starting  for 
Jerusalem.  The  proof  is  completed  by  the 
choice  of  Phebe  of  Cenchreae  (the  seaport  of 
Corinth)  as  messenger  (Ro.l6.i,2),  and  the 
salutation  of  his  host  Gains  fl6.23  ;  iCor.l.14). 
The  iime  is  39  a.d.,  when  St.  Paul  regarded 
his  ministry  in  the  East  as  closed,  and  (Ko.l5. 
19,23)  saw  a  new  and  vast  scene  of  action 
opened  up  to  him  in  the  West,  of  which  Rome 
should  be  the  centre  and  Spain  the  goal. — 
VI.  Genuineness.  Decisively  attested  by  the 
witness  of  the  orthodox  Church  (first  express 
quotations,  Irenaeus,  Haer.  iii.  xvi.  3,  9  ; 
echoes  of  language  and  traces  of  use,  Clem. 
Cor.  i.  35  ;  Polycarp,  Ad  Phil.  6;  Theoph.  Ad 
Autol.  i.  20,  iii.  14  ;  Letter  of  Churches  of 
Vienna  and  Lyons,  Euseb.  v.  i)  ;  as  also  by 
the  Gnostics  Basilides,  Valentinus,  Heracleon, 
Epiphanes,  Theodotus.  Against  such  testi- 
mony, the  strongest  internal  arguments  should 
be  required  ;  and  they  have  never  seriously 
been  made.  The  epistle  bears  throughout  the 
lively  original  impress  of  the  apostle's  mind, 
and  his  characteristic  qualities,  in  matter  and 
form  ;  and  is  the  chief  record  of  his  Gospel  in 
its  entire  connexion  and  antagonism.  The 
originality  extends  also  to  the  language,  Greek, 
which  suited  alike  St.  Paul's  Hellenic  culture 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 
Meyer,  "Romans,"  Comm.  on  N.T.;  Sanday 
and  Headlam,  "  Romans,"  Internal.  Cril. 
Comm.  [w.M.s.] 

Rome,  the  famous  capital  of  the  ancient 
world,  is  situated  on  the  Tiber  about  15  miles 
from  its  mouth.  The  "seven  hills"  (Rev. 
17.9)  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  ancient 
city  stand  on  the  left  bank.  Here  it  will  be 
considered  only  in  its  relation  to  Bible  history. 
Rome  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible  only  in  the 
books  of  Maccabees  and  in  three  books  of 
N.T.,  viz.  Acts,  Romans,  and  aTimothy.  The 
conquests  of  Pompey  seem  to  have  given  rise 
to  the  first  settlement  of  Jews  at  Rome.  The 
Jewish  king  Aristobulus  and  his  son  formed 
part  of  Pompey's  triumph,  and  many  Jewish 
captives  and  emigrants  were  brought  to  Rome 
at  that  time.  Many  of  these  Jews  were  made 
freedmen.  Julius  Caesar  showed  them  kind- 
ness, and  tiiey  were  favoured  by  Augustus. 
Claudius  "  commanded  all  Jews  to  depart  from 
Rome"  (Ac. 18. 2),  on  account  of  tumults 
connected,  possibly,  with  the  preaching  of 
Christianity  at  Rome.  This  banishment 
cannot  have  been  of  long  duration,  for  Jews 
were  residing  at  Rome,  apparently  in  consider- 
able numbers,  at  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  visit 


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(28.17).  It  is  in  connexion  with  St.  Paul 
that  Rome  comes  before  us  in  N.T.  Hence 
it  is  necessary  to  give  some  account  of  Rome 
in  the  time  of  Nero,  the  "  Caesar  "  to  whom 
St.  Paul  appealed,  and  in  whose  reign  he 
suffered  martj-rdom. —  i.  The  city  at  that 
time  was  a  large  and  irregular  mass  of  build- 
ings unprotected  by  an  outer  wall.  The 
visit  of  St.  Paul  lies  between  two  famous 
epochs  in  the  history  of  the  city,  viz.  its 
restoration  by  Augustus  and  its  restoration 
by  Nero.  Augustus  boasted  "  that  he  had 
found  the  city  of  brick  and  left  it  of  marble." 
The  streets  were  generally  narrow  and  winding, 
flanked  by  densely  crowded  lodging-houses 
(insulae)  of  enormous  height.  St.  Paul's  first 
visit  to  Rome  took  place  before  the  Neronian 
conflagration,  but  even  after  the  subsequent 
restoration  of  the  city  many  of  the  old 
evils  continued.  The  population  of  the  city 
has  been  variously  estimated  :  at  500,000,  at 
2,000,000  and  upwards,  and  even  at  8,000,000. 
Probably  Gibbon's  estimate  of  1,200,000  is 
nearest  the  truth,  and  perhaps  one-half  of  the 
population  consisted  of  slaves.  The  larger 
part  of  the  remainder  were  pauper  citizens 
supported  in  idleness  by  a  miserable  system 
of  public  gratuities.  Tliere  appears  to  have 
been  no  middle  class  and  no  free  industrial 
population.  Side  by  side  with  the  wretched 
classes  just  mentioned  was  the  comparatively 
small  body  of  the  wealthy  nobility,  of 
whose  luxury  and  profligacy  we  hear  so 
much  from  the  heathen  writers  of  the  time. 
Such  was  the  population  which  St.  Paul 
would  find  at  Rome  at  the  time  of  his  visit. 
—  2.  The  localities  in  and  about  Rome 
especially  connected  with  the  life  of  St.  Paul, 
are — (i)  The  Appian  Way,  by  which  he 
approached  Rome  (Ac.28.i5).  (2)  "The 
palace,"  or  "  Caesar's  court  "  (Ph.l.13).  This 
may  mean  either  the  great  camp  of  the  Prae- 
torian guards  which  Tiberius  established 
outside  the  walls  on  the  N.E.  of  the  city,  or, 
more  probably,  a  barrack  attached  to  the 
imperial  residence  on  the  Palatine. — 3.  The 
connexion  of  other  localities  at  Rome  with 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul  rests  only  on  traditions  of 
more  or  less  probability.  We  may  mention 
— (i)  The  Mamertine  prison  or  TuUianum, 
built  by  Ancus  Martins  near  the  Forum.  It 
still  exists  beneath  the  church  of  S.  Giuseppe 
dei  Falegnami.  Here  it  is  said  that  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  were  fellow-prisoners  for  nine 
months.  The  story,  however,  of  the  im- 
prisonment in  the  Mamertine  prison  seems 
inconsistent  with  2Tim.,  esp.  4. 11.  (2)  The 
chapel  on  the  Ostian  road  which  marks  the 
spot  where  the  two  apostles  are  said  to  have 
separated  on  their  way  to  martyrdom.  (3) 
The  supposed  scene  of  St.  Paul's  martyrdom, 
viz.  the  church  of  S.  Paolo  alle  tre  fontane 
on  the  Ostian  road.  (4)  The  supposed  scene 
of  St.  Peter's  martrydom,  viz.  the  church  of 
S.  Pietro  in  Monlorio,  on  the  Janiculum. 
(5)  The  chapel  "  Domine  quo  Vadis,"  on  the 
Appian  road,  the  scene  of  the  beautiful  tradi- 
tion of  our  Lord's  appearance  to  St.  Peter  as 
he  was  escaping  from  martyrdom.  (6)  The 
places  where  the  bodies  of  the  two  apostles, 
after  having  been  deposited  first  in  the  cata- 
combs,   are   supposed    to   have   been   finally 


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buried — that  of  St.  Paul  by  the  Ostian  road  ; 
that  of  St.  I'eter  beneath  the  dome  of  the 
famous  basilica  which  bears  his  name. — 4.  We 
must  add,  as  sites  unquestionably  connected 
with  the  Roman  Christians  of  the  apostolic 
age — (i)  The  gardens  of  Nero  in  the  Vatican, 
not  far  from  the  spot  where  St.  Peter's  now 
stands.  (2)  The  catacombs.  These  subterra- 
nean galleries,  commonly  from  8  to  10  ft.  in 
height,  and  from  4  to  6  in  width,  and  extending 
for  miles,  especially  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  old  Appian  and  Nomentan  ways,  were 
unquestionably  used  as  places  of  refuge,  of 
worship,  and  of  burial  by  the  early  Christians. 
Roof.     [House.] 

Room,  employed  in  A.V.  of  N.T.  as  the 
equivalent  of  no  less  than  eight  distinct  Gk. 
terms.  The  only  one,  however,  which  needs 
notice  is  wpcoTOKXiffia  (Mt.23.6;  Mk. 12.39;  I-U.14. 
7,8,20.46),  which  signifies  the  highest  place  on 
the  highest  couch  round  the  dinner  or  supper 
table — the  "  uppemiost  seat,"  as  it  is  more 
accurately  rendered  in  Lu.ll.43. 

Ropes.  [Cord  ;  Cart-rope  ;  Withs.] 
Rose  (Heb.  Mbhacfeleth  ;  Can.2.i  ;  Is.35. 
1.).  There  is  much  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
what  particular  flower  is  here  denoted.  Tre- 
mellius  and  Diodati,  with  some  of  the  Rabbins, 
believe  the  rose  is  intended,  but  there  seems  to 
be  no  foundation  for  such  a  translation.  Se- 
veral wild  roses  occur,  but  none  are  con- 
spicuous. The  philological  objection  to  this 
translation  is,  however,  the  chief  stumbling- 
block,  since  the  Heb.  word  may  contain  the 
root  be(el,  i.e.  bulb.  Hence  the  argument  of 
(lesenius  and  others  in  favour  of  the  autumn 
crocus  (Colchicum),  the  asphodel,  or  the  nar- 
cissus. The  Aram.  Targum  on  Can.2.i  has 
narqds  ("  narcissus  ")  for  "  rose."  In  6.2  it 
renders  "lilies"  by  war  din  (.Arab,  werd), 
"  roses."  Narcissus  tazetlae  is  a  most  attrac- 
tive feature  in  the  early  floral  displav  of 
Judaea.  The  narcissus  and  lily  (iJlium 
candidiim)  would  be  in  blossom  together  in  the 
early  spring,  while  the  Colchicum  is  an  autumn 
plant  devoid  of  sweetness  and  beauty.  The 
narcissus  abounds  in  the  plain  of  Sharon. 
Though  the  rose  is  apparently  not  mentioned 
in  the  Heb.  Bible,  it  is  referred  to  in  Ecclus. 
24.14  (r/.  also  39.13,50.8  ;  Wis.2.8).     [ii.c.H.] 

Rosh,  a  son  (L.\X.  grandson)  of  Ben- 
j.miiM  ((;en.46.2i).  It  is  extremely  probable 
that  "  Ehi  and  Rosh  "  is  a  corruption  of 
"  Ahiram  "    (cf.    Num. 26.38). 

Rosh  (I':zk.38.2, 3,39.1).  The  first  passage, 
rctidiTcd  by  A.V.  "(log,  the  land  of  Magog, 
thi!  chief  prince  of  Meshech  and  Tubal,"  is  (in 
R.V.)  "  Gog  of  the  land  of  Magog  the  prince 
of  Rosh,  Meshech,  and  Tubal."  Gesenius 
says  of  Rosh  :  "  Undoubtedly  the  Russians, 
who  are  mentioned  by  Byzantine  writers  of 
the  loth  cent,  under  the  name  ol  Pis."  They 
are  noticed  also  by  Ibn  Foslan  as  RUs,  living 
on  the  Volga  in  the  same  age.  [c.r.c] 

Rosin,  properly  "  naphtha,"  as  it  is  both 
in  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.,  as  well  as  the  Pcsh.- 
Syr.  In  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children  (23), 
the  servants  of  the  king  of  Babylon  are  said  to 
have  "  ceased  not  t(j  make  the  oven  hot  with 
rosin,  pitch,  tow,  and  small  wood."  Pliny 
mentions  naphtha  as  a  product  of  Babylonia, 


RUMAH 

and  to  this  reference  is  here  made.  It  is  a 
liquid  hydrocarbon,  now  more  commonly 
called  petroleum,  and  as  a  natural  product  is 
obtained  largely,  among  other  places,  at  Baku, 
on  the  Caspian  Sea.     [Naphthar.] 

Rubies  (Heb.  p'niyyim,  p''ninim).  It  is 
highly  improbable  that  "rubies  "  is  the  correct 
rendering  of  this  word,  for  the  Hebrews  could 
hardly  have  been  acquainted  with  this  gem  (the 
red  variety  of  corundum  or  crystallized  alu- 
mina), since  it  is  chiefly  found  in  Cevlon  and 
Burma.  In  Job  28. 18,  Pr.3. 15, 8. 11, 20.15,31. 
10  something  of  high  value  is  evidently  de- 
noted, and  in  Pr.2O.15  is  coupled  with  gold.  In 
Lam. 4. 7  it  is  said,  "  The  Nazarites  were  purer 
than  snow,  they  were  whiter  than  milk,  they 
were  more  ruddy  in  body  than  p'ninim." 
Here  so  highly  coloured  a  stone  as  the  ruby 
can  hardly  be  intended.  Coral  has  been  sug- 
gested, but  another  Heb.  w'ord  is  supposed  to 
denote  this.  Bochart  takes  it  to  mean  pearls, 
which  is  open  to  the  same  objection,  and  his 
explanation  of  the  above-named  ruddiness — 
that  the  original  word  means  "bright  in  colour" 
or  "colour  of  a  reddish  tinge" — though  the 
latter  can  be  shown  by  pearl,  is  not  very  satis- 
factory. Carnelian  and  a  rather  pale  garnet  are 
possible,  but  nothing  is  certain  except  that  the 
plur.  word  suggests  something  usually  seen 
more  than  one  at  a  time.  [t.g.b.] 

Rue  (rriyayov,  Lu.ll.42  only.)  The  Ruta 
graveolens  (R.  chalepense  Linn.)  is  a  shrubby 
plant  about  2  ft.  high,  of  strong  medicinal  vir- 
tues. It  is  a  native  of  the  Mediterranean  coasts, 
and  has  been  found  by  Hasselquist  on  mount 
Tabor.  It  may  still  be  seen  near  Jericho  and 
Jaffa.  The  Talmud  enumerates  rue  amongst 
kitchen-herbs,  and  regards  it  as  free  of  tithe,  as 
not  being  cultivated  in  gardens.  In  our  Lord's 
time,  however,  rue  was  doubtless  a  garden 
plant  and  therefore  titheable. 

RuTus,  one  of  the  two  sons  of  Simon 
of  Cyrene  (Mk.l5.2i).  In  R0.I6.13  St. 
Paul  salutes  "  Rufus  the  chosen  in  the  Lord, 
and  his  mother  and  mine."  St.  Mark  would 
scarcely  have  described  Simon  as  "the  father  of 
Alexander  and  Rufus  "  had  not  these  two  been 
familiar  in  Christian  circles.  So  it  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  Rufus  the  son  of  Simon  is  identical 
with  the  Rufus  greeted  by  St.  Paul,  though  the 
name  was  so  common  that  it  cannot  be  taken 
as  certain.  "  Chosen  in  the  Lord"  seems  to 
imply  some  special  distinction  ;  while  the  fol- 
lowing phrase  means  that  the  mother  of  Rufus 
on  some  occasion  had  shown  motherly  kindness 
to  St.   Paul.     ISiMON,  II.]  [a. C.I).] 

Ruhamah',  i.e.  "  liaving  obtained  mercy  " 
(Ho. 2. 1,  A.V.  inarg.).  This  figurative  name, 
applied  to  Israel,  contrasts  with  Lo-ruhamah 
(Ho. 1.6),  the  name  given  to  the  daughter  of  the 
j)ro})het  Hosea,  to  denote  that  God's  mercy  was 
turned  away  from  Israel  {cf.  .\mmi). 

Ruler  of  synaerogrue.  [Synagogue.] 
Ruler  of  thousands.  [Judge.] 
Rulers  of  the  city  (iro\lTapxa.i,  Ac.l7. 
6-8),  the  special  local  title  of  the  5  or  6  magis- 
trates of  the  "  free  city  "  of  Thessaloiiica.  Of 
1 7  inscriptions  containing  it,  1 3  belong  to  Mace- 
donia, 5  to  Thessalonica  itself.  [11. s.] 

Rumah',  mentioned  once  only  (2  K. 23. 36). 
It  has  biin  conjectured  to  be  the  same  place 


RTJSH 

as  Arumah  (Judg.9.41).  Probably  Rtimeh,  a 
ruin  in  Galilee  6  miles  N.  of  Nazareth,  noticed 
by  e£irly  Jewish  travellers.  There  is  another 
Rumeh,  a  ruin  13  miles  N.E.  of  Accho.    [c.r.c] 

Rush.     [Reed  ;    Meadow.] 

Ruth  is  one  of  the  5  women  reckoned  by  St. 
Matthew  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ.  The  other 
4  are  :  Thamar,  Rachab,  Bath-sheba,  and  the 
Virgin  Mary.  The  story  of  the  book  relates  how 
famine  in  the  land  of  Judah  compelled  Elime- 
lech,  anativeof  Bethlehem-ephratah,  to  go  into 
the  land  of  Moab,  with  his  wife  Naomi  and  his 
two  sons  Mahlon  and  Chilion.  Mahlon  married 
there  Ruth  and  Chilion  married  Orpah,  both 
women  of  Moab.  Mahlon  and  Chilion  died  child- 
less in  the  country  of  Moab.  After  ten  years, 
Elimelech  being  dead,  Naomi,  having  heard 
that  there  was  plenty  again  in  Judah,  resolved 
to  retm"n  to  Bethlehem,  and  Ruth  returned 
with  her,  while  Orpah  was  induced  to  remain  in 
Moab.  Naomi  and  Ruth  arrived  at  Bethle- 
hem just  at  the  beginning  of  barley  harvest, 
and  Ruth  went  out  to  glean  in  the  field  of  Boaz, 
a  wealthy  man  who  was  a  near  kinsman  of 
Elimelech.  Upon  learning  who  Ruth  was  and 
of  her  kindness  to  her  mother-in-law,  Boaz 
treated  her  with  the  utmost  consideration,  and 
sent  her  home  laden  with  corn  which  she  had 
gleaned.  Encouraged  by  the  favour  which 
Boaz  had  shown,  Naomi  instructed  Ruth  to 
claim  at  his  hand  the  performance  of  the  part 
of  her  husband's  near  kinsman,  by  purchasing 
the  inheritance  of  Elimelech  and  taking  her  to 
be  his  wife.  This  he  did.  Their  son  Obed  was 
father  of  J  esse  the  father  of  David,  [c.h.h.w.] 

Ruth,  Book  of.  This  book,  which  gives 
an  account  of  the  ancestry  of  David,  is  in  the 
Heb-  canon  one  of  the  five  nt'ghilldth,  or  "  rolls," 
which  formed  part  of  the  third  and  last  portion 
of  the  Heb.  sacred  writings,  termed  in  the 
Heb.  The  Writings  or  in  the  Gk.  transl.  the 
Hagiographa  or  Holy  Writings.  That  division 
commences  with  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  Song 
of  Songs,  and  then  Ruth.  In  the  Talmud,  how- 
ever, Ruth  precedes  the  Psalms.  The  LXX. 
and  Josephus  place  Ruth  immediately  after 
Judges,  which,  historically  regarded,  is  its  cor- 
rect position.  The  events  recorded  took  place  a 
century  before  David,  with  whom  the  genealogy 
at  the  end  of  the  book  ends.  The  book  records 
intermarriages  of  Hebrews  with  women  of 
Moab,  upon  which  intermarriages  no  slight 
whatever  is  thrown.  Such  facts  would  not 
have  been  looked  upon  with  favour  after  the 
days  of  the  Exile.  This  helps  to  confirm  the 
historical  character  of  the  book,  and  the  con- 
nexion is  agreeable  to  the  close  intercourse  be- 
tween David  and  the  king  of  Moab  recorded 
in  iSam.22.3,4.  The  law  of  the  Levirate  (Deut. 
25.7-9)  is  not  the  law  referred  to  in  Ru.4.7, 
and  Reuss  has  fallen  into  a  great  mistake  by 
supposing  that  through  the  working  of  the 
levirate  law  David  came  into  possession  of 
property  in  Ephraim.  This  is  a  confusion  of 
the  names  Ephraim  and  Ephratah.  The  most 
important  literature  on  this  book  includes 
Schmidt  {1696),  Carpzov  (1703),  Rosenmiiller, 
Berthean  (1846),  Keil,  Metzger  (1856),  P.  Cassel 
(1887),  C.  H.  H.  Wright  (1864),  Morison  in  the 
Pulpit  Comm.,  Lord  A.  C.  Hervey  in  Speaker's 
Comm.  (1872),  and  Oettli  (1875).   [c.h.h.w.] 

Rye.     [RiE.] 


SABBATH 


757 


Sabaoth.     [Hosts,  Lord  of.] 

Sa'bat. — 1.  Sons  of  Sabat  were  among  the 
sons  of  Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.34  only). — 2.  (iMac.l6. 
i4)  =  Sebat.     [Month.] 

Sabate'as  (iEsd.9.48)  =  Shabbethai. 

Sab'atus  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Zabad,  4. 

Sab'ban  (iEsd.8.63)  =  Binnui,  i. 

Sabbath  (shabbdth).  There  is  no  question 
that  the  meaning  of  the  word  is  "  to  cease," 
and  that  is  the  primary  idea  of  the  institution. 
The  sabbath  was  to  be  a  day  on  which  the 
business  of  life  ceased.  Why  this  was  to  be  on 
the  seventh  day  is  a  matter  of  considerable 
dispute.  What  suggested  the  number  seven 
which  is  so  prominent  in  religion  ?  It  has  been 
thought  that  the  "  seven  planets  "  of  the 
Babylonians,  or  the  seven  stars  of  the  Great 
Bear  {Arcturus),  or  the  Pleiades,  may  have  done 
so.  It  is  more  probable  that  the  lunar  revolu- 
tion of  28  days  (roughly),  which  was  naturally 
divided  into  14  and  7,  suggested  the  num- 
ber. [Seven.]  Nearly  all  nations,  civilized  or 
uncivilized,  have  made  distinctions  of  days, 
dies  fasti  and  nefasti,  or  lucky  and  unlucky,  etc. 
Our  own  days  still  bear  the  names  of 
Teutonic  deities.  In  Egypt  this  was  carried 
to  extremes  (c/.  Maspero,  Dawn  of  Civilization, 
pp.  210  ff.),  but  it  had  nothing  resembling  the 
sabbath  ;  in  fact,  the  institution  of  the  latter 
may  be  a  reaction  against  the  tedious  and  su- 
perstitious Egyptian  system.  Many  scholars, 
however,  believe  that  the  sabbath  has  a 
Babylonian  origin.  The  arguments  are  put  as 
strongly  as  possible  by  Sayce  {Higher  Crit.  and 
Monuments,  pp>.  74-77  ;  Early  Hist,  of  Hebrews, 
p.  193  ;  Religion  of  Ancient  Babylonian';,  pp. 
70-77).  The  matter,  as  yet,  depends  upon  a 
fragment  of  a  Babylonian  tablet  (photographed 
in  Pinches'  O.T.  and  Hist.  Records  of  Assy, 
and  Bab.  p.  49,  in  which  the  words  Hm  nuh 
libbi,  "  day  of  rest  of  the  heart,"  are  explained 
as  equivalent  to  sapattum  (from  the  Sumerian 
sa-bat,  "  heart -rest "),  which  is  often  taken  as 
the  origin  of  the  Semitic  word  sabbath.  The 
difficulty,  as  pointed  out  by  Dr.  Pinches,  op. 
cit.,  is  that  the  sapattum  was  the  15th  day 
of  the  month.  The  7th,  14th,  21st,  28th,  and 
19th  were,  among  the  Babylonians,  days  of  ill- 
omen,  and  there  is  no  evidence  yet  of  the  7th 
being  considered  as  the  end  of  a  week  or  de- 
finite period  of  time.  We  are  led  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  Babylonian  origin  of  the 
sabbath  is  not  proved,  though  it  is  likely  that 
astronomical  knowledge  had  suggested  to  the 
Babylonians  divisions  of  28.  It  is  also  to  be 
noticed  that  the  observance  of  the  sabbath 
dates  from  a  time  when  Israel  was  least  influ- 
enced by  Babylon.  The  question  when  the 
sabbath  was  instituted  is  rather  a  subject  of 
bygone  controversy,  which  practically  ter- 
minated in  Hessey's  Bampton  Lectures,  i860, 
Sunday,  in  which  he  strongly  advocates  the 
Mosaic  origin.  The  sabbath  is  not  mentioned 
in  Genesis  except  in  the  first  account  of  the 
creation  (2.2,3),  and  in  the  present  attitude  of 
scholars  towards  that  chapter  evidential  use  of 
it  would  scarcely  be  considered.  The  strongest 
evidence  of  an  earlier  institution  is  the  first 
word  of  the  fourth  commandment,  the  past 


758 


SABBATH 


SABBATH 


application  of  which  has  not  been  explained 
away. — The  objects  of  the  institution  of  the 
sabbath  are  very  important  matters,  raising  it 
at  once  out  of  the  sphere  of  all  other  "  sacred  " 
days  of  other  peoples,  for  it  is  evident  that  the 
institution  was  of  divine  origin.  The  general 
object,  which  it  shared  with  many  other 
peculiar  ordinances,  was  to  keep  the  Hebrew 
people  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Within  this  general  object  were  many  others  of 
a  particular  character,  (i)  The  sabbath  was 
a  day  of  worship  ;  it  was  to  be  kept  holy.  Time 
is  a  matter  over  which  man  has  no  control  at 
all;  the  .Almighty  took  the  mysterious  seventh 
as  a  constant  reminder  that  time  belongs  to 
Him,  which  was  emphasized  by  His  claim  that 
labour  on  the  other  days  was  also  a  service  to 
Him,  a  truth  the  people  failed  to  understand. 

(2)  It  was  a  day  of  rest ;  rest  was  a  comwant/, 
the  neglect  of  which  exacted  a  penalty.  Why 
does  God  command  rest  ?  The  stars  never 
rest,  nor  does  He(ls.40.28;  Jn.5.17).  But  He 
has  imposed  rest  on  man,  not  idleness,  which  is 
never  rest,  but  a  period  of  recuperation,  the 
necessity  for  which  man  shares  with  nature,  but 
for  him  the  need  has  spiritual  as  well  as  physical 
grounds,  and,  for  all  we  know,  for  nature  also. 

(3)  A  third  object  is  that  of  kindness  ;  this  is 
sometimes  assumed  to  be  an  after-thought,  but 
it  is  in  the  first  draft  of  the  Commandment 
that  the  daughter  and  the  maid-servant  should 
rest,  as  well  as  the  cattle.  (4)  It  w-as  a  con- 
stant memorial  of  creation,  a  reminder  that  all 
nature  belongs  to  God.  This  was  seen  by  the 
Hebrews  in  later  times.  Philo  called  the  sab- 
bath the  imagining  out  (iKfia-yelov)  of  the  be- 
ginning, and  the  great  Rabbis  (e.g.  Abarbanel, 
Aben-Ezri)  taught  that  whoso  breaks  the 
sabbath  denies  divine  creation. — History!  of  its 
observance.  At  the  institution  the  chief  object 
was  worship ;  cessation  of  labour  was  primarily 
for  that  purpose.  The  morning  and  evening 
sacrifices  were  doubled  (Num. 28. 9, 10).  The 
shewbread  was  set  in  f)rder  before  the  Lord 
(Lev. 24. 8).  The  priests'  courses  changed  in 
later  times  on  this  day  (2K.II.0),  and  there  is 
evidence  of  special  musical  observance  of  the 
sabbath  (c/.CanonCook's  note,  S/im/:fy'sCo>nw., 
"Exodus"),  as  well  as  of  special  instructiim 
by  the  prophets  (2 K. 4.23).  One  is  struck  by 
the  comparative  absence  of  reference  to  the 
sabbath  in  purely  historical  port  ions  of  the  Bible 
till  after  the  Captivity,  and  by  the  tcne  of  re- 
proof which  characterizes  the  prophetic  utter- 
ances on  the  subject — facts  which  suggest  that 
the  observance  was  not  pojiular,  but  liturgical 
and  hierarchical  ;  in  fact,  the  attitude  of  the 
people  towards  the  sabbath  seems  to  be 
summed  up  in  the  words  of  Amos  (8.5), 
"When  will  tlie  s.ibbath  cease,  that  we  may 
set  forth  wheat  ?  "  Jeremiah,  too,  expressly 
states  that  the  s;ibbath  had  not  been  observed 
(17. 23),  and  in  his  timidity  only  insists  upon 
the  most  crude  observances  of  the  holy  day 
(vv.  21,22),  which  is  significant  from  a  jiriest 
speaking  a(/ />o/>m/u»i.  Ifaiah  (I.13)  speaks  of 
their  observance  of  the  holy  day  as  something 
that  the  Almighty  rejected  ;  and  Hosea  (2. 11) 
seems  to  suggest  that  the  sabbaths  were  ob- 
served, if  at  all,  in  what,  to  use  modern 
phraseology,  we  should  call  the  continental 
fashion.     There  is  nothing  in  O.T.  to  show  that 


the  Israelites  ever  rose  to  the  high  significance 
of  the  day  as  first  instituted ;  indeed,  it  is 
plainly  stated  by  lizekiel  (20.13,16,21,24,22.8, 
26,23.38)  that  the  sabbath  was  profaned, 
polluted,  and  despised.  After  the  Captivity  the 
observance  of  the  sabbath  began  to  be  more 
strictly  insisted  upon.  It  was  an  important 
"  point  "  in  the  covenant  of  Nehemiah  (IO.31), 
and  when  the  people  did  not  keep  the  covenant, 
but  bought  wine,  fish,  etc.,  from  the  Tyrians 
in  Jerusalem,  he  closed  and  guarded  the  gates 
all  the  sabbath  (13. 15-22).  In  iMac. 2.32-41  we 
read  hf)w  1,000  people  were  massacred  rather 
than  defend  themselves  on  ths  sabbath — 
conduct  that  was  not  approved  by  Mattathias 
and  his  friends,  who  decreed  that  the  people 
should  defend  themselves  on  the  holy  day. 
Still,  the  Jews  observed  the  sabbath  often  to 
their  loss  in  warfaie,  as  they  did  at  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem.  The  rigid  formalism  which  our 
Lord  condemned  began  in  the  3rd  cent.  B.C. 
and  increased  after  220  B.C.,  w-h?n  the  harass- 
ing and  ridiculous  distinctions  began  to 
crystallize  in  the  Mishna,  the  depository  of 
traditional  teaching.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
dwell  on  the  casuistic  trivialities  into  which 
tradition  developed  (such  as  it  being  lawful  to 
write  one  letter  but  not  two,  etc.).  It  is 
strange  that  the  Jews  had  almost  forgotten  the 
sabbatical  year,  and  the  Jubile  entirely.  This 
subject  produced  the  most  prominent  attack 
of  our  Loid  on  the  religion  of  the  time — not 
only  did  He  crndemn  its  abuse  by  word,  but 
also  by  act.  His  teaching  began  early  in  the 
matter  of  plucking  corn,  immediately  followed 
by  His  first  miracle  on  a  sabbath.  His  five 
miracles  of  healing  on  that  day  were,  with  the 
possible  exception  of  the  man  with  the  dropsy, 
cases  where  haste  was  not  necessary.  His  first 
attack  was  provoked  by  the  question,  Is  it 
law^ful  to  heal  on  the  sabbath  days  ?  (Mt.l2. 
10),  and  as  St.  Mark  tells  us  (8.5)  it  produced 
an  unmistakable  exhibition  of  anger(7rfpt/iXf^d- 
fi(vo%  avrovi  /x(t'  dpyrji).  This  and  the  healing 
of  the  infirm  woman  (I.u.l3. 10-17)  and  the 
dropsy  (14.1-6)  were  wrought  in  (lalilce.  The 
other  two,  the  impotent  man  and  the  man  born 
blind,  were  at  Jerusalem  (Jn.5.9).  In  them 
our  Lord's  teaching  was  more  fully  developed. 
He  begins  the  attack  Himself.  The  miracles, 
moreover,  were  worked  in  the  most  public  way, 
in  the  most  crowded  part  of  Jerusalem.  First 
He  sends  a  man  carrying  his  bed  through  the 
streets.  Then  He  sends  anotlier  well-known 
man,  with  lumps  of  clay  on  his  eyes  to  attract 
notice,  fmm  the  very  gates  of  the  temple,  who 
also  would  attract  more  notice  when  he  re- 
turned seeing.  These  miracles  broke  the 
traditions  against  carrying  burdens  and  pre- 
paring medicine.  In  tiie  matter  of  plucking 
corn  (Mt.l2.i-8)  the  dis(i|>les  broke  two  tr.'di- 
tions  by  reaping  and  jireparing  food.  Our 
Lord's  teaching  on  this  subject  centres  round 
two  statements  of  His.  (i)  The  sabbath  was 
made  for  man,  etc.  (2)  The  Son  of  Man  is 
Lord  also  of  the  sabbath  (Mk. 2.27,28).  The 
first  was  a  condemnation  of  the  Jews'  method 
of  keeping  the  fourth  commandment  in  the 
past  and  present ;  the  second  was  ]irophetic,  for 
He  intended  to  fulfil  the  command  by  resting 
in  the  grave  on  the  last  sabbath  that  was 
binding,  and  changing  it  un  the  next  day  into 


SABBATH  DAY'S  JOTJRNEY 

the  Lord's  day.  The  Jews  fully  recognized 
the  significance  of  our  Lord's  claim  to  author- 
ity over  the  day,  and  that  it  meant  an  assertion 
of  divinity  ;  therefore,  they  tried  to  stone 
Him.  After  the  gospels  the  sabbath  fades  out 
of  sight,  the  apostles  were  never  charged  with 
breaking  it,  nor  did  they  ever  suggest  that  it 
should  be  observed  by  Christians  ;  in  fact, 
St.  Paul  directly  states  the  opposite  (Col.2.i6). 
The  word  in  Heb.4.9  has  a  different  meaning. 
See  further  Lord's  Day.  [b.r.] 

Sabbath  day's  journey  (.\c.l.i2), 
the  distance  of  walking  permitted  on  Sabbath 
day.  The  Mosaic  injunction  with  reference  to 
the  manna,  "  Let  no  man  go  out  of  his  place 
on  the  seventh  day  "  (Ex. 16. 29),  was  inter- 
preted by  the  Rabbis  as  prohibiting  to  go  be- 
yond the  limit  of  the  city  or  place  of  residence. 
Taking  his  place  as  a  centre,  any  one  may 
walk  on  the  sabbath  within  a  circumference 
the  radius  of  which  is  2,000  cubits.  This 
measurement  is  based  on  the  distance  of  the 
suburbs  around  the  cities  given  to  the  Levites 
(Num. 35. 5).  According  to  some  Talmudic 
authority,  the  distance  permitted  was  12  miles, 
being  the  area  of  the  Israelitish  camp  in  the 
wilderness ;  while  some  Rabbis  regard  Mosaic 
law  as  a  mere  enactment  pro  re  nata  in  relation 
to  the  gathering  of  the  manna  at  that  time,  and 
having  no  bearing  on  the  sabbath  day's  rest 
or  on  the  state  of  affairs  subsequent  to  the 
journey  through  the  wilderness  (Bab.  Talmud, 
Erubin^ia).  [j.d.e.] 

Sabbathe'us  (iEsd.9.14)  =  Shabbethai. 

Sabbatical  year,  the  seventh  year,  or 
septennate,  during  which  the  land  was  to  be 
fallow,  field  and  vineyard  resting  from  all  til- 
lage or  cultivation.  The  natural  products  and 
spontaneous  yield  of  the  septennate  were  not 
to  be  gathered  by  the  owners  into  storehouses, 
but  to  be  shared  as  food  by  all  members  of 
the  community — the  owners,  his  slaves,  and 
strangers,  men  and  beasts  alike.  To  meet 
the  needs  of  the  people,  God  would  cause  the 
land  to  produce  so  bountifully  on  the  sixth  year 
as  to  suffice  until  the  harvest  of  the  eighth  year 
could  be  reaped  (Ex. 23. 10,11  ;  Lev. 25. 1-7, 
20-22).  A  most  important  clause  in  this  law 
is  the  release  of  all  monetary  obligations  or 
quit-claim  (Heb.  sh''intf(d),  the  creditor  being 
legally  barred  from  collecting  a  debt  contracted 
by  a  brother  Israelite.  Yet  this  exemption 
must  be  held  in  consideration  when  extending 
a  loan  to  help  the  needy  (Deut.i5.1-9).  This 
septennate  provision  acted  as  a  statute  of 
limitation  or  law  of  bankruptcy  for  the  dis- 
charge of  all  prior  debts.  At  the  end  of  the 
sabbatical  cycle,  during  the  celebration  of  the 
feast  of  Tabernacles  by  all  Israel  at  God's 
chosen  place,  the  whole  law  of  Moses  was  read 
before  the  assembly,  men,  women,  and  children 
(Deut. 31. 10-12).  Apparently  the  septennate 
began  and  ended  on  the  seventh  month  (Tishri), 
when  the  feast  of  Tabernacles  occurred.  After 
seven  septennates,  the  jubilee  year  was  ob- 
served. The  intention  of  the  law  is  :  (i)  to 
symbolize  the  "Sabbath of  the  Lord"  (as  each 
seventh  day  for  men,  so  each  seventh  year  was 
to  be  a  rest  for  the  land)  ;  (2)  to  check  and 
limit  private  ownership  ;  (3)  to  confer  a  phy- 
sical benefit  to  cultivation  by  a  periodical  rest. 
The  law  became  obligatory  14  years  after  the 


SABTECHA 


759 


entrance  into  Palestine,  allowing  these  years  for 
the  conquest  and  settlement  of  the  tribes.  The 
observance  of  the  septennate  was  at  times  re- 
laxed. The  Rabbis  calculated  that  the  Israel- 
ites neglected  the  law  of  the  septennate  and 
also  of  the  jubilee  in  the  aggregate  70  years, 
for  which  they  paid  the  penalty  of  exile  70 
years,  "until  the  land  had  enjoyed  her  sab- 
baths "  (2Chr.36.21),  referring  to  Lev.26.34. 
Evidently  the  Israelites  disobeyed  this  law  for 
490  years.  These  are  made  up  of  390  years  of 
the  iniquity  of  Israel  and  40  years  of  Judah 
(Ezk.4.5,6),  and  the  balance  during  the  rule  of 
the  judges.  According  to  rabbinical  calcula- 
tion [Jubilee,  Year  of],  the  first  septennate 
was  observed  in  the  year  2510  of  Creation 
(1250  B.C.).  The  exile  of  Judah  and  destruc- 
tion of  the  first  temple  occurred  in  the  year 
3338  (422  B.C.),  or  835  years  after  the  settle- 
ment. Duringthat  time  were  117  septennates 
and  16  jubilees ;  deducting  70  {i.e.  62  sep- 
tennates and  8  jubilees)  would  leave  55  septen- 
nates and  8  jubilees  actually  observed.  After 
the  return  from  captivity,  the  jubilee  was  dis- 
continued, but  the  septennate  appears  to  have 
been  observed  (i Mac. 6.53).  Alexander  the 
Great  is  said  to  have  exempted  the  Jews  from 
the  sabbatical  year.  The  Mishna  says  that 
witnesses  in  criminal  cases  were  asked  to  give 
the  exact  date,  specif5'ing  in  which  septennate 
(shabhua'),  year,  month,  weekday,  and  hour,  the 
murder  took  place  {Sanhedrin  v.  i).  The 
law  of  the  septennate  remained  in  force  even 
after  the  destruction  of  the  second  temple  (69 
A.D.).  The  quit-claim  clause,  however,  was  so 
modified  by  legal  means  that  it  became  ob- 
solete. The  land  rest  on  the  septennate  is 
still  observed  in  Palestine  among  the  Jewish 
colonists  of  to-day,  the  current  septennate 
being  held  in  the  year  5663  of  Creation  =  1902- 

1903    A.D.  [J.D.E.] 

Sabbe'us  (iEsd.9.32)  =  Shemaiah,  14. 

Sabeans  (Is. 45. 14);  see  Seba.  In  Jobl. 
15  the  Heb.  is  Sheba.  [c.r.c] 

Sabi'.  "  Sons  of  Phacareth,  sons  of  Sabi  " 
stands  in  iEsd.5.34  for  "  children  of  Pochereth 
of  Zebaim"  in  Ezr.2.57. 

Sabtah'  (Gen. 10. 7),  or  Sabta'  (iChr.l.g), 
the  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Cush.  The 
statements  of  Pliny  (vi.  32,  §  155,  xii.  32), 
Ptolemy  (iv.  10),  and  Anon.  Peripl.  (27),  re- 
specting Sabbatha,  Sabota,  or  Sobotale, 
metropolis  of  the  Atramitae  (probably  the 
Chatramotitae),  seem  to  point  to  a  trace  of 
the  tribe  which  descended  from  Sabtah,  al- 
ways supposing  that  this  city  Sabbatha  was 
not  a  corruption  or  dialectic  variation  of  Saba, 
Seba,  or  Sheba.  Ptolemy  places  Sabbatha 
in  77°  long.  i6°3o'  lat.  :  that  is,  in  S.E. 
Arabia.  It  was  an  important  city,  con- 
taining no  less  than  60  temples.  Gesenius 
has  no  doubt  that  Sabtah  should  be  compared 
with  Sa/3dr,  "La^a,  2a/3at',  an  Aethiopic  city 
(Strabo  xvi.)  on  the  shore  of  the  Arabian 
Gulf,  situated  just  where  Arkiko  is  now. 
Josephus  (r  Ant.  vi.  2)  understands  the  people 
called  Astaborans  by  the  Greeks. 

Sabtecha'  or  Sabtechah'  (Gen. 10. 7  ; 
iChr.1.9),  the  fifth  in  order  of  the  sons  of 
Cush,  whose  settlements  would  probably'  be 
near  the  Persian  Gulf.  According  to  Gesenius, 
the   Targum    on   the   passage  reads   Zingai, 


760 


SACAR 


referring  to  the  Zingatani  on  E.  borders  of 
Ethiopia.  [c.r.c] 

Sacap'. — 1.  A  Hararite,  father  of  Ahiam 
(iChr.11.35),  called  Sharar  in  2Sa1n.23.33. — 
2.  Fourth  son  of  Obed-edom  (28.4). 

Sackbut  (Dan. 3.5, 7,10,15),  the  rendering 
in  E.V.  of  the  Aram,  sabb'khd.  If  this  instru- 
ment be  the  same  as  the  Gk.  ffa/jL^vKr]  and 
Lat.  sambtica,  the  Eng.  translation  is  entirely 
wrong.  The  sackbut  was  a  wind-instrument  ; 
the  sambuca  was  played  with  strings.  Mr. 
Chappell  says  (Pop.  lilus.  i.  35),  "  The  sack- 
but  was  a  bjiss  trumpet  with  a  slide,  like 
the  modern  trombone."  The  sambuca  was  a 
triangular  instrument  with  four  strings  played 
with  the  lingers.     [Semitic  Languages.] 

Sackcloth,  the  dress  of  the  very  poor,  of  a 
coarse  texture  and  dark  colour,  made  of  goats' 
hair  (Is.3. 24,50.3  ;  Rev.8.12),  and  resembling 
the  cilicium  of  the  Romans.  It  was  used  (i)  for 
making  sacks  (Gen.42.25  ;  Lev.ll.32  ;  Jos.9.4) ; 
and  (2)  for  the  rough  garments  used  by  mourn- 
ers, worn  in  extreme  cases  next  the  skin  (iK. 
21.27  ;  2K.6.30  ;  Jobl6.i5  ;  Is.32.li),  and  this 
even  by  females  (Jl.1.8  ;  2Mac.3.i9),  but  at 
other  times  over  the  coat  (Jon. 3. 6). 

Sacrament.  [Baptism  ;  Eucharist  ; 
Mystery.] 

Sacrifice.  A.  In O.T.  (j)  Introductory.  The 
sacrificial  system  of  O.T.  in  its  fully  developed 
form  has  behind  it  a  long  and  complicated  his- 
tory. This  is  clear  enough  from  Scripture 
itself,  where  sacrifice  can  hardly  be  said  to  be 
exhibited  as  the  outcome  of  special  revelation. 
In  its  earlier  phases  it  is  presupposed  as  some- 
thing already  existing,  and  as  such  is  regulated 
and  ordered,  invested  with  higher  sanctions, 
and  gradually  purified  and  made  the  vehicle 
for  the  expression  of  higher  religious  ideas. 
The  essential  ideas  implied  in  the  various 
systems  of  sacrifice  may  be  grouped  as 
follows.  The  sacrifice  is  regarded  (a)  as  a 
means  of  communion  ;  {b)  as  an  oblation  (gift 
f)r  tribute)  ;  and  (c)  as  a  means  of  propitiation 
or  atonement.  Of  these  (a)  is  undoubtedly  the 
most  primitive  conception.  In  its  simplest 
and  most  undeveloped  forms  pagan  sacrifice 
is  a  means  of  instituting  fellowship  between 
man  and  spirits.  The  underlying  idea  is  that 
the  worshippers  and  their  god  are  united  as 
kinsmen,  are  members,  in  fact,  of  one  organic 
community.  It  was  only  later  that  the  con- 
ception of  sacrifice  as  a  gift  or  tribute  seems  to 
have  been  evolved.  This  notion  springs  from 
the  idea  of  property — an  idea  that  obviously 
belongs  to  a  cf)mparatively  late  stage  of  social 
evolution.  When  men  look  upon  their  god  as 
king  or  lord  (ba'al)  of  the  land,  they  approach 
him  with  a  tribute  (or  present).  This  may 
be  regarded  as  the  prevailing  conception  of 
sacrifice  in  O.T.  Within  the  period  sub- 
sequent to  the  settlement  of  the  Israelitish 
tribes  in  Palestine,  the  revolution  effected  by 
Josiah's  enforcement  of  the  Deuteronomic 
law  of  the  one  central  sanctuary,  and  the  con- 
sequent suppre."=sion  of  local  "  high  places  " 
and  centralization  of  the  cultus  in  Jerusalem, 
had  momentous  consequences.  For  one  thing, 
it  divorced  the  slaughtering  of  animals  for 
food  from  the  sacrificial  accompaniments  that 
had  been  customary  in  the  earlier  period  {cf. 
1Sa1n.l6.2f.,  and  W.  R.  Smith,  Semites,  p.  219  ; 


SACRIFICE 

but  see  art.  Butcher).  In  the  later  (esp. 
the  post-Exihc)  period,  also,  the  regulation  of 
the  old  sacrificial  system  seems  to  have  been 
more  fixed  and  elaborate  ;  greater  emphasis 
was  laid  on  expiatory  sacrifices,  and  the 
minutiae  of  the  ritual  as  well  as  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  priesthood  were  more  carefully 
observed  in  practice.  The  most  important 
terms  employed  in  connexion  with  the  sub- 
ject under  discussion  may  be  distinguished 
as  follows  :  The  term  sacrifice  may  be  used  in 
a  general  sense  of  all  offerings  to  God.  More 
specifically  it  denotes  such  offerings  as  involve 
the  slaying  of  a  victim,  and  is  equivalent  to 
the  Heb.  zebhah  (Ut.  slaughter).  The  wider 
and  more  general  meaning  of  the  Heb.  term 
minhd  may  be  represented  by  offering  ;  it  is 
applied  to  offerings  of  grain,  bread,  meal,  oil, 
etc.  Another  comprehensive  term  is  qorbdn, 
which  may  be  rendered  oblation.  Burnt- 
offering  =  Heh.  'old  (holocaust);  peace-offering 
^=  shelem;  sin-offering  ^=  ha'tdth  ;  and  tres- 
pass-offering =:'dshdm.  (2)  Early  History  of 
Sacrifice  in  O.T.  The  institution  of  sacrifice 
is  presupposed  in  the  Biblical  narratives  as 
existing  from  the  earliest  times.  In  Gen.4.4f. 
Cain  and  Abel  are  represented  as  offering 
sacrifices,  the  one  a  vegetable  and  the  other 
an  animal  offering.  Here  the  term  applied  to 
both  is  minhd,  which  originally  possessed  the 
general  meaning  of  "present "  or  "gift."  The 
same  word,  eg.,  is  used  elsewhere  of  a  gift  to 
a  friend  (Gen. 32. 13),  of  something  given  as  an 
act  of  homage  (1Sam.lO.27),  of  tribute  (iK.4. 
2i(5.i]),  etc.  In  the  technical  language  of  the 
fully  developed  ritual  minhd  specifically  means 
the  meal  offering  (see  below).  After  the  Flood, 
Noah's  sacrifice  "  of  every  clean  beast  and 
of  every  clean  fowl "  is  offered  at  an  altar 
(Gen. 8. 20).  In  this  passage  occurs  the  first 
mention  in  O.T.  of  an  Altar.  The  building  of 
such  by  the  patriarchs  is  frequentlv  referred 
to  (cf.  Gen.12.7,8,13.4, 18,26.25, 33.20,35.7). 
Ancient  altars  were  of  earth  or  of  unhewn 
stone  (Ex. 20. 24, 25),  and  were  usually  located 
on  an  elevation  (high  place ;  Heb.  bdmd). 
Specimens  of  such  ancient  altars  have  been 
recovered  recently  in  the  excavations  at 
Gezer  (cf.  Pal.  E.rpl.  Fund  Statement,  1903 
and  following  years).  One  of  the  most 
ancient  kinds  of  sacrifice  which  have  survived 
in  the  O.T.  systems  is  the  offering  of  the  First- 
Li.vGS  of  animals  (b'khoroth),  all  that  "opens 
the  womb  "  (cf.  Ex. 13. 2, 12, 15, 34.19).  This  in 
all  probability  goes  back  to  the  nomadic  stage, 
when  wealth  consisted  in  flocks  of  small  cattle, 
.^bel — who  is  represented  as  a  shepherd — 
offers  "  of  the  firstlings  of  his  flock,  and  of  the 
fat  thereof  "  ({;en.4.4).  In  the  legal  codes  all 
firstlings  are  with  great  emphasis  claimed  as 
belonging  to  God  (cf.  Ex.13.2. 12- 15,22.291., 34. 
!(){.  ;  Lev. 22.27, 21. 26  ;  Ueut. 15. 19-23,  etc.  ;  cf. 
Ne.10.36).  The  ancient  rule  was  to  sacrifice 
the  animal  shortly  after  birth  (in  Ex. 22.30, 
on  the  8th  day).  .According  to  Num.l8.i6  the 
30th  day  after  birth  was  the  date  fixed  for 
the  redemption  of  such  firstlings  (including 
the  firstborn  of  man)  as  were  not  to  be  sacri- 
ficed. The  narrative  of  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac 
in  Gen. 22  may  possibly  stand  in  some  relation 
to  the  custom  of  sacrificing  the  firstborn  son 
to  a  deity  (cf.  Driver,  Genesis,  pp.  22if.K     The 


SACRIFICE 

point  of  the  narrative  is  to  show  that  Jehovah 
does  not  require  an  actual  sacrifice  of  such  a 
kind.  This  custom  was  practised  among  the 
Phoenicians  and  other  neighbours  of  Israel 
(cf.  2K. 3. 27,17. 31),  and  is  attested  in  the  case 
of  other  nations  of  antiquity  (e.g.  the  Cartha- 
ginians). That  it  prevailed  at  various  times  in 
Israel  appears  from  the  references  to  it  as  rife 
in  the  reigns  of  Ahaz  and  Manasseh  (cf.  2K. 
16.3,21.6,23.10;  and  also  Is. 57.5  ;  Je.7.31,19.5  ; 
Ezk. 16.20,21, 23.37).  (Cf.  also  the  story  of 
Jephthah's  daughter,  Judg.ll.30-40.)  It  is 
emphaticallv  forbidden  in  the  law  (Lev. 18. 
21,20.2-5;  'Deut.12.31,18.10)  and  by  the 
prophets  (cf.  Mi.6.7f.).  Of  pubUc  festivals 
the  P,\ssovER  has  retained  in  O.T.  the  most 
markedly  primitive  features.  In  the  account 
given  in  Exodus  this  festival  (Heb.  Mgh ;  the 
term  is  used  of  the  great  pilgrimage-feasts 
which  annually  brought  multitudes  together) 
is  represented  as  an  estabUshed  institution  (cf. 
Ex.5. 1, 10.9).  The  season  for  its  observance 
was  the  spring  (Nisan=Abib  =  March-April). 
It  is  noticeable  that  the  victim  was  to  be  eaten 
roasted  (not  raw,  nor  boiled  like  other  sacri- 
fices :  Ex.  12.9).  The  modern  Samaritans 
roast  the  Passover  lambs  in  trenches.  The 
lambs  are  eaten  after  sunset  with  unleavened 
bread  and  bitter  herbs,  all  having  staves  in 
their  hands.  The  people  dip  their  hands  into 
the  blood  of  the  victims  and  besmear  with  it 
the  foreheads  and  arms  of  their  children.  The 
feast  was  held  at  night  at  full  moon  ;  the  parti- 
cipants were  in  every-day  garb,  and  ate  with 
haste  ;  the  whole  was  to  be  devoured.  If  any 
flesh  remained  over,  it  was  to  be  consumed  by 
fire  before  morning.  But  the  most  remark- 
able feature  of  all  is  the  direction  as  to  the  use  of 
the  blood.  The  elders  are  bidden  to  take  sheep 
or  goats,  and,  after  slaughtering  them.  "  to 
take  a  bunch  of  hyssop  and  dip  it  in  the  blood 
.  .  .  and  strike  the  lintel  and  the  two  side 
posts  with  the  blood.  .  .  .  For  when  [the 
Lord]  sees  the  blood  upon  the  hntel  and  the 
two  side  posts,  .  .  .  He  will  not  suffer  the 
destroyer  to  come  in  unto  your  houses  to 
smite  you"  (Ex.l2.2iff.).  According  to  primi- 
tive notions,  "the  destroyer"  would  mean 
the  demons  of  disease  and  death.  It  is 
against  such  evils  as  these  that  the  sprinkled 
blood  gives  protection.  In  the  developed  ritual 
legislation  this  primitive  usage  is  modified. 
The  sprinkling  of  the  blood  is  there  essentially 
a  priestly  function,  and  the  slaughtering  has 
to  take  place  in  the  sanctuary.  The  rites 
of  the  "  Egyptian  Passover  "  are  not  fully 
maintained,  and  the  whole  feast  becomes  an 
agricultural  one,  essentially  bound  up  with  the 
offering  of  the  first-fruits.  It  marks  the  be- 
ginning of  the  barley  harvest.  [Passover.] 
Other  kinds  of  sacrifice  offered  in  the  early 
period  may  have  been  of  wild  animals  taken 
in  the  chase,  and  of  the  spoils  of  war.  In 
forming  a  mental  picture  of  popular  sacrificial 
worship  as  it  existed  in  the  earlier  period  that 
followed  the  settlement  in  Palestine,  it  is 
necessary  to  remember  its  prevaihngly  joyous 
character.  There  was  Httle  (if  any)  developed 
sense  of  sin.  Doubtless  in  times  of  misfortune 
efforts  would  be  made  to  avert  Jehovah's 
wrath.  But  such  occasions  were  few  and  far 
between  (cf.   for  £in  instance  2Sam.24.i8ff.). 


SACRIFICE 


761 


It  was  only  later  (after  the  Exile),  apparently, 
that  public  rites  of  this  kind  became  a  fixed 
and  regular  institution  in  practice.  The 
Deuteronomic  phrase  "  to  eat  and  rejoice 
before  the  Lord  your  God  "  (Deut.12.7,  etc.) 
sufficiently  well  describes  the  character  of 
ancient  Israelitish  worship  down  to  the  end  of 
the  kingdom.  The  family,  village  community, 
or  clan  were  the  regular  participants.  Each 
village  had  its  altar  (Heb.  mizbe'ah  ;  lit.  place 
of  slaughter).  At  places  of  special  sanctity 
hke  Bethel  the  clan  or  tribe  (or  tribes)  would 
assemble  for  particular  feasts.  During  the 
monarchy  special  temples  or  shrines  were 
built  at  these  spots  by  the  (IsraeUtish)  kings, 
and  attached  to  them,  of  course,  was  a  local 
priesthood  (cf.  Am.T.gf.).  Large  numbers 
resorted  to  these  famous  shrines,  especially  at 
the  autumn  festival.  Of  fixed  public  feasts 
there  were  the  three  great  agricultural  festivals 
at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  grain  harvest 
and  at  the  close  of  the  vintage  (Feasts  of 
Unleavened  Bread,  Weeks,  and  Tabernacles). 
With  the  first  of  these  the  ancient  Passover 
celebration  was  intimately  associated.  On 
these  three  occasions  all  males  were  required 
to  appear  before  the  Lord  (Ex.23.i7),  with, 
of  course,  an  offering.  Other  favourite  times 
for  local  celebrations  were  the  sheep-shearing 
(iSam.25.ii),  and  especially  the  New  Moon. 
On  the  festival  of  the  new  moon  Saul  expects 
his  dependents  at  court  to  be  present  at  the 
feast  (cf.  iSam.20.5,  "  Behold,  to-morrow  is  the 
new  moon,  and  I  should  not  fail  to  sit  with  the 
king  at  meat."  The  Sabbath  also  was  a  festival- 
day  (cf.  2K.4'.23).  The  occasions  for  sacrifice 
were  many  and  various.  Events  in  family 
life  would  afford  such,  as  the  circumcision  and 
weaning  of  a  son,  marriage,  occasions  such 
as  the  completion  of  a  compact  or  covenant, 
the  consultation  of  an  oracle,  the  coming  of 
a  traveller,  the  inauguration  or  close  of  a 
campaign,  the  accession  of  a  king,  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  temple,  the  staying  of  a  plague — 
these  would  all  be  marked  by  the  offering 
of  sacrifices.  Of  private  sacrifices  a  large 
number  were  offered  in  fulfilment  of  vows. 
This  form  of  sacrifice  has  been  popular  and 
widespread  at  all  periods  (see  below  under 
Peace-offering).  The  participants  in  the 
sacrifice  were  required  to  prepare  themselves 
for  the  due  celebration  of  the  rites  in  various 
ways.  This  preparation  is  described  as 
"  hallowing  "  or  "  sanctifying  "  (cf.  iSam.16.5, 
"  Sanctify  yourselves,  and  come  with  me  to  the 
sacrifice"  ;  Num.11  18,  etc.),  and  an  import- 
ant part  of  it  consisted  in  abstention  from, 
marital  intercourse  (cf.  Ex. 19. 15)  and  in 
various  ablutions  and  washing  of  the  garments 
(cf.  Ex.19.iof.).  Festal  garb  was  put  on,  esp. 
the  white  robe  (so  the  Samaritans  of  to-day ; 
cf.  Ezk.l6.12f.).  Numerous  instances  occur 
in  the  earlier  historical  books  of  laymen 
ofi&ciating  at  sacrifices,  especially  at  those 
offered  for  the  household  (cf.  iSam.20.6,  e.g.). 
In  such  and  similar  cases  the  father  would 
offer  for  the  household,  the  "  elders  "  for  the 
village  community,  the  commander  for  his 
soldiers,  the  king  for  his  people  (cf.  the  case 
of  Saul  at  Gilgal,  1Sam.i3.9f.,  in  his  pursuit 
of  the  Philistines,  I4.32-35  ;  also  of  Solomon 
in  the  temple,  iK.9.25).     It  was  at  the  holy 


762 


SACRIFICE 


places  that  the  priests  (a  resident  body) 
customarily  officiated,  or  at  least  participated, 
in  the  sacrifices  (cf.  iSaHi.2.i3f.).  It  appears, 
however,  that  the  most  important  functions  of 
the  regular  priesthood  concerned  rather  the 
giving  of  oral  advice  and  instruction  (lord  = 
originally  the  oral  instruction  of  the  priests, 
later  the  written  law),  esp.  concerning  such 
subjects  as  purifications,  expiatory  rites,  and 
such  like.  The  kinds  of  sacrifice  in  vogue 
during  the  period  under  review  were  the 
niinhd  (offering),  which  often  consisted  of 
bread,  meal,  oil,  etc.  (vegetable  offerings),  the 
animal  sacrifices  consisting  either  of  the  whole 
burnt-offering  {'old)  or  holocaust,  in  whicli  the 
victim  was  wholly  consumed  by  fire,  or  of 
the  ordinary  sacrifice  (zebhah),  in  which  after 
certain  parts  had  been  burnt  upon  the  altar 
the  flesh  was  eaten.  These  are  the  main 
varieties.  There  were  besides,  of  course, 
certain  sub-varieties  of  these  main  kinds,  with 
peculiar  or  distinctive  features  dependent 
upon  the  particular  occasion  or  aim  of  the 
sacrifice,  such  as,  e.g.,  the  covenant-sacrifice 
(Gen.i5.9f. ;  cf.  Je.34.i8).  One  very  old  and 
widespread  type  of  sacrifice  was  that  of  the 
so-called  peace-offerings  (Heb.  sh'ldmUn).  In 
several  passages  these  are  coupled  with  whole 
burnt-offerings,  esp.  in  connexion  with  great 
occasions  :  cf.  Ex. 20. 24, 32. 6  ;  2Sam.6.i7f.,24. 
25  ;  iK. 3. 15, 9.25,  etc.  In  exactly  the  same 
way  sacrifices  and  whole  burnt -offerings  are 
conjoined  in  other  passages.  In  fact,  the 
peace-offerings  (shcldmim)  were  by  far  the 
commonest  kind  of  sacrifices  (z'bhdhhn). 
Probably  "sacrifices"  without  further  qualifi- 
cation must  be  understood  to  refer  to  peace- 
offerings.  In  this  connexion  it  should  be 
noted  that  the  expression  "sacrifices  of  peace- 
offerings  "  sometimes  occurs  (Heb.  zibhhe  sh'ld- 
mtm :  e.g.  iSam.10.8).  The  exact  signifi- 
cance of  the  term  sh'ldmhn  is  uncertain.  Not 
improbably  it  =  dues  {cf.  shillem  "  to  requite," 
"pay"),  and  would  denote  sacrifices  paid  to 
God  as  an  obligation  or  for  benefits  received. 
This  would  accord  with  the  idea  of  sacrifice  as 
it  survives  to-day  in  Palestine  and  Syria  {cf. 
Curtiss,  Primitive  Semitic  Religion  To-day,  ch. 
xvii.).  The  whole  burnt-offering  =  Heb.  'dld  = 
that  which  \all]  comes  up  [upon  the  altar]  ; 
another  [rare]  term  for  this  sacrifice  is  kdlil,  a 
technical  sacrificial  term  in  Phoenician  also,  = 
whole  :  (cf.  Deut.33.io;  iSam.7.9  :  Ps.5I.2o) ; 
this  is  not  so  prominent  in  the  ancient  period. 
It  appears  to  have  been  exceptional — an  extra- 
ordinary offering  made  on  special  occasions  by 
great  personages — and  is  mentioned,  as  a  rule, 
in  conjunction  with  other  sacrifices  (z'bhdhhn 
or  shddmim).  It  is  only  rarely  mentioned 
alone  (cf.  (ien.8.20,22'13  ;  Num.23.iff.  ; 
Judg.6.26;  2Sam.6.i3  ;  iK. 8. 3, 18. 38).  In 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem  tiie  daily  burnt- 
offering  ^2K.16.i5)  was  tile  king's  daily  sacri- 
fice. It  was  fiiliowed  by  ordinary  sacrifices 
(z'bhdhim)  for  other  j)ersons.  In  all  the 
sacrifices  enumerated  above  the  blood  of  the 
victims  was  poured  or  smeared  on  the  sacri- 
ficial stone  ;  in  the  case  of  the  sacrifices  and 
peace-offerings  certain  parts,  esp.  tiie  "  fat  " 
(cf.  iSam.2.i3f.)  were  then  burnt  upon  the 
altar  (of  stone  or  earth).  This  burning  (Heb. 
qiUir,  hiqtir)  was  regarded  as  a  method  of  con- 


SACRIFICE 

veying  the  sacrifice  to  God  (in  the  form  of  the 
"  sweet  smoke  ").  The  flesh  was  boiled  (i 
Sam.2.i3f.  ;  iK.19.2i),  and  served  to  provide 
a  feast  for  the  offerer  and  his  friends  (cf.  iSam. 
9.i2f.,  22f.).  By  the  side  of  the  sacrifices 
proper  {z'bhdhim)  the  offerings  of  agriculture 
— bread,  wine,  and  oil — had  a  place  in  the 
feast  {cf.  iSam.1.24).  Agricultural  offerings 
were,  of  course,  often  made  independently. 
Such  offerings  were  partly  obligatory — first- 
fruits,  tithes,  etc. — partly  voluntary.  From 
Am. 4. 5  it  may  be  inferred  that  part  of  the 
bread  so  offered  was  burnt  on  the  altar  {i.e. 
given  to  God).  Similarly  a  libation  of  wine 
would  be  "  poured  out  "  to  God  {cf.  H0.9.4K 
The  bread  offered,  though  sometimes  un- 
leavened (Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread),  would 
usually  be  leavened.  It  is  probable  that  in  the 
case  of  the  burnt-offering  also,  in  the  earlier 
period,  the  blood  was  treated  in  the  same 
way  as  in  the  "sacrifices."  The  carcase  was 
first  of  all  cut  up  into  pieces,  and  these  were 
then  burnt  {cf.  1K.I8.23).  No  part  fell  to  the 
offerers,  and  apparently  the  hide  only  was 
reserved  for  the  priest.  Possibly  the  oldest 
practice  was  to  burn  the  holocaust  on  the 
ground  or  in  a  pit,  and  not  on  an  altar.  As 
has  already  been  indicated,  a  large  proportion 
of  sacrifices  consisted  in  the  produce  of  agri- 
culture. Such  were  the  offerings  of  First- 
FKi'iTS  {e.g.  the  first  sheaf  of  barley  "waved" 
before  Jehovah  ;  cf.  Lev.23.iof.).  The  offer- 
ing of  a  table  set  with  bread  before  the  Deity 
is  attested  for  the  earlier  i')eriod  as  existing  at 
Nob  (iSam.21.4-6)  and  later  at  Jerusalem  (i 
K.7.48).  Thanksgiving  offerings  of  the  fruits 
of  the  land,  to  be  presented  at  the  sanctuary 
in  a  basket,  are  referred  to  in  Deut.26. if. 
This  was  followed  by  a  feast.  As  has  already 
been  pointed  out,  libations  of  wine  were  made 
at  the  sacrificial  feasts.  (3)  The  Developed 
Jewish  System.  The  cultus  in  its  full  develop- 
ment is  largely  the  outcome  of  regulations 
embodied  in  the  Pentateuch.  The  priestly 
legislation  of  the  latter — mainly  set  forth  in 
Leviticus,  but  supplemented  by  the  tradition 
of  usage  preserved  in  other  writings,  e.g.  the 
N.T.,Josephus,  Philo,  and  the  earliest  traditions 
of  the  Jewish  schools — undoubtedly  contains 
a  considerable  amount  of  ancient  and  tradi- 
tional material.  But  whatc\'er  be  the  age  of 
the  compilation  in  its  present  iovxn,  the  system 
was  certainly  not  reduced  to  practice,  as  a 
whole,  until  after  the  return  from  Babylon. 
It  was  at  its  hciglit  during  the  century  that 
preceded  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  70 
A.I),  by  Titus.  .'\s  com])ared  with  the  earlier 
period,  the  most  striking  new  feature  of  the 
developed  system  in  practice  was,  jierhaps, 
the  number  and  arrangement  of  the  public 
sacrifices.  These  were  no  longer  the  concern 
of  the  monarch,  as  of  old,  but  of  the  entire 
Jewish  race,  both  within  and  t>utsideof  Pales- 
tine. ]i\Try  Israelite,  however  remote  from 
Jerusalem,  had  a  personal  share  in  the  main- 
tenance of  the  cultus  through  the  contribu- 
tions to  the  temple-tax — levied  all  over  the 
world — out  of  which  were  borne  the  expenses 
of  the  public  sacrifices,  e.g.  the  daily  holo- 
causts, and  those  specially  offered  (also  the 
sin-offerings)  on  sabbaths,  new  moons,  and 
the  feasts.     It  is  thus  easy  to  sec  how  the 


SACRIFICE 

interruption  of  the  daily  burnt -offering  in  the 
sanctuary  at  Jerusalem  would  appear  to  be  an 
unspeakable  calamity  to  the  whole  Jewish 
people  (cf.  Dan. 11. 31,12.11).  During  the 
later  period,  also,  e.xpiatory  rites  were  much 
more  prominent  than  in  the  earlier,  (i)  The 
names  of  sacrifice.  Besides  those  already 
specified,  the  following  terms  call  for  notice 
here,  (a)  qorbdn,  an  offering  or  oblation  (LXX. 
always  SZpov),  lit.  something  brought  near. 
(The  corresponding  verb  [Hif.  hiqribh]  is  also 
used  in  the  technical  sense  of  presenting,  dedi- 
cating, or  offering  to  God.)  qorbdn  is  a 
general  term,  and  is  applied  to  all  kinds  of 
offerings  (animal,  vegetable,  and  material). 
In  O.T.  it  only  occurs  in  Ezk.,  Lev.,  and  Num. 
(b)  The  minhd-offering,  which  in  the  earlier 
period  possessed  a  general  connotation,  now 
acquires  a  restricted  meaning  =  the  offering  of 
flour  and  oil  (or  of  cakes  made  of  these  in- 
gredients), the  meal-offering,  (c)  Another 
general  term  is  fire-offering  (Heb.  'ishshi')  ; 
this  is  used  chiefly  of  offerings  of  animals,  but 
also  of  the  minhd  (Lev.2.ii),  and  of  the 
sacred  bread  and  frankincense  (Lev. 24. 7, 9). 
The  word  occurs  very  rarely  outside  the 
priestly  legislation  of  the  Pentateuch,  (ii)  The 
three  great  classes  of  sacrifice,  as  enumerated, 
e.g.,  in  Lev.9.22,  are  the  sin-offering,  the  burnt- 
offering,  and  the  peace-offering,  (a)  The  sin- 
offering  (Heb.  ha'Uith,  LXX.  Trepi  a/uaprias, 
Vulg.  pro  peccato).  Perhaps  here  should  also 
be  reckoned  the  trespass-offering  (Heb.  qorbdn 
'dshdm);  there  is  apparently  some  confusion 
between  the  two  classes  in  the  ritual  legisla- 
tion. The  sin-offering  assumes  great  pro- 
minence in  the  post-Exilic  period,  though 
its  existence  in  some  form  is  attested  in  the 
earlier  period  by  such  a  passage  as  Ho.4.8. 
(6)  The  burnt-offering  {Heh.  'old,  LXX.  oXoKav- 
TUfia,  Vulg.  holocaustum  ;  a  poetical  synonym 
in  Heb.  is  kdlil).  With  the  burnt-offering  were 
always  offered  the  meal-offering  (Heb.  minhd) 
and  the  drink-offering  (Heb.  nesekh,  LXX. 
(twovSt)).  (c)  The  peace-offering  (Heb.  shld- 
tnim  or  zebhah  skldmim,  i.e.  slain  victim  of  the 
peace-offering,  LXX.  to  rod  cxuiTrjpiov,  Vulg. 
pacificum).  As  has  already  been  pointed  out, 
the  Heb.  word  shldmim  may  really  =  dues 
(vows).  Under  this  head  must  be  included 
some  special  varieties  of  sacrifice — viz.  the 
praise-offering  (Heb.  zebhah  hattodhd,  LXX. 
dv<Tla  TT)s  alv€(T€us  ■■  cf.  Lev.7.i2),  thc  votive- 
offering  (Heb.  nedher,  LXX.  ei'X'j),  and  the 
freewill-offering  (Heb.  n'dhdbhd,  LXX.  5ujpov 
eKovixiov,  Vulg.  ablatio  sponte  :  cf.  Lev.7.i6).  [A 
fourth  class  (d)  may  be  grouped  under  the 
general  heading  of  oblations.]  (iii)  The  main 
divisions  of  sacrifice.  The  sacrifices  fall  into 
two  main  divisions — viz.  (a)  public  and  (b) 
private  sacrifices,  (a)  The  public  sacrifices 
are  either  fixed  or  occasional :  they  consist,  as 
a  rule,  of  biu"nt -offerings  or  sin-offerings.  The 
trespass -offering  was  always  a  private  sacrifice. 
The  only  public  peace-offerings  were  the  two 
lambs  at  Pentecost  (Lev. 23. 19).  The  fixed 
public  sacrifices  are  :  (a)  The  regular  daily 
sacrifice  of  burnt-offerings,  morning  and  even- 
ing (E.x. 29.38-42  ;  Num.28.3-8).  (,:})  The  ad- 
ditional sacrifices  (burnt-offerings)  on  sab- 
baths,  new  moons,  and  yearly   festivals  (cf. 


SACRIFICE 


763 


Num.28.9ff.  and  29. iff'.,  the  festivals  being 
Passover,  Pentecost,  New  Year,  Dayof  Atone- 
ment, and  Tabernacles),  (y)  The  sin-offerings 
at  new  moons  and  feasts  (Num. 28, 29  passim). 
(5)  The  goat  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev.16. 
15).  The  occasional  public  sacrifices  are  the 
sin-offerings  of  the  congregation  and  of  the 
"  anointed  "  priest  (whose  public  office  puts 
his  sin  outside  the  categorv  of  private  affairs  : 
cf.  Num.l5.2  2ff.  ;  Lev.4.'i3ff.,4.3ff.).  Here 
also  belong  sacrifices  of  consecration  (for  the 
temple  and  altar  ;  cf.  Lev.8.i4f.),  and  at  the  in- 
stallation of  priests,  esp.  the  high-priest  (Ex.29  ; 
Lev.8).  (b)  Private  sacrifices  might  consist  of 
any  one  or  more  (in  combination)  of  the  kinds 
enumerated  above.  They  are  divided  into  pre- 
scribed and  voluntary.  Prescribed  sacrifices  of 
this  kind  are  :  (a)  Sin-offerings,  trespass-offer- 
ings, and  purifications  of  various  kinds.  (P) 
Sacrifices  prescribed  for  all  who  appeared 
at  the  temple  during  a  festival  season. 
Voluntary  sacrifices  might  consist  of  votive, 
freewill,  or  praise  offerings,  (iv)  Characteristic 
features  of  all  the  sacrifices.  (Some  of  the 
features  enumerated,  as  will  easily  be  seen, 
apply  only  to  the  private  sacrifices),  (a) 
Presentation  by  the  offerer  at  the  door  of  the 
court.  (This  may  be  taken  to  imply  willing 
intention.)  The  victim  would  usiiallv  be 
without  defect  ("  blameless  ").  (b)  Imposition 
of  hands  by  the  offerer.  The  phrase  sdmakh  yddh 
'al="  to  lean  or  press  the  hand  heavily  upon." 
Both  hands  were  pressed  heavily  upon  the 
victim's  head.  This  action  would  seem  to 
suggest  a  very  intimate  connexion  between  the 
offerer  and  the  victim — a  dedication  of  the 
victim  to  a  representative  function  ;  it  was 
accompanied  by  confession  and  prayer,  (c) 
Slaying  by  the  offerer  as  a  private  person  or 
(sometimes)  as  representative  of  the  nation 
(cf.  Lev.  16. II).  The  priests  did  not  usually 
perform  this  office  (public  sacrifices,  however, 
were  slain  by  priests,  and  also  always  that  of 
the  leper),  which  apparently  was  regarded  as 
an  ignoble  one.  It  was  carried  out  at  the  N. 
side  of  the  great  altar  in  the  Court  of  the 
Priests,  the  N.  being  constantly  connected  in 
O.T.  with  the  idea  of  punishment.  According 
to  the  Mishna  (Zel>.  v.  i  ff.),  peace-offerings 
might  be  slain  in  any  part  of  the  court,  (d) 
The  use  of  the  blood.  The  blood  was  the  ap- 
pointed means  of  atonement,  and  was  applied 
by  the  priest.  The  blood,  being  regarded  as 
containing  the  essential  life  of  the  animal 
(Gen.9.4),  was  treated  with  the  utmost  care. 
It  was  possessed  of  a  mysterious  potency 
either  (if  used  aright)  for  blessing  (sacri- 
ficial atonement),  or  (if  misused)  for  a  curse 
(cf.  Lev.7.26,17.11-13).  The  sacrificial  blood 
was  caught  by  the  priest  in  a  bowl  and  in- 
cessantly stirred  to  prevent  its  coagulating. 
In  the  case  of  birds  it  was  squeezed  out  at  once 
by  the  priest  on  to  the  altar.  It  could  onlv  be 
presented  by  the  mediation  of  a  priest.  The 
mode  of  treatment  varied,  (a)  In  the  burnt- 
offering  the  blood  was  thrown  or  dashed 
against  (Heb.  zdraj)  the  sides  of  the  great 
altar.  (^)  In  the  case  of  the  ordinary  sin- 
offering  (for  a  private  person)  it  was  sprinkled 
on  the  horns  of  the  altar.  (7)  In  the  case  of 
the  sin-offering  for  the  "  anointed  "  priest  or 


764 


SACRIFICE 


for  the  whole  congregation  it  was  carried  into 
the  holy  place,  and  sprinkled  seven  times 
before  the  veil  (possibly  upon  it),  and  on  the 
horns  of  the  little  incense  altar.  (5)  On  the 
Day  of  Atonement  it  was  carried  within  the 
veil,  and  sprinkled  on  and  before  the  mercy- 
seat  seven  times.  The  use  of  blood  in  sacrifice 
goes  back  to  a  venerable  antiquity-  In  the 
most  primitive  form  of  sacrifice  the  blood  was 
consumed  by  the  worshippers,  what  was  spilt 
being  the  food  of  the  god.  Sometimes  the 
stone  or  pillar  was  daubed  with  blood,  the 
latter  being  regarded  as  a  sacred  cement. 
Later  the  belief  grew  up  that  the  blood  was 
too  sacred  to  be  eaten,  and  it  was  made  over 
entirely  to  the  deity.  This  naturally  led  to 
the  total  disuse  of  blood  for  food.  In  Ps.5O.13 
blood  libations  are  referred  to  as  essentially 
offensive  to  God.  The  use  of  wine  in  libations 
may  have  taken  the  place  of  blood  in  the 
earlier  system,  {e)  Burning  on  the  altar.  The 
victim  was  also  flayed  by  the  offerer,  and  cut 
up  into  pieces  ;  part  of  it  was  washed  and 
salted.  The  priest  (as  has  been  pointed  out) 
received  the  blood,  and  carried  it  to  the  altar. 
Certain  portions  (in  the  case  of  sin-  and  peace- 
offerings)  or  the  whole  (in  the  case  of  burnt- 
offerings)  were  burnt  upon  the  altar  (the  Heb. 
.  word  for  burn,  hi-]Hr  =  to  cause  to  smoke  or 
steam).  The  use  of  fire  in  the  Levitical  rites  is 
a  noticeable  feature.  It  was  a  later  mode  of 
disposing  of  the  flesh  which  sui)erseded  the 
ancient  usage  of  consumption  by  the  wor- 
shippers (in  certain  kinds  of  sacrifice).  In  the 
case  of  animals  offered  for  sacrifice  (tlae  ox,  the 
sheep,  and  the  goat),  as  is  well  known,  the 
intestinal  fat,  together  with  the  "  fat  tail  " 
(Heb.  'alyd)  of  the  sheep  of  the  country,  was 
forbidden  to  be  eaten,  and  had  to  be  burnt  on 
the  altar  {cf.  Lev.4.31,35).  The  prohibition 
of  "fat,"  as  of  blood,  really  goes  back  to  primi- 
tive practice.  The  "  fat  "  was  also  regarded 
originally  as  a  special  seat  of  life,  and  therefore 
sacred.  In  the  priestly  legislation  the  eating 
of  the  "  fat  "  as  of  the  blood  entailed  the  death 
penalty  (Lev. 7. 23).  (v)  The  ritual  of  the  three 
main  types  of  sacrifice,  {a)  The  ritual  of  sin- 
offering.  The  victim  was  specified,  and  differed 
in  different  cases  :  for  the  high-priest  or  con- 
gregation a  young  bullock  ;  for  the  people  on 
the  Day  of  Atonement  a  goat  ;  for  an  ordinary 
Israelite  on  an  ordinary  occasion  a  goat  or  ewe 
lamb  ;  for  a  Naziritc].on  release  from  his  vow 
a  yearling  ewe-lamb  ;  for  the  purification  of 
women  a  turtle-dove  or  brace  of  pigeons  ;  for 
the  very  poor  fine  flour  (Lev.S.ii).  In  the 
case  of  the  trespass-offering  only  one  victim 
was  allowed — viz.  a  full-grown  ram.  An  ex- 
ception was  made  in  the  case  of  a  Na/.irite 
whose  vow  had  been  interrupted,  and  a  leper 
(cf.  Lev. 14. 12  ;  Num. 6. 12).  The  main  idea 
underlying  the  trespass-offering  {'dshdm),  as  dis- 
tinct from  the  sin-offering,  seems  to  be  a  breach 
where  material  reparation  was  possible.  Five 
distinct  cases  are  enumerated  in  Lev.  (5.5ff., 
6.1-7,19.20-22,14.12)  and  Num.  (6.12).  Con- 
fession (verbal  and  detailed)  was  made  in 
the  case  of  the  sin-offering,  probably  over  the 
victim's  head  (cf.  Lev. 5. 5;  Num. 5. 6,7).  (For 
the  fr)rnuilaof  confession  f/.  lulershcim.  Temple, 
p.  88.)  The  blood  was  sprinkled  (see  above,  3  d) 
and  the  "  fat  "  burnt.     The  rest  of  the  victim's 


SACRIFICE 

carcase  was  disposed  of  in  various  ways  (for 
the  "  anointed  "  priest  or  whole  congregation 
it  was  taken  and  burnt  outside  the  camp,  being 
too  holy  for  human  consumption ;  c/.Lev.4.i2). 
Ordinary  sin-offerings  were  eaten  by  the 
priests  in  the  court  (cf.  Ho.4.8) — a  relic  of  the 
sacrificial  (communion)  feast,  but  restricted 
to  the  priests.  In  considering  the  sin- 
offering  care  must  be  taken  not  to  read  into 
the  ritual  directions  later  Christian  ideas  as  to 
sin.  The  sins  contemplated  were  mainly  and 
primarily  breaches  of  ritual  laws  (sometimes 
involving  a  moral  element)  or  failure  to  keep 
the  prescriptions  of  the  law.  Venial  "  sins," 
sins  of  ignorance  or  infirmity,  are  alone  con- 
templated. For  open  (presumptuous)  breaches 
of  the  law  there  was  no  availing  sacrifice. 
They  were  punishable  by  death  (cf.  Num. 15. 30). 
(b)  The  ritual  of  the  burnt-offering.  The 
victim  was  always  a  male  from  the  flock  or 
herd,  or  of  the  fowls  (turtle-dove  or  pigeon). 
x\fter  inspection  by  the  priest  (to  see  if  it  were 
without  blemish),  it  was  slain  and  skinned. 
It  was  then  cut  up,  washed,  and  (after  being 
salted  probably)  was  burnt  entire.  The  main 
idea  which  came  to  be  associated  with  it  seems 
to  have  been  that  of  grateful  tribute  to  God 
as  King.  The  chief  act  of  national  worship  in 
Israel  was  the  daily  (continual)  burnt-offering 
— a  lamb  morning  and  evening.  This  offering 
was  doubled  on  the  sabbath  and  greatly  en- 
larged on  the  high  festivals.  The  evening 
oblation  took  place  "  between  the  two  even- 
ings " — i.e.  according  to  the  view  adopted  in 
practice  (the  Pharisaic),  between  the  decline 
and  setting  of  the  sun  ;  the  morning  sacrifice 
was  offered,  according  to  the  Mishna  (Tamid 
iii.  2),  at  dawn  as  soon  as  it  was  light.  With 
this  burnt-offering  always  went  a  minhd,  or 
meal-offering,  which  usually  consisted  of  fine 
flour  and  oil,  unleavened  and  salted.  A  por- 
tion was  burnt  on  the  altar  and  was  called  the 
memorial  (Heb.  'azkdrd  ;  cf.  Lev. 2. 2).  Another 
accompaniment  was  the  drink-offering  of  wine 
(Heb.  nesekh).  The  minhd  offerings  (vege- 
table offerings)  generally  accompanied  animal 
sacrifices,  though  in  rare  cases  (that  of  tlie 
priest's  offering,  Lev.7.i2,  and  of  jealousy. 
Num. 5. 15)  they  might  be  presented  by  them- 
selves. It  should  be  noted  that  when  other 
sacrifices  were  brought,  the  burnt-offering 
followed  the  sin-,  but  preceded  the  ix;ace- 
offering.  The  burnt-offering  was  tiie  only 
sacrifice  that  non-Israelites  were  allowed  to 
bring,  (c)  The  ritual  of  the  peace-offering. 
The  victim  might  be  of  the  herd  or  of  the  flock, 
and  of  either  sex,  but  was  bound  to  be  without 
blemish.  The  inner  fat  portions  were  burnt 
on  the  altar,  the  breast  and  shoulder  belonged 
to  the  priests.  All  that  remained  was  eaten 
by  the  offerer  and  his  friends  on  the  day  of 
sacrifice  ;  the  jiarticipants  were  bound  to  be 
"  clean."  This,  the  sacrificial  meal,  was  the 
great  feature  of  the  offering.  God  was  re- 
garded, as  it  were,  as  the  host  ;  the  offerers,  as 
His  guests,  sat  at  His  table  and  shared  His 
bounty.  After  presentation  the  sacrifice  was 
absolutely  the  property  of  the  I^eity.  Here 
we  have  a  vivid  tyi^e  of  communion  between 
God  and  His  worshippers.  What  was  called 
the  wave  breast  belonged  to  the  whole  body  of 
priests  ;    the  heave  shoulder,  or  rather  thigh, 


SACRIFICI! 

was  assigned  to  the  officiating  priest.  To 
heave  (Heb.  hcrlm)  =  to  lift  off  something  from 
the  offering,  separate  it.  The  heave-offering 
so  called  (Heb.  P'rumd,  LXX.  a.4>aipena)  is  the 
term  applied  in  connexion  with  animal  sacri-  I 
fice  to  the  priest's  share  (the  heave  thigh)  re- 
ferred to  above.  The  term  P'rumd  also  has 
a  much  wider  connotation,  being  applied  to 
contributions  of  various  kinds  {e.g.  priests'  share 
of  Levites'  tithe).  See  Oxf.  Heb.  Lex.  s.v. 
The  original  significance  of  wave-offering  (Heb. 
t'nilphi,  LXX.  afpopia/xa)  was  to  denote  the  ' 
priest's  share  of  the  sacrifice  which  he  waved 
{i.e.  moved  toward  altar  and  back)  "  in  token 
of  its  presentation  to  God  and  its  return  by 
Him  to  the  priest  "  {Oxf.  Heb.  Lex.  s.v.).  But 
the  term  received  other  applications  where  the 
original  significance  is  lost.  The  peace-offer- 
ing was  the  most  joyous  of  the  sacrifices.  It  is 
often  referred  to  in  the  book  of  Psalms  {e.g.  54. 
6, 56. 12, 116. 17,18).  Special  varieties  of  the 
peace-offering  were  the  praise-  or  thanksgiving- 
offering  (Lev.7.12),  the  vow-  or  votive-offering 
(very  common),  and  the  freewill-offering  (un- 
blemished victim  not  absolutely  required  in 
this  case).  In  Deut.l6  these  offerings  are  en- 
joined as  specially  appropriate  to  the  Feast  of 
Weeks  (Pentecost).  [Corban  ;  Vow  ;  Law 
IN  O.T.  ;  Atonement,  Day  of  ;  Firstlings  ; 
First-fruits.]  The  data  given  in  O.T.  must 
be  supplemented  by  the  oldest  stratum  of 
Jewish  tradition  contained  in  the  Mishna  (esp. 
the  tractates  Zebachim,  Yoma),  the  Tosephta, 
and  the  early  halakic  Midrashim,  Mekilta, 
Sifra,  Sifre.  The  accepted  Jewish  tradition  is 
conveniently  summarized  in  Maimonides,  De 
Sacri ficiis.  Of  older  treatises  the  most  import- 
ant are  Spencer,  De  Legibus  Ritualibus  (1675), 
bk.  iii.  ;  J.  D.  Michaelis,  Mosaisches  Recht 
(2nd  ed.  1775).  More  recently  Kurtz,  Sacri- 
ficial Worship  of  O.T.  (Eng.  trans.  1865)  ; 
Bahr,  Symbolik  des  mosaischen  Cultus  (1837). 
Cf.  also  the  Hebrew  archaeologies  of  Nowack 
and  Benzinger  (1894);  the  arts.  "Sacrifice"in 
Encycl.  Brit,  (by  Robertson  Smith),  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  Cheyne-Black,  Encycl.  Bibl. 
(very  important),  and  Jewish  Encycl.  The 
most  important  treatise  dealing  with  the  sub- 
ject in  recent  years  is  Robertson  Smith's 
Religion  of  the  Semites ;  cf.  also  S.  I.  Curtiss, 
Primitive  Semitic  Religion  To-day.     [g.h.b.] 

B.  In  the  New  Testament.  I.  The  sacrifices 
of  the  O.T.  and  of  contemporary  usage,  both 
Jewish  and  pagan,  are  naturally  presupposed 
and  alluded  to  in  N.T.  The  primeval  sacri- 
fices of  Cain  and  Abel  are  noticed,  and  the 
acceptableness  of  Abel's  attributed  to  his  faith 
(Heb. 11. 4)  ;  and  Abraham's  offering  of  Isaac  is 
twice  used  in  evidence  of  his  faith  (11. 17  ;  Jas. 
2.21).  In  the  ep.  to  the  Hebrews  data  from 
the  O.T.  are  combined  with  details  derived  from 
tradition  :  the  tabernacle  is  shortly  described 
(Heb. 9.  iff.);  and  besides  the  general  summaries 
of  sacrifices  as  8uipi  re  /cat  dvaiai  (5.1,8.3; 
cf.  9.9)  in  the  definition  of  the  specific  function 
of  the  priesthood  (c/.  7.13),  and  as  dvaiav  Kai 
Trpo<T<popav  .  .  .  6\oKavTiJbfj.aTa  (cat  Trepi  aijLapTLas 
(10. 5-7  from  Ps.40.6),  special  sacrifices  are 
particularly  referred  to — the  fundamental 
covenant -sacrifice  of  Ex.24  (Iieb.9.i8ff.)  and 
the  great  annual  sin-offering  of  the  Day  of 


SACRIFICE 


765 


Atonement  are  shortly  described  (9.7,11.1,13. 
11);  the  daily  sacrifices  (7.27,10.ii)  and  the 
sin-offering  (5.3,10.26)  are  noticed;  the  original 
Passover  with  the  sprinkling  of  the  blood  (11. 
28),  and  the  shewbread  (9.2)  are  mentioned  in 
passing  ;  as  well  as  the  sacrificial  principle  of 
cleansing  by  the  applicationof  the  blood  (9.22). 
The  fully  developed  I.evitical  system  of  the 
Herodian  temple  lies  in  the  background  of  the 
historical  books.  There  is  the  temple  {to  iepor, 
Mt.4.5,  Ac. 3. if.)  and  its  sanctuary  (6  vads, 
Lu.1.9,  etc.) ;  the  great  altar  of  burnt-offering 
(Mt. 5. 23, 23.18, 35  ;  cf.  Rev.6.9,  where  the 
blood  outpoured  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  is 
covertly  alluded  to)  ;  the  temple-market  for 
the  sale  of  victims  and  the  counters  for  the  ex- 
change of  foreign  money  for  the  coin  of  the 
sanctuary,  which  alone  could  be  tendered  for 
sacrificial  purposes  (Mk.ll.15  ;  Jn.2.i4ff.)  ;  and 
the  treasury,  where  the  price  of  some  private 
sacrifices  was  deposited  (Jn.8.20  ;  Mk.i2.41). 
Besides  general  allusions  to  various  sacrifices 
(Mt. 5. 23,23.18-20;  Mk.12.33;  Lu.13.1),  there 
are  noticed  the  sacrifice  of  redemption  of  the 
firstborn,  as  offered  for  our  Lord  at  the  Pre- 
sentation (Lu.2.24),  the  shewbread  (Mk.2. 
26  and  paralle's),  the  double  sacrifices  of  the 
sabbath  (Mt.12.5),  the  sacrifice  at  the  de- 
claration of  the  leper's  recovery  (Mk.l.44 
and  parallels),  the  sacrifice  of  the  paschal  lamb 
(Mk.l4.i2  ;  Lu.22.7),  and  on  one  interpretation 
the  paschal  haghighd  (Jn.l8.28).  In  His 
teaching  our  Lord  requires  charity  as  the  con- 
dition of  acceptable  sacrifice  (Mt.5.23ff.),  and 
twice  uses  Ho. 6. 6  in  enforcing  the  priority  of 
moral  to  ceremonial  obligations  (Mt. 9. 13, 12. 7), 
while  He  approves  the  statement  of  the  same 
principle  by  the  scribe  (Mk.i2.33).  [Salva- 
tion.] In  the  Acts  the  Nazirites'  oblation 
on  the  completion  of  his  vow  is  noticed  (Ac. 
21.26;  cf.  Num.6.i3ff.)  ;  and  in  iCor.9.13, 
10.18  St.  Paul  alludes  to  the  eating  of  the 
offerings  by  the  priests.  Otherwise  the  allu- 
sions to  Jewish  sacrifice  are  of  a  kind  to  be 
referred  to  in  the  following  sections.  Pagan 
sacrifice  appears  in  Ac.  14. 13,  where  the 
Lystrans  prepare  to  sacrifice  to  St.  Paul  and 
St.  Barnabas  ;  in  the  discussion  of  elSoAoOvra 
(iCor.8-10;  cf.  Rev. 2.14, 20)  ;  and  in  the 
course  of  St.  Paul's  argument  where  the  table 
and  the  cup  of  devils  are  contrasted  with 
the  Eucharist  (iCor.l0.2i).^II.  The  essential 
place  and  importance  of  sacrifice  in  N.T.  lies 
in  its  application  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
life  and  death  and  resurrection  of  our  Lord. 
To  the  Jews  our  Lord,  whatever  else  might  be 
true  of  Him,  was  one  Who  had  died  upon  the 
cross  ;  the  "  scandal  of  the  cross  "  neutralized 
whatever  claims  to  the  Messiahship  might  be 
made  for  Him.  Accordingly  in  his  speeches  in 
Ac.2-5  St.  Peter's  task  had  been  to  vindicate 
our  Lord's  Messiahship  in  spite  of  the  cross, 
to  interpret  His  death  as  consistent  with  His 
Messiahship.  And  this  he  had  done  by  three 
lines  of  argument  :  (i)  that  at  least  He  had 
been  manifestly  approved  by  His  miracles  ; 
(ii)  that  His  death  was  foreknown  and  deter- 
mined by  God,  as  proved  by  prophecy  ;  and 
(iii)  that  it  had  been  reversed  by  the  resurrec- 
tion, also  in  accordance  with  prophecy.  But 
there  is  no  attempt  to  interpret  His  death  in 


7GG 


SACRIFICE 


itself,  except  as  the  necessary  condition  of  the 
triumph  of  the  resurrection.  To  the  faithful, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  cross  and  passion  was  an 
incident  in  the  life  of  the  I,ord  of  glory,  with 
Whom  they  lived  in  fellowship  and  through 
Whom  they  had  peace  with  tiod  ;  while  the 
centre  of  their  common  life  was  a  rite  instituted 
by  Himself,  in  its  form  thoroughly  sacrificial, 
and  embodying  His  own  interpretation  of  His 
death — the  Eucharist.  Accordingly,  through- 
out the  apostolic  writings  our  fiord's  person  in 
respect  of  His  death  and  resurrection  and  as- 
cension is  interpreted  by  the  category  of  sacri- 
fice ;  the  .Atonement  is  conceived  and  stated  in 
terms  of  sacrifice,  and  bv  the  aid  of  Is. 53  (.Mt. 
8.17;  .Ac. 8.3211.;  Ro.4.25  ;  Heb.9.28;  il'e.2. 
22-25  ;  cf-  I-u.22.37).  .At  the  same  time  tliis  is 
not  the  only  category  that  is  applied  to  it,  and 
in  treating  of  sacrifice  here  it  is  not  required  to 
construct  a  theory  of  the  .Atonement,  but  only 
to  attempt  to  col  ect  and  classify  the  passages 
which  more  or  less  distinctly  treat  it  from  the 
sacrificial  point  r)f  view.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  no  doubt  a  tendency  in  N.T.  to 
incorporate  other  points  of  view  with  the 
sacrificial ;  or,  to  express  it  otherwise,  not  only 
to  interpret  our  Lord's  person  and  acts  by 
sacrifice,  but  also  to  interpret  sacrifice  by  His 
person  and  acts.  Besides  this,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  idea  of  sacrifice  is  to  us  dim 
and  difficult  to  grasp,  and  it  has  been  variously 
conceived  ;  so  that  in  fact  we  have  at  least  as 
much  to  attempt  to  understand  the  idea  of 
sacrifice  through  the  .Atonement,  as  to  under- 
stand the  .Atonement  through  the  idea  of 
sacrifice.  The  ejiistle  to  the  Hebrews  stands 
apart  from  the  rest  of  .\.T.  in  the  fulness  with 
which  it  treats  of  our  Lord's  sacrifice  and  in 
the  precise  form  in  which  it  states  it.  It  is 
desirable  therefore  to  notice  the  Hebrews  separ- 
ately, (i)  Outside  the  Hebrews  the  statements 
are  of  a  general  character;  there  islittledetailed 
exposition  or  interpretation,  [a]  Our  Lord 
"  surrendered  Himself  for  us  a  sacrifice  and 
oblation  to  Ciod,  for  a  sweetsmelling  savour  " 
(Eph.5.2),  where  dvalav  kul  wpoacpopiv  seems 
to  represent  nn:D1  nnt  (Ps.40.r>)  of  the  bloody 
and  the  unbloody  offering,  and  dcr/xii  eeujotas  = 
riiTJ  n^l,  the  I.e\itical  expression  for  the 
acceptableness  of  such  sacrifices  or  parts  of 
sacrifices  as  were  given  over  to  God  by 
burning  (Lev.1.9,  etc.).  He  is  the  Lamb, 
whether  of  sacrifice  in  general,  or  the  Paschal 
Lamb  in  jiartirular  (i  I'e.Lig  ;  Jn.L2q  ;  Rev. 
5.6)  ;  while  in  iCor.5.7  He  is  explicitly  the 
Paschal  Lamb.  He  is  the  sin-offering  (Trepi 
ttMapnaj,  Ro.8.3,  cf.  iPe.3.iH;  i\aff^6s,  ijn. 
2.2,4.10;  iXaarripioi',  Ro.3.25);  He  "olTercd  our 
sins  in  His  own  body  on  the  cross  ''  (iPe.2.24), 
where  dvo/^yKai,  though  derived  from  Is. 53. 
12,  seems  to  be  applied  in  the  usual  sense  of 
a.va.<f>iptiv,  as  applied  to  the  burnt -offering  (Lev. 
14.20,  etc.).  (b)  In  two  places  St.  Paul  sug- 
gests an  interpretation  of  the  sacrificial  signi- 
ficance of  our  Lord's  death,  (i)  In  R0.3.25I7. 
the  cross  is  the  exhibition  of  the  sinfulness  of 
sin,  which  is  measured  by  the  fact  that  it  slew 
the  Lord  of  glory.  It  makes  it  possible  therefore 
for  (lotl  to  justify  us — i.e.  to  forgive  our  sins — 
without  the  danger  of  its  being  supposed  that 
this  forgiveness  is  the  result  of  moral  indifier- 


SACRIFICE 

ence  ;  through  it  He  may  be  seen  to  be  Himself 
righteous  while  He  forgives  our  unrighteous- 
nesses, (ii)  In  2Cor.5.2i  our  Lord  was  "  made 
sin  for  us  "  in  His  death  ;  which  seems  to 
mean  at  least  this,  that  "  He  Who  "  in  Himself 
"knew  no  sin"  accepted  on  to  His  stainless  con- 
science the  burden  of  the  sin  of  the  race  in 
which  He  had  involved  Himself,  and  did  the 
ultimate  penance  for  it.  (c)  But  the  signifi- 
cance of  sacrifice  centres  in  the  blood  ;  the 
purpose  of  the  death  is  to  liberate  the  blood, 
which  sums  up  and  contains  the  significance 
of  the  death.  Hence  (i)  our  Lord's  death  and 
its  significance  from  this  point  of  view  is  ex- 
pressed by  "  His  blood."  He  made  "  peace  by 
the  blood  of  His  cross"  (Col. 1. 20;  cf.  Eph. 
2.6);  "justified  in  His  blood"  is  parallel 
with  "  reconciled  by  His  death  "  (Ro.5.9,10  ; 
cf.  Col. 1.20, 22)  :  He  was  set  forth  as  a  pro- 
pitiation "  in  His  blood"  (Ro.3.25)  ;  we  were 
"  redeemed  by  the  precious  blood  "  (iPe.l. 
19)  ;  and  He  "  loosed  us  from  our  sins  in  His 
blood"  (Rev.1.5).  But  (ii)  the  blood  of  His 
sacrifice  is  not  merely  His  death  ;  it  was  not 
merely  shed  in  the  past  ;  it  is  a  present  fact. 
The  Church  has  it  and  drinks  it  in  the  Eucharist 
(1C0r.ll.25f.) ;  it  is  si>rinkled  on  us  (iPe.l.i); 
the  saints  wash  their  robes  and  make  them 
white  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb  (Rev. 7. 14), 
and  His  blood  cleanses  the  faithful  from  all  sin 
(ijn.1.7)  ;  or,  as  it  is  otherwise  expressed, 
"  Himself "  (not  what  He  did  or  His  death) 
"  is  "  (not  was)  "  the  propitiation  for  our  sins  " 
(ijn.2.2)  ;  and  "  the  Lamb  stands,"  living  yet 
"  as  slaughtered,"  "in  the  midst  of  the  throne  " 
(Rev. 5. 6).  (d)  The  effect  of  this  sacrifice  is 
"  propitiation  "  (ijn.2.2  ;  Ro.3.25),  "  re- 
demption, even  remission  of  sins"  (Col. 1. 14  ; 
Eph. 1.7),  to  "  take  away  (alpnv)  sin  "  or 
"sins"  (Jn.1.29  ;  ijn.3.5),  to  win  "recon- 
ciliation" (Ro.5.ioff.  ;  2Cor.5.i8ff.  ;  Eph. 2. 
16  ;  Col. 1.22),  to  "  make  peace  "  (Col. 1. 20), 
to  "  make  us  nigh  "  (Eph.2.13).  (2)  In  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews  there  is  more  detailed 
exposition,  but  the  treatment  is  not  system- 
atic ;  it  is  not  an  interpretation  of  the  I.evitical 
system  as  a  whole  in  relatitm  to  our  Lord,  but 
an  interpretation  of  our  Lord's  person  and 
acts  by  means  of  certain  rites  or  elements  of 
rites  included  in  the  Levitical  system,  of  which 
a  detail  may  be  used  for  the  special  purpose  in 
hand  in  a  sense  which  does  not  seem  logically 
coherent  with  the  general  exposition  (Heb.l3. 
I  iff.),  (a)  Our  Lord  is  the  ideal  high-priest, 
Who,  as  such,  fulfils  on  a  higher  plane  the  type 
of  the  .Aaronic  priesthood,  and  so  supersedes  it 
and  its  activities.  As  a  high-priest  "  He  must 
have  somewhat  to  offer  "  (8.3  ;  i)  Ovala  avrov, 
9.26;  cf.  5.1-3);  and  that  "somewhat"  is 
"Himself"  (9.14),  His  "body"  (lO.io),  His 
"blood"     (9.7,12);     He    "offers    Himself" 

(avatpipeiv  iavrdv,  7.27  I  ava<pip(iv  =  T\?)J  of 
the  burnt-offering  ;  irpoaipipfiv  iavriv,  9.14,25) ; 
He  "  is  offered  "  (irpojfvexl^fii,  9.28).  In  par- 
ticular, as  "  the  mediator  of  a  new  covenant  " 
(9.15,12.24)  and  "  surety  of  abetter  covenant" 
(7.22  ;  cf.  8.6),  He  is  also  the  covenant- 
sacrifice  (9.i5ff.)  and  His  blood  is  "  the  bhiod 
of  the"  new  (9.2o,10.2i))  and  "  eternal"  (13. 20) 
"  covenant."  He  fulfils  the  type  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  entering  into  the  archetypal 


SACRIFICE 

sanctuary    (8.2,5,9.11)     "  through    His    own 
blood"  (9.12),  Himself   at  once  the  "minis- 
ter "  of  the  ideal  sanctuary  (8.2,9.24)  and  the 
sin-offering  which  He  offers  (13.11,12).     (b)  In 
the  Levitical  system  the  death  of  the  victim  is 
not  in  itself  the  sacrifice,  but  only  incidental 
to  it.     The  offering  is  of  the  life,  and  the  pur- 
pose of  the  death  is  to  enable  the  life  to  be 
dealt  with  sacrificially  ;    and  since  "  the  life  is 
the  blood  "  (Gen. 9.4),  or  "  in  the  blood  "  (Lev. 
17. 11),  the  essential  sacrificial  act  is  the  mani- 
pulation of  the  blood.     And  the  slaying  of  the 
victim  is  not  the  function  of  the  priest  (except 
in  cases  where  the  priest  is  also  the  offerer, 
whether   for   himself   or   as   representing   the 
priesthood   or  the   community)  ;     the    offerer 
brings  the  victim,  lays  his  hand  on  it  and  slays 
it,  and  the  priest  oniy  then  deals  with  it  when 
it  has  so  been  prepared  for  sacrifice.     Accord- 
ingly, in  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  while  the 
Passion  is  necessarily  implied  in  the  sacrifice 
(Heb.9.26, 13.12),  it  is  not  dwelt  upon  in  this 
relation.     And  on  the  other  hand,  our  Lord's 
high-priesthood  is  only  exercised  in  His  glorified 
life  ;    He  is  never  regarded  as  a  priest  in  "  the 
days  of  His  flesh,"  and  in  fact  it  is  expressly 
said  that  "  if  He  were  on  earth  He  would  not  be  a 
priest  "  at  all  (8.4).     From  the  present  point  of 
view  the  significance  of  our  Lord's  death  would 
seem    to    be    threefold  :     (i)   His   life   is   con- 
templated as  the  process  of  His  reXeiwais — at 
once   His   moral   perfecting  and  His   priestly 
consecration  ;   and  His  passion  and  death  is  the 
climax  of  His  discipline,  in  which  the  moral 
reality  of  priesthood,  obedience  to  the  Father 
and  sympathy  with  men,  is  finally  proved,  that 
so  He  might   become  morally  what    He  was 
by  nature  (2. 14, 5. 8),   the  one  mediator,  per- 
fected through  sufferings  (2. 10).    (ii)  The  victim 
must  be  without  blemish  (ciiuai^toj,  Lev.l.3,  etc). 
The  discipline  of  His  life  was  the  testing  of 
His  spotlessness ;   which  was  not   an  untried 
innocence,  but  He  was  "  in  all  points  tempted 
like  us  apart  from  sin  "  (Heb.4.15) ;  and  death 
was    the   last    and    culminating    temptation, 
in  which   "  He  learned  obedience,"   sounded 
the  depths  of  an  ideal  human  discipline  (5.8, 
^/jLaOfv  TTiv  vwaKoriv),    and    proved    "  without 
blemish"  (9.14  ;c/.  iPe.l.19),  "holy,  harmless, 
undefiled,  and  separated  from  sinners  "  (Heb. 
7.26).     (iii)   His  life  was  the  continuous  sur- 
render of  Himself  to  the    Father.     He  came 
to    do    the    Father's    will,   and    a    body  was 
prepared    for    Him    that     He    might    do    it 
(10. 5).     His  life  of  obedience  was  the  bring- 
ing of  the  victim  to  the  door  of  the  taber- 
nacle (Lev.l.sf.);   its  discipline,  the  laying  of 
His  hand  upon  it  to  make  it   His  own ;   and 
the   death,   in  which    the  obedience  and   dis- 
cipline of  life    culminated,  was   the   ultimate 
surrender  of  Himself  (c/.  Ph. 2. 8),   "  the  obla- 
tion of  the  body  of  Jesus  Christ  once  for  all  " 
(Heb. 10. 10),  the  offering  of  Himself  "  through 
eternal  Spirit  "  (9.14,  on  which  see  commen- 
tators), in  which  He  prepared  Himself  as  victim 
that  as  priest  He  might  minister  His  blood 
within  the  holiest.     In  13. 11  our  Lord's  death 
is  paralleled  with  the  burning  of  the  bodies  of 
the  highest  class  of  sin-offerings  outside  the 
camp  ;   but  this  interpretation  is  isolated  and 
is  not  easy  to  adjust  to  the  general  represen- 
tation),    (c)  As  high-priest  our  Lord  ministers 


SACRIFICE 


767 


His    blood,      (i)   "  Brought    again    from    the 
dead  in  the  blood  of  the  eternal  covenant  " 
(13.20),    He    "  entered    into    the    holy    place 
through  His  own  blood"  (9.i2),  and  accom- 
plished what  in  the  tvpe  is  represented  by  the 
offering  of  the  blood  (9.7)   or  the  sprinkling 
of  the  mercy-seat  (Lev.l6.14f-}-     The  author 
avoids    saying    that    He    carried    His    blood 
or  even  that  He  offered  it,  since  this  might 
obviously  be  open  to  misunderstanding,  as  if 
our  Lord's  blood  were  something  separate  or 
separable  from  Himself  ;    and  in  fact  he  de- 
scribes the  type  in  such  terms  as  to  suggest  the 
necessary   limitation    of    the    correspondence 
between  it  and  the  antitype  (Heb. 9. 7,  ov  x'^P's 
aiVaros:  13,  5t'  al/j-aros-  25,  ev  aifiari  dWoTpiqi). 
(ii)  The  blood  of  the  sin-offering  of  the  Day  of 
Atonement  was  not  only-brought  to  God  within 
the  holiest,  but  was  also  applied  to  the  sanc- 
tuary ;   and  the  blood  of  the  covenant -sacrifice 
was  sprinkled  not  only  on  the  altar,  but  also 
on  the  people.     So  the  blood  of  Christ  is  "  the 
blood   of  sprinkling  "    (12. 24),    by  which  we 
"  have  our  hearts  sprinkled  from  an  evil  con- 
science "  (10.22).     The  blood  which  is  the  life 
is  communicated  to  us  ;    He   "  sanctified  us 
through  His  own  blood"  (13. 12),  and  we  have 
access  to  the  holy  place"  in  the  blood  of  Jesus" 
(10. 19).     {d)  In  relation  to  our  Lord's  sacrifice 
the  Church  is  not  only  the  people  but   also 
the  priesthood,  since  it  has  access  to  the  holy 
place    (10. 19),    the    way    into    which    is    now 
manifested  (9.8)  ;    and  it  transcends  even  the 
priesthood,   since  it  eats  of  the  sin-offering, 
which  under  the  law  was  denied  even  to  "  those 
who  serve  the  tabernacle  "  (13. 10  ;    cf.  Lev. 6. 
23,18,22).     And  the  effects  of  our  Lord's  sacri- 
fice are  the  "  purification  "   (Heb.l.3),   "  ex- 
piation "     (2.17),     "taking     away"     (IO.4), 
"  stripping  off "  (lO.ii),  "remission"   (10. 18) 
of  sins,  "the  setting  aside  of  sin  "  (9.26),  "  an 
eternal  redemption  "  (9. 12),  "  sanctification  " 
(10.29,13.12),    "  perfecting    as    touching   con- 
science "    (7.19,9.9,10.15),   and   "cleansing  of 
conscience"     (9.14,10.2). — III.  The    sacrifice 
of    the    Eucharist.     The    question    may    be 
asked.    What    does    the    author    of    Hebrews 
mean   exactly  by   "  the   blood   of   Christ  "  ? 
Does  it   mean   the   moral  significance  of  His 
death — i.e.  His  death  considered  as  abidingly 
significant  in  its  effects  ?     Or  does  it  mean 
His   life  set   free,    glorified,    through   death  ? 
In  the  first  case,  the  ministering  of  the  blood 
within  the  holiest  is  little  more  than  a  meta- 
phor   for   the   restoration    of   the   fellowship 
between  God  and  man  effected  by  our  Lord 
in  the  past,  which  is  realized  by  men  morally, 
"  through    faith  "  ;     in    the    other    case    our 
Lord  Himself  is  the  bond  of  the  new  relation, 
which   is  realized  in  us  by   the  communica- 
tion of  His  life — He  is  Himself  the  blood  upon 
the  mercy-seat,  which  is  also  "  sprinkled  on  " 
us,  imparted  to  us.     The  Eucharist  would  seem 
to  embody  the  second  conception,  and  to  imply 
that  even  if  the  first  be  the  immediate  meaning 
of  Hebrews,  it  is  still  to  be  interpreted  by  the 
second,     (i)  The  Eucharist,  by  the  terms  of 
its  institution  and  in  its  structure,  is  obviously 
a  sacrifice  in  some  sense ;  a  religious  meal  in- 
stituted in  such   terms   ("  body,"    "  blood," 
"  blood  of  the  covenant,"  "  outpoured,"  "  for 
remission  of  sins,"  perhaps  also  "  do  "   and 


768  SACRIFICE 

"  commemoration ")  suggests  nothing  else. 
The  following  points  may  be  noticed  in  the 
terms  of  the  institution  :  {a)  "  Broken " 
( KXilifxevov)  is  probably  no  part  of  the  true  text 
(iCor.11.24),  but  a  liturgical  interpolation. 
In  any  case,  it  refers  to  the  breaking  of  our 
Lord's  body  as  bread,  for  distribution  (Is.58. 
7  ;  Lam. 4.4),  not  to  a  breaking  of  the  body  in 
death,  an  interpretation  suggested  by  nothing 
in  N.T.  or  in  early  Christian  literature,  and  not 
corresponding  to  the  facts  of  the  Passion.  The 
liturgical  fraction  is  not  the  commemoration 
of  the  Passion,  {b)  'EKxi"'6.u(foi',  if  it  means 
"  shed,"  yet  must  mean  "  shed  "  sacrificially, 
as  the  first  stage  in  the  "outpouring"  (eKxeet 
Lev. 4. 1 8,  etc.)  and  in  the  application  of  it  to 
us,  timclessly  and  continuously.  In  Lu.22.20  it 
is  not  the  blood  that  is  shed,  but  the  cup  that 
is  outpoured,  (c)  llwetre  has  often  been  in- 
terpreted in  the  sacrificial  sense  of  ilb'S?,  iroiflv 
in  theLXX.  (Ex.lO.25,  etc. ;  cf.  pe^^eif,  operari). 
This  is  very  questionable  ;  but  to  the  pas- 
sages in  Just.  Mart.  Trypho  41,  70,  commonly 
quoted,  may  be  added  the  normal  liturgical 
formula  :  tovto  iroieire  eis  tt]v  eix.r)v  dva/avrjaiv. 
fx(lu>r)H(voi  oJ'v  .  .  .  Trpoff(p(pofjL€i'.  (d)  It  has 
been  debated  whether  dvd/j.i'rjcns  implies  com- 
memoration before  men  or  before  God — 
whether  it  is  man  or  God  who  is  reminded. 
The  question  seems  unnecessary,  because  in 
the  nature  of  things  "  to  remind  God  "  can 
only  mean  "  to  remind  ourselves  that  God 
remembers,"  and  "  to  remind  ourselves  "  in  the 
presence  of  God  is  what  we  mean  by  reminding 
God.  (2)  The  correspondence  of  the  Euchar- 
ist with  the  Peace-oifering  is  obvious  on  the 
surface ;  but  allusions  in  N.T.  relate  it  to  other 
types  of  ancient  sacrifice,  (a)  "  We  have  an 
altar,  whereof  they  have  no  right  to  eat  who 
serve  the  tabernacle  "  (Heb.13.io) — whatever 
be  understood  by  the  "  altar,"  and  no  doubt 
in  the  last  resort  it  is  the  person  of  our  Lord- 
evidently  refers  to  the  Eucharist,  and  relates  it 
to  the  Sin-offering,  as  that  in  which  we  do  our 
priestly  part  in  the  sin-offering  of  the  Lord,  (b) 
"This  is  My  blood  of  the  covenant  "  (Mt. 26.28) 
echoes  the  words  of  tlie  Covenant-sacrifice  of 
Ex.24,  wliich  are  quoted  in  this  form  (tovto, 
for  (001')  in  Heb.9.20.  The  Eucharist  is  thus 
related  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  New  Covenant,  as 
that  in  which  the  covenant  relation  is  continu- 
ously renewed  and  sustained  in  us.  (c)  "  My 
commemoration  "  in  the  paschal  context  of 
the  institution  is  naturally  related  to  the 
"  memorial  "  of  the  Paschal  sacrifice  (Ex.12. 
14).  {d)  In  iCor.l0.i8-2i  St.  Paul  asserts 
the  parallelism  between  the  Eucharist  and 
j)agan  sacrifices,  on  the  ground  of  the  identity 
of  principle  embodied  in  them — that  they  who 
eat  the  sacrifices  have  communion  with  the 
altar  {i.e.  with  (iod,  Who  is  represented  by  the 
altar)  ;  to  partake  of  the  cup  and  the  table  of 
the  Lord  is  to  have  communion  with  God,  as 
to  partake  of  the  cup  and  the  table  of  the  gods 
is  to  have  communion  wit!)  them  (i.e.  with 
devils).  (3)  It  has  been  i)t>inted  out  in  the 
ffjrmer  section  of  this  article  that  a  funda- 
mental conception  of  sacrifice  appears  to  be 
that  of  a  meal  shared  by  (iod  and  man,  by 
which  the  fellowsliip  between  (iod  and  man  is 
renewed  and  sustained  :    the  sacrifice  is  the 


SACRIFICE 

"  bread  of  God"  (Lev. 21. 6,  etc.)  placed  on  the 
"table  of  the  Lord"  (Ezk.41.22,44.i6 ;  MaL 
1.7,12)  for  Him  to  consume,  and  also  partaken 
by  the  worshipper.  Whether  or  not  "  the  bread 
of  God  "  in  Jn.6.33  bears  this  meaning  of  food 
consumed  by  God,  our  Lord  as  the  "beloved 
Son  in  Whom  "the  Father  "  is  well  pleased  " 
(Mk.l.ii  and  parallels),  "  the  Son  of  His 
love"  (Col. 1.13)  offered  "for  a  sweet -smelling 
savour"  (Eph.5.2)andreturned  in  His  perfected 
humanity  to  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  satisfies 
this  conception  of  the  "bread  of  God."  And 
this  "  bread  "  (i.e.  food),  the  flesh  and  blood  of 
the  Son  of  Man,  is  given  to  us  to  eat  and  to  drink 
in  the  Eucharist  that  thereby  we  may  have  com- 
munion with  God  (iCor.l0.2o,2i)  and  with  one 
another  [ib.  i6f.),  a  communion  of  life  (Jn.6.53, 
37).  (4)  In  the  Eucharist,  therefore,  the  Church 
in  thanksgiving  (Mk. 14. 22, 23  and  paralle's ; 
iCor. 10. 16, 11. 24, 14. 16, 17)  commemorates  our 
Lord  in  His  historical  acts.  These  acts, 
through  which  "  He  offered  Himself,"  were, 
as  acts,  done  "  once  for  all  "  (Heb.7.27,9.26, 
10.10),  and  are  past  ;  so  that  as  acts  they 
can  only  be  commemorated.  But  they  had 
value  only  as  expressing  and  "  perfecting  " 
His  will,  and  they  live  eternally  in  the  will 
expressed  and  "  perfected"  through  them  ;  so 
that  He  offers  Himself  for  ever.  Through  the 
commemorative  thanksgiving  the  Church  co- 
operates with  the  eternal  act  of  His  will  and 
offers  Him  to  the  Father,  and  so,  doing  what 
He  did  in  the  original  Eucharist,  effects  the 
consecration  of  its  thank-offering  of  bread 
and  wine  to  be  His  body  and  His  blood, 
as  apart  frcm  His  body  (so  "shewing  the 
Lord's  death,"  1C0r.ll.26),  and  by  feeding  on 
them  as  the  "  bread  of  God  "  it  fulfils  its  part 
in  the  sacrifice  and  is  knit  up  into  communion 
of  life  with  God. — IV.  Sacrifice  and  the 
Christian  life.  The  Christian  life  in  the  N.T. 
is,  among  other  aspects,  represented  under 
that  of  a  continuous  service  on  the  part  of  "  a 
holy  priesthood,  to  offer  up  spiritual  sacrifices 
acceptable  to  God  through  Jesus  Christ  " 
(iPe.2.5),  a  "pure  and  undefiled  worship" 
of  which  the  ceremonies  are  acts  of  charity 
and  self-discipline  (J as. 1.27).  (i)  We  are  to 
"  present  ourselves  to  (iod  as  alive  from  the 
dead  and  our  members  as  instruments  of 
righteousness  to  God  "  (K0.6.13),  to  "  present 
our  bodies  a  living  sacrifice,  holy,  acceptable 
to  (iod — our  reasonable  worship"  (R0.12.1). 
Hence  an  element  in  the  "  pure  worship  "  is  to 
"  keep  ourselves  unspotted  from  the  world  " 
(J as. 1.27),  since  the  victim  must  be  "  without 
blemish."  And  since  the  victim  must  be  slain, 
we  have  to  "  mortify  our  members  which  are 
on  the  earth"  (Col. 3. 5),  to  "resist  unto  blood, 
striving  against  sin  "  (Heb.12.4).  (2)  "  As 
Christ  loved  us  and  surrendered  Himself  for  us 
an  offering  and  a  sacrifice  to  (iod  for  a  sweet- 
smelling  savour,"  so  we  are  "  to  walk  in  love  " 
(Eph.5.2),  "  doing  good  and  communicating, 
since  with  such  sacrifices  God  is  well  pleased" 
(Heb. 13.16;  cf.  Ph.4.i.S),  and,  as  a  second 
element  in  the  "  pure  worshij),"  "  visiting  the 
fatherless  and  widows"  (Jas.l.27).  (3)  We 
are  to  "  offer  the  sacrifice  of  praise  to  God 
continuallv,  that  is,  the  fruit  of  lips  giving 
thanks  to  His  name"  (Heb.lS.i.s)  ;  "whatso- 
ever we  do  in  word  or  deed,  doing  all  in  the 


name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  giving  thanks"unto 
God  and  the  Father  through  Him  "  (Col. 3. 17  ; 
Eph.5.20) ;  having  our  "  speech  seasoned  with 
salt  "  (Col. 3. 1 7),  like  the  sacrifice  (Lev. 2. 13  ; 
Mk.9.49),  that  it  "  may  minister  grace " 
(Eph.4.29)  as  we  "  speak  as  oracles  of  God  " 
(iPe.4.ii).  Lastly  (4),  St.  Paul  represents 
himself  in  his  apostolic  life  and  ministry  as, 
like  his  Lord,  both  priest  and  victim.  He  is 
"a  minister  [XeiToupyos]  of  Jesus  Christ  unto 
the  GentUes,  ministering  [UpovpyQi']  the 
Gospel  of  God,  that  the  oblation  [consisting] 
of  the  Gentiles  may  prove  acceptable,  being 
sanctified  by  the  Holy  Ghost  "  (Ro.l5.i6).  He 
interprets  his  own  sufferings  as  his  share  in  the 
Passion  of  Christ,  in  which  he  is  "  filling  up 
on  his  part  in  his  flesh  for  Christ's  body's  sake, 
which  is  the  Church,  what  is  stni  lacking  [rd 
varep-qixara]  of  the  afflictions  of  the  Christ " 
(Col. 1.24),  which  are  incomplete  until  all  who 
are  or  shall  be  in  Him  "  know  the  fellowship 
of  His  sufferings  and  are  conformed  to  His 
death  "  (Ph. 3. 10).  And  the  apostle's  death 
is  the  outpouring  of  the  libation  (<nrev5op.ai.) 
of  his  life  "over  the  sacrifice  and  service 
[r^  dvaia  koI  XnTovpyLa]  of  the  faith"  of  his 
churches  (2.17  ;    2Tim.4.6).  [f.e.b.] 

Sadami'as  (aEsd.l.i)  =  Shallum,  6. 

Sadas   (iEsd.5.i3)  =  Azgad. 

Sadde'us  (iEsd.8.45),  or  Daddeus  (8.46), 
a  corruption  of  Iddo,  6. 

Sad'duc  (iEsd.8.2)  =  Zadok,  i. 

Sadducees  (Mt.3. 7,16.1,6,11,12, 22.23, 34  ; 
Mk.l2.i8  ;  Lu.20.27  ;  Ac.4.1, 5.17,23.6,7,8),  a 
religious  party  or  school  among  the  Jews  at  the 
time  of  Christ. — Origin  of  the  Name.  Their 
Heb.  name  in  the  Mishna  is  fdhiiqim,  the  plur. 
of  fddhoq,  "just,"  or  "righteous."  The 
Jewish  statement  is  that  they  are  named  from 
a  certain  Zadok,  a  disciple  of  the  Antigonus  of 
Socho  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Mishna  as  hav- 
ing received  the  oral  law  from  Simon  the  Just, 
the  last  of  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue. 
Epiphanius  states  that  the  Sadducees  called 
themselves  by  that  name  from  "  righteous- 
ness," the  interpretation  of  the  Heb.  cddhoq  ; 
but  adds,  "  There  was  Ukewise  anciently  a 
Zadok  among  the  priests,  but  they  did  not 
continue  in  the  doctrines  of  their  chief."  We 
have  thus  two  alternatives — either  the  name 
was  thought  to  be  descriptive  of  their  tenets  or 
their  practice,  or  else  it  referred  to  some  one 
who  was  regarded  as  in  some  sense  their 
founder.  As  the  Sadducees  were  so  much 
more  prominently  a  pohtical  than  a  religious 
party,  we  must  seek  for  the  origin  of  the  name 
in  the  history  of  the  sect  rather  than  in  its 
doctrines.  The  next  question  then  is.  Which 
Zadok  is  referred  to  ?  The  most  famous  per- 
son who  bore  that  name  was  the  high-priest, 
the  contemporary  of  David,  from  whom  all  the 
subsequent  high-priests  claimed  descent.  The 
fact  that  the  Sadducees  were  the  priestly  party 
has  led  to  it  being  assumed  that  "  Sadducee  " 
meant  "  Zadokite."  Against  this  is  the  fact 
that  the  Hasmonaeans,  if  generally  in  alliance 
with  the  Sadducees,  were  sometimes  in  anta- 
gonism to  them.  There  remains  only  that 
they  derived  their  name  from  Zadok  the  ob- 
scure disciple  of  the  nearly  as  obscure  Anti- 
gonus of  Socho.     If  the  sect  really  arose  with 


SADDUCEES 


769 


him,  it  is  easily  imderstood  how  the  greater 
Zadok  displaced  the  less  known  ;    and  as  the 
Samaritans    maintain    that    they    are    called 
Shomerim  not   from  Shimron  (Samairia),    but 
because  they  guarded  (shdmar)  the  law,  so  the 
Sadducees  claimed  to  be  the  "  true  righteous 
ones"  as  against  the  puritanismof  the  Phari- 
sees.    Historically  the  Sadducean  sect  make 
their  appearance  in  history  in  the  reign  of  John 
Hyrcanus  as  an  already  fully  formed  party. 
Alexander  Jannaeus  not  only  supported  the 
Sadducees    but    persecuted    the    Pharisees  ; 
following  his  deathbed  advice,  his  widow  Alex- 
andra,   who    succeeded    him,    reversed    this 
policy.     The  struggle  between  her  sons,  John 
HjTcanus  II.  and  Aristobulus,  was  very  much 
one  between  the  Sadducees  and  the  Pharisees. 
As  a  rule  the  business  of  the  State  was  carried 
on  by  the  Sadducees.     This  led  to  another 
characteristic — although   in  some  things  very 
conservative,   they  yielded  much  more  than 
others  did   to   the   Hellenizing  influences   to 
which     the    Gk.     rule    exposed     the    Jewish 
nation.     Although  (from   the   support  which 
Herod's  father  Ajitipater  gave  to  Hyrcanus  II., 
the  Pharisee  candidate  for  the  high-priesthood) 
the  Herodians  must  at  first  have  been  in  anta- 
gonism to  the  Sadducees,  latterly  they  appecir 
to  have  coalesced  with  them.    ( i )  As  a  religious 
party  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  the  Sad- 
ducees consisted  mainly  of  negations.    As  the 
Pharisees  asserted,  so  the  Sadducees  denied, 
that  the  Israehtes  were  in  possession  of  an 
oral  law  transmitted  to  them  by  Moses.     It  is 
proper  to  bear  in  mind  how  destitute  of  his- 
torical evidence  was  the  doctrine  which  they 
denied  ;    although  it  is  now  maintained,   all 
over    the    world,    by    orthodox    Jews.      The 
Sadducees   rejected  the   theory   of   oral  law, 
divinely  settled  by  Moses,  but  did  not  reject 
all  traditions  and  decisions  in  explanation  of 
passages  in  the  Pentateuch  ;   on  the  contrary, 
they   probably,    in    numerous   instances,    fol- 
lowed practically  the  same  traditions  as  the 
Pharisees.    This  will  explain  why  in  the  Mishna 
the  specific  points    of  difference  between  the 
Pharisees  and  Sadducees  which  are  mentioned 
are  so  unimportant.   (2)  The  second  distinguish- 
ing doctrine  of  the  Sadducees,  the  denial  of 
immortality,  followed  in  their  conception  as 
a  logical  conclusion  from  what  has  been  said 
above.     On  a  point  so  momentous  as  life  be- 
yond the  grave,  no  religious  party  among  the 
Jews  would  have  deemed  themselves  bound  to 
accept  any  doctrine  as  an  article  of  faith  which 
had  not  been  proclaimed  by  Moses  ;  and  in  the 
wTitten  law  there  is  a    total  absence  of   any 
direct  assertion  by  Moses  of  immortality  or  the 
resurrection   of  the   dead.     This  fact  is  pre- 
sented to  Christians  in  a  striking  manner  by 
the  well-known  words  of  the  Pentateuch  which 
are  quoted  by  Christ  in  argument  with  the 
Sadducees  on  this  subject  (Ex.3.6,i6  ;  Mt.22. 
31,32;  Mk.12.26,27;  Lu.20.37).     It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  in  such  a  case  Christ  would  quote 
to  his  powerful  adversaries  the  most  cogent 
text  in  the  law  ;    and  yet    the  text  actually 
quoted  does  not  itself  do  more  than  suggest 
this   great    doctrine  infer entially.     Hence,   as 
the  Sadducees  disbelieved  the  transmission  of 
any  oral  law  by  Moses,  the  striking  absence  of 
that  doctrine  from  the  written  law  freed  them 

49 


TTO  SADDUCEES 

from  the  necessity  of  accepting  the  doctrine  as 
divine  (Ac. 23. 8).  (3)  They  likewise  denied 
that  there  was  "  angel  or  spirit."  A  per- 
plexity arises  as  to  the  precise  sense  in  which 
this  denial  is  to  be  understood,  since  in  the 
Pentateuch  there  are  references  to  "  the  angel 
of  the  Lord."  Two  principal  explanations 
suggested  are,  either  that  the  Sadducees  re- 
garded the  angels  of  O.T.  as  transitory  unsub- 
stantial representations  of  Jehovah,  or  that 
they  disbelieved,  not  in  the  angels  of  O.T.,  but 
merely  in  the  system  of  an  angelic  hierarchy 
developed  in  the  popular  belief  of  the  Jews 
after  their  return  from  the  Babylonian  Cap- 
tivity. Perhaps,  however,  another  suggestion 
is  admissible.  The  Sadducees  may  have  dis- 
believed in  the  occurrence  of  any  such  pheno- 
mena in  their  own  time,  while  accepting  all  the 
statements  respecting  angels  in  O.T.  ;  and 
thus  the  key  to  the  assertion  in  Ac.23.8  that 
the  Sadducees  denied  "  angel  or  spirit  "  would 
be  found  in  the  9th  verse.  (4)  The  Sadducees, 
affirming  the  freedom  of  the  will,  denied  the 
doctrine  of  divine  fore-ordination  held  by  the 
Pharisees.  Possibly  the  great  stress  laid  by 
the  Sadducees  on  the  freedom  of  the  wull  may 
have  had  some  connexion  with  the  fact  that  so 
many  of  the  criminal  judges  were  selected 
from  among  them.  (5)  Some  of  the  early 
Christian  writers  {e.g.  Epiphanius,  Origen,  and 
Jerome)  attribute  to  the  Sadducees  the  rejec- 
tion of  all  the  sacred  Scriptures  except  the 
Pentateuch.  This,  however,  is  doubtful  ;  the 
writers  mentioned  may  have  confused  the 
Sadducees  w^ith  the  Samaritans.  It  is  an  im- 
portant fact  that  Josephus  is  wholly  silent  as 
to  any  antagonism  on  this  point  between  the 
Sadducees  and  the  Pharisees,  and  he  would 
scarcely  have  been  so  had  it  existed.  The  fact 
that  in  arguing  with  the  Sadducees  on  the 
doctrine  of  a  future  life,  Christ  quoted  from 
the  Pentateuch  only,  though  there  are  stronger 
texts  in  favour  of  the  doctrine  in  other  books 
of  O.T.,  has  probably  had  more  influence  than 
anything  else  in  occasioning  this  misconcep- 
tion ;  but  the  Sadducees  held  the  Torah  in 
much  higher  respect  than  they  did  the  works 
of  prophets  or  psalmists  ;  hence  our  Lord 
drew  this  proof  from  it  rather  than  from  other 
Scriptures.  (6)  The  Sadducees  rapidly  disap- 
peared from  histf)ry  after  the  ist  cent.,  and 
thereafter  among  the  Jews  the  opinions  of  the 
Pharisees  exclusively  predominated.  The 
Talmud  is  the  work  of  Pharisees.  Two  cir- 
cumstances contributed  indirectly,  l>ut  power- 
fully, to  produce  this  disappearance  :  first,  the 
state  of  the  Jews  after  the  capture  of  Jerusa- 
lem by  Titus  :  and  secondly,  the  growth  of  the 
Christian  religion.  It  is  diflicult  to  over- 
estimate the  consternation  and  dismay  wliich 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  occasioned  in  the 
minds  of  sincerely  religioiis  Jews.  In  this 
their  hf)ur  of  darkness  and  anguish,  they  na- 
turally turned  to  tiie  consolations  and  ho]H'S  of 
a  future  state  ;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Sad- 
ducees that  tlierc  was  notliing  beyond  tiie 
present  life  would  appear  to  tiiem  cold,  heart- 
less, and  liateful.  Again,  wiiile  they  were 
sunk  in  the  lowest  depths  of  depression,  a  new 
religion  which  they  despised  as  a  heresy  and  a 
superstition  was  gradually  making  its  way 
among  the    subjects    of    their   detested  con- 


SALAMIS 

querors,  the  Romans.  One  of  the  causes  of 
its  success  was  imdoubtedly  the  vivid  belief 
in  the  resurrection  of  Jesus,  and  a  conse- 
quent resurrection  of  all  mankind.  Con- 
sciously, therefore,  or  unconsciously,  these 
circumstances  combined  to  induce  the  Jews 
who  were  not  Pharisees,  but  who  resisted  the 
new  heresy,  to  rally  round  the  standard  of  the 
oral  law,  and  to  assert  that  their  holy  legis- 
lator, Moses,  had  transmitted  to  his  faithful 
people  by  word  of  mouth  the  revelation  of  a 
future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments.  This 
doctrine,  the  pledge  of  eternal  life  to  them,  as 
the  resurrection  of  Jesus  was  to  Christians,  is 
still  maintained  by  the  majority  of  our  Jewish 
contemporaries. 

Sa'doc. — 1.  (2Esd.l.i)=  Zadok,  i. — 2.  A 
descendant  of  Zerubbabel  in  the  genealogy  of 
Jesus  Christ  (Mt.l.14). 

SafTpon  (Can. 4.14)  correctly  renders  the 
Heb.  karkom.  The  similar  Arab,  word  kurkum 
denotes  the  Crocus  sativus  or  "  saffron  crocus." 
Saffron  has  from  the  earliest  times  been  in  high 
esteem  as  a  perfume  as  well  as  a  dye  :  "  it  was 
used  for  the  same  purposes  as  the  modern  pot- 
pourri "  (Rosenmiiller).  The  word  saffron  is 
derived  from  Arab,  za' farcin,  "yellow"  and  to 
the  Arabs  its  successful  cultivation  in  Europe 
(Span,  azafran)  is  due.  Pliny  said,  "  To  plant 
it  within  any  garden  in  Italy  is  held  no  good 
husbandrie,  for  it  will  not  quit  cost."  A 
quaint  attempt  to  identify  the  saffron  of  the 
Bible  with  turmeric  (Curcuma  longa)  has  been 
recently  made  bv  Prof.  Henslow.       [h.c.h.] 

Saints,  (i)  In  O.T.  (.\.V.).  speaking 
general! V,  this  word  is  used  of  («)  angels  (Dent. 
33.2  :  Ps.89.5,7,  etc.)  ;  (b)  of  men  (Deut.33.3  ; 
Ps.16.3,  etc.)  collectively,  and  especially  of 
Israelites — not  of  individuals.  The  word  repre- 
sents two  Heb.  words,  q'dhoshim  (Cik.  &ytoi) 
and  hdsidhlm  (Gk.  Iiffi.01.) ;  but  only  the  former 
of  these  is  applied  to  angels.  The  distinction 
between  the  two,  as  applied  to  men.  is  that 
between  objective  and  subjective  sanctity — be- 
tween consecration  "by  calling  and  election" 
and  consecration  of  the  heart  responding 
thereto.  In  R.V.  the  word  "  saints "  is 
usually  replaced  by  "holy  ones."  (2)  In  N.T. 
both  A.V.  and  R.V.  render  fi-ytot  by  "  saints  " 
(Sffioi  in  the  O.T.  sense  ne\'er  occurs),  and  the 
title  is  transferred  to  those  who  (by  Baptism 
and  the  other  means  of  grace)  have  made 
"  their  calling  and  election  sure  "  in  Christ — i.e. 
are  true  members  of  His  Body,  the  Church. 
The  confining  of  the  word  to  those  who  have 
been  conspicuous  for  personal  sanctity  and 
holiness  is  non-Scriptural,  nor  was  it  contem- 
plated (in  all  probability)  when  the  clause 
"  the  communion  of  saints  "  was  ackled  to  the 
.■\postles'  Creed  (?  in  the  3th  cent.).  See 
Swete's  .Apostles'  Creed,  pp.  82  ff.        (c.i..f.] 

Sa'lah  or  Sala,  the  son  of  Arphaxad 
and  father  of  ICber  (Gen. 10.24,11, 12-14  ;  Lu. 
3.35).  The  name  is  significant  of  extension, 
thus  seeming  to  imply  the  historical  fact  of 
the  gradual  extension  of  a  branch  <)f  the 
Semitic  race  from  its  original  seat  in  N. 
Assyria  towards  the  river  Euphrates. 

Salainls,  a  city  at  the  E.  end  of  the 
island  of  Cyprus,  and  the  first  place  visited  by 
SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas,  on  the  first  missionary 
journey,  after  leaving  the  mainland  at  Seleucia. 


SALASADAI 

Here,  alone,  among  all  the  Gk.  cities  visited 
by  St.  Paul,  we  read  expressly  of  "  syna- 
gogues "  in  the  plural  (Ac.13.5).  Hence  we 
conclude  that  there  were  many  Jews  in  Cyprus  : 
and  this  is  in  harmony  with  what  we  read 
elsewhere.  Jewish  residents  in  the  island  are 
mentioned  during  the  period  when  the 
Seleucidae  reigned  at  Antioch  (1Mac.i5.23). 
At  a  later  period,  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and 
Hadrian,  we  read  of  dreadful  tumults  here, 
caused  by  a  vast  multitude  of  Jews.  Salamis 
was  not  far  from  the  modern  Famagousta. 
It  was  situated  near  a  river  called  the  Pediaeus, 
on  low  ground  which  is  in  fact  a  continuation 
of  the  plain  running  up  into  the  interior 
towards  the  place  where  Nicosia,  the  present 
capital  of  Cyprus,  stands. 

Salasada'i     {Jth.8.1),     an    ancestor     of 

Judith  =  ZURISHADDAI. 

Salathiel  (the  angel).     [Phaltiel.] 

Sala'thiel. — 1.  The  father  of  Zerubbabel 
(iEsd.5.5,48,56,6.2  ;  Mt.l.i2  ;  Lu.3.27).  The 
A.V.  has  Salathiel  in  iChr.3.17,  but  every- 
where else  in  O.T.  Shealtiel.  See  Zerub- 
babel.— 2.  Another  name  of  Esdras  (aEsd.S. 
I,  R.V.  only). 

Salcah'  or  Salchah,  a  city  named  as 
the  extreme  limit  of  Bashan  (Deut.S.io ; 
Jos.13.li)  and  of  Gad  (iChr.S.ri).  The  name 
seems  to  denote  a  district  as  well  as  a 
town  (Jos. 12. 5).  It  is  doubtless  identical 
with  the  town  of  Siilkhad,  or  Salkhat,  at  the 
S.  extremity  of  the  Jebel  Hauran,  about  20 
miles  S.  of  Qanawat  (the  ancient  Kenath). 
Immediately  below  Siilkhad  commences  the 
plain  of  the  great  Euphrates  desert.  The 
town  is  2  to  3  miles  in  circumference,  sur- 
roimding  a  castle  on  a  lofty  isolated  hill. 
The  Roman  eagle  occurs  on  several  doorways. 
Arab,  texts  belong  to  the  mediaeval  fortress. 
The  Gk.  inscriptions  are  mainly  Christian  texts 
of  the  4th  or  5th  cent.  [c.r.c] 

Salem'  [safety,  peace). — 1.  Used  for  Jeru- 
salem, "the  city  of  peace"  (Ps.76.2). — 2.  The 
city  of  Melchizedek  (Gen. 14. 18),  which  the 
Jews  (see  Josephus,  1  Ant.  yi.  2;  7  Ant.  iii.  2) 
have  always  identified  with  Jerusalem,  and  the 
Samaritans  with  Shalem  {Sdlim),  E.  of  She- 
chem  (see  Jth.4.4).  [c.r.c.J 

Salim  (Jn.3.23),  the  present  Sdlim,  E.  of 
Shechem.     [Shalem  ;    Aenon.]  [c.r.c] 

Salla'i. — 1.  A  Benjamite  who  settled  in 
Jerusalem  after  the  Captivity  (Ne.11.8). — 2. 
The  head  of  a  course  of  priests  which  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (12. 20). 

Sallu'. — 1.  Son  of  Meshullam,  5  ;  a  Benja- 
mite (iChr.9.7;  Ne.11.7).— 2.  (Ne.l2.7)  = 
Sallai,  2. 

Sallu'mus  (iEsd.9.25)  =  Shallum,  ii. 

Salma'  or  Salmon'  (Ru.4.20,21  ;  iChr.2. 
11,51,54;  Mt.l.4,5  ;  Lu.3.32),  sonof  Nahshon, 
prince  of  Judah  ;  probably  one  of  the  two 
spies  sent  to  Jericho,  as  on  the  entrance  of  the 
Israelites  into  Canaan  he  married  Rahab.  For 
chronological  difficulty  in  this,  see  Genealogy 
OF  J  .C.  He  became  father  of  Boaz,  and  ancestor 
of  David.  Perhaps  Salmon's  inheritance  was 
Bethlehem-ephratah,  part  of  the  territory  of 
Caleb,  the  grandson  of  Ephratah.  Hence  he  was 
reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Caleb,    [c.r.d.b.] 

Salmana'sap     (2Esd.i3.40)  =  Shalman- 

ESER. 


SALT 


771 


Salmon'  (Ps.68.14). — 1.  The  word  means 
shady,  ox  shadowy,  2Lnd.is(iitb.  c«/»!  on)  rendered 
Zalmon  in  Judg.9.48;  both  being  apparently 
mountains,  though  not  of  necessity  the  same. 
Mount  Zalmon  was  near  Shechem,  and  had  trees 
or  bushes  on  it ;  but  the  name  has  not  been  re- 
covered. In  Arab,  it  would  appear  as  Dulm, 
or  ^nlm.  The  Salmon  of  the  psalm  is  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  a  defeat  of  kings  by  the 
ddhonay  (Ps. 68.11),  or  "  lord,"  who  rescued  Is- 
rael in  Bashan  (vv.  18,22),  in  an  age  when  all 
Israel,  under  its  princes,  used  to  gather  in  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem  (rv.  24-27).  If  therefer- 
ence  be  to  David's  conquests  in  Bashan,  and  at 
Damascus,  it  seems  possible  that  this  dark 
mountain  covered  with  snow  (ver.  i4)wasHER- 
MON  ;  but  it  is  also  possible  that  a  march 
through  central  Palestine,  in  winter,  may  have 
led  by  Mount  Zalmon  ;  and  snow  sometimes 
falls  on  the  summits  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim. — 2. 
Salma.  [c.r.c] 

Salmo'ne,  the  E.  point  of  the  island 
of  Crete  (Ac.27.7). 

Sa'lom,  the  Greek  form  of  —  1.  Shallum, 
6  (Ba.1.7).— 2.  Salu   (iMac2.26). 

Salo'me. — 1.  Her  name  is  only  found  in 
Mk. 15. 40,16.1,  and  she  was  (see  Mt.27.55) 
the  wife  of  Zebedee,  and  possibly,  if  we  accept 
the  Peshitta  version  of  Jn.i9.25,  the  sister  of 
Mary  the'mother  of  Jesus.  When  her  two 
sons  were  called  from  their  work  as  fishermen, 
she  also  followed  Jesus,  ministering  to  Him 
of  her  substance  (Mt.27.55  ;  Mk.i5.4T)  as  well 
as  to  her  sons,  for  whose  reward  by  promotion 
she  bestirred  herself  on  the  last  journey  up  to 
Jerusalem  (Mt.20.2o).  She  was  present  at  the 
crucifixion  (Mk.i5.40),  and  was  one  of  the  first 
to  visit  the  tomb  from  which  Jesus  was  found 
tohaverisen(Mk.l6.i-8). — 2.  The  daughter  of 
Herodias(Mt.l4.6;  Mk.6.17-22),  who,  from  the 
Gospels,  would  only  be  known  as  her  mother's 
pliant  child.     [Herod.]  [c.r.d.b.] 

Salt  (Heb.  melah ;  Arab,  tnilh).  As  a 
preservative  salt  became  the  emblem  of  con- 
stancy ;  as  the  Arab  still  says,  "  He  has  eaten 
my  salt."  Hence  a  "  covenant  of  salt  " 
(Lev.2.13  ;  Num.18. 19  ;  2Chr.l3.5)  was 
binding,  and  the  meal-offering  (A.V.  meat 
offering)  was  therefore  salted.  The  enemies 
of  the  Jews  professing  loyalty  to  Persia  said, 
"  Because  we  eat  the  salt  of  the  palace  " 
(R.V.  Ezr.4.14).  It  was  also  a  very  widely 
spread  custom  to  rub  infants  with  salt,  among 
Celtic  peoples  and  Hindus,  as  well  as  Hebrews 
(Ezk.16.4),  probably  to  preserve  their  flesh. 
Salt  was  an  emblem  of  life  and  vigour  (Mt. 
5.13  ;  Lu. 14. 34, 35)  ;  but  salt  earth  produced 
nothing,  for  the  salt  is  not  "  fit  for  the  land." 
Hence  the  sites  of  cities  when  destroyed  were 
sown  with  salt  (Judg.9.45).  It  was  used 
with  food  (Job 6.6)  and  with  fodder  (Is. 30. 
24;  R.V.  savoury,  marg.  salted),  and  is  still 
given  to  horses.  Rock  salt  was  found  at 
Jebel  UsdUm  on  S.W.  shores  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  whence  it  is  still  brought  by  the  Arabs. 
This  is  called  in  the  Talmud  (Tal.  Bab.  Holin 
1056)  "  the  salt  of  Sodom."  It  was  probably 
made  also  from  sea  water  by  evaporation  for 
salting  fish  (cf.  Ne.l3.i6),  and  salt-pans  used 
in  13th  cent.  a.d.  are  still  to  be  seen,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Crocodile  River,  N.  of  Caesarea, 
where    the  ruin  el  Meld(  represents  the  old 


772 


SALT,  CITY  OP 


"  Tour  des  Salines."  Antiochus  III.  sent 
375  bushels  of  salt  for  the  Jerusalem  temple, 
when  it  was  probably  a  government  monopoly 
(i2  Ant.  iii.  3).  [c.r.c] 

Salt,  City  of  (Jos.15.62),  in  the  desert, 
was  probably  at  Tell  el  Milk  (the  mound  of 
salt),  often  wrongly  supposed  to  be  Moladah  ; 
in  4th  cent.  a.d.  it  was  called  Malatha.  It 
lies  13  miles  E.  of  Beer-sheba.         [c.r.c] 

Salt  Sea.  The  name.  In  O.T.  it  is  known 
as  the  Salt  Sea  (Gen.14.3  ;  Num.34.3,i2  ;  Deut. 
3.17;  Josh. 3.16,12.3, 15.2, 5,18.19);  the  sea  of 
Arabah  (A.V.  plain,  Deut. 3.17,  Jos. 3. 16,12.3  ; 
see  R.V.);  the  East  Sea  (Ezk.47.i8,  cf.  8  ; 
Jl.2.20;  Zech.14.8,  R.V.);  the  Sodomitish  Sea 
(2Esd.5.7);  also  called  the  Asphaltic  Lake  in 
Diod.  Sic.  ii.  48,  xix.  48 ;  and  Josephus,  i  Ant. 
ix.  I ;  4  V.  I ;  9  x.  i ;  i  Wars  xxiii.  5 ;  3  x.  7 ; 
4  viii.  2.  The  name  Dead  Sea  appears  first 
to  have  been  used  by  Pausanias,  Galen,  and 
Justin  in  the  2nd  cent.  The  Arab,  name  is 
Bahr  Lut,  "the  sea  of  Lot."  The  sea  lies 
N.  and  S.,  about  46  m.  in  length  and  9  m.  in 
width.  In  the  northern  portion,  for  about 
25  m.,  the  shores  shelve  down  steeply,  and  the 
greatest  depth  is  1,300  ft.  The  water  contains 
about  25  per  cent,  of  chlorides,  especially  salt, 
and  its  specific  gravity  is  very  high.  The  re- 
maining 20  m.  to  the  S.  is  not  a  lake,  but  a  vast 
shallow,  composed  of  lagoons  and  marshes — a 
district  of  desolation,  with  hot  springs,  beaches 
of  sulphurous  incrustation,  and  huge  saline  de- 
posits. The  lines  of  driftwood  along  the  coast 
point  to  the  fact  that  the  waters  of  the  sea  rise 
and  fall  from  year  to  year  many  ft.,  according 
to  the  rainfall  over  the  collecting-ground.  The 
principal  tributary  is  the  river  Jordan,  with  its 
affluents  en  route.  The  Kerak,  Mojib,  and 
Zerqa  Ma'ain  add  other  waters  from  the  E. ; 
from  the  S.  and  W.  several  wSdies  add  their 
waters  during  the  rainy  season  ;  and  there  are 
the  waters  of  many  small  springs  along  the 
seashore.  To  the  S.  of  the  sea  is  an  extensive 
tract,  formed  of  morass,  pastures,  and  scrub, 
broken  up  by  flood  waters,  gradually  rising  for 
about  500  ft.  This  is  conjectured  to  be  the 
"ascent  of  AKRAnniM  "  (Jos. 15. 3). — Geology. 
From  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (near  mount 
Hermon)  to  the  mouth  of  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba,  is 
a  deep  fissure  on  the  earth's  surface,  running 
from  N.  to  S.,  forming  the  vale  of  Siddini, 
where  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead 
Sea  are  situated.  Commencing  at  the  level  of 
the  Mediterranean  Sea,  near  Hermon,  this  fis- 
sure gradually  descends  until  the  surface  of  the 
Dead  Sea  is  1,300  ft.,  and  the  bottom  2,600  ft., 
below  the  level  of  the  ocean.  The  level  of  the 
sea  of  Tiberias  is  about  680  ft.  below  the 
ocean.  The  ridges  or  tableland  of  the  moun- 
tains E.  and  W.  are  about  3,000  ft.  above  the 
ocean  ;  so  that  the  fissure  is  about  5,600  ft.  deep 
at  the  deepest  point.  The  method  in  which 
this  fissure  is  assumed  to  have  been  formed  is 
as  follows  :  At  the  close  of  the  Eocene  period, 
the  long  era  of  rest  and  deposit  of  strata  was 
followed  by  one  of  movement  and  rupture 
of  strata;  and,  owing  to  powerful  lateral  pres- 
sure, acting  eastward  and  westward,  the  land 
(now  forming  Palestine)  was  forced  into  a  series 
of  synclinal  and  anticlinal  curves  at  right  angles 
to  the  line  of  pressiu"e,  with  fractures  and  dis- 
placements where  there  were  lines  of   weak- 


SALT  SEA 

ness.     Such  a  line  of  weakness  was  that  of  the 
Jordan  Valley  and  Dead  Sea.     As  the  land 
gradually  emerged  from  the  sea,  the  tablelands 
of  J  udaea  and  Arabia  were  more  and  more  ele- 
vated, whilst  the  crust  sunk  and  fell  in  along 
the  line  of  the  Jordan  and  Arabah  "  fault  "  ; 
accompanied  by  much  fissuring  and  crumbling 
of  the  strata.     The  tablelands  of  Judaea  and 
Moabmay,  then,  be  considered  as  anticlinal  (or 
arches),  and  the  Jordan  Valley  as  synclinal  (or  a 
trough),  which  would  be  occupied  by  salt  water 
remaining  from  the  ocean  itself.     As  the  lands 
on  either  side  of  the  trough  rcse,  the  bed  of  the 
trough  (owing  to  continued  subsidence)  became 
deeper  over  the  area  now  occupied  by  the 
Dead  Sea  ;  and  into  this  gulf  all  the  waters 
flowing  from  the  bordering  lands  would  neces- 
sarily empty  themselves  (Surv.    W.  Pal.,   Ge- 
ology,   p.    108).      During  these  displacements 
there  has  been  a  fracture  of  the  crust,  and  dis- 
placement of  the  strata,  in  the  line  of  one  main 
fault  along  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan  and 
Dead  Sea;  so  that  the  formations  on  the  E. 
shores  of   the  Dead  Sea  do  not   correspond 
with  those  on  the  W.     On  the  western  side 
the  cretaceous  limestone  comes  down  to  the 
edge  of  the  sea,  whilst  on  the  eastern  side  there 
are  very  ancient  volcanic  rocks  at  the  water- 
level,  overlain  successively'  by   carboniferous 
and    older    cretaceous    beds,    and    only    sur- 
mounted at  about  3,000  to  4,000  ft.  by  the 
cretaceous  beds  which  are  at  tlie  water-level  on 
the  western  side.     Owing  to  this  faulting  and 
pressure,    the    beds    of    cretaceous  limestone, 
which  are  nearly  horizontal  in  Central  Pales- 
tine, are  tilted  up  along  the  western  side  of  the 
line  of  faulting.      If  the  flow  of  water  into  the 
fissure  had  been  (at  any  time)  sufficient  to  fill 
it,  it  would  have  run  over  either  through  the 
gulf  of  'Aqaba  or  by  the  plain  of  Esdraelon— 
probably  by  the  latter;  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  this  took  place,  except  that  the  mouths  of 
the  various  wSdies  debouching  on  the  valley 
turn  rather  northward.     It  appears,  however, 
that  at  an  early  epoch  the  waters  rose  suffici- 
ently to  have  formed  a  lake  some  200  m.  from 
N.  to  S.,  stretching  from  mount  Hermon  to 
some  miles  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  about  10  m. 
wide  on  an  average.     As  time  went  on,   the 
shrinking  of  water  due  to  evaporation  became 
great,  and  continued  until  tlie  lake  was  reduced 
to  its  present  diniensions  at  the  close  of  the 
Miocene  period.     At  the  commencement  of  the 
Pluvial  period  the  waters  again  rose,  till  there 
was  a  depth  of  2,000  ft. ;  but  it  was  still  a 
closed   lake.     During  'this   time,    and   shortly 
before  the  advent  of  man,  a  great  outbreak  of 
volcanic  action  (jccurred,  owing  (it  is  supposed) 
to  the  waters  of  the  inland  sea  penetrating  the 
interior  along  the  great  line  of  fissure  of  the 
Jordan  Valley  and  its  branches,  and  reaching 
the   internal    heated   masses,    and   setting   in 
action    the    subterranean    laboratories,  which 
afterwards  gave  such  striking  evidence  of  their 
proximity  in  tiie  great  sheets  and  streams  of 
lava  which  have  overflowed  the  regions  on  both 
sides  of  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  invaded  the 
waters  of  the  lake  of  Tiberias  {Surv.    W.  Pal., 
Geology,  p.  99).     As  the  Pluvial  period  gave 
place  to  the  climate  of   prehistoric  times,  the 
waters  of  the  inland  sea  shrank,   and  became 
saturated  with  salt,  and  deposited  it,  as  at  Jebel 


SALT  SEA 


SALT  SEA 


773 


Map.  and  Longitudinal  Section  (from  North  to  South),  of  the  DEAD  SEA.  from  the  Observations,  Surveys,  and  Soundings  of  Lynch. 

Robinson,  De  Saulcy.  Van  de  Velde,  and  others. 
Ke/enn,es—i.]ericho.     2.  Ford  of  Jordan.    3.  Wady  Qumrin.     4.  Wady  Zerqa  Ma'ain.     s-  R^s  Feshkhah.     6.  'Ain  Terabeh. 


7.  RasMersed.  8.  Wady  Mojib."  9.  -Ainjidy.  io.' Birket  el  Khulil.'  n.  Sebbeh  12:  Wady  Zuweirah.  13  U-"™  ^o^hal. 
14.  Khashm  Usddm.  15:  Wady  Fikreh.  16.  wady  el  Jeib.  17.  Wady  Tufleh.  18.  Ghor  es  Safiyeh.  .  :9.  Plain  e_s_Sabqah. 
20.  wady  ed  Dra'ah.      21.  The  Peninsula.      22.  The  Lagoon.       23-  The  Frank  Mountain. 


24'.  Bethlehem. 


Hebron. 


Usdura ;  and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  at 
the  time  when  Abraham  arrived  in  Palestine 
the  level  of  the  Dead  Sea  was  much  the  same 
as  it  is  at  present. — Fauna.  Throughout  Pales- 
tine this  belongs  to  the  Mediterranean  section 
of  the  Palaearctic  type,  with  traces  of  boreal 
fauna  in  the  N.  and  a  large  infusion  of  Ethio- 
pian and  some  Indian  types  in  the  Jordan 
Valley.  These  exceptions  show  that  the 
glacial  period  has  left  traces  not  wholly  ob- 
literated, while  the  preceding  period  of 
warmth  has  left  yet  larger  proofs  of  its  former 
northern  extension  in  the  unique  tropical  out- 
lier of  the  Dead  Sea  basin.  The  Ethiopian  and 
Indian  types  of  avifauna  are  almost  exclusively 
confined  to  the  deep  depression  of  the  Dead 
Sea  basin,  which  (with  the  exception  of  some 
winter  migrants)  affords  very  few  Palaevctic 


species.  This  basin  is  decidedly  distinct  and 
typical  in  its  species.  An  examination  of  the 
reptilian,  fluviatile  ichthyological,  and  inver- 
tebrate fauna  leads  to  similar  conclusions. — 
Flora.  Although  the  Dead  Sea  flora  bears  a 
general  similarity  to  the  flora  of  Arabia  Petraea, 
it  is  distinct  from  the  adjacent  flora  E.  and  W. 
of  it.  Out  of  160  plants  135  are  Ethiopian, 
scarcely  any  of  them  extending  into  Europe, 
and  many  are  local.  Calotropis  procera  and 
Salvadora  persica  are  never  found,  except  close 
to  the  Dead  Sea,  at  Engedi,  Safiyeh,  and  Seisa- 
ban;  and  are  separated  by  many  degrees  of 
long,  andlat.  from  their  other  known  habitats. 
The  flora  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  remarkable  for  a 
small  average  number  of  species  distributed 
through  a  large  number  of  orders.  We  find 
in  this  isoUted  spot,   comprising  but  a  few 


774 


SALT  SEA 


square  miles,  a  series  of  forms  of  life  differing 
decidedly  from  the  species  of  the  surrounding 
region,  to  which  they  never  extend,  and  having 
a  strong  affinity  to  the  Ethiopian  region,  with 
a  trace  of  Indian  admixture.  Here  is  a  patch 
of  tropical  character,  containing  southern 
forms  so  unique  and  peculiar  that  we  cannot 
connect  their  presence  in  it  with  any  existing 
causes  or  other  transporting  influences.  The 
solution  appears  to  be  that,  during  the  Miocene 
and  Pliocene  periods,  the  Jordan  basin  formed 
the  northernmost  of  a  large  system  of  fresh- 
water lakes,  extending  from  N.  to  S.,  including 
perhaps,  the  Red  Sea;  the  Nile  basin;  Nyanza, 
Tanganyika,  Nyasa  lakes;  and  feeders  of  the 
Zambesi  {Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Fauna  and  Flora, 
p.  XX ). — Climate.  The  climate  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Dead  Sea  is  unique,  in  conse- 
quence of  its  peculiar  position  and  depression 
of  1,300  ft.  below  the  ocean.     Whilst  there  are 


SALT  SEA 

absence  of  life  :  but  about  February,  when 
gentle  showers  fall  for  several  days  together,  the 
salt  is  washed  away  from  the  surface  of  the 
rocks,  and  little  plants  spring  up  and  cover 
the  ground,  perhaps  for  only  a  few  hours,  even 
within  a  few  feet  of  the  Salt  Sea  itself. — Hot 
Springs.  One  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
Jordan  Valley  is  the  series  of  hot  springs  which 
line  the  "  faults  "  from  N.  to  S.  Many  of  these 
springs  are  highly  sulphurous,  and  they  are 
now  (and  have  been  from  early  historical  times) 
used  as  medicinal  baths.  The  hottest  springs 
are  those  of  Tiberias,  and  Callirrhoe  (near 
Machaerus),  on  the  N.E.  side  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  Springs  are  found  both  warm  and 
hot,  at  different  points  round  the  Dead  Sea. 
— Minerals.  Sulphur  is  found  on  W.  and  S. 
of  Dead  Sea,  and  a  sulphur  incrustation 
on  the  surface  of  the  beach  {Rob.  i.  p.  512). 
Nitre  is  found  in  small  quantities  {Rob.  i.  p. 


lllR  UKAD  SKA.    (As  seen  from  the  S.i;.  of  Taiyibch.) 


an  original  sketch  by  Col. 


snows  on  all  the  surrounding  mountains  of 
Palestine,  the  temperature  about  the  Dead  Sea 
is  more  than  tropical.  Josephus  says  that 
while  the  hills  are  covered  with  snow,  the  in- 
habitants of  Jericho  went  about  clad  in  linen 
only  (4  Wars  viii.  3)  ;  and  in  the  rainv  month 
of  February,  usually  the  coldest  month  in  the 
Jordan  Valley,  the  climate  is  sultry  about  the 
Dead  Sea.  The  heat  about  Jericho  is  tropical, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  productions  of  former 
days  —  palms,  and  sugar,  and  indigo,  and 
cotton  at  the  present  day.  But  the  climate  of 
the  Dead  Sea  is  eciuatorial — jiroljabiy  the  most 
heated  moist  atmosphere  in  the  world.  It  ap- 
proaches very  much  to  the  climate  of  the 
Straits  Settlements;  but  the  thermometer  has 
a  much  greater  range,  and  the  atmosphere  is 
far  more  oppressive.  During  the  summer- 
time the  temperature  continues  at  110°  F.  dur- 
ing the  night,  the  air  being  laden  with  mois- 
ture. During  the  greater  part  of  the  vear  the 
vicinity  of  the  Dead  Sea,  except  close  to  the 
springs,  is  a  scene  of  desolation,  aridity,  and 


313). — Salt.  To  the  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea  are  the 
salt  hills  known  as  Jebel  Usdiim,  the  Mountain 
of  Sodom,  the  Salt  Mountain.  It  is  about  7  m. 
long  and  i\  m.  wide,  and  stands  600  ft.  above 
the  level  of  the  Dead  Sea,  the  upper  portion 
being  formed  of  beds  of  rock-salt,  gypsum,  and 
marl.  It  is  a  mass  of  lacustrine  strata,  formed 
at  a  time  when  the  waters  of  the  Salt  Sea  were 
600  ft.  higher  than  they  are  at  present. — Bitu- 
men. Josephus  (4  Wars  viii.  3)  speaks  of  the 
masses  of  bitumen  (used  for  calking  shijis)  cast 
up  on  tlie  surface  of  tlie  Dead  Sea.  Strabo 
(xvi.  ii.  32)  states  that  this  sea  abounds  with 
bitumen.  At  the  present  day  it  is  found  occa- 
sionally floating  on  the  surface  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  is  sold  in  the  market  at  Jerusalem.  Canon 
Tristram  found  large  masses  of  bitumen  mingled 
with  gravel,  over  a  stratum  of  sulphur.  —  The 
Dead  .Sffl  and  the  Cities  of  the  Plain.  When 
Lot  looked  from  the  i)ighlauds  of  Bethel  south- 
ward over  tiie  vale  of  Sitldim,  he  saw  tliat  it 
was  well-watered  everywhere,  before  the  Lord 
destroyed  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  even  as  the 


SALT  SEA 

garden  of  the  Lord,  and  Lot  chose  him  all  the 
plain  of  Jordan  (Gen.13.io).  This  description 
may,  perhaps,  be  considered  to  indicate  that 
the  position  of  these  cities  was  N.  of  the  Dead 
Sea;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  mean  only 
that  the  land  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea  was  rendered 
barren  by  the  same  agencies  that  destroyed  the 
Cities  of  the  Plain  elsewhere.  The  Salt  Sea 
is  first  mentioned  when  the  kings  of  the  cities 
of  the  plain  went  to  fight  with  Chedorlaomer, 
king  of  Elam,  and  his  colleagues,  in  the  vale  of 
Siddim,  which  is  the  Salt  Sea  (14.3).  The  vale 
of  Siddim  appears  to  have  included  both  the 
Jordan  Valley  and  the  Dead  Sea,  and  was  full 
of  bitumen  pits  (14. lo).  In  consequence  of 
the  sin  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  the  Lord 
rained  brimstone  and  fire  from  heaven  upon 
them  and  destroyed  them ;  and  Lot's  wife,  who 
lingered  on  the  road,  became  a  pillar  of  salt. 
Abraham,  when  he  got  up  early  in  the  morning, 
looked,  from  near  Hebron,  towards  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah,  and  saw  that  the  smoke  of  the 
country  went  up  as  the  smoke  of  a  furnace. 
From  the  earliest  times  the  country  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Dead  Sea  has  been  accounted  as 
a"  landofftre,"  and  the  chief  difference  of  view 
between  writers  of  modern  times  has  been  with 
regard  to  the  manner  in  which  the  cities  have 
been  destroyed — either  directly  by  fire  or  by 
submergence  in  the  Dead  Sea.  Sir  William 
Dawson  {Egypt  and  Syria)  supposes  that  the 
overthrow  of  these  cities  may  have  been  due  to 
underground  reservoirs  of  inflammable  gases 
and  petroleum  escaping  through  a  fissure  along 
an  old  line  of  "  fault,"  causing  bitumen  and 
sulphur  to  rain  upon  the  city.  Blankenhorn 
(Zeitschrift  d.  Deutschen  Palastina-Vereins, 
pp.  1-59),  from  the  view  of  a  critical  geologist, 
states  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  post-glacial 
period  what  is  now  the  shallow  S.  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea  was  fertile  soil,  but  that  an  earth- 
quake took  place,  which  caused  a  subsidence 
of  the  ground  and  overthrew  all  the  cities 
except  Zoar  ;  and  that  the  site  of  the  four 
cities  became  the  present  saline  morass  S.  of 
the  Dead  Sea.  He  then  points  out  that  all  the 
elements  of  an  earthquake,  connected  with  the 
earth's  crust,  taking  place  at  a  "  fault,"  are 
present  in  the  Jordan  Valley.  Diener  (1897), 
whilst  agreeing  that  it  was  an  earthquake 
which  destroyed  the  cities,  regards  it  as  having 
been  a  local  subsidence,  accompanied  by  an 
effusion  of  underground  water,  which  may 
well  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of  Abra- 
ham ;  and  he  quotes  the  earthquake  near  Lake 
Baikal  in  1862,  which  broke  up  a  large  area  of 
the  adjacent  alluvial  soil,  so  that  it  sank,  and 
the  lake  covered  it.  The  same  has  taken  place, 
in  recent  times,  at  Kingston,  Jamaica.  The 
concurrence  of  ancient  writers  as  to  the  condi- 
tion of  the  land  about  the  Dead  Sea  is  very 
unanimous.  In  Deut.29.23  areferenceis  made 
to  the  land  cursed  by  the  Lord  for  the  sin  of 
the  people,  as  "  a  land  of  brimstone  and  salt 
and  burning,  that  is  not  sown  or  beareth,  nor 
any  grass  groweth  therein,  like  the  overthrow 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah."  Strabo  (xvi.  ii.  44) 
states  that  the  country  about  the  Dead  Sea  is 
full  of  fire,  and  gives  a  vivid  description  of  the 
soil  like  ashes,  the  fissures  in  the  rocky  rivers 
boiling  up,  bitumen  dropping  from  the  rocks, 
earthquakes,    eruption    of    flames,    and    hot 


SALUTATION 


775 


springs.  The  lake  burst  its  bounds,  the  rocks 
took  fire,  and  Sodom  and  the  other  cities  were 
swallowed  up.  Josephus  (4  Wars  viii.  4) 
states  that  about  the  lake  was  of  old  a  most 
happy  land,  both  for  the  fruits  it  bore  and  the 
riches  of  its  cities ;  but  that  for  the  impiety  of 
its  inhabitants  it  was  burnt  by  lightning,  and 
that  the  traces  of  the  cities  are  still  to  be  seen. 
— The  Healing  of  the  Waters.  In  connexion  with 
the  Dead  Sea  is  the  account  of  the  prophet 
Ezekiel  of  the  waters  issuing  from  under  the 
threshold  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  pro- 
ceeding down  the  Kidron  Valley  as  a  river  to 
the  Dead  Sea,  there  to  heal  the  waters,  so  that 
there  shall  be  multitudes  of  fish  there,  as  the 
fish  of  the  great  sea.  The  fishermen  shall  spread 
forth  their  nets  from  Engedi  to  Eneglaim  ; 
but  the  marshes  (the  southern  portion)  shall 
not  be  healed  (Ezk.47.i-i2).  And  there  shall 
be  upon  every  high  mountain  and  upon  every 
high  hill,  rivers  and  streams  of  water  (Is. 30. 
25).  The  mountains  shall  drop  down  new 
wine,  and  the  hills  shall  flow  with  milk,  and 
all  the  rivers  of  Judah  shall  flow  with  waters, 
and  a  fountain  shall  come  forth  of  the  house  of 
the  Lord,  and  shall  water  the  valley  of  Shittim. 
It  must  be  apparent  to  all  observers  of  the  re- 
sults of  careful  cultivation  and  terracing  of  the 
hill-sides  in  Palestine,  that  the  effect  of  culti- 
vation over  the  whole  country,  carried  out  in 
a  methodical  manner,  will  be  to  make  the 
waters  of  the  mountains  flow  on  all  sides,  and 
greatly  to  ameliorate  the  severities  of  the 
climate.  The  effect  on  the  Dead  Sea  will  be  to 
raise  its  waters  considerably,  and  to  diminish 
the  sterility  of  its  borders.  [c.w.] 

Salt,  Valley  of,  the  valley  S.  of  the 
Dead  Sea  near  Edom  (2Sam.8.i3  ;  2K.I4.7  ; 
1Chr.l8.12;  2Chr.25.11).  [c.R.c] 

Salu',  the  father  of  Zimri,  i  (Num.25. 14). 

Sa'lum. — 1.  (iEsd.5.28)  =  SHALLUM,  8. — 
2.  (iEsd.8.1)  =  Shallum,  6. 

Salutation.  The  forms  of  salutation  in 
the  East  were  naturally  somewhat  more  de- 
monstrative than  is  customary  among  Western 
people.  The  most  natural  and  common  cus- 
tom between  persons  of  the  same  sex  was  that 
of  embracing  and  kissing.  When  Esau  met 
Jacob  he  "  embraced  him,  and  fell  on  his  neck 
and  kissed  him  "  (Gen. 33. 4).  Similar  terms 
are  used  to  describe  Joseph's  recognition  of  his 
brethren  (45.15),  and  the  welcome  of  the 
"prodigal  son"  by  his  father  (Lu.l5.2o). 
When  Judas  betrayed  our  Lord,  the  most 
natural  way  of  greeting  him  was  used  whsn  he 
signified  His  identity  by  means  of  a  kiss.  In 
the  early  Christian  Church  the  "  holy  kiss  " 
(R0.I6.16  ;  1C0r.l6.20  ;  2C0r.i3.12  ;  iTh.5. 
26  ;  iPe.5.14)  became  a  general  form  of  recog- 
nition among  members  of  the  Christian 
brotherhood,  even  between  members  of  the 
opposite  sex,  and  it  is  stated  (Wace  and 
Cheetham,  Did.  of  Christ.  Antiq.)  that  the 
practice  was  only  modified  when  scandals 
arose  from  its  indiscriminate  use.  As  an  act 
of  worship  the  kiss  was  often  connected  with 
idolatrous  practices,  whether  offered  to  an 
idol,  or  a  "  hand-kiss  "  bestowed  on  the  sun  or 
moon  (Job  31. 26-28).  [Idolatry.]  Another 
form  of  salutation  was  prostration.  David 
bowed  himself  three  times  before  Jonathan 
(1Sam.2O.41),  Jacob  seven  times  before  Esau 


776 


SALVATION 


(Gen. 33. 3).  Mordecai  refused  to  prostrate  him- 
self before  Haman  (Esth. 3. 2).  Certain  formulae 
of  salutation  were  in  common  use.  Such  are 
the  following  :  "  God  be  gracious  unto  thee  " 
(Gen. 43. 29) ;  "  Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord  " 
(Ru.3.10  ;  1Sam.i5.13)  ;  "The  Lord  be  with 
you,"  "  The  Lord  bless  thee  "  (Ru.2.4)  ;  "  The 
blessing  of  the  Lord  be  upon  you  ;  we  bless 
you  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps.129.8).  and 
the  liturgical  formula  and  its  response,  "  The 
Lord  be  with  thee,"  "  And  with  thy  spirit." 
Similar  to  these  are  the  epistolary  salutations 
found  in  N.T.  The  shdlom,  or  salutation  at 
parting,  "  Go  in  peace  "  (iSam. 1.17,20.42  ; 
2Sam.l5.o)  finds  its  place  in  the  greetings  of 
the  Pauline  epistles.  The  invocation  of 
"  grace  and  peace  from  God  the  Father  and 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  "  is  the  commonest 
Pauline  salutation.  A  form  for  use  in  pastoral 
visitation  is  given  by  our  Lord  to  the  disciples 
in  Lu.lO.s,  "  Peacs  be  to  this  house."  Of  the 
kiss  as  a  token  of  love  between  the  two  sexes 
there  is  little  mention  in  Scripture.  In  O.T.  it 
is  found  in  Can.1.2  and  in  Pr.7.13.  There  is 
no  reference  to  this  use  of  it  in  N.T.    [t.a.m.] 

Salvation  (c/.  Saviour).  As  is  noticed 
imder  Saviour,  the  idea  imderlying  salvation 
includes  the  whole  work  of  Christ  for  man. 
This  may  be  divided  into  justification  and 
sanctification.  By  the  former  we  mean  the 
remission  of  sins,  by  the  latter  the  implanting 
and  nurture  of  a  new  nature.  Some  have  at- 
tempted to  explain  the  former  by  stating  that 
Christ  died  in  man's  stead,  bearing  man's 
punishment  and  even  guilt.  Against  this 
view,  which  implies  the  imputation  of  sin  to 
innocence  and  of  innocence  to  sin,  there  are 
insuperable  moral  objections.  Merit  and  guilt 
are  incapable  of  transference,  nor  would  such 
a  transaction  manifest  God's  justice,  rather 
His  injustice.  The  satisfaction  rendered  to 
the  broken  law  of  God  was  that  of  obedience 
unto  (i.e.  to  the  enduring  of)  death.  Christ's 
perfect  obedience  and  devotion  to  the  law  and 
will  of  His  Father  so  displays  the  inherent 
righteousness  of  that  will,  to  establish  which 
Christ  died,  that  it  becomes  possible  for  the 
Father  to  forgive  without  disparagement  of 
His  righteousness.  He  can  "  afford  "  to  for- 
give, and,  what  is  even  more  important,  man 
can  be  forgiven  without  moral  hurt.  The  idea 
of  substitution  has  arisen  from  a  misunder- 
standing of  the  nature  of  the  Jewish  sacrifice, 
the  true  idea  of  which  is  that  the  offerer's 
inward  devotion  was  expressed  by  his  out- 
ward offering.  This  was  especially  the  case 
with  the  bloody  sacrifices,  their  blood  figuring 
the  life  devoted  (Lev.17.ii);  and  in  them  the 
ofTerer  was  enabled  to  present  to  God  some- 
thing which  should  represent  himself  not  as  he 
was,  stained  by  sin,  but  as  he  would  have  been 
were  it  not  for  his  sin.  The  moral  principle  of 
S  ACRiFicF.  consists  not  in  the  substitution  of  the 
victim  for  the  offerer,  but  in  their  identification. 
This  principle  is  manifested  in  Christ's  Atone- 
ment, and  His  acts  are  ours  in  proportion  as  we 
partake  of  His  Spirit.  Thus  we  are  atoned,  or 
at-one-ed,  to  God  in,  and  not  merely  for  the  sake 
of,  Christ.  Bp.  Westcott,  in  a  private  letter 
dated  1855,  wrote  :  "  To  me  it  is  always  most 
satisfactory  to  regard  the  Christian  as  in 
Christ — absolutely  one  with  Him,  and  tben  be 


SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS 

does  what  Christ  has  done  ;  Christ's  actions 
become  his,  and  Christ's  life  and  death  in  some 
sense  his  life  and  death.  This  seems  the  real 
answer  to  the  difficulties  of  the  notion  of 
sacrifice  and  vicarious  punishment."  (This 
subject  is  continued  in  Repentance,  Faith, 
Conversion.)  [m.s.] 

Sam'ael  (Jth.8.1;  R.V.  Salamiel)  =  She- 

LUMIEL. 

Samai'as. — 1.  (lEsd.l.g)  =  Shemaiah,  23. 
— 2.  (lEsd. 8. 39)  =  Shemaiah,  ii. — 3.  The 
"great  Samaias,"  father  of  Ananias  and 
Jonathas  (Tob.5.13). 

Samapia,  Samapitans.  Samaria  was  the 
capital  of  the  northern  kingdom  of  Israel,  from 
the  time  of  its  builder  Omri.    It  is  consequently 
not  noticed  in  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Judges, 
or  Samuel,  but  appears  first  in  Kings  and  in 
the  writings  of  the  prophets  of  8th  cent.  b.c. 
It  is  noticed  in  42  chapters  of  the  Heb.  O.T.,  es- 
pecially in  Kings  ;  in  8  chapters  of  theGk.  Apo- 
crypha (mostly  referring  to  the  region  of  which 
it  was  the  capital) ;   and  in  N.T.  in  6  chapters, 
the  reference  (except  in  Ac.S.  5)  being  also  to  the 
later  province.     In  1K.I3.32,  where  the  name 
first  occurs,  the  "  cities  of  Samaria  "  are  men- 
tioned by  anticipation.     Omri  bought  the  hdr 
shomron    from   its  'ddhon  Shemer,    for   two 
talentsof  silver,  or  about  £1,000  ( I K.  16. 24),  and 
fortified  it.  The  walls  and  gate  are  speciallv  no- 
ticed (22. 10  ;  2K.6.26  ;  2Chr.l8.9),  and  a'pool 
(i  K.22.38).     Ahab  here  built  a  temple  to  Baal 
of  Sidon,  with  an  ivory  shrine,  and  an  ^dsherd, 
or  sacred  artificial  tree  (16.32,33,22.39).     The 
trade  relations  with  Damascus  entailed  a  Sy- 
rian quarter  or  "streets"  (/n}(-o//j,  20. 34).    The 
site  was  very  strong,  and  was  twice  attacked 
in   vain   by   Benhadad    I.,    in   the   reigns   of 
Ahab  and  Jehoram(20.i  ;  2K.6.24).    It  resisted 
the  Assyrians  also  for  three  years  (17. 5).    The 
Baal  temple,  with  its   "post"   (maacbhd)  of 
Baal,  and  other  "  posts,"  apparently  of  wood, 
was  destroyed  by  Jehu  (10.26,27).     Samaria 
was  attacked  by  Shalmaneser  IV.  of  Assyria 
(18. 9),  and  taken  after  three  years  (vv.  10,  11) 
by  a  "  king  of  Assyria,"  whom  we  know  to 
have  been  Sargon,  the  successor  of  Shalmane- 
ser IV.    Its  inhabitants  were  carried  captives — 
according  to  the  usual  cruel  and  short-sighted 
Assyrian  policy — to  Halah,  to  "  Habor  the 
river  of  Gozan,"  and  to  Media  (17.6),  and  were 
replaced  by  Syrians  and  Babylonians  (17. 24). 
Others  were  sent  by  Esar-haddon  and  by  .\s- 
NAPPER  (Ezr.4.2,io),  who  was  probably  Assur- 
bani-pal.     In  2  Chr.  we  have  an  incident  re- 
corded, in  the  reign  of  Pekah(28.6-i5),  to  which 
the  book  of  Kings  makes  only  a  passing  allu- 
sion (2  K. 15, 37,16. 5  ;   Is.7.4-9)  '<  and  it  appears 
that   200,000  women   and  children  of  Judah 
were  taken  captive  to  Samaria,  till  rescued  by 
the  prophet  Oded.     In  the  time  of  Nehemiah, 
Sanballat  the  Horonite  (perhaps  from  Beth- 
horon)  was  a  foe  of  Judah,  with  the  "  army  of 
Samaria"  (Ne.4.2)  ;    and  a  nicetitiR  between 
the  two  leaders,  at  the  border  town  of  Ono,  was 
suggested  (6.2).     Isaiah  foretold    tiie  ruin  of 
Samaria  (7.8,9)  by  the  Assyrians  (8.4),  who  ap- 
parently regarded  its  carved  images  as  inferior 
to  those  of  Syria  (lO.io),  and  its  gods  as  power- 
less (36.19).     Jeremiah  speaks  of  the  prophets 
of  Baal  in  Samaria  (23.13),  but  predicts  the  re- 
turn of  the  remaaat  of  Israel  to  the  city  (SJ. 


SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS 

1-9).  In  his  time  worshippers  from  Samaria, 
coming  up  to  Jerusalem  (41.5)  with  offerings 
and  incense,  still  observed  the  old  practices  of 
Baal  worship,  though  Josiah  had  destroyed  the 
bdtnoth  {2K.23.19) ;  only  a  few  out  of  the  rem- 
nant of  Israel  had  attended  the  great  passover 
of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.30.6,io,ii).  Ezekiel  says 
that  Judah  will  not  return  till  Samaria  receives 
her  captives  back  (Ezk. 16. 46-53  ;  see  23.4,33). 
Hosea,  shortly  before  the  fall  of  the  city, 
speaks  of  its  wickedness,  and  of  its  calf  image 
at  Beth-aven  near  Bethel,  with  its  servility  to 
Assyria  (Ho.T.i, 11,8. 5, 6, 10.5,7,13. 16).  Amos, 
rather  earlier,  in  the  time  of  the  powerful  king 
Jeroboam  II.  of  Israel,  describes  its  luxury  {3. 
12),  and  the  pride  of  those  who  sat  in  "  the 
corner  of  a  couch  "  (the  seat  of  honour  still  on 
a  diwdn).  He  notices  the  unlawful  sacriiices  (4. 
5  ;  Lev.2.ii),  and  the  ivory  couches,  the  music 
of  lutes,  and  the  banquets,  and  says  (according 
to  the  reading  ^0/,  for  k'U)  that  its  poets  "  count 
them  every  song  like  David's  "  (Am. 6.4-7)- 
Obadiah  (19)  refers  to  the  open  country  near 
Samaria,  and  Micah  (l.i,6)  compares  its  ruined 
walls  to  the  stone  terrace  walls  of  the  vineyards 
which  fall  into  the  valley. — History.  The  monu- 
mental notices  of  Samaria  begin  with  Jehu's 
tribute  to  Shalmaneser  II.  of  Assyria,  c.  840 
B.C.  [RiBLAH.]  The  Assyrian  record  (Black 
Obelisk)  mistakenly  calls  Jehu  the  "  son  [or 
descendant]  of  Omri."  [Chronology].  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.,  a  century  later,  mentions  Mena- 
HEM  and  Pekah,  who  sought  (like  the  party  in 
Judah  whom  Isaiah  opposed)  to  get  help  from 
Egypt ;  and  he  claims  to  have  set  up  Hoshea 
instead.  Sargon  records  the  fall  of  Samaria 
(722-721  B.C.),  when  27,280  captives  were 
taken  away,  and  a  force  of  50  chariots  left 
as  a  guard.  In  715  b.c.  he  sent  Arabs  to 
colonize  the  vicinity.  Sennacherib,  in  703  B.C., 
received  tribute  from  a  certain  Menahem  (not 
the  king  so  named  in  738  b.c. — see  2K.15.19), 
who  was  then  ruling  Samaria.  Eusebius  says 
that  Alexander  the  Great  settled  Macedonians  in 
Samaria,  which  earlier  writers  do  not  confirm. 
The  later  history  includes  the  siege  of  the  city 
by  John  Hyrcanus,  in  129  b.c,  in  revenge  for 
Samaritan  cruelties  at  Marissa.  [Mareshah.] 
He  surrounded  it  by  a  double  siege  wall,  said 
to  have  been  10  miles  long,  and  took  it  after  a 
year,  flooding  the  valleys  (Josephus,  13  Ant.  x. 
2,  3),  and  enslaving  its  inhabitants  (i  Wars  ii. 
7).  Pompey,  in  63  b.c,  restored  Samaria  to 
its  people,  and Gabinius rebuilt  it  (14  Ant.iv.  4, 
v.  3).  Herod  the  Great  built  a  wall  20  furlongs 
long  round  the  city  {1^  Ant.  viii.  5),  and  called 
it  Sebaste  (Augusta  in  Latin),  in  honour  of 
Augustus,  to  whom  he  here  dedicated  a  temple. 
.  The  modern  name  is  still  SebasHeh,  in  conse- 
quence. In  the  time  of  our  Lord  it  was  thus 
a  great  city,  with  a  pagan  shrine  in  it.  Coins 
of  the  time  of  Nero  and  Geta  are  known,  and  yet 
later  those  of  Julia  Domna,  bearing  the  legend 
Col.  Sebaste  {Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  ii.  p.  310).  The 
modem  Sebas(iek  is  a  large  village,  on  E. 
brink  of  the  hill  {Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  160-215), 
in  a  remarkably  strong  site,  5  miles  N.W. 
of  Shechem.  The  hill  has  a  flat  surface  of  500 
acres,  1,450  ft.  above  sea-level,  with  terraced 
sides  500  ft.  above  the  surrounding  valleys  (N. 
and  S.),  which  join  on  the  W.,  while  on  E.  a 
saddle,  300  ft.  lower  than  the  hill,  joins  it  to  the 


SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS      777 

chain  of  Ebal.  The  N.  valley  expands  into  a 
small  plain,  and  that  to  S.  is  also  broad.  The 
Mediterranean  is  visible  from  the  hill  top,  and 
main  roads  E.  and  N.  pass  by  the  city.  There 
are  two  springs,  that  on  theS.  ('Ain  Hdrdn,  or 
"  Aaron's  spring  ")  having  a  stream  that  turns 
a  small  mill,  and  the  second  to  the  E.  ('Ain  Kefr 
Riima,  or  "  spring  of  the  Roman  hamlet  "),  also 
with  a  stream;  so  that  the  valleys  might  be 
flooded  (as  in  129  B.c.)by  damming  the  waters. 
There  is  also  plenty  of  space  on  the  hill  for  a 
city  such  as  Josephus  describes,  which  (like 
Jerusalem  and  Caesarea)  must  have  had  an 
area  of  300  acres.  A  long  double  line  of  mono- 
lithic columns  appears  to  have  formed  a  street 
on  S.,  for  2,000  ft.  E.  and  W.  In  the  centre  of 
the  city  a  great  moimd  probably  covers  Herod's 
temple.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  N.  is  a  flat 
quadrangle,  with  pillars,  which  may  have  been 
a  hippodrome.  In  the  village  is  the  ruined 
i2th-cent.  church  of  St.  John  Baptist,  built 
over  a  Heb.  tomb  (supposed  to  be  his),  with 
a  remarkable  stone  door,  and  six  loculi.  It 
may  be  noted  that  six  kings  of  Israel  were 
buried  in  Samaria — namely,  Omri,  Ahab,  Jehu, 
Jehoahaz,  Jehoash,  and  Jeroboam  II.  ;  but 
this  sepulchre  is  perhaps  rather  later  than  their 
time.  A  Heb.  weight,  inscribed  in  letters  of 
c.  800  B.C.,  was  found  at  Samaria.  [Weights.] 
— The  Province.  Samaria  was  the  capital  of 
Israel  after  the  separation  from  Judah  (2K.23. 
18,19;  2Chr.22.9;  c/.  2K.9.27).  In  two  pas- 
sages it  would  seem  that  we  should  read  "  in," 
rather  than  "  from,"  to  make  sense.  Thus 
the  prophet  (2K.23.i8;  see  iK.13.ii),  who 
lived  in  Bethel— which  was  then  within  the 
Samaritan  border  (iK. 12.29,13.32,15.17) — is 
probably  said  to  have  come  "  into  Samaria  "  ; 
and  the  hired  Israelite  soldiers,  disbanded  by 
Amaziah  (2Chr.25.13),  "  fell  upon  the  cities  of 
Judah  in  Samaria  "  (such  as  Bethel,  Mizpah, 
etc. ),  "  even  unto  Beth-horon."  In  the  Apocr., 
Samaria  may  mean  the  city  in  some  cases  ( lEsd. 
2.16  ;  Jth.l.9,4.4),  but  usually  refers  to  the 
province  (iMac.3.io,5.66, 10.30,38 ;  2Mac.l5.i) ; 
and  in  N.T.  the  word  always  means  the  pro- 
vince of  Samaria  (Lu.17.ii  ;  Jn.4.4,9  ;  Ac.1.8, 
8.1,9,14,9.31,15.3),  except  when  the  "  city  of 
Samaria  "  is  noticed  as  evangelized  by  Philip. 
Our  Lord  reproved  the  disciples  whom  the  na- 
tives of  "  a  village  of  the  Samaritans  "  had  re- 
pulsed (Lu.9.52)  ;  He  healed  the  Samaritan 
leper  (17. 16);  and  taught  the  great  parable  of 
the  good  Samaritan  (IO.33),  at  a  time  when  the 
Jews  certainly  had  "  no  dealings  with  the  Sama- 
ritans" (Jn. 4. 9),  though  the  Sinaitic  MS.  omits 
the  clause  (see  Mt. 10.5  ;  Jn.8.48).  In  His  time 
the  province  of  Samaria  practically  coincided 
with  the  lot  of  Manasseh  W.  of  Jordan.  Its  N. 
and  S.  borders  have  already  been  described 
[Galilee  ;  Judea]  :  they  extended  to  the 
Mediterranean  and  to  the  J ordan.  Carmel  was 
in  Samaria  (Josephus,  13  Ant.  xv.  4),  and  the 
old  Castra  Samaritorum,  at  its  W.  foot,  re- 
tains its  name  as  Kefr  es  Sdmir.  Caesarea 
was  in  Samaria  (Ac.l2.i9,21.io),  and  Antipa- 
TRis  was  on  the  border.  Caphar-saba  also  was 
in  Samaria  (Tal.  Jer.  Demai  ii.  2),  while  (on  the 
E.)  Beth-shean,  which  Josephus  (Fi7a,  6)  calls 
heathen,  was  not  within  the  Holy  Land  (Tal. 
Bab.  Holin.  6  h).  The  oil  of  Regueb  (RiXjib)  was 
rendered  inapure  because  the  road  to  J  erusalem 


778      SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS 

ran  through  the  S.Ii.  corner  of  Samaria  (Tal. 
Jer.  Ha^igah  iii.  4),  which  is  thus  shown  to  have 
included  the  central  part  of  the  Jordan  Valley 
W.  of  the  river.  There  is  still  a  ruin  called  "  of 
the  Samaritans  "  just  S.  of  Beisdn. —  The  Sama- 
ritans. When  Israel  was  taken  away  in  722 
B.C.  the  Heb.  population  was  replaced  by 
people  from  Babylon,  Cuthah,  Ava,  Hamath, 
and  Sepharvaim  (2 K. 17. 24).  Sargon  placed 
them  under  an  Assyrian  governor,  and  sent 
Arabs  to  Samaria  6  years  later.  In  like  manner 
Tiglath-pileser,  40  years  earlier,  had  trans- 
planted strangers  to  Simyra  and  Arqa  in 
Syria  ;  and  Sargon  himself  removed  the  Hit- 
tites  from  Carchemish.  The  new  colonists 
worshipped  foreign  gods.  The  Babylonians 
made  Succoth-benoth  ("  booths  of  girls  " — 
devotees  of  Istar)  ;  the  men  of  Cutha  adored 
the  Akkadian  god  Nergal  ;  and  the  men  of 
Hamath  worshipped  Ashima  (Eshmun).  The 
AviTES  adored  deities  who,  like  Nergal,  were  of 
Akkadian  origin — Nib-haz  ("the  divinity  of 
judgment  ")  and  Tart-ak  ("  the  judge  " — a 
name  probably  of  Ea,  the  god  who  judged  the 
dead  under  the  ocean).  The  people  from 
Sepharvaim  worshipped  the  Babylonian  deities 
Anu  and  Adar.  It  is  evident  that  an  Aramean 
(and  also  perhaps  a  non-Semitic)  population 
was  thus  introduced  into  Samaria.  But,  when 
the  ruin  caused  by  war  led  to  the  appearance  of 
lions,  the  Assyrians  supposed  the  local  deity  of 
Samaria  to  be  offended  ;  and  the  king  of  As- 
syria ordered  a  priest  to  be  sent  back,  to  teach 
the  colonists  "  the  manner  of  the  god  of  the 
land  "  (2 K. 17. 25-34),  or  some  kind  of  worship 
of  Jehovah,  in  addition  to  that  of  their  own 
gods  (ver.  33).  The  people  whom  we  now  call 
Samaritans  are  relatives  of  their  priests,  who 
claim  descent  from  Levi,  and  from  those  (prob- 
ably) who  came  back  to  Bethel  (ver.  28). 
Sanballat,  whom  the  Samaritans  call  "the 
Levite,"  was  connected  by  marriage  (Ne.i3.28) 
with  a  Heb.  priest,  but  Josephus  places 
him  (apparently  in  error)  in  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great  (11  Ant.  vii.  2)  ;  and  Tobiah 
was,  in  the  same  way,  connected  with  the  high- 
priest  Eliashib,  and  had  a  chamber  in  the  temple 
(13.4,5).  The  modern  Samaritans  are  re- 
markable for  their  Heb.  cast  of  beauty,  and 
may  be  descendants,  not  of  the  Cutheans,  but 
of  the  Israelite  priests — as  they  claim  to  be. 
The  old  jealousy  between  Judah  and  Joseph, 
which  we  trace  to  the  time  of  David  (2Sam.l9. 
40-43),  was  increased  by  the  sejiaration  of  the 
kingdoms,  and  was  bitter  in  Nehcmiah's  time 
(Ne.4.i,6.i,  etc).  The  rival  temple  on  ("iERIZim, 
whether  built  in  his  age  or  in  that  of  Alexander 
(11  Ant.  viii.2 ),  was  hateful  to  the  J  udaeans,  and 
was  destroyed  two  centuries  later  (13  Ant.  ix. 
i).  Josephus  is  hardly  to  be  trusted  when  he 
speaks  of  the  Samaritans,  whom  the  Pharisees 
specially  hated.  He  refers  to  this  population 
usually  as  Cutheans  (f.^.  9  Ant.  xiv.  3),  and  says 
that  they  claimed  to  beSidonians  (12  Ant.  v.  5), 
though  they  said  also  that  they  were  Hebrews 
( 1 1  .4  nt.  viii.  6).  He  accuses  them  of  polluting 
the  Jerusalem  temple  (c.  6  A.n.)  with  dead 
bodi'^s  (18  .Ant.Vx.  2),  and  of  killing  Cialilean  pil- 
grims (20  .{ nt.  vi.  I ).  He  says  that  under  Alex- 
ander the  (Ireat  they  paid  for  thi!  privilege  of 
worship  in  their  temple  (13  Ant.  iii.  4).  He 
seems  to  be  rather  pleased  at  their  sufferings 


SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS 

under  Pilate  (18  .Ant.  iv.  i,  2)  and  Vespasian 
(3  Wars  vii.  32).  So  also,  in  the  Wisdom  of  the 
son  of  Sirach  (c.  200  B.C.,  Ecclus.50.26)  we  read 
of  the  "  foolish  people  that  dwell  in  Sichem." 
The  Rabbis  are  equally  bitter.  They  accuse 
the  Cutheans  of  lighting  false  beacons  to  con- 
fuse the  reckoning  of  the  new  year  (Mishna, 
Rosh  hash-Shanah  ii.  2),  and  say  that  they 
worshipped  a  dove  (Tal.  Bab.  Aboda  Zara  26  b), 
perhaps  on  account  of  their  legends  of  messenger 
doves.  They  are  accused — by  Pharisees — of 
denying  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  (Siphri  on 
Num. 15. 31),  which  the  Sadducees  also  denied, 
and  of  saying  that  Ashima  was  Elohim  (accord- 
ing to  Ibn  Ezra  in  our  12th  cent.).  The  latter 
statement  is  a  perversion  of  the  fact  that  Sa- 
maritans say  Ha-Shem  ("  the  name  "),  instead 
of  reading  "  Jehovah  "  ;  just  as  the  Jews  say 
Adonai  ('cidhondy).  On  such  assertions  the 
Jewish  ]5ilgrims  of  the  Middle  .Ages  harp,  when 
they  mention  the  Samaritans.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  find  that  modern  Samaritans  pre- 
serve three  ancient  copies  of  the  Pentateuch 
[Sheche.m  ;  Samaritam  Pentateuch],  in  an 
ancient  Heb.  alphabet  [Writi.vg]  and  dialect 
[Semitic  Languages].  They  observe  the  Pass- 
over according  to  the  commands  in  Exodus 
more  strictly  than  the  Jews,  and  keep  the 
great  fast  of  Atonement,  and  all  the  feasts  of 
the  law.  Their  five  tenets  are  purely  Jewish, 
except  the  fifth  ;  for  they  believe  in  one  God,  in 
Moses,  in  the  law,  in  a  day  of  retribution,  and 
in  Gerizim  as  the  sacred  mountain  [Moriah]. 
They  are  now  reduced  to  about  160  survivors, 
who  live  in  great  poverty,  clinging  to  their  old 
faith  and  books,  and  still  distinguished  by  the 
crimson  turbans  which  they  are  forced  to  wear 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  218-220).  In  the  5th 
cent.  A.D.,  according  to  the  Jews  (Tal.  Bab. 
Giltin,  45  a),  they  existed  even  in  Babylon  ; 
and  about  the  same  time,  under  the  Goths,  they 
were  found  even  in  Rome  (Nutt,  Sam.  Hist.  p. 
27).  Eusebius  {Onomasticon,  s.v.  "Thersila  ") 
mentions  them  in  Bashan.  Edrisi  (12th  cent.) 
speaks  of  them  on  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea, 
whither  thev  fled  from  Egypt  in  638  a.d.  They 
had  a  synagogue  in  Cairo  as  late  as  1589  a.d., 
and  in  Damascus  in  1616  a.d.  ;  but  Hunting- 
don, in  1671,  found  only  30  families  at  She- 
chem.  Their  history  after  Vespasian  is  frag- 
mentary. In  135  A.D.  they  are  said  to  have 
aided  Hadrian  against  the  Jews,  and  their 
temple  was  allowed  to  be  restored.  They  seem 
to  have  flourished  under  the  emperors  of  our 
2nd  and  3rd  centuries,  but  (like  the  Jews)  were 
persecuted  by  the  Christian  emi>erors  of  the 
K.  and  W.  Laws  against  them  were  made  by 
Honorius  in  404  and  418  a.d.,  and  by  Theodo- 
sius  II.  in  426  and  439  a.d.  They  revolted 
against  Zeno  in  484  a.d.,  and  were  cruelly 
crushed  by  J ustinian  in  529  A.n.  In  ii(>3  a.d. 
Benjamin  of  Tudela  speaks  of  200  Samaritans 
at  Caesarea  (where  they  existed  in  the  Herodian 
age),  100  in  Shcchem,  300  in  Ascalon,  and 
400  in  Damascus.  They  were  attacked  by  the 
Kharczmian  Tartars  at  Shechem  in  1244  a.d., 
and  nearly  exterminated  :  though  Isaac  Khelo. 
in  1333,  says  there  were  many  Samaritans  and 
but  few  Jews  at  that  city,  and  repeats  the 
calumny  about  a  dove  idol.  In  1480,  Zunz 
found  50  families  in  Egypt.  Scaliger  began 
the  learned  correspondence,  which  has  con- 


SAMARIA,  SAMARITANS 

tinued  at  intervals  since,  between  European 
scholars  and  Samaritan  priests,  in  1589.  Sa- 
maritan literature,  from  1053  a.d.  (a  Commen- 
tary on  Pent,  in  Bodleian),  is  voluminous,  but 
unfortunately  of  very  little  historic  value. 
Their  Targum,  in  Samaritan  dialect,  appears  to 
be  later  than  632  a.d.  They  have  written  many 
hymns  and  liturgical  works  ;  but  their  chief 
productions  are  three  chronicles,  including 
their  "  Book  of  Joshua."  There  is  no  doubt 
that  they  borrowed  much,  without  acknow- 
ledgment, from  the  Jewish  books.  Thus  their 
legend  of  the  miracle  occurring  when  Israel 
crossed  the  Arnon  is  found  in  the  Babylonian 
Talmud  (Berakoth  54  a),  and  their  wild  stories 
about  Alexander  the  Great  in  the  same  (Tamid 
32  a)  and  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  (Ahoda 
Zara  iii.  i).  The  Samaritan  Chronicle  (Toli- 
doth)  was  translated  by  Neubauer  in  1869,  from 
a  copy  in  Samaritan  and  Arab,  made  by  Jacob 
ben  Aaron,  their  high-priest,  in  1859.  The  orig- 
inal (by  Eleazar  ben  Amram,  in  1149)  was  con- 
tinued by  J  acob  ben  Ismael  two  centuries  later ; 
and  other  high-priests  made  further  notes.  It 
is  quite  untrustworthy  for  history,  but  interest- 
ing for  geography,  and  represents  the  Samari- 
tans under  Baba  the  Great  (apparently  250 
A.D.)  as  living  not  only  at  Shechem,  but  at 
Tiberias,  in  the  Jordan  Valley,  in  Galilee, 
Philistia,  S.  of  Gaza,  and  at  Accho,  Tyre,  and 
Sidon.  The  actual  wording  of  its  allusion  to 
the  Crucifixion  is  as  follows  :  "  In  the  time  of 
Jehonathan  was  put  to  death  Jesus,  the  son 
of  Mary,  son  of  Joseph  the  carpenter,  a  son  of 
wonders,  among  the  cursed  ones  of  Salem,  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius,  by  Palitah  his  governor."  The 
second  chronicle,  by  Abu  el  Fatah  (1355  a.d.), 
is  more  legendary,  and  borrows  from  Jewish 
literatiure  and  from  the  Samaritan  Book  of 
Joshua.  The  latter — published  by  G.  J.  Juyn- 
boll  in  1848,  from  a  copy  in  Samaritan  and 
Arab.^was  sent  to  Scaliger  in  1584.  It  is 
called  "The  Book  of  Joshua  son  of  Nun  "  ;  and 
the  first  part,  to  the  middle  of  ch.  xlvi.,  is  said 
to  date  from  1362  a.d.,  the  latter  part  (a  frag- 
ment) being  added' in  1513  a.d.  It  is  a  para- 
phrase of  the  Heb.  Joshua  down  to  ch.  xx., 
when  it  adds  a  legend  of  the  messenger  dove 
sent  by  Joshua  to  Eleazar  the  priest,  and  the 
story  of  the  attack  on  the  Hebrews  by  the  kings 
of  Persia,  Armenia,  Greece,  Sidon,  Jokneam, 
and  Damascus,  who  shut  them  up  within  seven 
iron  walls  at  Lejjiin  by  magic.  [Nobah.]  The 
schism  of  Judah  (ch.  xli.)  begins  under 
Samuel.  The  story  then  jumps  to  the  days  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  "king  of  Assyria,"  who  al- 
lowed Israel  to  return  to  Shechem  under  "  San- 
ballat  the  Levite,"  an  opponent  of  Zerubbabel. 
The  legend  of  Alexander  the  Great  follows, 
with  allusions  to  Hadrian  and  to  Baba  the 
Great — when  a  magic  bird  of  brass  was  set  by 
the  Romans  on  Gerizim.  Levi,  Baba's  nephew, 
goes  to  Constantinople  to  learn  Latin,  and  re- 
turns as  archbishop  of  Shechem  ;  and  here  the 
fragment  ends.  It  should  be  noted  that  the 
mediaeval  Samaritans,  like  the  modern  ones, 
believed  in  a  future  prophet  (Taheb,  or  "re- 
storer" ;  rendered  Mahdy,  or  "guided  one,"  in 
Arab.),  as  did  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Judas 
Maccabaeus.  Among  the  chief  works  on  this 
literature  are  Juynboll's  Liber  Josuae,  1848; 
Neubauer' S   Chronique   Samaritaine    [Journal 


SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH    779 

Asiatique,  Dec.  1869) ;  and  Nutt's  Sketch  of  Sa- 
maritan History,  1874.  The  geography  was 
specially  studied  from  the  two  works  first  cited 
by  the  present  writer  {Surv.  W.  Pah,  vol.  Special 
Papers,  pp.  216-231)  in  1876.  A  Hebrew  ver- 
sion of  the  Sam.  Book  of  Joshua,  of  which  the 
Arabic  book  is  a  paraphrase  with  additions, 
was  found  by  M.  Gaster  in  1907.  The  part 
borrowed  from  O.T.  Jos.  follows  the  Mas- 
soretic  text  (see  Journal  R.  As.  Soc.  1908,  pp. 
795-809,  and  our  next  art.).  [c.r.c] 

Samapitan  Pentateuch.  This  is  the 
recension  of  the  Torah  used  by  the  Samari- 
tans ;  it  is  essentially  identical  with  the  Mas- 
soretic,  save  in  minute  points.  The  earliest 
MS.  of  it  is  preserved  in  the  Samaritan  syna- 
gogue at  Nablus,  in  a  silver  case.  There  are 
now  a  very  considerable  number  of  codices, 
more  or  less  complete,  to  be  found  in  various 
libraries  in  Europe  and  America.  Though 
it  was  referred  to  respectfully  by  the  fathers 
till  George  Syncellus  (800  a.d.),  and  jeered  at 
in  the  Talmud,  it  disappeared  from  knowledge 
till  (in  1616)  Pietro  della  Valle  sent  to  Europe 
a  copy,  which  he  had  purchased  from  the  com- 
munity of  Samaritans  which  then  still  survived 
in  Damascus.  The  number  of  codices  available 
has  since  increased.  Kennicott  collated  18, 
of  which  six  were  in  Oxford ;  now  there  are 
probably  50  or  60  open  to  the  inspection  of 
scholars  in  Europe  and  America.  When  the  first 
codex  arrived,  Europe  was  in  the  throes  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  and  every  literary  dis- 
covery was  pressed  into  the  conflict  between 
Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic.  R.  C.  di- 
vines hailed  the  Samaritan  recension  with 
its  differences  (inconsiderable  as  they  were)  as 
evidences  of  the  necessity  of  the  infallible 
decision  of  the  Church  to  settle  what  was 
Scripture.  On  the  other  hand,  Protestant 
theologians  maintained  the  immaculate  cor- 
rectness of  the  Massoretic  text,  some  holding 
(as  the  younger  Buxtorf)  that  Moses  wrote  the 
law  in  the  square  character.  The  arguments 
were,  to  a  great  extent,  a  priori — therefore  for 
scholarship  of  little  value.  In  1815,  nearly 
two  centuries  after  Della  Valle  had  sent  home 
his  codex,  Gesenius  treated  the  question  as  one 
purely  of  scholarship,  in  his  treatise  De  Penta- 
teuchi  Samaritani  Indole,  Origine,  ac  Auctori- 
tate.  It  is  a  very  patient,  careful  piece  of 
work  ;  but  its  logic  is  not  equal  to  its  learning. 
He,  to  some  extent,  unconsciously  assumes  the 
correctness  of  the  Massoretic  text,  and  always 
regards  the  Samaritan  as  varying  from  it.  He 
classified  the  differences  of  the  Samaritan  from 
the  Massoretic;  but  neither  his  classification 
(under  eight  heads),  nor  Kirchheim's( under  13), 
nor  Kohn's  threefold  division,  is  at  all  satisfac- 
tory. We  should  classify  the  differences  under 
two  heads:  those  due  to  (i)  Intention  ;  (2) 
accident,  (i)  The  first  contains  grammatical 
differences  ;  differences  due  to  logical  notions  ; 
differences  due  to  doctrinal  ideas.  (a) 
Grammatical  differences.  In  the  Massoretic 
the  3rd  pers.  pronoun  NTH  is  common  in  the 
k'-thibh  :  in  the  q^ri  there  is  a  difference  of 
vocalization — in  the  Samaritan  the  pronouns 
are  differentiated,  as  in  later  Heb.  So  with 
"iy3,  "a  youth."  In  more  ordinary  Heb.  the 
fem.  is  indicated  by  n  being  appended.  In 
the  Massoretic  the  word  is  common  ;   in  the 


780    SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 

Samaritan  the  ordinary  usage  is  followed.  In 
the  Massoretic  recension  there  are  survivals 
of  case  endings  ;  these  are  omitted  in  the 
Samaritan.  There  is  further  in  the  Samaritan 
a  greater  use  of  the  niatres  lectionis,  especially 
a  proneness  to  insert  vav  in  holem.  As  the 
different  codices  vary,  the  Nablus  roll  would 
have  to  be  carefully  examined  and  photo- 
graphed column  by  column,  to  settle  many 
of  the  questions  involved.  The  above  are 
differences  between  the  Samaritan  and  the 
k'thtbh  of  the  Massoretic  ;  in  many  cases  the 
q'rl  and  the  Samaritan  are  in  agreement. 
If,  as  has  been  thought,  the  q''ri  represents 
another  MS.  from  which  the  MS.  slavishly 
copied  in  the  hthtbh  was  corrected  ;  then, 
so  far  as  those  grammatical  differences  are 
concerned,  the  Samaritan  is  closer  to  it. 
The  differences  naay,  in  some  instances, 
have  been  caused  by  blunders  in  the  Massore- 
tic. (b)  Logical  differences.  These  are  cases 
where  one  recension  represents  greater  com- 
pleteness of  thought  than  the  other.  Of  the 
two,  the  Samaritan  usually  represents  the  more 
expanded  form.  Although  in  ordinary  cir- 
cumstances the  shorter  recension  is  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  primitive,  yet  repetitions  (e.g.  a 
command  is  given,  and  the  narrative  of  the 
fulfilment  repeats  the  terms  of  the  command) 
are  a  sign  of  very  primitive  ideas  of  composi- 
tion. Still,  the  pleonasm  is,  on  the  whole,  an 
indication  of  a  secondary  formation,  (c) 
Doctrinal  differences.  Most  of  these  consist 
of  the  insertion  of  "  Gerizim  "  where  the  Mas- 
soretic has  nothing.  Thus  Ex.20. 17,  after  the 
statement  of  the  "Ten  Commandments," 
there  is  inserted  from  Deut.27.2  the  command 
to  set  up  stones,  on  which  are  to  be  engraved 
the  words  of  the  law,  and  they  are  to  be  set 
up  in  Gerizim.  (2)  Unintentional  differences 
due  to  mistakes  of  sight,  of  hearing,  and  of 
memory,  [a]  Mistakes  of  sight,  by  which 
letters  resembling  each  other  in  appearance 
were  mistaken.  Thus,  in  the  square  character 
(as  in  the  angular),  ~\  and  1  are  liable  to  be 
confused,  (b)  Mistakes  of  hearing.  Letters 
resembling  one  another  in  sound  were  apt  to  be 
confused  ;  for,  in  copying  MSS.,  the  common 
practice  was  for  one  reader  to  dictate  to  a 
dozen  or  a  score  of  writers.  Thus  arose  not  only 
mistakes  as  to  the  letters  in  the  MS.,  but  also 
mistakes  due  to  indistinctness  in  pronuncia- 
tion, (c)  Mistakes  due  to  memory.  The 
scribe,  forgetting  the  clause  he  had  just  heard 
dictated,  and  recalling  a  similar  one  which 
ended  somewhat  differently,  miglit  write  the 
latter  instead. —  Of  these  (a)  is  the  most  im- 
portant as  an  aid  to  approximating  to  the  date 
of  the  recension.  The  script  in  which  the 
MSS.  of  the  Samaritan  are  written  is  older  than 
the  square  ;  chronologically  it  is  between  the 
latter  and  the  angular  foinid  in  the  inscrip- 
tions. As  few,  if  any,  of  the  variations  t)f  the 
Samaritan  from  the  Massoretic  can  be  traced 
to  resemblances  of  letters  similar  in  the  Samari- 
tan script,  but  are  due  to  letters  similar  either 
in  the  square  or  in  the  angular,  the  mother 
MS.  from  which  the  Nablus  roll  was  copied 
must  have  been  written  in  a  script  like  that  of 
the  inscriptions.  The  variations  tliat  can  only 
be  explained  by  resemblances  in  the  square 
character  arc  probably  due  to  blunders  of  the 


SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 

Massoretic  copyists.  Others  are  explicable 
only  by  resemblances  between  letters  similar 
to  each  other  in  the  older  script  of  the  in- 
scriptions. But  the  angular  script  is  of  differ- 
ent ages,  presenting  different  characteristics. 
In  some  cases  the  resemblances  are  most  easily 
explained  on  the  supposition  that  the  docu- 
ment from  which  they  were  copied  was  written 
in  angular  of  the  date  of  the  Siloam  inscrip- 
tion. This  inscription  appears  to  have  been 
cut  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah — a  view  that 
would  suit  the  idea  that  the  MS.  from  which 
the  Nablus  roll  was  copied  was,  in  the  last 
resort,  the  MS.  brought  by  the  priest  who  was 
sent  by  Esar-haddon  to  teach  the  colonists 
"  the  manner  of  the  God  of  the  land."  In  re- 
gard to  this,  cf.  Deut.l2.2i  in  the  Samaritan 
with  the  Massoretic  versions.  There  is  a  tar- 
gum  in  Samaritan  Aram,  frequently  written  in 
columns  parallel  with  those  of  the  Heb.  It  is, 
on  the  whole,  close  to  the  text ;  and  its  alleged 
dependence  upon  Onkelos  is  not  obvious.  Of 
this  targum  there  are  several  recensions, 
presenting  slight  differences,  with  a  general 
resemblance.  Sometimes  along  with  the  tar- 
gum, sometimes  instead  of  it,  is  an  Arab,  ver- 
sion. This  also  varies  somewhat  in  different 
codices  :  it  is  attributed  to  Abu  Said,  and  dated 
in  the  nth  cent.  There  are  references  in  the 
fathers  to  a  Gk.  version  of  the  Samaritan 
recension,  but  no  portions  of  it  siu-vive.  The 
relation  of  the  Samaritan  to  the  LXX.  has 
caused  considerable  discussion.  In  several  cases 
the  LXX.  agrees  with  the  Samaritan.  From 
this  it  has  been  argued  that  the  LXX.  was 
translated  from  the  Samaritan.  This  appears 
the  more  plausible,  since  some  of  the  variations 
of  the  LXX.  from  the  Massoretic  are  explicable 
as  the  confusion  of  letters  similar  in  the 
Samaritan  script.  But  on  careful  study  it  is 
found  that  the  differences  between  the  LXX. 
and  the  Samaritan  are  as  numerous  and  im- 
portant as  the  agreements.  As  the  Samaritan 
script  is  older  than  the  square  character,  the 
MSS.  from  which  the  LXX.  was  translated 
might  be  written  in  Samaritan  characters 
without  the  recension  being  Samaritan.  We 
must  regard  the  LXX.  and  the  Samaritan  as 
quite  independent.  [Shechem.]  Gesenius, 
de  Indole.,  etc.,  Pent.,  Sam.  ;  Kohn,  de  Pent., 
Sam. ;  Frankel,  Einfiuss.  Text :  Walton's 
Polyglot;  Blayney's  transcription  in  Hebrew 
characters  useful,  though  not  always  accurate. 
Briill's  transcription  of  the  Samaritan  Targum 
is  indispensable  to  the  student. — As  we  are 
going  to  press  we  learn  of  the  discovery  of  the 
Hebrew  text  of  the  book  of  Joshua  in  Samari- 
tan characters,  by  M.  Gaster.  He  tells  us  (in 
his  article  in  the  Zeiischnft  der  Deutschen 
Morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  Band  26, 
Heft  2)  that  "  the  copyist  names  himself  in 
the  epilogue,  Abisha,  son  of  Pinetias,  son  of 
Izhaq  the  priest,  the  Levite,  sacristan  of  the 
synagogue  in  Shechem,  and  that  he  has  made 
the  copy  in  the  year  1323  Hej  (1905  a.d.)." 
The  extremely  recent  date  at  which  this 
copy  has  been  executed  renders  it  almost  cer- 
tain that  the  original  is  still  accessible,  and  be- 
fore any  definite  judgment  is  pronounced  it  is 
necessary  to  see  whether  the  original  may  not 
be  collated.  M.  Gaster  thinks  that  Josephus 
must  have  bad  "  a  text  before  him  at  least  as 


SAMATUS 

much  in  agreement  with  the  Samaritan  re- 
cension as  with  the  Massoretic."     [j.e.h.t.] 

Sam'atus,  one  of  the  "sons  of  Ozora  " 
who  had  married  a  foreign  wife,  in  the  corrupt 
Hst  of  iEsd.9.34  (c/.  Ezr.lO.34-42). 

Samerus  (iEsd.9.2i)  =  Shemaiah,  13. 
Samg'ap'-nebo'  (Je.39.3).  By  comparison 
with  ver.  13  there  would  appear  to  be  some 
primitive  confusion  of  the  text  (Zimmern, 
p.  408),  Nergal-sharezer  occurring  twice. 
Most  moderns  read  as  ver.  13,  and  strike  out 
the  first  Nergal-sharezer  and  with  it  "  Sam- 
gar,"  as  a  corruption  of  Rab-mag,  "chief  of  the 
magi,  or  king's  council  "  [Magi],  and  join  Nebo 
with  the  following  "  Sarsechim,"  leading 
as  ver.  13,  Nebu-shasban  (Nabu-sezib-anni, 
"Nebo  dehvers  me!"  or  "deliver  me!"). 
Others,  with  Hitzig,  less  probably  retain  two 
Nergal-sharezers,  the  one,  Samgar,  "  cup- 
bearer "  (?),  the  other  "  Rabmag."  The 
variations  in  the  LXX.  MSS.  indicate  con- 
siderable corruption.  For  another  suggestion, 
see  Sarsechim;  and  for  the  alternative  inter- 
pretation of  Rab-mag,  see  Nergal-sharezer 
and  Rab-mag.  In  any  case  we  have  the 
names  of  high  Babylonian  officials,  [f.e.s.] 
Sa'mi  (iEsd.5.28)  =  Shobai. 
Sa'mis  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Shimei,  i5- 
Satnlah'  of  Masrekah  ;  a  king  of  Edom, 
successor  to  Hadad  or  Hadar  (Gen. 36. 36,37  ; 
iChr.l. 47,48). 
Sam'mus  (iEsd.9.43)  =  Shema,  3. 
Sa'mos,  a  famous  Greek  island  off  the 
part  of  Asia  Minor  where  Ionia  touches  Caria. 
Samos  is  a  very  lofty  and  commanding  island. 
The  Ionian  Samos  is  mentioned  in  the  account 
of  St.  Paul's  return  from  his  third  missionary 
journey  (Ac.2O.15).  He  had  been  at  Chios, 
and  was  about  to  proceed  to  Miletus,  having 
passed  by  Ephesus  without  touching  there. 
The  topographical  notices  given  incidentally 
by  St.  Luke  are  most  exact.  In  the  time  of 
Herod  the  Great,  and  when  St.  Paul  was 
there,  it  was  politically  a  "  free  city  "  in  the 
province  of  Asia. 

Samothpa'cia.  The  mention  of  this 
island  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's  first  voyage 
to  Europe  (Ac.l6.ri)  is  worthy  of  careful 
notice,  for  being  a  very  lofty  and  conspicuous 
island,  it  is  an  excellent  landmark  for  sailors, 
and  must  have  been  full  in  view,  if  the  weather 
was  clear,  throughout  that  voyage  from 
Troas  to  Neapolis.  Moreover,  this  voyage  was 
made  with  a  fair  wind.  Not  only  are  we 
told  that  it  occupied  only  parts  of  two  days, 
whereas  on  a  subsequent  return-voyage 
(Ac. 20. 6)  the  time  spent  at  sea  was  five  ;  but 
the  technical  word  here  used  implies  that  they 
ran  before  the  wind.  Now,  the  position  of 
Samothrace  is  exactly  such  as  to  correspond 
with  these  notices,  and  thus  incidentally  to 
confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  unstudied  narra- 
tive. St.  Paul  and  his  companions  anchored 
for  the  night  off  Samothrace.  The  ancient 
city,  and  therefore  probably  the  usual  anchor- 
age, was  on  the  N.  side,  which  would  be 
sufficiently  sheltered  from  a  S.E.  wind.  In 
St.  Paul's  time  Samothrace  had,  according 
to  Pliny,  the  privileges  of  a  small  free  state, 
though  it  was  doubtless  considered  a  depend- 
ency of  the  province  of  Macedonia 

Samp'sames     (1Mac.i5.23),    the    name 


SAMSON 


781 


probably  not  of  a  sovereign,  but  of  a  place, 
which  Grimm  identified  with  Sanisun  on  the 
coast  of  the  Black  Sea,  between  Sinope  and 
Trebizond. 

Samson  (the  sunny;  Judg.13-16),  son 
of  Manoah,  of  the  tribe  of  Dan.  He  was  de- 
dicated as  a  perpetual  Nazirite  by  the  angel 
who  predicted  his  birth.  He  was  brought  up 
at  Zorah  "in  as  fair  a  nursery  for  boyhood  as 
you  could  find  in  all  the  land  "  (G.  A.  Smith, 
Hist.  Geog.,  p.  22 1 ).  He  was  predestined  to  begin 
the  deliverance  from  the  Philistines,  and  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  early  upon  him  in  the 
camp  of  Dan.  His  recorded  exploits  start 
with  his  desire  to  marry  the  Philistine  woman 
of  Timnath  (14.  i).  Manoah  objected  to 
alliance  with  an  alien,  and  .Samson  appears  not 
to  have  intended  to  bring  her  home.  (For 
Sadiqa  Marriage,  vide  W.  R.  Smith,  Kinship 
and  Marriage.)  Moore  plausibly  argues  for 
omitting  "  and  his  father  and  mother  "  (ver.  5) 
and  "  his  father  "  (ver.  10).  The  narrative  of 
the  lion  then  becomes  clear,  also  why  the  30 
comrades  were  not  kinsmen  but  Philistines, 
and  the  reason  of  the  visit  with  the  kid.  He 
slew  the  lion  with  his  hands,  found  the  honey 
in  the  dried-up  carcase  on  his  journey  home- 
wards, and  subsequently  propounded  his 
riddle  at  the  marriage-feast.  Having  no  other 
riddles  to  compare  with  it,  we  cannot  decide  on 
its  fairness.  Having  to  pay  the  forfeit,  he 
went  to  Ashkelon,  two  days'  journey,  and  slew 
30  Philistines.  Their  festival  garments  pro- 
bably indicate  a  feast  at  the  place.  In  anger 
he  refused  to  go  in  to  his  wife,  and  her  father,  to 
avoid  disgrace,  gave  her  to  the  "  best  man." 
This  Samson  had  not  expected,  and  he  refused 
the  second  daughter,  who  was  offered  probably 
in  fulfilment  of  the  contract.  In  revenge  he 
caught  300  jackals,  tied  them  tail  to  tail  with 
a  torch  between,  and  then  set  them  free  in  the 
closely-sown  Philistine  plain  (cf.  G.  A.  Smith, 
op.  cit.),  whereupon  the  Philistines  burnt  the 
woman  of  Timnath  and  her  father,  and  in  his 
turn  Samson  smote  the  Philistines.  He  then 
retired  to  Etam  (perhaps  Araq  Isma'in,  near 
Zorah ;  see  G.  A.  Smith's i//s<.  Geog.  p.  222),  an 
almost  vertical  cliff  with  a  well-nigh  inaccessible 
cave.  The  Philistines  marched  to  Lehi,  in 
Judah,  demanding  that  the  bandit  should  be 
given  up.  Samson  surrendered  himself  to  the 
men  of  Judah  on  condition  that  they  would 
not  hurt  him  themselves.  They  brought  him 
to  the  camp  of  Lehi,  but  there  "  the  Spirit  of 
the  Lord  came  upon  him."  Possessed  with 
demoniac  fury,  he  burst  his  bonds,  and  seized  a 
jaw-bone  of  an  ass.  The  superstitious  Philis- 
tines were  panic-struck,  and  slain.  In  the 
couplet  that  celebrates  his  triumph,  he  puns 
upon  homer  =  a  heap,  and  hdmor  =  an  ass,  on 
'eleph  —  1,000  and  'eleph  =  an  ox.  Athirst 
after  his  exertions,  he  called  upon  God,  who 
clave  a  hollow  place  in  Lehi  (R.V.)  into  which 
water  flowed.  [En-hakko're.]  Samson's 
next  exploit  was  to  carry  off  the  gates  of  Gaza 
and  set  them  on  a  hill  lacing  towards  Hebron. 
The  traditional  spot  is  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
Gaza.  Samson  afterwards  loved  Delilah, 
who  betrayed  him.  Thrice  he  deceived  her. 
Thrice  there  were  liers-in-wait  to  seize  him,  but 
Samson  probably  believed  that  Delilah  was 
only  prompted  in  her  experiments  by  feminine 


782 


SAMUEL 


curiosity.  The  fourth  time  he  told  his  secret. 
His  seven  braided  locks  were  shorn.  He  was 
surprised,  blinded,  and  carried  to  Gaza  to  grind 
corn  in  the  prison  mill.  His  hair  had  grown 
again  before  the  Philistines  celebrated  their 
success  by  a  sacrifice  and  feast  in  Dagon's 
honour.  Samson  was  brought  o\it  to  be 
mocked,  but  was  allowed  to  rest  between  the 
central  pillars  that  supported  the  temple  roof. 
Then  he  prayed  for  strength  to  be  avenged  of 
the  Philistines  for  one  of  his  two  eyes  (Judg.l6. 
28,  R.V.  marg.).  Then  crying,  "  Let  me  die 
with  the  Philistines,"  he  pulled  down  the 
pillars,  the  roof  fell,  and  he  was  killed  with  his 
enemies.  His  kinsmen  came  and  buried  him 
in  Manoah's  tomb,  between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol. 
Attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  him  with 
Hercules,  but  there  are  as  many  dissimilarities 
as  resemblances.  He  has  also  been  treated  as  a 
solar  myth,  but  his  story  is  racy  of  the  soil,  the 
geography  is  accurate,  and  so  are  the  references 


SAMUEL 

try  of  Ephraim,  afterwards  called  the  "height " 
Ramah.  After  the  destruction  of  Shiloh,  he 
made  this  place  his  home.  To  it  he  retired, 
and  in  it  he  was  buried,  with  national  lamenta- 
tion (25.1).  (i)  His  early  life.  Because  this 
is  truly  an  idyll,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  it 
is  not  historic.  A  universal  historic  experi- 
ence shows  such  idylls  in  peroids  the  most 
confused  and  corrupted.  Like  the  instances 
which  Neander  collected  from  the  Karly  and 
Middle  Ages,  and  called  "  light  in  dark  places," 
the  story  of  Ruth,  and  of  the  child  Samuel,  to- 
gether with  many  a  hint  of  straight  life  and 
simple  faith  which  shines  out  incidentally  in 
Judges,  show  that  the  succession  of  faithful 
men  and  women  has  never  wholly  failed  (iK. 
19.18).  Elkanah,  Samuel's  father,  followed 
Jacob's  precedent  of  two  wives,  and  was 
equally  unhappy  in  it.  The  type  of  mono- 
gamy towards  which  the  best  in  Israel  gravi- 
tated is  shown  to  be  original  by  the  constant 


TKADITIONAI-  TOMB  OK  SAMSON.     (View  from  Neby  Samit,  overlooking  valley  of  Sorek.) 
(From  an  original  sketch  by  Col.  Conder.) 


to  the  Philistines.  Moreover,  the  whole  in- 
terest of  the  story  depends  on  the  character  of 
the  hero.  In  Heb.tl.32  his  faith  is  referred  to, 
and  it  is  noteworthy  that  this  wild,  self-willed 
man,  ruined  by  his  passions,  kept  a  Nazirite's 
vow  inviolate,  prayed  and  believed  that  in 
God  was  his  strength.  The  narrative,  as  we 
have  it,  is  of  extreme  antiquity,  but  fragments 
of  verse  and  passages  derived  from  poetry 
{e.g.  Judg. 15. 14,16.9)  show  earlier  authorities. 
That  he  became  the  subject  of  ballads,  and 
that  the  ballads  are  quoted,  in  no  way  militates 
against  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative. 
Oriental  exaggerations  like  15. 16  must  be 
allowed  for.  See  Judges  for  bibliography. 
[Manoaii  ;    Dkltlah.]  [h.m.s.] 

Samuel  (whose  name  means  "  heard  of 
God  "  I  Kcil]  or  "  name  of  God  ")  was  one  of 
"  the  saviours  "  (c/.  JudR.3.9,15)  whom  Jeho- 
vah raised  up  among  His  people,  the  last  of  the 
judges,  and  the  unwilling  founder  of  the  Heb. 
monarch  v.  He  was  a  Lcvite  by  descent,  bom 
at  Kamathaim-zophim  (iSam.l.i),  "the  two 
heights  of  the  descen<lants  of  Zipii,  f)rZophai," 
a  Levite  family,  and  bek)nging  to  the  hill  coun- 


failure  and  miscarriage  of  its  transgression 
(Mt.19.4).  The  family  attendance  at  the 
feasts,  and  thebeauty  of  Hannah's  piety,  imply 
the  source  from  which  they  and  all  the  higher 
forms  of  godliness  in  Israel  proceeded.  We 
need  not  picture  the  boy  Samuel  <is  sleep- 
ing "in  the  temple"  (the  word  is  used  first 
here  of  "the  tent  of  meeting"),  though  the 
simplicity  of  the  record  lays  it  open  to  this 
misinterpretation.  We  discover  from  iSam. 
3.15  that  its  station  for  many  generations  at 
Shiloh  had  involved  structural  changes  in  "  the 
tent,"  aj)parently  to  increase  its  stability. 
Round  it,  in  all  probability,  were  rooms,  or 
buildings,  where  Eli  and  Samuel  and  the 
priests  lived.  The  pathos  of  the  boy  Samuel's 
relation  to  the  weak,  old.  but  true-liearted  Eli 
is  drawn  with  a  master  hand.  The  boy's  first 
message  is  terrific,  is  delivered  with  reluctance, 
and  received  with  exemplary  gentleness  (ch.  3). 
We  see  [A\.  who  was  kind  tf  the  mother,  tender 
to  the  soM  who  grew  up  with  him.  The  con- 
vincing proof  of  the  externa  voire  of  Jehovah 
accords  with  that  constant  and  continuous 
objective  divine  communication  which,  if  we 


SAMUEL 

tear  it  out  of  Israel's  history,  leaves  it  maimed 
and  unintelligible.  Samuel  wore  a  linen  ephod 
or  ministerial  garment  (less  costly  than  that  of 
priest  or  high-priest,  worn  by  David,  2Sam.6. 
14),  and  the  little  outer  robe  which  his  mother 
made  and  brought  him  from  time  to  time 
when  she  came  up  to  the  feasts  with  her  hus- 
band, shows  him  not  forgotten  at  home  and 
not  entirely  separated  from  his  mother.  From 
first  to  last  in  Heb.  history  no  slur  is  put 
upon  the  family.  It  is  a  picture  of  a  dedicated 
life,  as  distinguished  from  the  ascetic  or 
anchorite.  Samuel  "grew  up  with  Jehovah" 
(iSam.2.2i,  Heb.).  "The  lad  Samuel  grew  on 
and  was  in  favour  both  with  Jehovah  and  also 
with  men  "  (2.26).  (2)  His  function  as  prophet, 
priest,  and  judge.  Samuel's  position  was  extra- 
ordinarj'.  He  was  raised  up  for  a  crisis.  It 
would  be  a  mistake  to  judge  by  him  the 
ordinary  tenour  of  Heb.  law  and  life.  It  is 
also  probably  an  error  to  see  in  him  the 
founder  of  the  prophetic  "  colleges."  It  is 
probable  that  these,  not  mentioned  as  new,  had 
existed  more  or  less  always.  But  Samuel's 
times  saw  a  revival  of  them,  which  he  directed 
and  informed,  as  Elisha  after  him  '9.q).  He 
began  his  career  as  a  prophet  recognized  in  all 
Israel  (3. 19-21).  His  strong  intercession  for 
his  people  and  the  king  is  marked  (7.8,12.23) 
and  well  remembered  (Ps.99.6  ;  Je.lS.i). 
As  "  the  spokesman  of  Jehovah  "  he  delivered 
His  message  publicly  and  privately,  and  estab- 
lished the  unique  relation  of  the  prophet  as  the 
fearless  adviser  and  rebuker  of  kings,  which 
continued,  with  great  advantage  to  freedom 
and  religion,  to  the  times  of  Jeremiah.  He  it 
was  who  laid  down  the  great  prophetic  prin- 
ciple which,  by  no  means  ignoring  sacrifice,  sets 
obedience  and  piety  higher  (1Sam.i5.22),  and 
which  is  expanded  and  applied  by  prophet  and 
psalmist  after  him.  It  is  probable  that  on  his 
retirement  from  the  growing  madness  of  Saul, 
he  founded  and  presided  over  a  special  school 
or  community  of  prophets  for  learning  and 
religion,  living  in  "habitations"  (19.18,19; 
word  only  here)  somewhere  on  the  country-side 
of  his  own  home  Ramah  (19. 18-21).  Distinc- 
tive priestly  functions  he  assumed  after  the 
destruction  of  Shiloh  and  its  priests  and  dur- 
ing the  Philistine  oppression,  and  never  en- 
tirely abandoned  them.  He  built  an  altar  at 
Ramah  (7. 17) ;  his  was  the  priestly  portion  of 
the  sacrifice  (9.24) ;  he  offered  sacrifice  and 
appointed  its  time.  His  fame  as  the  minister 
of  the  word  of  Jehovah  (8.19-21)  and  his  per- 
sonal ascendancy  marked  him  out  as  the  last 
judge  of  his  people  (7. 15),  as  Eli  was  for  the 
preceding  generation.  He  established  Bethel, 
Gilgal,  Mizpah,  and  Ramah  as  the  centres  of 
his  assize.  Though  a  man  of  peace  who  only 
drew  sword  once  (15. 33),  his  lofty  faith  and 
courage  (ch.  7)  relieved  Israel  from  the  Philis- 
tine oppression  all  the  days  of  his  life  as  judge 
(7.13),  but  that  oppression  revived  in  his  old 
age,  when  he  appointed  his  unworthy  sons 
his  assessors  at  Beer-sheba,  and  to  be  his 
successors  (8.1-5).  (3)  His  function  as  king- 
maker. When,  in  his  old  age,  his  sons  forsook 
his  way  and  sold  justice  for  bribes,  the  elders 
of  Israel  came  to  him  to  Ramah  and  pressed 
for  a  king,  "  as  all  the  nations  "  (8.5).  He  re- 
luctantly assented,  for  though,  as  a  statesman, 


SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OF 


783 


he  was  taught  to  regard  it  as  a  necessity,  as 
a  patriot  he  counted  it  a  falling  away  from 
the  theocracy.  Moses  had  foreseen  the  rising 
of  a  national  wish  for  a  king,  and  had  arranged 
for  it  (Deut.i7.14f.).  Samuel,  in  accordance 
with  this,  first  pointed  the  moral  of  the  lesser 
freedom  of  the  change  (iSam.8.11-22),  and 
then  publicly  arraigned  it  as  an  apostasy  from 
a  divine  ideal  (ch.  12).  But  he  set  the  type 
of  the  kingdom  in  Israel — a  monarchy  strictly 
limited  by  dependence  on  Jehovah,  and  re- 
sponsibility to  His  law,  and  therefore  not  re- 
moved from  a  sense  of  brotherhood  (ch.  12). 
The  true  king  was  "  the  light  of  Israel  "  (2Sam. 
21. 17).  This  type  he  emphasized  by  his  inspired, 
but  none  the  less  courageous,  rejection  of  Saul 
as  a  failure,  and  by  cutting  off  the  succession 
from  his  sons.  Saul  he  had  privately  anointed, 
and  after  his  election  he  had  publicly 
ratified  and  proclaimed  him  (iSam.lO).  So, 
at  personal  risk  and  by  the  leading  of  Jehovah, 
he  privately  anointed  David  to  the  succession 
(ch.l6),  and,  as  the  Hebrew  tradition  tells, 
he  was  called  from  the  grave  to  confirm  the 
stern  words  of  his  life  (ch.  28).  He  may  have 
written  "  the  history  of  Samuel  "  (iChr.29.29). 
There  is  an  important,  if  sometimes  fanciful, 
delineation  of  Samuel  and  his  times  in 
Stanley's  Lect.  on  Jewish  Church.       [f.e.s.] 

Samuel,  Books  of.  (i)  Language.  We 
can  have  no  better  witness  than  Ewald  as  to 
the  character  of  the  Hebrew  of  these  books. 
He  groups  together  Judges,  Ruth,  Samuel,  and 
Kings,  and  says  that  "  this  great  book  of  the 
Kings  is  distinguished  on  the  whole  by  a  pecu- 
liar cast  of  language.  Many  fresh  words  and 
expressions  become  favourites  here,  and  sup- 
plant their  equivalents  in  the  primitive  history ; 
others  that  are  thoroughly  in  vogue  here  are 
designedly  avoided  in  the  primitive  history, 
and  evidently  from  an  historical  consciousness 
that  they  were  not  in  use  in  the  earliest  times. 
I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  estab- 
lished usage  of  centuries  must  have  sanctioned 
for  the  primitive  history  a  style  of  narrative 
and  a  cast  of  language  utterlj^  different  from 
those  customary  in  the  history  of  the  Kings  " 
(History,  p.  133).  Ewald  gives  a  true  account 
of  the  facts,  but  his  explanation  is  improbable. 
The  ordinary  literary  inference  is  that  the 
younger  style  proves  the  books  of  the  older 
style  to  have  been  written  generations  before. 
Further,  the  picturesque  manner  of  Judges  and 
Samuel  grows  less  marked  in  the  Kings,  as  the 
political  horizon  enlarges.  It  reappears  in 
prophetic  and  personal  anecdotes,  but  not 
quite  in  the  earlier  manner.  (2)  Text.  The 
text  is  doubtless  corrupt  in  places,  and  the 
Gk.  translation  (LXX.),  hundreds  of  years 
before  the  Massora,  is  of  varying  value  for  re- 
storing it.  But  the  traditional  text  is  earlier 
than  the  attempt  to  settle  it,  and  is  mani- 
festly faithful  enough  to  have  preserved  most 
interesting  traces  of  original  and  contemporary 
writing.  Many  have  undertaken  the  restora- 
tion of  the  text,  and  have  sometimes  provided 
a  warning  rather  than  an  example.  The 
sounder  critics  are  agreed  against  unnecessary 
alteration,  for  a  relative  presumption  is  in  fa- 
vour of  the  difficult  reading  (see  Konig,  Intro- 
duction, p.  130).  There  is  a  primitive  confusion 
in  2Sam. 12.31  (see  R.V.marg.),  and  its  parallel 


784 


SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OF 


iChr.20.3.  By  change  of  a  letter  we  have  the 
Chronicler's  false  reading,  "cut"  or  "tortured 
with."  The  manifestly  old  text  of  Sam.  may 
be  restored  by  change  of  single  letters.  David 
" set  "  the  Ammonites  " upon "  or  "at  "  tools, 
of  which  the  only  remaining  trace  is  in  stone 
masonry  (iK.7.9),  and  "made  them  serve  in 
brick  moulding."  The  usage  of  the  preposition 
is  possibly  antiquated,  but  it  cannot  mean 
"  under."  After  the  precedent  of  the  Gibe- 
onites,  they  were  set  to  do  the  hard  work  of 
the  building,  which  was  characteristic  (aSam. 
5.11,7.2)  of  David's  reign.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Chronicler  restores  (iChr.20.5)  the  true 
text  of  2Sam.2i.19,  "  Lahmi  the  brother  of 
Goliath."  The  early  confusion  of  the  text  of 
Sam.  appears  from  the  insertion  of  "weavers" 
after  "Jair,"  which  gives  an  improbable 
personal  name.  The  source  of  the  confusion 
is  the  comparison  of  Lahmi's  spear  to  a 
"  weaver's  beam,"  as  before  of  Goliath's.  This 
may  point  to  a  Bethlchemite  origin  for  the 
tradition,  Bethlehem  being  probably  a  place  of 
weavers.  (See  Smith's  D.B.  ist  ed.  i.  p.  202.) 
(3)  Historical  Value.  The  books  of  Samuel, 
though  by  a  right  instinct  separated,  form 
a  continuous  narrative,  of  which  the  first 
part  continues  Judges,  the  latter  part  shows 
slight  traces  of  the  style  of  Kings.  We  owe 
every  consideration  to  the  creators  of  history, 
some  500  years  before  Herodotus.  The  Hebrew 
way  of  telling  a  story  should  be  diligently  noted. 
As  Gasser  has  well  pointed  out,  the  Hebrew 
annalist  has  a  purpose  unique  in  literature,  and 
his  steadfastness  in  it  is  the  measure  of  his  in- 
spiration. The  monumental  records  of  Baby- 
lon, Egypt,  and  Assyria  aim  at  the  egotistical 
glorification  of  kings  and  conquests.  Herodo- 
tus wrote  to  interest  and  instruct ;  Thucy- 
dides  to  point  the  human  causes  of  events.  But 
our-  wTiter  selects,  from  an  astonishing  mass  of 
vivid  contemporary  tradition,  what  we  may 
call  sun-pictures  of  character.  Their  refer- 
ence and  standard,  expressed  or  understood,  is 
their  relation  to  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  which  name 
occurs  first  in  Samuel.  They  form  an  instruc- 
tion in  God's  progressive  dealings  with  men. 
The  advance  of  events  is  in  the  background. 
The  finest  evidence  of  the  truth  of  these  de- 
lineations is  the  indifference  of  the  writer  as  to 
whether  what  he  records  glorifies  or  discredits 
his  nation  or  his  heroes.  The  difficulties  occur 
not  in  the  development  of  character,  which  is 
always  consistent  and  concatenated,  but  in 
numbers,  in  which  a  later  tendency  to  exagger- 
ate sometimes  creeps  into  the  text,  and  in 
the  external  subsidiary  events.  No  little  diffi- 
culty arises  from  the  writer's  departures  from 
chronological  sequence  in  his  desire  to  present 
his  picture  in  one  view.  To  suppose,  e.g.,  two 
discrepant  accounts  of  David's  first  relations 
with  Saul  is  to  suppose  a  remoteness  from 
trustworthy  tradition  contrary  to  the  evi- 
dence. 1Sam.i7.15  shows  David  backward 
and  forward  from  Saul's  surroundings,  and 
tending  his  sheep,  when  he  met  Goliath  ; 
16. 21-23  adds  residence  and  appointment  at 
court,  which  belongs  later,  to  complete  the  i^ic- 
ture.  With  regard  to  the  sources  of  Samuel, 
we  cannot  accept  the  positive  conclusions  of 
some  critics.  "  The  hypercritical  attack  upon 
the  historical  character  ol  the  O.T.  tradition, 


SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OP 

distinguished  as  it  is  by  the  extraordinary  rich- 
ness and  weight  of  its  constituent  elements," 
says  Gasser,  "  has  its  ground  in  defective 
points  of  view,  in  fundamental  principles  and 
presuppositions,  arising  not  from  the  facts,  but 
brought  to  them."  What  Lohr  says  of  a  part 
of  Samuel  applies  to  the  whole.  "  From  the 
living  portrayal  of  events  and  persons  we  are 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that  he  who  could 
carry  out  his  work,  as  we  find  it,  must  have 
stood  the  nearest  possible  to  the  things  them- 
selves "  {p.  Ixviii).  Men's  memories  were  fresher 
in  these  old  times,  and  the  historical  sense  was 
highly  developed  in  the  Hebrew  people.  2Sam. 
11.12  alludes  to  the  manner  of  Abimelech's 
death,  two  generations  before,  as  well  recol- 
lected. With  so  much  lost  evidence,  absolute 
conclusions  are  beyond  the  grasp  of  scholar- 
ship. But  careful  study  seems  to  lead  to  the 
view  that  the  "  colleges "  of  the  prophets, 
which  we  meet  with  in  iSam.lO.5,10,  and  from 
which  sprang  Nathan  and  Gad,  were  moved  by 
"  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,"  and  engaged  in  col- 
lecting and  preserving  the  traditions  of  their 
nation.  These  colleges  had  their  origin  before 
Samuel  (Num. 11. 29).  From  this  prophetic 
school  of  history  Judges  and  5aw«d!came. 
That  there  was  one  type  and  methodijSeems 
probable  from  a  similar  handling  of  material, 
and  the  similar  unchronological  appendices  at 
the  end  of  both  Judges  and  Samuel.  That  the 
final  editor  found  traditions  already  in  writing 
seems  probable  from  favourite  words,  which 
mark  parts  of  them.  The  unity  of  Samuel,  on 
the  other  hand,  seems  clear  from  its  pervading 
purpose,  which  was  to  show  that  the  new  de- 
parture of  God's  kingdom  on  earth  in  a  theo- 
cratic monarchy  was  based  upon  heroic  per- 
sonality (Lohr,  p.  Ixvi).  The  vividness  with 
which  the  first  heroes  of  the  monarchy  stand 
out,  both  in  faults  and  virtues,  seems  to  belong 
to  an  age  before  the  material  greatness  and 
cosmopolitan  horizons  of  Solomon  had  dimmed 
the  earlier  purely  national  and  simpler 
patriotism.  With  this  agrees  the  archaic 
geography  (notice,  e.g.,  2Sam. 17. 15-21),  in  the 
midst  of  which  the  story  moves  securely.  A 
note  such  as  iSam.27.6  may  well  have  been 
added  later.  {4)  Contents,  (i)  1-12.  The  story 
opens  with  the  failure  of  Eli,  and  the  providen- 
tial raising  up  of  Samuel  to  be  the  large-minded 
mediator  of  the  new  regime,  (ii)  13-31.  The 
painful  falling  away  of  Saul,  and  the  rise  of 
David  and  his  sufferings.  The  conflict  with 
Goliath  and  the  pathetic  friendship  of  David 
and  Jonathan,  cemented  by  the  sympathy  of 
equal  faith  and  equal  courage,  are  incidents 
here,  (iii)  2Sam.l-4.  The  gradual  establish- 
ment of  David,  first  as  king  over  Judah, 
and  then  (5-10)  over  all  Israel,  (iv)  11-20. 
David's  sin,  chastisement,  and  restoration,  (v) 
22-23.7.  David's  great  "song,"  which,  like 
that  of  Moses,  attributes  all  to  Jehovah;  and 
his  "last  words,"  where  (23. i)  "pleasant  in 
the  psalms  of  Israel "  refers  us  to  those  noble 
poems,  often  with  ancient  historical  inscrip- 
tions, whicli  1,'ive  his  inner  biography.  I'sage 
rules  out  the  rendering  "  darling  of  Israel's 
songs,"  and  the  meaning  suggested  by  the  Oxf. 
Diet,  seems  also  unsatisfactory,  (vi)  Before  and 
after  these  poems,  21  and  23.8  to  the  end,  are 
anecdotes  out  of  chronological  order,  throwing 


SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OF 

additional  light  on  Saul's  character  and  David's 
life ;  and  a  list  of  those  men  whose  bravery  for 
the  Lord  had  given  security  to  the  kingdom. 
And,  rightly  standing  after  this  hero-list, comes 
the  account  of  the  plague,  which  chastened  the 
temptation  of  David  and  the  people  to  trust  in 
man.  The  poems  in  the  books  are:  (a)  Han- 
nah's "  prayer."  (b)  David's  "  elegies  "  over 
Saul  and  Jonathan  and  over  Abner  (1.17-27, 
3.33,34).  The  former  elegy  was  probably 
known  as  "  the  bow,"  because  of  Jonathan's 
prowess  with  the  bow  (ver.  22  and  iSam.20. 
36),  and  Saul's  death  by  archers,  (c)  David's 
"song"  of  praise,  and  his  "last  words." 
There  are  also  popular  songs  and  sayings, 
and  a  probable  snatch  of  a  soldier's  song 
(see  Klostermann  on  2Sam.23.8).  The  pal- 
pable and  striking  nearness  to  the  facts  which 
characterizes  the  history  bears  witness  to  the 
authenticity  of  the  poems.  The  early  varia- 
tion of  the  text  of  the  "  song  "  in  2Sam.22  and 
Ps.18  argues  so  far  an  ancient  independence  of 
the  tradition,  as  also  does  "the  bow"  being  in 
the  lost  song-book  of  Jashar.  The  suitable- 
ness of  these  poems  to  the  clear  aim  of  the  his- 
torical presentation  of  character  is  manifest. 
The  fancy  portrait  of  David  as  a  primitive  and 
half-heathen  savage  is  shattered  upon  the  ele- 
gant taste  and  generous  tact  of  the  "  bow  " 
song,  which  critics  agree  is  his.  Some  find 
two  discrepant  stories  (i)  of  David's  adventures 
with  Saul  in  the  wilderness  and  (ii)  of  Saul's 
death.  In  (i)  there  are  essential  differences, 
indicating  that  there  were  two  separate  pur- 
suits. In  (ii)  the  Amalekite  was  a  liar.  He 
did  not  kill  Saul,  but  found  the  corpse  and  de- 
spoiled the  regalia.  It  is  the  simple  confidence 
of  the  writer  which  sets  the  stories  side  by 
side.  (5)  Relation  to  the  History  of  Worship  and 
the  History  of  Literature  in  Israel.  A  careful 
study  oi  Judges  and  Samuel  shows  it  to  be  most 
precarious  to  assume  that  a  thing  did  not 
exist  because  it  is  not  mentioned.  Men  and 
women  are  drawn  with  unequalled  precision  and 
felicity.  Things  and  sometimes  events  are  the 
subject  only  of  incidental  allusion.  We  only  find 
from  2Sam.2i.17  the  reason  of  David's  strange 
and  consistent  absence  from  the  later  wars. 
The  spoiling  of  Saul's  character  by  his  eleva- 
tion is  forcibly  delineated,  but  the  increase  in 
his  regal  state  and  the  gradual  organization  of 
a  standing  army  we  derive  only  from  incidental 
allusions.  Many  hints  of  the  same  kind  be- 
come unintelligible  without  the  background  of 
the  Mosaic  covenant,  e.g.,  the  existence  of  the 
tabernacle  at  Shiloh,  altered  and  strengthened  ; 
coming  up  to  the  feasts  (iSam.l. 3);  high-priest, 
ephod  (passim),  and  priests  (3,  et  passim) ;  in- 
cense (2.28);  differing  kinds  of  sacrifice,  shew- 
bread  (21. 4) ;  the  "  breach  of  Uzzah  "  and 
"  the  bearers  "  of  the  ark  after  it  (2Sam.6.7, 
13  ;  1Chr.i5.13,  "  Levites,"  who  are  mentioned 
in  iSam.6.15,  2Sam.i5.24;  priest's  portion 
of  sacrifice  (iSam.9.24);  the  grief  of  Eli  and 
his  daughter  on  the  loss  of  the  ark  (4.18-22) ; 
the  dwelling  (or  sitting)  of  Jehovah  upon  (or 
among)  the  cherubim  (4-4;  2Sam.6.2);  the 
strong  sense  of  election  and  of  God's  past  action 
throughout,  which  comes  to  the  surface  in  such 
phrases  as  "  this  uncircumcised  Philistine  is 
defying  the  armies  of  the  living  God"  (iSam.17. 
26),  "  as  Jehovah  liveth  "  (passim) ;  Samuel's 


SANBALLAT 


785 


reluctance  in  appointing  a  king,  and  yet  his 
yielding  to  it  (8ff.,12),  which  implies  past 
history  (Judg.8.22,23  and  Deut. 17. 14,33.5)  ; 
the  law  of  abstaining  from  blood  (iSam.l4. 32 ) ; 
fourfold  restoration  (2Sam. 12. 6;  Ex.22.i);  and 
Bathsheba's  observance  of  the  law  of  cere- 
monial uncleanness  (2Sam.ll.4;  cf.  iSam.20. 
26).  The  men  going  up  to  the  magistrates  (the 
gods)  at  Bethel  (iSam.lO.3)  reminds  us  of  Ex. 
22.8,27 (Heb.),  where  also  the  magistrates  are 
called  'elohim.  The  total  destruction  of  Shiloh 
by  the  Philistines,  the  massacre  at  Nob  (iSam. 
22.19),  and  the  disturbed  state  of  the  times 
made  normal  customs  of  worship  well-nigh 
impossible,  but  David's  heart  is  set  upon  a 
central  sanctuary  as  soon  as  "it  can  be  had  " 
(2Sam.7);  and  there  is  a  probable  allusion  to 
morning  and  evening  sacrifice  (24.15),  similar  to 
I K. 18. 29.  Note  the  rise  of  king's  law,  differ- 
entiated iSam.30.25 — i.e.  not  "  for  ever."  The 
existence  of  a  preceding  literature  and  history 
is  similarly  made  clear.  There  is  public  allusion 
to  it  by  the  unknown  "man  of  God"  (2.27),  by 
Samuel  (12),  and  by  Nathan  (2Sam.7.6).  The 
Philistines  know  it  with  characteristic  inac- 
curacy (iSam. 4-8,6.6).  There  are  reminiscences 
in  Hannah's  prayer  of  Deut. 32  ;  in  David's 
song  of  Ex.15  and  Deut. 32  and  of  Sinai. 
These  allusions  to  Deut.  are  so  much  acknow- 
ledged that  some  critics  use  them  as  an  argu- 
ment for  the  spuriousness  of  the  song.  In 
David's  "  last  words  "  are  strange  but  quite 
clear  reminiscences  of  Balaam's  poems.  Finally, 
there  are  favourite  words,  lists  of  tools  and 
utensils,  and  of  foodstuffs,  a  detailed  list  of 
the  recipients  of  David's  presents  from  Philis- 
tine booty  (iSam.30.26),  a  curious  symbolic 
action  of  "pouring  out  water  before  the  Lord" 
(7.6  ;  2Sam.23.16) — all  peculiar  and  character- 
istic of  these  books.  These  things  increase  our 
feeling  of  nearness  to  the  times.  See  Lohr's 
edition  of  Thenius  (Leipzig),  to  be  read  with 
caution,  but  valuable  in  exegesis  and  textual 
criticism  ;  Klostermann,  in  Strack-Zockler, 
critical  emendations  mostly  wrong,  but  in- 
dependent and  suggestive  ;  Keil,  in  Keil  and 
Delitzsch  (T.  &  T.  Clark),  a  scholarly  com- 
mentary not  out  of  date,  but  not  always 
right ;  Kirkpatrick,  in  Camb.  Bible.  For  text : 
Driver's  Notes  ;  Kittel's  Heb.  Bible  (Nutt),  very 
valuable,  but  often  with  unnecessary  changes. 
General :  Ewald,  History ;  Stanley,  Lect.  on 
Jewish  Church  ;  Milman,  Geikie — all  still  use- 
ful;  Gasser,  Das  A.  T.  u.  d.  Kritik  (Stuttgart, 
1906)  has  valuable  remarks  and  copious  biblio- 
graphy. Girdlestone,  Deuterographs  (Clarendon 
Press),  and  Wood,  Heb.  Monarchy  (Eyre  &  Spot- 
tiswoode),  give  the  parallel  texts.  For  geo- 
graphy :  Buhl,  Geographie  (Leipzig);  Stanley, 
Palestine ;  Smith,  Historical  Geography,  and  the 
arts,  in  this  Diet,  on  each  site.  [f.e.s.] 

Sanabassap  (iEsd.2.12,15)  or  Sana- 
bas'sapus  (6.18,20)  =  Sheshbazzar. 

San'asib.  The  sons  of  Sanasib  were  priests 
who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.24  only). 

Sanballat,  called  the  "Horonite"  (Ne.2. 
10,19,13.28),  a  Moabite  of  Heronaim  (Gesenius) 
or  possibly  a  native  of  Beth-horon  or  Horon. 
[Samaria.]  Sanballat  held,  apparently,  some 
civil  or  military  command  in  Samaria,  in  the 
service  of  Artaxerxes  (4.2),  and  on  Nehemiah's 
arrival  in  Judaea  he  became  one  of  the  chief 

50 


78G 


SANCTlFlCATlON 


opponents  of  the  Tirshatha.  His  companions 
in  this  hostility  were  Tobiah  the  Ammonite 
and  Geshem  the  Arabian.(2.i9,4.7).  Cf.  Nehe- 
MiAH  ;  Nehemiah,  Book  of  ;  and  Ne.6. 
There  was  a  Samaritan  faction  also  in  Jeru- 
salem itself  bitterly  opposed  to  Nehemiah,  a 
prominent  supporter  of  which  was  the  high- 
priest  Eliashib,  whose  grandson  had  mairried 
Sanballat's  daughter  (13. 2«).  [h.c.b.] 

Sanctiflcation.    [Holy;  Justification.] 

Sanctuary,  the  rendering  of  two  cognate 
words  in  Heb.  (i)  qodhesh,  the  common 
word  for  "  holiness,"  is  applied  to  the  taber- 
nacle and  to  the  temple,  or  to  portions  thereof. 
(2)  miqddsh,  "  holy  place,"  the  more  ex- 
pressive and  prevalent  word,  applied  also  to 
both.  It  is  also  applied  to  old  Canaanite  and 
heathen  sanctuaries  (e.g.  Is.l6.12).  It  is  not 
correct,  however,  to  say  (as  is  said  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  iv.  395  note)  that  miqddsh  was  synonym- 
ous with  bdmd,  or  "  high  place,"  as  if  any  and 
every  bdmd  might  be  called  a  miqddsh.  In 
Am.7.13  the  king's  "  chapel "  (A.V.)  is  a 
miqddsh,  "sanctuary"  (R.V.).  [Cities  of 
Refuge  ;  Homicide  ;  Law  in  O.T.  ;  High 
Place.]  [J-R-] 

Sand,  familiar  to  all  residents  in  Pales- 
tine and  Egypt,  hence  used  figuratively  in 
several  passages  of  Bible — Gen. 22. 17,  etc. — 
generally  to  describe  numerical  extent  or 
greatness.  In  Job  6.3  and  Pr.27.3  used  of 
heaviness,  or  despondency.  [s.n.s.] 

Sandals  {na'dlayim).  These  were  made  of 
leather,  and  attached  to  the  feet  with  leathern 
thongs  (Gen. 14. 23).  They  were  not  worn  in- 
doors, nor  ill  the  sanctuary  (Lu.7.38  ;  Ex. 3. 5  ; 
J0S.5.15).  To  go  about  barefoot  was  a  sign 
of  mourning  (2Sam.i5.30 ;  Ezk. 24.17, 23).    The 


ASSVRIAN^ANDAL.    (I-roni  Layard.) 


EGYPTIAN  SANUAI.,   .MAIM!   Ol'    I'AJVKl  S.      (lirit.   Mus.) 

symbolic  action  of  giving  a  sandal  to  any  one 
denoted  a  declining  of  a  duty  or  right  (Deut. 
25.10;  Ru. 4.7,8);  and  the  phrase  "to  cast  the 
sandal  (or  shoe)  over"  meant  "to  take  posses- 
sion of "  (Ps. 60.8).  [Law  IN  O.T.]  Shoes,  as 
distinct  from  sandals,  appear  as  worn  by  Jews 
in  Assyrian  monuments. 

Sanhedrln.  This  term  (which  is  borrowed 
fr(jiii  the  (ik.  ;  hence  Sanhedrim  is  an  incorrect 
form)  is  first  used  by  Josephus  (14  Ant.  v.  4; 
I  Wars  viii.  5)  in  connexion  with  the  councils 
appointed  by  Gabinius  in  54  B.C.,  one  in  each 
of  the  five  provinces  into  which  he  divided 
Palestine.     A    few    years    later    Herod    was 


SANHEDRIN 

summoned  to  appear  for  trial  before  the 
Jerusalem  Sanhedrin  {14  Ant.  ix.  3-5),  an  in- 
dication that  it  was  firmly  e'jtablished  at  that 
time.  But  there  was  a  Council  of  Elders,  or 
Senate,  in  Jerusalem  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
the  Great  (12  Ant.  iii.  3),  223-187  e.g.,  the 
members  of  which,  with  the  priests  and  scribes, 
were  exempted  from  certain  taxes.  [Syna- 
gogue, The  Great;  Elder.]  According  to 
J  ewish  tradition  J  ose  ben  J  oeser  and  J  ose  bea 
Johanan,  c.  170  b.c,  were  the  first  presi- 
dent and  vice-president  of  the  Sanhedrin,  and 
formed  the  first  of  a  line  of  duumvirates  which 
ended  with  Hillel  and  Shammai  in  the  second 
half  of  the  ist  cent.  B.C.  The  chain  of 
tradition  is  carried  back  from  Jose  through 
the  Men  of  the  Great  Synagogue,  the  prophets, 
the  elders,  and  Joshua,  to  Moses,  who  is  said 
to  have  organir.ed  the  first  Sanhedrin  (Pirke 
Aboth  i.  ;  Sanh.  i.  6 ;  and  Gemara).  This 
tradition  supports  the  theory  that  from  the 
time  of  Moses  there  was  always  a  representa- 
tive body  (though  not  in  session  at  all  periods) 
which  changed  its  name  and  form  from  time 
to  time  but  never  became  defunct — the 
Elders,  Men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  or  Synod, 
Council  of  Elders  {yepovffla),  and  finally  the 
Sanhedrin,  the  one  merging  into  the  other. 
Some  (e.g.  Lauterbach,  in  Jew.  Encycl.)  assume 
two  councils  in  Jerusalem  :  a  political  San- 
hedrin, the  Gerusia,  which  administered 
the  criminal  law,  and  was  presided  over  by 
the  high-priest,  and  a  religious  Sanhedrin, 
which  had  control  of  matters  pertaining  to 
the  temple  service,  sacrifices,  the  priesthood, 
etc.  (cf.  Ac.5.2i,  where  both  the  Sanhedrin 
and  the  Gerusia  are  mentioned). — I.  The 
Great  Sanhedrin.  (i)  Constitution  The 
Great  Sanhedrin  was  composed  of  priests, 
elders,  and  scribes,  in  what  proportion  is  not 
known.  It  was  presided  over  by  the  Nasi 
(prince,  or  patriarch),  assisted  by  a  vice-pre- 
sident, the  Ab  Beth  Din  (Father  of  the  House 
of  Judgment),  making  a  total  of  71  members, 
23  forming  a  quorum  (Sanh.  i.  6).  There 
were  two  secretaries,  one  to  record  acquittals 
and  the  other  condemnations  (iv.  3).  Vacan- 
cies were  filled  up  from  among  those  who  had 
held  office  in  each  of  the  lower  courts  in  suc- 
cession (see  II.).  A  man  was  not  elected  to 
membership  unless  he  was  faultless  morally 
and  physically,  versed  in  languages,  and 
possessed  such  knowledge  as  would  qualify 
him  to  decide  cases  of  witchcraft,  etc.  (Menach. 
65a;  Sanh.  17a).  (2)  Functions,  etc.  The 
Sanhedrin  met  in  the  Lishkath  ha-Gazith 
(Hall  of  Hewn  Stones)  within  the  temple  area 
(Sanh.  xi.  2),  and  was  in  session  every  day 
except  sabbath  and  festivals,  between  the 
hours  of  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  (Sanh. 
88b).  It  was  tlie  supreme  Jewish  tribunal, 
deciding  questions  religious,  criminal,  and  civil. 
On  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  the  seat 
of  the  Sanhedrin  was  transferred  to  Jabneh, 
and  finally  to  Tiberias,  where  it  gradually  lost 
its  distinctive  character,  and  became  extinct 
c.  425. — II.  The  Lesser  Sanhedrin.  (1)  There 
were  courts  of  three  in  all  jiarts  of  the  country, 
the  members  of  which  wore  appointed  and 
ordained  by  delegates  from  the  Great  Sanhe- 
drin (Sanh.  88b  ;  Maim.  Sanh.  ii.  7.  8).  The 
cases  to  be  brought  before  these  courts  are 


SANSANNAH 

enumerated  in  Sank.  i.  1-3.  (2)  Towns  with 
not  less  than  120  representative  men  had  a 
small  Sanhedrin  of  23  members,  also  ap- 
pointed by  the  (ireat  Sanhedrin.  The  power 
of  these  lesser  Sanhedrin  was  also  limited,  but 
extended  to  capital  causes  in  certain  cases 
(Sank.  i.  4).  There  were  two  of  these  Lesser 
Sanhedrin  in  Jerusalem  (Sank.  xi.  2). 
[Council.] — Buchler,  Das  Synh.  in  Jerusalem, 
etc. ;  Bacher,  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904), 
art.  "  Synhedrin  "  ;  Ginsburg,  in  Kitto's  Cyc. 
of  Bib.  Lit. ;  Mishna,  Sanhedrin.  [h.h.] 

Sansannah',  a  town  in  the  S.  of  Judah 
(Jos. 15. 31  only).  The  word  means  "  palm 
branch."     The  site  is  unknown.        [c.r.c] 

Saph    (2Sam.2i.l8).       [SiBBECAI.] 

Saphat  (iEsd.5.9)  01^  Saphati'as  (8.34) 
=  Shephatiah,  2. 

Sa'pheth  (lEsd. 5. 33)  =  Shephatiah,  3. 
•  Saphip'  (R.V.  Shaphir),  one  of  the 
villages  addressed  by  Micah  (l.ii),  not  else- 
where mentioned.  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
(Onomasticon)  it  is  described  as  "in  the  moun- 
tain district  between  Eleutheropolis  and  As- 
calon."  Three  villages  called  es  Sudfir  (plur. 
of  Sdfir)  exist,  amid  low  hills,  10  miles  N.E.  of 
Ashkelon.  This  site  is  apparently  the  Isphar 
of  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  78)  in  Philistia, 
noticed  in  i6th  cent.  b.c.  [c.r.c] 

Sapphi'pa,  wife  of  Ananias,  2,  and  par- 
ticipator in  both  his  guilt  and  his  punishment 
(Ac.5.i-io). 

Sapphipe  (Heb.  sappir),  a  precious  stone, 
apparently  of  a  bright  blue  colour  (see  Ex.24. 
10)  ;  the  second  in  the  second  row  of  the 
high-priest's  breastplate  (28. 18).  It  was 
extremely  valuable  (Job  28. 16)  ;  and  one  of 
the  precious  stones  of  the  king  of  Tyre  (Ezk. 
28.13).  It  is  mentioned  altogether  eleven 
times  in  O.T.,  once  in  N.T.,  and  once  in  Apocr. 
Notwithstanding  the  identity  of  name  in  Heb., 
Gk.,  Lat.,  andEng.,  it  is  practically  certain  that 
the  ancient  sapphire  was  not  the  stone  which  we 
denote  by  that  word,  viz.  the  blue  (dark  or  light) 
variety  of  corundum.  As  the  best  examples  of 
these  come  from  Ceylon,  Cashmere,  and  Bur- 
mah,  they  are  not  Ukely  to  have  been  known 
to  the  Jews  prior  to  the  days  of  Alexander  the 
Great ;  and  besides  this,  it  is  clear  that  the 
sapphire  described  by  Theophrastus  and  Pliny 
is  the  lapis  lazuli.  It  is  fairly  hard,  but  can 
be  engraved  without  much  difiSculty,  takes 
a  good  pohsh,  and  has  been  for  long,  as  it 
still  is,  much  valued  for  decorative  purposes, 
the  best  specimens  being  obtained  in,  and  to 
the  E.  of,  Persia.  It  was  so  employed  in 
Egypt  ;  was  known  to,  though  apparently  not 
common  among,  the  Assynrians  and  Babylonians 
when  they  appear  in  Biblical  history  ;  was 
occasionally  engraved  in  pre-Roman  Greece ; 
and  has  since  then  been  largely  used,     [t.g.b.] 

Sa'pa. — 1.  Sarah,  wife  of  Abraham  (Heb. 
11.11  ;  iPe.3.6).— 2.  The  daughter  of  Raguel. 
She  had  had  seven  husbands  (Tob.2.7ff.),  and 
was  afterwards  married  to  Tobias,  who  drove 
away  the  wicked  spirit  which  had  slain  her 
previous  spouses  (7,8). 

Sapabi'as  (iEsd.9.48)  =  Sherebiah. 

Sapah. — 1.  The  wife  of  Abraham,  and 
mother  of  Isaac.  Her  name  is  first  mentioned 
in  Gen. 11. 29.  According  to  20. 12  she  was 
Abraham's    half-sister,    the   daughter   of   his 


SARDINE,  SARDIUS 


787 


father,  but  not  the  daughter  of  his  mother. 
Jewish  tradition  identifies  Sarai  with  Iscah,the 
daughter  of  Haran  and  sister  of  Lot.  The 
name  "  Sarah  "  signifies  "  princess,"  but  the 
meaning  of  "  Sarai  "  is  still  doubtful.  The 
change  of  names  was  made  thirteen  years  after 
the  birth  of  Ishmael,  when  the  covenant  of 
circumcision  was  given  and  a  son  was  pro- 
mised to  Sarah  (17.15,16).  The  incidents  of 
her  life  have  already  been  related  in  connexion 
with  Abraham,  Hagar,  Isaac,  and  Ishmael. 
She  came  with  Abraham  from  Ur  to  Haran, 
from  Haran  to  Canaan,  and  accompanied  him 
in  aU  the  wanderings  of  his  life.  Her  only 
independent  action  is  the  demand  that  Hagar 
and  Ishmael  should  be  cast  out.  The  times 
in  which  she  plays  the  most  important  part  in 
the  history  are  when  Abraham  was  sojourning, 
first  in  Egypt,  then  in  Gerar,  and  where  Sarah 
shared  his  deceit  towards  Pharaoh  (I2.11-15) 
and  towards  Abimelech  (2O.9-11).  She  died 
at  Hebron  at  the  age  of  127  years,  28 
years  before  her  husband,  and  was  buried 
by  him  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.  Imperious, 
harsh,  and  jealous  at  times,  yet  essentially  of  a 
meek  and  quiet  spirit,  she  is  held  up  to  us  as 
pattern  for  wife  and  mother.  Sarah  is  alluded 
to  only  once  more  in  O.T.  (Is. 51. 2),  where  she 
is  spoken  of  as  the  mother  of  the  chosen  race. 
In  N.T.  she  is  referred  to  as  a  type  of  conjugal 
obedience  in  iPe.3.6,  and  as  one  of  the  types 
of  faith  in  Heb. 11. 11  ;  she  is  mentioned  by  St. 
Paul  in  Ro. 4.19, 9. 9,  and  the  story  of  Sarah  and 
Hagar  is  treated  allegorically  in  Gal.4.2i-5.i 
to  illustrate  the  privileges  of  Christians,  the 
children  of  promise. — 2.  (Num. 26. 46)  =Serah, 
the  daughter  of  Asher.  [h.c.b.] 

Sapa'i,  the  original  name  of  Sarah,  wife  of 
Abraham.  It  is  always  used  in  the  history 
from  Gen. 11. 29  to  I7.15,  when  it  was  changed 
to  Sarah. 

Sapai'as. — 1.  (iEsd.5.5)  =  SERAiAH,  2. — 2- 
(iEsd.8.i  ;  2Esd.l.i)  =  Seraiah,  7. 

Sapamel.  The  A.V.  treats  this  word  as 
the  name  of  a  place  (iMac. 14.28) ;  but  it  seems 
that  the  Gk.  writer  left  an  unfamiliar  expres- 
sion {ev  2,apafi€\)  untranslated,  when  speaking 
of  the  great  gathering  which  elected  Simon  the 
Hasmonaean  to  govern  Israel  in  140  b.c  The 
Arab,  sirm,  "  army,"  and  sdrem,  "  sword," 
suggest  that  the  "  host  of  God,"  or  army  of 
Israel,  is  meant.  [c.r.c] 

Sapaph'.  Mentioned  in  iChr.4.22,  among 
the  descendants  of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah. 

Sapche'donus,  a  collateral  form  of  the 
name  Esar-haddon  (Tob.l.21). 

Sapde'us  (iEsd.9.28)  =  Aziza. 

Sapdine,  Sapdlus  (Gk.  sardion ;  Lat. 
sarda;  Heb.  'odhem),  occurs  in  Ex. 28. 17, 39. 10 
as  the  first  stone  in  the  first  row  of  the  high- 
priest's  breastplate,  and  among  the  treasiures 
of  the  king  of  Tyre  in  Ezk.28.13.  In  Rev.4.3 
He  Who  sat  on  the  heavenly  throne  "  was  to 
look  upon  like  a  jasper  and  a  sardine  stone. "  A 
sardius  (Rev.21.2o)  was  the  sixth  foundation  of 
the  wall  of  the  heavenly  J  erusalem.  The  sard, 
of  which  Theophrastus  and  Pliny  give  descrip- 
tions, must  be  that  now  called  carnelian,  a 
clear  red  Chalcedony,  pale  to  deep  in  shade, 
which  is  not  uncommon  and  is  obtained  in 
many  countries.  It  was  often  engraved  by 
Greek  and  Roman  artists,   and  is  sometimes 


788 


SARDIS 


used  for  Assyrian  cylinders  and  Phoenician 
scarabs.  As  the  Heb.  'odhem  may  come  from 
a  root  meaning  "  redness,"  it  probably  denotes 
the  same  stone.  [t.g.b.] 

Sar'dis,  a  city  about  2  miles  to  the  S. 
of  the  river  Hermus,  just  below  the  range  of 
Tmolus  (Bos  Ddgh),  on  a  spur  of  which  its 
acropolis  was  built.  It  was  the  ancient 
residence  of  the  kings  of  Lydia.  Sardis  was 
in  very  early  times,  because  of  the  extremely 
fertile  character  of  the  neighbouring  region  and 
its  convenient  position,  a  mart  of  importance, 
until  the  invasion  of  Asia  by  Alexander.  The 
art  of  dyeing  wool  is  said  by  Pliny  to  have 
been  in\ented  there  ;  and  at  any  rate  Sardis 
was  the  entrepot  of  the  dyed  woollen  manu- 
factures. It  was  also  the  place  where  the 
alloy  electrum  was  procured;  and  thither  the 
Spartans  sent,  in  the  6th  cent,  b.c,  to  purchase 
gold  to  gild  the  face  of  the  Apollo  at  Amyclae. 
It  recovered  the  privilege  of  municipal  govern- 
ment (and,  as  was  alleged  several  centuries 
afterwards,  the  right  of  a  sanctuary)  upon  its 
surrender  to  Alexander  the  Great,  but  its  for- 
tunes for  the  next  300  years  are  very  obscure.  It 
changed  hands  more  than  once  in  the  contests 
between  the  dynasties  which  arose  after  the 
death  of  Alexander.  In  the  year  214  b.c. 
it  was  sacked  by  the  army  of  Antiochus 
the  Great.  After  the  fall  of  Antiochus  it 
passed,  with  the  rest  of  Asia  on  that  side  of 
Taurus,  under  tiie  kings  of  Pergamus,  whose 
interests  led  them  to  divert  the  course  of  traffic 
between  Asia  and  Europe  away  from  Sardis. 
Of  the  few  inscriptions  which  have  been  dis- 
covered, all,  or  nearly  all,  belong  to  the  time 
of  the  Roman  empire.  Yet  there  still  exist 
considerable  remains  of  the  earlier  days. 
The  massive  temple  of  Cybele  still  bears 
witness  in  its  fragmentary  remains  to  the 
wealth  and  architectural  skill  of  the  people 
that  raised  it.  On  the  N.  side  of  the  acropolis, 
o\erluoking  the  valley  of  the  Hermus,  is  a 
theatre  near 400  ft.  in  diameter,  attached  to  a 
stadium  of  about  1,000.  This  probably  was 
erected  after  the  restoration  of  Sardis  by 
Alexander.  The  modern  name  of  the  ruins  at 
Sardis  is  Sert-Kalessi.  Travellers  describe  the 
appearance  of  the  locality,  on  approaching 
it  from  the  N.W.,  as  a  complete  solitude. 
The  Pactolus  is  a  mere  thread  of  water,  nearly 
dry  in  summer.  The  Wdd-i-tchai  (Hermus), 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  town,  is  between 
50  and  60  yds.  wide,  and  nearly  3  ft.  deep. 
In  the  time  of  the  emperor  Tiberius,  Sardis 
was  desolated  by  an  earthquake,  which  is 
said  to  have  changed  the  whole  face  of  the 
country.  The  calamity  was  increased  by  a 
pestilential  fever  which  followed.  In  the  time 
of  Pliny,  Sardis  wa*;  included  in  the  same 
convenliis  jundicus  witli  Philadelphia.  Sardis 
is  onlv  ineiitioMcd  in  the  Hible  in  Rev. 3. 1-6. 

Sap'dites,  The  (Num. 26. 26).     [Sered.] 

Sardonyx  (Rev. 21. 20  only).  The  sard- 
onyx, like  the  sard  [Sardink],  is  a  variety  of 
AdATK,  and  consists  of  "a  white  opaque  layer, 
superimpf)scd  upon  a  red  transparent  stratum 
of  the  true  red  sard"  (King,  Antique  Gems, 
p.  o).  It  was  frecjuently  em|)loyed  by  engravers 
for  the  purposes  of  a  signet-ring. 

Sape'a,  one  of  Ezra's  swift  scribes  (2Esd. 
14.24). 


SARID 

Sarep'ta  (Lu.4.26),  Gk.  for  Zarephath. 
^  Sarg-on  (Is.20.i),  in  Assyrian  Sargina  or 
Sarru-kinu,  succeeded  Shalmaneser  IV.  in 
722  B.C.  (Tebet  12).  His  origin  is  unknown, 
but  he  claimed  descent  from  an  early  Assyrian 
ruler  named  Bel-bani.  Samaria,  the  siege  of 
which  began  in  the  preceding  reign,  he  claims 
to  have  taken,  carrying  27,290  people  into 
capti\ity.  More  important  was  Sargon's  con- 
flict with  Humbanigas  of  Elam  and  Merodach- 
baladan  ofBabylon,  but  the  result  of  his  battle 
with  the  allies  at  Der  seems  to  have  been 
doubtful.  In  720  B.C.  took  place  the  revolt  of 
Yau-bi'idi,  or  Ilu-bi'idi,  of  Hamath,  in  league 
with  Arpad,  Damascus,  Samaria,  etc.,  ending 
in  their  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Qarqar. 
Hanim  of  Gaza,  who  seems  also  to  have  been 
one  of  the  league,  was  defeated,  with  his  sup- 
porter SiVe  (So  or  Sabaco),  at  Raphia.  In  719 
came  the  invasion  of  Ararat,  and  the  following 
year  (718)  Kiakki  of  Tubal  was  captured  and 
brought  to  Assyria.  The  same  fate  overtook 
PisiriS  of  Carchemish,  which  then  became  an 
Assyrian  province  (717).  In  716  e.g.  Sargon 
went  against  Rusa  of  Ararat,  and,  entering 
Media,  received  the  tribute  of  28  Median 
chiefs.  Dayaukku  (Dejoices)  of  Minni,  urged 
on  by  Rusa,  opposed  the  Assyrian  king,  but 
was  captured  and  transported  to  Hamath 
(715).  In  this  year  Nita  of  Moschi  was  de- 
prived of  Que,  which  he  had  taken,  and  the  N. 
Arabians  were  chastised.  Rusa  was  finally 
defeated  in  714,  and  committed  suicide  in 
despair.  In  713  Ambaridi  of  Tubal  was  sub- 
jugated, and  the  next  year  Sargon  made  an 
expedition  against  Meliddu,  and  besieged  Til- 
garinnne  [Togarmah],  which  was  captured, 
and  its  king  carried  away  to  Assyria.  In  711 
B.C.  the  expedition  against  Ashdod  took  place. 
Sargon  had  deposed  king  Azuri,  and  set  his 
brother  Ahi-miti  in  his  place,  but  a  revolt  took 
place  under  the  leadership  of  Yawani,  where- 
upon Sargon,  having  recaptured  the  city, 
annexed  the  district  to  Assyria.  Philistia, 
Judah,  Edom,  and  Moab  seem  to  have  en- 
couraged this  revolt,  possibly  supported  by 
Merodach-baladan,  against  whom  Sargon 
carried  on  operations  in  710-709  b.c.  Quit- 
ting Babylon,  the  Chaldean  took  refuge  in  the 
marshes  of  Bit-Yakin,  the  seat  of  his  tribe, 
and  Sargon  became  king  of  Babylon.  Sar- 
gon's generals  were  likewise  successful  against 
Moschi  and  Ararat,  and,  hearing  of  this,  the 
kings  of  Cyprus  sent  gifts,  and  Sargon  caused 
to  be  set  up  at  Idalium  the  stele  which  is  now 
at  Berlin.  Comagene  was  aiuuxed  to  As- 
syria about  708  B.C.,  and  a  dispute  with  regard 
to  the  succession  in  EUiju  led  to  a  conflict  with 
Elam  in  707,  after  which  the  history  of  his 
reign  is  doubtful.  His  death,  apparently  by 
assassination,  took  jilace  in  705  n.c.  when  his 
son  Sennacherib  became  king.  He  is  re- 
nowned as  the  builder  of  Dur-Sargina  {Khorsa- 
bad,  also  known  as  Sarghun),  a  model  fortified 
palace,  adorned  with  inscriptions  and  sculp- 
tures, and  ]irovided  with  a  noteworthy  temple- 
tower.  See  The  O.T.  in  the  Light  of  the  Records, 
pp.  362  fi .  ;  and  Winckler,  Die  Keilschrifttexte 
Sargons.  [t.g.p.] 

Sapid'  (Jos. 19. 10, 12),  on  S.  border  of 
Zebulun,  W.  of  Chisloth-tabor.  Possibly  for 
Shadid     (LXX.     Seddouk).     The     ruin     Tell 


SAROX 

Shadud,  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  of  Zebulun,  is 
4  J  miles  W.  of  Iksdl  or  Chisloth-tabor.  [c.r.c] 

Sapon  (Ac.9.35  only),  the  Sharon  of  O.T. 

Sapo'thie.  "  The  sons  of  Sarothie  "  are 
among  the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (iEsd.5.34  only). 

Sapseehim'  (Je.39.3)  arises  probably 
from  a  primitive  confusion  in  the  text  of  ver.  3, 
which  should  be  conformed  to  ver.  13.  The 
correction  proposed  under  Samgar-nebo  has 
some  probability,  as  no  meaning  is  assigned 
to  Sarsechim,  and]  the  LXX.  joins  it  to  the 
preceding  Nebo.  An  alternative  explanation, 
suggested  by  Col.  Conder,  regards  Sarsechim 
as  a  plural  title  of  Nergal-sharezer  and  Sam- 
gar-nebo, possibly  borrowed  from  the  Akkadian 
sar-safe  =  "king's  son."  [f.e.s.] 

Sa'puch  (Lu.3.35)  =  Serug. 

Satan,  the  name  of  the  principal  evil  spirit. 
— Development  of  the  doctrine.  (i)  The  pre- 
captivity  books  of  O.T.  characteristically  refer 
little,  except  in  Gen. 3  and  Lev. 16,  to  Satan  and 
evil  spirits, for  their  aim  was  to  establish  mono- 
theism, to  the  exclusion  of  the  popular  worship 
of  demons.  [Demon.]  Commerce  with  evil 
spirits  was  stigmatized  as  superstition,  and 
punished  as  crime  (Deut.18.io  ;  Lev. 19. 31, 20. 
6,27;  iSam.28.3  ;  2K.21.6,23.24  ;  Is. 8.19,19. 
3  ;  1Chr.lO.13  ;  2Chr.33.6).  The  drawback 
of  this  virtual  ignoring  of  evil  spirits  was  that 
it  resulted  in  an  apparent  ascription  of  evil  to 
God  (e.g.  Ex. 4.21, 14.17  ;  Deut.2.30  ;  Jos. 11. 
20  ;  Judg.9.23  ;  1Sam.26.19  ;  2Sam.l6.io,24. 
1,10;  1K.22  =  2Chr.l8).  In  all  these  cases 
later  writers  would  have  said  that  the  evil  was 
due  to  Satan,  and  was  permitted  by  God  (see 
iChr.21.i,  and  contrast  2Sam.24.i,io).  (2) 
The  Captivity  saw  a  development  of  views 
about  Satan,  which  does  not  necessarily  de- 
mand Babylonian  or  Zoroastrian  influence  to 
explain  it,  resulting  in  a  definite  Jewish  de- 
monology  and  angelology  (Dan. 10,  etc.).  The 
problem  of  the  sufferings  of  the  righteous 
became  more  insistent.  The  solution  of  the 
Psalmist  (Ps.37)  no  longer  seemed  adequate. 
These  sufferings  were  now  explained  as  dis- 
ciplinary, or  atoning  (Is. 53)  ;  and  it  was  sug- 
gested that  there  is  a  life  beyond  the  grave,  in 
which  all  earthly  wrongs  are  righted  (Job  19. 25; 
Dan. 12. 2).  But  these  explanations  failed 
completely  to  satisfy.  Gradually  the  con- 
viction grew  that  there  existed  a  malignant 
power,  the  enemy  of  man,  and  the  persistent 
opponent  of  the  Creator's  benevolent  designs. 
This  supposition  also  served  to  account  for 
temptation,  which  it  was  now  felt  could  not  be 
ascribed  to  an  all-holy  God  (Ecclus.l5.ii,i2). 
These  ideas  first  found  clear  expression  in  the 
book  of  Job,  and  thence  the  transition  to  the 
full  N.T.  doctrine  is  easily  traced  (Zech.3.i,2  ; 
Wis.2.23;  Ecclus.21.27;  Ba.4.7,35;  Tob  3.8,17, 
6.7,14-17,8.3). — Names  and  Titles.  "Satan" 
in  O.T.  usually  has  the  article,  hassdtdn  (so  Job 
1.6,  etc.  ;  Zech.3.iff.).  It  occurs  once  anar- 
throus, as  a  proper  name,  sa/an  (iChr.21.i).  In 
N.T.  it  is  ^aravai,  also  very  frequently  trans- 
lated as  d  5id/3o\os,  and  once  as  6  Karyyywp  (so 
Alex.  MS.,  followed  by  Westcott  and  Hort), 
a  rabbinical  form  of  KaTrjyopos  (Rev. 12. 10). 
The  word  signifies  adversary  (Num.22. 32  ;  iK. 
11.14),  also  accuser  (Ps.109.6).  As  applied  to 
the  evil  one,  the  latter  sense  predominates — as 


SATAN 


789 


is  evident  from  Job  1.9,2.4  ;  Zech.3.i,2  ;  and 
from  N.T.  translations  5td/3oXos  (malicious 
accuser,  calumniator),  and  Kar-qyajp  (accuser). 
Thus  Satan,  according  to  the  etymology  of  his 
name,  is  he  who  calumniates  God  to  man  (Gen. 
3. iff.),  and  man  to  God  (Job  I.9),  with  the  ob- 
ject of  setting  them  at  variance.  His  other 
titles  are  "  the  evil  one,"  d  Trovrjp'^s  (about  14 
times)  ;  "  the  tempter,"  d  ireipd^uf  (Mt.4.3  ; 
iTh.3.5)  ;  "  the  enemy,"  d  ex0p6i  (Mt.i3.38); 
"the  prince  of  the  [or,  this]  world,"  d  iLpx^^v 
Tou  Kda-fiov  [roiiToi/]  (Jn. 12. 31, 14.30,16. II ;  c/. 
iCor.2.6,8)  ;  "  the  god  of  this  age,"  d  debs  tou 
aiwvos  TovTov  (2Cor.4.4)  ;  "  the  prince  of  the 
demons,"  6  dpxbii'  tQiv  daLfxov'iwv  (Mt.9.34)  ; 
"the  prince  of  thepowerof  the  air,"d  S.px'^v  ttis 
i^ovcrias  rod  d^pos  (Eph.2.2)  ;  "the  dragon," 
or  "  serpent,"  d  dpcLKwv  6  /xiyas,  6  6<pis  6 
dpxoL^os  (Rev.12.9, 14, 15,20.2)  ;  Beelzebub  or 
Beelzebul  [Baalzebub]  (Mt.lO.25,  etc.);  Be- 
liar,  or  Belial  (2Cor.6.i5)  ;  possibly  also  Aza- 
zel  (Lev. 16. 8),  and  Asmodeus  (Tob.3.8,17)  ; 
and  Apollyon,  i.e.  "  the  destroyer  "  (Rev.9. 
11)  ;  not,  however,  Lucifer,  for  the  application 
of  Is. 14. 12  to  Satan,  due  originally  to  Jerome, 
is  a  piece  of  mistaken  exegesis. — Personality. 
Every  attribute  of  personality  is  repeatedly 
ascribed  to  Satan  in  N.T.  The  only  question 
is,  whether  this  language  may  not  possibly  be 
figurative — evil  being  personified  to  express 
vividly  its  seductive  power.  This  is  hardly 
possible  ;  for  (i)  Our  Lord's  contemporaries 
realized  vividly  the  personality  of  demons  ;  and 
had  this  view  been  seriously  incorrect.  He 
would  hardly  have  used  language  calculated  to 
confirm  it.  (ii)  The  theory  of  an  impersonal 
devil  presents  greater  difficulties  to  faith,  than 
the  theory  of  a  personal  one.  Evil  is  not 
merely  negative — it  opposes  itself  actively  to 
God,  and  to  all  that  is  good.  It  is  much 
easier  to  conceive  a  rebellious  will  doing  this, 
than  a  rebellious  force.  Resistance  to  God  by 
anything  infra-personal  is,  to  modern  minds, 
almost  unthinkable  (see  the  present  writer's 
Pro  Fide,  pp.  223,  224). — The  Position  of  Satan 
in  the  Universe.  The  power  of  Satan  is  repre- 
sented in  Scriptin-e  as  exceedingly  great.  He 
is  the  "  ruler  "  of  this  world,  and  its  "  god  " 
(Jn. 12. 31, 14. 30,16. II  ;  2Cor.4.4).  It  is  even 
said  that  "  the  whole  world  lieth  in  the  evil 
one  "  (iv  T(f5  TTovrjpc^  Keirai,  iJn.S.ig).  All  the 
kingdoms  of  the  earth  and  the  glory  of  them 
are  his  to  bestow  (Lu.4.5).  Mankind,  through 
sin,  has  come  under  his  power ;  and  it  is  he 
who  inflicts  death  upon  men  (Heb.2.14).  His 
followers  are  apparently  more  numerous  than 
the  true  children  of  God  (Mt.7.13,14).  Through 
his  wiles  and  subtlety  (Eph.6.ii  ;  2Tim.2.26), 
whereby  he  even  transforms  himself  into  an 
angel  of  light  (2C0r.ll.14),  he  is  able  to  deceive 
the  wholeworld(Rev.l2.9),  and  almost  to  com- 
pass the  destruction  of  the  very  elect  (Mt.24.24). 
Sometimes  he  controls  the  elements  (c/.  Mt.8. 
26),  and  inflicts  disease,  not  only  by  way  of 
actual  "  possession,"  as  in  the  case  of  the 
gospel  demoniacs  [Demoniacal  Possession], 
but  also  in  ordinary  cases  (e.g.  fever,  Lu.4.39  : 
a  crooked  back,  13. 16  ;  dumbness,  Mt.9.32, 
Lu.ll.14  ;  blindness,  Mt.12.22  ;  epilepsy, 
Mt. 17.15  ;  sore  boils  [elephantiasis?].  Job  2. 
7  ;    "a  thorn  in  the  flesh,"  2Cor.l2.7).     He 


790 


SATAN 


can  also  inflict  other  forms  of  physical  evil, 
such  as  imprisonment  {Rev.2.io),  and  loss  of 
life  and  property  by  lightning,  tornado,  or 
robbery  (Job  1).  The  power  of  Satan  extends 
beyond  this  earth,  and  disorders  those  higher 
spheres  of  existence,  called  in  the  Bible 
"heavens"  (shdmayim,  ovpavol;  both  forms  are 
plur.)-  In  O.T.  he  occasionally  appears  in  the 
highest  heaven  (iK.22.2i  ;  Job  1.2).  In  N.T. 
he  is  called  "  the  prince  of  the  power  of  the 
air,"  i.e.  of  the  super-terrestrial  regions  or 
"  heavens,"  where  he  rules  over  a  hierarchy  of 
evil  angelic  powers  (Eph.6.12).  [Demons.] 
It  is  perhaps  because  the  things  in  the  heavens 
have  been  polluted  by  the  presence  of  Satan's 
evil  hierarchy,  that  they,  as  well  as  the  things 
on  earth,  require  to  be  reconciled  to  God  by 
the  blood  of  Christ's  cross  (Col. 1.19,20).  But 
Satan's  power,  though  great,  is  neither  original 
nor  absolute.  He  is  no  eternal,  uncreated 
being,  as  is  the  Zoroastrian  Ahriman,  but  a 
creature.  This  is  obvious  from  the  book  of 
Job,  where  he  attends  the  court  of  heaven  as 
one  of  the  "  sons  of  God  "  (1.6,2.i).  His  power, 
therefore,  is  delegated  and,  moreover,  strictly 
limited.  The  subordination  of  Satan  to  God  is 
more  distinctly  marked  in  O.T.  than  in  N.T. 
In  O.T.  it  is  almost  complete  (see  i  K. 22. 20-2 3  ; 
Jobl.i2,2.6).  In  N.T.,  Satan  seems  to  assume 
a  more  independent  attitude,  and,  we  may  add, 
an  attitude  of  greater  malignity.  It  is  as  if, 
along  with  the  manifestation  of  the  absolute 
good,  evil  also  was  allowed  to  manifest  itself 
in  darker  colours  and  in  more  irreconcilable 
opposition.  Only  in  N.T.  do  we  find  arrayed 
against  the  kingdom  of  God  a  kingdom  of 
Satan — against  the  hierarchy  of  good  angels  a 
hierarchy  of  evil  ones.  Even  in  N.T.,  how- 
ever, the  ultimate  subordination  of  the  devil  to 
God  is  a  familiar  truth.  Thus,  at  our  Lord's 
temptation,  Satan,  while  boasting  of  his  power, 
yet  confessed  that  it  was  delegated  (ifiol 
wapad^doTai,  Lu.4.6).  The  devils  recognized 
the  power  of  Jesus,  and  came  out  at  His  word 
(Mk. 1.24,34, 3. II,  etc.).  They  feared  lest  He 
should  send  them  to  "  the  abyss  "  for  punish- 
ment (Lu.8.31).  If  Satan  is  "the  strong 
man,"  yet  there  is  a  Stronger,  Who  can  bind 
him,  and  spoil  his  goods  (Mt.i2.29).  His 
kingdom  will  surely  come  to  an  end  ;  in  fact, 
its  fall  has  already  been  virtually  secured  by 
the  Passion  and  Resurrection  of  Jesus  (Jn.l2. 
31).  Our  Lord  transmitted  some  part  of  His 
power  over  Satan  to  His  Church  (Lu.9.i,10. 
17-20).  A  curious  instance  of  this  is  found  in 
iCor.5.5  (c/.  iTim.l.2o),  where  offenders  are 
handed  over  to  Satan  for  disciplinary  punish- 
ment, "  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day 
of  the  Lord  Jesus."  [Excommunication  ; 
HvMENAEUs  ;  Crimes  in  N.T.  (13).] — Satan's 
Influence  upon  Mankind.  Leaving  to  archaeolo- 
gists to  decide  the  precise  original  meaningof  the 
ancient  Semitic  tradition  embodied  (doubtless 
in  a  greatly  altered  form)  in  Gen. 3,  we  may 
affirm,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  when 
the  canon  of  O.T.  was  formed,  this  narrative 
was  generally  interpreted  of  the  fall  of  man,  and 
the  tempting  serpent  was  understood  to  be  the 
devil.  Suchaview  already  underlies  Wis.2. 24 
("  through  envy  of  the  devil  came  death  into 
the  world  ").  and  is  expressly  affirmed  in  the 
N.T.  (Kev.12.7,20.2).     [Fall.]     Thus  Satan, 


SATAN 

in  relation  to  mankind,  is  primarily  the  tempter. 
He  tempts,  partly  by  misrepresenting  God  as 
a  harsh  Ruler,  careless  of  the  happiness  of  His 
creatures ;  partly  by  acting  upon  the  strong 
desire  of  the  human  will  for  a  false  independ- 
ence; and  partly  by  presenting  to  the  appetites 
or  passions  their  objects  in  captivating  forms. 
His  temptation,  however,  can  always  be  re- 
sisted, because  it  is  imder  the  control  and  over- 
ruling power  of  God  (1Cor.lO.13  ;  Jas.4.7  ;  2 
Pe.2.9  ;  Lu.22.31).  It  is  exercised  both  nega- 
tively and  positively.  Its  negative  exercise  is 
referred  to  in  the  parable  of  the  sower,  where 
the  devil  snatches  away  the  seed  that  is  sown 
in  the  heart  (Mt. 13. 19).  Its  positive  exercise  is 
set  forth  in  the  parable  of  the  wheat  and  the 
tares  (13. 39).  Our  Lord's  temptation  is  parti- 
cularly instructive.  We  have  here  the  devil's 
subtle  attempt  to  make  evil  appear  good.  He 
even  quotes  Scripture  in  support  of  his  sug- 
gestions. He  spreads  alluringly  before  the 
eye  of  the  soul  the  temporal  goods  which  he 
judged  to  be  most  attractive  to  one  in  our 
Lord's  situation — bread,  before  one  who  was 
hungry  ;  temporal  sovereignty,  before  one  who 
was  anxious  to  do  good  in  the  world  ;  compro- 
mise with  evil  as  a  sure  road  to  success,  before 
one  who  (for  every  reason)  longed  to  be  success- 
ful (Lu.4.2).  For  us  mere  men  there  is  a 
natural  kind  of  temptation,  inseparable  from  a 
life  lived  in  a  world  like  ours  ;  and  this  natural 
temptation  gives  Satan  his  opportunity. 
Where  the  flesh  strives  against  the  spirit,  he 
throws  all  his  influence  on  the  side  of  the  flesh  ; 
and  since  in  fallen  man  the  balance  of  human 
nature  no  longer  hangs  true,  for  the  flesh 
tends  to  outweigh  the  spirit,  he  is  only  too 
often  successful.  Those  who  habitually  yield 
to  temptation  become  the  servants  of  sin  (Jn. 
8.34)  ;  "  sold  under  sin  "  (R0.7.14),  and  cap- 
tives to  the  law  of  sin  (7.23).  They  may  even 
become  the  devil's  absolute  and  irredeemable 
property,  like  Judas,  whom  Satan^ — after  suc- 
cessfully implanting  in  his  heart  the  resolution 
to  betray  Jesus  (Jn.13.2) — finally  entered,  and 
drove  to  his  inevitable  doom  (13.27). — The 
Fall  of  Satan.  Since  Satan  is  the  creature  of  a 
good  God,  he  must  have  been  originally  good 
{cf.  Gen. 1.31),  and  have  become  what  he  is 
through  a  voluntary  fall.  Holy  Scripture, 
however,  rarely  (and  for  the  most  part  ob- 
scurely) refers  to  this  event.  Is. 14. 12  really 
describes  the  fall  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  not  of 
Satan.  Ju.6  =  2Pe.2.4  refers  to  an  obscure 
event,  which  may  indeed  have  some  bearing 
upon  the  subject,  but  was  actually  subsequent 
to  the  creation  of  man.  [Demon.]  Kpv.12.7 
is  a  poetical  description  of  the  overthrow  of 
Satan's  power  in  tiie  universe  tlirough  the  In- 
carnation, and  the  work  of  the  Church.  There 
remains  Jn.8.44.  From  this  we  learn  that 
Satan  once  existed  in  a  state  of  innocence  {iv 
TJ7  aXridflqi),  but  did  not  persist  in  it  (reading 
ovK  ^arrjKev  [from  (Tttj^o)]  with  R.V.,  W.H.). 
To  this  may  be  added  Lu.l0.r8,  which,  though 
it  does  not  describe  Satan's  original  fall,  but 
rather  his  discomfiture  through  the  mission  of 
the  Seventy,  yet  seems  to  allude  to  it.  The 
only  Biblical  hint  of  the  cause  of  Satan's  fall  is 
iTim.3.6,  whore  the  apostle  seems  to  ascribe 
it  to  pride.  [Angki,.] — Conclusion.  Upon 
the  whole.  Scripture  seems  to  indicate  that 


SATHRABUZANES 

Satan  is  an  angelic  being  of  great  power  and 
wisdom,  to  whom  was  entrusted  at  th6  creation 
an  extensive  authority  over  the  universe, 
analogous  to  that  which  man  exercises  over 
nature  ;  that  he  was  subjected  to  a  probation, 
in  which  he  was  found  wanting,  and,  rebelling 
against  God,  introduced  sin  and  disorder  into 
the  universe.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  his 
period  of  probation  is  already  over ;  but  the 
toleration  which  God  extends  to  his  evil-doing 
would  be  more  intelligible,  if  it  is  permissible 
to  suppose  that  it  extends  to  the  Last  Judg- 
ment. There  seems  no  adequate  ground  for 
hoping  (much  less  believing)  that  he  will  ever 
repent  and  be  pardoned.  The  only  passages 
which  seem  to  favour  this  view  (i Cor.  15. 2 8  ; 
Col. 1.19,20)  are  obscure,  and  can  be  otherwise 
explained.  Rather  does  Holy  Scripture  seem 
to  regard  the  punishment  of  Satan  as  already 
decreed,  and  as  eternal  {Mt.25.41  ;  Rev.20.io). 
Its  nature  we  can  only  dimly  conjecture.  Per- 
haps an  essential  part  of  it  will  be  the  loss  of 
freewill — degradation  from  the  rank  of  a  free 
agent.  This  view  provides  for  the  final  ex- 
tinction of  moral  evil.  Momerie,  Origin  of 
Evil ;  Naville,  The  Problem  of  Evil ;  Tennant, 
Origin  and  Propagation  of  Sin  ;  E.  A.  Abbott, 
The  Kernel  and  the  Husk  ;  S.  Laing,  A  Modern 
Zoroastrian ;  art.  "Satan,"  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904)  ;  works  of  systematic 
theology.  [c.h.] 

Sathpabu'zanes    (iEsd.6.3,7,27)  =  She- 

THARBOZNAI. 

Satyp  (Heb.  s<''irlm),  the  rendering  in  A.V. 
of  the  Heb.  plur.  noun,  which,  having  the 
meaning  of  "hairy  "or  "rough,"  is  frequently 
applied  to  "he-goats."  The  s^'irimoi  Is.l3.2i 
and  34.14,  where  the  prophet  predicts  the 
desolation  of  Babylon,  have,  however,  pro- 
bably nothing  to  do  with  goats,  either  wild 
or  tame.  According  to  the  old  versions,  and 
nearly  all  the  commentators,  A.V.  is  correct, 
and  the  word  refers  to  mythical  creatures, 
or  "  satyrs  " — that  is,  demons  of  woods  and 
desert  places,  half -men  and  half- goats  (of. 
Lev.17.7  ;  2Chr.ll. 15).  On  the  other  hand, 
it  has  been  suggested  that  s^'irim  may  refer  to 
dog-faced  baboons,  of  which  one  species  (Papio 
hamadryas)  is  common  to  Egypt  and  Arabia, 
while  a  second  (P.  arabicus)  inhabits  S.  Arabia. 
Both  have  a  mantle  of  long  hair  on  the 
shoulders,  and  the  former,  like  the  thoth  (P. 
thoth),  is  commonly  represented  in  Egyptian 
frescoes  and  sculptures.  Since,  however,  no 
member  of  the  group  is  found  in  Syria  or 
Palestine,  the  proposed  emendation  cannot  be 
regarded  with  much  favour,  especially  as 
Biblical  writers  would  be  likely  to  take  their 
similies  from  familiar  animals,  mythical  or 
otherwise.  [r.l.] 

Saul,  more  acciu-ately  Shaul. — 1.  The  sixth 
in  a  list  of  eight  Edomite'kings,  apparently  elec- 
tive, and  successortoSamlah(Geu.36. 37,  where, 
as  in  iChr.1.48,  R.V.  has  Shaul).  As  belonging 
to  "  Rehoboth  by  the  River"  {i.e.  Euphrates), 
he  seems  to  have  been  of  foreign  origin. — 2. 
The  first  king  of  Israel,  the  son  of  Kish,  a  Benja- 
mite,  and  grandson  of  Abiel  (iSam. 9.1,2,14.51), 
or,  if  we  acceptthe  genealogies  in  iChr.8.33,9.3g, 
his  great-grandson,  with  a  link  dropped.  Zelah, 
where  was  Kish's  sepulchre  (2Sam.2i.14)  was 
probably  Saul's  birthplace,      Hjs  f^njily  was 


SATTL 


791 


of  little  importance  (iSam.9.i,2i).  Saul's 
character  is  illustrated  by  the  fierce,  wayward, 
fitful  nature  of  the  tribe,  and  in  part  accounted 
for  by  the  struggle  between  the  old  and  new 
systems  in  which  he  was  involved.  To  this  we 
must  add  a  taint  of  madness,  which  broke  out  in 
violent  frenzy  at  times,  with  long,  lucid  intervals. 
He  was  remarkable  for  strength  and  activity 
(2Sam.l.23),  and  (like  the  Homeric  heroes)  of 
gigantic  stature,  taller  by  head  and  shoulders 
than  the  rest  of  the  people,  and  of  that  beauty 
denoted  by  the  Heb.  for  "goodly"  (iSam. 
9.2);  cf.  the  description  "glory  [or,  beauty] 
of  Israel"  (2Sam.l.i9).  Kish  sent  his  son 
Saul  in  search  of  a  drove  of  asses,  gone  astray 
on  the  mountcdns  (iSam.9.3-10).  In  this 
search  Saul  seeks  Samuel's  aid  (9.5,6). 
Samuel  had  received  (cf.  8.7-9)  21  divine  intima- 
tion of  the  approach  and  future  destiny  of  the 
youthful  Benjamite.  He  received  him  as  a  dis- 
tinguished stranger,  and  next  morning  poured 
over  Saul's  head  the  consecrated  oil,  and  with 
a  kiss  of  salutation  announced  to  him  that  he 
was  to  be  the  ruler  and  (LXX.)  deliverer  of  the 
nation  (9.25-IO.1).  Saul  returned  to  Gibeah 
by  a  route  for  which  see  Zuph  ;  its  incidents 
confirming  Samuel's  prediction  (10.9,10).  This 
may  be  called  the  private,  inner  view  of  his  call. 
The  outer  call,  setting  its  seal  on  the  former, 
follows  :  An  assembly  was  convened  by 
Samuel  at  Mizpeh,  and  lots  were  cast  to  find 
the  tribe  and  family  which  was  to  produce  the 
king.  Saul  was  named,  and  (by  a  divine  inti- 
mation) found  hidden  in  the  circle  of  baggage 
around  the  encampment  (IO.17-24).  His  sta- 
ture at  once  won  the  heart  of  the  people.  He 
was  hailed  king  by  acclamation,  though  with 
a  few  dissentients,  and  retiurned  to  his  native 
Gibeah.  His  election  was  justified  and  his 
authority  confirmed  by  his  prompt  and  vigor- 
ous action  on  learning  of  the  threat  of  Nahash, 
king  of  Ammon,  against  Jabesh-gilead.  "  The 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  him,"  as  on  the 
ancient  judges.  Three  (or  six,  LXX.)  hundred 
thousand  men  followed  from  Israel,  and  thirty 
(or  seventy,  LXX.)  thousand  from  Judah :  and 
Jabesh  was  rescued.  The  punishment  of  the 
mvurmurers  was  demanded,  but  refused  by  Saul ; 
and  the  monarchy  was  inaugurated  anew  at 
Gilgal  (II.1-15).  He  still,  however,  so  far  re- 
sembles the  earlier  judges,  as  to  be  virtually 
king  only  of  his  own  tribe,  Benjamin,  or  of  the 
immediate  neighbourhood.  But  this  limita- 
tion was  soon  to  cease.  The  PhiUstines  would 
naturally  oppose  the  quickening  of  their  neigh- 
bour's national  life,  and  in  the  second  year  of  his 
reign  Saul  began  to  organize  an  attempt  to 
shake  off  their  yoke.  A  Philistine  garrison  had 
long  been  stationed  even  in  his  own  home  (10. 5, 
13.3).  An  army  of  3,000  was  formed;  and 
Jonathan,  apparently  with  Saul's  sanction,  rose 
against  the  garrison  and  smote  them  (13. 2-4). 
This  roused  the  whole  force  of  the  Philistine 
nation  against  him.  The  spirit  of  Israel  was 
completely  broken.  In  this  crisis,  Saul  found 
himself  on  the  very  confines  of  his  kingdom  at 
Gilgal,  longing  to  exercise  his  royal  right  of 
sacrifice,  yet  deterred  by  his  sense  of  obedience 
to  the  prophet.  That  obedience  failed  on 
the  seventh  day ;  whereupon  Samuel  arrived, 
and  pronounced  the  first  curse  on  his  impetuous 
zeal   (13. 5-14).     Meanwhile   the   adventurous 


792 


SAUL 


exploit  of  Jonathan  at  Michmash  brought  on  the 
crisis  which  ultimately  drove  the  Philistines 
back  to  their  own  territory.     It  was  signalized 
by  two  remarkable  incidents  :  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Saul's  madness  in  the  rash  vow  which 
all  but  cost  the  life  of  his  son  (iSam. 14.24,44) ; 
and  the  erection  of  his  first  altar,  built  either  to 
celebrate  the  victory,  or  to  expiate  the  savage 
feast  of  the  famished  people  (I*. 35).     The  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Philistines  (although  not  entirely 
completed,  14. 52)  at  once  placed  Saul  in  a  posi- 
tion higher  than  that  of  any  previous  ruler  of 
Israel.     The  warlike  character  of    his  reign 
naturally  still  predominated ;  and  he  was  now 
able  to  attack  the  neighbouring  tribes  of  Moab, 
.■\mmon,  Edom,  Zobah,  and  finally  Amalek  (14. 
47,48;  cf.  15.1-9).     The  chief  connexion  of  the 
war  against  Amalek  with  Saul's  history  lies  in 
the  disobedience  to  the  prophetical  command  of 
Samuel  shown  in  the  sparing  of  the  king,  and 
the  retention  of  the  spoil.     This  second  act  of 
disobedience  called  down  the  second  curse,  and 
the  first  distinct    intimation  of  the  transfer- 
ence of  the  kingdom  to  a  rival.     The  struggle 
between  Samuel  and  Saul  in  their  final  part- 
ing  is   indicated  by  the  rending  of  Samuel's 
outer  garment,  as  he  tears  himself  away  from 
Saul's  grasp   (for   the  gesture,  see  Josephus, 
6  Ant.  vii.  5),  and  by  the  long  mourning  of 
Samuel  for  the  separation  (15. 35,16.1).     The 
rest  of  Saul's  life  is  one  long  tragedy.     The 
frenzy,    of    which    indications    had    occurred 
before,  now  at  times  took  almost  entire  pos- 
session   of  him.      Inter-tribal  jealousies,    al! 
the  stronger  because  Saul's  own  tribe  was  one 
of  the  smallest,   may  well  have  been  an  im- 
portant cause  of  this  frenzy.    It  is  described 
as  "an  evil  spirit  of  God"  (much  as  we  might 
speak  of  "religious  madness"),  which,  when 
it  came  upon  him,  almost  choked  or  strangled 
him  by  its  violence.     In  this  crisis  David  was 
recommended  to  him  by  one  of  the  young  men 
of  his  guard.     From  this  point  their  lives  are 
blended  together.     [David.]     In  Saul's  better 
moments  he  never  lost  his  strong  affection  for 
David.     Occasionally  his  prophetical  gift  re- 
turned, blended  with  his  madness  (19. 24).    His 
acts  of  fierce,  wild  zeal  increased.     At  last  the 
dynasty,  which  he  had  established,  came  to  an 
end  through  his  weakness.  The  Philistines,  keen 
to  keep  open  the  commercial  route  by  which 
the    Euphrates    trade    passed    through    their 
country  to  Egypt,  after  a  course  of  border  war- 
fare occupied  in  large  force  the  plain  of  Esdra- 
elon.     Their  camp  was  jutched  on  the  S.  slope 
of  the  range  now   called   Little   Hermon,   by 
Shunem.     Opposite,  on  mount  (iilboa,  was  the 
Israelite  army,  clinging  as  usual  to  the  heights 
which  were  their  safety.    The  heart  of  the  king. 
as  he  pitched  his  camp,   "  greatly  trembled" 
( I  Sam. 28. 5).     Having  lost  all  tiie  usual  means 
of  consulting  the  divine  will,  he  determined, 
with  that  wayward  mixture  of  superstition  and 
religion   which   marked   his   whole   career,   to 
apply  to  a  necromancer  at  En-dor,  on  the  other 
side  of  Little  Hermon,  who  had  escaped  his  per- 
secution.    The  obvious  meaning  of  the  narra- 
tive tends  to  the  hypotiiesis  of  some  kind  of  ap- 
parition as  against  that  of  a  simple  imposture. 
The  woman  recognizes  the  disguised  king  first 
on  the  appearance  of  Samuel,  seemingly  from 
bis  threatening   aspect   or  tone   towards  Lis 


SAVIOUR 

enemy.  Saul  apparently  saw  nothing ;  but  she 
described  a  supernatural  figure  of  an  aged  man 
in  prophetic  garb.  On  hearing  the  denuncia- 
tion which  the  apparition  conveyed,  Saul  fell 
full  length  (see  28.20,  marg.)  on  the  ground, 
and  remained  motionless  till  the  woman  and 
his  servants  forced  him  to  eat.  Dismayed  by 
Samuel's  summons  to  a  fatal  tryst,  he  entered 
the  next  day  on  the  battle.  The  Israelites 
were  driven  up  the  side  of  Gilboa.  The  three 
sons  of  Saul  were  slain  (iSam. 31. 2).  Saul,  with 
his  armour-bearer,  was  pursued  by  the  archers 
and  charioteers  of  the  enemy  (31.3  ;  2Sam. 
1.6).  He  was  wounded.  His  shield  was  cast 
away  (2Sam.l.2i).  According  to  one  account, 
he  fell  upon  his  own  sword  (rSam. 31. 4).  Ac- 
cording to  another,  an  Amalekite  who  came  up 
at  the  moment  of  his  death-wound,  and  found 
him  "  fallen,"  but  leaning  on  his  spear,  at  his 
own  request  put  him  out  of  pain,  and  carried  the 
news  to  David  (2Sam.l.7-io).  [Samuel,  Books 
OF.]  His  body  and  those  of  his  three  sons  were 
stripped,  decapitated,  and  exposed  on  the  wall 
of  Beth-shan,  whence  they  were  secretly  carried 
off,  and  burnt  by  the  grateful  inhabitants  of 
Jabesh-gilead(iSam.31.i2,i3).  David  interred 
their  remains,  finally,  in  their  ancestral  sepul- 
chre at  Zelah  in  Benjamin  (2Sam.2i.14). — 3. 
The  Jewish  name  of  St.  Paul.  The  best  con- 
jecture as  to  the  double  name  is  that  Paulus 
was  the  apostle's  Roman  name  as  a  citizen  of 
Tarsus,  naturally  adopted  into  common  use 
by  his  biographer  when  his  labours  among  the 
heathen  commenced  (.'\c.i3.9).  [a.w.s.] 

Sav'aran,  an  erroneous  form  of  the  title 
Avaran,  borne  bv  Eleazar,  8  (iMac.6.43). 

Savi'as  (iEsd'.8.2)  =  Uzzi,  i. 

Savioup.  (Five  articles  are  closely  con- 
nected and  by  the  same  writer.  Saviour  and 
Salvation  deal  with  the  divine  part  in  man's 
restoration  ;  Repentance,  Faith,  Conver- 
sion with  the  part  of  man.)  The  name  Saviour, 
to  which  (cf.  Mt.l.2i)  Jesus  is  equivalent,  was 
the  human  name  of  the  Christ.  The  name  de- 
fines the  mission,  "  to  save  His  people  from 
their  sins."  We  must  be  careful  not  to  limit 
the  wide  significance  of  the  word,  which  in  Heb. 
is  used  of  recovery  from  sickness,  protection, 
assistance,  deliverance,  and  the  result  of  such 
relief  in  happiness  and  security.  The  name 
"  saviours  "  is  applied  to  the  judges,  and  to 
the  deliverer  of  the  people  from  the  Syrian 
yoke  (2K.I3.5).  It  was  frequently  included 
in  Jewish  names  as  a  word  of  good  omen, 
e.R.  Joshua  (Gk.  Jesus),  Hoshea,  Ishi,  Isaiah. 
The  word  was  raised  by  the  prophets  from 
a  temporal  to  a  spiritual  meaning,  and  ap- 
plied to  God  Himself  (Is.45.2i,  "  A  just 
God  and  a  Saviour").  We  must  be  careful  not 
to  insert  a  but,  as  if  it  were  part  of  salvation 
to  deliver  from  the  justice  of  God.  So  far 
from  this,  God  saves  by  and  to  righteousness. 
In  many  passages  of  Isaiah  righteousness  and 
salvation  are  equivalent,  and  the  "  robe  of 
righteousness  "  is  the  "  garment  of  salvation  " 
(cf.  Is.61.io).  The  same  spiritual  meaning  is 
constant  in  the  Psalms.  The  term  Saviour  is 
also  connected  with  God  or  Redeemer  (cf.  Is. 41. 
14,60.16).  Thus  the  word  Saviour  as  applied 
to  Christ  must  be  taken  in  a  wide  sense,  as  in- 
cluding both  the  remission  of  sins  and  all  other 
benefits  of  Christ's  passion,  and,  not  only  this. 


SAW 

but  of  His  teaching,  example,  and  church. 
When  there  is  any  distinction  made  between 
Jesus  and  Christ,  theformerrefersto  the  person, 
the  latter  to  the  office.  The  name  of  J  esus  was 
in  common  use  among  the  Jews,  but  found  its 
full  meaning  only  in  the  Saviour.  [m.s.] 

Sa'W.  In  ancient  Egyptian  saws,  as  in 
modern  Oriental  saws,  the  teeth  usually  incline 
towards  the  handle,  instead  of  away  from  it  like 
ours.  They  have,  in  most  cases,  bronze  blades, 
apparently  attached  to  the  handles  by  leathern 
thongs ;  but  some  of  those  in  the  British  Mu- 
seimi  have  blades  let  into  handles,  as  our  knives 
have.  A  double-handed  iron  saw  has  been 
found  at  Nimriid.  No  evidence  exists  of  the 
use  of  the  saw  applied  to  stone  in  Egypt,  but 
we  read  of  sawn  stones  used  in  the  temple  (iK. 
7.9).  Thesaws  "  under,"  or  "in,"  which  David 
is  said  to  have  placed  his  captives  were  of  iron. 

Scape-g-oat.  [Atonement,  Day  of  ; 
Demon.] 

Seaplet.     [Colours.] 

Sceptre.  The  original  of  the  sceptre  was 
the  short  club,  with  bulging  head,  used  by 
shepherds  for  purposes  of  defence  and  regarded 
as  characteristic  of  the  shepherd's  life  (Lev. 27. 
32 ;  A.V.  rod) ;  while  he,  defending  his  flock 
by  its  means,  becomes  a  figure  of  God's  defence 
of  His  people  (Ps.23.4;  Mi. 7. 14).  Thus  it  be- 
came a  symbol  of  authority  in  general  (Judg. 
5.14,  R.V.),  and  of  the  king's  in  particular 
(Am. 1.5, 8  ;  Esth.4.ii).  The  king's  sceptre  is 
used  metaphorically  to  express  the  prerogative 
of  the  royal  tribe  of  Judah  (Gen. 49. 10),  the 
future  dignity  of  Israel  (Num.24. 17),  the  rule 
of  the  wicked,  whom  Jehovah  will  overthrow 
(Is. 14. 5),  and,  supremely,  the  rule  of  God  Him- 
self (Ps.45.6),  interpreted  in  N.T.  of  the  rule 
of  the  eternal  Son  (Heb.1.8).  [j.c.v.d.] 

Sce'va,  a  Jew  residing  at  Ephesuswhen  St. 
Paul  paid  his  second  visit  there  (Ac. 19. 14-16)  : 
father  of  seven  sons  who  were  exorcists.  He  is 
described  as  a  "  chief  priest,"  probably  a  head 
of  one  of  the  twenty-four  courses. 

Schools  of  the  Prophets.  The  ex- 
pression is  not  found  in  the  Bible — in  fact,  the 
word  school  is  not  in  O.T.  at  all.  The  idea 
arose  from  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  interpret- 
ing Naioth  (iSam.l9.i8ff.)  as  house  of  learn- 
ing, which  in  later  time  was  the  equivalent  of 
school.  This  interpretation,  however,  is  very 
doubtful.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Samuel 
founded  schools  of  the  prophets,  but  that  there 
were  communities  or  guilds  of  prophets  is 
certain.  They  are  first  mentioned  10. 5,  and 
existed  at  Ramah  (I9.19),  Bethel  (2K.2.3), 
Jericho  (2.5),  Gilgal  (4.38),  and  in  a  place  un- 
known (6.1).  Between  Samuel  and  Elijah 
these  "  sons  "  of  the  prophets  are  not  men- 
tioned, which  does  not  warrant  us  in  thinking 
that  they  did  not  exist,  for  in  Elisha's  time 
they  were  flourishing,  and  looked  upon  that 
prophet  as  their  master,  as  Samuel  had  been 
treated  before.  There  were  married  men 
amongst  them  (2K.4.1).  No  doubt  they  were 
associations  for  the  purposes  of  worship  and 
learning,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  they 
took  part  in  teaching.  They  were  evidently  in 
existence  in  the  time  of  Amos  (7.14).  Some 
modern  criticism  has  seen  in  these  "schools" 
a  body  of  men  to  whom  the  editing,  orjeven 
writing,  of  many  of  the  books  of  O.T.  might  be 


SCRIBE 


793 


attributed.  The  question  as  to  how  far  there 
may  be  any  truth  in  this  conjecture  is  dis- 
cussed under  the  books  concerned.  [b.r.] 
Science  (iTim.6.20).  [Gnosticism.] 
Scorpion  (Heb.  'aqrdbh).  Scorpions  are 
twice  mentioned  in  O.T.  (Deut.8.15  ;  Ezk.2.6), 
and  four  times  in  N.T.  (Lu.lO.19,11.12  ; 
Rev.9.3,10) ;  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  being 
alluded  to  as  the  resort  of  scorpions  at  the 
time  of  the  Exodus,  as  it  also  is  at  the  present 
day.  Scorpions,  of  which  several  species 
inhabit  Palestine,  are  generally  found  in  dry 
and  dark  places,  under  stones  and  in  ruins, 
chiefly  in  warm  climates.  They  are  car- 
nivorous, and  move  in  a  threatening  attitude 


A  SCORPION. 

with  the  tail  elevated.  The  sting,  situated  at 
the  extremity  of  the  tail,  has  at  its  base  a 
gland  secreting  a  poisonous  fluid,  which  is 
discharged  into  the  wound  through  two  ori- 
fices; and  often  occasions  much  suffering, 
and  sometimes  alarming  symptoms.  The 
"scorpions"  of  iK.12.ri,i4  and  2Chr.lO.11, 
14  indicate  some  instrument  of  scourging 
— unless  indeed  the  expression  is  allegorical. 
Celsius  believed  the  "  scorpion  "  scourge  to 
be  the  spiny  stem  of  the  egg-plant  (Solanum 
melongena  eaculenta),  known  to  the  Arabs 
as  hedeq.  Scorpions  are  not  insects,  but 
relatives  of  spiders,  with  which  they  con- 
stitute the  class  Arachnida.  [r.l.] 

Scourg-ing*.     [Crimes.] 

Scpeech-ow/^1.     [Owl.] 

Scpibe.  A.  Older  use  of  the  word.  (1)  sopher 
(the  usual  word),  lit.  writer  or  perhaps  «««»««>•«- 
tor,  standsin  Judg.5.i4(c/.  Je.52.25  =  2K.25.i9; 
2Chr.26.11)  for  a  high  military  functionary,  per- 
haps a  muster-officer  (R.V.  marshal,  scribe).  It 
also  denotes  a  royal  officer  or  minister,  distinct 
from  the  recorder  or  chronicler,  probably  the 
chief  secretary  of  state  (2Sam. 8. 17  =  20.25  =  1 
Chr.l8.i6;  2K.18.i8,37  =  Is.36.3,22  ;  2K.I9.2 
=  Is.37.2;  Je. 36.10,12, 20,21, 37. 15, 20),  who  also 
acted  at  times  as  chancellor  of  the  exchequer, 
and  chief  paymaster  (2K.12.io,ii  =  2Chr.24. 
II  ;  2K.22.3ff.  =  2Chr.34.i5ff.),  and  was  some- 
times a  Levite  (iChr.24.6).  Solomon's  great 
empire  required  two  such  officers  (iK.4.3). 
In  Esther,  sopher  stands  for  the  secretaries  of 
the  Persian  king  (3.12,8.9).  (2)  shofer  (also  a 
frequent  word),  lit.  writer,  or  possibly  organizer, 
arranger  (R.V.  officer,  overseer),  is  a  term  for 


794 


SCRIBE 


any  minor  official — judicial,  civil,  military,  or 
industrial  (Ex. 5.14  ;  Jos.l.io,3.2  ;  Deut.l.15  ; 
iChr.27.i ;  2Chr.l9.ii, 34.13,  etc.).  (3)  (iphsdr, 
lit.  tablet-master,  scribe  (R.V.  marshal,  scribe), 
occurs  only  Je.5i.27  ;  Na.3.17  (see  R.V. 
marg.).  {4)  harlom,  lit.  engraver,  writer  {R.V. 
magician,  sacred  scribe;  only  pi.),  is  used  of 
the  magicians  or  wise  men  of  Egypt  (Gen. 41. 
8;  Ex.8.3ff.,9.ii),  and  of  Babylon  (Dan.2.2). 
For  another  derivation  of  this  word,  see 
Semitic  Languages. — B.  Later  use.  After 
the  Captivity  sopher  almost  always  denotes 
a  professional  student  of  Holy  Scripture, 
especially  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  The  Gk.  equi- 
valents are  ypa/x/xaTei's,  "  scribe  "  (67  times  in 
N.T.),  vofUKdi,  "lawyer"  (10 times),  i>o/xoSi5da- 
Ka\os,  "  doctor  of  the  law  "  (3  times),  and 
once  simply  5(5d<rA-aXoy,  "doctor,"  "teacher" 
(Lu.2.46).  Josephus  also  uses  'i€poypa/j./j.aT€ijs, 
"  sacred  scribe,"  (TocpLcrTrjs,  "  learned  man," 
"rhetorician,"  and  i^TiyrjTris  tQv  Trarpiwv  vdfxwv, 
"  interpreter  of  the  ancestral  laws."  "The 
wise  "  (hdkhdmim)  of  the  Wisdom  literature 
(Pr.l.6,22.17  ;  Ec.9.17,  etc.)  may  perhaps  be 
scribes,  but  more  probably  their  early  prede- 
cessors, not  yet  entirely  devoted  to  legalism. 
Scribes  were  addressed  respectfully  as  rabh, 
"  master,"  or  rabbi  {pa^^d),  "  my  master  "  (16 
times  in  N.T.,  also  frequently  in  translation  as 
diSdffKaXe,  Kvpte,  iwiarTCLTa),  which  title  even 
the  scribes  accorded  by  courtesy  to  our  Lord 
(Mt.12.38,  etc.),  Who  was  generally  regarded 
as  a  rabbi  with  a  school  of  pupils.  The  Ara- 
maic equivalent,  rabbon  or  rabboni  (pa^'/iovvel), 
also  occurs  (Mk.10.5 1,  see  R.V. ;  Jn.20.i6).  The 
scribes  in  our  Lord's  time  were  greedy  of  titles 
of  honour,  and  sought  and  received  the  honour- 
able designations  of  abba  =  Trarrip,  "  father," 
and  morS  =  Ka0rjyr)Trjs,  "  teacher,"  "  guide  " 
(Mt. 23.9, 10).  Already  in  N.T.  times,  or  a 
little  later,  rabh,  rabbi,  and  rabbon  were  pre- 
fixed as  titles  to  scribes'  names  (Rabbi  Zadok, 
Rabban  Gamahel,  etc.),  and  a  distinction  was 
drawn  among  them  :  "  greater  than  rabh  is 
rabbi,  and  greater  than  rabbt  is  rabbdn 
(rabbon)."  The  Mishna  (200  a.d.)  generally 
calls  the  ancient  scribes  soph^rim,  but  those  of 
its  own  age  hdkhdmim,  "  the  wise."  (i)  History. 
The  transformation  of  the  O.T.  rehgion  into 
orthodox  legal  Judaism,  a  process  which,  be- 
ginning with  the  Captivity  (586-538  B.C.)  or  a 
little  earlier  (cf.  Je.8.6),  received  an  enormous 
impetus  from  the  labours  of  Ezra  (458)  and 
Nehemiah  (445),  and  was  finally  consum- 
mated in  the  age  of  the  Maccabees  (175-135), 
when  the  nation,  rising  in  arms  against  a 
persecuting  paganism  allied  with  an  aposta- 
tizing aristocracy,  became  inspired  with  an 
inflexible  and  fanatical  enthusiasm  for  the 
letter  of  the  ceremonial  law,  was  mainly  the 
work  of  the  scribes,  an  organized  body  of 
professional  students  of  the  law,  who,  when 
prophecy  failed,  gradually  established  them- 
selves first  as  the  accredited  teachers,  and 
afterwards  as  the  real  rulers  of  the  nation. 
To  them,  and  not  to  their  predecessors  the 
I)rf>phets,  our  Lord  alhides  when  He  says,  "  All 
that  came  before  Me  are  thieves  and  robbers  " 
(In. 10. 8).  Siding  in  the  Hasmonaean  age  with 
the  Assideaiis  (Heb.  hdsldhlm,  lit.  pious  ones, 
cf.  Ps.l49.i,5,9,  etc.),  a  zealous  sect  of  "  mighty 


SCRIBE 

men  who  offered  themselves  willingly  for  the 
law"  (iMac.2.42,7.13  ;  2Mac.l4.6),  and  sharing 
with  them  the  glories  of  death  and  martyrdom 
(see  the  account  in  2Mac.6.i8ff.  of  the  torture 
and  death  of  Eleazar,  "  one  of  the  principal 
scribes  "),  they  formed,  after  the  foundation 
of  the  Hasmonaean  state,  an  intimate  and 
enduring  alliance  with  the  rising  party  of  the 
Pharisees,  who,  inheriting  the  inflexible 
principles  of  the  Assideans,  acquired  in  the 
reign  of  John  Hyrcanus  (135-105)  their  dis- 
tinctive name  {p'riishim,  or  p'rishin,  ^apiaaioi, 
"  separated  ones ").  [Pharisees.]  Perse- 
cuted by  him  in  his  later  years,  and  also  by  his 
son  and  successor  Alexander  Jannaeus(i04-78), 
who  favoured  the  Sadducees,  they  triumphed 
with  the  Pharisees  under  his  widow  and  suc- 
cessor Salome  Alexandra  (78-69).  "  She  had 
indeed,"  remarks  Josephus,  "  the  name  of 
queen,  but  the  Pharisees  had  all  the  authority  " 
(13  Ant.  xvi.  i).  The  leading  scribes  in  the 
Sanhedrin  formed,  until  the  extinction  of  the 
Jewish  state  (70  a.d.),  a  distinct  and  most 
influential  class  alongside  the  chief  priests 
and  elders  (c/.  Mt. 2.4,16.21, 20.18,26.57  ;  Ac. 
4.5,23.9).  As  the  recognized  spiritual  guides 
of  the  all-powerful  Pharisees,  their  influence 
over  the  nation  was  almost  unlimited.  Only 
a  very  few  of  them  adhered  to  the  Sad- 
ducees or  were  neutral  (Mk.2.i6;  Lu.5.30; 
Ac.  23. 9).  Priests  and  Sanhedrin  obediently 
adopted  the  decisions  of  the  scribes,  who, 
when  the  Sanhedrin  fell,  became  in  name  as 
well  as  in  fact  the  supreme  rulers  of  the  nation. 
Of  individual  scribes  before  our  Lord's  time  we 
know  but  little.  The  first  known  name  is 
Ezra,  though  he  seems  to  have  had  prede- 
cessors, whom  Jeremiah  denounces  quite  in 
the  N.T.  manner  for  falsifving  and  evading  the 
law  (Je.8.6fT.,  R.V.).  Ezra  is  "  the  priest,  the 
scribe,  even  the  scribe  of  the  words  of  the  com- 
mandments of  the  Lord,  and  of  His  statutes 
to  Israel  "  (Ezr.T.ii)  ;  and  "  a  ready  scribe  in 
the  law  of  Moses,  which  the  Lord  the  God  of 
Israel  had  given  "  (7.6).  Already  "  scribe  " 
was  a  technical  word,  used  as  a  title  in  formal 
legal  documents  (7. 11, 21).  The  reading  of  the 
law  by  Ezra,  and  its  acceptance  by  the  people, 
444  B.C.  (Ne.Sff.),  marks  an  epoch.  From  this 
time,  for  an  Israelite,  religion  meant  not  so 
much  spiritual  communion  with  God  (the 
ideal  of  the  prophets),  as  a  legally  correct  walk 
before  Him  (the  ideal  of  the  scribes).  The 
ceremonial  law  was  regarded  as  God's  greatest 
gift  to  Israel,  and  to  obey  its  every  precept, 
down  to  the  minutest  detail  of  ritual  observ- 
ance, was  the  whole  duty  of  man.  In  such  an 
atmosphere  of  formalism  and  legalism  did 
scribism  originate,  develop,  and  mature.  The 
early  scribes,  such  as  Ezra  (Ezr.7.ii),  Zadok 
(Ne.i3.13),  and  Simon  the  Just,  300  b.c.  (see 
Ecclus.50),  were  priests,  but  soon  after  the 
last  date  the  scribes  were  clearly  differentiated 
from  the  priesthood  as  a  body  of  professional, 
but  lay  scholars,  who  claimed  the  exclusive 
right,  even  as  against  its  original  guardians 
the  priesthood,  to  interpret  the  Mosaic  law. 
Henceforward  a  priest,  unless  he  was  also  a 
scribe,  was  not  an  accredited  teacher  of 
religion.  So  far  the  O.T..  Apocrypha,  and 
Josephus.  Additional  facts  (unfortunately 
contaminated  by  fiction)  may  be  gleaned  from 


SCRIBE 

the  Mishna  (200  a.d.).  The  Mishna  char- 
acteristically represents  Moses  as  the  first 
scribe.  He  delivers  the  scribal  traditions  to 
Joshua,  Joshua  to  the  elders,  the  elders  to  the 
prophets,  and  the  prophets  to  "  the  men  of  the 
Great  Synagogue,"  by  which  unhistorical  title 
it  collectively  designates  the  succession  of 
scribes  from  Ezra  (444  b.c.)  to  Simon  the  Just 
(300  B.C.).  [The  existence  of  "  the  Great 
Synagogue  "  as  an  actual  organization  is  now 
disbelieved ;  but  see  Synagogue,  Great.]  The 
Great  Synagogue  (says  the  Mishna)  laid  down 
these  rules :  Be  careful  in  pronouncing 
judgment  ;  bring  up  many  pupils,  and  make  a 
fence  about  the  law.  Simon  the  Just  said: 
"  The  world  subsists  by  three  things  :  by  the 
Law,  the  worship  of  God,  and  benevolence," 
and  delivered  the  tradition  to  Antigonus  of 
Socho,  he  to  Joses  ben  Joeser  of  Zereda  and 
J  OSes  ben  Johanan  of  Jerusalem  ;  they  to 
Joshua  ben  Perachiah  and  Nithai  of  Arbela  ; 
they  to  Judah  ben  Tabbai  and  Simon  ben 
Shetach  ;  they  to  Shemaiah  and  AbtaUon 
(perhaps  the  Sameas  and  Pollio  of  Josephus, 
15  Ant.  ix.  4,  etc.)  ;  they  to  Hillel  (the  elder) 
and  Shammai.  These  two  flourished  in  the 
reign  of  Herod  the  Great  (37-4  B.C.)  and 
founded  important  and  opposing  schools. 
Hillel,  a  mild  and  amiable  man,  was  inclined 
to  mitigate  the  strictness  of  the  law ;  Shammai, 
a  man  of  rigid  temper,  to  aggravate  it.  Hillel 
had  emigrated  from  Babylon  to  Palestine, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  descended  from  David. 
He  was  so  poor  that  he  was  obliged  to  hire 
himself  out  as  a  day-labourer,  to  defray  the 
cost  of  his  education  at  the  Rabbinical 
schools.  His  mitigating  interpretation  of  the 
law  is  well  illustrated  by  his  important  de- 
cision that  Deut.l5.i-ii,  which  requires  a 
release  of  all  debts  every  seventh  year,  should, 
on  account  of  its  great  inconvenience,  be 
evaded  by  a  characteristic  scribal  artifice  {cf. 
Mk.7.11).  The  questions  disputed  between 
the  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai  were  for  the 
most  part  trivial — e.g.  whether  an  egg  laid  upon 
the  sabbath  day  might  be  eaten,  or  whether 
it  was  necessary  to  sew  a  fringe  upon  a  night- 
gown ;  but  there  is  one  which  is  important 
both  intrinsically  and  because  our  Lord's 
opinion  was  asked  about  it  (Mt.i9.3ff.).  The 
laxer  school  of  Hillel  ruled  that  a  man  might 
put  away  his  wife  for  every  cause^e.g.  even  if 
she  only  spoilt  his  dinner  ;  the  stricter  school 
of  Shammai  permitted  it  only  for  adultery. 
One  of  Hillel's  maxims  was,  "  Be  a  disciple  of 
Aaron,  a  lover  and  maker  of  peace  ;  love  men, 
and  attract  them  to  the  law."  The  next 
great  scribe,  Gamahel  L  (Rabban  Gamaliel 
the  elder)  was  St.  Paul's  teacher  (Ac. 22. 3). 
His  reputation  and  influence  were  immense. 
"  Since  Rabban  Gamaliel  the  elder  died," 
says  the  Mishna,  "  there  has  been  no  more 
reverence  for  the  law  ;  and  puxity  and  ab- 
stinence died  out  at  the  same  time."  His 
moderation  and  commanding  personaUty  are 
well  illustrated  in  Ac.5. 34-40.  His  son  Simon 
was  also  a  famous  scribe.  He  lived  at  the 
time  of  the  Jewish  war  (Josephus,  4  Wars 
iii.  9).  After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (70  a.d.), 
the  headquarters  of  the  scribes  were  trans- 
ferred to  Jamnia  (Jabneh),  Tiberias  and  Lydda 
being     subordinate     centres.       During     the 


SCRIBE 


795 


2nd  cent.  a.d.  the  traditions  of  the  scribes, 
previously  transmitted  only  orally,  were 
written  down  and  collected  in  the  Mishna 
(180-200  A.D.).  The  Mishna,  though  urureli- 
able  for  the  earUest  period,  is  a  thoroughly 
trustworthy  authority  for  the  time  of  Christ. 
The  later  scribal  compilations  (the  Jerusalem 
Talmud,  4th  cent.,  and  the  Babylonian  Tal- 
mud, 5th  cent.)  contain  more  legendary 
matter,  and  require  to  be  used  with  greater 
caution,  (ii)  Functions.  The  functions  of  the 
scribes  were  three  :  (i)  to  interpret  and  de- 
velop the  law;  (2)  to  train  students  of  the 
law;  (3)  to  act  as  judges,  (i)  In  strict  theory 
the  written  law  (Torah)  was  exalted  as 
supreme,  and  the  scribes'  whole  duty  was  to 
interpret  it.  This  process,  called  midhrdsh, 
from  ddrash,  "  to  seek,"  "  consult,"  involved 
not  only  the  fixing  of  the  meaning  of  each  pre- 
cept of  the  Torah,  and  the  explanation  of  all 
apparent  discrepancies,  but  also  the  drawing 
of  all  possible  inferences  from  it ;  and  inas- 
much as  these  inferences  were  often  of  a  very 
arbitrary  kind,  the  scribes  became  in  fact,  if  not 
in  intention,  legislators.  They  also  consciously 
legislated.  To  prevent  aU  danger  of  a  breach 
of  the  letter  of  the  Torah,  they  "  made  a  fence 
round  the  law,"  i.e.  they  forbade  all  actions 
which  in  their  opinion  could  possibly  lead  to 
inadvertent  transgression.  They  also  legis- 
lated, when  they  declared  (as  they  frequently 
did)  a  prevailing  custom  or  tradition  to  be 
binding.  The  scribal  traditions  were  numer- 
ous, intricate,  puerile,  and  burdensome  (Mk.7 ; 
Mt.23;  cf.  Ac.15.io).  About  fifty  of  them 
were  supposed  to  be  Mosaic,  but  the  great  bulk 
were  admitted  to  be  only  dibhrS  soph^rim, 
"  ordinances  of  scribes."  Yet  even  these  they 
declared  to  be  as  important  as,  or  more  im- 
portant than,  the  letter  of  the  Torah — "  An 
offence  against  the  sayings  of  the  scribes  is 
worse  than  one  against  Scripture  "  ;  "  The 
sayings  of  the  elders  have  more  weight  than 
those  of  the  prophets."  Ordinances  which 
the  scribes  regarded  as  binding  were  called 
hdldkhd  (lit.  walk,  custom),  hdldkhd  em- 
braced (a)  the  letter  of  the  Torah,  (b)  the 
scribes'  interpretations  [midhrdshim)  thereof, 
(c)  the  scribes'  customs  and  traditions. 
Whether  a  midhrdsh  or  a  tradition  was  binding 
was  decided  by  a  majority  of  scribes,  and  de- 
cisions were,  as  a  rule,  unalterable.  Those 
scribal  interpretations  of  Scripture  which  were 
not  binding  were  called  haggddhd  or  'dghddhd, 
"  narrative,"  "  story,"  from  higgidh,  "  to  tell." 
haggddhd  attached  itself  mainly  to  the  narra- 
tive portions  of  O.T.  The  books  of  Chronicles 
are  a  scribal  midhrdsh  or  recension  of  the  earlier 
books  of  Kings  (2Chr.24.27).  In  these  the 
haggadic  element  is  kept  within  moderate  and 
edifying  limits.  But  haggddhd  was  frequently 
extravagant  and  unedifying.  The  stories  of 
the  Creation  and  of  the  patriarchs  and  heroes 
of  the  O.T.  were  often  spoiled  by  puerile  and 
superstitious  additions.  For  examples  of 
haggddhd  in  the  N.T.  see  Ac. 7.22, 53  ;  Gal.4. 
22ff. ;  iCor.10.4;  2Tim.3.8;  Heb.ll.37.  [Tal- 
mud.] (2)  In  their  "  houses  of  teaching  "  the 
scribes  assembled  young  men,  called  "  disciples 
of  the  wise,"  whom  they  trained  in  the  oral  and 
written  law.  The  teacher  sat  on  a  raised 
platform,  and  the  pupils  sat  on  the  ground  at 


796 


SCRIP 


his  feet  {cf.  Ac. 22. 3).  The  teaching  was  in 
theory  gratuitous,  the  teacher  maintaining 
himself  by  some  trade,  but  there  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  substantial  fees  were 
often  exacted.  The  chief  qualification  of  a 
pupil  was  a  retentive  memory.  He  was  to  be 
"  like  a  well  lined  with  cement,  which  loses 
not  one  drop."  The  scribe  recited  the  exact 
words  of  his  own  teacher,  and  his  pupils  re- 
peated them  after  him  until  they  knew  them 
by  heart.  When  fully  trained,  the  pupils 
were  solemnly  ordained  with  laying  on  of 
hands  (s'mikhd)  in  the  presence  of  at  least 
three  scribes.  The  Sanhedrin  was  recruited 
from  the  most  promising  pupils  of  the  scribes. 
(3)  Laymen  could  be  judges,  but  the  profes- 
sional training  of  the  scribes  specially  fitted 
them  for  the  exercise  of  this  office,  both  in  the 
supreme  Sanhedrin  at  Jerusalem  and  in  those 
of  the  local  synagogues.  Judicial  work  was 
unpaid,  (iii)  Our  Lord's  attitude  towards  the 
scribes,  which  was  unfavourable,  may  be 
gathered  from  Mt.5.20,15.iff.,23 ;  Mk.7  and 
parallels,  I2.38  ;  Lu. 11. 43, 20.46,47.  In  Mt. 
13.52,23.34,  He  uses  the  word,  in  a  good 
sense,  of  Christian  teachers.  The  Mishna, 
ed.  Surenhusius  (contains  Lat.  trans.) ;  Eder- 
sheim,  Life  and  Times  of  J.  the  Messiah  ; 
Schiirer,  History  of  the  Jewish  People  ;  Taylor, 
Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers  ;  The  Jewish 
Encycl.  ;  Weber,  Jild.  Theologie  auf  Grund 
des  Talmud.  [c.h.] 

Scpip  (yalquO,  used  in  1Sam.i7.40  as  a 
synonym  for  the  bag  in  which  the  shepherds  of 
Palestine  carried  their  food  or  other  neces- 
saries. The  scrip  of  the  Galilean  peasants  was 
of  leather,  used  especially  to  carry  their  food 
on  a  journev,  and  slung  over  their  shoulders 
(Mt.lO.io;  Mk.6.8  ;  Lu.9.3,22.35).  The  Eng- 
lish word  "  scrip  "  is  probably  connected  with 
scrape,  scrap,  and  was  used  in  like  manner  for 
articles  of  food  ;  it  is  thus  an  extremely  close 
equivalent  for  the  Heb.,  which  means  "  col- 
lection." 

Scriptupe,  Holy.  This  phrase  in  its  mo- 
dern sense  is  hardly  represented  in  the  earlier 
books  of  O.T.,  and  only  in  late  writings  do  we 
come  to  the  equivalent  phrase,  "  As  it  is 
written"  (e.g.  2Chr.30.5,i8).  This  is  in  ac- 
cordance with  what  we  should  expect  before 
the  formation  of  a  Canon.  The  Heb.  parallel 
k'thUbhim  {writings)  was  confined  by  later  Jews 
to  one  particular  portion  (the  Hagiocrapha) 
[Canon  of  O.T.]  ;  hence  miqrd  (reading ;  cf. 
Ne.8.8)  became  the  general  collective  term, 
and  equivalent  to  the  ypa<f>al  of  N.T.  usage, 
which  is  constantly  used  with  a  sense  of 
authority  and  sacredness  (cf.,  e.g.,  Mk.i2.24, 
14.49;  Lu. 24.27,32  ;  Jn. 5. 39,10.35  ;  Ro. 1.2,16. 
2&  ;  2Tim.3.i5,i6,  besides  many  citations  of 
O.T.  passages  as  "  scripture  "),  and  is  applied 
in  N.T.  to  all  the  several  Jewish  divisions  of 
O.T.,  and  in  2I'q.3.i6  even  already  includes  the 
epistles  of  St.  Paul,  (i)  A  religion  is,  strictly 
speaking,  a  practice.  In  the  art.  Revklation 
we  have  shown  that  there  are  two  distinct 
types.  Those  classed  as  heathen  represent 
the  various  notions  evolved  by  generalization 
from  the  common  experience  of  nature  and  of 
men's  own  lives,  of  which,  therefore,  they  are 
only  a  reflection.  Judaism  and  Christianity 
are  based  upon  a  revelation  of  God  Himself, 


SCRIPTURE,  HOLY 

given  in  the  jihenomenal  facts  which  belong 
to  a  personal  lYesence.  The  distinctive 
character  which  ensues  only  becomes  per- 
manent through  the  embodiment  of  those 
phenomenal  facts  in  a  fixed  form  or  record, 
which  thus  constitutes  a  secondary  basis  for 
other  than  the  original  observers.  The  "word 
of  God"  uttered  in  the  ages  (Heb.l.i)  is  set 
before  us  in  Scripture.  The  myths  of  heathen- 
ism are  after-thoughts,  attempts  to  make 
fiction  (which  is  the  expression  of  our  notions) 
do  duty  for  the  missing  facts  (which  are  the 
basis  whence  notions  should  be  derived).  The 
narratives  of  Scripture  are  fundamental.  Yet, 
however  far  we  may  be  carrying  it,  we  are  not 
the  discoverers  but  the  heirs  also  of  that  teach- 
ing, which  was  learnt  and  taught  as  the  sub- 
stantial meaning  involved  in  those  facts  from 
the  beginning.  (2)  Holy  Scripture  is,  therefore, 
mainly  composed  of  three  parts  ;  (i)  a  narra- 
tive presentation  of  the  fundamental  facts  in 
which  the  Revelation  consists  ;  (ii)  some  state- 
ment of  the  principles  involved  ;  (iii)  a  narra- 
tive of  the  way  in  which  men  partly  deve- 
loped, partly  were  led  to,  an  appreciation  of 
those  principles.  In  N.T.  the  presentation  is 
contained  in  one  well-defined  group  of  events, 
the  salient  features  of  which  were  almost  at 
once  arranged  in  an  authoritative  form.  It  is 
noteworthy  that  the  matter  common  to  the 
Synoptists,  whether  derived  from  a  written  or 
oral  tradition,  consisted  mainly  of  incidents, 
mostly  of  a  miraculous  character.  On  the 
other  hand,  although  no  doubt  some  develop- 
ment of  ideas  can  be  traced  in  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  the  gradual  understanding  of  the  full 
significance  and  application  of  the  facts  is 
shown  in  Acts.  In  O.T.,  however,  there  is  no 
one  group,  but  a  series,  of  fundamental  facts, 
not  themselves  developed  or  evolved,  but 
graduated  according  to  the  development  or 
evolution  of  ideas  which  went  on  concurrently 
with  the  events.  Even  with  the  admitted  facts, 
it  was  as  hard  as  it  is  to-day  to  get  people  to 
realize  that  the  Unseen  is  more  than  their  own 
abstraction  of  nature  as  they  see  it,  or  of  inner 
experience  as  they  feel  it.  It  follows,  therefore, 
all  three  elements  arc  intermingled,  though  they 
must  not  be  confused.  The  results  are  such  as 
could  only  have  rested  on  an  objective,  not  an 
imaginative,  revelation  ;  given  in  things  that 
happened,  not  in  notions  to  which  supposititious 
facts  were  fitted.  In  the  long  course  of  the 
intellectual  dc\elopment  of  a  people,  stories 
may  be  transferred  from  the  conunon  legend- 
ary or  mythical  stock,  or  true  incidents  deve- 
loped by  legend,  or  the  precise  historical 
placing  lost  ;  but  all  this  affects  rather  the 
appreciation  than  the  main  substance  of 
what  is  fundamental.  The  elements  which 
seem  incongruous  to  a  mind  accustomed 
to  exact  criticism  are  those  which  a  quite 
valid  narrative  would  attract  to  itself  under 
the  circumstances.  No  student  could  under- 
stand the  Europe  of  the  19th  cent,  without 
some  account  of  the  main  facts  about  the 
historic  Napoleon,  but  the  account  would  be 
gravely  defective  if  it  did  not  include  a  good 
deal  about  the  Napoleonic  legend.  We  should 
expect  to  have  the  two  elements  formally  dis- 
tinguished, but  it  is  not  really  necessary  for 
the  purpose.     The  presence  of  possible  legend 


SCRIPTURE,  HOLY 

in  the  history  of  Moses  does  not  concern  us 
here,  for  the  subject  of  the  Pentateuch  is  not 
the  revelation  of  Moses  but  of  God.  (3)  The 
word  "  inspiration  "  in  regard  to  Scripture  must 
bear  the  generic  meaning  it  has  in  all  other 
correct  uses,  but  it  has  also  a  specific  meaning. 
The  personal  presence  of  God  in  Christ,  in 
the  miracle,  in  the  sacrament,  His  voice  in 
Scripture,  are  given  that  His  presence  in  every 
man,  in  the  whole  world,  in  every  action,  in 
every  true  word  uttered,  may  be  more  than  a 
vague  sentiment ;  they  are  the  very  means 
by  which  abstract  belief  becomes  knowledge, 
by  which,  in  short,  "  we  may  know  Him  in 
Whom  we  have  believed."  On  its  own  show- 
ing, the  controversy  of  verbal  and  plenary 
inspiration  seems  futile.  Does  any  sane  critic 
discuss  whether  the  inspiration  of  Hamlet  was 
in  Shakespeare  or  in  the  play  ?  Even  in  our 
own  efforts  to  think,  observation  and  reflection 
prepare  materials  ;  by  deduction  we  follow 
out,  test,  and  apply  ideas  ;  but  the  latter  are 
not  themselves  results  of  any  logical  process. 
If  original,  we  can  only  say,  "  They  came  as  an 
inspiration  "  ;  and  of  expression  that  it  is  a 
"  gift."  These  are  not  separate  ;  for  what  a 
man  expresses  is  the  idea  he  has  perceived. 
This  must  not,  however,  blind  us  to  the  great 
fact  that  an  inspiration  is  often  curiously 
limited  to  the  one  thing  given,  so  that  a  man 
may  be  ignorant  of  all  else,  and  even  stupidly 
indifferent  to  its  significance.  In  any  case,  his 
meaning  can  never  be  rightly  limited  to  what 
he  would  himself  recognize  as  such  at  the  time. 
The  true  meaning  is  what  God  means  by  it. 

(4)  The  validity  of  any  narrative  must  be  tested 
not  by  its  mechanical  accuracy,  which  may  be 
quite  misleading,  but  by  such  essential  truth 
that  our  inferences  in  all  matters  concerning 
its  proper  purpose  may  be  drawn  with  confi- 
dence. The  divine  guidance  appears  in  the 
wisdom  with  which  what  is  thus  necessary  is 
selected  and  set  forth.  The  idea  of  inspiration 
belongs  more  properly  to  the  teaching. 
Through  the  essential  limitation  of  the  in- 
dividual mind  no  system  of  ideas  can  compre- 
hend the  infinity  of  truth.  The  prophets  and 
apostles,  however,  do  not  give  us  systems,  but 
principles,  and  they  were  content  to  insist  on 
principles  in  their  application  to  the  actual 
crises  or  questions  which  confronted  them. 
It  was  this  which  gave  their  work  perman- 
ence. The  form  of  all  questions  varies  greatly 
from  day  to  day,  but  the  substance  is  the 
same  ;  for  that  belongs  to  human  nature. 
Principles  only  appear  in  a  system  of  thought 
in  the  form  of  notions  apprehended  by  the 
mind,  and  they  change  as  the  apprehension 
does  ;  real  principles  appear  in  real  things, 
and  do  not  change,  for  they  belong  to  God. 
In  enunciating  principles  St.  Paul  has  no 
hesitation  either  in  what  he  is  saying  or  in 
his  authority  for  saying  it.  On  matters  of 
expediency  he  can  only  give  his  own  opinion. 

(5)  Finally,  therefore,  we  have  to  remember 
that  Christianity  is  not  made  up  of  doctrines ; 
it  is  a  Doctrine.  Similarly,  under  all  varie- 
ties of  appreciation  and  vision  the  Bible  is 
one  book,  prepared  of  God  for  the  presentation 
of  that  Doctrine  to  us.  Religious  faith  {i.e. 
the  worship  of  God)  is  the  first  necessity  of 
salvation    (i.e.    deliverance    from    ourselves, 


SEA 


797 


from  the  worship  of  our  own  notions  and  our 
own  moralities)  ;  but  the  only  faith  ultimately 
possible  for  all  men  is  the  worship  of  the 
Unity  in  Trinity.  It  is  thus  altogether  neces- 
sary to  such  salvation  that  a  man  believe 
rightly  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  God  and  Man,  in  Whom  alone  God  is 
made  known  and  has  joined  us  to  Himself.  To 
set  this  forth,  in  all  the  variety  by  which  the 
complexity  of  human  nature  and  need  was 
brought  to  apprehend  it,  is  the  one  object  of 
Holy  Scripture,  and  there  is  no  other  (ijn. 
1.1-3).  The  world  has  never  found,  never 
pretended  it  had  found,  an  alternative.  It 
has  only  asserted  that  it  preferred  its  own 
notions.     [Bible  ;  Canon.]  [h.h.k.] 

Scpoll.     [Book  ;  Writing  ;  Roll.] 

Seupvy.     [Medicine.] 

Seyth'ian  occurs  in  CoI.3.ii  as  a  general 
term  for  rude,  ignorant,  degraded.  The 
same  view  of  Scythian  barbarism  appears  in 
2Mac.4.47  and  sMac.T.s.  The  Scythians 
dwelt  mostly  on  the  N.  of  the  Black  Sea  and 
the  Caspian,  stretching  thence  indefinitely 
into  inner  Asia,  and  were  regarded  by  the 
ancients  as  very  uncivilized. 

Seythop'olis,  that  is  probably  "  the 
city  of  the  Scythians,"  occurs  in  A.V.  in  Jth. 
3.ro  and  2Mac.i2.29  only.  The  LXX.  renders 
Beth-shean  in  Judg.l.27  "  Baithsan  which 
is  Skuthon-polis  " ;  Josephus  (12  Ant.  viii.  5, 
1 3  A  nt.  vi.  I )  says  the  same.  This  may  refer  to 
the  invasion  recorded  by  Herodotus  (i. 103-106), 
when  the  Scythians,  after  their  occupation 
of  Media,  passed  through  Palestine  on  their 
road  to  Egypt  (c.  B.C.  620).  Scythopolis  was  a 
city  of  the  Decapolis,  the  only  one  of  the 
ten  which  lay  W.  of  Jordan.  It  became  the 
seat  of  a  Christian  bishop,  and  its  name  is 
found  in  the  lists  of  signatures  as  late  as  the 
Council  of  Constantinople  in  a.d.  536.  The 
latest  mention  of  it  under  the  title  of  Scytho- 
polis is  probably  that  of  William  of  Tyre  (xxii. 
16  and  26).  He  mentions  it  as  if  it  was  then 
actually  so  called,  explaining  that  it  was 
formerly    Beth-shean.  [c.r.c] 

Sea  (Heb.  yam,  pi.  yammim;  Gen. 1. 10). 
"  From  sea  to  sea  "  (Ps.72.8)  meant  from  the 
Red  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean.  The  word  is 
used  also  of  great  lakes  with  crocodiles 
(Job 41.32),  as  the  Arab.  Bahr  [sea)  is 
also  used.  The  O.T.  refers  often  to  the  sand 
on  the  sea  shores,  to  waves  and  billows,  and 
havens  or  harbours.  [Isle.]  In  Ac. 27. 41 
the  meeting  of  two  "  seas  "  refers  to  cross 
currents.  [Melita.]  The  Hebrews  called  the 
West  the  "  sea "  quarter,  which  sometimes 
creates  a  wrong  impression  when  a  W.  boun- 
dary parallel  to  the  Mediterranean,  not  one 
reaching  to  the  sea,  is  described.  A.V.  renders 
the  word  "  west "  in  56  passages  of  O.T. 
Thus  W.  Palestine  was  on  the  seaward  side 
of  Jordan  (Jos.S.i)  and  the  ambush  on  the  sea- 
ward side  of  Ai  (8.9).  It  should  be  so  rendered 
in  Jos. 16. 3  ("at  the  west"),  16.6  ("west  of 
MicHMETHAH  "),  16.8  ("  at  the  west "), 
18. 14  (referring  to  N.W.  corner  of  the  tribe, 
at  Beth-horon),  19. ii  ("  towards  the 
west"),  when  in  each  case  A.V.  reads  "sea." 
The  Great  Sea  (Jos. 15. 47),  or  Sea  of  the 
Philistines  (Ex. 23. 31),  is  the  Mediterranean; 
the  Salt  Sea  (Num.34.i2)  is  the  Dead  Sea ; 


798  .SEA,  FORMER  AND  HINDER 

tlie  name  is  also  applied  to  the  fresh  waters 
of  the  lake  of  Chinnereth  (Num.34.ii  ; 
Jos. 13. 27) :  it  even  applies  to  the  great 
reservoir  in  the  temple  (iK.7.23  ;  2Chr.4.i5)  ; 
but  in  Job  "  Am  I  a  sea,  or  a  whale  ?  "  (7.12) 
is  perhaps  better  rendered  "  Am  I  a  mule,  or 
a  wild  beast  ?  "  [c.r.c] 

Sea,    Fopmep  and  Hinder   (Zech.14.8; 
R.V.  eastern  and  western),  the  Salt  Sea  and 
the  Mediterranean  respectively.     Cf.  "  utmost 
sea"  (J  1.2.20;  see  Nebo),  and  Great  Sea. 
Sea,  Great.     [Great  Sea.] 
Sea,  Hindep.     [Sea,  Former.] 
Sea,  Molten.    To  replace  the  Laver  of  the 
tabernacle,  Solomon  caused  another  to  be  cast, 
which  from  its  size  was  called  a  sea.     It  was 


SUCCESTIiU  RKSrORATION  OF  THU  LAVKR.      (Keil.) 

made  partly  or  wholly  of  the  "  brass  "  (proper- 
ly, copper)  which  had  been  captured  by  David 
from  "  Tibhath  and  Chun,  cities  of  Hadarezer 
king  of  Zobah  "  (iK.7.23-26;  iChr.18.8).  Its 
dimensions  were:  height,  5  cubits;  diameter, 
10  cubits  ;  circumference,  30  cubits  ;  thick- 
ness, I  handbreadth  ;  and  it  is  said  to  have 
been  capable  of  containing  2,000  (or,  according 
to  2Chr.4.5,  3,000)  baths.  Below  the  brim  there 
was  a  double  row  of  "  knops,"  10  {i.e.  5  +  5)  in 
each  cubit.  These  were  probably  a  running 
border  or  double  fillet  of  tendrils,  and  fruits, 
said  to  be  gourds,  of  an  oval  shape.  The  brim 
itself,  or  lip,  was  wrought  "  like  the  brim  of  a 
cup,  with  flowers  of  lilies,"  i.e.  curved  out- 
wards like  a  lily  or  lotus  flower.  It  stood  on 
twelve  o.xen  looking  outwards,  three  towards 
each  quarter  of  the  heavens.  It  was  mutilated 
by  Ahaz,  who  replaced  the  o.xen  by  a  stone 
base,  and  was  finally  broken  up  by  the  Assy- 
rians (2K. 18.14,17,25. 13).  Josephus  says  that 
its  form  was  hemispherical,  and  that  it  held 
3,000  baths  ;  and  he  elsewhere  tells  us  that  the 
bath  was  equal  to  72  Attic  ^^arai,  or  i  fxerp-qTy^^. 
To  reconcile  the  contents  of  the  laver  with  its 
dimensions,  the  Jewish  writers  supposed  that 
it  had  a  square  hollow  base  for  3  cubits  of  its 
height,  and  2  cubits  of  the  circular  form  above. 
A  far  more  probable  suggestion  is  that  of  The- 
nius,  in  which  Keil  agrees,  that  it  was  of  a  bulg- 
ing ffirm  below,  but  contracted  at  the  mouth  to 
the  dimensions  named  in  iK.7.23. 

Sea  monsteps  (Lam. 4.3).     [Whale.] 
Sea     of    the     Philistines    (Ex.23.31). 
[Great  Sea.] 

Seal.  In  the  I'-ast  no  document  is  regarded 
as  authentic  without  a  seal,  and  the  use  of 
some  method  of  sealing  is  of  remote  antiquity. 
Among  those  used  in  ICgypt  at  a  very  early 
period  were  engraved  stones,  pierced  through 


SEBA 

their  length  and  hung  by  a  string  or  chain  from  ' 
the  arm  or  neck,  or  set  in  rings  for  the  finger. 
The  most  ancient  form  was  the  scarabacus, 
formed  of  precious  or  common  stone,  or  even  of 
blue  pottery  or  porcelain,  on  the  flat  side  of 
which  the  inscription  or  device  was  engraved. 
The  use  of  clay  in  sealing  is  noticed  in  Job  38. 
14,  and  the  signet-ring  in  Gen. 38. 18.  The 
Babylonians  used  cylinders  of  hard  stone  for 
sealing  a  clay  tablet,  rolling  them  over  it  before 
it  was  baked.  One  of  the  Amama  letters 
(Brit.  Mus.  58)  is  so  sealed.  Similar  cylinders 
(about  an  inch,  or  less,  in  length)  are  found  in 
Phoenicia,  and  in  the  earliest  strata  at  Lachish, 
Gezer,  etc.  The  Canaanites  thus  evidently  used 
them.  The  Gezer  examples  include  a  tablet  of 
649  B.C.  and  another  representing  the  symbols 
of  12  gods.  The  cylinder  was  inscribed  in 
cuneiform,  or  in  Phoenician  alphabetic  letters, 
with  the  owner's  name,  to  which  is  commonly 
added  a  mythological  design,  or  the  figure 
of  the  god  whose  name  the  "  writer  "  (duh- 
sar  or  "  tablet-master  ")  bore.  [Writing  ; 
Ornaments,  Personal.] 

Seal.  [Laying  on  of  Hands.] 
Seasons.  [Agriculture  ;  Rain  ;  Year.] 
Seat.  The  words  signifying  seats  in  Heb. 
do  not  throw  much  light  upon  the  subject. 
The  poorer  people  of  the  J  ews  were  accustomed 
to  squat  upon  the  floor,  whilst  the  richer 
classes  used  a  divan  or  couch.  An  honoured 
guest  was  provided  with  a  "stool  "  (2K.4.10), 
the  word  signifying  elsewhere  a  throne  or 
chair  of  state.  Chairs  are  noticed,  as  presents 
sent  by  kings,  in  the  Amarna  tablets  of  14th 
cent.  B.C.,  and  actual  examples  of  early  date 
are  found  in  Egypt.  They  also  appear  on 
Hittite  and  Assyrian  bas-reliefs.  Sennacherib 
(702  B.C.)  mentions  chairs  sent  to  him  by 
Hezekiah.     A  teacher  or  Rabbi  used  a  seat, 


THREH-LHC.r.KD  STOOL,  l-ROM  THKDIiS.     (Brit.   MuS.) 

whilst  his  pupils  stood  or  crouched  in  front  of 
him.  Hence  the  expression  is  used  to  express 
the  authority  or  office  of  a  teacher,  or  judge ;  see 
Mt.23.2,3;  Job  29.7;  Rev.2.13,  etc.     [S.N.S.] 

Seba'  (Heb.  fbfui),  a  son  of  Cusn  (Gea. 
10.7  ;  iChr.l.i)),  and  thus  of  non-Semitic  race. 
The  kings  of  Seba  and  Siieba  offer  gifts  to 
Solomon  (l*s.72.io)  ;  Isaiah  also  connects  Seba 
with  Gush  (43.3).  and  with  Egypt.  Josephus 
places  Saba  near  iMcroc  (2  Ant.  x.  2),  in  Upper 


SEBAT 

Egypt ;  perhaps,  however,  referring  to  the 
Sheba  Arabs  who,  before  his  time,  had  crossed 
from  Yemen  into  Abyssinia.  The  ethnic  form 
Sabeans  occurs  in  Is. 45. 14,  also  connected 
with  Egypt  and  Cush ;  and  they  are  described 
as  tall  men  [Sheba],  which  still  applies  to  the 
Abyssinians.  Ezk.23.42  speaks  of  them  as 
coming  from  the  desert, with  crowns  and  brace- 
lets as  ornaments.  In  Job  1. 15  the  A.V.  ren- 
ders Sheba  by  Sabeans ;  but  the  words  Sheba 
and  Seba  have  no  connexion.  The  latter  re- 
fers to  a  race — probably  Akkadian — entering 
Arabia,  and  passing  on  to  Africa.  It  is  remark- 
able that  the  word  has  no  appropriate  Semitic 
derivation  ;  but  the  Akkadian  sib  (rendered 
sj&w  in  Assyr.)  means  a  "shepherd."     [c.r.c] 

Sebat.     [Months.] 

Secacah',  one  of  the  six  cities  of  Judah 
which  were  situated  in  the  midhbdr  {wilder- 
ness)— that  is,  the  tract  bordering  on  the  Dead 
Sea  (Jos. 15. 61).     Its  position  is  not  known. 

Secheni'as. — 1.  Shechaniah,  2  (iEsd.8. 
29;  cf.  Ezr.8.3). — 2.  Shechaniah,  3  (iEsd.8. 
32;  cf.  Ezr.8.5). 

Se'chu  (iSam.19.22),  a  place  with  a  great 
well,  between  Ramah  and  the  Naioth  near 
Ramah,  which  Saul  passed  by.  There  is  a 
ruin  called  Suweikeh  just  S.  of  Beeroth  ;  but 
this  is  perhaps  too  far  N.  [c.r.c] 

Second  coming-  of  Chpist.  [Coming, 
Second.] 

Secun'dus  was  a  Thessalonian  who  went 
with  St.  Paul  from  Corinth  into  Asia,  on  his  re- 
turn from  his  third  missionary  tour  (Ac. 20. 4). 

Sedeci'as. — 1.  An  ancestor  of  Baruch 
(Ba.l.i) — 2.  Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah  (1.8). 

Seed,  Ming-led  (Deut.22.9).  [Agricul- 
ture.] 

Seedtime.     [Agriculture  ;  Year.] 

Seep.     [Prophecy  ;    Divination.] 

Segub'. — 1.  The  youngest  son  of  Hiel  the 
Bethelite  who  rebuilt  Jericho  (1K.I6.34). — 2. 
Son  of  Hezron  and  father  of  J  air  (iChr.2. 
21,22). 

Seip  the  Horite,  one  of  the  early  inhabitants 
of  the  land  of  Edom  (Gen. 36. 20;  iChr.l.38). 
He  may  have  given  his  name  to  the  country, 
or,  as  its  name  has  a  natural  meaning  (see  next 
art.),  taken  his  from  it.  The  "  children  of 
Seir  "  (2Chr.25.ii,i4)  are  the  inhabitants  of 
the  land  [cf.  20.23)  rather  than  the  descend- 
ants of  the  man. 

Seip',  Mount  (the  rugged  mountain). 
— 1.  The  rugged  ridge  near  Kirjath-jearim 
(Jos. 15. 10). — 2.  The  mountEon  region  of 
Edom.  In  Deut.l.44,  the  words  "  in  Seir  "  re- 
fer to  some  rough  pass  near  Hormah.  In  the 
reign  of  Hezekiah  five  himdred  men  of  Simeon 
invaded  mount  Seir  (iChr.4.42).  It  is  noticed 
as  a  mountain,  or  as  a  land,  in  Gen.14.6,32.3, 
33.14,16,36.8,30;  Num.24.i8  ;  Deut. 1.2,2.1-29, 
33.2;  Jos.ll. 17,12.7,24.4;  Judg.5.4;  2Chr.20. 
10,22,23,25.11,14;  Is.21.li;  Ezk.25.8,35.2,3,7; 
and  in  the  last-quoted  verse  it  forms  a  part  of 
"  all  Edom."  [c.r.c] 

Seipath'  (R.V.  Seirah),  the  place  to 
which  Ehud  fled  after  his  murder  of  Eglon 
(Judg.3.26,27).  It  was  in  "  mount  Ephraim," 
but  the  site  is  unknown.  The  LXX.  (Vat. 
MS.)  reads  Seteiroth.  (c.r.c] 

Seta  or  Selah'  (2K.I4.7  ;  Is.lB.i  :  ren- 
dered "the  rock"  in  A.V.,  in  Judg.l.36,  2Chr. 


SELETJCtrS  IV. 


799 


25.12  Ob.3  ;  R.V.  Sela  or  Petra).  The  LXX. 
thrice  renders  it  Petra.  [Edom.]  It  was  taken 
by  Amaziah,  and  called  Joktheel.  In  the 
end  of  the  4th  cent,  b.c  it  appears  as  the 
headquarters  of  the  Nabatheans,  who  suc- 
cessfully resisted  the  attacks  of  Antigonus. 
About  70  B.C.  Petra  appears  as  the  residence 
of  the  Arab  prince  named  Aretas  (Hdrith). 
Trajan  reduced  it  to  subjection  to  the 
Roman  empire.  The  city  Petra  lay,  though 
at  a  high  level,  in  a  hollow  shut  in  by  moim- 
tain-cliffs,  and  approached  only  by  a  narrow 
ravine  through  which,  and  across  the  city's 
site,  the  stream  flows.  The  rock  tombs  are 
of  the  Greco-Roman  age. 

Selah.  [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Sela'-hammahlekoth'  (iSam.23.28), 
"  the  cUff  of  slippings,"  whether  meaning  slip- 
pings  away  (or  escapes),  or  otherwise  slippery 
places.  The  first  is  the  explanation  in  O.T., 
but  there  may  be  a  play  on  the  original  name. 
The  cUff  was  in  the  desert  of  Maon  (ver.  25 ),  and 
David  slipped  away  thence  to  escape  Saul.  The 
great  valley,  with  a  steep  smooth  ridge  to  S., 
which  runs  E.  from  Maon  into  the  Jeshimon, 
is  called  Wddy  el  Maldqeh  (valley  of  the 
smooth  stone),  perhaps  a  corruption  (by  loss 
of  the  guttural)  of  the  Heb.  name,    [c.r.c] 

Se'led,  the  childless  son  of  Nadab,  a  de- 
scendant of  Jerahmeel  (iChr.2.30). 

Selemi'a,  one  of  Ezra's  swift  scribes  (2 
Esd.14.24). 

Selemi'as  (iEsd.9.34)  =  Shelemiah,  2. 
Seleuci'a,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes, 
was  practically  the  seaport  of  Antioch. 
The  distance  between  the  two  towns  was  about 
16  miles.  We  are  expressly  told  that  St. 
Paul,  in  company  with  Barnabas,  sailed 
from  Seleucia  at  the  beginning  of  his  first 
missionary  circuit  (Ac.13.4) ;  and  it  is  almost 
certain  that  he  landed  there  on  his  return 
from  it  (I4.26).  This  strong  fortress  and  con- 
venient seaport  (Seleucia  Pieria)  was  con- 
structed by  the  first  Seleucus,  and  here  he  was 
buried.  It  retained  its  importance  in  Roman 
times,  and  in  St.  Paul's  day  it  had  the  privileges 
of  a  free  city.  The  remains  are  numerous, 
including  those  of  a  harbour  about  ^  mile 
in  diameter,  with  a  narrow  entrance,  and  of  a 
rock-cut  channel  for  a  stream,  N.  of  the  port. 
The  site  is  now  called  es  Suweidiyeh.  [c.r.c] 
Seleu'cus  IV.  (Philopator)  succeeded  his 
father,  Antiochus  the  Great,  as  king  of  Syria, 
187  B.C.  He  is  called  "  king  of  Asia  "  (2Mac. 
3.3) ;  but  the  title  was  claimed  by  the  Se- 
leucidae  even  when  they  had  lost  their  footing 
in  Asia  Minor  (iMac.8.6,11. 13,12.39,13.32). 
His  reign  was  undistinguished.  He  inherited 
from  his  father  the  responsibflity  for  payiag 
the  annual  tribute  to  Rome  of  1,000  talents, 
imposed  for  12  years  by  the  victors  at  Magnesia 
in  190  B.C.  To  Rome  also  he  was  forced  to 
send  as  a  hostage  his  yoimg  son,  afterwards 
Demetrius  I.  [Soter).  On  one  occasion, 
induced  by  a  temple  of&cial  named  Simon 
[Simon,  3],  he  attempted  to  carry  away  the 
treasures  of  the  temple  ;  but  his  agent  Helio- 
dorus  was  stopped,  it  was  said,  supernaturally 
(2Mac.3.4-28).  Apart  from  this,  he  continued 
his  father's  conciliatory  policy  towards  the 
Jews,  bearing  much  of  the  expense  of  the 
temple  services  (3.2,3,6).     In  176  B.C.  he  was 


800 


6EM 


"  destroyed,  neither  in  anger  nor  in  battle  " 
(Dan.ll.2o),  but  poisoned  by  Heliodorus. 

Sem  (1,11.3.36)  =  the  patriarch  Shem. 

Semachiah',  son  of  Shemaiah,  9  (iChr. 
26.;). 

Sem'ei. — 1.  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Shimei,  14. — 2. 
(Est.Apoc.11.2)  =  Shimei,  16. — 3.  Father  of 
Mattathias  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ 
(Lu.3.26). 

Semel'lius     (lEsd. 2.16,17,25, 30)  =  Shim- 

SIIAI. 

Sem'is  (iEsd.9.23)  =  Shimei,  13. 

Semitic  Lang'uag'es.  References  to 
language  are  not  numerous  in  O.T.,  because 
the  Hebrews  lived  surrounded  by  nations  who 
spoke  tongues  closely  akin  to  their  own.  In 
Genesis  the  nations  are  divided  into  three  fa- 
milies by  their  "tongues"  (Gen.lO.5,20,31), 
answering  to  the  three  families  of  speech  com- 
monly called  Aryan,  Turanian,  and  Semitic. 
Somewhat  later,  in  speaking  of  Babylonia  (11. 
1,6),  we  are  told  that  "  the  whole  land  was  of 
one  language,"  and  this  we  now  know  to  have 
been  the  Akkadian  (the  parent  of  pure  Turk- 
ish), an  agglutinative  Turanian  tongue,  which 
alone  appears  on  the  earliest  known  texts.  The 
Aramcan  speech  of  Laban  (31.47)  differed 
from  the  Heb.  of  Jacob;  and  this  passage 
would  imply  that  the  differences  had  arisen  in 
three  generations,  which  cannot  be  said  to  be 
imposible  ;  for — among  illiterate  peoples  like 
the  Bechuana  in  S.  Africa — yet  greater  varia- 
tions, in  the  speech  of  tribes  of  one  stock,  are 
well  known  to  have  arisen  within  a  century, 
when  they  were  separated  from  each  other. 
The  Hebrews  were  shepherds,  and  very  pro- 
bably illiterate  in  the  time  oi  the  patriarchs, 
although  the  Canaanites  were  not  [Writing]; 
for  there  is  no  allusion  to  Hebrews  writing  till 
Moses,  and  the  language  of  Genesis,  at  earliest, 
cannot  be  supposed  older  than  his  time.  On 
the  other  hand  the  literary  languages — such  as 
the  Babylonian,  and  the  Heb.  of  the  O.T. — 
changed  very  slowly  indeed,  being  preserved 
by  their  sacred  writings.  The  only  allusion  to 
an  "  interpreter "  (Gen.42.23)  refers  to  the 
Egyptian  language  ;  and,  in  the  age  of  Jacob 
ami  Joseph,  Semitic  speech  was  used  in  Egypt 
— the  Hyksos  being  Asiatics.  Thus  Jacob  and 
Joseph  may  have  been  able  to  speak  direct  to 
the  lMiara()h,  but  Joseph's  brethren  supposed 
him  to  be  a  native  Egyptian  who  did  not  un- 
derstand them.  In  Deut.28.49  the  invasion  of 
Palestine  by  a  people  of  unknown  language  is 
predicted,  which  may  refer  to  the  Akkadian,  or 
to  the  later  .Medic,  which  began  to  be  known,  as 
that  of  tribes  at  the  "  end  of  the  earth,"  even 
a  century  before  Isaiah,  v.'ho  alludes  to  foreign- 
ers of  "  a  barbarous  tongue  without  meaning," 
i.e.  toHebrews  (Is.33.19).  He  also  predicts  (19. 
18)  a  time  when  the  language  of  Canaan — or  of 
the  Palestine  plains — will  be  spoken  in  Egypt, 
which  came  about  with  the  Assyrian  conquest, 
and  with  the  spread  of  Phoenician  trade.  In 
tiie  time  of  the  judges  the  Heb.  dialects  E. 
and  W.of  Jordan  already  dilTered  (Judg.12.6), 
just  as  the  Arab  dialects  of  these  regions  now 
differ.  In  Hezekiah's  time  the  educated  He- 
l)rews  undcrstodd  the  "  .Vramoan  "  (2 K. 18. 26), 
by  whicii  the  Assyrian  language  appears  to 
be  intended.  The  Aramaic  projier  was  known 
to    Jeremiah,   after    Syrian  tribes    had    been 


SEMITIC  LANGUAGES 

brought  to  Samaria  (Je.lO.ri  ;  see  note  in  R.V. 
marg.).  In  Nehemiah's  time  the  "speech  of 
Ashdod,"  which  was  mixed  up  with  Heb. 
(Ne.13.24),  must  have  been  a  Semitic  dialect; 
and  the  Philistines  are  known  (from  the 
monuments)  to  have  spoken  a  Semitic  tongue 
in  1500  B.C.  and  afterwards.  In  N.T.  the 
linguistic  evidence  shows  that  Aram,  was 
the  language  of  the  Jews  in  the  time  of 
our  Lord,  Heb.  being  a  dead  tongue  and  a 
sacred  language.  Most  of  the  Semitic  words 
mentioned  are  very  clearly  Aram.  ;  and,  at 
Jerusalem  in  this  age,  we  find  the  tomb  of  the 
Beni  Hezir  [Kidron]  inscribed  in  Heb.,  where- 
as another  semi-Gk.  tomb,  N.  of  the  city, 
bears  a  short  Aram.  text.  Aram,  was  then 
the  prevailing  Semitic  tongue — from  Persia 
to  Asia  Minor,  and  from  Armenia  to  Egypt — 
among  traders  and  rulers  alike.  The  N.T. 
words  include  amin  ("  truly  "  =  "amen  ") ; 
mammona  ("wealth,"  Mt.6.24)  ;  sabakhtha-ni 
("  thwarted  me,"  27.46  ;  from  an  Aram, 
rendering  of  the  Heb.,  Ps.22.i)  ;  (alitha 
("  lamb,"  or  "  child,"  Mk.5.41),  where  the  Si- 
naitic  MS.  shows  ignorance  of  Semitic  gram- 
mar in  writing  qtim  for  qtlmi  ;  ephphatha  (7. 
34),  which  seems  to  mean  "be  whole,"  rather 
than  "  be  opened";  rabboni  (10. 51,  cf.  R.V.; 
Jn. 20.16),  "my  Lord";  abba,  "father  "(Mk. 
14.36;  R0.8.15  ;  Gal. 4.6) ;  wana,  "measure" 
(Lu.i9.13)  ;  maran-atha,  "come,  O  Lord" 
(1C0r.l6.22)  ;  /uwrt,  "  twin  "  (Jn. 11.16)  ;  and 
(abitha,  "  gazelle "  (Ac.9.36).  These  words 
prove  that  the  authors  of  the  four  gospels  and 
of  Acts,  and  St.  Paul  also,  understood  Aram. 
The  Semitic  languages  form  a  distinct 
family  of  speech  in  W.  Asia,  distinguished 
from  others,  and  connected  among  themselves, 
by  laws  of  syntax,  and  structure,  no  less  than 
by  vocabulary.  The  only  language  which 
agrees  with  them  in  its  grammatical  structure 
is  the  ancient  Egyptian  (see  Renouf,  Egyptian 
Grammar,  1875);  and  this  is  in  a  much  more 
primitive  stage.  The  Egyptians  seem  to  have 
been  a  very  early  offshoot  of  an  Asiatic  stock, 
and  were  followed  to  Ivgypt  by  tribes  of  an- 
other race  (Gen.lO.13)  and  by  Semitic  peoples, 
even  liefore  the  Hebrews.  We  are  told  (10. 22) 
that  the  original  family  of  Shem  spread  over 
Elam,  .Assyria,  Lud  (probahly  Luden,  an  Egyp- 
tian name  for  S},Tia),  and  .Aram.  Some  of  the 
oldest  known  inscriptions  (before  2100  n.c),  on 
the  borders  of  Elam,  are  Semitic,  and  the  other 
regions  all  contain  early  evidence  of  the  pre- 
sence of  Semitic  peoples.  The  testimony  of 
language  is  very  valuable  in  this  question,  and 
the  words  common  to  all  branches  of  Semitic 
speech  show  that  the  common  home  could  not 
have  been,  as  some  suppose,  in  .Arabia  (see 
Von  Kremcr,  Semilische  Ciiltiirenlchnungm, 
1875;  and  Hommel,  Die  N amen  dcr  Sdugctiere, 
1879).  Thus  the  first  Semitic  tribes  knew  not 
onlv  minintains  but  rivers  :  they  named  the 
villi',  tlu-  tii;,  tiie  alinoiul,  and  the  olive;  and 
cultivated  wheat  and  barley  :  they  possibly 
knew  the  walnut,  and  were  acquainted  not  only 
with  the  lion,  leopard,  and  wild  boar,  but  with 
the  bear,  ami  thev  ajipear  to  have  named  the 
wild  ass  and  the  pelican.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  appears  very  doubtful  if  they  knew  the  os- 
trich «r  the  palm.  Such  indications  point  to  the 
N.,  not  to  the  S.,  and  agree  with  O.T.  state- 


SEMITIC  LANGUAGES 

meats  as  to  the  home  of  the  race.  The  Semitic 
languages  are  as  closely  connected  as  the 
Aryan ;  and  all  present  not  only  a  considerable 
common  vocabulary,  but  the  same  triliteral 
roots,  which  appear  to  have  been  formed  by 
coupling  two  monosyllabic  roots  together.  They 
all  form  words  in  the  same  way  from  these 
roots,  apply  gender  to  the  verb,  have  a  dual  for 
verb  and  noun,  besides  singular  and  plural, 
have  but  two  genders,  use  prepositions,  and 
have  suffixed  pronoims.  The  numerals  are  the 
same,  and  so  are  the  names  of  the  primary 
colours,  indicating  a  somewhat  advanced  civi- 
lization as  common  to  all  the  Semitic  stocks. 
These  languages  may  be  regarded  as  including 
two  groups — -the  Eastern  and  the  Western — 
each  subdivided  into  two  classes — Nor- 
thern and  Southern.  Of  these  the  Eastern 
is  known  much  earlier  than  the  Western,  from 
monuments.  The  classification  may  be  thus  de- 
tailed, (i)  Eastern  .•  (a)  Babylonian  and  Assy- 
rian ;  (b)  Arabic,  Gheez,  Ethiopic,  Amharic; 
(2)  Western:  (a)  Aramaic,  Nabathean;  (b)  He- 
brew, Moabite,  late  Phoenician,  and  Samari- 
tan. These  may  be  considered  in  turn,  before 
proceeding  to  the  special  question  of  ISiblical 
Hebrew. — Babylonian.  We  have  Babylonian 
dated  texts  as  early  as  2,200  b.c,  showing 
slight  differences  only  from  the  language  of  600 
B.C.  The  Assyrian  was  the  same  language, but 
is  not  fully  known  till  c.  900  e.g.,  when  it  distin- 
guished the  characteristic  Semitic  sounds  more 
sharply,  in  writing,  than  the  early  Babylonian, 
which  sometimes  confuses  the  gutturals.  The 
texts,  however,  prove  that  all  the  22  sounds  of 
the  Phoenician  alphabet  existed  long  before 
that  alphabet  was  used.  [Writing.]  The  Baby- 
lonians pronounced  p  as  a  hard  g,  like  the 
Arabs.  The  Assyrians,  in  later  times,  pro- 
nounced D  as  /  (proved  by  a  Greco-Assyrian 
bilingual  text,  in  which  <p  stands  always  for 
this  letter) ;  but  the  Babylonians  probably  had  a 
p  sound  (like  the  Akkadians)  which  does  not 
exist  ia  Arabic.  The  language,  even  in  the  ear- 
liest age,  presents  a  wonderfully  perfect  de- 
velopment. It  had  not  only  three  cases  for  the 
noun  (preserved  in  Arabic),  but  12  voices,  5 
moods,  and  5  tenses  for  the  verb  ;  whereas  Se- 
mitic speech  originally  seems  to  have  had  no 
cases,  only  6  voices,  2  moods,  and  2  tenses.  The 
Babylonians  borrowed  the  art  of  writing  from 
the  Akkadians,  whose  civilization  was  at  least 
as  old  as  that  of  Egypt;  and  they  also  used  Ak- 
kadian culture  terms,  and  official  titles,  and 
names  for  gods.  Thus,  for  instance,  tartanu 
("  general  ")  was  the  Akkadian  tar-tan  ("great 
chief")  ;  ekalu  ("temple")  the  Akkadian  u-ga/ 
("great  house");  and  the  names  of  Istar, 
Dagon,  Tammuz,  and  Nergal  were  Akkadian, 
while  NisROCH  ("the  eagle-man,"  being  a 
figure  found,  like  that  of  Dagon,  in  Assyria)  is 
no  doubt  the  Semitic  nisr,  "eagle,"  and  the 
Babylonian  uku,  "man,"  the  Akkadian  iik. 
The  Babylonians  used  a  suffixed  demonstra- 
tive ma  ("  this  "),  and  had  no  definite  article  ; 
and  this  suffix  is  also  used  (as  m)  in  the  Sabean, 
instead  of  the  article,  and  is  attached  to  per- 
sonal names  (just  as  in  Babylonian),  whence 
came  the  "  mimmation  "  of  the  Heb.,  and  the 
Arab,  tanwin,  in  a  dialect  where  n  took  the 
place  of  m.  The  main  difference  between  Baby- 
loniaa  and  later  Assyrian  seems  to  be  that  the 


SEMITIC  LANGUAGES 


801 


latter  is  more  purely  Semitic,  in  consequence  of 
the  decay  of  the  Akkadian  population.  In  the 
time  of  Hammurabi,  chronicles  and  historic 
texts  occur  in  both  Akkadian  and  Semitic 
Babylonian  ;  but  after  c.  1400  b.c.  the  former 
ceased  to  be  the  prevaiHng  speech  of  civilized 
regions. — Arabic.  This  name  should  be  con- 
fined to  the  speech  of  Joktan  [Arabia],  and 
does  not  include  the  Nabathean  of  the  N.W. 
We  are  unable  to  trace  it  earlier  than  c.  250  b.c, 
when  it  appears  on  the  Sabean  texts  of  S. 
Arabia.  The  dialect  of  the  E.  (according  to 
Lenormant)  was  nearer  in  its  sounds  to  the 
Babylonian  (as  for  instance  in  having  a  sha- 
phel  instead  of  an  aphel  voice  for  the  verb) 
than  was  that  of  the  W.  coast,  which  was 
nearer  the  Aram.  ;  indicating  the  coloniza- 
tion of  Arabia  by  two  streams  along  its  two 
coasts.  The  distinctive  sounds  of  the  E.  and 
W.  Semitic  families  of  speech,  which  constitute 
a  Semitic  "  Grimm's  Law  "  for  language,  were 

East  1,  a,  n  (final),  C'  (initial),   13,  I  (final). 

West  T.  n  (final),  H  (initial),  V.  ?3  (final). 
The  Arab.,  however,  even  in  the  Sabean 
texts,  distinguishes  (by  new  letters)  seven  in- 
termediate sounds  not  found  in  more  ancient 
speech  {dh,  th,  kh,  gh,  4,  ?,  /),  while  on  the 
other  hand  it  has  no  p  sound  at  all.  The  gram- 
matical structure  is  much  less  advanced  than 
that  of  the  Babylonian.  The  verb  has  only 
two  tenses,  and  seems,  from  the  inscriptions,  to 
have  had  few  voices,  though  modern  Arab, 
has  eight  and  sometimes  ten.  The  noun  had 
probably  three  cases,  as  at  present,  and  the  suf- 
fixed O  and  I  were  ancient  (as  above  explained), 
while  the  Sabean  texts  show  a  prefixed  dh,  to 
form  the  genitive,  like  the  T  of  the  Aram. 
A  Sabean  text  in  the  Cairo  Museum  dates  from 
264  B.C.,  and  shows  the  shaphel  voice  for  the 
verb,  also  found  at  M'aan.  These  are  the  lead- 
ing features  of  the  Sabean,  and  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  consider  the  language  of  the  Gheez,  or 
"  emigrants,"  at  Axum  in  Abyssinia  (4th  to 
6th  cent,  a.d.),  the  Ethiopic  of  Christian  litera- 
ture, or  the  Amharic,  which  (by  1300  a.d.)  had 
become  full  of  African  words. — Aramaic.  This 
language  is  known  as  early  as  800  b.c.  in  Syria  ; 
and,  in  the  Persian  age,  it  had  a  diffusion  al- 
most as  wide  as  that  of  Arab,  after  the  Mos- 
lem conquest  of  W.  Asia.  It  appears  to  be  per- 
haps the  most  archaic  of  Semitic  languages,  its 
forms  being  older  than  those  of  O.T.  Heb. 
Thus  "  Aramaisms  "  in  the  Bible  (when  not  due 
to  the  errors  of  Massoretic  scribes)  are  marks  of 
ancient  dialect  rather  than  signs  of  late  date. 
The  oldest  known  Aram. — as  found  in  inscrip- 
tions of  Samala  [Syria]  c.  800  and  730  b.c — 
is  nearer  to  Heb.  than  is  the  later  Aram,  of 
Daniel  and  Ezra.  The  masculine  plural  D"'  oc- 
curs instead  of  JS  and  the  relative  "iT  instead  of 
n.  These  inscriptions  give  some  200  words,  in- 
cluding NpIS,  "  land,"  and  "13,  "  son,"  which 
are  of  importance  for  Bible  study.  The  iph- 
tael  voice,  unknown  in  Heb.,  is  found  at  Sa- 
mala, as  well  as  on  the  Moabite  Stone,  and  in 
Babylonian,  and  later  Aram.  The  Aram., 
as  known  to  Jeremiah  (10. 11),  while  it  in- 
cludes the  word  Np'IN,  and  the  masculine 
plural  DS  has  already  the  T  (instead  of  T) 
which  prevailed  later  ;  but  Jeremiah  wrote 
two  centuries  after  the  oldest  Samala  text  was 
engraved.     The  Aram,  language   had  spread 

51 


802 


SEMITIC  LANGUAGES 


to  Assyria  before  850  b.c,  being  no  doubt  used 
by  traders  from  Syria,  for  whose  benefit  dock- 
ets, in  their  own  language  and  alphabetic  cha- 
racters, were  added  to  official  documents  in 
cuneiform.  The  oldest  instance  is  the  lion 
weight  from  Nineveh,  which  bears  in  cunei- 
form the  text  :  "  Palace  of  Assur-nazir-pal,  the 
great  king,  king  of  Assyria  ;  one  mana  of  the 
king,"  and  below  this,  in  Phoenician  chcurac- 
ters,  the  words  mana-melek  (without  the  de- 
finite article).  In  a  later  example  (probably 
c.  700  B.C.)  the  word  SpIN  for  "land"  again 
occurs.  The  dockets  continue  in  use,  on 
commerical  tablets,  down  to  at  least  425  b.c.  ; 
so  that  a  Syrian  population  seems  gradually 
to  have  estabUshed  itself  in  Babylonia.  The 
Aram,  was  a  much  less  highly  developed  lan- 
guage than  the  Babylonian,  with  which,  how- 
ever, it  was  very  intimately  connected;  for  the 
exact  explanation  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
words  may  often  be  better  traced  in  Aram, 
than  in  either  Heb.  or  Arab.  The  lan- 
guage had  only  two  tenses  for  the  verb,  and 
only  six  regular  voices,  with  occasional  iphtael 
and  ittanaphal  voices  (as  in  Babylonian)  in  ad- 
dition. It  used  the  prefixed  1  for  the  genitive, 
like  the  Sabean;  but,  instead  of  three  cases,  it 
used  a  final  N  (the  so-called  "  emphatic  a/e^^") 
and  also  (like  Arab.)  a  prefixed  X  for  nouns  as 
well.  The  later  Aram,  uses  p  for  the  mascu- 
line plural  like  Arab.  ;  but,  while  it  had  an 
aphel  instead  of  a  shaphcl  voice,  it  also  prefixed 
K*  to  both  nouns  and  verbs — which  is  explained 
by  the  Babylonian  prefixed  sa.  The  later  his- 
tory of  the  language  is  traceable  on  the  coins  of 
satraps  in  Asia  Minor,  and  in  Aram,  papyri 
from  Egypt.  Gradually  it  divided  into  two 
dialects  ;  that  of  the  W.,  whence  came  the 
Palmyrene  of  the  2nd  cent.  a.d.  and  the  S\t. 
of  the  4th  and  5th  cents,  a.d.,  still  spoken 
in  four  villages  of  the  Anti-Lebanon;  and  that 
of  the  E.,  represented  by  the  Aram,  pas- 
sages in  Ezr.4.8-6.15,7.12-26,  and  the  Aram, 
chapters  in  Dan. 2.7-7. 28.  This  dialect, 
which  appears  in  the  Talmud  after  300  a.d., 
used  to  be  called  "  Chaldcc  " — an  unfortunate 
term,  since  it  was  not  the  language  of  Chaldea, 
but  of  foreign  settlers  E.  of  the  Euphrates,  and 
because  the  "  Chaldeans  "  are  never  mentioned 
in  O.T.,  the  LXX.  having  so  rendered  the  Heb. 
word  kasdim,  or  "  conquerors."  The  Aram, 
of  Daniel  is  remarkable  for  the  admixture  of 
foreign  words  of  various  origin.  Thus  while 
^*^?'?l!^"n.^  (Pers.  khshairapdvan,  "satrap") 
and  perhaps'  "l^JT'T  (Pers.  ddtabar,  "law 
bearer  ")  are  Persian  {Dan.3.2),  the  titles  JSD 
(Bab.  shakanu,  "  resident  ")  and  nnS  (Bab. 
pahtitu,  "  chief,"  from  the  Akkadian  pah),  in 
the  same  passage,  are  Babylonian  terms  of 
very  early  occurrence.  There  are  other  terms 
in  the  Aram,  of  Daniel  for  which  a  Persian 
origin  has  been  vainly  sought,  but  which  are 
easily  explained  as  of  Akkadian  derivation  (as 
for  instance  N'OSH)  ;  and  even  the  supposed 
Gk.  names  for  four  musical  instruments  (Dan. 
8.5)  have  no  (ik.  etymology  of  a  satisfac- 
tory nature,  one  of  these  (NDSD,  "  sackbut  " 
in  A.V.)  being  stated  by  Strabo  to  be  a  word  of 
"  barbarian  "  origin.  The  Gks. — as  is  well 
known — borrowed   many  culture  words  from 


SEMITIC  LANGUAGES 

the  Aram.,  and  even  from  the  Akkadian. 
Finally,  the  Nabathean  is  an  Aram,  dialect, 
known  from  the  texts  of  M'aan  and  Teima 
(Doughty),  perhaps  as  early  as  500  b.c,  and 
from  the  Sinaitic  texts,  which  go  down  to  the 
4th  cent.  a.d.  The  E.  Aram,  also  survives  in  the 
sacred  language  of  the  Mendaite  Gnostics  on 
the  Euphrates,  and  in  other  dialects  of  Meso- 
potamia and  Persia. — Moabite.  The  Moabite 
Stone  gives  us  this  language  as  it  was  c.  900  B.C. 
The  monument  includes  100  distinct  words,  be- 
sides personal  and  town  names.  In  vocabu- 
lary it  closely  resembles  Heb.,  but  it  is  a  dis- 
tinct dialect  in  other  respects.  Thus  the  mas- 
culine plural  is  },  as  in  Aram.,  not  D\  as  in 
Heb.  The  Moabite  verb  has  an  iphtael  voice, 
as  in  Assyrian,  etc.,  not  found  in  Heb.,  and  the 

root  C]?n  is  used  in  the  Aram,  sense  ("  to 
follow  "),  which  it  never  has  in  Heb.  We  thus 
see,  even  as  early  as  the  time  of  Ahab, 
Aram,  peculiarities  in  a  language  belonging 
to  the  Heb.  group.  It  is  therefore  not  remark- 
able that  they  should  occur  early  also  in  Heb. 
itself.  The  use  of  D  for  the  feminine  singular 
(when  not  in  the  construct  case)  is  also  an  ar- 
chaism in  Moabite,  found  at  Samala  as  well, 
and  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  mark  of  late  date 
in  Heb.  Our  ideas  about  Aram,  dialects, 
which  were  derived  from  a  study  of  the  Tal- 
mudic  language  of  300  a.d.,  have  indeed  been 
completely  reversed  by  the  discovery  of  the 
Samala  and  Dibon  inscriptions  ;  and  (as  Raw- 
linson  pointed  out  long  before)  Aram.,  in- 
stead of  being  a  later  language  than  Heb.,  is 
perhaps  the  most  archaic  member  of  the  Se- 
mitic family.  The  definite  article,  which 
never  occurs  in  Babylonian,  is  also  not  found  at 
Samala.  It  is  sometimes  used  in  Moabite  and 
Phoenician,  but  its  omission  (in  Heb.  of  Gen. 1. 
21,28,2.3)  cannot  now  be  regarded  as  a  sign 
of  late  date  in  the  language  (VVellhausen, 
Hist.  Isr.  p.  389). — Phoenician.  By  Phoenician 
is  usually  meant  the  Semitic  dialect  in  Phoeni- 
cian texts  of  between  500  and  100  b.c.  Whether 
from  original  identity  of  race,  or  because — as  is 
more  probable — of  Heb.  infiltration  in  later 
times,  this  dialect  is  hardly  more  than  a  local 
variety  of  Heb.  It  uses,  forinstance,  the  word 
ben  for  "  son,"  and  not  the  Aram,  bar 
found  at  Samala  ;  and,  out  of  a  list  of  74  com- 
mon words,  18  are  found  in  Heb.  but  not  in 
Arab.  The  n^asculinc  plural  is  □\  as  in  Heb., 
and  the  definite  article  is  used  ;  but  on  the 
other  hand  the  final  Jl  appears  (when  not  in 
the  construct  case)  for  the  Heb.  H,  thus  re- 
sembling the  more  archaic  Aram,  form — the 
Babylonian  tu  as  a  nominative  singular. — Sa- 
marilan.  Tliis  also  may  be  regarded  as  no 
more  than  a  Heb.  dialect  of  the  age  after  the 
Captivity. — Hebrew.  Our  only  information  as 
to  early  Heb.,  outside  O.T.,  is  derived  from  the 
Siloam  inscription  [Shiloau],  c.  728  n.c.  From 
it  we  li^arn  that  the  language  of  Isaiah  was  that 
us(h1  at  JerusaliMu  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah. 
The  Heb.  and  the  later  Aram,  sceni  to  have 
diverged  very  slowly  from  the  old  mother- 
tongue  of  Syria  and  Haran.  The  Canaanites,  in 
15111  cent.  B.C.,  wrote — and  probably  spoke — 
Babylonian;  and  it  is  very  doubtful  if  even  the 
few  sujiposed  "  Canaanite  peculiarities  "  in  the 
Amarna  letters  really  exist.  This  tongue  was 
more  highly  developed  than  the  Heb.,  which 


SEMITIC  LANGITAGES 

retaiaed  its  primitive  character,  though  it 
seems  in  time  to  have  dropped  its  aorist  tense 
(as  Delitzsch  has  seen),  and  either  lost,  or  never 
developed,  the  noun  cases.  Heb.  also  has  less 
primitive  terminations  than  the  older  and 
more  emphatic  Aramaic.  In  like  manner, 
modern  Enghsh  has  lost  the  Anglo-Saxon  in- 
flexions, and  modern  Persian  those  of  the  lan- 
guage of  Darius.  Such  simplification  generally 
occurs  when  a  race  is  long  in  contact  with 
another  speaking  a  language  with  a  different 
grammatical  development  ;  and  Heb.,  in  Uke 
manner,  may  have  been  influenced  by  long  con- 
tact with  the  less-developed  Egyptian,  and  by 
isolation  in  the  desert.  The  Heb.  of  the  age 
following  the  Captivity  presents  marked  differ- 
ences from  that  of  the  older  books  (see  Driver, 
Introduct.  to  Lit.  of  O.T.,  pp.  474-476,  502-507). 
The  Pentateuch  presents  two  remarkable  pe- 
culiarities, which  Eichhorn  regarded  as  ar- 
chaic,   namely    XI H.     "  she,"    which     occurs 

throughout  (the  later  X''n  being  used  only  11 
or  12  times),  and  "1^3,    "  girl  "  (textual  ~IUJ), 

which  occurs  20  times,  the  later  feminine''form 
(myj)  being  only  found  once  (Deut. 22.19). 
The  Heb.  of  Genesis  is  supposed  to  contain 
Egyptian  words  in  connexion  with  Egypt  ; 
but,  though  it  is  certain  in  some  cases  that  the 
words  were  used  in  Egypt,  it  is  not  certain  that 
they  are  Egyptian.  In,  and  after,  the  Hyksos 
period  the  Egyptians  borrowed  a  large  nvunber 
of  Semitic  words.  Before  that  period  per-a 
meant  (according  to  Griffith)  only  a  "  great 
house,"  and  after  it  (under  i8th  dynasty)  it 
stood  for  Pharaoh,  which  Renouf  derives  from 
the  Semitic  ]}'\Q  (as  does  Gesenius),  with  the 

meaning  to  "  rule "  or  "  tyrannize."  The 
Heb.  HFIC'S  is  the  Egyptian  pesht,  for  "flax"  ; 

but  Heb.  "ISI,   "river,"  though  found  in  the 

Egyptian  yor,  is  a  Semitic  word  (as  Delitzsch 
notes),  occurring  as  yatir  in  Assyrian.  The 
word  -inN,  "rush,"  is  very  likely  the  Egyptian 

and  Coptic  a/j/jf;  but  "13,  "corn,"  is  used  in  Arab., 

and  cannot  have  been  borrowed  from  the 
Egyptian  per.  The  Egyptian  measure  heiiu 
is  compared  with  the  Heb.  hin ;  but  the  latter 
was  12  times  as  large  as  the  Egyptian  imit. 
Other    words,    like    the    title    "^"l.^N    (Ass>t. 

abarakku),  are  not  Egyptian  ;  and  this  espe- 
cially appUes  to  Db"in  (a  "magician"),  for 

which  no  Egyptian  parallel  is  found.  This 
word  is  used  in  Daniel  (1.20,2.2),  and  in  the 
Pentateuch  (Gen.41.8,24  ;  Ex.7.ii-9.ri),  and 
seems  to  be  the  Akkadia.n  har -turn,  or  "  omen 

decider."  The  Heb.  may  have  taken  /D^H 
from  the  Babylonian  ekalu,_  "  temple  "  ;  but 
they  clearly  did  not  take  dix  ('obh)  from  the 
Assyrian  uhutu,  "  charm,"  but  directly  from 
the  Akkadian  iibi.  The  ba'al  'obh  (Deut. 18. 11, 
etc.;  A.V.  " consulter  with  familiar  spirits") 
was  the  "  master  of  the  charm  "  ;  and  the  word 
was  taken  from  the  non-Semitic  Canaanites, 
or  from  the  Akkadians.  The  word  sheghdl,  for 
a  queen  (Ne.2.6 ;  Ps.45.9),  does  not  seem  to  be 
Semitic.  It  may  be  the  Akkadian  sha-gal,  or 
"  great  bride."  These  ancient  words  disappear 
as  a  rule  in  later  Heb.,  though  some  of  them  are 


SENAAH 


803 


found  in  the  language,  of  the  Heb.  chapters 
of  Daniel.  Thus  the  ^'iblpil  (the  Melzar.  Dan. 
1.11,16),  or  "the  steward"  is  apparently  the 
Akkadian  mal-zar,  or  "  house-keeper."  1  In  the 
Pentateuch  there  are  no  Persian  words,  such 
as  appear  in  the  later  Heb.  after  the  Captivity. 
In  Ezra  there  are  four  certain  instances  of 
pure  Persian  terms :  ' dhashdarpdn  (Akhaem. 
Pers.  khshatrapdvan),  "  satrap  "  ;  pithgdm, 
"order";  g^dhdbdr,  "  treasiurer  "  ;  and  dar- 
knnon  (the  Daric  coin).  Others  occur  in 
Esther ;  and,  in  the  Heb.  of  Daniel,  parthmim 
(Akhaem.  fratama),  "  noble  "  ;  'appedhen 
(Akhaem.  apaddnam),  "  palace  "  ;  pithgdm, 
"order";  and  g'^dhdbdr,  "treasiurer,"  may  be  re- 
garded as  certainly  Persian.  The  Daric  is  also 
noticed  in  Nehemiah  (7.70-72).  If  we  turn  to  the 
first  chapter  of  Genesis,  and  to  other  chapters  in 
the  same  book  which  have  been  ascribed  to  a 
late  author  (P),  we  find  a  vocabulary  of  250 
words,  most  of  which  are  common  and  ancient ; 
and  out  of  these  no  less  than  80  have  ahready 
been  found  in  the  Aram.,  Moabite,  and  Phoeni- 
cian of  the  monuments,  as  in  use  between  800 
and  500  B.C.  There  are  no  Gk.  or  Lat.  words 
in  O.T.  Heb.  ;  but  in  the  Mishna  (T50  a.d.) 
we  find  clear  evidence  of  Roman  rule  and  of 
Gk.  civihzation.  In  it  there  are  only  three  Per- 
sian terms — g'dhdbdr,  "treasurer";  dark<^m6n 
("the  Daric")  and  angaros,  "servant" — as 
against  21  Lat. ;  and  44  Gk.  terms,  referring  to 
trade  and  to  foreign  products.  Thus,  while 
the  Pentateuch  presents  archaisms,  and  bor- 
rows from  Egyptian,  Babylonian,  and  Akka- 
dian, the  historic  books  notice  Assyrian  titles 
(Tartan,  Rabsaris,  and  Rab-shakeh)  in  later 
times.  The  books  in  which  the  later  Heb.  is 
found  (after  the  Captivity)  are  the  first  to  show 
Persian  influence,  and  the  Gk.  conquest  gave 
rise  to  the  borrowing  of  Gk.  words  after  the 
close  of  O.T.  Such  features  of  the  develop- 
ment of  Bible  Heb.  are  of  the  highest  value  for 
scientific  criticism.  [Persians.] — Bibliography. 
The  study  of  Heb.  in  Europe  received  a 
great  impetus  at  the  Reformation.  The  Lexicon 
Hebraicum  of  Reuchlin  (Capnio)  appeared 
in  1 5 12,  and  the  early  comparative  grarnmar 
of  De  Dieu  (Grammatica  Linguarum  Orienta- 
Hum)  in  1628,  while  in  1639  the  elder 
Buxtorf  supplied  a  storehouse  of  learning 
in  his  Lexicon  Chaldaicum  et  Rabbinicum. 
The  Phoenician  was  deciphered  by  the  Abbe 
Barthelemy  in  1758  ;  and  as  early  as  1883,  Dr. 
F.  Delitzsch  urged  the  great  importance  of 
Rawlinson's  discoveries  in  Ass^Tian  for  the 
elucidation  of  Heb.  (The  Heb.  Lang,  viewed  in 
theLight  of  Assyrian  Research).  The  Mishnaic 
Heb.  can  be  studied  in  Surenhuse's  Mischna 
(3  vols.  ^fol.  1698);  the  Akkadian  in  F.  Lenor- 
Tixa.wt''s  Etudes  Accadiennes  (5  vols.  1873-1879). 
The  earUest  Assyrian  Diet,  is  that  of  Norris  in 
1869.  The  grammar  may  be  found  in  Sayce's 
Assyr.  Gram.  (1887),  or  in  Menant's  Manuel  de 
la  Langue  Assyrienne  (1880).  The  vocabulary 
is  best  studied  in  Strassmaier's  .4 ss.vjsc/u'H  und 
A  kkadischen  W6rter(i?>9.6) ;  the  Aram,  of  Samala 
in  works  ahready  quoted.  [Syria.]  The  Sabean 
is  elucidated  by  Capt.  Prideaux's  "  Sketch  of 
Sabaean  Grammar"  (Trans.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc.  v. 
pp.177  seq.),  and  the  later  Ethiopicin Dillmann's 
Gram.  Aethiopischcn  Sprache  {1857)-  [cR.c] 
Senaah'.     The  "children  of  Senaah"  are 


804 


SENATE,  SENATOR 


enumerated  amongst  the  "  people  of  Israel  " 
who  returned  from  the  Captivity  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.35  ;  Ne.7.38).  In  Ne.3.3 
the  name  is  given  with  the  article,  has-Senaah. 
The  names  in  these  lists  are  mostly  those  of 
towns  ;  but  Senaah  does  not  occur  elsewhere 
in  the  Bible  as  attached  to  a  town. 

Senate,  Senator.  The  latter  occurs 
Ps.105.22,  R.V.  marg.  correctly  "  Elders." 
Senate,  Ac. 5. 21,  the  rendering  of  7epou(Tt'a,  "  the 
Council  of  Elders  "  [Synagogue,  The  Great], 
indicates  a  body  of  elders  distinct  from  the 
Sanhedrin.  Lightfoot  (Works,  ed.  Pitman, 
viii.  81)  thinks  the  two  Lesser  Sanhedrin 
are  intended  by  the  senate  ;  cf.  Lu.22.66  ; 
Ac.22.5.     [Elder.]  [h.h.] 

Sen'eh  (thorn),  the  name  of  one  of  the  two 
isolated  rocks  which  stood  in  the  "passage  of 
Michmash  "  (iSam.l4'.4).  It  was  the  southern 
one  of  the  two  (ver.  5).     [Bozez.] 

Senip'  (A.V.  iChr.5.23,  E7.k.27.5  ;  A.V. 
and  R.V.  Dent. 3. 9,  Can.4.8,  Shetiir).  It  was 
the  Amorite  name  for  the  range  of  Hermon, 
the  Sidonian  Sirion  ;  Abulfeda  says  that  the 
part  of  Anti-Lebanon  N.  of  Damascus  was  in 
his  day  (14th  cent,  a.d.)  called  Sanir,  and 
SawtVw  is  noticed  in  an  Assyrian  text  (842  b.c.) 
as  a  mountain  near  Damascus.  [c.r.c] 

Sennacherib'  was  the  son  and  successor 
of  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria.  His  name  in  the 
original  is  read  as  Sin-ahi-erba — i.e.  "Sin  [or, 
the  Moon]  increases  brothers."  We  know  little 
or  nothing  of  Sennacherib  during  his  father's 
lifetime.  From  the  meaning  of  his  name,  and 
from  a  circumstance  related  by  Polyhistor,  we 
may  gather  that  he  was  not  the  eldest  son,  and 
not  the  heir  to  the  crown  till  the  year  before 
his  father's  death.  Sennacherib  mounted  the 
throne  705  b.c.  His  first  efforts  were  directed 
to  crushing  the  revolt  of  Babylonia,  which  he 
invaded  with  a  large  army.  Merodach-bala- 
dan  ventured  on  a  battle,  but  was  defeated  and 
driven  from  the  country.  In  703  b.c.  he 
turned  his  arms  towards  the  W.,  chastised  Si- 
don,  took  tribute  from  Tyre,  Aradus,  and  the 
other  Phoenician  cities,  and  from  Edom  and 
Ashdod,  besieged  and  captured  Ascalon,  made 
war  on  Egypt,  which  was  still  dependent  on 
Ethiopia,  took  Libnah  and  Lachish  on  the 
Egyptian  frontier,  and,  having  probably  con- 
cluded a  convention  with  his  chief  enemy,  fin- 
ally marched  against  Hczckiah,  king  of  Judah. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  "  Sennacherib  came  uj) 
against  all  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and  took 
them"  (2K.I8.13).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  record  which  he  has  left  of  his  campaign 
against  "  Hazaqiyahu,"  involving  (according 
to  Assyrian"rccords)  the  capture  of  40  fortresses 
and  the  deportation  of  over  200,000  persons, 
is  the  earlier  part  of  the  war  with  Hezekiah 
so  briefly  referred  to  in  2K. 18. 13-16.  In  the 
same  year,  or  (less  probably)  in  the  next,  and 
in  spite  of  Hezekiah's  attempt  to  avert  his 
attack  by  valuable  presents,  he  sent  from  La- 
chish Kab-shakeh  and  other  prominent  officials 
to  receive  Hezekiah's  submission,  and  on  their 
return  (without  accomplishing  their  errand) 
wrote  him  a  threatening  letter  (2K.I9.14). 
Tirhakah,  king  of  Ethiopia,  was  hastening  N. 
with  the  ICgyptians,  when  an  event  occurred 
wliicli  relieved  botli  ]'-gyi)t  and  Judaea  from 
their   danger.      In   one   night    the   Assyrians 


SEPHARAD 

lost,  either  by  a  pestilence  or  by  some  more 
awful  manifestation  of  divine  power,  185,000 
men.  The  camp  immediately  broke  up — the 
king  fled.  Sennacherib  reached  his  capital  in 
safety,  and  was  not  deterred,  by  the  terrible 
disaster  which  had  befallen  his  arms,  from  en- 
gaging in  other  wars,  though  he  seems  thence- 
forward to  have  carefully  avoided  Palestine. 
In  his  fifth  year  he  led  an  expedition  into  Ar- 
menia and  Media  ;  after  which,  from  his  sixth 
to  his  eighth  year,  he  was  engaged  in  wars  with 
Susiana  and  Babylonia.  From  this  point  his 
annals  fail  us  until  his  death,  which  (according 
to  the  Babylonian  Chronicle)  took  place  on  the 
2oth  of  Tebet,  681  b.c.  It  is  impossible  to  re- 
concile these  dates  exactly  (but  see  Chron- 
ology for  emendations  and  an  approximation) 
with  the  chronology  of  Hezekiah's  reign, 
according  to  the  numbers  of  the  present  Heb. 
text.  Sennacherib  was  one  of  the  most 
magnificent  of  the  Ass>Tian  kings.  He  seems 
to  have  been  the  first  who  fixed  the  seat 
of  government  permanently  at  Nineveh,  which 
he  carefully  repaired  and  adorned  with  splendid 
buildings.  His  chief  works  are  the  grand 
palace  at  Kouyunjik  and  the  great  wall  of  Nine- 
veh, which  had  a  circumference  of  8  miles.  He 
also  erected  monuments  in  distant  countries. 
Of  the  death  of  Sennacherib  Scriptiu-e  briefly 
notes  that  "  as  he  was  worshipping  in  the  house 
of  Nisroch  his  god,  Adrammelech  and  Sharezer 
his  sons  smote  him  with  the  sword,  and  es- 
caped into  the  land  of  Armenia"  (2K.I9.37  ; 
Is. 37. 38).  The  non-Biblical  authorities,  in- 
cluding the  Babylonian  Chronicle,  mentioa 
Adrammelech  alone  as  the  murderer,  [a.w.s.] 

Senuah'  (Ne.ll.9),  properly  Hassenuah 
(as  R.V.,  cf.  iChr.9.7),  with  thedef.  article.  A 
Benjamite,  the  father  of  Judah,  4. 

Seopim',  chief  of  the  fourth  of  the  24  courses 
of  priests  instituted  by  David  (iChr.24.8). 

Sephap'  ((ien.10.30),  "  a  mountain  of  the 
cast,"  the  limit  of  the  Arab  tribes.  It  is  un- 
known; but  an  ancient  text,  found  at  Susa, 
given  by  Scheil  (Mem.  Delegation  en  Perse, 
1900,  vol.  ii.  p.  77),  mentions  a  place  called 
Sipar,  with  Elam  and  Susa,  and  this  position 
would  be  suitable.  [c.R.cl 

Sephapad'  (Ob. 20)  is  mentioned  as  a  place 
where  the  Jews  were, in  captivity.  It  is  now 
identified  with  the  Sapardd  of  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions,  which  is  mentioned  by  Sargon  as 
one  of  the  districts  he  had  added  to  the^land  of 
Harhar  to  the  N.  or  N.E.  of  Assyria.  Sapardd 
is  also  said  to  have  attacked  Assyria,  in  con- 
cert with  the  Medes,  Kimmerians,  and  Minni, 
during  the  reign  of  Esar-haddon,  a  statement 
which  confirms  their  north-eastern  position. 
In  the  inscriptions  of  Darius  Hystaspis  at 
Behistiin  and  Naqsh-i-Rustem,  however, 
Sapardd  is  mentioned  between  the  sea  and 
Ionia  and  between  Cappadoria  and  Ionia  re- 
siiectively,  but  it  is  doubtful  wluthcr  this  can 
be  regarded  as  an  indication  of  position.  The 
LXX.  h^s  Ephratha,  Sapharath,  and Sapliratha, 
and  the  Vulg.  Bosporus,  which,  however,  was 
adopted  by  Jerome  from  his  Jewish  instructor. 
The  Targum  of  Jonathan  and  the  PeshittS- 
Syriac,  and  from  them  the  modern  Jews,  in- 
terpret Sejiharad  as  Spain  (Ispatiiia  and 
Ispdiiid  ;  cf.  the  JateSusian  form  I. Sparta),  hence 
the   appellation   Sephardim   for   the   Spanish 


sepharvaim:,  sepharvites 

Jews.     See  Sayce  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (vol.  iv. 

1902).  [T.G.P.] 

Sephapva'im  (2K. 18.34,19. 13;  Is. 37.13), 
Sepharvites  (2K.17  31).  Sepharvaim  is 
generally  identified  with  the  Sippar  of  the 
Assyro-Babylonian  inscriptions,  which  was 
situated  on  the  Euphrates,  16  miles  S.W.  of 
Baghdad.  ^It  was  one  of  the  great  seats  of  the 
worship  of  Samas,  the  Babylonian  sun -god, 
and  also  of  the  goddesses  Istar  and  Anunit. 
It  would  seem  to  ^have  been  originally  two 
cities,  "Sippar  of  Samas"  and  "Sippar  of 
Anunit,"  which  would  account  for  the  dual 
termination  -aim  in  Heb.  This  site,  which 
is  now  known  as  Abu-habbah,  was  first  ex- 
cavated by  Mr.  Hormuzd  Rassam.  In  2K. 
19.13,  however,  its  king  is  referred  to,  and  this 
makes  the  above  identification  exceedingly 
uncertain,  Sippar  having  been  one  of  the 
cities  of  the  kingdom  of  Babylon  for  at  least 
1,200  years  before  the  reign  of  Sennacherib. 
Moreover,  in  2K.I7.24,  though  Babylon  and 
Cuthah  head  the  list,  Sepharvaim  is  men- 
tioned after  Ava  and  Hamath,  implying  that 
it  was  a  Syrian  town.  J.  Halevy,  therefore, 
suggests  that  Sepharvaim  may  be  the  Sibraim 
of  Ezk.4'7.i6,  which  was  situated  between 
Damascus  and  Hamath,  the  dual  termination 
implying  a  frontier- city,  as  stated.  He  re- 
gards it  as  probably  Sabard'in,  mentioned  in 
the  Babylonian  Chronicle  as  having  been 
captured  by  Shalmaneser.  [Adrammelech  ; 
Samaria.]  [t.g.p.] 

Sephela  (i  Mac.  12. 3  8),  the  Gk.  form  of 
the  Heb.  sh-pheld,  meaning  "  low."  The 
A.V.  renders  it  "  vale,"  "  plain,"  "  low  plains," 
and  "  low  country  "  ;  |^but  it  is  clear,  from  Jos. 
15.33,  that  the  term  applied  to  the  foot-hills 
W.  of  the  mountains  of  J  udah,  and  not  to  the 
plains.  These  foot-hills  exist  all  along  the  bor- 
ders of  Philistia  and  Sharon;  but  in  Judaea 
especially  they  form  a  distinct  region.  The  old 
name  still  survives,  at  the  villages  of  Sifleh  and 
'Alldr-es-Sifleh,  in  this  region,  and  retains  the 
old  meaning  in  Arab.  See  Dent. 1. 7  ;  Jos. 9. 
1,10.40,11.2,16,12.8,15.33;  Judg.1.9;  iK.lO. 
27  (sycomores  "  in  the  vale  " — the  sycomore- 
fig,  or  jimeizeh,  occurs  frequently  under  its  old 
name  in  this  region) ;  iChr.27.28;  2Chr.l.i5,9. 
27,26,10,28,18;  Je.l7.26,32.44,33.i3  ;  Ob. 19 
(the  PhiUstine  plain) ;  Zech.7  7.  [c.r.c] 

Septuag-int.  I.  Texts,  (i)  Holmes  and 
Parsons  (1827  a.d.)  catalogued  311  codices 
(262  uncials,  49  cursives).  But  since  1827  a 
large  number  of  papyri  have  been  discovered, 
transcribed  with   portions   of   the   Gk.    O.T. 

(2)  Codices  Alexandrinus  (A),  Vaticanus  (B), 
Ephraemi  Syri  rescriptus  (C),  contain  the  en- 
tire O.T.,  or  originally  did  so.  Thus  the 
present  text  of  B  commences  at  Gen. 46. 28. 

(3)  The  greater  part  of  the  remaining  MSS.  are 
fragmentary,  including  only  a  book  or  group 
of  books.  The  uncials  date  from  the  3rd  to 
the  loth  cents,  a.d.,  cursives  from  the  gth  to  the 
i6th. — II.  Title  and  its  Origin.  From  the 
Latin  "  septuaginta  "  (70)  ;  an  abbreviation 
of  "  secundum  septuaginta,"  which  corre- 
sponds to  the  Gk.  Kara  (or  wapa)  e'^dofx-qKOvra., 
as  found  in  the  oldest  MSS.  The  Fathers 
generally  referred  to  the  LXX.  as  r]  Koivq 
iK^Qdis,  or  simply  r/  koivt} — i.e.  the  authorized 
translation  in   contradistinction  to   those   of 


SEPTXTAGINT 


805 


Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion  (c/. 
"  vulgata,"  as  applied  to  Jerome's  version). 
EicHORN  conjectured  that  the  title  arose 
through  the  acceptance  of  the  version  by 
the  "  sunedrion  "  of  Alexandria,  a  conjecture 
unsupported  by  historical  testimony.  The 
Fathers  connect  the  title  not  with  the  ver-,:on's 
acceptance,  but  with  its  origin.  It  was  the 
work  of  seventy-two  elders.  In  Philo  and 
Josephus  the  word  is  only  used  in  reference  to 
the  Pentateuch.  From  Origen  downwards  it 
is  applied  to  the  whole  Gk.  version  (for 
reason,  vide  infra). — III.  Genesis  of  the 
Septuagint.  a.  The  Letter  of  Aristeas.  The 
statements  of  Philo  and  Josephus  are  practic- 
ally identical.  They  are  based  on  a  document 
of  uncsrtain  date  and  pseudonymous  author- 
ship, known  as  the  Epistle  of  Aristeas  (Philo, 
'Apttrreas;  Josephus, 'Apurrat'os).  Its  contents 
are  briefly  as  follows  :  Ptolemy  II.  (Philadel- 
phiis ;  285-247  B.C.),  at  the  instigation  of 
Demetrius,  librarian  of  Alexandria,  deter- 
mined to  undertake  a  translation  of  the 
Hebrew  Torah.  An  embassy  is  dispatched  to 
Jerusalem.  Six  competent  men  are  chosen 
from  each  of  the  twelve  tribes,  a  circumstance 
which  excites  the  suspicion  of  the  historian. 
They  return  with  the  Egyptian  legates.  The 
work  of  translation  is  conducted  in  a  building 
specially  erected  on  the  island  of  Pharos. 
When  the  translators  attain  agreement  as  to 
a  rendering,  the  passage  is  copied  down  by 
D:!metrius' scribes.  Observe:  (i)  The  trans- 
lation was  official ;  (a)  civilly — made  at  the 
emperor's  command  ;  (&)  ecclesiastically — 
the  authorities  at  Jerusalem  lent  their  appro- 
bation. (2)  Only  the  Torah  is  mentioned  ; 
there  is  no  reference  to  the  prophets  or 
Hagiographa.  The  statements  of  Pseudo- 
Aristeas  are  re-echoed  by  the  Fathers  with  two 
significant  additions  :  (i)  The  entire  O.T. 
canon  was  regarded  as  the  work  of  "  the 
Seventy."  While  Jerome  denies  this,  TertuUian 
characteristically  adds  that  he  had  seen  the 
original  MSS.  in  the  library  of  Alexandria. 
(2)  The  translators  attained  a  miraculous 
unanimity.  According  to  Epiphanius,  they 
worked  together  in  pairs.  But  it  is  quite  clear 
that  we  cannot  regard  these  assertions  as 
hi.^torical.  ( i )  is  contrary  to  the  original  form 
of  the  story — i.e.  to  the  letter  of  Aristeas. 
Moreover,  tliere  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  O.T.  canon  did  not  reach  its  final  form 
until  the  Hasmonaean  period.  If  so,  a 
translation  of  the  entire  O.T.  would  seem 
to  be  almost  impossible  previous  to  that 
date.  (2)  represents  a  development  of  the 
statements  of  Aristeas  in  the  interests  of 
the  doctrine  of  inspiration.  Possibly  the  idea 
of  unanimity  may  have  been  suggested  by  a 
mystical  interpretation  of  the  LXX.  in  Ex.24. 
12,  Twv  eirCKiKTUv  rod  'laparjK  01)  dn](p(Iivr]crev 
ov5k  el's  (Nestle).  B.  Place  of  Origin.  That 
the  LXX.  originated  in  Alexandria  is  prac- 
tically undisputed.  This  is  vouched  for  (a) 
by  the  internal  evidence  of  the  LXX.  itself. 
In  style,  phraseology,  and  construction  the 
Gk.  bears  the  closest  resemblance  to  that 
found  in  the  Egyptian  papyri.  Moreover,  with 
the  Gk.  of  LXX.  contrast  that  of  the  son  of 
Sirach.  Hence  the  statement  of  Pseudo- 
Aristeas — viz.   that  the  Seventy  were  Pales- 


806 


SEPTUAGINT 


tinian  Jews — is  open  to  the  gravest  suspicion. 
(b)  By  external  evidence.  In  the  time  of  Philo 
a  feast  was  celebrated  at  Alexandria  in  honour 
of  the  work  of  the  Seventy.  Moreover,  in  a 
fragment  preserved  in  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(Strom,  i.  342),  the  witness  of  Pseudo- 
Aristeas  was  supported  by  Aristobulus,  who 
flourished  under  Ptolemy  IV.  As  a  philo- 
soplier  and  a  courtier,  his  remarks  have  es- 
pecial value.  His  contemporary,  the  Hellenist 
Demetrius,  quotes  Gen. 30.14,22.25, 46-31,  and 
from  the  language  employed  it  is  clear  that 
he  makes  use  of  the  LXX.  C.  Date,  (i) 
Date  0/  the  translation  of  Ike  Tordh.  Here  again 
most  scholars  arc  inclined  to  accept  the  state- 
ment of  Psoudo-Aristeas  that  the  translation 
took  place  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  II. 
This  was  the  unwavering  verdict  of  antiquity, 
confirmed  by  Demetrius'  use  of  the  version  and 
by  the  intrinsic  probabilities  of  the  case  ;  for 
(a)  by  this  time  the  flourishing  Jewish  settle- 
ment of  .Alexandria  had  become  sufficiently 
denationalized  to  feel  the  need  of  a  Gk.  trans- 
lation of  the  Torah.  (b)  Such  an  undertaking 
would  be  entirely  congenial  to  the  mind  of 
Philadelphus,  who,  like  Alexander  Severus,  was 
interested  in  religious  cults.  Graetz,  however, 
considers  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  II.  to  be  too 
early.  He  argues  :  (i)  As  the  Alexandrine 
community  did  not  reach  the  acme  of  pros- 
perity until  the  reign  of  Philometor  (1S3-146 
B.C.),  a  translation  of  the  Scriptures  previous 
to  that  date  is  a  priori  improbable,  (ii) 
The  version  shows  marks  of  Pharisaic  in- 
fluence. Thus  Graetz  cites  the  LXX.  trans- 
lation of   r\2^   ri^nop   in   Lev.23.11,  t^ 

iiravpiov  rrjs  TrpwTrjs,  as  evidence  for  his  con- 
tention. But  the  occurrence  of  dird  rijs 
iwavpiov  TU!v  ffaft^druv  (rod  crajijidTov,  Swete) 
in  ver.  15  seems  to  tell  against  this  view 
(Swete).  Recent  scholarship  is  inclined  to 
invert  the  historical  sequence  as  given  in 
Aristeas.  The  LXX.  of  the  Torah  first  origin- 
ated in  the  Jewish  community  of  Alexandria 
as  the  natural  result  of  its  religious  needs  ; 
then  received  the  royal  approval  of  the 
Ptolemy.  For  (a)  the  character  of  the  Gk. 
seems  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  an  official 
translation  intended  to  be  an  authoritative 
monument  to  the  Ptolemy's  literary  interest — 
e.g.  yuwpos  for  ~\l  (why  not  irpoa-riXvTos  ?),  and 
ffd^^arov  for  ri3K'  {dvdiravms  would  have 
been  sufficient,  and  good  Gk.).  (b)  The 
role  of  Demetrius  can  hardly  be  historical. 
The  favourite  of  Soter,  the  predecessor  of 
Philadelphus,  he  was  banished  shortly  after 
the  latter's  accession  and  died  in  282  b.c.  (2) 
Date  of  the  translation  of  the  rest  of  O.T.  Philo 
(c.  20  B.C.  toe.  50  A.D.)  has  numerous  citations 
from  the  prophetical  and  historical  literature. 
But  I-amentations,  Song  of  Songs,  Esther, 
Ecclcsiastcs,  Daniel,  and  I'2zekiel  are  passed 
over  in  silence  ;  but  the  argument  from  silence 
certainly  cannot  be  pressed.  Similarly,  the 
N.T.  makes  frequent  use  of  the  LXX.,  but 
many  books  are  not  quoted.  Josephus  men- 
tions the  LX.\.  translation  of  the  prophets  and 
Hagiographa,  but  he  refrains  from  giving  a 
catalogue.  Wisd.  (c.  50  n.c.  ?)  2.12  con- 
tains a  reference  to  the  peculiar  LXX.  render- 
ing of  Is. 3.  Jo.     It  has  been  already  suggested 


SEPTUAGINT 

that  the  prophets  and  Hagiographa  could 
hardly  have  been  translated  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  2nd  cent,  b.c  But,  according 
to  the  preface  of  Ecclesiasticus  (c.  135  b.c),  it 
would  appear  that  this  was  an  accomplished 
fact  before  its  close.  In  the  case  of  two  books 
it  is  possible  to  suggest  a  still  more  definite 
date,  (a)  Job.  Aristeas  (not  the  pseudony- 
mous author  of  the  epistle,  but  the  writer  of  a 
treatise,  Tct  irtpl  'lovoaiwv)  quotes  the  LXX.  ol 
Job.  Some  scholars  have  suggested  that  he 
was  the  author  of  the  LXX.  codicil  to  Job. 
As  Aristeas  flourished  during  the  reign  of 
Philometor  (185-146  b.c),  the  book  may  have 
been  translated  just  l^cforc  or  shortly  after  that 
monarch's  accession,  (b)  Esther.  According 
to  the  LXX.  this  story  was  brought  from 
Palestine  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleo- 
patra. The  data  are  too  indefinite  for  any 
certain  inference  to  be  drawn.  Possibly  this 
Ptolemy  was  Philometor  (Swete).  But 
some  scholars  are  inclined  to  date  the  book 
as  late  as  48  b.c — IV.  Popularity  of  the 
Septuagint.  The  LXX.  became  the  gener- 
ally accepted  Bible  of  the  Jews  of  the  Dia- 
spora ;  but  in  Palestine  it  seems  to  have  met 
with  a  less  enthusiastic  reception.  The  Tar- 
gums  rendered  it  almost  unnecessary.  The 
Rabbis  appear  to  have  disliked  the  idea  of  a 
translation,  and  the  LXX.  was  especially  ob- 
jectionable on  account  of  its  discrepancies  with 
the  received  Heb.  text.  Moreover,  after  the 
dawn  of  the  Christian  era  the  LXX.  became 
the  battle-axe  of  the  new  faith.  (Cf.  Mt.l.23, 
■Kapdlvos,   referring  to  the   LXX.   of  Is.7.14, 

where  the  Heb.  has  T\u7V  [Aquila,  correctly, 
feai'is]  =  "a  young  woman  of  marriageable 
age  "  ;    irapdivos,  =  "  virgin,"    would  require 

n>in3.) — V.   Versions.      Hence    arose    the 

desire,  in  the  interests  of  Judaism,  for  a  ver- 
sion nearer  to  the  official  Heb.  text.  The 
various  Gk.  versions  (.A.quila,  Theodotion, 
Symmachus,  etc.) subsequent  to  the  LXX.  are 
dealt  with  in  our  art.  Versions,  §  VIII.,  to 
which  reference  for  fuller  information  must  be 
made. — VI.  Recensions.  .\.  Origen  and  the 
Hexapla.  Origen  is  largely  responsible  for  the 
present  state  of  the  LXX.  The  Hexapla  was 
written  between  240-250  a.d.  The  principles 
of  Origen's  criticism  are  given  in  his  letter  to 
Africanus  (240  a.d.).  (i)  The  LXX.  had  re- 
ceived the  "  imprimatur  "  of  the  Church  and 
was  of  divine  authority.  Hence  he  defends 
its  additions  to  Daniel.  (2)  Yet  he  believed 
the  text  as  received  by  the  Rabbis  to  repre- 
sent the  Grundschrift  of  the  LXX.  Therefore 
divergences  in  the  existing  LXX.  text  were 
defacements  of  the  work  of  the  Seventy.  It 
appears  that  Origen  originally  intended  to  give 
the  LXX.  without  comment.  But  this  proved 
impossible.  The  outlines  of  his  mcthodifire  as 
follows:  (a)  Slight  variations  of  LXX.  were 
tacitly  emended  (LXX.  VeScwv  becomes 
Wpffihv).  (b)  Since  he  follows  the  order  of  the 
Heb.  throughout  (Proverbs  excepted),  con- 
siderable textual  transposition  (viz.  in  Exodus, 
I  Kings,  Jeremiah)  of  the  Gk.  was  rendered 
necessary,  (c)  Omissions  of  the  LXX.  were 
remedied  by  insertions  from  one  of  the  other 
versions  and  marked  by  an  asterisk  (H'.  or  -Is^ ). 


SEPTXJAGINT 

Thus,  to  supplement  Jeremiah  he  employs 
Theodotion.  (d)  When  the  LXX.  contained 
matter  additional  to  that  in  the  Heb.,  this 
addit  ional  matter  was  marked  by  an  obelus  (—). 
When,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Heb.  text 
was  the  fuller,  he  inserted  an  exact  equivalent 
from  one  of  the  versions  and  marked  it  with  an 
asterisk.  The  close  of  an  annotated  passage 
was  indicated  by  a  metaboleus  (  < ).  The 
text  was  arranged  in  parallel  columns  in 
this  order  :  (i)  Hebrew  ;  (2)  Transliteration 
int  J  Gk.  characters  ;  (3)  Aquila  ;  (4)  Sym- 
machus  ;  (5)  Septuagint  ;  (6)  Theodotion. 
Occasionally,  as  in  the  Psalms,  two  other 
columns  were  added,  thus  forming  an  Octapla 
(Epiphanius  regards  this  word  as  denoting  a 
separate  work).  The  MSS.  ("  Quinta  "  and 
"  Sexta ")  were  discovered  at  Jericho  and 
Nicomedia  respectively.  So  Eusebius.  Epi- 
phanius reverses  the  order.  The  "  Sexta  " 
appears  to  have  been  of  Christian  antecedents. 
Origen  also  published  an  abridged  edition  of 
the  Hexapla — viz.  the  Tetrapla.  The  Hexapla 
was  deposited  in  the  library  of  Caesarea,  where 
it  remained  until  the  capture  of  the  city  by  the 
Saracens  in  the  6th  cent.  a.d.  Only  a  few 
fragments  siurvive,  as  the  work  was  never 
copied  as  a  whole,  being  too  voluminous.  But 
the  LXX.  column  was  frequently  copied  and 
revised.  Thus  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus 
issued  a  Caesarean  edition  (c.  311  a.d.). 
Origen's  critical  principles  were  strictly  ad- 
hered to  and  his  notations  carefully  renro- 
duced.  The  text  had  a  wide  circulation  in 
Palestine,  and  has  influenced  the  following 
LXX.  MSS.  :  G,  M  (Pent,  and  some  historical 
books),  86,  88  (Prophets).  But  Origen's  in- 
fluence may  also  be  traced  in  the  LXX. 
recensions  of  Lucian  and  Hesychius.  B. 
Lucian  {c.  299-311  a.d.).  Pseudo-Athanasius 
regards  this  as  a  new  version  [ejidofXT] 
epfitjveia.).  Jerome,  however,  identifies  it  with 
the  KOLVT),  suggesting  a  revision  of  the  LXX.  on 
the  basis  of  Antiochene  criticism.  Lucian  ap- 
pears to  have  influenced  the  following  LXX. 
MSS.  :  19,  82,  108  (Octateuch),  93  (Historical 
Books),  22,  30,  48,  51,  etc.  (Prophets).  That 
these  MSS.  represent  a  Lucianic  type  of  text  is 
clear  from  their  agreement  with  (a)  the  cita- 
tions of  Chrysostom,  (h)  the  Lucianic  readings 
of  the  Syriac  Hexapla.  Characteristics  of 
Lucian' s  work  :  (i)  Completeness.  (2)  A  pre- 
ference for  renderings  synonjmaous  with,  but 
different  from,  the  LXX.  (3)  Occurrence  of 
double  renderings.  (4)  Translations  not  repre- 
sented in  the  LXX.,  and  pre-supposing  both 
"  a  Hebrew  original  self-evidently  superior 
in  the  passages  concerned,  and  the  existing 
Massoretic  text  "  (Driver).  C.  Hesychius. 
This  was  similar  in  scope  to  that  of  Lucian,  and 
executed  almost  contemporaneously.  Hesy- 
chius maybe  identified  with  the  martyT-bishop 
mentioned  in  Eusebius  (H.E.  viii.  13).  The 
recension  does  not  survive  as  a  whole.  The 
following  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  appear  to  have 
come  under  its  influence  :  44,  74,  76,  also  Q 
and  its  group,  26,  106,  198.  This  is  attested  by 
(a)  quotations  of  Cyril,  (&)  correspondence 
with  Eg^TDtian  versions. — VII.  Results  of 
Origen's  Work.  As  scribes  were  careless  in 
reproducing  the  critical  notations,  confusion 
was  inevitable.     The  text  became  a  literary 


SEEAIAH  807 

mosaic.  It  was  commonly  believed  that  the 
Hexaplaric  column  represented  the  original 
state  of  the  LXX.  Such  was  the  opinion  of 
Jerome,  who  desired  to  reinforce  it  with  all  the 
rigour,  of  ecclesiastical  authority.  The  Church, 
however,  did  not  share  his  conviction.  Various 
types  of  MSS.  continued  to  floiurish  side  by 
side,  influencing  one  another,  yet  remaining 
distinct,  no  one  LXX.  text  attaining 
official  pre-eminence. — VIII.  Character  and 
Value  OF  LXX.  (i)  The  translation  is  literal. 
The  grammatical  order  of  the  Hebrew  is 
generally  preserved  ;  even  peculiar  construc- 
tions are  retained  {e.g.  "  instrumental  "  iv 
with  dative  =  Hebrew  3),  and   attempts  are 

made  to  represent  paranomasia  and  allitera- 
tion. But  the  translator's  knowledge  of 
Hebrew  was  not  sufficiently  minute  to  ensure 
complete  accuracy  as  to  the  rendering  of  de- 
tail.    Thus  they  often  confuse  ''3  in  the  phrase 

^JIX  *3  ("O  my  Lord  !")  with  '•3  ("in  me"), 
giving  iv  i/xoi  (iSam.l.20).  Sometimes  they 
transliterate  (e.g.  Gen.35. 16,  ni33  =xa/3pa6'd). 
In  48.7,  X-  ■'■^''  iTTTrddpofiov  is  found,  as  if 
hinting  at  a  possible  translation.  Occasionally 
the  choice  of  a  Gk.  word  seems  to  have  been 
owing  to  assonance  (e.g.  iSam.5.4,  p")  LXX. 

pdxi^}-  Observe  also  the  tendency  to  avoid 
anthropomorphic  expressions  of  deity ;  of. 
Gen.5.22,  D''n7Xn'nN  "^^nri*]  becomes  €vr)pe- 
cTTTjaev  8^  Ti2  0ec3.  (2)  The  LXX.  is  valu- 
able :  (a)  As  the  only  witness  extant,  save  a 
few  quotations  in  Philo  and  elsewhere,  as  to 
the  character  and  condition  of  the  Heb.  text 
previous  to  the  Christian  era.  Hence  it  is  of 
great  assistance  :  (i)  in  elucidating  the  ob- 
scurities of  the  Massoretic  text  (c/.  iSam.17- 
18,  LXX.  B) ;  (ii)  as  a  guide  to  vocalization 
(cf.  Gen.l8.20,  ^y2iV^  'amord;  LXX.  Fo/xoppa). 
(b)  As  the  Bible  '  of  the  Early  Church, 
it  had  a  strong  formative  influence  on 
the  development  of  dogma  {cf.  Mt.l.23  I  Ac. 
15.16  ;  Ep.  to  Heb.  passim).  For  the  text  : 
Swete's  Cambridge  LXX.  General :  Intro, 
to  Study  of  O.T.  in  Gk.  (Swete) ;  also 
Nestle,  s.v.  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904). 
For  linguistic  purposes  consult  Essays  on 
Biblical  Gk.  (Hatch).  [d.c.s.] 

Sepulehpe.     [Burial  ;    Tomb.] 
Se'pah,  daughter  of  Asher  (Gen.46.i7  ;    i 
Chr.7.30),  called  in  Num. 26. 46,  Sarah,  2. 

Seraiah'. — 1.  The  scribe  or  secretarv  of 
David  (2Sam.8.i7).  [Sheva,  i.]— 2.  High- 
priest  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah  (2K.25.18  ;  i 
Chr.6.14  ;  Je.52.24). — 3.  Son  of  Tanhumeth 
"  the  Netophathite  "  (2K.25.23;  Je.40.8).— 4. 
Son  of  Kenaz,  and  brother  of  Othniel  (iChr.4. 
13,14). — 5.  Aji  ancestor  of  Jehu  (4.35).— 6. 
(Ezr.2.2)=AzARiAH,  20. — 7.  Father  of  Ezra 
(7.1),  whom  some  identify  with  2,  but  see 
Ezra. — 8.  A  priest,  or  priestly  family,  who 
signed  the  covenant  (Ne.10.2). — 9.  A  priest, 
the  son  of  Hilkiah  (11. 11). — 10.  The  head 
of  a  priestly  house  which  went  up  from 
Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (12. 1,12). — 11. 
Son  of  Neriah,  and  brother  of  Baruch.  He 
went  to  Babylon  with  Zedekiah  in  the  fourth 
year  of  the  latter's  reign,  and  is  described  as 


808 


SERAPHIM 


sar  nv'nuhd  (lit.  "  prince  of  rest  "  ;  A.V.  "  a 
quiet  prince  "  ;  marg.  "  or,  prince  of  Menu- 
chah,  or,  chief  chamberlain  "  ;  R.V.  "  chief 
chamberlain,"  marg.  "or,  quartermaster"). 
Perhaps  he  was  an  officer  who  took  charge  of 
the  royal  caravan  on  its  march,  and  fixed 
halting-places.  He  was  commissioned  by 
Jeremiah  to  take  with  him  the  roll  in  whicn  he 
had  written  the  doom  of  Babylon,  and  sink  it 
in  the  Euphrates,  as  a  token  that  Babylon 
should  sink,  never  to  rise  again  (Je. 51. 59-64). 
— 12.  Son  of  Azriel  (36.26).  He  was  one  of 
those  sent  by  king  Jehoiakim  to  arrest  Baruch 
and  Jeremiah,  "  but  the  Lord  hid  them." 

Seraphim'.  This  order  of  celestial  beings 
is  mentioned  by  name  but  once  in  O.T.  (Is. 6. 
2,6).  The  prophet  there  sees  them  in  atten- 
dance at  the  divine  court  ;  "  each  one  had  six 
wings  ;  with  twain  he  covered  his  face,  with 
twain  he  covered  his  feet,  and  with  twain  he 
did  fly."  A.V.  has  "  above  it  stood  the 
seraphims,"  i.e.  above  the  throne  ;  seraphim 
stabant  super  illud  (Vulg.)  ;  but  R.V.  gives 
"  above  him,''  i.e.  above  the  Lord  as  revealed 
in  the  vision.  They  sing  the  trisagion  anti- 
phonally,  crying  aloud  "The  whole  earth  is  full 
of  His  glory."  They  arc  human  in  form,  with 
face  and  hands  and  feet,  albeit  having  six 
wings.  In  ver.  6  one  of  the  seraphim  flies 
unto  the  prophet  to  touch  his  lips  with  a  live 
coal  from  off  the  altar,  saying,  "  Thine  iniquity 
is  taken  away,  and  thy  sin  purged."  Thus 
the  idea  would  seem  to  be  that  of  purifying  by 
fire,  the  root  of  the  original  word  probably  sig- 
nifying "to  burn."  The  etymology,  however, 
is  not  entirely  clear,  and  attempts  in  this  direc- 
tion have  led  to  curious  results.  The  word 
seraph  has  been  supposed  to  have  some  con- 
nexion with  the  Egyptian  god  Serapis,  but 
there  is  no  relationship  between  them.  The 
name  Serapis  is  a  combination  of  Osiris  with 
Hapi,  the  Nile  god,  and  this  cult  did  not  make 
its  appearance  until  the  time  of  the  later 
dynasties,  when  offerings  were  made  to  Osiris- 
.\pis,  or  Serapis.  In  Heb.  Rabbinic  lore  and 
in  the  Egyptian  writings  the  seraphim  ranked 
as  one  of  the  classes  of  angels.  "  They,  ac- 
cording to  their  position  and  importance,  be- 
came the  interpreters  of  the  will  of  the  Deity." 
Here,  no  doubt,  Heb.  thought  has  touched 
Egyptian  mythology.  The  living  creatures 
named  in  Rev. 4.8  resemble  the  seraphim  in 
some  details,  and  sing  the  same  song  (c/.  Is.6. 
3).  It  was  their  function  to  proclaim  aloud 
the  holiness  of  Jehovah,  and  to  purify,  as  by 
fire,  those  to  whom  they  were  sent,     [a.h.p.] 

Sep'ed,  firstborn  of  Zebulun  and  ancestor  of 
the  Sardites  (Gen. 46. 14  ;    Num.26.26). 

Sep'srius  Paulus,  the  proconsul  of  Cy- 
prus when  St.  Paul  visited  that  island  witli 
Barnabas  on  his  first  niissionary  tour  (Ac. 13. 
7f. ).  He  is  shown  as  an  intelligent  man, 
truth-S5eking,  and  eager  for  information.  It 
was  this  last  trait  of  his  ciiaracter  which  led 
him  to  admit  to  his  society  Elymas  the  Magian, 
and  likewise  to  seek  out  tlie  missionary 
strangers  and  learn  from  them  the  nature  of 
Christian  doctrine.  On  becoming  acquainted 
with  the  apostle  he  examined  at  once  the 
claims  of  the  Gospel,  and  arccpted  the  evi- 
dence of  its  trutli.  The  ])n)((>nsiilshi|)  ot 
I'aulus  is  mentioned  in  an  inscription  recently 


SERMON  ON  THE  MOUNT 

discovered  in  Cyprus.  Hogarth,  Devia  Cypria, 
pp.  113  ff. ;  Headlam,  art.  "  Paulus  Sergius  " 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904) ;  Ramsay, 
St.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  Rom  Cit.  p.  73  ff. 

Serjeants  (pa(i5ovxoi,  rod-bearers,  Ac. 16. 35- 
38),  Roman  "lictors,"  attending  on  magistrates 
and  carrying  out  their  orders.  At  Philippi,  a 
Roman  colony,  they  attended  the  duumviri, 
popularly  called"praetors,"  aTparrjyoi.    [h.s.] 

Sermon  on  the  Mount.  Most  critics 
are  agreed  that  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  the 
substance  of  a  discourse  actually  spoken,  but 
no  more  than  the  substance  of  it.  On  one  side, 
many  of  its  sayings  are  their  own  evidence,  and 
may  well  be  preserved  nearly  as  they  were 
spoken  ;  on  the  other,  the  sermon  as  a  whole  is 
too  condensed  to  be  more  than  an  outline  of  a 
fuller  discourse.  It  has  come  down  to  us  in 
two  forms.  In  Mt.5-7  it  is  a  sort  of  manifesto 
to  the  multitude  at  an  early  stage  of  our  Lord's 
ministry  ;  in  Lu.6.20-49  it  is  an  address  to  His 
disciples  at  the  choosing  of  the  Twelve,  and  is 
given  in  a  much  shorter  form.  SS.  Matthew 
and  Luke  are  agreed  in  connecting  the  dis- 
course with  the  mountain  country  of  Galilee, 
and  in  beginning  with  the  Beatitudes  and 
ending  with  the  parable  of  the  wise  and  unwise 
builders.  The  variations  are  considerable,  as 
we  should  expect  from  oral  transmission  by 
two  channels,  but  it  is  plainly  the  same  dis- 
course. St.  Luke  omits  the  whole  central 
portion  of  the  sermon,  giving  parts  of  it  {e.g. 
the  Lord's  Prayer)  in  other  contexts.  This 
raises  the  question,  Which  form  is  nearer  to 
the  original  discourse  ?  Did  St.  Matthew  put 
in  all  this  on  his  general  principle  of  grouping 
together  similar  material  ?  As  he  groups 
miracles  in  8,9  and  parables  in  13,  so  he  may 
here  be  adding  to  the  sermon  saj-ings  spoken  at 
other  times.  Or  did  St.  Luke  leave  them  out 
as  unsuited  to  Gentiles  ?  Or  did  the  sermon 
reach  him  with  the  omissions  already  made  ? 
If  we  consider  its  coherence  in  St.  Matthew 
and  the  greater  vividness  of  the  expression, 
we  can  hardly  escape  the  conclusion  that 
this  is  the  earlier  form.  At  the  same  time,  our 
Lord  is  likely  often  to  have  said  the  same 
thing,  or  nearly  the  same  thing,  in  the  course  of 
His  ministry,  so  that  the  connexions  given  in  St. 
Luke  to  particular  sayings  need  not  be  set  aside 
as  inaccurate.  Taking,  then,  the  sermon  as  it 
stands  in  St.  Matthew,  its  central  theme  would 
seem  to  be  the  principles  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.  Principles,  not  laws — for  here,  as  else- 
where, our  Lord  is  dealing  with  character  and 
motives,  not  enjoining  particular  actions. 
Men  have  attempted  in  all  ages  to  obey  liter- 
ally such  commands  as  Swear  not  at  all.  Resist 
not  evil,  Give  to  him  that  asketh  thee  ;  but 
they  have  never  been  able  to  carry  out  their 
purpose  consistently,  and  they  would  stultify 
the  entire  sermon  if  they  could.  Our  Lc^rd's 
own  action  (Mt.26.64  ;  J n. 18. 23)  is  enough  to 
show  that  He  meant  them  to  be  obeyed  as 
[)rincii>les  ratlicr  than  literally.  The  sermon 
falls  naturally  into  three  sections:  (i)Tlu'  new 
character  (Mt.5. 1 -1 6).  (2)Thenewlaw(5.i7-4K). 
(3)  The  new  life  (6-7. 20),  and  a  conclusion 
(7.21-27).  (i)  The  new  character  is  described 
as  :  (i)  in  itself  (5.1-12),  jioor  in  spirit,  sorrow- 
ing, meek,  thirsting  after  righteousness,  as 
merciful,  pure  in  heart,   seeking   jieace,  and 


SERMON  ON  THE  MOUNT 

persecuted  as  the  prophets  were  in  old  time  ; 
(ii)  in  relation  to  others  (5.13-16^,  as  the  salt  of 
the  earth  and  the  light  of  the  world — a  preserv- 
ing and  a  guiding  power  among  men.  (2)  The 
new  law  is  presented  (5.17-20)  as  the  com- 
pletion of  the  old — as  carrying  out  what  was 
only  begun  by  the  old.  The  righteousness  of 
the  kingdom  is  far  more  searching  than  that  of 
the  scribes  and  Pharisees.  Of  this  examples 
are  given  (5.21-48):  Ye  have  heard  what  God 
said  to  them  of  old  ;  but  I  tell  you  something 
better.  It  is  not  miorder  only  that  is  wrong, 
but  anger  and  malice  :  not  adultery  only,  but 
every  lustful  look  ;  not  divorce  for  light  cause 
only,  but  divorce  for  every  cause  except 
adultery  ;  not  false  swearing  only,  but  swear- 
ing generally  ;  not  retaliation  only,  but  the 
spirit  of  resistance  ;  not  hatred  of  our  neigh- 
bours only,  but  hatred  even  of  our  enemies. 
Ye  then  shall  be  perfect  as  your  heavenly 
Father  is  perfect.  (3)  The  new  life  is  set 
forth  in  relation  first  to  outward  religion  (6. 
1-18).  Instructions  are  given  on  three  great  Jew- 
ish practices  of  alms,  prayer,  and  fasting.  In 
each  case  the  point  is  that  we  are  not  to  make 
a  show  of  them  like  the  hypocrites.  What  is 
done  before  God  must  not  be  done  before  men. 
In  almsgiving,  do  not  sound  a  trumpet  ;  in 
prayer,  do  not  stand  at  the  street  corners  ; 
in  fasting,  do  not  exhibit  a  dirty  face. 
Prayer  is  dealt  with  rather  more  fully  than  the 
others.  First  come  warnings  not  to  use  vain 
repetitions  or  endeavour  to  dictate  to  heaven, 
like  the  Gentiles  ;  then  the  Lord's  Prayer  is 
given  as  a  model,  and  our  own  forgiveness  is 
conditioned  by  our  forgiveness  of  others.  Next 
come  the  aims  of  the  new  life  (6.19-34).  The 
true  treasure  is  heavenly  (19-21),  the  true  ser- 
vice must  be  single  (22-24),  and  the  true  care  is 
to  cast  all  your  care  on  God  (25-34),  for  He 
knows  your  needs  and  will  care  for  you.  After 
this,  the  conduct  of  the  new  life  (T.i-ia).  Be 
not  harsh  in  judgment,  or  over-anxious  to 
correct  the  faults  of  others.  Rather  be  good 
to  men  as  your  Father  is  good  to  them,  for  love 
is  the  fulfilling  of  the  law  and  the  prophets. 
Then  come  the  dangers  of  the  new  life  (7.13- 
20).  It  is  a  narrow  way,  and  the  deceivers  are 
many  ;  but  you  will  recognize  them,  for  they 
will  not  bring  forth  the  fruits  of  the  Spirit. 
The  conclusion  (7.21-27)  sets  forth  the  para- 
mount need  of  sincerity  and  truth.  He  that 
doeth  God's  will,  not  he  that  doeth  mighty 
works,  shall  enter  into  the  kingdom.  He  that 
doeth  these  sayings  of  Mine  is  building  on  the 
rock — all  others  on  the  sand.  The  Sermon  on 
the  Mount  was  a  revolution  in  religion.  True, 
it  did  but  complete  for  the  Jews  the  revelation 
of  God's  holiness  given  in  O.T.,  and  for  the 
Gentiles  the  vision  they  had  caught  of  the 
unity  of  mankind.  But  it  did  not  complete 
them  only  by  its  preaching  of  a  Father  in 
heaven.  Momentous  as  the  teaching  is,  it 
almost  sinks  to  insignificance  before  the  per- 
sonal claims  of  the  speaker.  Christ  completes 
for  the  Jews  by  shifting  the  ground  of  religion 
from  the  law  that  was  given  through  Moses  to 
the  grace  and  truth  incarnate  in  Himself  ;  and 
for  the  Gentiles  by  revealing  Himself  as  the 
organic  head  of  mankind  and  the  future  judge 
of  all  men.  St.  John  himself  says  no  more 
than  is  here  implied.     If  Jesus  Christ  is  not  in 


SERPENT 


809 


the  highest  sense  divine  in  Person  and  author- 
ity, the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  an  empty 
boast  from  first  to  last.  [h.m.g.] 

Se'pon,  the  Syrian  commander  (iMac.3. 
13,23,24)  defeated  at  Beth-horon  by  Judas 
Maccabaeus  (166  b.c). 

Serpent.  The  following  Heb.  words  de- 
note serpents  or  snakes  of  some  kind  or  other 
— namely,  'akhshAbh, pethen,  fepha'  or  (iph'oni, 
slvphiphon,  ndhdsh,  and  'eph'i.  The  first  four 
are  noticed  under  Adder  and  Asp.  As  a  general 
term  for  any  snake,  ndhdsh  occurs  frequently 
in  O.T.  The  presumed  subtilty  of  snakes  is 
mentioned  in  Gen.S.i ;  their  supposed  wisdom 
is  alluded  to  by  our  Lord  in  Mt.l0.i6  ;  the 
poisonous  properties  of  some  species  are  often 
mentioned  (Ps.58.4;  Pr.23.32);  their  sharp 
tongues,  which  in  some  cases  the  Hebrews 
apparently  regarded  as  the  instruments  of 
poison,  are  mentioned  in  Ps. 140. 3,  Job  20. 16. 
In  other  places,  however,  as  in  Pr.23.32,  Ec. 
10.8,11,  Num. 21. 9,  the  venom  is  correctly 
ascribed  to  the  bite.  Their  habit  of  lying 
concealed  in  hedges  is  alluded  to  in  Ec.10.8, 
and  in  holes  of  walls  in  Am.S.ig  ;  their  dwel- 
ling in  dry  sandy  places  in  Deut.8.15;  while 
their  mode  of  progression  is  expressly  men- 
tioned by  the  author  of  Pr.30,  as  one  of  the 
"  three  things  "  which  were  "  too  wonderful  " 
for  him  (ver.  19).  The  oviparous  nature  of  most 
members  of  the  group  is  alluded  to  in  Is. 59. 5, 
where  A.V.  has  the  unfortunate  rendering 
"cockatrice."  [Snake-charming-]  As  it  was 
under  the  form  of  a  serpent  that  the  devil 
beguiled  Eve,  Satan  is  called  "the  old  ser- 
pent" (Rev.12.9;  cf.  2C0r.ll. 3).  [Dragon.] 
It  was  an  ancient  belief,  both  amongst 
Orientals  and  western  nations,  that  serpents 
were  endued  with  a  large  share  of  sagacity  ; 
and  the  particular  wisdom  alluded  to  by  our 
Lord  may  refer  to  their  sagacity  in  avoiding 
danger.  Unless  there  is  a  reference  to  the 
fact  that  snakes  are  derived  from  four-legged 
lizard-like  reptiles,  the  old  idea  that  serpents 
prior  to  the  Fall  moved  along  in  an  erect 
attitude  is,  of  course,  absurd,  and  is  not  re- 
quired by  the  words  of  Scriptiure.  The  form 
of  the  serpent  audits  mode  of  progression  must 
have  been  the  same  before,  as  after,  the  Fall ; 
but  subsequent  to  that  event  they  were  to  be 
regarded  with  hatred  by  mankind,  so  that  these 
reptiles  were  cursed  "  above  all  cattle,"  and  a 
mark  of  condemnation  was  stamped  upon 
them.  The  expression  in  Scripture  that  ser- 
pents "  eat  dust  "  (Gen. 3. 14  ;  Is. 65. 25  ;  Mi. 7. 
17)  may  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  fact  that 
as  many  of  these  reptiles  take  their  food  on  the 
ground,  they  may  swallow  with  it  a  certain 
amount  of  sand  and  dust.  "  Almost  through- 
out the  E.,"  writes  Dr.  Kalisch,  "  the  serpent 
was  used  as  an  emblem  of  the  evil  principle,  of 
the  spirit  of  disobedience  and  contumacy.  A 
few  exceptions  only  can  be  discovered.  The 
Phoenicians  adored  that  animal  as  a  bene- 
ficent genius  and  the  Chinese  consider  it 
as  a  symbol  of  superior  wisdom  and  power, 
and  ascribe  to  the  kings  of  heaven  [tien- 
hoang]  bodies  of  serpents."  The  evil  spirit 
in  tile  form  of  a  serpent  appears  in  the 
Ahriman,  or  lord  of  evil,  who,  according  to  the 
doctrine  of  Zoroaster,  first  taught  men  to  sin. 
under   the  guise  of  this  reptile.     Much   has 


810 


SERPENT,  BRAZEN 


been  writtea  with  regard  to  the  "fiery  ser- 
pents" of  Num. 21. 6,8,  with  which  the  "fiery 
flying  serpent  "  of  Is. 14.29  and  30.6  has  been 
incorrectly  identified.  The  Heb.  term  rendered 
"fiery"  by  the  A.V.  is  in  the  Alexandrine 
MS.  of  the  LXX.  translated  "deadly"; 
Onkelos,  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadias  and 
the  Vulg.  translate  the  word  "burning," 
in  allusion  to  the  sensation  produced  by  the 
bite  ;  other  authorities  understand  a  reference 
to  the  bright  colour  of  these  serpents.  Al- 
though it  is  impossible  to  identify  the  species 
of  poisonous  snake  which  destroyed  the  people 
in  the  Arabian  desert,  it  is  obvious  that  either 
the  horned  viper,  the  cobra,  or  any  other 
venomous  Arabian  species  may  denote  the 
"  serpent  of  the  burning  bite."  The  "  fiery 
flying  serpent  "  of  Isaiah  (I.e.)  has  no  ex- 
istence in  nature ;  but  monstrous  snakes 
with  birds'  wings  appear  on  the  Egyptian 
sculptures.  The  term  'eph'i  occurs  in 
Job20.i6,  Is. 30.6,  and  59.5  (A.V.  viper); 
but  there  is  nothing  in  the  context  to  give  a 
clue  as  to  the  species  referred  to  by  this  name, 
which  is  derived  from  a  root  which  signifies 
"  to  hiss."  The  snake  Hx'-^''^-)  which 
fastened  on  St.  Paul's  hand  at  Melita  (Ac.28. 
3)  may  have  been  one  of  the  southern  species 
of  viper,  such  as  Vipcra  aspis,  V.  latastei,  or 
V.  ammodytes,  although  none  of  these  are 
found  in  Malta  at  the  present  day.     [r.l.] 

Seppent,  Brazen.  The  incident  cf  the 
brazen  serjient  is  given  in  Num. 21. 4-9  (JE). 
The  i^lace  wliere  it  happened  is  not  named,  but 
the  last-mentioned  camping-ground  is  mount 
Hor  (20.22),  on  the  (W.)  border  of  Edom, 
where  Aaron  dies.  The  next  camping-ground 
mentioned  in  Numbers  is  Oboth  (21. 10).  In 
the  list  of  stations  in  Num.33,  the  order  is  Mt. 
Hor,  Zalmonah,  Punon,  Oboth.  The  scene  of 
the  incident  of  the  brazen  serpent  would  ac- 
cordingly be  either  Zalmonah  or  Punon.  The 
material  of  which  the  serpent  was  made  was 
probably  copper,  or  possibly  bronze,  but  not 
brass  (as  A.V.  gives  it).  Articles  of  bronze 
have  been  discovered  at  Tell  el  Hcsy  (Lachish) 
and  elsewhere  in  Palestine.  A  point  in  the 
Heb.  text  which  is  lost  in  translation,  is  that  the 
words  for  "  serpent  "  and  for  "  bronze  "  or 
"  copper,"  have  nearly  identical  consonants — 
much  as  if  in  English  one  should  say  "Moses 
made  a  serpent  of  serpentine."  That  Moses 
should  have  made  a  model  of  any  living  crea- 
ture is  remarkable  after  Ex.20.4 ;  but  it  is  clearly 
shown  in  the  narrative  that  the  purpose  was 
not  worship.  It  was  not,  however,  surprising 
that  this  image  should,  in  course  of  tinae,  become 
an  object  of  worship  (2K.I8.4  ;  Nehushtan), 
as  relics  of  Christian  saints  have  done,  or  as 
the  Black  Stone  at  Mecca  practically  has  even 
to  M'>!iaininedans.  Indeed,  the  bronze  serpent 
is  still  shown  upon  a  column  in  the  nave  of 
the  church  of  St.  Ambrose  in  Milan.  Various 
attempts  have  been  made  to  explain  the  whole 
incident,  (i)  Vrazcr  {Golden  Bough,  ii.  426 i.) 
gives  several  instances  of  plagues  being  staycci 
by  making  an  image  of  tlie  vermin  which 
caused  tiicm.  Thui  the  Philistines  made  models 
of  the  mice  (iSain.6.4)  with  which  the  country 
was  overrun  (5.6,  LXX.).  (2)  The  allegorical 
interpretation  of  the  Targiiin  of  Jonathan 
renders  Nuiu.21.8,  "  He  shall  be  healed  if  he 


SESSION 

direct  his  trust  unto  the  name  of  the  word  of 
the  Lord."  Similarly  Philo  regards  the  narra- 
tive as  an  allegory  of  man's  victory  over  his 
lower  nature.  (3)  The  typical  interpretations 
based  on  Jn.3.14,15.  [Type.]  Cf.  Doughty's 
Arabia  Deserta,  i.  314,  etc. ;  and  on  the  whole 
passage  Gray,  Numbers  in  the  Internat.  Comm. ; 
Bliss  and  MacAlister  on  their  excavations  in 
Pal.;  Philo  Judacus  (Bohn's  Lib.  i.  100). 
[Poison;  Sekpent.]  [t.h.w.] 

Serpents,  Fiery.  [Serpent.] 
Sepug',  son  of  Keu,  and  great-grandfather 
of  Abraham  (Gen. 11. 20-23  ;  Lu.3.35,  R.V.). 
The  name  is  connected  with  Sariij,  a  district 
and  city  lying  N.  of  Haran  (see  Dillmann, 
Gen.,  ad  loc.)  [h.c.b.] 

Servant.  ( i )  Heb.  'ebhcdh  means  primarily 
"slave"  (E.V.  generally  "servant"),  but  is 
used  for  the  relation  of  worshippers  to  God  or 
of  subjects  to  a  king — e.g.  iSam.27.i2.  na'ar, 
piier,  irais,  "  boy,"  "lad,"  and  applied  in  other 
connexions  even  to  married  men  [Benjamin], 
denotes  in  this  connexion  either  a  "slave," 
or  "free  attendant."  m'shdrcth  also  expresses 
"servant"  or  "minister" — e.g.  Ex. 24. 13.  (2) 
"Hired  servant"  is  denoted  by  sdkhtr.  His 
position  was  due  to  contract,  not  status.  He 
ranked  with  the  sojourner,  and  was  not  part 
of  the  family  (Ex. 12.45  ;  Lev.22.io,25,4o).  He 
might  be  a  native  or  a  stranger.  For  protection 
he  depended  not  on  the  courts,  but  on  religion 
(Lev.i9.13f.  ;  and  especially  Deut.24.14f.,  with 
the  idea  of  sin).  He  was  scarcely  a  day  labourer 
in  our  sense  (Lev. 25. 53  ;  cf.  Is. 16. 14, 21. 16),  but 
there  may  have  been  engagements  for  different 
periods.  The  hired  servant  of  the  Mosaic  age 
was  to  be  paid  day  by  day  (Lev.  19. 13  ;  Deut.24. 
i4f.).  [Wages.]  He  was  better  treated  than 
a  slave  (Lev. 25. 40, 53),  but  belonged  to  a  poor 
class  (Deut.24.14f.),  had  an  unenviable  life 
(Job 7. if.),  and  was  frequently  subjected  to 
oppressive  treatment  (Mai. 3. 5).  [Slave  ; 
Poor.]    Encyc.  Bibl.  s.v.  [h.m.w.] 

The  only  passages  in  N.T.  in  which  the  words 
strictly  meaning  "  hired  servant  "  occur  are, 
Lu. 15. 17, 29;  Mk.1.20;  Jn.lO.12, 13.  AovXos,  a 
"bondservant"  or  "slave,"  corresponding  to 
Heb.  'ebhedh,  occurs  about  120  times,  and  is  ren- 
dered "  servant  "  in  K.V.,  with  marg.  "  bond- 
servant," except  where  "  bondservant  "  ap- 
pears in  the  text — e.g.  J n. 8. 34, 35  ;  iCor.7.2iff. ; 
Gal. 4.1, 7;  iPet.2.i6;  2Pet.2.i9.  Atd/foi-os,  in 
R.V.  a  few  times  "servant,"  twice  "deacon," 
but  mostly  "  minister."  For  N.T.  teaching 
about  tlie  relative  duties  of  masters  and  ser- 
vants cf.  Col. 3. 22-4. 1.  [H.H.] 
Sepvant  of  Jehovah.  [Isaiah  ;  God.] 
Ses'is  (ilisd.9.34)  =  Shashai. 
Session,  the  sequel  to  the  Ascension. 
(i)  The  fact  is  recorded  in  Mk.l6.19,  which,  at 
latest,  belongs  to  early  sub-a|iostolic  periods. 
The  frequency  of  its  mention  is  affected  by  its 
relation  to  the  Ascension.  But  see  Ac. 2. 33, 
5.31  ;  Heb. 9. 24  ;  Eph.4.io.  It  found  ex- 
pression in  the  ancient  creed.  (2)  The  signi- 
ficance of  the  phrase  "  right  hand  of  God." 
It  is  not  to  be  interpreted  literally,  but  as 
denoting  a  state  of  glory  and  honour.  Cf.  Lu. 
24.26,  "  enter  into  His  glory  "  ;  iPe.3.22  ; 
Heb. 8.1.  "That  is,  so  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  Sovereign  King  of  the  world  that  royal 
dignity  is  communicated  to  Him;    in 'regard 


SESTHEL 

to  which  all  honour  and  worship,  all  service 
and  obedience,  are  due  to  Him  from  all 
creatures "  (Barrow,  serm.  xxxi.,  on  the 
Creed).  "Sitting"  at  the  right  hand  de- 
notes permanence  in  glory:  "firm  possession, 
diurable  continuance  ...  of  that  glorious 
condition  wherein  He  is  instated"  {ib.).  (3) 
Consequences.  The  suggestions  of  the  Psalms 
on  this  point  are  taken  up  into  the  Christian 
revelation  (cf.  Ps.68.i8  with  Eph.4.8  ;  and 
Ps.llO.i  with  Heb.lO.12,13.  See  further  I  Cor. 
15.25).  From  these  it  is  evident  that  the 
Session  at  the  right  hand  of  God  may  be  under- 
stood in  its  bearing,  first  on  sovereignty, 
secondly  on  the  heavenly  priesthood.  For  the 
former,  see  Heb.lO.12,13  ;  for  the  latter,  9.24, 
ijn.2.i,2,  and  the  idea  of  intercession  in 
Ro.8.34,  Heb.7.25,  Rev. 8. 3.  See  Milligan, 
Ascension  and  Heavenly  Priesthood  ;  Westcott, 
Comm.  on  Hebrews  ;  art.  s.v.  in  Hastings, 
Diet,  of  Christ  and  the  Gospels.         [w.j.s.s.] 

Ses'thel  (iEsd.9.31).  Of  the  sons  of  Addi, 
2  =  Bezaleel,  2. 

Seth,  the  third  son  of  Adam  (Gen. 4.25, 5. 3  ; 
iChr.l.i,  R.V.).  The  signification  of  his  name, 
as  usually  given,  is  "  appointed  "  or  "  put  " 
in  the  place  of  Abel ;  but  Ewald,  Dillmann. 
and  others  prefer  "  setting,"  "  seedling,"  or 
"  slip."  In  the  4th  cent,  there  existed  in 
Egypt  a  sect  calling  themselves  Sethians,  who 
are  classed  by  Neander  among  those  Gnostic 
sects  which,  in  opposing  Judaism,  approxi- 
mated to  paganism. 

Sethu'p,  the  Asherite  spy  (Num.13. 13). 
Seven.  In  the  Heb.  mind  a  mystical  signi- 
ficance was  attached  in  a  peculiar  degree  to  the 
nmnber  "seven";  the  origin  of  which  is  pro- 
bably to  be  found  in  the  number  of  the  days  of 
the  week.  The  week  of  seven  days  was  not  an 
arbitrary  division  of  time,  but  suited  approxi- 
mately the  phases  of  the  moon  ;  the  fourth 
part  of  the  lunar  month  being  a  convenient 
division  of  time.  But  further,  the  seven-day 
week  attained  a  religious  significance  as  asso- 
ciated with  the  Creation,  and  the  seventh  day, 
the  sabbath,  had  an  ever-increasing  promi- 
nence and  sanctity,  and  hence  gave  to  the  num- 
ber "  seven  "  the  mystical  significance  of  holi- 
ness, perfection,  and  completeness  which  it 
came  to  possess  [Number],  as  is  seen  from 
its  usage  in  the  Bible.  vThus  the  number  seven 
continually  occurs  in  the  O.T.  regulations  for 
worship  (e.g.  Lev. 4. 6),  the  arrangements  for 
the  sanctuary  {e.g.  Ex. 25. 37),  the  sacred  sea- 
sons (Lev.23.15),  etc.  It  is  frequently  used  in 
the  sacred  imagery  of  the  prophets  (Is.4.i  ; 
Zech.3.9,  etc.)  and  apocalyptists  (Dan.9.25  ; 
Rev.  passim),  and  is  the  basis  of  the  symbolism 
of  Pharaoh's  dreams  (Gen.41.2ff.)  and  of  sym- 
bolic action  (Jos. 6. 4  ;  2K.5.14),  and  it  was  the 
number  of  deacons  chosen  by  the  Church  (Ac. 6. 
3 ).  The  entire  imagery  of  the  Apocalypse  rests 
upon  this  number,  which  is  used  throughout  the 
book  to  express  the  idea  of  completeness  or  to- 
tality. The  seven  churches  are  taken  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  Church  as  a  whole  (Rev.1.4)  ; 
the  three  great  series  of  visions  of  the  seven 
seals,  the  seven  trumpets,  and  the  seven  bowls, 
are  allegorical  of  the  working  out  of  the  entire 
world-conflict  to  its  final  issue.  But  frequently 
the  sacred  association  of  i."  seven"  is  dropped, 
and  the  number  is  used  to  express  simply  the 


SEVEN  WORDS,  THE 


811 


full  complement  required  under  particular  cir- 
cumstances (Lev.26.i8  ;  Num.23. i),  or  the 
completeness  of  satisfaction  (iSam.2.5  ;  Is. 30. 
26),  or  the  entire  occupation  of  the  field  within 
view  (Deut. 7.1  ;  J0S.I8.9  ;  Job  5.19  ;  Pr.9.i, 
26.25  ;  Is. 11. 15),  or  as  the  equivalent  of  a  large 
number  (Pr.6.31  ;  cf.  Ex.22.i,4  ;  Dan.S.ig  ; 
Mk.16.9).  Indeed,  our  Lord  Himself  shows  that 
in  such  language  the  number  is  not  to  be  un- 
derstood in  a  literal  sense  (Mt.l8.21).  Some- 
times "  seven  "  is  used  as  a  typical  number 
where  the  particular  numeration  is  not  import- 
ant (Ezk.39.9,12  ;  Mt.22.25)  ;  sometimes  it  is 
merely  a  round  number  {e.g.  Gen.4.15).  Milli- 
gan, Lectures  on  the  Apocalypse.       [j.c.v.d.] 

Seven  Words,  The.  The  probable 
historic  sequence  of  the  Words  of  our  Lord 
from  the  Cross  is  :  ( i )  The  interceding,  which, 
starting  from  the  group  which  slew  Him, 
advances  in  widening  circles  to  include  His 
contemporaries,  and  ultimately  the  entire 
human  race.  The  basis  of  the  plea,  recogniz- 
ing responsibility  and  ignorance,  is  universal. 
The  intercession,  objectively  complete,  still 
requires  to  be  subjectively  realized  in  each 
individual  coming  into  a  forgivable  state. 
(2)  The  promise  to  the  dying  malefactor.  The 
reference  to  Paradise  is  an  authoritative 
declaration  of  life  in  the  future  state  and  of 
Christ's  own  supremacy  over  it.  All  words  of 
Christ  are  dehberately  chosen  ;  and  this  is  just 
as  much  an  instruction  as  any  other  of  His 
sayings.  [Thieves,  The  two.]  (3)  The  care 
for  His  mother.  Recent  criticism,  probably 
correctly,  draws  attention  to  Christ's  absten- 
tion from  the  word  "  mother  "  in  His  address  to 
her.  [Mary.]  In  the  work  of  redemption  He 
is  absolutely  alone  (cf.  Mk.3.35).  (4)  The 
cry  of  desolation.  Adopted  from  Ps.22.i, 
and,  like  all  other  words  adopted  by  Christ, 
filled  with  new  contents  and  profounder  mean- 
ing. It  cannot  signify  the  anger  of  the  Father 
towards  the  Son.  This  strange  theory,  how- 
ever prevalent,  conflicts  with  Their  identity  of 
will  and  the  Unity  of  the  Trinity  ;  has  no 
support  in  Scripture  ;  and  has  introduced 
immoral  conceptions  of  transferred  punishment 
from  the  guilty  to  the  Innocent  which  have 
done  untold  harm  to  the  doctrine  of  Atone- 
ment. We  can  only  say  that  the  loving  self- 
identity  of  Christ  with  the  sinner  caused  Him 
to  experience  the  sinner's  isolation.  Death  as 
the  wages  of  sin  is  consciously  experienced  by 
the  sinless.  Note,  in  this  connexion,  Christ's 
refusal  of  the  stupefying  draught.  He  would 
experience  death  in  full  possession  of  un- 
clouded human  mental  powers  {cf.  Heb. 2. 9). 
(5)  The  dying  thirst.  Primarily  a  physical 
reference  ;  but  those  who  place  the  apostoUc 
interpretation  on  this  death  naturally  find  in 
the  Word  a  spiritual  reference  also.  (6)  The 
Word  of  consummation — "  It  is  finished."  Ob- 
jectively, the  Godward  effect  of  the  sacrifice  is 
complete.  Subjectively,  the  individual  appro- 
priation of  the  sacrifice  is  not  complete,  and 
will  not  be  till  the  end.  This  Word  contains 
the  first  suggestion  of  the  redemptive  victory. 
(7)  The  prayer  of  commendation.  Aji 
amazing  feature  of  Christ's  life  and  death  is 
its^deliberate,  calm  control  of  circumstance. 
Nowhere  is  this  more  conspicuous  than  in  His 
death.     It  seems  hke  a  dehberate  act  of  will. 


812 


SHAALABBIN 


asclf-recollcctcd  yielding  up  of  His  human  soul 
(cf.  Jn. 10.17,18.)  [w.j.s.s] 

Shaalabbin'  (Jos.i9.42)  or  Shaalbim' 
(Judg.1.35  ;  iK.^.g),  a  town  of  Dan,  named 
between  Ir-shemesh  and  Ajalon.  Probably 
Selbit,  3  miles  N.W.  of  Ydlo.  [Aijalon.]  It 
appears  as  "the  land  of  Salabimi, "  in  one  of 
the  Amarna  letters  from  S.  Palestine  (Berlin 
199),  taken  by  the  'Abiri  invaders  in  the  15th 
cent.  B.C.  [cR.c] 

Shaal'bonite,  The.  Eliahba  the  Shaal- 
bonite  was  one  of  David's  37  heroes  (2Sam.23. 
32  ;  iChr.11.33).  He  was  called  after  a  place 
named  Shaalbon,  perhaps  Shaalabbin. 

Sha'aph. — 1.  Son  of  Jahdai  (iChr.2.47). 
— 2.  Son  of  Caleb,  i,  by  his  concubine  Maachah; 
the  father  (i.e.  founder)  of  Madmannah  (2.49). 

Shaapa'im  (gates),  (i)  In  1Sam.i7.52, 
the  L.\X.  reads,  "  the  way  of  gates,  and  unto 
Gath,  and  unto  Ekron."  The  passage  pro- 
bably means  that  the  Philistines  fled  to  the 
gates  of  both  Gath  and  Ekron,  and  not  to  the 
town  of  Sharaim.  (2)  In  iChr.4.31,  Shaaraim 
stands  for  Sharuhen  (Jos. 19. 6).         [c.r.c] 

Shaashg-az',  the  eunuch  of  Ahasuerus 
who  had  the  custody  of  the  women  in  the  se- 
cond house  (Esth.2.14).  The  LXX.  identifies 
him  with  Hegai. 

Shabbethai'. — 1.  .\  Levite  who  helped 
Ezra  in  the  matter  of  foreign  marriages  (Ezr. 
10.15).  He  is  mentioned  also,  with  Jcshua 
and  others  (Ne.8.7),  as  instructing  the  people 
in  the  law. — 2.  One  of  the  "  chief  of  the 
Lcvites  "  (11. 16),  possibly  identical  with   i. 

Shachia',  son  of  Shaharaim  by  his  wife 
Hodcsh  (iChr.8.10). 

Shaddai'  (.4  Imighty).  The  use  of  this  word 
bears  out  the  statement  of  Elohim  to  Moses  in 
E.\.6.2,3,  "I.  (that  is,  Elohini,)  amjuvn:  and 
I  appeared  to  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  in 
the  character  of  El-Shaddai  ;  but  as  to  My 
Name  Jnvii,  I  was  not  known  to  them."  This 
puts  the  name  Jnvn  and  the  word  Elohim  on 
one  side  of  a  line  of  demarcation  ;  and  the 
word  El  and  the  name  Shaddai  on  another. 
Accordingly,  Shaddai  is  never  found  in  parallel 
with  lUohim,  but  with  Eloah,  El,  and  'lilyon. 
In  fact,  these  three  words,  with  Shaddai  as  used 
among  the  patriarchs,  form  a  group  which  pre- 
cedes the  constant  use,  established  under  Moses, 
of  Elohim  in  cf)mbination  with  Jehovah.  Yet 
the  antediluvian  patriarchs  are  presented  to 
us  in  Genesis  as  speaking  of  lilohim  and  Je- 
hovah, and  except  that  the  primeval  word  El 
a[)pears  in  three  or  more  of  tlieir  names,  they 
iMii,'lit  ail  be  Israelites  in  their  theology.  But 
surely  E.\.6.3  is  a  double  sentence,  like  "I  de- 
sired mercy  and  not  [i.e.  more  than]  sacrifice," 
not  two  separate  statements,  and  we  cannot 
say  what  actual  words  in  use  before  the  Deluge 
stood  for  what  we  read  as  ICloliim  and  Jeiiovah. 
It  seems  as  if  Shaddai,  which  is  connected  witli 
shodh (destriiclion)  in  Is.lS.fi,  JI.I.15,  came  into 
use  as  a  name  of  the  Creatf)r  at  the  flood,  signi- 
fying Destroyer,  and  was  used  with  other  words 
of  power,  until  the  Alminlity  revealed  Himself 
again  as  J  f.uovah  (lil  "merciful  and  gracious"), 
and  faithful  to  His  people  from  generation  to 
nencration.  The  interpretation  of  Jiivn, 
f;iven  through  Moses  to  the  descendants  of  the 
Ahrahaniic  family,  "  What  I  hav(^  been  to  vour 
fathers,  that  I  am  to  you,"  suits  this  view, 


SHALLECHETH,  THE  GATE 

although  it  is  deduced  from,  rather  than 
affirmed  by,  revelation.  Shaddai  is  commoner 
in  Job  than  in  Genesis,  occurs  in  the  prophecies 
of  Balaam,  in  the  words  of  Naomi  returning 
from  Moab  (where  it  is  parallel  with  Jhvh),  in 
a  psalm  of  David  (68.14),  and  of  Moses  (91. i). 
But,  as  stated  in  Ex.  I.e.,  it  belongs  to  the 
Abrahamic  patriarchal  theology.  Ezekiel,  in 
his  captivity,  twice  mentions  the  "voice  of 
Shaddai."  Like  other  names  of  God,  this  is 
found  in  combination  in  personal  names,  e.g. 
Zurishaddai.     [Rock.]  [c.h.w.] 

Shadrach,  the  Babylonian  name  of 
Hananiah,  one  of  the  "  three  children,"  whose 
song  ("  Benedicite,  omnia  opera  "),  as  given  in 
the  apocryphal  Daniel,  is  used  in  the  service 
of  the  Church  of  England.  A  longer  prayer  in 
the  furnace  is  also  ascribed  to  him  in  the  LXX. 
and  Vulg.,  but  this  is  thought  to  be  by  a  differ- 
ent hand  from  the  song.  His  history  and  the 
account  of  the  miraculous  deliverance  from  the 
fiery  furnace  are  told  in  Dan. 1-3.  A  pointed 
allusion  is  made  to  the  three  in  the  Ep.  to  the 
Hebrews,  as  having  "  through  faith  quenched 
the  power  of  fire  "  (Heb.ll.33,34).  There  are 
also  repeated  allusions  to  them  in  the  later  apo- 
cryphal books,  and  the  mart\TS  of  the  Macca- 
baean  period  seem  to  have  been  much  encour- 
aged by  their  example.  See  i Mac. 2. 59  ;  3 
Mac.6.6  ;  4Mac.l3.9,16.3,2i,18.i2.  The  name 
Shadrach  is  of  doubtful  origin,  and  may  mean 
"  command  of  Aku  "  (i.e.  the  moon-god),  or  be 
a  Persian  title. 

Shagre',  father  of  Jonathan  the  Hararite, 
according  to  1Chr.ll.34.     [Siiammah,  4.] 

Shahara'im,  a  Bcujamitc  mentioned  in 
an  obscure  text  (iChr.8.8).  His  home  was  in 
"  the  field  of  Moab  "  (R.V.),  where  he  is  said 
to  have  begotten  children  after  he  had  sent 
away  Hushim  and  Baara,  his  wives  (R.V. 
marg.).  [h.c.b.] 

Shahazimah',  a  town  of  Issachar  (Jos. 
19.22).     The  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Shalem'  (Gen.33.i8).  The  R.V.  reads 
"  Jacob  came  in  peace  to  the  city  of  Shechem." 
The  LXX.,  Peshitta-Syr.,  and  Vulg.  alike  re- 
gard the  word  as'  the  name  of  a  place.  The 
village  Sdlim  is  2.\  miles  E.  of  Jacob's  well, 
on  the  main  road  from  Succoth  to  Shechem. 
Jacob's  camp  would  have  been  in  the  plain 
S.W.  of  the  village,  before  he  bought  the 
field  in  which  the  well  was  dug.        [c.r.c] 

Shalim,  Land  of  (iSam.9.4),  a  region  in 
which  Saul  searched  for  the  lost  asses.  His  ex- 
peditions led  N.  through  Mt.  Ephraim,  N.W.  to 
Shalisha,  and  finally  S.  beyond  Benjamin  into 
Judah.  Hence  Shalim  may  be  supposed  to 
have  been  N.E.  of  Gibeaii.  The  Heb.  sh'alim 
means  "  hollows,"  and  the  fox  is  called  shii'al 
because  he  makes  a  burrow  (Arab,  thd'aleh 
and  th'alab).  Probably  the  land  of  Shual 
(1Sam.i3.17),  near  Othkah  of  Benjamin,  is  the 
same  (Heb.  sinl'al),  and  means,  not  tlie  "  land 
of  a  fox,"  but  of  a  "  hollow."  This  would 
ajiply  to  the  desert  K.  of  Taiyibeh,  remarkable 
for  caves  and  narrow  gorges  running  down  to 
the  Jordan  \\illey — a  region  into  which  the 
asses  niii,'lit  stray  from  Gibeah.  [c.r.c] 

Shalisha'  (iSam.9.i).  Probably  the  laad 
near  Baal-siialislia  (2K.4.  |2).     [Baal,  id.] 

Shalle'cheth,  The  g'ate,  apparent!  y 
one  of  the  gates  of  the  "  house  of  Jehovah" 


SHALLTJM 

(iChr.26.i6;  cf.  12.).  It  was  the  gate  "to 
the  causeway  of  the  ascent."  See  1K.IO.5, 
where  however  the  word  "ascent"  is  other- 
wise rendered  "  sacrifices."  [c.r.c] 

Shallum'.— 1.  King  of  Israel,  who  con- 
spired against  Zechariah,  son  of  Jeroboam  II., 
slew  him,  and  brought  the  dynasty  of  Jehu  to 
an  end.  After  reigning  one  month  he  was  in 
turn  dethroned  and  killed  by  Menahem  (2K. 
15.10,13-15).— 2.  The  husband  (or  son,  LXX. 
in  2K.)  of  Huldah  the  prophetess  (2K.22.14  ; 
2Chr.34.22).— 3.  A  Judahite  (iChr.2.40,41).— 
4.  Generally  known  as  Jehoahaz  (Je.22.ii). 
Possibly  the  term  is  here  used  as  an  epithet, 
"  the  requited  one,"  or  it  may  be  that  Shallum 
was  the  original  name  of  Jehoahaz.  The 
chronicler  takes  Shallum  as  a  proper  name  and 
makes  him  the  fourth  son  of  Josiah  (iChr.3.15). 
■^5.  A  Simeonite  (4.25).— 6.  A  high-priest, 
son  of  Zadok  and  ancestor  of  Ezra  (iChr.6.12, 
13;  Ezr.7.2).— 7.  (iChr.7.13)  =  Shillem. — 8. 
(9.17  ;  Ezr.2.42  ;  Ne.7.45)  =  Meshullam,  20, 
perhaps  the  same  as — 9.  A  Korahite  gatekeeper 
(iChr.9.17, 19,31) ;  called  Meshelemiah  in  26. 
1,2,9,  and  Shelemiah  in  26.14. — 10.  Father  of 
Jehizkiah,  an  Ephraimite  (2Chr.28.12). — 11. 
A  porter  of  the  temple  who  had  married  a 
foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.24). — 12.  A  son  of  Bani 
(IO.42). — 13.  Son  of  Halohesh  and  ruler  of 
a  district  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.i2). — 14.  The 
uncle  of  Jeremiah  (Je.32.7). — 15.  Father  of 
Maaseiah,  keeper  of  the  threshold  in  the  time 
of  Jeremiah  (35.4).  [h.c.b.] 

Shallun',  son  of  Col-hozeh,  and  ruler  of 
part  of  Mizpah,  who  assisted  in  the  repairs  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.15). 

Shalma'i.  The  children  of  Shalmai  were 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.46,  R.V.  Shamlai  ;  Ne.7.48,  R.V.  Salmai). 

Shalman'  (Hos.lO.14)  =  Shalmaneser. 
[Beth-arbel.] 

Shalmane'sep  (Assyr.  Shulman-asaridu, 
the  god  Sulnian  has  ruled).  The  Biblical  king 
of  this  name  was  Shalmaneser  IV.  His  pre- 
vious name  was  Ulula.  In  727  e.g.,  on  the 
death  of  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  he  seized  the  As- 
syrian throne,  to  which  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  had  any  claim  beyond  that  furnished  by 
successful  generalship.  Soon  after  his  acces- 
sion he  marched  on  Palestine  to  quell  the  re- 
volt of  Hoshea,  the  last  king  of  Israel  (2  K. 17. 3). 
Hoshea  promptly  submitted,  promising  a  fixed 
annual  tribute ;  but  soon  after  concluded  an 
alliance  with  Egypt,  and  withheld  his  tribute 
in  consequence.  Thereupon  Shalmaneser  im- 
prisoned him,  and  laid  siege  to  Samaria  (725 
B.C.).  At  the  end  of  three  years  the  city  was 
captured  by  Sargon,  and  a  large  proportion  of 
the  Israelites  deported  to  Assyria  (2K.I7.4-6, 
I8.9-11).  At  a  somewhat  earlier  date  Shalman- 
eser died  or  was  murdered,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Sargon.  [Samaria.]  Josephus(9^w/.  xiv.  2) 
relates  that  Shalmaneser  invaded  "  all  S^nria 
and  Phoenicia,"  and  in  particular  that  (in  spite 
of  the  destruction  of  the  Assyrian  vessels  by  the 
much  smaller  fleet  of  Tyre)  he  besieged  that 
city  for  five  years.  [a.w.s.] 

Shama',  one  of  David's  guard,  son  of 
Hothan  of  Aroer  (1Chr.ll.44). 

Shamapiah',sonof  Rehoboam(2Chr.ll.i9). 

Sha'med  (Shamed,  R.V.),  a  Benjamite 
(iChr.8.12). 


SHAMMOTH 


813 


Sha'mep. — 1.  A  Merarite  Levite  (iChr.6. 
46). — 2.  (7.34)  =  Shomer,  I. 

Shamg-ap'  (Judg.3.31,5.4-8),  sonof  Anath. 
Both  names  are  possibly  of  Hittite  origin,  but 
the  etymology  is  doubtful.  Shamgar  pro- 
bably belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  he 
"  too  delivered  Israel  "  when  oppressed  by  the 
Philistines.  It  has  been  suggested  that  3.31 
is  an  interpolation,  but  its  position  is  sup- 
ported by  the  reference  in  Deborah's  Song, 
which  all  acknowledge  to  be  ancient.  From 
the  reference  to  his  weapon  the  Philistines 
seem  to  have  pursued  their  usual  policy  of 
disarmament  (iSam.13.19-22).  The  Philistine 
oppression  probably  accounts  for  there  being 
no  reference  to  Judah  in  Deborah's  Song. 
That  Shamgar  was  a  patriotic  outlaw  may  be 
inferred  from  5.6.  It  is  not  stated  either  that 
he  slew  600  men  with  his  own  hand,  or  that 
the  600  were  slain  at  one  time.  The  Syrian 
Goad  is  8  ft.  long,  armed  at  one  end  with  a 
spike  and  at  the  other  with  a  chisel-shaped 
blade  for  cleaning  the  plough.  It  would  be  an 
admirable  substitute  for  a  spear,      [h.m.s.] 

Shamhuth',  the  fifth  captain  for  the 
fifth  month  in  David's  army  (iChr.27.8). 
[Shammoth.] 

Shamip',  a  Kohathite,  son  of  Michah 
(iChr.24.24). 

Shamip.' — 1.  A  town  in  the  mountain 
district  of  Judah  (Jos.i5.48  only).  Perhaps 
Sonierah,  a  ruin  2  miles  W.  of  Debtr,  with 
which  it  is  mentioned. — 2.  A  place  in  mount 
Ephraim,  the  residence  and  burial-place  of 
Tola  the  judge  (Judg.lO.1,2).  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Shamma',    son   of   Zophar,    an   Asherite 

(iChr.7.37). 

Shammah'. — -l.  The  son  of  Reuel,  son 
of  Esau  (Gen. 36.13,17  ;  iChr.l.37).— 2.  The 
third  son  of  Jesse,  and  brother  of  David  (i 
Sam.16.9,17.13).  Called  also  Shimea,  Shi- 
meah,  and  Shimma. — 3.  One  of  the  three 
greatest  of  David's  heroes.  He  distmguished 
himself  by  defending  a  piece  of  ground  full 
of  lentils  against  the  Philistines  on  one  of 
their  marauding  incursions  (2Sam.23.ii-i7), 
an  exploit  wrongly  attributed  to  Eleazar  the 
son  of  Dodo  in  iChr  ll.ioff.  There  is  still, 
however,  a  discrepancy  in  the  two  narratives. 
The  scene  of  Shammah's  exploit  is  said  in  Sam. 
to  be  a  field  of  "Lentiles,"  and  in  iChr.  a  field 
of  barley.  Kennicott  proposes  in  both  cases 
to  read  "barley." — 4.  The  Harodite,  one  of 
David's  mighty  men  (2Sam.23.25),  called 
"  Shammoth  the  Harorite  "  in  1Chr.ll.27,  and 
in  27.8  "  Shamhuth  the  Izrahite."  The  hero- 
lists  in  2Sam.23  and  iChr.ll  are  admittedly  in 
confusion,  and  hence  it  is  possible  that  3  may 
be  identical  with  4  and  with  "  Shammah  the 
Hararite  "  of  2Sam.23.33.  Cf.  iChr.11.34, 
where  we  read  Shage  the  Hararite.  (See 
Driver,  ad  loc.)    [Jonathan,  4.]  [h.c.b.] 

Shamma'i. — 1.  Son  of  Onam  (iChr.2.28, 
32). — 2.  Son  of  Rekem  (2.44,45). — 3.  Brother 
of  Miriam  and  Ishbah,  in  the  genealogy  of  the 
descendants  of  Judah  (4. 17). 

Shammoth',  the  Harorite  (probably  an 
error  for  Harodite),  one  of  David's  guard 
(iChr.11.27)  ;  possibly  the  same  as  "Shammah 
the  Harodite  "  (2Sam.23.25)  and  "  Shamhuth 
the  Izrahite  "  (iChr.27.8). 


814 


SHAMMUA 


Shammu'a. — 1.  The  Reubenite  spy  ;  son 
of  Zaccur  (Num.13. 4). — 2.  (iChr.14.4)  =  Shi- 
MF.A,  I. — 3.  (Ne.tl.17)  =  Shemaiah,  6.— 4.  The 
representative  of  the  priestly  family  of  Bilgah, 
or  Bilgai,  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  (12.i8). 

Shammu'ah  (2Sam.5.i4)  =  Shimea,  i. 

Shamshera'i,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeroham, 
a  Benjamite  (iChr.8.26). 

Shapham',  a  Gadite  of  Bashan  (iChr. 
5.12). 

Shaphan',  the  scribe  or  secretary  of  king 
Josiah.  He  was  the  son  of  Azahah  (2 K. 22.3  ; 
2Chr.34.8),  father  of  Ahikam  (2K.22.12  ;  2 
Chr.34.2o),  Elasah  (Je.29.3),  and  Gemariah 
(36. 10, 11,12),  and  grandfather  of  Gedahah 
(39.14,40.5,9,11,41.2,43.6),  Michaiah  (36.ii), 
and  probably  of  Jaazaniah  (Ezk.8.11).  There 
seems  to  be  no  sufficient  reason  for  supposing 
that  Shaphan  the  father  of  Ahikam,  and  Shap- 
han the  scribe,  were  different  persons.  The 
history  of  Shaphan  throws  light  on  the  office 
he  held.  He  appears  on  an  equality  with  the 
governor  of  the  city  and  the  royal  recorder, 
with  whom  he  was  sent  by  the  king  to  Hilkiah 
to  take  an  account  of  the  money  which  had 
been  collected  by  the  Levites  for  the  repair  of 
the  temple  and  to  pay  the  workmen  (2K.22. 
3  ;  2Chr.34.8f.  ;  cf.  2K.I2.10).  Ewald  calls 
him  Minister  of  Finance  (Gesch.  iii.  697).  It 
was  on  this  occasion  that  Hilkiah  discovered 
in  the  temple  the  "  book  of  the  Law,"  which  he 
entrusted  to  Shaphan.  By  him  it  was  read  in 
the  ears  of  the  king,  who  at  once  sent  him, 
with  Hilkiah  and  three  others,  to  seek  the 
advice  of  Huldah  (22.8-14).  Shaphan  was 
then  apparently  an  old  man,  for  his  son 
Ahikam  held  a  position  of  importance,  and  his 
grandson  Gedaliah  was  already  born  ;  and 
probably  Shaphan  died  before  the  fifth  year 
of  Jehoiakim,  eighteen  years  later,  when  we 
find  Elishama  was  scribe  (Je.36.2i). 

Sha'phat. — 1.  The  Simeonite  S]iv  ;  son  of 
H<.ri(Nuni.l3.5).— 2.  Father  of  Elisha  (iK. 19. 
16,19;  2K. 3. II, 6. 31). — 3.  One  of  six  sons  of 
Shemaiah  in  the  royal  line  of  Judah  (iChr.3. 
22).— 4.  A  Gadite  chief  in  Bashan  (5.12). — 5. 
Son  of  Adlai.  He  was  in  charge  of  David's 
herds  in  the  valleys  (27.29). 

Sha'phep,  Mount  (Num. 33. 23),  the 
name  of  a  desert  station  whore  the  Israelites 
encamped.  The  distance,  60  miles  N.E.  of 
Hazeroth,  suggests  the  mountain  now  called 
Tell  el  As  far,  as  Shapher  was  the  sixth  station 
after  Hazeroth.  [c.r.c] 

Shapai',  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.40). 

Shapa'im  (Jos. 15. 36),  a  town  of  Judah 
in  the  Shephelah  district,  probably  the  present 
ruin  S'atreh,  6  miles  N.  of  Adullam,  with 
which  it  is  grouped,  and  li.  of  the  valley  of 
l':i.Air.  It  is  a  mile  W.  of  the  village  of  Siflch 
[Sei'hicla],  and  only  about  1,000  ft.  above  sea- 
level,  whereas  the  rock  Etam,  about  2  miles 
E.  of  S'aireh,  rises  to  2,050  ft.  in  the  mountain 
district.  Hence  S'aireh  would  be  described 
as  in  the  Shephelah.  [c.r.c] 

Shapap',  father  of  Ahiam  the  Hararite 
(2Sam.23.:^3).  called  Sacar  (1Chr.ll.35). 

Shape'zep,  one  of  the  two  sons  of  Senna- 
cherib, wlio  nmrden-d  their  father  (2K.19.37). 

Shapon',  Sapon'.  The  latter  {Sharon  in 
K.V.,  .Ac. 9.35)  is  the  Gk.  form  of  the  Heb.word, 


SHAVEH  KIRIATHAIM 

which  signifies  a  "  plain."  On  the  Moabite 
Stone  it  is  applied  to  the  mishor,  or  plateau  of 
Moab.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  (Onomasticon) 
say  that  the  plateau  E.  of  Tabor  was  called 
Saroa  in  their  time,  and  the  village  Sarona  still 
stands  in  its  midst.  [Lasharon.]  But  in  the 
Bible  the  seaside  plain,  especially  N.  of  Joppa, 
is  so  called.  In  the  inscription  of  Eshmunazar 
II.  of  Sidon  occurs  the  passage  :  "  And  for  this 
cause  has  the  lord  of  kings  given  us  Dor  and 
Joppa,  which  are  in  the  plains  of  Sharon,  as  a 
reward  for  the  great  things  which  I  have  done  ; 
and  has  added  them  to  the  boundaries  of  the 
land,  that  they  may  belong  to  the  Sidonians  for 
ever."  This  refers  to  conditions  existing  in 
3rd  cent.  B.C.  In  iChr.5.i6,  Sharon  means  the 
plateau  of  Moab,  as  on  the  Moabite  Stone,  and 
the  reference  is  to  the  N.  border  of  the  mishor, 
on  the  S.  limit  of  Gad.  But  in  27.29  the 
Sharonite,  who  was  over  the  herds  in  Sharon, 
was  no  doubt  a  native  of  the  sea  plain.  Solo- 
mon's bride  (Can.2.i)  likens  herself  to  lowly 
wild  flowers — "  the  rose  of  Sharon  and  the  lily 
of  the  valleys";  and  the  Targum  renders  the 
former  narqils,  or  "  narcissus,"  a  flower  with 
which  the  plain  of  Sharon  abounds  in  spring. 
In  Is. 33. 9  Sharon,  in  time  of  dearth,  becomes  a 
desert;  but  is  at  other  times  "excellent,"  like  a 
desert  that  "blossoms  as  the  rose"  (35. 1,2).  It 
is,  moreover,  a  country  of  flocks  (65. 10).  This 
plain,  though  now  much  neglected,  has  a  good 
soil,  and  grows  corn,  while  in  spring  it  is  gay 
with  flowers.  To  the  N.,  near  mount  Carmel, 
there  are  remains  of  an  open  oak  wood,  to 
which  Strabo  (xvi.)  and  Josephus  (14  Ant. 
xiii.  3,  I  Wars  xiii.  2)  refer  under  the  term 
Drumos,  in  connexion  with  Carmel.   [c.r.c] 

Sha'ponite,  The,  only  applied  to  Shitrai, 
who  had  charge  of  the  royal  herds  in  Sharon 
(iChr.27.29). 

Shapuhen'  (Jos.19.6),  a  town  of  Simeon. 
In  15.32  Shilhim  stands  instead;  and  in  iChr. 
4.31  Shaaraim.  It  is  probably  the  present 
Tell  esh  Sheri'ah  (mound  of  the  drinking-placc), 
a  large  ruin  in  the  valley  of  the  same  name, 
15  miles  S.E.  of  Gaza,  with  remains  showing 
it  to  be  an  ancient  site.  This  also  is  probably 
the  Sharuhcu  of  Egyptian  records,  the  first 
fortress  on  the  borders  of  Palestine  taken  by 
Ahmes  in  17th  cent,  b.c,  andby  Thothmes  III. 
'in  his  first  campaign,  about  1580  e.g.  (Brugsch, 
Hist.  Egt.  ii.  pp.  249,  320).  [c.r.c] 

Shasha'i,  a  son  of  Bani  who  put  away 
his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.40). 

Shashak',  a  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of 
Beriah  (iChr.8.14,25). 

Shaul'. — 1.  Son  of  Simeon  by  a  Canaan- 
itish  woman  ((ien.46.io  ;  Ex.6. 15  ;  Num.26. 
IS  :  iChr.4.24),  and  founder  of  the  family  of 
thcShaulites.— 2.  (iChr.l.48,49,  A.V. ;  Gen. 
36.37,  K.V.)--Saui„  i. — 3.  A  Kohathite,  son 
of  "Uzziaii,   2  (irhr.6.2.1). 

Shaveh',  Valley  of,  a  name  found  only 
in  (ien.i4.17.  It  was  a  deep  valley  {'hneq) 
called  also  "  the  King's  valley  "  ('emeq  ham- 
inelrkh),  perhaps  the  same  as  that  in  which 
Absalom  erected  a  memorial  stone  (iSam.lS. 
18).  Josephus  (i  Ant.  x.  2,  7  .Int.  x.  3)  places 
it  J  mile  from  Jerusalem,  which  he  regards 
as  the  Salem  of  Melchizedek  noticed  in  the 
first  eiti'd  passage.  [c.r.c] 

Shaveh'  Kipiatha'lm,  mentioned  (Gea. 


SHAVING 


SHEBARIM 


815 


14.5)  as  the  residence  of  the  Emim  at  the  time 
of  Chedorlaomer's  incursion.  Probably  the 
"  valley  "  near  Kirjathaim  in  Moab.     [c.r.c] 

Shaving-.     [Hair  ;    Nazarite.] 

Shavsha'  (iChr.l8.i6).     [Sheva,  i.] 

Shawm.  In  P.B.  version  of  Ps.98.6  "with 
trumpets  also  and  shawms  "  =  E.V.  "  with 
trumpets  and  sound  of  cornet."  The  "  shawm  " 
resembled  the  clarionet.  Its  name  is  derived 
from  Gk.  KaKa/xos,  Lat.  calamus,  a  reed,  through 
Old  French  chalemie,  a  reed  pipe.  [Cornet  ; 
Pipe.]  [j.m.] 

Shea'I,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.29). 

Shealtier,  father  of  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.3.2, 
8,5.2  ;   Ne.l2.i  ;   Hag.l.i,  etc.     [Salathiel]. 

Sheapiah',  one  of  the  six  sons  of  Azel,  a 
descendant  of  Saul  (iChr.8.38,9.44). 

Sheaping'-house,  The,  a  place  on  the 
road  between  Jezreel  and  Samaria,  at  which 
Jehu,  on  his  way  to  the  latter,  encountered 
42  members  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah,  whom 
he  slaughtered  at  the  well  or  pit  attached  to 
the  place  (2K. 10. 12, 14).  See  Beth-eked  under 
Beth.  The  modern  ISeit  Qdd  lies  on  the  way 
from  Jezreel  to  Samaria.  [c.r.c] 

Sheap'-jashub'  (lit.  "  a  remnant  shall 
return"),  a  name  given  to  a  son  of  Isaiah  to 
signify  that  God  would  restore  the  remnant  of 
the  people  that  had  been  carried  into  captivity 
by  the  Assyrians  (Is. 7. 3;  see  8.18,10.20-22). 
He  accompanied  his  father  when  the  latter 
went  to  meet  Ahaz  "  at  the  end  of  the  conduit 
of  the  upper  pool  in  the  causeway  of  the  fuller's 

She'ba  mat?').— 1.    The  son  of    Bichri,  a 

Benjamite  from  the  mountains  of  Ephraim 
(2Sam.2O.1-22),  the  last  chief  of  the  Absalom 
insurrection.  Though  described  as  a  "man  of 
Belial,"  he  must  have  been  a  person  of  some 
consequence,  from  the  immense  effect  produced 
by  his  appearance.  It  was,  in  fact,  all  but  an 
anticipation  of  the  revolt  of  Jeroboam.  The 
occason  seized  by  Sheba  was  the  emulation, 
as  if  from  loyalty,  between  the  northern  and 
southern  tribes  on  David's  return  (20. 1,2). 
The  king  might  well  say,  "  Sheba  the  son  of 
Bichri  shall  do  us  more  harm  than  did  Absa- 
lom "  (ver.  6).  Sheba  traversed  the  whole  of 
Palestine,  apparently  rousing  the  population, 
Joab  following  in  full  pursuit.  He  seems  to 
have  intended  to  establish  himself  in  the 
fortress  of  Abel-beth-maachah,  famous  for  the 
prudence  of  its  inhabitants  (20. 18).  That 
prudence  was  now  put  to  the  test.  Joab  de- 
manded the  head  of  the  insurgent  chief.  A  wo- 
man of  the  place  undertook  the  mission  to  her 
city,  and  proposed  the  execution  to  her  fellow- 
citizens.  The  head  of  Sheba  was  thrown  over 
the  wall,  and  the  insurrection  ended. — 2.  A 
Gadite  of  Bashan  (iChr.5.13). 

Sheba'  (y^'J"). — 1.  As  an  Arab  word  this 

means  "  tall,"  or  "  high,"  whether  because  the 
people  were  tall  (see  Seba,  and  Josephus  on  the 
tall  people  of  Saba  in  Upper  Egypt,  2  Ant.  x.  2), 
or  because  the  region  of  Sheba  was  "  high,"  in- 
cluding the  Hijaz  hills.  The  term  seems  to  be 
geographical,  for  its  population  included  both 
descendants  of  Cush,  who  were  non-Semitic 
(Gen.10.7 ;  iChr.1.9),  and  of  Joktan,  who  were 
Semitic  (Gen. 10. 28  ;    iChr.l.22),  and  also  of 


Keturah  (Gen.25.1-3;  iChr.1.32).  The  queen 
of  Sheba  visited  Solomon  (iK.lO  ;  2Chr.9), 
who  also  received  gifts  (Ps. 72. 10, 15),  including 
gold,  from  kings  of  Sheba.  In  Is. 60. 6  we  also 
read  of  gold  and  incense,  and  in  Je.6.20  of  in- 
cense from  Sheba.  The  merchants  of  Sheba 
are  noticed  by  Ezekiel  (27.22,23,88.13),  and  the 
caravans  of  Sheba  in  Job  (6.19);  while  Sabean 
raids  extended  into  Edom  (l.i5).  Sheba  is 
coupled  with  Dedan  (Gen. 10. 7, 25. 3)  ;  and, 
from  the  Assyrian  record  of  the  invasion  by 
Tiglath-pileser  III.,  in  734  e.g.,  it  appears  that 
Sabeans  were  to  be  found  not  far  S.  of  Edom. 
Moslem  references  to  Sheba  are  based  on  the 
allusion  in  the  Koran  (xxxiv.  14)  to  the  "  flood 
of  Irem,"  which  punished  Sheba  for  unbelief. 
This  "  flood  of  the  tanks  "  is  supposed  to  have 
occurred  in  2nd  cent,  a.d.,  at  Auzal  [Uzal]  or 
the  modern  San'aa  (tank),  the  capital  of  the 
Yemen.  There  is  no  douljt  that  Sheba  repre- 
sents the  same  people  known  to  the  Greeks  as 
la^aioi,  and  to  the  Romans  as  Sabaei,  in  Arabia 
Felix  ;  but  the  name  seems  to  apply  to  tribes 
yet  further  N.  in  the  Hijaz  hills,  at  an  earUer 
period.  These  Sabeans  were  famous  for  wealth, 
and  formed  settlements  in  Abyssinia  about  the 
time  of  the  Ptolemies.  [Arabia  ;  Semitic  Lan- 
guages ;  Writing.] — 2.  [Shebah.]     [c.r.c] 

She'bah  (oath,  Gen.26.33),  Sheba  (Jos. 
19.2),  a  town  of  Simeon  close  to  Beer -sheba, 
where  Isaac's  servants  dug  a  well  and  made  a 
covenant  with  Abimelech.  In  the  list  of  the 
cities  of  the  S.  of  Judah,  there  is  a  Shema 
(15. 26)  which  stands  next  to  Moladah,  and 
the  LXX.  (Vat.  MS.)  reads  Samaa  for  Sheba. 
There  is,  however,  a  ruin  called  Tell  es  Seb'a, 
where  are  two  wells  (c/.  Gen. 21. 31, 32  and  art. 
Beer-sheba),  3  miles  E.  of  Beer-sheba,  which 
may  represent  Sheba.  The  spellings  shibh'd 
and  shebha',  referring  to  the  same  place,  recall 
the  case  of  Geba,  otherwise  Gibeah.    [c.r.c] 

Shebam'  (R.V.  Sebam,  or  Sibmah),  Num. 
32.3;  Shibmah'  (82.38,  R.V.  Sibmah);  Sib- 
mah' (Jos. 13. 19  ;  Is. 16.8, 9  ;  Je.48.32),  are  all 
forms  of  one  name,  denoting  a  town  in  Moab, 
noticed  with  Elealeh  and  Nebo,  and  appar- 
ently not  far  fromHESHBON.  Isaiah  and  Jere- 
miah notice  its  vines.  [Jaazer.]  Jerome  (on  Is. 
16.8,9)  says  that  it  was  half  a  mile  from  Hesh- 
bon ;  but  probably  it  is  the  present  Sumieh,  a 
ruin  2  miles  S.W.  of  Hesbdn,  with  a  name  that 
may  mean  "  towering."  It  is  a  well-watered 
site,  with  a  fort  on  a  cliff,  and  ruined  houses  be- 
low. Roman  tombs  and  Christian  buildings 
show  the  place  to  be  ancient.  On  the  W.  is  a 
dolmen,  and  to  the  S.E.  and  E.  four  good  ex- 
amples of  wine-presses,  cut  in  rock,  were  found 
in  1881  (see  Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp.  151, 157, 172,  221- 
227)  ;  of  which  plans  were  made,  as  of  import- 
ance in  showing  the  ancient  cultivation  of 
Moab.  Another  wine-press  was  found  N.W.  of 
Heshbon  (p.  146).  [c.r.c] 

Shebaniah'. — 1.  A  Levite  who  joined  in 
the  service  of  thanksgiving  and  sealed  the  cove- 
nant (Ne.9.4, 5,10.10). — 2.  A  priest,  or  priestly 
family,  who  sealed  the  covenant  (10.4,12.14); 
called  Shechaniah  in  I2.3.— 3.  Another  Levite 
who  also  sealed  the  covenant  (10. 12). — 4-  One 
of  the  priests  appointed  by  David  to  blow  the 
trumpets  before  the  ark  (1Chr.i5.24). 

Shebapim',  a  place  named  in  Jos.7.5 
only,  as  one  of  the  points  in  the  flight  from  Ai. 


816  SHEBER 

The  word  means  "  broken  places,"  referring 
perhaps  to  the  precipices  E.  of  Ai.     [c.r.c] 

She'ber,  son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  by  his 
concubine  ^Iaachah  (iChr.2.48). 

Shebna',  a  person  of  high  position  in 
Hezckiah's  court,  holding  at  one  time  the 
office  of  prefect  of  the  palace  (Is. 22. 15-19),  but 
subsequently  the  subordinate  office  of  secre- 
tary (Is. 86.3  ;  2K.I9.2).  This  change  appears 
to  have  been  effected  by  Isaiah's  interposition. 
From  the  omission  of  his  father's  name,  it  has 
been  conjectured  that  he  was  a  novus  homo, 
perhaps  a  foreigner. 

Shebuel'. — ^1.  A  descendant  of  Gershom 
(iChr.23.16,26.24),  who  was  ruler  of  the  trea- 
sures of  the  house  of  God.  He  is  the  last  de- 
scendant of  Moses  of  whom  there  is  any  trace. 
—2.  One  of  the  fourteen  sons  of  Heman  the 
minstrel  and  leader  of  the  fourteenth  course 
of  the  temple-choir  (25.4). 

Shecaniah'. — 1.  The  tenth  in  order  of  the 
priests  appointed  by  lot  in  the  reign  of  David 
(iChr.24.ii). — 2.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah  (2Chr.3i.15). 

Shechaniah'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Zerub- 
babel  (iChr.3.21,22). — 2,  3.  Two  families  who 
returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.3,5) ;  but  in  ver.  5 
some  name  appears  to  have  been  omitted. 
Perhaps  the  reading  should  be,  "  Of  the  sons 
of  Zattu,  Shechaniah,  the  son  of  Jahaziel." — 
4.  Son  of  Jehiel,  9,  of  the  sons  of  Elam  (10. 2). 
•^5.  Father  of  Shemaiah,  2  (Ne.3.29). — 6.  Son 
of  Arah(6.i8). — 7.  The  head  of  a  priestly  family 
who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (12. 3). 

Shechem'  (D?t^').  The  son  of  the  chief 
Hamok  of  Shechem.  He  ravished  Dinah,  and 
was  slain  bv  her  brothers  Simeon  and  Levi 
(Gen.34;  J.)s.24.32  ;.  Judg.9.28). 

She'chem  (Dllt.''). — 1.  Amanof  Manasseh, 
of  the  clan  of  Gilead  (Num. 26. 31  ;  Jos. 17. 2). — 
2.  A  Gileadite,  son  of  Sheniida,  and  nephew  of 
the  foregoing  (iChr.7.19). 

Shechem'.  In  (ik.  Sychem  (R.V.  She- 
chem, Ac.T.if)),  and  Sichem  (R.V.  Shechem) 
in  Gen. 12. 6  (Heb.).  The  word  aj^ears  to  mean 
the  "  back  "  between  the  shoulders  (Gcsenius), 
or  neck,  referring  to  the  position  of  the  town, 
on  a  saddle,  with  the  lofty  shoulders  of  Ebal 
and  Gerizim  rising  some  1,400  ft.  above  it  to 
N.  and  S.  The  word  is  rendered  "  portion  " 
(Gen. 48. 22),  where  a  play  on  the  town-name 
seems  to  be  intended  (see  Gen.34)  ;  and  "  by 
consent,"  where  the  true  meaning  (Ho. 6. 9, 
marg.)  may  be  "  to  Shechem."  When  Sha- 
LiiM  is  called  "a  city  of  Shechem"  (Gen.33.i8), 
it  may  only  mean  a  place  under  the  rule  of  that 
city,  and  not  refer  to  its  prince.  The  first  site 
mentioned  in  O.T.  as  reached  by  Abraham  in 
Palestine  (Gen.12.6)  is  the  "  place  "  (Heb.  via- 
qom,  Arab,  maqdm,  often  meaning  a  "  station" 
or  sacred  place)  of  Sichem,  bv  an  oak  which  is 
noticed  later  also  (35.4  ;  Jos.'24.2(')  ;  Judg.9.6, 
37).  [Pii.i.AN,  Plain  OF  TUE.]  The  Canaauite 
then  held  this  laud,  but  the  Hivites  of  Shechem 
were  massacred  later  by  Simeon  and  Levi 
(Gen.34.25).  In  Jacob's  time  Shechem  was  a 
walled  city  with  a  gate  (34.2o);  Jacob's  well, 
and  the  land  in  which  it  stood,  were  no  doubt 
l)(-tween  Shechem  and  Shai.km  (33. 18-20),  and 
his  altar  probalily  near  Abraham's  oak.  The 
plain  here  was  fit  for  his  cattle  ;   and  the  fact 


SHECHEM 

that  he  dug   a  well  (Jn.4.12)  when  there  were 
springs  near  (at  Svchak,  etc.)  is  explained  by 
the  jealousy  as  to  water  rights,  which  made  a 
private  supply  on  his  own  land  necessary.     Jo- 
seph revisited  this  district  (Gen. 37. 12-14)  on 
his  way  to  Dotiian.     The  book  of  Joshua  in- 
cludes no  account  of  any  resistance  at  Shechem, 
which  perhaps  submitted  to  the  Hebrews,  like 
the    other    Hivite    towns    (Jos. 9. 7-17).     The 
great  meeting  in  the  vale  between  Ebal  and 
Gerizim,  in  fulfilment  of  the  law  (Dent. 11. 26- 
30),  took  place  before  the  contest  in  Galilee 
(Jos. 8. 30-35);  though  the  order  in  which  this 
passage  should  occur  seems  doubtful — in  LXX. 
it  follows  9.2.     Shechem  was  at  the  extreme 
N.W.  corner  of  the  lot  of  Ephraim  (iChr.7.28), 
and  was  in  Mt.  Ephraim  (Jos. 20. 7  ;    1K.12.1). 
It  was  a  city  of  refuge  and  of  Levites  (Jos. 20. 7, 
21.21  ;    iChr.6.67).     All  Israel  gathered  again 
at  Shechem  under  Joshua,  round  the  oak  that 
was  "by  the  holy  place  of  Jehovah"  (Jos.24.i, 
26)  ;  and,  in  the  land  bought  by  Jacob,  Joseph 
was  then  buried  (ver.  32).     Inthetimeof  Abi- 
MELECH  we  learn  that  Shechem  was  fortified, 
and  had  a  tower  (Judg.9.31, 46,47,49),  and  a 
beth  millo  (ver. 20),   perhaps  a    "mound,"    or 
perhaps  iovbeth  amilti  (as  in  Babylonian),  "  a 
chief's  house."     It  also  included  a  temple  of 
Baal-berith  (the  "  lord  of  the  covenant  ") ;  but 
the  place  where  Abimelcch  was  made  king  was 
the  old  sacred  centre  of  the  "  oak  of  the  pillar  " 
{'elon  mafrabh),  by  which  Joshua's  great  stone 
is  no  doubt  meant  (Jos. 24. 26  ;   Judg.9.6).     At 
Shechem  also  Rehoboam  was  made  king  and 
rejected  (iK.12.i-i8),  and  Jeroboam  built  it  up 
(ver.  25).     But  the  site — though  very  fertile — 
was  not  strong;  and  this  probably  led  Omri  to 
select  the  new  centre  at  Samaria,  after  which 
transfer  of  the  capital  we  hear  very  little  of 
Shechem,  though  it  probably  remained  the  sa- 
cred centre  of  Samaria,  Gerizim  (the  "  mount 
of  blessing  ")  being  the  site  of  the  Samaritan 
temple.     The  only  other  notices  of  Shechem  in 
O.T.  (see  iChr.6.67,7.28  ;   2Chr.l0.i  ;    Ps.60.6, 
108. 7  ;  Je.41.5;  Ho. 6. 9,  marsi.)  do  not  add  to 
our  information.     Though  Christianity  spread 
in  Samaria  (Ac.8.25,9.31,15.3),  Shechem  is  only 
once  noticed  in  N.T.  (7. 16;  cf.  R.V.   "in  She- 
chem ").    Justin  Martyr,  however,  was  a  native 
of  this  city  in  our  2nd  cent.     Shortly  after  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  Titus  appears  to  have  given 
it  the  name  .■Xurelia  FlaviaNeapolis,  as  a  "new 
city  "  of  the  famous  Flavian  emperors  ;    and 
his  coins  bearing  this  title  are  known  (Robin- 
son, Bib.  Res.  ii.  p.  291 ;  Reland,  Pal.  Illustr.  ii. 
p.  1006).     In  the  same  age  it  is  called  Mamor- 
tha  by  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat.  v.  13),  and  Mabortha 
by   Josepiius    (4    Wars   viii.    i),    both    words 
meaning  "  exalted,"  and  representing  perhaps 
an  Aram,   translation  of    the    Heb.  sh'khem, 
"  shoulder,"  or  "  back."    From  the  name  Nea- 
polis  the  present  name  Ndbltis,  or  Nciblis,  is  de- 
rived.    The  coins  continue  till  Gallienus  (253- 
268  a.d.)  ;  and  72  a.o.  was  the  "  era  of  Nea- 
polis."     Those  of  Hadrian  apparently  repre- 
sent  the  temple  on  Gerizim.     Under   Philip 
Arabs,    Shechem    became    a    Roman    colony 
called  "  Colonia  Julia  Sergia  Neapolis  "  (Nutt, 
Sam.  Hist.  p.  15,  note,  quoting  De  Saulcy,  p. 
244).     The  present  town  is  the  centre  of  go- 
vernment of  a  province  including  the  lielqa  E. 
of  J  ordan.    It  has  a  population  of  about  20,000, 


SHECHEM 


SHECHEM 


817 


SHECHEM,   FROM  S.W..  SHOWING  THE  TOWER  AT  THE  OLD  SA^rARn•AN   SYNAGOGUE. 


including  i6o  Samaritans,  and  600  Christians 
and  Jews,  the  rest  being  Moslems.  The  site  is 
probably  unchanged ;  for  the  old  Heb.  tombs, 
cut  in  rock,  lie  just  N.  of  the  city  (Surv. 
W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  167,  203-210  ;  and  pp.  172-174 
for  Jacob's  well,  194  for  Joseph's  tomb).  The 
town  Ues  at  the  head  of  the  valley,  which  de- 
scends W.  ;  £ind  this  valley  is  remarkable  for 
its  13  springs,  close  to  the  city.  On  the  E.  a 
fine  olive  grove  occupies  the  flat  groimd  ;  a  few 
palms  grow  among  the  houses.  On  W.,  and  on 
the  N.W.  spur  of  Gerizim,  there  are  orchards 
and  gardens  in  which  are  found  olive  trees,  figs, 
walnuts,  apricots,  mulberries,  pomegranates, 
vines,  and  the  cactus  on  which  (and  also  on  the 
Syrian  oak)  the  cochineal  insect  [Colours]  now 
feeds.  The  city  belonged,  in  12th  cent,  a.d.,  to 
the  knights  of  St.  John,  and  their  Lazar  House 
is  still  inhabited — though  in  ruins — by  lepers, 
in  N.E.  corner  of  the  town.  Their  church  of 
St.  John — with  a  fine  Gothic  gateway — is  now 
the  principal  mosque.  A  smaller  mosque  just 
outside  the  town,  on  S.W.,  is  called  Hizn  Y'a- 
qub,  or  "the  mourning  of  Jacob,"  fromalegend 
which  makes  it  the  site  of  Jacob's  mourning 
for  Joseph  (Gen.37. 31-35) :  this  was  once  the 
Samaritan  synagogue,  and  a  fine  Samaritan 
text  of  6th  cent.  a.d.  is  built  into  the  tower, 
which  is  now  a  minaret.  The  present  syna- 
gogue (near  by)  is  a  poor  modern  house.  Here, 
on  four  occasions  between  1872  and  1882,  the 
present  writer  saw — side  by  side  on  a  shelf — 
three  separate  rolls  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch. One  is  comparatively  modern,  the  se- 
cond (in  a  brass  roll-case  engraved  with  repre- 
sentations of  the  cherubim,  the  pot  of  manna, 
the  laver,  and  Aaron's  rod)  has  on  its  case  the 
date  820  a.h.  This  the  Samaritans  have  re- 
cently endeavoured  to  sell  in  London.  But  the 
third  and  oldest  copy — very  rarely  shown — is  in 
a  silver  case,  with  green  silk  cover,  and  is  a  roll 
of  vellum   bovmd  with   green    edgings.     The 


faded  letters  resemble  in  form  those  of  the 
Samaritan  text  already  noticed  at  the  Hizn 
Y'aqub,  being  later  forms  of  the  old  alphabet  of 
Israel.  [Writing.]  This  MS.  is  shown  to  the 
congregation  when  they  assemble  for  the  Heb. 
feasts  on  Gerizim.  Jacob's  Well  lies  E.  of 
Nablus,  a  mile  distant,  half  a  mile  S.W.  of  Sy- 
CHAR,  and  about  2*  miles  W.  of  Shalem.  It  is 
75  ft.  deep,  and  yfit.  in  diameter.  Arculphus, 
c.  680  A.D.,  foimd  the  well  inside  a  small  cruci- 
form church.  This  was  replaced  in  12th  cent, 
by  a  larger  building,  of  which  the  foundations 
were  excavated  in  1893  (see  BUss,  in  Quarterly 
Statement  Pal.  Expl.  Fund,  April  1894).  It 
had  a  nave  and  four  aisles,  with  an  apse  to  E. 
The  old  well  mouth  of  this  age  (marked  with 
the  pecuUar  tooling  of  Norman  work  in  Pales- 
tine) still  exists,  the  well  being  in  the  crypt 
under  the  chancel.  It  is  sometimes  dry,  and 
sometimes  has  10  or  12  ft.  depth  of  good  water 
(see  Jn.4.ii).  The  term  irri-yr}  (ver.  6)  means 
either  "spring"  or  "well"  (see  ver.  12).  Jo- 
seph's  Tomb  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  N.  of 
Jacob's  Well,  and  is  venerated  by  Jews,  Sa- 
maritans, Christians,  and  Moslems  aUke.  It  is 
a  modern  cenotaph,  of  stone  plastered  over,  in 
a  modern  enclosure.  At  the  head  and  foot  are 
rude  pillars,  with  hollows  at  the  top  of  each. 
Jews  and  Samaritans  alike  light  lamps  and 
burn  incense  in  these  hollows  in  honoiur  of 
Joseph.  (See  our  illustration  in  art.  Joseph.) 
It  is  remarkable  that  Josephus — perhaps  out 
of  hatred  to  the  Samaritans — places  Joseph's 
tomb  at  Hebron  (2  Ant.  viii.  2),  though  in 
O.T.  it  is  placed  at  Shechem  (Jos.24.32),  and 
that  a  tomb  of  Joseph  is  shown, just  outside  the 
W.  wall  of  the  Hebron  haram,  by  Moslems — 
probably  representing  a  Jewish  traditional  site. 
Whether  the  cenotaph  at  Shechem  covers  a 
rock-simk  tomb  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
Joshua's  Stone  (Jos. 24.26)  and  the  oak  of  Abra- 
ham, are  supposed  to  have  stood  at  the  foot  of 

52 


818 


SHECHEMITES,  THE 


Geriziin,  where  the  small  maqdm  called  el 
'Aniihl  now  exists,  a  mile  W.  of  Jacob's  Well ; 
but  the  older  site  was  at  Bald(a,  now  a  village 
near  the  well  on  W.  [c.r.c] 

She'chemites,  The  (Num. 26. 31),  the 
family  of  She'ciiem,    i. 

Shechinah.     [Glory.] 

Shedeup',  a  Reubenite  ;  father  of  Elizur 
(Num. 1.5, 2.10,7. 30,35, 10.18). 

Sheep.  The  first  mention  of  sheep  occurs 
in  Gen. 4. 2.  Sheep  were  used  in  sacrificial 
ofiferings,  both  as  adults  (E.\.20.24  ;  iK.8.63  ; 
2Chr.29.33)  and  as  lambs  ;  e.g.  "  a  male  from 
one  to  three  years  old."  Lambs  of  the  first 
year  were,  however,  more  generally  used  as 
offerings  (see  Ex. 29.38  ;  Lev.9.3,12.6  ;  Num. 
28.9,  etc.),  but  no  lamb  under  eight  days  old 
was  allowed  to  be  killed  (Lev.22.27).  A 
young  lamb  was  called  (dlS  (see  iSam.7.9  ; 
Is.65.25).  The  flesh  of  sheep  and  lambs 
formed  an  important  article  of  food  (iSam.25. 
18;  iK.l.19,4.23  ;  Ps.44.li,  etc.);  their 
wool  was  used  as  clothing  (Lev. 13. 47  ;  Deut. 
22.11;  Prov.3i.13  ;  Job31.20,  etc.);  while 
"  rams'  skins  dyed  red "  were  used  as  a 
covering  for  the  tabernacle  (Ex. 25. 5).  [Rams' 
Skins.]  Sheep  and  lambs  were  sometimes 
paid  as  tribute  (2K.3.4).  Immense  numbers 
of  sheep  were  reared  in  Palestine  in  Biblical 
times.  Sheep-shearing  is  alluded  to  in  Gen. 
31.19,38.13;  Deut. 15. 19;  iSam.25.4  ;  Is.53. 
7,  etc.  That  sheep-dogs  were  employed  in 
Biblical  times  is  evident  from  Job 30. i,  "  the 
dogs  of  my  flock."  Shepherds  in  the  E.  often 
walk  before  their  flocks,  which  they  induce  to 
follow  by  calling  {cf.  Ps.77.2o,80.i  ;  Jn.lO.4), 
though  they  also  drive  them  (Gen. 33. 13).  In 
some  parts  of  Eastern  Europe  and  probably 
also  in  Syria,  each  sheep  in  a  flock  has  a  name, 
to  which  it  will  respond  when  called  by  the 
shepherd.     The  ordinary  sheep  of  Syria  and 


^' 


lAi  TAii.i:i)  sim:i:p. 


Palestine  is  the  fat-tailed  breed,  but  there  is 
also  a  breed  belonging  to  the  European  type. 
The  story  in  Gen. 30  of  Jacob's  stratagem 
with  Laban's  sheep  is  involved  in  perplexity, 


SHEKEL 

Jacob's  conduct  being  condemned  by  some 
writers.  It  is  impossible  to  account  for  the 
success  which  attended  his  device  of  setting 
peeled  rods  before  the  ewes  and  she-goats 
as  they  came  to  drink  in  the  watering 
troughs  on  natural  grounds  ;  and  it  seems 
imperative  to  agree  with  the  Greek  fathers 
and  ascribe  the  production  of  Jacob's  spotted 
sheep  and  goats  to  divine  agency.  In  Gen. 
31.5-13,  where  he  states  that  his  success 
was  due  to  divine  interference,  it  is  hard  to 
believe  that  Jacob  was  uttering  a  wilful  un- 
truth. The  sheep  is  an  emblem  of  meekness, 
patience,  and  submission,  and  is  mentioned  as 
typifying  these  qualities  in  the  person  of  our 
Lord  (Is. 53. 7  ;  Ac.8.32,ctc.).  The  relation  ex- 
isting between  Christ,  "  the  chief  Shepherd," 
and  His  members,  is  compared  to  that  of  the 
shepherds  in  the  East  to  their  flocks,     [r.l.] 

Sheep-mapket  (.\.V.  Jn.5.2).  The  word 
"  market  "  is  an  interpolation  of  the  transla- 
tors, and  gate  is  now  substituted  in  R.V.  The 
Sheep-g'ate  was  rebuilt  by  Nehemiah  (3.i, 
32,12.39),  and  was  between  the  tower  of  Meah 
and  the  chamber  of  the  corner  or  gate  of  the 
guard-house  (A.V.  prison-gate).  There  is  now 
by  the  sheep-grt/fc'aiiool.  [Bethesda.]  [c.w.] 

Sheets  (Judg.l4.i2).     [Linen.] 

Shehapiah',  a  Benjamite ;  son  of  Jeroham 
(iChr.8.26). 

Shekel.  In  a  former  article  [Money]  a 
full  account  has  been  given  of  the  coins  called 
shekels,  which  are  found  with  inscriptions  in 
the  "  Israelite  "  character ;  so  that  the  present 
article  will  only  contain  a  few  other  particulars, 
(i)  Although  some  shekels  are  found  with 
square  letters  instead  of  Israelite,  these  are 
undoubtedly  all  forgeries.  Ramban  —  i.e. 
Rabbi-Moses-Bar-Nachman — who  lived  about 
the  commencement  of  the  13th  cent.,  de- 
scribes a  shekel  which  he  had  seen,  and  of 
which  the  Culhaeans  read  the  inscription  with 
ease.  The  explanation  they  gave  of  the 
inscription  was,  on  one  side :  Shekel  ha- 
Shekalim,  "  the  shekel  of  shekels,"  and  on 
the  other  "  Jerusalem  the  Holy."  The 
former  was  doubtless  a  misinterpretation  of 
the  usual  inscription  "  the  shekel  of  Israel  "  ; 
but  the  latter  corresponds  with  the  inscription 
on  our  siiekels  (Bayer,  De  Numis,  p.  11). 
More  important  is  the  description  quoted  by 
R.  .Azarias  de  Rossi  of  a  shekel  seen  by 
Ramban  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  1210  a.d.  He 
gives  the  inscriptions  again  as  above,  but 
also  determines  the  weight,  which  he  makes 
about  half  an  ounce.  We  find,  therefore, 
that  in  early  times  shekels  of  like  weight 
were  known  to  the  Jewish  Rabbis  with 
Israelite  inscriptions,  corresponding  with 
those  now  found  (except  in  one  point,  which 
is  probably  an  error).  (2)  A  coin  was  pub- 
lished by  De  Saulcy  which  lie  supposed  to  be 
a  counterfeit  coin.  It  is  scarcely  legible,  but 
it  appears  to  contain  the  name  Eleazar  on  one 
side,  and  that  of  Simon  on  the  other.  During 
the  troubles  which  preceded  the  final  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  Ivleazar  (the  son  of 
Simon),  who  was  a  priest,  and  Simon  ben 
Giora,  were  at  the  head  of  large  factions. 
Dr.  Levy  suggested  that  money  may  have 
been  struck  which  bore  the  names  of  both 
these  leaders  ;  but  it  seems  scarcely  probable, 


SHEKINAH 

as  they  do  not  appear  to  have  acted  in  concert. 
But  a  copper  coin  has  been  published  in  the 
Revue  Numisniatique  which  undoubtedly  bears 
the  inscription  of  "  Eleazar  the  priest "  Its 
types  are — I.  A  vase  with  one  handle  and 
the  inscription  "  Eleazar  the  priest,"  in 
Samaritan  letters.  R.  A  bunch  of  grapes 
with  the  inscription,  "  Year  one  of  the  re- 
demption of  Israel."  Some  silver  coins  also, 
first  published  by  Reichardt,  bear  the  same 
inscription  on  the  obverse,  under  a  palm-tree, 
but  the  letters  run  from  left  to  right.  The 
reverse  bears  the  same  type  and  inscription  as 
the  copper  coins.  These  coins,  as  well  as 
some  that  bear  the  name  of  Simon  or  Simeon, 
are  attributed  by  Dr.  Levy  to  the  period  of 
this  first  rebellion.  It  is,  however,  quite  clear 
that  some  of  the  coins  bearing  similar  in- 
scriptions belong  to  the  period  of  Bar-cochab's 
rebellion  (or  Barcoceha's,  as  often  spelt)  under 
Hadrian,  as  they  are  stamped  upon  denarii 
of  Trajan,  his  predecessor.  See  Proceed,  of 
Sac.  Btbl.  Arch.  May  1897,  and  Burkitt, 
Fragments  of  Kings  ace.  to  the  Vers,  of  Aquila, 
p.  16  ;  but  for  the  opposite  view  that  these 
are  all  forgeries,  see  Weights,  Coins. 

Shekinah.     [Glory.] 

Shelah'. — 1.  The  youngest  son  of  Judahby 
the  daughter  of  Shual,  and  ancestor  of  the 
family  of  the  Shelanites  (Gen.38.5, 11, 14,26, 
46.12  ;  Num.26.20  ;  iChr.2.3,4.2i).— 2.  The 
proper  form  of  the  name  of  Salah  son  of 
Arphaxad  (iChr.l. 18,24). 

Shelemiah'. — 1.  (1Chr.26.14)  =  Meshul- 
LAM,  20. — 2,  3.  Two  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who 
had  married  foreign  wives  (Ezr.lO.39,41). — 4. 
Father  of  Hananiah  (Ne.3.30). — 5.  A  priest 
whom  Nehemiah  made  a  treasurer  of  the  tem- 
ple (13. 13). — 6.  Ancestor  of  Jehudi  (Je.36.i4)- 
— 7-  Son  of  Abdeel ;  one  of  those  ordered  by 
Jehoiakira  to  arrest  Baruch  and  Jeremiah  (36. 
26).— 8.  Father  of  Jehucal  (37.3).— 9.  Father 
of  Irijah  (37.13). 

She'leph  (Gen.lO.26  ;  iChr.l.20).  The 
second  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan. 
Gesenius  compares  the  name  with  that  of  the 
'La\air7)voi  (Ptolemy  vi.  7)  in  the  S.of  Arabia, 
apparently  in  the  district  of  Sulaf  in  Yemen 
which  appears  to  be  the  same  as  Niebuhr's 
Salfie,  written  in  his  map  Selfia.  Besides  this 
geographical  trace  of  Sheleph,  we  have  the 
tribe  of  Shelif  or  Shulaf.  Yaqut  in  the 
Mo'ajam,  s.v.,  says,  "  Es-Selif  or  Es-Sulaf  are 
two  ancient  tribes  of  the  tribes  of  Yemen  ; 
Hisham  Ibn-Mohammed  says  they  are  the 
children  of  Yuqtan  (Joktan)  ;  .  .  .  And  a 
district  in  El- Yemen  is  named  after  the  Sulaf." 
El-Kalkasander  says,  "  Es-Sulaf,  called  also 
Beni-es-Silfan,  a  tribe  of  the  descendants  of 
Qahtan  (Joktan)."  Finally,  according  to  the 
Kdfniis,  Sulaf  was  a  branch-tribe  of  Dhu-el 
Qila'a. 

She'lesh,  son  of  Helem  (iChr.7.35). 

Shelomi',  father  of  Ahihud,  i  (Num.34.27). 

Shelomith'. — 1.  The  mother  of  the  man 
who  was  stoned  to  death  for  blaspheming  the 
Name  (Lev.24.ii). — 2.  Daughter  of  Zerub- 
babel  (iChr.3.19). — 3.  Chief  of  the  Izharites 
(23.i8). — 4.  A  descendant  of  Eliezer,  son  of 
Moses,  in  the  reign  of  David  (26.25,26,28). — 
5.  A  Gershonite  (23.9). — 6.  "  The  sons  of 
Shelomith,    the    son     of     Josiphiah,"    were 


SHEMAIAH 


819 


amongst  those  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.10).  The  true  reading  is 
probably,  "  Of  the  sons  of  Bani,  Shelomith  the 
son  of  Josiphiah."  [h.c.b.] 

Shelomoth'  (iChr.24.22)  =  Shelomith,  3. 

Shelumiel',  son  of  Zurishaddai  and  the 
Simeonite  leader  at  the  Exodus  (Num.1. 6,2.i2, 
7.36,41,10.19). 

Shem,  the  eldest  son  of  Noah,  born 
(Gen.5.32)  when  his  father  had  attained  the 
age  of  500  years.  He  was  98  years  old, 
married,  and  childless,  at  the  time  of  the 
Flood.  Two  years  afterwards  he  became 
the  father  of  Arphaxad  (11. 10),  and  other 
children  were  born  to  him  subsequently.  With 
the  help  of  his  brother  Japheth,  he  covered 
the  nakedness  of  their  father  which  Canaan 
and  Ham  did  not  care  to  hide.  In  the 
prophecy  of  Noah  connected  with  this  in- 
cident (9.25-27),  the  first  blessing  falls  on 
Shem.  He  died  at  the  age  of  600  years.  The 
land  occupied  by  the  descendants  of  Shem 
(IO.21-31),  beginning  at  its  N.W.  extremity 
with  Lydia,  includes  Syria  (Aram),  Chaldea 
(Arphaxad),  Assyria  (Asshur),  Persia  (Elam), 
and  Arabia  (Joktan).     [Races.] 

Shema'. — 1.  A  Reubenite  ;  ancestor  of 
Bela  (iChr.5.8).— 2.  Son  of  Elpaal  (8.13). 
Probably  the  same  as  Shimhi  (ver.  2 1 ). — 3.  One 
of  those  who  stood  at  Ezra's  right  hand  when 
he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). 

Shema',  one  of  the  towns  of  the  S.  of 
Judah  (Jos. 15. 26).     [Sheba.] 

Shemaah',  a  Benjamite  of  Gibeah,  and 
father  of  two  of  David's  guard  (iChr.12.3). 

Shemaiah'. — 1.  A  prophet  in  the  reign  of 
Rehoboam.  After  the  revolt  of  the  northern 
kingdom,  Shemaiah  was  commissioned  to 
charge  Rehoboam  and  his  host  to  return,  and 
not  war  against  their  brethren  (iK. 12.22  ;  2 
Chr.11.2);  and  upon  the  occasion  of  the  inva- 
sion of  J  udah  and  siege  of  J  er usalem  by  Shishak 
king  of  Egypt,  he  brought  the  people  a  message 
of  encouragement  after  they  had  humbled 
themselves  for  their  idolatory  (2Chr.i2.5-8). 
He  wrote  a  chronicle  of  Rehoboam's  reign  (12. 
15). — 2.  Son  of  Shechaniah,  and  a  descendant 
of  Zerubbabel  (iChr.3.22).  He  was  keeper  of 
the  E.  gate  of  the  city,  and  assisted  in  restoring 
the  wall  (Ne.3.29). — 3.  Ancestor  of  Ziza,  a 
Simeonite  (iChr.4.37).  Perhaps  the  same  as 
Shimei,  6. — 4.  Son  of  Joel  a  Reubenite  (5-4); 
perhaps  the  same  as  Shema,  i  (ver.  8). — 5.  Son 
of  Hasshub,  aMerariteLevite(9.i4  ;  Ne.ll.15). 
— 6.  Father  of  Obadiah,  or  Abda  ;  a  Levite 
(iChr.9.i6  ;  cf.  Ne.ll.i7)-— 7.  Chief  of  the 
sons  of  Elizaphan  ;  he  assisted  in  bringing  the 
ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (iChr.15.8, 
II). — 8.  Son  of  Nethaneel ;  a  Levite  and 
scribe  in  the  time  of  David  (24.6). — 9.  The 
eldest  son  of  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (26.4,6,7)- 
— 10.  A  descendant  of  Jeduthun  the  singer, 
who  assisted  in  Hezekiah's  purification  of  the 
temple  (2Chr.29.14). — 11.  One  of  the  sons  of 
Adonikam  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.13). 
— 12.  One  of  the  "  men  of  understanding  " 
whom  Ezra,  at  his  camp  by  the  river  of  Ahava, 
commissioned  to  obtain  ministers  for  the  tem- 
ple from  "  the  place  Casiphia  "  (8.16). — 13.  A 
priest  of  the  family  of  Harim,  who  put  away 
his  foreign  wife  (IO.21). — 14.  A  layman  of 
Israel,  son  of  another  Harim,  who  also  had 


820 


SHEMARIAH 


married  a  foreigner  (IO.31). — 15.  Son  of  De- 
LAiAH,  3  ;  a  false  prophet  bribed  by  Sanballat 
to  frighten  the  Jews  from  rebuilding  the  wall 
(Ne.6.io). — 16.  The  head  of  a  priestly  house 
who  signed  the  covenant  (10.8).  His  family 
went  up  with  Zerubbabel,  and  were  represented 
in  thetimeof  Joiakimby  Jehonathan(12.6,i8). 
Probably  the  same  family  is  mentioned  again 
in  12.35. — 17.  One  of  the  princes  of  Judah  at 
thededicationof  thewall(12.34).— 18, 19.  Two 
of  the  priest-musicians  on  the  same  occasion 
{12.36,42). — 20.  "The  Nehelamite,"  a  false 
prophet  in  the  time  of  Jeremiah  (Je. 29. 24-32). 
—21.  A  Levite  whom  Jehoshaphat  sent  to 
teach  the  people  the  law  (2Chr.l7.8). — 22.  A 
Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (31. 15). — 23. 
A  Levite  who  made  offerings  at  the  Passover  in 
the  reign  of  Josiah  (35.9). — 24.  Father  of  Uri- 
jah  of  Kirjath-jearim  (Je.26.2o). — 25.  Father 
of  Delaiah,  4  (36.12). 

Shemapiah'. — 1.  One  of  the  Benjamite 
warriors  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (iChr.l2. 
5). — 2,  3.  Two  laymen,  of  the  families  of  Ha- 
rim  (Ezr.l0.32)andBani  (IO.41),  who  put  away 
their  foreign  wives. 

Sheme'ber,  king  of  Zeboiim,  and  ally  of 
the  king  of  Sodom  in  the  war  with  Chedorlao- 
mer  and  his  allies  (Gen. 14. 2). 

She'mep,  the  owner  of  the  hill  on  which  the 
city  of  Samaria  was  built  (1K.I6.24),  and  after 
whom  it  was  called  Shomeron  by  its  founder 
Omri,  who  bought  the  site  for  two  silver  talents. 

Shem'ida (Num. 26.32  ;  Jos. 17. 2),  Shemi- 
dah  (iChr.7.19).  A  descendant  of  Manasseh 
and  ancestor  of  the  Shetnidaites. 

Sheminith.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Shetnipamoth'. — 1.  A  l.evite-musician  in 
the  time  of  David  (iClir.15. 18,20,16.5). — 2.  A 
Levite  and  teacher  of  the  law  in  the  reign  of 
Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.l7.8). 

Shemuer. — 1.  Sonof  Ammihud,  appointed 
from  the  tribe  of  Simeon  to  divide  the  land  of 
Canaan  (Num.34.2o). — 2.  Samuel  the  prophet 
(iChr.6.33).— 3.  Son  of  Tola,  of  the  tribe  of 
Issachar  (7.2). 

Shen,  a  place  mentioned  only  in  iSam.7. 
12.  In  Heb.  hash-shen  (the  tooth).  The  LXX. 
(Vat.  M.S.)  renders  it  "the  old,"  which  suggests 
Jesiianah  ('Ain  Sinia),  6  miles  N.  of  Mizpkii 
(Tell  en  Nasbeh).     [Ebenezer.]         [cr-c] 

Shenazap',  a  descendant  of  Jeconiah  (i 
Chr.3.i8). 

Sheni  p  (Deut.3.9  ;  Can.4.8).       [Senir.] 

SheoL     [Hell.] 

Shepham',  perhaps  for  s'phdm,  con- 
nected with  sciphd  (Arab,  xhefah),  "  lip  " — a 
geographical  term  for  the  edge  of  a  mountain 
region  (Num.34.io,ii).  The  border  of  the 
land  of  Israel  Iv.  of  the  I-cbanon  turned  S.  at 
Shepham,  and  went  down  from  sh'pham 
hdribhld,  E.  of  Ain.  This  indicates  a  line  along 
the  W.  foot,  or  slope,  of  the  Anti-Lebanon  en- 
closing Kiblah,  and  passing  by  the  present 
village  of  'Ain.  [c.K.c] 

Shephathiah'  (R.V.  Shephatiah),  a  Ben- 
jamite, father  of  Mesiiullam,  6  (iChr.9.8). 

Shephatiah'. — 1.  A  son  of  David,  born  of 
his  wife  Abital  in  Hebron  (2Sam.8.4  ;  iChr.3.3). 
— 2.  The  family  of  Shephatiah  returned  with 
ZTubbabcI  (Ezr.2.4  ;  Ne.7.9).  A  smaller  de- 
tachment, led  by  Zebadiah,  came  up  with  Ezra 
(Ezr.8.8). — 3.  The  family  of  another  Shepha- 


SHEPHERD 

tiah  were  among  the  children  of  Solomon's  ser- 
vants, who  came  up  with  Zerubbabel  (£zr.2. 
57  ;  Ne.7.59).— 4.  A  descendant  of  Perez,  or 
Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (Nc.ll.4).'^5.  The 
son  of  Mattan  ;  one  of  the  princes  of  Judah 
who  counselled  Zedekiah  to  put  Jeremiah  to 
death  (Je.38.i). — 6.  The  Haruphite,  one  of 
the  Benjamite  warriors  who  joined  David  at 
Ziklag  (iChr.12.5). — 7.  Son  of  Maachah,  and 
chief  of  the  Simeonites  in  the  reign  of  David 
(27.16).— 8.  Son  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.21.2). 
Shephelah.  [Sephela.] 
Shephepd.  The  progenitors  of  the  Hebrews 
in  the  patriarchal  age  were  nomads,  and  in  that 
state  of  society  practically  every  man  was  a 
shepherd.  Flocks  were  tended  not  only  by 
the  sons  of  wealthy  chiefs  (Gen.3O.29ff., 37. 
i2ff.),  but  even  by  their  daughters  (29.6ff.  ; 
Ex. 2.16).  Jacob  and  his  family  naturally 
brought  their  flocks  and  herds  with  them  into 
Egypt.  The  dislike  of  the  Egyptians  for  shep- 
herds (Gen. 46. 34)  was  due  to  hatred  of  the 
usurping  Hyksos,  or  "Shepherd-kings."  In 
Egypt  the  Hebrews  learned  something  of  the 
life  of  towns,  and  on  the  entry  into  Canaan  only 
few  of  the  tribes  retained  their  exclusively 
pastoral  character :  three  settled  on  the  broad 
pasture-lands  of  the  trans-Jordanic  district 
(Num.32).  [IssAciiAR  ;  Simeon.]  Though  the 
shepherd's  office  had  now  become  a  subordinate 
one,  the  ideas  associated  with  it  remained  deeply 
fixed  in  the  thought  and  language  of  the  people. 
The  solitary  and  responsible  nature  of  his  work 
tended  to  produce  a  strong,  simple,  and  devout 
type  of  character,  such  as  we  see  in  David,  in 
Amos,  and  in  the  shepherds  of  Bethlehem  (Lu. 
2).  The  shepherd's  life  was  one  of  hardship 
and  danger.  He  was  exposed  to  the  extremes 
of  heat  and  cold  (Gen. 31. 40)  ;  he  had  to  en- 
counter the  attacks  of  wild  beasts  (iSain.l7. 
34;  Is.31.4;  Je.5.6;  Am. 3. 12)  and  robbers 
(Gen. 31. 39).  The  shepherd's  equipment  was 
simple  :  a  mantle  of  sheep-skin  ;  a  scrip  or 
wallet  containing  a  small  quantity  of  food ;  a 
sling,  still  the  favourite  weapon  of  Bedouin 
shei)lierds ;  and  lastly,  a  staff  serving  the 
double  purpose  of  a  weapon  and  a  crook  for 
the  management  of  the  flock  (1Sam.i7.40  ; 
Ps.23.4  ;  "Zcch.11.7).  A  shepherd's  tent  is 
also  alluded  to  in  Can. 1.8,  Is.38.i2.  Towers 
for  spying  an  approaching  enemy  and  for  pro- 
tecting shepherd  and  flock  (like  the  "  peel- 
towers"  of  Northuinbria)  existed  from  early 
times  (of.  Migdal-eder,  "  tower  of  the  flock," 
{ien.35.2i,  Mi.4.8),  and  were  erected  also  by 
Uzziah  and  Jotham  (2Chr.26.io,27,4).  In  the 
morning  the  shepherd  led  forth  his  flock  from 
the  fold  (Jn. 10.4),  going  before  them  and  calling 
to  them,  as  is  still  usual  in  the  E.  [Sheep]  ;  at 
the  pasturage  he  watched  the  flock,  with  the 
help  of  dogs  (Job30.i),  though  these  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  trained  or  valued,  as  by 
modern  shepherds.  If  a  sheep  strayed,  he 
searched  for  it  until  he  found  it  (Ivzk. 34.12  ; 
Lu.15.4) ;    he  supplied  the  flock  with  water, 

1  either   at   a   running   stream   or    at    troughs 

[  attached  to  wells  or  cisterns  (Gen. 29.8,30.38  ; 

I  I';x.2.i6  ;     Ps.23.2).     At   evening   he   brought 
them  back  to  the  fold,  and  counted  them  by 

'  passing  them  "under  the  rod"  or  "under  the 
hand"  as  thev  entered  (Lev.27.32  ;  Je.33.i3  ; 

I  Ezk.20.37).     Finally,   he  or  a  deputy  ("  the 


SHEPHI 

hireling  ")  watched  the  entrance  of  the  fold  I 
throughout  the  night  (Jn.lO.3).  The  meta- 
phorical use  of  the  word  "  shepherd  "  in  the 
Bible  is  worth  careful  study.  As  in  Homer,  the 
ruler  or  prince  came  to  be  called  "  the  shepherd 
of  his  people  "  (c/.  the  great  denunciation  of 
"  the  shepherds  of  Israel "  in  Ezk.34).  Our 
Lord  appropriates  the  title  pre-eminently  to 
Himself,  as  describing  His  work  towards  man- 
kind, and  His  words  to  St.  Peter  (Jn. 21. 15-17 ; 
cf.  iPe.5.2-4)  led  naturally  to  the  description 
under  the  same  expressive  and  beautiful  figure 
of  the  apostolic  of&ce,  and  the  work  generally  of 
the  ministers  of  the  Christian  Church,    [a.r.w.] 

Shephi'  (iChr.1.40)  or  Shepho'  (Gen.36. 
23),  son  of  Shobal,  of  the  sons  of  Seir. 

Shephuphan',  a  son  of  Bela,  the  first- 
born of  Benjamin  (iChr.8.5).  His  name  is 
also  written  Shephupham  (R.V.  Num.26.39 ; 
A.V.  Shupham),  Shuppim  (iChr.7.12,15),  and 
Muppim  (Gen.46.2i). 

Shepah',  daughter  of  Ephraim(iChr.7.24), 
and  foundress  of  the  two  Beth-horons,  and  of 

UZZEN-SHERAH. 

Shepebiah',  a  Merarite  Levite  who  ac- 
companied Ezra  to  Jerusalem  to  serve  as  a 
"  minister  "  (iEsd.8.46,  priest)  of  the  house 
of  God  (Ezr.8. 18,24).  When  Ezra  read  the 
law  to  the  people,  Sherebiah  assisted  him 
{Ne.8.7).  He  took  part  in  the  psalm  of  con- 
fession and  thanksgiving  simg  at  the  solemn 
fast  after  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  {9.4,5),  and 
signed  the  covenant  (10. 12),  and  is  mentioned 
among  the  Levite  musicians  (12.8,24). 

She'pesh,  apparently  a  son  of  Machir  ben- 
Manasseh  by  his  wife  Maachah  (iChr.7.i6). 

Shepe'zep  (Sharezer,  R.V.),  one  of  the 
messengers  sent  in  the  fourth  year  of  Darius  by 
returned  exiles  to  inquire  concerning  fasting  in 
the  fifth  month  (Zech.7.2).     [Regemmelech.] 

Sheshach',  a  name  found  only  in  Je.  (25. 
26,51.41),  and  apparently  a  synonym  for 
Babylon  (Babylonia).  It  is  generally  re- 
garded as  representing  "  Babel  "  on  a  prin- 
ciple weU  known  to  the  later  Jews — the  sub- 
stitution of  letters  according  to  their  position 
in  the  Heb.  alphabet,  counting  backwards 
from  the  end,  instead  of  forwards  from  the 
beginning.  It  may  well  be  doubted,  however, 
whether  this  fanciful  practice  is  as  old  as 
Jeremiah,  but,  notwithstanding  this,  the  ex- 
planation is  worthy  of  note.  Sir  H.  RawUnson 
noticed  that  the  name  of  the  moon-god, 
Nannara,  might  also  be  read  Shishaki,  in  which 
case  Sheshach  might  stand  for  Ur  of  the  Chal- 
dees,  and,  by  extension,  for  Babylonia  itself. 
There  is  also  the  name  of  a  Babylonian  city, 
which  may  be  read  Sisku  or  Shishaku.  See 
Dr.  Selbie's  art.  in  Hastiags,  D.B.  (vol.  iv. 
1902). 

Shesha'i,  one  of  three  sons  of  Anak  who 
dwelt  in  Hebron  (Num. 13. 22)  and  were  slain  by 
Caleb  (Jos. 15. 14  ;    Judg.l.io). 

Shesha'n,  a  descendant  of  Jerahmeel. 
As  he  had  no  son,  his  line  was  continued  by 
his  daughter's  marriage  with  his  Egyptian 
slave  (iChr.2.31, 34,35).     [Ahlai.] 

Sheshbaz'zap,  the  Babylonian  Samas- 
bal-u$ur  (O  Sun-god  defend  the  son).  He 
brought  the  sacred  vessels  of  the  temple 
back  from  Babylon,  and  is  called  the  "  gover- 
nor."    It  is   doubtful  whether   he  is   to   be 


SHEWBE.EAD 


821 


identified  with  Zerubbabel.  See  Ezr.l.8,ii, 
5.14,16  ;  iEsd.2.12,15.  In  the  LXX.  his 
name  seems  to  be  Sanabazzar,  with  Sin,  the 
Moon-god,  for  Samas.  Some  scholars  have 
identified  him  with  Shenazzar  (iChr.3.i8). 
[Zerubbabel.]  [a.h.s.] 

Sheth.— 1.  The  patriarch  Seth  (iChr.l.i). 
— 2.  "The  sons  of  Sheth"  in  Num.24.i7 
(A.V.)  should  be  "  the  sons  of  tumult  "  (as  in 
R.V.),  i.e.  the  wild  warriors  of  Moab  (cf.  Je. 
48.45)-  [H.C.B.] 

Shethap'  (Esth.l.14;  some  MSS.  sMthdr), 
the  name  of  one  of  the  "seven  princes  "  {cf.  Her. 
iii.  70)  of  Persia  and  Media  who  "  saw  the  king's 
face,"  and  were  the  chief  men  in  the  kingdom 
in  Xerxes'  third  year.  The  name  is  Persian, 
Ushtra,  "  a  camel  "  [a  man  so  named  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Avesta;  cf.  the  final  element 
in  Zaxa.ihushtra's  (Zoroaster's)  name,  and  the 
next  art.],  Mod.  Pers.  Ushtur  and  Shutur. 
Geldner's  ed.  of  the  Zend-Avesta,      [w.st.c.t.] 

Shethap'-boznai'  (Ezr.5.3,6,  etc.),  a  col- 
league of  Tattenai  (R.V.),  "  governor  beyond 
(R.V.)  the  river  "  Euphrates  (i.e.  of  Syria) 
under  Darius  Hystaspis.  They  referred  the 
question  whether  Zerubbabel  and  his  com- 
panions were  to  be  permitted  to  rebuild  the 
temple  to  Darius,  and  were  directed  to  assist 
them.  The  name  is  Persian,  and  is  found  in 
Babylonian  inscriptions  mostly  of  the  time  of 
Artaxerxes  I.  in  the  form  Ushta-buzana,  for 
Ushtra-buzana  (cf.  Shethar).  The  Aram. 
form  boz'nai  closely  follows  the  Babylonian ; 
the  Persian  was  probably  berezna  ("high," 
"lofty,"  Avestic);  cf.  BarzanSs,  Arioharzanis, 
Sati-barzanSs  (all  in  Arrian,  some  also  in 
Xenophon  and  Pompeius  Trogus)  and  Mithro- 
barzanes  (Lucian).  Nearer  to  the  weaker  Baby- 
lonian form  is  Artobazanis  (Artabazan&s)  in 
Herodotus.  Otherwise  boz^nai  must  be  from 
Aves.  root  buj,  Skt.  bhuj,  "  to  enjoy,"  "  pos- 
sess," "  use."  Hilpricht,  Babylon.  Exp.  of 
Univ.  of  Pennsylv.  ser.  A.  vol.  ix.     [w.st.c.t.] 

Sheva'. — 1.  The  scribe  or  royal  secretary 
of  David  (2Sam.2O.25).  He  is  called  else- 
where Seraiah  (8.17),  Shisha  (iK.4.3),  and 
Shavsha  (iChr.l8.i6).  The  q^ri  of  2Sam.2O.25 
reads  sh'^wa  =  sheva,  the  k'thibh  reads  sh'yd. — 
2.  Son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  by  his  concubine 
Maachah  {iClir.2.49). 

SheAvbpead.  Heb.  bread  of  the  face,  or 
Presence-bread  (R.V.  marg.  Ex.25. 30, 35.13), 
with  reference  to  the  face,  or  presence  of 
Jehovah,  Ex.25.30,  iSam.21.6[7] ;  "bread" 
only,  Ex.40.23 ;  bread  of  continuity,  Nimi.4.7  ; 
arranged,  ordered,  hence  piled,  or  row  of  (Lev. 
24.6,  "two  rows"  ;  same  Heb.  word)  bread, 
iChr.9.32,23.29,  Ne.l0.33[34],  2Chr.i3.11  (cf. 
2.4[6])  ;  holy,  as  opposed  to  common  bread, 
iSam.21.4[5],6.  There  were  twelve  cakes 
(Lev.24.5),  unleavened  (Josephus,  3  Ant.  vi. 
6,  X.  7)  ;  each  contained  one-fifth  of  an  ephah 
(four -fifths  of  a  peck)  of  the  finest  flour  (Lev. 
24.5)  ;  placed  on  the  table  in  two  rows  (R.V. 
marg.  piles,  ver.  6) ;  a  cup  of  frankincense  on 
the  top  of  each  pile  (ver.  7),  a  memorial  offered 
on  the  altar  to  Jehovah.  The  cakes  remained 
seven  days,  being  changed  every  sabbath 
(ver.  8),  and  were  eaten  by  the  priests  in  a  holy 
place  (ver.  9).  According  to  iSam.21.6[7], 
hot  cakes  were  set  on  the  table  ;  J  osephus 
(3  Ant.  X.  7)  says  they  were  baked  on  the 


822 


SHIBBOLETH 


Friday  and  taken  into  the  sanctuary  on  the 
morning  of  the  sabbath.  They  were  provided 
out  of  the  common  charges  (Josephus,  loc.  cit. ; 
Ne. 10. 32, 33),  and  prepared  by  the  Kohath- 
ites  {iChr.9.32).  Though  the  stale  cakes 
might  be  eaten  by  the  priests  only,  they  were 
in  an  extreme  case  on  the  sabbath  given  by 
the  priest  at  Nob  to  David  and  his  young 
men  who  were  ceremonially  pure  (iSam.21. 
4-6[5-7];  Mt.12.3,4;  Mk.2.25,26;  Lu.6.3,4).— 
Table  of  Shcwbread  (Ex. 25. 23-28, 37. 10-15). 
The  Presence-table,  Num.4.7  (c/.  Ezk. 41.22) ; 
pure  table,  Lev. 24.6,  2Chr.i3.11  ;  table  of 
ordered  (or,  row  of  bread),  2Chr.29.i8  (c/. 
iChr.28.i6).  The  table  was  2  cubits  long, 
I  broad,  li  high  ;  made  of  acacia  wood 
overlaid  with  pure  gold,  and  with  a  gold 
moulding  round  the  top.  According  to 
Josephus  (3  Ant.  vi.  6),  the  legs  were  square  in 
the  upper  and  round  in  the  lower  part.  A 
piece  of  wood  about  4  in.  wide  encircled  the 
legs,  probably  at  the  point  where  the  change 
from  square  to  round  occurred,  and  this,  like 
the  top,  had  a  moulding  of  gold.  Four  rings 
of  gold  were  attached  to  the  legs  below,  and 
through  them  were  passed  the  gold-plated 
acacia  rods  for  carrying  the  table.  When 
carried  about,  it  was  covered  with  a  purple- 
blue  cloth,  on  which  the  vessels  and  cakes 
were  placed.  Over  these  was  put  a  scarlet 
cloth  and  then  a  covering  of  sealskin  (Num. 
4.7,8,  K.V. ).  There  was  only  one  tab'e  in  the 
tabernacle,  but  according  to  2Chr.4.8  ten  in 
the  temple,  five  on  the  N.  and  five  on  the  S. 
of  the  holy  place  (cf.  iChr.28.i6  ;  2Chr.4. 
19).  In  iK.7.48,  2Chr.l3.ii,29.i8,  one  table 
only  is  mentioned.  Josephus  (8  Ant.  iii.  7) 
says  Solomon  dedicated  a  great  number  of 
tables,  but  only  one  for  the  shewbread.  It 
stood  on  the  N.  side  of  the  holy  place  (Ex. 
26.35),  opposite  the  golden  lampstand.  The 
first  table  was  probably  either  burnt  or  carried 
to  Babylon  (2K.25.8ff.  ;  Je.52.i2ff.).  The 
one  in  the  second  temple  was  taken  by 
Antiochus  (iMac.l.22),  but  was  replaced  by 
another  under  Judas  Maccabaeus,  165  b.c. 
(4.49).  This  was  in  use  till  the  fall  of  Jeru- 
salem (70  A.D.),  when  it  was  taken  to  Rome 
with  other  spoils,  and  is  depicted  on  the  Arch 
of  Hiins.— Vessels  (I':x.25.29,37.i6  ;  Num. 
4.7).  These  were  (i)  q'"ardth,  probably  the 
vessels  in  which  the  cakes  were  baked,  or  in 
which  thoy  were  kept  from  the  Friday  to  the 
sabbath.  (2)  kappoth.  bowls  or  pans,  pro- 
bably for  the  frankincense.  (3)  q''sdwdth, 
jars  for  the  wine  libations.  (4)  m'naqqiy- 
yoth,  sacrificial  bowls,  connected  with  the 
drink-offerings.  The  meaninii  of  the  rite  is 
uncertain.  It  was  an  ancient  custom  to  pre- 
pare such  cakes  for  a  deity  (Jc. 7. 18, 44. 19  ;  cf. 
the  Roman  lectisternium).  The  Babylonians 
offered  their  gods  unleavened  cakes  of  wlieatcn 
flour,  twelve  or  three  times  twelve  being  set 
out  on  tables  before  the  deity,  and  called,  like 
the  Heb.,  Presence-bread,  "  akal  pani."  It 
was  probably  a  sacrificial  nieal.  Reland,  De 
Spoliis  Tcmpli  Hierosolymilani ;  Zimmcrn,  in 
Schrader's  K.A.T.  ii.  600  ;  Keil,  liihl.  Arch. 
vol.  i.  i46f.  ,        [II. 11.] 

Shibboleth  (Judg.12.6;  r\72^',  LXX. 
UTaxu':  —  an  ear  of  corn).  Tiiemenof  Ephraim, 
having  quarrelled  with  the  Gileuditcs  on  account 


SHILOAH,  SILOAM 

of  the  expedition  against  Ammon,  were  routed 
by  C.ilead  under  the  leadership  of  Jephthah, 
and  driven  to  a  ford  of  the  Jordan,  where  they 
hoped  to  cross  unrecognized  in  the  turmoil. 
But  Jephthah  posted  guards  on  the  bank,  who 
required  the  pronunciation  of  this  word  from 
every  passer-by.  The  dialect  of  Ephraim  was 
evidently  different  from  that  of  their  pursuers, 
and  they  bewrayed  their  tribe  by  pronouncing 
the  word  as  "sibboleth."  K^  (sh)  and  D  (s)  are 
constantly  interchanged,  in  Heb.  words.  '  In  a 
similar  way  the  Heb.  tJ' is  often  represented  in 
Arab,  by  s  rather  than  sh.  The  word  is  also 
found  with  the  sense  of  "  flood,"  and  but  for 
the  fact  that  this  meaning  is  only  found  in 
later  literature,  it  would  seem  fairly  obvious 
that  the  river  itself  suggested  the  word. 
There  is  an  interesting  parallel  in  French 
history  ;  and  the  Arabs  E.  of  Jordan  still  say 
sejerah  for  "  tree,"  which  on  the  W.  of  the 
river  is  shejerah.  [b.f.s.] 

Shicpon',  one  of  the  landmarks  at  the  W. 
end  of  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah  JJos.15.ii 
only).  It  lay  between  Ekron  ('Aqir)  and 
Jabneel(l'e&»rt).  The  site  is  unknown,    [c.r.c] 

Shield.     [Arms,  Defensive,  i.] 

Shig-graion.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Shihon'  (R.V.  Shion,  Heb.  shi'on;  Jos. 
19.19),  a  town  of  Issachar,  noticed  with 
Anaharath  {en  N'aurali),  and  thus  perhaps 
towards  E.  Eusebius  {Onomasticon)  places  it 
"  near  mount  Tabor,"  and  the  name  may  per- 
haps survive  (in  gutturalized  corruption)  at  the 
'Ay An  Sh'ain,  springs  about  2  miles  N.W.  of 
the  summit.     [Tabor.]  [c.r.c] 

Shihop'  of  Egypt.     [Si nor..] 

Shihop'-libnath'  (Jos. 19.26),  a  place 
mentioned  with  Mt.  Carmel  as  somewhere  S. 
of  Accho,  and  W.  of  Beth-dagon.  The  term 
shihor  appears  to  be  connected  with  shihor 
(oihcTViise sihor),  which  (Is. 23. 3)  means  "black 
mud."  Sihor  (Jos. 13. 3)  was  on  S.  border  of 
Palestine.  Shihor-libnath  may  mean  "  to 
the  (river  of)  black  mud  for  (making)  bricks" 
(l"bhend),  and  the  river  Belus,  justS.  of  Accho, 
is  probably  intended.  It  flows  W.  for  5  miles 
through  marshy  ground  to  the  sea,  a  mile  S.  of 
the  city  {Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  p.  268).  Pliny  {Hist. 
Nat.  xxxvi.  26)  says  that  glass  was  made  from 
sand  near  this  river,  which  gave  rise  to  the 
conjecture  of  Michaelis  that  Libnath  meant 
"glass,"  as  being  "transparent";  but  the 
words  for  "  glass  "  are  different.        [c.r.c] 

Shilhi',  the  father  of  Azubah,  Jchosha- 
phat's  mother  (iK. 22.42;   2Chr.2O.31). 

Shilhim'  (Jos. 15. 32).     [Siiaruhen.] 

Shillem',  son  of  Naplitali,  and  ancestor  of 
tlie  family  of  the  Shillemites  (Gen. 48.24  i 
Num. 26.4'))- 

Shilo'ah,  Silo'am.  The  Heb.  shildah 
means  "sent  out,"  or  "directed,"  and  this  ap- 
l)lies  to  "the  pool  of  Siloain  "  (Jn.9.7).  In 
Isaiah  (8.6)  the  waters  of  Shiloah  are  said  to 
"  go  softly  " — or,  better,  "  covered  over," 
"secretly  "  (/''«/) ;  which  is  explained  by  Heze- 
kiah's  action  just  before  the  Assyrian  invasion, 
in  728  B.C.  He  "  stopped  u|)  the  torrent  that 
ran  througii  the  midst  of  the  eartii."  lest  the 
"kings  of  Assyria  come  and  find  mucli  water" 
(2Chr.82.4);  or,  as  furtiier  detailed  (ver.  30), 
"  stopped  the  upper  si)ring  of  (iihoii,  and 
brought  it  down  west  to  the  city  of  David." 


SHILOAH,  SILOAM 

In  2K.2O.20  we  are  told  that  he  made  "  a  pool, 
and  a  conduit,  and  brought  water  into  the 
city."  [Conduit  ;  Gihon.]  Isaiah,  about  the 
same  date  (22.9,11),  says,  "Ye  gathered  to- 
gether the  waters  of  the  lower  pool,"  and 
"made  a  gathering  [mikvd]  between  the  two 
walls  of  the  waters  of  the  old  pool."     This  is  all 


SHILOH 


823 


POOL  OF  SILOAM,  LOOKING  NORTH. 

explained  by  the  discovery  of  the  Siloam  in- 
scription, near  the  mouth  of  the  rock  aqueduct 
which  Hezekiah  then  made,  and  which  runs  for 
a  third  of  a  mile  from  the  mofd,  or  spring  of 
GiHON,  to  the  h^rekhd,  or  pool  of  Siloam.  The 
text — now  removed  and  partly  destroyed — is  in 
the  old  alphabet  of  Israel  [Writing],  and  con- 
sists of  6  lines — damaged  (even  in  1880,  when 
it  was  found  by  a  Jewish  boy)  at  the  left  ends 
of  the  lines.  It  runs  thus :  "  The  excavation ; 
and  this  has  been  the  method  of  the  excava- 
tion ;  while  yet  .  .  .  the  pick,  each  to  his  fellow, 
and  while  yet  there  were  three  cubits  to  .  .  . 
the  call  of  one  crying  out  to  his  fellow,  for  there 
has  been  an  excess  in  the  rock  to  the  right  .  .  . 
on  the  day  of  excavation  they  hewed  this  mine, 
each  to  meet  his  fellow,  pick  to  pick  ;  and  the 
waters  flowed  from  the  source  [hammocd]  to 
the  pool  Ihabb'yekhd]  for  two  hundred  and  a 
thousand  cubits  ;  and  an  hundred  cubits  has 
been  the  height  of  the  rock  above  this  mine." 
The  two  parties  of  miners,  working  from  Gihon 
and  Siloam,  met  at  a  point  determined  by 
survey  in  1881  {Surv.  W.  Pal.,  Jerusalem  vol. 
pp.  345-371),  when  the  present  writer  took  a 
paper  cast  of  the  inscription.  Shiloah  was  so 
called  because  the  water  was  "  sent  "  along 
this  aqueduct  whenever  the  natural  syphon  in 
the  cave  of  the  Gihon  spring  caused  an  overflow 
of  water,  which — before  Hezekiah  dammed  the 
cave  mouth — had  run  down  the  Kidron,  but 
afterwards  ran,  "  in  the  midst  of  the  earth,"  to 


the  newly  made  pool  of  Siloam,  which  lies  S.  of 
the  city,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tyropoeon  Valley, 
between  Ophel  on  E.  and  the  upper  city  on  W. 
This  pool  was  outside  the  wall ;  but  water  was 
brought  "  into  the  city  "  by  a  rock  shaft,  and 
stairs,  at  the  back  of  the  Gihon  cave,  leading 
within  the  water-gate  (Ne.3. 26,12.37).  The 
"  tower  in  Siloam  "  (Lu.13.4)  was  probably  a 
tower  of  the  city  wall,  and  not  of  the  village 
Silwdn,  which  now  rises  round  the  stone  Zohe- 
LETH,  on  E.  side  of  the  Kidron.  Josephus 
(5  Wars  iv.  2)  describes  the  wall  as  bending 
twice  at  Siloam,  and  running  on  E.  side  of  Jeru- 
salem (vi.  i).  He  places  the  pool  outside  the 
wall  (ix.  4).  Recent  excavations  (see  F.  J. 
Bliss,  Excavations  at  Jerusalem,  1894-1897) 
show  that  the  present  Birket  Silwdn  represents 
only  part  of  the  original  rock-cut  pool,  which 
was  about  70  ft.  square.  An  early  Christian 
church  was  built  on  the  N.  side,  and  a  long 
flight  of  steps  led  up  the  valley — representing 
probably  the  "  stairs  that  go  down  from  the 
city  of  David,"  which  were  close  to  the  "  pool 
of  Siloah,"  to  the  "  king's  garden,"  and  to  the 
"  sepulchres  of  David,"  all  lying  in  the  Tyro- 
poeon Valley,  below  the  old  palace  on  Ophel 
(Ne.3. 15, 25, 12.37).  The  wall  built  by  the  em- 
press Eudocia  (c.  450  a.d.)  to  include  the  pool 
within  its  circuit  was  also  discovered  ;  being 
the  only  one  that  did  not  leave  Siloam  outside, 
but  close  to,  the  ramparts  on  the  high  ground 
to  W.,  N.,  and  E.  [c.r.c] 

Shiloh.  The  phrase  in  Gen.49.io,  "  Until 
Shiloh  come,"  has  been  the  subject  of  such 
various  interpretations  by  scholars  of  the 
highest  authority  that  it  is  scarcely  reasonable 
to  pronounce  a  positive  opinion  as  to  its 
meaning.  The  variation  goes  back  to  ancient 
versions  and  Jewish  commentators,  so  that  the 
difficulty  is  not  one  of  modern  criticism.  The 
Vulg.  renders  Shiloh  "  qui  mittendus  est," 
which  may  be  compared  with  the  expression  in 
Mt.11.3,  "  Art  Thou  He  that  should  come  "  ; 
the  LXX.  has  "  Until  there  come  the  things 
stored  up  for  him."  One  of  the  Targums, 
some  Rabbins,  and  Calvin  render  "  his  son." 
The  mediaeval  Rabbi  I.ipmann  considered 
Shiloh  in  this  passage  to  be  the  name  of  the 
city  Shiloh  [q.v),  and  that  the  meaning  was 
"  Until  he  come  to  Shiloh  " — that  is,  until  the 
settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan,  when 
Judah  lost  its  leading  position.  This  inter- 
pretation is  supported  in  the  present  day  by 
the  high  authority  of  Dr.  Strack,  in  the 
2nd  ed.  (1905)  of  his  translation  of,  and 
commentary  on,  Genesis.  Another  inter- 
pretation gives  Shiloh  the  interpretation 
"  Peace,"  or  "  Peace-maker,"  and  thus  the 
Messiah.  No  less  authorities  than  Gesenius 
and  Rosenmiiller  support  this  meaning.  But 
there  is  a  variant  reading  of  the  Heb.  of 
slitlo,  which  omits  the  letter  yod  after  sh, 
and  which  may  be  rendered,  according  to  Dr. 
Driver  "  Until  he  that  is  his  [or,  that  which  is 
his]shall  come  ";  or — though  he  adds  that  this  is 
not  free  from  grammatical  objections — "  Until 
he  come  whose  [it  is]"  (Comm.  on  Genesis). 
This  is  the  reading  of  the  principal  ancient 
versions,  and,  according  to  Dr.  Harold  Browne 
{Speaker's  Comm.),  the  authority  of  the  ancient 
versions  is  "almost  overwhelming  in  favour  of 
the  sense  '  He  to  whom  it  belongs '    or  '  He 


824 


SHILOH 


whose  right  it  is.'  "  It  seems  safest  to  follow 
the  substantial  agreement  of  two  such  scholars, 
and  thus  to  acquiesce  in  the  marg.  renderings 
of  R.V.,  "  Until  that  which  is  his  shall  come," 
or  "  Till  he  come  whose  it  is."  As  to  the  signi- 
ficance of  the  prediction,  we  may  again  be 
content  with  Dr.  Driver's  statement  that  "  the 
verse,  in  either  case,  will  then  promise  that 
the  sovereignty  v/ill  not  depart  from  Judah 
till  it  is  merged  in  the  higher,  more  perfect 
sovereignty  to  be  exercised  by  its  ideal  ruler, 
the  Messiah."  When  he  adds  that  "  such  a 
reference  to  the  Messiah  seems  to  presuppose 
the  teaching  of  Isaiah  and  other  prophets," 
it  may  justly  be  replied,  with  Bp.  Harold 
Browne,  that  the  assumption  that  the  patri- 
archal age  had  no  anticipation  of  a  personal 
Messiah  is  simply  gratuitous.  If  Abraham 
was  vouchsafed  a  foresight  of  the  future  pre- 
eminence of  his  seed,  there  is  nothing  improb- 
able in  a  similar  foresight  being  granted  to 
Jacob,  in  the  vague  sense  intimated  by  the 
words,  of  a  sovereignty  and  leadership  in  the 
house  of  Judah  culminating  in  a  perfect  ruler. 
A  Messianic  interpretation  in  this  sense  is 
adopted  by  the  great  body  of  the  Christian 
Fathers.  [h.w.] 

Shiloh'  {rest,  peace,  or  safety),  the  first- 
mentioned  of  the  stations  of  the  taber- 
nacle after  its  removal  from  Gilgal.  With 
the  ark  it  here  remained  400  years.  Jeremiah 
says  :  "  But  go  ye  now  unto  ray  place  [or 
"  station,"  Heb.  mdqom]  which  was  in  Shiloh, 
where  I  set  my  name  at  the  first  "  (7. 12),  re- 
ferring no  doubt  to  the  successive  central 
shrines  at  Shiloh,  Nob,  and  Gibeon,  and  to 
"  all  places  where  I  record  my  name  "  (Ex.20. 
24),  successively  adopted,  after  Shiloh  was 
deserted,  and  before  the  Jerusalem  temple  was 
built.  The  situation  of  Shiloh  is  very  care- 
fully indicated  in  Judges,  as  though  not  gener- 
ally known  (Judg.2i.19)  :  "  on  the  north  side 
of  Bethel,  on  the  east  side  of  the  highway  that 
goeth*  up  from  Bethel  to  Shechem,  and  on  the 
south  of  Lebonah."  The  ruined  village  Seiliin 
is  10  miles  N.E.  of  Bethel,  and  3  miles  S.E.  of 
Lubban  [Lebonah],  a  village  close  to  the  main 
road  from  Beitin  [Bethel]  to  Nablus,  or 
Shechem.  Thus  from  the  vicinity  of  Eben- 
ezer,  near  Bethel,  a  messenger  could  easily 
reach  Shiloh  "onthesame  day"  (iSain.4.i,i2). 
Possibly  (as  the  Samaritans  maintain)  the 
tabernacle  was  set  up  at  Shechem  when  Israel 
first  gathered  there  ;  but  very  early  it  was 
established  at  Shiloh  by  Joshua,  perhaps  as 
being  a  "  safe  "  place,  remote  from  the  high- 
ways of  armies,  and  less  exposed  to  capture 
than  it  would  have  been  at  Shecliem.  Israel 
assembled  "  at  the  entrance  of  the  tent  of 
meeting"  (Jos.tS.i, 8,9,10,19.51, 21. 2),  which 
other  writers  call  the  "  house  of  God,"  "  the 
house  of  Jehovah,"  or  "  the  temple  [lit. 
"great  house"]  of  Jehovah"  (Judg.l8.31  ; 
iSam.l.9,24).  The  Rabbis  believed  that,  at 
Shiloh,  the  tabernacle  became  a  more  per- 
manent building,  with  "  doors  "  (see  iSam.3. 
15)  ;  but  in  a  psalm  written  rather  later  than 
David's  time,  by  Asaph,  the  tabernacle  of 
Shiloh  is  called  a  "  tent  "  (Ps.78.6o)  ;  and  in 
another  (27.4,5),  attributed  to  David,  temple 
and  pavilion  are  equivalent  terms.  After 
the  loss  of  the  ark  and  the  death  of  Eli  (iSam. 


SHIMEI 

4),  we  hear  very  little  of  Shiloh,  but  it  was 
inhabited  by  a  prophet  in  the  time  of  Jeroboam 
(iK.14'.2,4)  ;  and,  though  Jeremiah  speaks  of 
the  ruin  of  the  "  place  "  at  Shiloh  (7. 12, 14,26. 
6,9),  it  appears  to  have  been  an  inhabited  town 
in  his  age  (41.5),  whence  (and  from  Shechem 
and  Samaria)  came  men  shaven  and  gashed 
(in  token  of  woe),  with  offerings  and  incense 
for  the  temple.  Shilonites  are  also  mentioned 
in  times  later  than  that  of  Eli  (iK. 11. 29, 12. 
15.15.29  ;  iChr.9.5  ;  2Chr.9.2q,10.i5).  The 
meaning  of  the  phrase  "  till  Shiloh  come  " 
(Gen. 49. 10)  has  been  discussed  by  Jews  and 
Christians  alike  for  twenty  centuries.  The 
Rabbis  said  that  the  coming  of  the  Messiah 
was  thus  foretold.  The  LXX.  renders  the 
word  "things  laid  up  safely"  (rd  airoKei/ufva) ; 
others  read  "till  he  [or  "one"]  enters  Shiloh" 
(Ewald);  or  "till  peace  come"  (Gesenius). 
The  site  is  remarkably  remote,  and  shut  in  by 
hills  so  as  to  be  unseen  till  quite  near.  The 
maidens  of  Shiloh,  on  occasion  of  a  "feast  of 
Jehovah,"  used  to  dance  in  the  vineyards 
(Judg.2i.2r)  ;  and  there  are  still  vineyards 
in  the  little  plain  to  S.,  below  the  hill  of  Seilun. 
The  ruins  are  those  of  a  modern  village,  with 
a  spring  three-quarters  of  a  mile  to  E.  On  N. 
is  a  deep  valley,  and  on  this  side  there  is  a 
terrace,  artificially  made  by  scarping  the  rock 
on  its  E.  It  measures  77  ft.  N.  and  S.  and  412 
ft.  E.  and  W.,  so  that  it  would  be  large  enough 
for  the  court  of  the  tabernacle.  Sir  C.  W. 
Wilson  (Quart.  Stat.  Pal.  Exfil.  Fund,  Jan. 
1873,  p.  38)  suggested  this  terrace  as  the  place 
where  the  tabernacle  stood,  and  there  is  very 
little  flat  ground  elsewhere  at  Shiloh.  There 
is  a  little  mosque  ("  of  the  servants  of  God  ") 
S.  of  the  village,  shaded  by  a  fine  oak  ;  and 
near  this,  on  S.E.,  is  an  older  building  of  some 
interest.  It  is  square,  and  made  of  good 
masonry.  The  roof  was  supported  by  four 
pillars,  and  the  N.  gate  has  a  lintel,  with  carv- 
ings representing  an  amphora,  two  wreaths, 
and  two  diotas  (or  two-handled  jugs).  This 
is  clearly  Jewish  work  of  the  Gk.  or  of  the 
Herodian  age  ;  for  such  designs  occur  not  far  off 
(at  the  ruin  of  Kefr  Beita)  over  the  porch  of 
Heb.  tombs.  The  building  may  be  a  small 
synagogue.  A  slojiing  revetment  was  added 
to  its  outer  wall  later,  and  a  little  mosque  of 
"  the  forty  "  (champions  of  Islam)  was  built 
against  the  E.  side  of  the  older  building. 
[Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp.  367-370.)  [c.r.c] 

Shiloni'.     [Asaiah,   3.] 

Shi'lonites  (iChr.9.3),  apparently  inhabi- 
tants of  Shiloh,  in  F.phraim  (vcr.  3).  [Asaiah, 
3.]  See  iK.ll. 29,12.15, 15.29,  2Chr.9.29,10.i5, 
all  of  which  refer  to  Ahijah. 

Shilshah',  son  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (i 
Chr.7.37). 

Shimea'. — 1.  Son  of  David  by  Bathsheba 
(iChr.3.5).— 2.  A  Merarite  Levite  (6.3o[i5]). 
—3.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph 
the  minstrel  (6.3o[24]).— 4-  (20.7)  =  Shimma. 

Shlmeah'. — 1.  (2Sam.2i.21)  =  Shimma. — 
2.  A  descendant  of  Jehiel  the  father  or  founder 
of  Gibeon  (iChr.8.32  ;   cf.  29,9.35). 

Shimeam'  (iChr.9.38)  =  Shimeah,  2. 

Shimeath',  an  Ammonitess,  mother  of  Jo- 
zachar,  or  Zabad,  one  of  the  murderers  of  king 
Joash   (2K.12.2i[22]  ;    2Chr.24.26). 

Shimel. — 1.     Second     son     of     Gershoa 


SHIMEON 

(Num.3.i8  ;  iChr.6.i7,29,23.7,9,io  ,  Zech. 
12.13)  ;  called  Shimi  in  A.V.  of  Ex. 6.17.  In 
iChr.6.29  he  is  called  the  son  of  Libni,  and 
both  are  reckoned  as  sons  of  Merari,  but  there 
is  reason  to  suppose  that  there  is  something 
omitted  in  this  verse.  [Mahli,  i.] — 2.  Shimei 
the  son  of  Gera,  a  Benjamite  of  the  house  of 
Saul,  who  lived  at  Bahurim.  When  David, 
fleeing  from  Absalom,  reached  Bahurim,  the 
long-pent-up  hatred  of  the  family  of  Saul  burst 
forth  in  the  person  of  Shimei,  who  cursed  the 
king  and  his  servants,  and  flung  stones  at 
them  (2Sam.l6.5-13).  On  the  king's  return  in 
triumph  Shimei  was  the  first  to  greet  him.  He 
threw  himself  at  David's  feet,  poured  forth  an 
abject  apology,  and  was  pardoned.  But  the 
king's  suspicions  were  not  set  at  rest  by  this 
submission  ;  and  on  his  deathbed,  possibly 
owing  to  some  unrecorded  signs  of  disaffection, 
he  cautioned  Solomon  against  him  (iK.2.8,9). 
Eventually  Shimei  was  put  to  death  by 
Benaiah  for  transgressing  the  conditions  on 
which  his  Hfe  depended  (2.36-46). — 3.  One  of 
the  adherents  of  Solomon  at  Adonijah's 
usurpation  (1.8).  Unless  he  is  the  same 
as  Shimei,  4,  or  as  Shimeah,  or  Shammah, 
David's  brother,  it  is  impossible  to  identify 
him. — 4.  Solomon's  officer  in  Benjamin  (4.i8). 
— 5.  Son  of  Pedaiah,  and  brother  of  Zerub- 
babel  (iChr.3.19). — 6.  A  Simeonite,  son  of 
Zacchur  (4.26,27)  ;  perhaps  the  same  as 
Shemaiah,  3. — 7.  Son  of  Gog,  a  Reubenite 
(5.4). — 8.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of  Jahath 
(6.42). — 9.  Son  of  Jeduthun,  and  chief  of  the 
tenth  division  of  the  singers  (25. 17). — 10.  The 
Ramathite  who  was  over  David's  vineyards 
(27.27). — 11-  A  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Heman, 
who  took  part  in  the  purification  of  the  temple 
under  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.14).— 12.  The 
brother  of  Cononiah  the  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (31.12,13).  Perhaps  the  same  as 
the  preceding. — 13.  A  Levite  (Ezr.lO.23). — 

14.  One  of  the  family  of   Hashura  (IO.33). — 

15.  A  son  of  Bani,  who,  like  the  two  preceding, 
put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  the  command  of 
Ezra  (10.38). — 16.  Son  of  Kish,  a  Benjamite, 
and  ancestor  of  Mordecai  (Esth.2.5). 

Shimeon',  a  layman  of  Israel,  of  the 
family  of  Harim,  who  put  away  his  foreign 
wife  at  the  command  of  Ezra  (Ezr.lO.31). 

Shimhi'  (R.V.  Shimei),  a  Benjamite 
(iChr.8.2i);   called  Shema  in  8.13. 

Shimi'  (Ex.6.i7)  =  Shimei,  son  of  Gershon, 
son  of  Levi,  and  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
Shimites  (Num.3. 21). 

Shimma',  the  third  son  of  Jesse,  and 
brother  of  David  (iChr.2.13).     [Shammah,  2.] 

Shimon'.  Sons  of  Shimon  are  inserted  in 
the  tribal  genealogy  of  Judah  (iChr.4.2o). 

Shimpath',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Shimhi  (i 
Chr.8.2i). 

Shimri'. — 1-  A  Simeonite,  son  of  Shemaiah 
(iChr.4.37)-— 2.  Father  of  Jediael,  3  (11-45)- 
— 3.  A  Kohathite  Levite  who  assisted  in  Heze- 
kiah's  purification  of  the  temple  (2Chr.29.13). 

Shimpith',  a  Moabitess,  mother  of  Je- 
hozabad,  one  of  the  assassins  of  kingJoash(2 
Chr.24.26).     In  2K.I2.21  she  is  called  Shomer. 

Shimpom'  (iChr.T.i)  =  Shimron. 

Shimpon',  fourth  son  of  Issachar  (Gen. 46. 
13),  and  head  of  the  family  of  the  Shimpon- 
Ites  (Num.26.24), 


SHIP 


825 


Shimpon'  (Jos.ll.i,19.i5),  or  Shimpon'- 

mepon'  (I2.20),  a  royal  Canaanite  city,  in 
the  lot  of  Zebulun.  The  Talmud  (Tal.  Jer. 
Megilla  i.  i)  states  that  its  later  name  was 
Slmiima  ;  and  the  LXX.  reads  in  all  three 
passages  Sumoon  (Si'/iowi').  This  is  the 
Simonias  of  Josephus  {Life,  24),  and  the  pre- 
sent village  Semilnieh,  5  miles  W.  of  Nazareth, 
a  very  small  place,  but  with  three  springs 
{Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  p.  280).    [Merom.]     [c.r.c] 

Shimshai',  the  scribe  or  secretary  of 
Rehum,  2  (Ezr.4.8,9,17,23).  In  iEsd.2.i6  he 
is  called  Semellius  (R.V.  Samellius). 

Shinata',  the  king  of  Admah  in  the  con- 
federacy of  the  4  kings  against  5  (Gen.14.2). 

Shinap'  (shin'dr)  is  the  ancient  Heb. 
name  of  the  great  alluvial  tract  through  which 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  pass  before  entering 
the  sea — -the  tract  known  in  later  times  as 
Chaldea  or  Babylonia.  Being  an  alluvial 
plain,  brick  had  to  be  used  for  stone,  and  bitu- 
men (from  the  springs  at  Hit)  for  mortar  (Gen. 
11. 2f.).  Among  its  cities  were  Babel  (Babylon), 
Erech  (Warka),  Accad  close  to  Sippar  (Abu- 
habbah),  and  Calneh  (probably  Niffer).  The 
name  Shinar  is  possibly  Sumero-Akkadian, 
and  may  be  a  corruption  of  Kingi-Ura,  the 
non-Semitic  designation  of  the  N.  and  S. 
districts,  with  sh  for  k  and  'ayin  for  g.  In  the 
earliest  times  it  was  divided  into  a  number  of 
small  states,  of  which  Babylon,  Erech,  Isin, 
Lagas,  Larsa,  Niffer,  and  Ur  seem  to  have  been 
the  chief.  The  state  of  Akkad  {Accad)  on  the 
N.  was  probably  that  in  which,  in  early  times, 
Semitic  influence  was  strongest,  whilst  "  the 
land  of  the  sea,"  on  the  S.,  seems  to  have 
become  later,  at  least  in  part,  one  of  the 
strongholds  of  the  Chaldeans,  and  perhaps 
also  their  kinsmen  the  Arameans.  The 
primitive  language  of  the  country  was  that 
now  called  Sumerian,  or  Sumero-Akkadian, 
which  gave  way  to  Semitic  Babylonian  2,000 
years  b.c.  or  earlier,  whilst  Chaldean  and 
Aramean  dialects  were  spoken  in  the  S. 
See  Babel,  Babylon,  and  art.  "  Shinar  "  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  (vol.  iv.  1902).  [t.g.p.] 

Ship.  No  one  writer  in  the  whole  range 
of  Gk.  and  Rom.  literature  has  supplied  us 
with  so  much  information  concerning  the 
merchant -ships  of  the  ancients  as  St.  Luke  in 
the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  to  Rome  (Ac. 
27,28).  It  is  important  to  remember  that  he 
accomplished  it  in  three  ships  :  first,  the  Adra- 
myttian  vessel  which  took  him  from  Caesarea 
to  Myra,  and  which  was  probably  a  coasting 
vessel  of  no  great  size  (27.1-5) ;  secondly,  the 
large  Alexandrian  corn-ship,  in  which  he  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta  (27.6-28.1 )  ; 
and  thirdly,  another  large  Alexandrian  corn- 
ship,  in  which  he  sailed  from  Malta  by  Syracuse 
and  Rhegium  to  Puteoli  (28.11-13). — (i)  Size 
of  Ancient  Ships.  The  narrative  which  we 
take  as  our  chief  guide  affords  a  good  standard 
for  estimating  this.  The  ship  in  which  St.  Paul 
was  wrecked  had  276  persons  on  board  (27-37), 
besides  a  cargo  of  wheat  {vv.  10,38)  ;  and  all 
these  passengers  seem  to  have  been  taken  on  to 
Puteoli  in  another  ship  (28. 11)  which  had  its 
own  crew  and  its  own  cargo.  Now,  in  English 
transport-ships,  prepared  for  carrying  troops, 
it  is  a  common  estimate  to  allow  a  ton  and  a 
half  per  man.     On  the  whole,  if  we  say  that 


826 


SHIP 


an  ancient  merchant-ship  might  range  from 
500  to  1,000  tons,  we  are  clearly  within  the 
mark. — {2)  Steering  Apparatus.  In  27.40  ("  the 
fastenings  of  the  rudders  ")  St.  Luke  uses  the 
plur..  for  ancient  ships  were  not  steered  by 
rudders  fastened  or  hinged  to  the  stern,  but  by 
means  of  two  paddle-rudders,  one  on  each 
quarter,  acting  in  a  rowlock  or  through  a  port- 
hole, as  the  vessel  might  be  small  or  large. — (3) 
Build  and  Ornaments  of  the  Hull.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  there  was  no  very  marked  difference 
between  the  bow  and  the  stern.  The  "  hold  " 
(Jon. 1.5)  would  present  no  special  peculiarities. 
One  characteristic  ornament,  rising  in  a  lofty 
curve  at  the  stern  or  the  bow,  is  familiar  to  us 
in  works  of  art,  but  no  allusion  to  it  occurs 
in  Scripture.  That  personification  of  ships, 
which  seems  to  be  instinctive,  led  the  ancients 
to  paint  an  eye  on  each  side  of  the  bow  (c/.  Ac. 
27.15).  The  "sign"  of  the  ship  which  bore 
St.  Paul  from  Malta  to  Pozzuoli  was  Castor 
AND  Pollux  (28.ii)  ;  and  the  symbols  of  these 
heroes  were  doubtless  painted  or  sculptured  on 
each  side  of  the  bow. — (4)  Undergirders.  The 
imperfection  of  the  build,  and  still  more  (see 
below,  6)  the  peculiarity  of  the  rig,  in  ancient 
ships,  resulted  in  a  greater  tendency  than  in 
our  times  to  the  starting  of  the  planks,  and  to 
consequent  leaking  and  foundering.  Hence  it 
was  customary  to  take  on  board  peculiar  con- 
trivances, suitably  called  "  helps  "  (27.17),  as 
precautions  against  such  dangers.  These  were 
simply  cables  or  chains,  which  in  case  of  neces- 
sity could  be  passed  round  the  frame  of  the 
ship,  at  right  angles  to  its  length,  and  made 
tight. — (5)  Anchors.  It  is  probable  that  the 
ground-tackle  of  Gk.  and  Rom.  sailors  was 
almost  as  good  as  our  own.  Ancient  anchors 
were  similar  in  form  to  ours  of  to-day,  but 
without  flukes.  Two  allusions  to  anchoring 
are  found  in  N.T.,  one  in  a  very  impressive 
metaphor  concerning  Christian  hope  (Heb.6. 
19).  The  other  is  in  the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's 
voyage  at  its  most  critical  point.  The  ship 
had  four  anchors  on  board,  and  these  were  all 
employed  in  the  night,  when  the  danger  of 
falling  on  breakers  was  imminent.  The  sailors 
on  this  occasion  anchored  by  the  stern  (Ac. 27. 
20). — (6)  Masts,  Sails,  Ropes,  and  Yards. 
These  were  collectively  called  crKeii-q  or  crKevrj, 
i.e.  gear.  We  find  this  word  twice  used  for  parts 
of  the  rigging  (27.17,19).  The  rig  of  an  ancient 
ship  was  more  simple  and  clumsy  than  that 
employed  in  modern  times.  Its  great  feature 
was  one  large  mast,  with  one  large  square  sail 
fast(!ned  to  a  yard  of  great  length.  Hence  the 
strain  upon  the  hull,  and  the  danger  f)f  starting 
the  planks,  were  greater  than  under  the  pre- 
sent system,  which  distributes  the  mechanical 
]>ressure  more  evenly  over  the  whole  ship. 
Any  masts  or  sails  more  than  one  in  an  ancient 
merchantman  were  repetitions,  so  to  speak,  if 
the  same  general  unit  of  rig.  In  O.T.  the  mast 
is  mentioned  (Is. 33. 23);  and  from  Ezk.27..'i 
we  learn  that  cedar-wood  from  Lebanon  was 
sometimes  used  for  tiiis.  In  l'r.23.34  llie  top 
of  a  ship's  mast  is  jirobably  intended.  In 
L/k.27.20  "ars  are  nu'iitionc^d  ;  and  it  seems 
tliat  oak-wood  from  Bashan  was  used  in 
making  them. — (7)  Hate  of  Sailing.  St. 
Paul's  voyages  furnish  excellent  data  for  ap- 
pro.xiniatcly  estimating    this,   and  are   quite 


SHIP 

in  harmony  with  what  we  learn  from  other 
sources.  We  must  notice  here,  however  (what 
commentators  sometimes  curiously  forget), 
that  winds  are  variable.  Thus  the  voyage  be- 
tween Troas  and  Phihppi,  accomplished  on  one 
occasion  (Ac. 16. 11, 12)  in  two  days,  occupied 
on  another  occasion  (20.6)  five  days.  With  a 
fair  wind  an  ancient  ship  would  sail  fully  7  knots 
an  hour. — (8)  Sailing  before  the  Wind,  and  near 
the  Wind.  The  rig  which  has  been  described  is, 
like  the  rig  of  Chinese  junks,  pecuUarly  favour- 
able to  a  quick  run  before  the  wind  (16. 11, 27. 
16).  A  modern  ship,  if  the  weather  is  not  very 
boisterous,  will  sail  within  6  points  of  the  wind. 
To  an  ancient  vessel,  of  which  the  hull  was 
more  clumsy,  and  the  yards  could  not  be 
braced  so  tight,  it  would  be  safe  to  assign  7 
points  as  the  hmit.— (9)  Lying-to.  A  ship  that 
could  make  progress  on  her  proper  course,  in 
moderate  weather,  when  saihng  within  7  points 
of  the  wind,  would  lie-to  in  a  gale,  with  her 
length  making  about  the  same  angle  with  the 
direction  of  the  wind.  This  is  done  when  the 
object  is,  not  to  make  progress  at  all  hazards, 
but  to  ride  out  a  gale  in  safety  ;  and  was  done 
by  St.  Paul's  ship  when  she  was  undergirded 
and  the  boat  taken  on  board  (27.14-17)  under 
the  lee  of  Clauda. — (10)  Ship's  Boat.  The 
(TKa<f)r)  appears  prominently  in  the  narrative  of 
the  voyage  (27.16,32)  of  the  Alexandrian  corn- 
ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  sailing  from  Fair 
Havens,  and  which  had  her  boat  towingbehind. 
Every  large  merchant-ship  must  have  had  one 
or  more  boats. — (n)  Officers  and  Crew.  In 
27.11  we  have  both  Kv^tpv-qTt)'!  and  vavK\r}pos. 
The  latter  is  the  owner  (in  part  or  in  whole)  of 
the  ship  or  the  cargo,  receiving  also  (possibly) 
the  fares  of  the  passengers.  The  former  has 
the  charge  of  the  steering.  The  word  for 
"  shipmen  "  (27.27,30)  and  "  sailors  "  (Rev.18. 
17)  is  the  usual  term  vavrai. — (12)  Storms  and 
Shipwrecks.  The  ist  cent.  a.d.  was  a  time  of 
immense  traffic  in  the  Mediterranean  ;  and 
many  vessels  must  have  been  lost  there  every 
year  by  shipv\Teck  and  by  foundering.  This 
last  danger  would  be  much  increased  by  the 
form  of  rig  described  above.  Moreover,  the 
ancients  had  no  compass,  and  very  imperfect 
charts  and  instruments,  if  any.  Certain  coasts 
were  much  dreaded,  especially  the  .African 
Syrtis  (.Ac. 27. 17).  The  danger  indicated  by 
breakers  (ver.  29),  and  the  fear  of  falling  on 
rocks,  are  matters  of  course.  St.  Paul's  e.x- 
|)erience  gives  illustrations  of  all  these  perils. 
— {i:i)  Boats  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  In  the  narra- 
tives of  the  call  of  the  disciples  to  be  "  fishers 
of  men  "  (Mt. 4.18-22  ;  Mk.l. 16-20  ;  Lu.5.i-ii) 
there  is  no  special  information  concerning  the 
characteristics  of  these  boats.  It  is  instruc- 
tive to  compare  the  accounts  of  the  storm  and 
the  miracle  on  the  lake  (Mt. 8.23-27  ;  Mk.4. 
35-41  ;  Lu. 8. 22-25),  and  we  see  that  St.  Luke 
is  more  tcclmical  than  St.  Matthew,  and  St. 
Mark  than  St.  Luke.  With  the  large  popula- 
tion round  the  lake  of  Tiberias  there  must 
liave  been  a  vast  number  botii  of  fishing-boats 
and  pleasure-boats,  and  boat-building  must 
have  been  an  active  trade  on  its  shores. — (14) 
Merchant-ships  in  O.T.  The  earliest  allusions 
to  seafaring  in  O.T.  are  :  Gen. 49. 13,  in  the 
prophecy  of  Jacob  concerning  Zebulun  ;  Num. 
24.24,  in  Balaam's  prophecy  ;    Deut.28.68,  in 


PLATE    XXIX 


CYLINDER    OF   ESAR-HADDON,   MENTIONING    MANASSEH,    KING    OF    JUDAH. 
(From  the  Brit.  Mus.)     See  art.  "Manasseh." 


26]  ritolo  by  Manstll, 

ARMED    GALLEY    IN    MOTION  :    TVRIAN    GALLEY    GOING    TO   SEA. 


SHIPHI 

one  of  the  warnings  of  Moses  ;  Judg.5.i7, 
in  Deborah's  Song.  There  are  illustrations 
and  descriptions  connected  with  this  subject 
in  Job  9.26;  Ps.48[47].7,104[103].26,107.23  ; 
Pr. 23. 34, 30. 19,31. 14.  Solomon's  own  ships 
may  have  suggested  some  of  these  illustrations 
(iK.9.26  ;  2Chr.8.i8,9.2i).  We  must  notice 
the  disastrous  expedition  of  Jehoshaphat's 
ships  from  the  same  port  of  Ezion-geber  (iK. 
22.48,49  ;  aChr. 20. 36,37).  The  passages  which 
remain  are  in  the  prophets  (Is. 2. 16, 23. 1,14, 
60.9;Ezk.27;  Jon.l.3-16).  In  Dan. 11. 40  we 
touch  the  subject  of  ships  of  war.  The  Heb- 
rews doubtless  obtained  their  knowledge  of 
navigation  from  the  Phoenicians,  the  leading 
seamen  of  ancient  days. — (15)  Ships-of-war  in 
the  Apocr.  Warlike  operations  both  by  land 
and  water  (iMac.8. 23,32)  are  prominent  sub- 
jects in  the  books  of  Maccabees  (8.26,28  ;  2 
Mac. 4. 20).  Here  we  must  not  forget  the 
monument  erected  by  Simon  the  Hasmonaean 
on  his  father's  grave.  Finally  must  be  men- 
tioned the  noyade  at  Joppa,  when  the  resident 
Jews,  with  wives  and  children,  200  in  number, 
were  induced  to  go  into  boats  and  were 
drowned  (2Mac.l2. 3).     [Modin  ;  Phenice.] 

Shiphi',  aSimeonite,  father  of  Ziza(iChr.4. 
37)- 

Shiph'mite,  The.  Probably,  though  not 
certainly,  a  native  of  Shepham  (iChr.27.27). 

Shiphpah'  (Ex.1. 15-21),  one  of  the  two 
midwives  who  disobeyed  Pharaoh's  command 
to  kill  the  male  Hebrew  children. 

Shiphtan',  an  Ephraimite,  father  of 
Kemuel  (Num. 34. 24). 

Shisha/     [Shavsha.] 

Shi'shak,  king  of  Egypt,  the  Sheshenk  I. 
of  the  monuments,  ist  sovereign  of  the 
Bubastite  22nd  dynasty,  who  invaded  Pales- 
tine in  the  5th  year  of  Rehoboam.  He  was 
originally  the  chief  of  the  Libyan  mercenaries, 
an  office  which  he  inherited  from  his  father 
Namured.  Through  his  grandmother  Meht- 
enusekht  he  was  connected  with  the  21st 
(Tanite)  dynasty.  His  expedition  against 
Palestine  must  have  taken  place  before  his 
2ist  year,  when  he  began  the  erection  of  a 
new  court  in  the  temple  of  Karnak  at  Thebes, 


SHOBAL 


827 


r^^^"^ 


3 


CARTOUCHE  OF  AMEN-MERI-SHASHANQ  (SHESHENK  I.). 

and  inscribed  the  names  of  the  conquered 
cities  on  its  walls.  Among  them  is  "  Yehud 
of  the  king,"  in  which  the  earlier  Egyptologists 
fancied  they  recognized  "  the  kingdom  of 
Judah."  As  the  names  are  not  confined  to 
Judah,  it  would  appear  that  Shishak's  cam- 
paign was  conducted  against  the  northern 
kingdom  as  well  as  Judah,  and  that  conse- 
quently he  did  not  enter  Palestine  as  the  ally 
of  Jeroboam.  He  did  not  pillage  Jerusalem, 
but  exacted  all  the  treasures  of  his  city  from 
Rehoboam,  and  apparently  made  him  tribu- 
tary (2Chr.l2.5,9-i2,  esp.  8).  The  narrative  in 
I K. 14.25, 26  mentions  only  the  invasion  and 
the  exaction.     [Jehud.]  [a.h.s.] 

Shitpa'i,  a  Sharonite  who  was  over 
David's  herds  that  fed  in  Sharon  (iChr.27.29). 

Shittah-tpee,  Shittlm  (Heb.  shiUd),  is 


without  doubt  some  species  of  A  cacia,  of  which 
three  or  four  kinds  occur  in  Bible  lands.  This 
wood  was  extensively  employed  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  tabernacle  (see  Ex.25, 26,36-38).  The 
Arabic  name  of  the  Acacia  is  sunt.  The  Heb. 
term  is,  by  Jablonski,  Celsius,  and  many  other 
authors,  derived  from  this  word.  The  A. 
seyal  is  common  in  some  parts  of  the  peninsula 
of  Sinai,  but  much  less  so  in  Palestine,  though 
the  Wddy  Seiydl  on  the  W.  of  the  Dead  Sea 
derives  its  name  from  a  few  acacia-trees  there. 
The  A.  seyal,  Uke  the  A.  arabica,  yields  gum 
arabic,  which  is  obtained  by  incisions  in  the 
bark.  Stanley  well  remarks  that  from  the 
tangled  thickets  into  which  the  stem  of  this 
tree  expands  may  arise  the  use  of  the  plur. 
form  of  the  Heb.  noun  shitlim,  the  sing,  occur- 
ring once  only  in  the  Bible  (Is. 41. 19).  Henslow, 
however,  interprets  the  plur.  "  wood  m  blocks," 
i.e.  timber.  Besides  the  A.  seyal,  there  is 
another  species,  the  A.  tortilis,  on  Mt.  Sinai. 
This  form  is  known  as  sunt  to  the  Arabs  at 
'Aqaba,  a  name  not  usually  given  to  A.  seyal. 
But  the  sunt  par  excellence  is  A.  laeta,  found 
in  the  Ghor-es-Safieh,  a  handsome  tree  20  to 
25  ft.  high,  which  was  at  once  distinguished 
by  the  Bedawin  from  the  seiydl,  as  sunt.  This 
species  (identified  by  Prof.  Oliver)  is  an  outlier 
from  Assouan  ;  when  the  country  was  better 
wooded,  it  was  doubtless  more  plentiful,  and 
it  was  of  better  timber  than  the  more  dwarf 
A.  seyal,  A.  tortilis,  and  A.  nilotica.    [h.c.h.] 

Shittim',  the  place  of  Israel's  encamp- 
ment between  the  conquest  of  the  Trans- 
jordanic  highlands  and  the  passage  of  the 
Jordan  (Num. 33. 49, 25. i ;  Jos.2.i,3.i  ;  Mi.6.5). 
Its  full  name  appears  to  be  given  in  the 
first  of  these  passages — Abel  hash -Shittim 
{the  meadow  of  the  acacias).  It  was  "in  the 
Arboth-Moab,  by  Jordan- Jericho"  (Num.22. i, 
26.3,31.12,33.48,49).  That  is  to  say,  it  was  in 
the  Arabahor  Jordan  Valley,  opposite  Jericho. 
This  plain,  E.  of  Jordan,  is  now  called  the 
Ghor  es  Seisebdn,  or  "  valley  of  acacias." 
The  Nahal-Shittim  of  J  1.3. 18  appears  to  be 
somewhere  on  the  Kidron.  [c.r.c] 

Shiza',  a  Reubenite,  father  of  Adina  (iChr. 
11.42). 

Shoa  (Ezk.23.23)  is  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  the  Chaldeans,  Pekod,  Koa,  and  all  the 
Assyrians,  who  were  to  work  their  will  upon 
Aholibah.  The  inscriptions  show  that  Pekod, 
Koa,  and  Shoa  do  not  mean  "  officers,  princes, 
and  rulers,"  but  are  really,  as  rendered,  the 
njimes  of  places.  Schrader  identified  Shoa 
with  the  Assyro-Babylonian  Sutt'i  (parallel  to 
Koa  with  KutU),  according  to  Delitzsch,  the 
plains  E.  of  the  Diyala  towards  Elam  as  far  as 
the  Kerkha.  This  nationality,  whose  name 
appears  shortened  to  Sii,  occurs  fairly  often 
in  cuneiform  literature.  Delitzsch,  Wo  lag 
das  Paradies,  p.  235.  [t.g.p.] 

Shobab'. — 1.  Son  of  David  and  Bathsheba 
(2Sam.5.i4  ;  iChr.3. 5,14.4). — 2.  A  descendant 
of  Caleb  (iChr.2.i8). 

Shobaeh',  the  general  of  Hadarezer  king 
of  the  Syrians,  who  was  defeated  and  slain  by 
David  at  Helam  (aSam. 10. 15-18). 

Shoba'i.  The  children  of  Shobai  were  a 
family  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  temple,  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2. 42  ;  Ne.7.45). 

Shobai'. — 1.  A  second    son    of    Seir    the 


828 


SHOBEK 


Horite  and  one  of  the  "  dukes  "  of  the  Horites 
(Gen.36.20,29  ;  iChr.l.38).— 2.  Son  of  Caleb 
the  son  of  Hur,  and  "  father  "  or  founder  of 
Kirjath-jearini  (iChr.2. 50,52).  In  4.i,2  he  ap- 
pears with  Hur  among  the  sons  of  Judah. 

Shobek',  one  of  the  heads  of  the  people 
who  sealed  the  covenant  (Ne.lO.24). 

Shobi',  son  of  Nahash  of  Rabbah  of  the 
children  of  Ammon.  He  brought  provisions 
to  David  at  Mahanaim  on  his  flight  from 
Absalom  {2Sam. 17. 27-29). 

Shocho'  (2Chr.28.18),  Shochoh'  (iSam. 
17.1),  Shoco'  (2Chr.ll. 7),  Soeho'  (iChr.4.i8), 
Sochoh'  (1K.4.10),  or  Socoh'  (Jos.i5.35), 
a  town  of  Judah,  near  Adullam.  It  was 
fortified  by  Rehoboara,  and  is  represented 
by  the  present  ruia  Shuweikeh,  on  a  hill 
S.  of  the  valley  of  Elah,  near  the  great  bend 
where  it  turns  W.  This  was  the  scene  of 
David's  victory  over  Goliath. — ^The  Socoh 
of  Jos. 15. 48  is  also  a  town  of  Judah,  but  in 
the  mountains.  Now  the  ruin  Shuweikeh, 
2  miles  E.  of  Debir,  i.  [c.r.c] 

Shoe.     [Sandals.] 

Sho'ham,  a  Merarite  Levite  (iChr.24.27). 

Shomep'. — 1.  An  Asherite  ;  son  of  Heber 
(iChr.7.32). — 2.  Jehozabad,  3,  is  described  as 
tlie  "son  of  Shomer  "  in  2K.I2.21  :  in  the 
parallel  passage  in  2Chr.24.26  the  name  is 
converted  into  the  fem.  form  Shimrith,  who  is 
further  described  as  a  Moabitess. 

Shophach'  (iChr.l9.i6,i8)  =  Shobach. 

Shophan',  one  of  the  fortified  towns 
on  the  E.  of  Jordan  which  were  taken  pos- 
session of  and  rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Gad 
(Num.32.35).  The  word  means  a  hyra.x 
(A.V.  coney).    The  site  is  unknown,     [c.r.c] 

Shoshannim,  Shoshannim-Eduth. 
[Psalms,  Titles  of.] 

Shu'a  (iChr.2.3).  The  "  daughter  of 
Shua  "  (R.V.  Bathshua),  a  Canaanitess,  was 
Judah's  wife. 

Shu'ah. — 1.  Son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah 
(Gen. 25.2  ;  iChr.l.32).— 2.  (R.V.  Shuhah) 
Brother  of  Chelub  (iChr.4.ii).— 3.  Father 
of  Judah's  wife  (Gen. 38. 2, 12) ;  called  Shua 
in  iChr.2.3. 

Shual',  son  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (iChr.7. 
36). 

Shual,  Land  of.  [Ophrah,  i  ;  Shalim, 
Land  of.] 

Shu'bael. — 1.  (iChr.24.2o)  =  Shebuel,  i. 
— 2.  (iChr.25.2o)  =  Shebuel,  2. 

Shuham',  son  of  Dan,  and  ancestor  of 
tlie  Shuhamites  (Num. 26. 42, 43).  [Hushim.] 

Shuhite  (Job  2. 11,  etc.),  the  title  of  Bildad, 
Job's  friend.  The  region  or  place  intended  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Shulamite,  The  (Heb.  shUlammith  ;  R.V. 
Shulammite),  the  name  given  in  Can. 6. 13  to 
the  country  maiden  beloved  of  Solomon,  the 
heroine  of  the  Song.  It  probably  means  a 
native  of  Shunem  (Jos. 19. 18  ;  2K.4.8,  etc.), 
a  place  in  N.  Palestine,  on  the  hills  of  Little 
Hermon,  N.  of  the  valley  of  Jezreel,  in  the 
ancient  territory  of  Issacliar.  She  has  often 
been  identified  with  Abishag  the  Shunammite 
(rK.1,2).     [Canticlks.]  [a.r.w.] 

Shu'mathites,  The,  one  of  four  families 
wlio  sj/rang  from  Kirjath-jearim  (iChr.2.53). 

Shu'nammlte,  The,  i.e.  the  native  of 
Shunem  (see  2K.4.8).     It  is  applied  to  two 


SHUSHAN 

persons  :  Abishag,  the  nurse  of  king  David 
(iK. 1.3, 15, 2.17,21, 22),  and  the  nameless  hos- 
tess of  Elisha  (2K. 4. 12, 25, 36).     [Shulamite.] 

Shunem'.  Probably  "  the  barn  "  (Arab. 
shilneh),  a  town  of  Issachar  (Jos. 19. 18),  now 
the  village  Sillem,  3i  miles  N.  of  Jezreel. 
Here  the  Philistines  camped,  attacking  Saul  in 
Jezreel  (iSam.28.4,  c/.  29.i).  It  was  on  Elisha's 
road  (2K.4.8),  between  Abel-meholah  and 
Ophel.  The  Shunammite  "  great  woman  " 
rode  thence  15  miles,  to  Carmel,  to  fetch  the 
prophet  {vv.  12,25,36).  An  earlier  Shunammite 
woman  Abishag  (iK. 1.3,15)  was  famous  for 
beauty.  This  is  perhaps  the  reason  why  the 
LXX.  reads  "  Shunamite  "  for  "  Shulamite  "  (or 
as  now  pointed  in  Heb.  shulamnuth)  in  the 
Song  of  Songs  (Can. 6.13)  ;  on  which  reading 
the  theory  of  Jacobi  as  to  the  Song  (founded 
on  a  remark  of  Ibn-Ezra)  was  elaborated  in 
1771  A.D.  Shunem  is  probably  the  Senama  of 
the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  38),  in  i6th  cent. 
B.C.,  andtheShenraau  of  Shishak's  list  (No.  15) 
in  loth  cent.  e.g.  It  is  noticed  in  the  Ono- 
masticon  as  5  miles  from  Tabor.  The  village 
is  on  N.  slope  of  the  valley  of  Jezreel,  and  is 
built  of  stone  and  mud.  It  has  a  perennial 
stream  from  a  spring  on  W.,  by  a  garden  of 
lemon  trees.  There  are  cactus  hedges  on  E. 
and  S.,  and  a  few  palms  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  p. 
87).  The  Shunammite  could  quickly  add  a 
little  chamber  of  sun-dried  bricks  to  her  house 
(2K.4.10),  to  receive  the  holy  man,  who  so 
often  stayed  there  on  his  road.         [c.r.c] 

Shuni',  son  of  Gad,  and  ancestor  of  the 
Shunites  (Gen. 46. 16  :  Num.26.i5). 

Shupham'  (R.V.  Shephupham),  a  Benja- 
mite,  and  ancestor  of  the  Shuphamites 
(Num.26. 39).     [Shi:  pht I'll  AX.] 

Shuppim',  the  name  of  a  family  of 
Benjamites  (iChr.7.i2,i5,26.i6).  The  name 
appears  in  iChr.8.5  as  Shephupham,  and  as 
Muppim  in  Gen. 46. 21.  [h.c.b.] 

Shup  {wall),  a  place  just  without  the  E. 
border  of  Egypt,  mentioned  in  the  narrative 
of  Hagar's  flight  (Gen.16.7).  -Abraham  after- 
wards "  dwelled  between  Kadesh  and  Shur, 
and  sojourned  in  Gerar "  (20.i).  The  first 
clear  indication  of  its  position  occurs  in  the 
account  of  Ishmael's  posterity.  "  And  they 
dwelt  from  Havilah  unto  Shur,  that  [is]  before 
I'lgypt,  as  thou  goest  toward  Assyria  "  (25. 18  ; 
cf.  iSam. 15.7,27.8).  The  wilderness  of  Shiur 
was  entered  by  the  Israelites  after  they  had 
crossed  the  Red  Sea  (Ex. 15.22, 23).  It  was 
also  called  the  wilderness  of  Etham  (Num.33. 
8).  Bru'^tsch  (///,s7.  of  Egt.)  supposes  Shur 
to  be  Heb.  for  the  Egyptian  Anbu,  or  "wall  " 
protecting  the  frontier  in  the  time  of  the  12th 
dynasty,  and  closing  the  isthmus  N.  of  the 
gulf  of  Suez.  It  would  thus  have  existed  in 
tlie  time  of  Abraham,  and  is  noticed  by 
1  )iodorus  (i.  4 ).  Brugsch  connects  Etham  with 
Khetam,  a  fortress  on  or  near  this  wall  men- 
tioned in  14th  cent.  B.C.  [c.R.c] 

Shushan'  {Sus  or  Shush,  Gk.  -oPira)  was 
for  many  centuries  the  caiutai  of  the  iion- 
Si'iiiitic  kingdom  of  I'Llam,  having,  liowcvor, 
previously  been  a  BabyU)niau  (Semitic) 
province.  It  is  probably  mentioned  in 
Babyl<mian  documents  of  c.  2400  B.C.  After 
destruction  by  tiie  .\ssyriau  monarch  Assur- 
bani-pal  it  was  restored  either  by  Cyrus,  or 


SHTJSHAN-EDUTH 

more  probably  by  Darius  Hystaspis,  on  the 
same  plan  as  the  palace  at   Persepolis.     In- 
scriptions show  that  Darius  built  the  palace. 
Under  the  Seleucid  rulers  Susa  fell  into  decay, 
being  superseded  by  Babylon    and  Seleucia. 
Susa  was  cut  in  two   by   the  river  Choaspes 
(Kerkhah).      The   populous   quarters   on  the 
right  bank  are  now  indicated  by  hardly  percep- 
tible undulations  of  the  plain.    On  the  left  bank 
were  the  royal  city,  the  palace,  and  the  citadel , 
now  marked  by  three  huge  mounds,  4,500  ft. 
long  from  N.  to  S.  and  3,000  broad  from  E. 
to  W.     The  acropohs  covered  300  acres.     It 
included  the  house  of  the  women  (Esth.2.3), 
the  royal  palace  with  a  central  court  (4.ii,5.i), 
a  garden  and  square  for  military  manoeuvres, 
and  a  hall  or  throne-room  (apaddnam),  with 
roof  supported  by  fluted  limestone  columns, 
surmounted  by  elaborately   carved  capitals. 
It  had,  moreover,  on  either  side  of  its  front 
a  p5'lon  or  colonnade,  furnished  with  a  frieze 
12  ft.  high,  which  exhibited  figures  of  lions 
and  royal  lifeguards  marching  in  procession. 
M.  Dieulafoy,  a  French  architect  and  engineer, 
in  1884-86  carried  out  important  excavations  at 
Susa,  and  brought  to  light  many  interesting 
features,  recovering  the  plan  of  the   citadel, 
and  extensive  remains  of  its  buildings.     The 
ruins  show  that  there  was  abundance  of  space 
for  the  exercise  of  royal  hospitality  such  as 
is  described  in  Esther.    [Palace.]     [a.w.s.] 
Shushan-eduth.      [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Shuthalhites,     The     (Heb.     shuthalhi, 
Num.26.35),     descendants     of    Shuthe'lah 
(Heb.  shuthelah),  a  son  of  Ephraim  who  was 
killed  (see  Elead)  by  the  men  of  Gath  (iChr. 
7.21).     He    had    a    son    Eran    (Nmn.26.36). 
In  this  passage  only  three  sons  of  Ephraim 
are  noticed — Shuthelah,   Becher,  and  Tahan. 
In  iChr.7. 20,21  Bered  stands  for  Becher,  and 
Tahath  for  Tahan  (the  name  being  repeated, 
apparently  by  clerical  error) ;   Shuthelah   is 
twice  mentioned,    and    three  other    sons   of 
Ephraim    are     added — viz.    Zabad,     Eladah 
(Elead  in  ver.  21),  and  Ezer.      Of  the  seven 
sons    of   Ephraim,    four — Zabad,    Shuthelah, 
Ezer,    and    Elead — were    slain    during    the 
lifetime  of  their  father  Ephraim,  and  a  son 
Beriah  was  bom  to  him  later  (ver.  23),  from 
whom  Joshua  was  descended  (ver.  27).     The 
passage  in  Chr.  is  of  great  chronological  im- 
portance ;    and  a  confusion  has  been  caused 
by   a  misunderstanding,   as  explained   under 
Elead.     The  genealogy  of  Joshua  repeats  the 
family  name  Tahan,  and  includes  the  name 
Laadan  (ver.  26).   which  occurs  among  the 
names  of  Levites  (iChr.23.7-9, 26.2 1 ), suggesting 
a  marriage  connexion  between  persons  of  the 
two  tribes  of  Levi  and  Ephraim.     J  oseph  was 
30  years  old  or  more,  and  had  been  13  years  in 
Egypt,  when  he  married  (Gen.37.2,4'1.46),  and 
the  genealogy  includes  11  generations  in  500 
years,  from  the  birth  of  Joseph  to  the  death  of 
Joshua — who  is  said  to  have  been  no  years 
old  (Jos.24.29),  giving  an  average  of  less  than 
50  years  for  a  generation.     This  calculation 
perhaps  favours  the  LXX.  computation  of  215 
instead  of  430  years  for  Israel  in  Egypt  (as 
giving  only  26  years  for  a  generation),  and  may 
be  the  cause  of  the  LXX.  alteration  in  Ex.12. 
4T.     The  Heb.  text,  however,  agrees  with  Gen. 
15.13  and  with  Ac.7.6,13.2o,  which  the  LXX. 


SIDE 


829 


dates  do  not ;  and  the  expression  "  son  "  con- 
stantly means  a  "  descendant,"  names  being 
omitted  in  many  Heb.  genealogies,    [c.r.c] 

Sia'  (Ne.7.47)  or  Siaha  (Ezr.2.44),  a 
family  of  Nethinim  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel. 

Sibbeeai',    Sibbechai',   one  of  David's 
guard,  and  captain  for  the  eighth  month  of 
24,000  men  of  the  army  (iChr.ll.29,27.ii). 
He  belonged  to  a  principal  family  of  Judah,  ■ 
the  Zarhites,  or  descendants  of  Zerah,  and  is 
called  "the  Hushathite,"  probably  from  the 
place  of  his  birth.     Sibbechai's  great  exploit 
was  his  single  combat  with  Saph,  or  Sippai,  the 
Philistine  giant,  whom  he  slew  at  Gezer,  or 
Gob  (2Sam.2i.18  ;  iChr.20.4). 
SilJ'boleth.     [Shibboleth.] 
Sibmah'  (Jos.lS.ig).    [Shebam.] 
Sibpa'im  {two  heaps;  Ezk.47.i6),  a  land- 
mark  between    the    lands    of    Hamath    and 
Damascus.     The  site  is  unknown,     [c.r.c] 

Siccuth  (Am. 5.26,  R.V.).  [Moloch, 
Tabernacle  of  your  ;    Remphan.] 

Si'ehem.— 1.  (Gen.12.6  ;  Ecclus.50.26). 
See  Shechem,  which  is  the  R.V.  reading  in 
the  first  passage.  In  the  latter,  St/ci/xots 
stands  for  Sfx^^o's.  [c.r.c] 

Sickle.  Of  the  two  Heb.  words,  hermesh 
and  maggdl,  each  occurs  twice  only,  the  former 
in  Deut.l6.9,23.25i;26],  the  latter  in  Je.50.i6 
and  figuratively  in  Jl. 3. 13.  It  is  difficult  to  say 
what,  if  any,  distinction  there  was  between 
the  two  words.  Remains  of  sickles  made  of 
wood,  with  teeth,  are  found  early  in  Egypt. 
In  N.T.  {dpeiravov)  it  is  used  once  in  a  literal 
sense  (Mk.4.29),  and  several  times  figuratively 
(Rev.14.14-19).  [w.o.E.o.] 

Sie'yon,  a  city  mentioned  with  several 
others  in  1Mac.i5.23.  The  oldest  name  of 
the  town  on  the  coast  (the  Sicyon  of  the  times 
before  Alexander)  was  said  to  have  been 
AlyidXy},  or  AlyLa\ol.  This  was  perhaps  the 
common  native  name,  and  Sicyon  that  given  to 
it  by  the  Phoenician  traders.  But  the  Sicyon 
referred  to  in  the  book  of  Maccabees  is  a  more 
recent  city,  built  on  the  site  which  served  as  an 
acropolis  to  the  old  one,  and  distant  from  the 
shore  from  12  to  20  stadia.  Demetrius  Polior- 
cetes,  in  the  year  303  B.C.,  surprised  the  garrison 
which  Ptolemy  had  five  years  before  placed 
there,  and  made  himself  master  of  the  harbour 
and  the  lower  town.  The  acropolis  being 
surrendered  to  him,  he  persuaded  the 
population,  whom  he  restored  to  independence, 
to  destroy  all  the  buildings  adjacent  to  the 
harbour,  and  to  remove  thither ;  the  site  being 
one  much  more  easily  defensible,  especially 
from  attacks  by  sea.  Diodorus  describes 
the  new  town  as  including  a  large  space  so 
surrounded  by  precipices  as  to  be  unap- 
proachable by  the  machines  at  that  time 
employed  in  sieges,  and  as  possessing  a  plenti- 
ful supply  of  water  within  its  circuit.  Modern 
travellers  completely  confirm  his  account. 

Siddim'  (Gen.l4.3,8,io).  Gesenius  renders 
the  Heb.  'emeq  hassiddim,  "  valley  of  fields," 
or  otherwise  of  "  dams  "  (Arab.  Sidd).  This 
valley  was  that  of  the  Salt  Sea,  full  of  "bitu- 
men pits."    [Cities  of  the  Plain.]     [c.r.c] 

Si'de,  a  city  on  the  coast  of  PamphyUa  in 
lat.  36°  46',  long.  31°  27',  10  or  12  miles  to  the 
E.  of  the  river  Eurymedon.     It  is  mentioned  in 


830 


SIDON 


iMac.15.23  in  the  list  of  places  to  which  the 
Roman  senate  sent  letters  in  favour  of  the  Jews. 
It  was  a  colony  of  Ciimaeans.  Side  was  closely 
connected  with  Aradus  in  Phoenicia  by  com- 
merce, even  if  there  was  not  a  considerable 
Phoenician  element  in  the  population.  It  is 
possible  that  the  name  has  the  same  root  as  that 
of  Sidon,  and  that  it  was  originally  a  Phoenician 
settlement,  and  that  the  Cumaean  colony  was 
subsequent.  When  Side  appears  in  history  it 
had  become  a  place  of  considerable  importance. 
It  was  the  station  of  Antiochus's  navy  on  the 
eve  of  the  battle  with  the  Rhodian  fleet  de- 
scribed by  Livy  (37.23,24).  The  remains,  too, 
which  still  exist  are  an  evidence  of  its  former 
wealth.  They  stand  on  a  low  peninsula  running 
from  N.E.  toS.W.,  and  the  maritime  character 
of  the  former  inhabitants  appears  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  the  walls  towards  the  sea  were 
but  slightly  built,  while  the  one  which  faces  the 
land  is  of  excellent  workmanship,  and  remains, 
in  a  considerable  portion,  perfect  even  to  this 
time.  A  theatre  (belonging  apparently  to  the 
Roman  times)  is  one  of  the  largest  and  best  pre- 
served in  Asia  Minor,  and  is  calculated  to  have 
been  capable  of  containing  more  than  15,000 
spectators.  Three  gates  led  into  the  town  from 
the  sea,  and  one,  on  the  N.E.  side,  into  the  coun- 
try. The  two  principal  harbours,  which  at  first 
seem  to  have  been  united  in  one,  were  at  the 
extremity  of  the  peninsula  :  they  were  closed, 
and  together  contained  a  surface  of  nearly 
500  yds.  by  200.  The  country  behind  Side 
is  a  broad  swampy  plain,  stretching  for  some 
miles  beyond  the  belt  of  sand-hills  which 
fringe  the  sea-shore.  Low  hills  succeed,  and 
behind  these,  far  inland,  are  the  mountains 
which,  at  mount  Climax  40  miles  to  the  W., 
and  again  about  the  same  distance  to  the  E., 
come  down  to  the  coast. 

Sidon,  the  Gk.  —  and  more  familiar — 
form  of  the  Heb.  (idhon  (fishery),  usually 
rendered  Zidon  by  A.V.  in  O.T.  Its  original 
founders  were  ajiparently  of  the  race  of  Cusn, 
akin  to  Hittites  and  -Akkadians  (Gen.lO.T5  ; 
see  w.  8,10;  iChr.1.13);  and  these  Canaan- 
ites,  or  "  lowlanders,"  held  the  shores  from. 
Sidon  to  Gaza  (<;cn.l0.i9).  In  the  blessing  of 
Jacob,  Zebulun  tluis  borders  on  the  seaports 
of  Zid<m  (49.13).  Joshua  pursued  the  kings  of 
Lower  Galilee  to  "great  Zidon  "  (Jos. 11. 8),  and 
"great  Zidon"  bounded  Asiikr  on  N.  (19. 28) ; 
but  the  tribe  could  not  expel  the  "  inhabitants 
of  Zidon  "  (Judg.I.31),  who  claimed  S.  Syria 
as  far  E.  as  Hermon  (Deut.S.g  ;  Judg.18.7). 
They  were  unconquered,  and  wore  oppressors 
of  Israel  (Jos. 13. 4,6  ;  Judg.3. 3,10.12),  skilled 
in  hewing  wood  in  Lkdanon  (iK.5.6),  wor- 
shippers of  Ashtoreth  (11.5,33)  and  of  Baal, 
and  allied  to  Aiiah,  through  his  marriage  with 
Jezf.hel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  "king  of 
the  Zidonians  "  (I6.31).  Sec  2K. 23.13  ;  iChr. 
22.4 ;  Ezr.3.7,  where  the  Zidonians  are 
noticed.  In  liEek.32.30  the  Zidonian  princes 
of  the  N.  arc  among  the  slain  in  Shcol  ;  on 
which  passage  the  text  of  Eshmiuiazar  of 
Sidon  is  an  interesting  commentary.  Israel, 
early  after  the  conquest,  worshipped  the 
"gods  of  Zidon"  {Judg.10.6),  which  city  lav 
oiitsidc  David's  kingdom  (2Sam.24.G),  and 
included  Zareimiatii  (1K.I7.9)  in  its  territory. 
Isaiali  speaks  of  merchants  of  Zidon  crossing 


SIDON 

the  sea,  and  fleeing  to  Ciiittim  from  (Assyrian) 
invaders  (Is. 23. 2, 4, 12).  Jeremiah  mentions 
kings  of  Zidon  (25.22)  at  the  time  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's inroads  (27.3,47.4).  Ezekiel  no- 
tices the  sea  trade  of  Zidon  with  Tyre  (27.8), 
at  a  time  when  these  cities  probably  formed 
a  single  kingdom  under  Babylon.  He  sets 
his  face  especially  against  Zidon  (28.21,22), 
which  prospered  while  Israel  was  captive 
(Jl.3.4),  being  politic  in  its  relations  to  in- 
vaders (see  Zech.9.2).  The  "two  provinces  of 
Tyre  and  Sidon"  (2Esd.l.ii)  were  however 
"  scattered  "  by  Assyria  (see  Jth.2.28).  They 
both  opposed  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  164  B.C. 
(iMac.5.15).  In  N.T.  Sidon  is  mentioned  as 
visited  by  our  Lord  (Mt. 11. 21, 22, 15. 21 ;  see 
Mk. 3. 8, 7. 24, 31  ;  Lu.4.26,6.17,10.13,14),  and 
as  displeasing  Herod  Agrippa  (Ac. 12. 20). 
Sidon  remained  an  important  port  till  1291 
A.D.,  and  even  later.  It  is  now  a  town  of  some 
6,000  inhabitants,  called  ^aida,  and  built  on  a 
promontory,  with  a  good  harbour  on  N.W. 
formed  by  a  reef.  This  harbour  is  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  long,  and  150  yds.  in  mean  width,  or 
less  than  20  acres  in  area.  The  citadel,  at  S.E. 
corner  of  the  town  (which  covers  50  acres),  is 
said  to  be  as  old  as  1253  a.d.  The  harbour 
wall,  of  good  masonry,  may  be  as  old  as  the 
Gk.  or  Roman  age ;  but  is  more  probably 
the  work  of  the  Franks  in  12th  or  13th  cent. 
The  real  antiquities  of  Sidon  are  the  rock 
tombs  to  E.  About  two-thirds  of  the  in- 
habitants are  Moslems,  and  the  rest  are  Jews 
and  Gk.  and  Maronite  Christians.  The  gardens 
E.  of  the  walls,  and  in  the  shore  plain,  are  full 
of  figs,  apricots,  pomegranates,  almonds, 
oranges,  lemons,  and  plums. ^Histon'.  The 
history  of  Sidon  is  to  a  great  extent  that  of 
Phoenicia  [Phenice].  The  city  is  noticed 
in  the  Amama  Tablets  early  in  15th  cent. 
B.C.  ;  and  one  letter  is  from  a  certain  Zimridi 
(Berlin  90),  who  ruled  it  for  Egypt.  T^Te  and 
Sidon  had  fleets  in  this  age,  and  were  bickering 
about  the  waters  of  Hosah,  till  the  Amorites 
captured  both  cities.  Sidon  was  tributary  to 
Assur-nazir-pal  of  Assyria  about  885  e.g.  ; 
and  in  740  b.c.  Luliya  was  king  of  Tyre  and 
of  Sidon.  About  724  b.c  (Menander,  quoted 
by  Josephus,  9  Ant.  xiv.  2)  Shalmaneser  IV. 
appears  to  have  received  the  submission  of 
Sidon  ;  while  Sennacherib,  in  703  b.c,  con- 
quered it,  with  other  cities  of  Luliya.  He 
speaks  (Eponym  Canon)  of  "  great  Sidon  and 
little  Sidon,"  the  latter  perhaps  a  suburb  in  the 
plain.  He  set  up  a  new  king  named  Tube!, 
who  was  soon  succeeded  by  'Abd-Milkut,  who 
fled  before  Esar-haddon  (after  680  B.C.)  by  sea, 
but  was  captured  and  beheaded.  Esar-haddon 
destroj'ed  Sidon,  uprooting  its  citadel  and 
l^alace,  and  casting  the  stones  into  the  sea.  Its 
treasures  were  plundered,  and  its  inhabitants 
carried  off  as  captives,  and  replaced  by 
foreigners  from  the  E.  A  text  ascribed  by 
Biickh  {Corpus  Inscript.  Graccarum,  No.  87) 
to  about  380  B.C.  speaks  of  fellowshiji  between 
the  Athenians  and  Strato,  king  of  Sidon  ;  and, 
according  to  Diodorus  Siculus  (book  -wi.),  the 
Sidonians  joined  the  revolt  against  Persia  in 
351  B.C.,  and  brought  Gk.  mercenaries  from 
Egypt  to  defend  tlieir  city.  The  Gk.  gene- 
ral. Mentor  of  Rhodes  —  with  the  conni- 
vance of  Tennes  the  king — betrayed  Sidon  to 


SIDONIANS 

Artaxerxes  III.,  and  the  Persians  entered  the 
city  ;  but  the  inhabitants,  who  had  already 
burned  their  fleet,  set  fire  to  their  houses,  and 
40,000  are  said  to  have  perished.  "  Teanes  " 
is  supposed  to  represent  the  Sidonian  name 
Tabnith,  or  Tavnith.  Out  of  hatred  for  Persia, 
Sidon  submitted  to  Alexander  in  333  b.c.  The 
sarcophagus  of  Eshmunazar,  found  in  his 
tomb  in  1855,  and  now  in  the  Louvre,  has  a 
Phoenician  text  on  the  lid,  stating  that  he  was 
"  king  of  the  Sidonians,"  son  of  "  king 
Tabnit "  and  of  Am-'Ashtoreth  (a  priestess 
of  Ashtoreth)  and  grandson  of  a  former 
Eshmunazar.  He  built  temples  of  Baal  and 
Ashtoreth  ;  and  the  "  lord  of  kings  "  gave 
him  Sharon  and  Joppa  [Sharon].  He  left  his 
curse  on  any  prince  or  common  man  who 
should  disturb  his  tomb  :  "  May  they  have  no 
abode  among  the  rpha'hn  [or  "ghosts"],  nor 
be  buried  in  tombs,  nor  have  son  or  offspring 
to  succeed  them."  The  tomb  of  a  Tabnit,  king 
of  Sidon,  and  priest  of  Ashtoreth,  was  also 
found  in  1886  near  Beirut,  with  a  similar  text. 
If  he  was  the  ruler  of  Sidon  in  350  b.c,  Esh- 
munazar II.  may  have  died  c.  300  e.g.  But 
it  is  not  clear  who  the  "  lord  of  kings  "  was, 
whether  a  god,  or  one  of  the  later  Persian 
suzerains,  or  possibly  one  of  the  Ptolemies. 
The  sarcophagus  is  a  copy  of  an  Egyptian 
mummy-case  of  the  Ptolemaic  age  (the  king 
lying  on  the  lid  having  an  artificial  beard, 
like  the  Egyptian  kings)  ;  and  the  text  is  in 
letters  very  like  those  of  dated  inscriptions — 
one  at  M'asub  of  221  e.g.,  and  another  at 
Umm  el  'Amud  as  late  as  171  e.g.  A  text 
found  at  the  Piraeus  [Corpus  Inscript.  Semit. 
No.  119)  was  inscribed  by  Eshmun-sibbeh, 
high-priest  of  Nergal,  in  honour  of  the  daughter 
of  "  Eshmun-sillem  of  Sidon."  Sidon  is  re- 
markable for  its  sarcophagi,  with  figures  of  the 
deceased  on  the  lids,  most  of  them  of  the  Gk. 
age.  Fine  sarcophagi  now  at  Constantinople 
come  from  Sidon,  one  representing  a  combat 
of  Greeks  and  Persians  ;  and  others  are  in  the 
Louvre.  These  were  found  in  rock-sunk 
tombs,  like  those  of  Egypt.  Sidon  was  famous 
for  its  fleet,  and  the  best  ships  of  Xerxes,  in 
480  E.G.,  came  thence  (Herodotus,  vii.  96). 
The  city  prospered  under  the  Romans  ;  and 
Gk.  coins  of  Sidon  exist  (Reland,  Pal.  Illustr. 
ii.  p.  1014).  Strabo  says  (xvi. )  that  it  was  dis- 
puted by  Phoenicians,  in  his  time,  whether 
Sidon  or  Tyre  was  the  chief  city  of  Phoenicia. 
The  Sidonians  then  still  preserved  the  old 
Babylonian  astronomy,  and  studied  Aristotle, 
and  Gk.  philosophy.  Gk.  and  Lat.  texts 
from  Sidon  are  given  by  Waddington  (Nos. 
1865-1873).     [Tyre.]  [c.r.c.] 

Sido'nians,  the  Gk.  form  of  Zidonians, 
found  in  A.V.  in  Deut.3.9  (where  alone  R.V. 
retains  Sidonians),  Jos. 13. 4,6,  Judg.3.3,  and 
iK.5.6.     [Sidon.] 

Sig'net.  [Ornaments,  Personal.] 
Sihon',  the  king  of  the  Amorites  who  re- 
fused Israel  a  passage  through  his  country  to 
the  Promised  Land  (Num.21.2iff.).  Shortly 
before,  he  had  dispossessed  the  Moabites,  driv- 
ing them  S.  of  the  Arnon  {vv.  26-29).  When  the 
Israelite  host  appeared,  he  at  once  attacked 
them,  but  he  and  all  his  host  were  destroyed, 
and  their  district  from  Arnon  to  Jabbok  fell  to 
the  conquerors  (vv.  24,25  ;  cf.  Deut.2.24ff. ;  Jos. 


SILK 


831 


12.2  ;    Judg.ll.19ff.  ;  Ne.9.22  ;    Ps.l35.io-i2, 
136.i8,i9  ;  Am. 2.9). 

Sihop',  accurately  Shihop',  once  as  the 
Shihop'  or  Shihop'  of  Egypt  ;  when 
unqualified,  a  name  of  the  Nile,  perhaps  signi- 
fying "the black"  or  "turbid."  Shihor  occurs 
but  thrice  in  the  Bible,  and  Shihor  of  Egypt,  or 
Shihor-mizraim,  only  once.  Shihor  is  spoken 
of  as  one  of  the  limits  of  territory  still  un- 
conquered  when  Joshua  was  old  (Jos. 13. 2, 3). 
David  is  related  to  have  "  gathered  all  Israel 
together  from  Shihor  of  Egypt  even  unto  the 
entering  of  Hamath  "  (iChr.13.5).  There  is  no 
other  evidence  that  the  Israelites  ever  spread 
far  southwards  beyond  Gaza.  The  stream 
may  therefore  be  that  of  the  Wddy  el  'Arish, 
though  Brugsch  may  be  right  in  identifying  it 
with  the  Shi-Hor  or  "  Horns  Canal  "  which 
passed  the  city  of  Zar  on  the  border  of  Egypt. 
That  the  stream  intended  by  Shihor  un- 
qualified was  a  navigable  river  is  evident  from 
Is. 23. 3,  where  it  is  said  of  Tyre,  "  And  by 
great  waters,  the  sowing  of  Shihor,  the  harvest 
of  the  river  [is]  her  revenue."  In  Je.2.i8  the 
identity  of  Shihor  with  the  Nile  seems  dis- 
tinctly stated.  [A.H.S.] 

S'ilas,  an  eminent  member  of  the  early 
Christian  Church ;  thus  named  in  the  Acts,  but 
Silvanus  in  St.  Paul's  epistles.  He  first  ap- 
pears as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Church  at 
Jerusalem  (Ac.i5.22),  holding  the  office  of  an 
inspired  teacher  (15. 32).  He  appears  to  have 
been  a  Roman  citizen  (16. 37).  He  was  ap- 
pointed as  a  delegate  to  accompany  SS.  Paul 
and  Barnabas  on  their  return  to  Antioch  with 
the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem  (15.22, 
32).  Having  accomplished  this  mission,  he  re- 
turned to  Jerusalem  (I5.33),  but  must  have  im- 
mediately revisited  Antioch,  for  St.  Paul  took 
him  as  the  companion  of  his  second  missionary 
journey  (15-40-17. 15).  At  Beroea  he  was  left 
behind  with  Timothy  while  St.  Paul  proceeded 
to  Athens  (17. 14),  and  we  hear  nothing  more 
of  him  until  he  rejoined  the  apostle  at  Corinth 
(18. 5),  where  his  presence  is  several  times  no- 
ticed (2Cor.l. 19 ;  iTh.l.i  ;  2Th.l.i).  Whether 
he  was  the  Silvanus  who  conveyed  St.  Peter's 
First  Ep.  to  Asia  Minor  (iPe.5.i2)  is  doubtful, 
but  the  probabilities  are  in  favour  of  the  iden- 
tity. A  tradition  of  very  slight  authority 
makes  him  bishop  of  Corinth. 

Silk.  The  A.V.  in  two  passages  thus 
renders  two  Heb.  words,  (i)  shcsh,  "  white" 
(Pr.31.22),  rendered  "  byssus "  in  LXX., 
and  (correctly)  "  linen  "  in  33  passages,  but 
(white)  "  marble  "  in  A.V.  Esth.1.6,  Can.5.15. 
(2)  mesht,  "  drawn  out  "  (Ezk.l6.io),  referring 
to  some  kind  of  fine,  transparent  material  such 
as  gauze.  The  Egyptian  pictures  show  the  use 
of  transparent  garments  very  early,  but  such 
gauze  may  have  been  that  made  from  the 
bombyx  of  the  island  of  Cos  (Pliny,  Hist.  Nat. 
xi.  26,  27),  which  was  not  the  true  silkworm. 
In  this  second  passage  the  LXX.  has  Tpixairrov, 
or  "  gauze,"  and  Jerome  so  understands  the 
Heb.  word.  Silk  was  known  to  Vergil  {Georg. 
ii.  121),  and  Pliny  speaks  of  Chinese  silk  and 
gauze  {H.N.  vi.  20,  xi.  21).  The  silkworm  was 
known  in  2nd  cent.  a.d.  (Clement  of  Alex. 
Paed.  ii.  11),  but  Chinese  silk  was  obtained 
by  trade  through  Central  Asia,  and  was  very 
expensive  still  in  4th  cent,  a.d.,  costing  £3 


832 


SILLA 


(then  a  far  higher  value  in  gold  than  now)  for 
I  lb.  of  silk  (Gibbon,  ch.  xl. ) ;  while  a  sort  of  silk 
from  the  fibres  of  a  shell-fish  was  in  use  down 
to  6th  cent  a.d.  (Procopius,  De  Aedific.  Justin. 
iii.  i).  Procopius  (De  Bel.  Pers.)  relates  how 
Justinian  (c.  532  a.d.)  endeavoured  to  keep 
open  the  Chinese  trade  route,  and  finally  in- 
duced two  Nestorian  monks  to  fetch  the  eggs 
of  silkworms  from  China.  The  grubs  were 
fed  on  mulberry  leaves  in  Phoenicia,  and  the 
industry  so  established  has  been  pursued 
without  ceasing  down  to  the  present  time  at 
Beirut  and  Sidon.     [Dress.]  [c.r.c] 

Sllla'  (?  steps;  cj.  Ne.3.15,12.37).  Joash 
was  murdered  "  at  the  house  of  Millo  on  the 
way  that  goeth  down  to  Silla"  (R.V.  2K.I2.20). 
Millo  was  probably  a  keep  or  tower  of  ancient 
Jerusalem,  and  Silla  was  apparently  in  the 
valley  below,  but  what  or  where  Silla  was  is 
conjectural.  [c.w.] 

Silo'ah(Ne.3.i5,  R.V.  Shelah  ;  Is.8.6,  R.V. 
Shiloah),  a  form  of  the  name  Siloam  (Jn.9.7). 
"LiKdiayi,  Joscphus.     Now  ''Ain  Silwan.     [cw.] 

Siloam;  Siloam,  To\vep in.  [Shiloah.] 

Silvanus.     [Silas.] 

Silver  (Heb.  keseph).  In  very  early  times, 
according  to  the  Bible,  silver  was  used  for 
ornaments  (Gen.2'1.53)  and  for  vessels  of 
various  kinds.  Images  for  idolatrous  worship 
were  made  of  silver  or  overlaid  with  it  (Ex.20. 
23  ;  Ho.13.2  ;  Hab.2.19  ;  Ba.6.39),  and  the 
manufacture  of  silver  shrines  for  Diana  was  a 
trade  in  Ephesus  (Ac.i9.24).  But  its  chief 
use  was  as  a  medium  of  exchange,  and  through- 
out O.T.  we  find  keseph,  "  silver,"  used  for 
money,  like  the  Fr.  argent.  [Metals.]  Vessels 
and  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  were  common 
in  Egypt  in  the  times  of  Osirtasen  I.  and 
Thothmes  III.,  the  contemporaries  of  Joseph 
and  Moses.  Silver  ornaments  are  found  in 
Mykenian  graves,  at  least  15  cents.  B.C.,  and 
silver  has  been  found  in  Egypt  in  a  tomb 
of  the  nth  dynasty  (c.  2900  B.C.).  Inferior 
materials  were  covered  with  silver  (Pr.26. 
23).  Silver  was  brought  to  Solomon  from 
Arabia  (2Chr.9.i4)  and  from  Tarshish  (2Chr. 
9.21),  which  supplied  the  markets  of  Tyre 
(E/.k.27.i2).  From  Tarshish  it  came  in  the 
form  of  plates  (Je.lO.g),  like  those  on  which 
the  sacred  books  of  the  Singhalese  are  written 
to  this  day.  In  Homer  {II.  ii.  857),  Alybe  is 
called  the  birthplace  of  silver,  and  was  prob- 
ably celebrated  for  its  mines.  Hut  Spain  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  chief  source  whence 
silver  was  obtained  by  the  ancients;  though 
it  was  known  earlier  to  the  Akkadians,  by 
whom  it  was  called  Ktinias  (t/.  Turkish 
Kximish).  Silver  ornaments  are  noticed  in 
the  Amarna  tablets  (Berlin  25,  26)  in  15th 
cent.  H.c.  Silver-mines  occur  near  Tarsus  and 
Trebizonde.  For  an  account  of  the  knowledge 
of  obtaining  and  refining  silver  possessed  by 
the  ancient  Hebrews,  see  Lead  and  Mines. 
Silver  mixed  with  alloy  is  referred  to  in  Je.8. 
30,  and  a  finer  kind,  either  purer  in  itself  or  more 
thoroughly  purified,  is  mentioned  in  Pr.8.19. 

Silverling-s.     [Pikce  ov  Silvkk.] 

Silversmith.     [Handicrafts,  (2).] 

SImalcu'e,  an  Arabian  who  brought  up 
Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  Alexander  Balas 
(iMac.11.39). 


SIMEON 

Simeon' (hearing).  The  ethnic  name  Sime- 
onites  occurs  in  four  passages  (Num. 25.14, 
26.14  ;  Jos.21.4  ;  iChr.27.i6).— 1.  The  second 
son  of  Jacob  and  of  Leah,  so  named  from  his 
mother's  exclamation  at  his  birth  (Gen.29.33). 
The  cruelty  of  Simeon  and  of  his  own  brother 
Levi  in  revenging  Dinah  their  sister  (34.25-31) 
caused  both  to  be  cursed  by  Jacob  ;  and 
Simeon  was  to  be  "  scattered  in  Israel  "  (49. 
5-7).  In  the  blessing  of  Moses  this  tribe  is  not 
even  mentioned,  perhaps  on  account  of  the  evil 
example  of  Zimri  at  Shittim  (Num.25.6,14). 
When  Joseph  took  a  hostage  from  among  his 
brothers,  Simeon  was  imprisoned,  instead  of  the 
elder  Reuben,  whose  action  in  Joseph's  favour 
was  "understood"  (Gen. 42. 22-24, 36, 43. 23). 
Simeon  had  six  sons  when  Israel  descended  into 
Egypt,  one  of  whom  had  a  Canaanite  mother 
(46.10).  The  tribe,  in  the  desert,  marched  on 
the  right  flank  under  Shelumiel  (Num. 2.12, 7. 
36,10.19),  and  the  spy  selected  from  it  was 
Shaphat  (13.5),  while  its  surveyor  was  Shemuel 
(34.20).  It  decreased  in  numbers  [Palestine] 
by  more  than  half  before  the  Conquest  (Num. 
1.23,26.12,14).  It  stood  on  Gerizim  to  respond 
to  the  blessings  (Deut.27.i2).  It  allied  itself 
with  Judah  after  Joshua's  death  to  fight  the 
Cauaanites  (Judg.l.3,17),  and  the  "scattering" 
of  Simeon  appears  to  have  begun  in  David's 
time  (iChr.4.31),  continuing  in  that  of  Heze- 
kiah,  when  500  sons  of  Simeon  smote  the  Ama- 
lekites  and  settled  in  Edom  (vv.  39-43).  Others 
gathered  under  king  Asa  of  judah  (2Chr.l5.9), 
and  some  probably  remained  in  the  old  terri- 
tory as  late  as  the  time  of  Josiah  (34.6),  but 
after  the  Captivity  the  towns  of  Simeon  were 
occupied  by  men  of  Judah  (Ne.ll. 25-29). 
The  number  of  warriors  from  this  tribe — 7,100 
mighty  men — who  joined  David  at  Hebron 
exceeded  that  of  Judah  (iChr.12.24,25).  The 
tribe  is  last  noticed  in  Ezk.48.24,35  ;  Rev. 7. 7. 
Judith  may  have  been  of  this  tribe  (Jth.9.2). 
The  Tribal  Lot  included  the  Beer-sheba  plains 
from  the  Mediterranean  to  Edom,  and  some  of 
the  foot-hills  to  N.  It  was  a  region  pjirtly 
pastoral,  partly  desert,  and  the  majority  of  the 
villages  included  are  unknown  sites,  the  names 
of  which  have  been  forgotten  by  the  .\rab 
nomads.  They  were  assigned  to  Simeon  in  the 
final  division  of  the  land,  having  at  first  been 
occupied  by  Judah  (Jos.I5.i-4, 20-32,19.1-9), 
whose  children  found  their  portion  "  too  much 
for  them  "  ;  but  Simeon  was  always  unlucky, 
and  liis  lot  was  the  poorest,  which  no  doubt 
accounts  for  his  migration  to  Edom  after  its 
conquest  by  David  (iChr.4.24-33). — 2.  A 
priest  of  the  family  of  Joarib,  and  an  ancestor 
of  the  Hasinonaeans  (iMac.2.i). — 3.  A  son 
of  Juda  (Lu.3.30). — 4.  A  devout  man  in  Jeru- 
salem who  received  our  Lf)rd  in  his  arms  in  the 
temple,  and  prophesied  His  death  (Lu. 2.25-35). 
It  lias  been  conjectured  that  he  was  Simeon, 
son  of  the  famous  Ilillel  the  president  of  the 
Sanhcdrin,  and  father  of  the  elder  Gamaliel. 
As  the  latter  was  the  teacher  of  St.  Paul  (Ac. 
22.3),  it  appears  proliable  that  this  Simeon 
wiiuld  have  been  an  old  man  at  the  time  of  the 
Nativity,  and  his  presence  in  the  temple  where 
the  Sanhcdrin  sat  is  natural. — 5.  Simon  Peter 
(Ac.l5.i4).—.\.V.  follows  the  Vulg.  in  spelling 
the  name  Simeon,  the  Heb.  being  always 
Shimeon  (cf.  Ezr.lO.31).  ^  [c.r.c] 


SIMEON  NiaEH 

Simeon  Nig'ep,  a  prophet  or  teacher  in 
the  church  of  Antioch  (Acts  13. i). 

Simon  {Zlij.wv,  late  form  of  Si'^eW,  LXX. 
and  N.T. ;  Heb.  shim'on). — 1.  Simon  Chosa- 
meus  {Xocrafj-aios,  or  Xocrd/xaos),  given  by 
iEsd.9.32  ;  Ezr.lO.31,  the  parallel  passage, 
gives  Shimeon.  [Annas,  i.] — 2.  The  "  great 
priest  "  (R.V.)  who  is  the  subject  of  eulogy  in 
Ecclus.50.i-22  is  possibly  to  be  identified  with 
Simon  I.,  c.  300  b.c,  son  of  Onias  I.  He  suc- 
ceeded Onias  I.,  the  son  of  Jaddua.  The 
statement  of  Josephus,  that  it  was  he  who  was 
called  6  dlKaios,  "the  Just"  (12  Ant.  ii.  5),  is 
doubtful.  This  title,  and  the  eulogy  in  Ecclus. 
50,  may  equally  well  have  belonged  to  Simon  II. 
(c.  220  B.C.),  son  of  Onias  II.,  especially  as 
he  was  nearer  to  the  son  of  Sirach's  time. 
[EccLEsiASTicus.] — 3.  Simon  of  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin  (2Mac.3.4),  "  that  impious  Simon  " 
(S.ii),  who,  being  guardian  of  the  temple 
(TrpoaTaTTjsTov  lepou ;  cf.  Aedile),  quarrelled  with 
the  high-priest  Onias  III.  (c.  195  b.c),  and  out 
of  spite  informed  Seleucus  Philopator  that  the 
temple-treasury  was  "  full  of  untold  sums 
of  money  "  (3.6). — 4.  Simon  the  Maccabee 
(or  Hasmonaean),  surnamed  Thassi  (iMac. 
2.3),  son  of  Mattathias.  He  was  high -priest 
143-135  B.C. — 5.  Simon  Peter,  commonly 
addressed  by  the  Lord  as  Simon  (Mt.i7.25  ;  Lu. 
22.31;  Jn. 21. 15,  etc.).  [Peter.]— 6.  Simon  the 
Canaanite  (Mt.lO.4  ;  Mk.3.i8),  or  Zelotes 
(Lu.6.15  ;  Ac. 1.13),  one  of  the  Twelve.  [Ca- 
naanite.]— 7.  One  of  the  Lord's  four  brethren 
(Mt.13.55 ;  Mk.6.3).  St.  Matthew  puts  him 
third  and  -St.  Mark  fourth  in  the  list.  [James.] 
— 8.  "  One  of  the  Pharisees,"  who  asked  Jesus 
to  eat  with  him,  and  in  whose  house  "  a  woman 
which  was  in  the  city,  a  sinner,"  anointed 
Jesus'  feet  (Lu. 7. 36-50).  In  addressing  His 
host  Jesus  replies  to  thoughts  to  which  Simon 
had  not  given  utterance. — 9.  The  leper  (Mt. 
26.6  ;  Mk.14.3)  need  not  be  identified  with 
No.  8,  as  the  name  was  very  common  (cf. 
Lightfoot,  Galatians,  ed.  8,  pp.  268  f.).  The 
meal  which  Jesus  took  in  his  house  at  Bethany 
may  be  identical  with  that  recorded  in  Jn.l2. 
1-8  (cf.  Westcott,  St.  John,  ad  loc).  [Mary 
OF  Bethany.]  On  ceremonial  grounds  it 
must  be  inferred  that  he  had  been  healed  of  his 
leprosy. — 10.  Mentioned  in  the  phrase  "Judas 
of  Simon"  (Jn. 6.71, 13. 2, 26).  In  6.71  and 
13.26  the  name 'Io■^-apiu)r7JS  is  applied  to  him  ; 
in  13.2  to  Judas  himself.  Probably  Simon  was 
the  traitor's  father.  [Judas  Iscariot.] — 11. 
Simon  of  Cyrene  (Mt.27.32 ;  Mk.l5.2i ;  Lu. 
23.26),  who  was  impressed  to  bear  the  cross  of 
Jesus.  St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke  say  he  was  "  com- 
ing from  the  country."  He  may  have  been  a 
chance  visitor  or  a  member  of  the  synagogue  of 
theCjTrenians  in  Jerusalem  (Ac. 6. 9).  St.  Mark 
(15.21)  calls  him  "  the  father  of  Alexander  and 
Rufus."  This  may  be  the  Rufus  of  R0.I6.13, 
though  it  was  a  familiar  slave-name.  If  so, 
one  of  Simon's  sons  rose  to  eminence  among 
the  Roman  Christians  (cf.  Sanday-Headlam, 
Romans,  ad  loc),  and  their  mother  was  well 
known  to  St.  Paul. — 12.  Simon  Magus,  the 
sorcerer  of  Samaria  described  in  Ac. 8. 9-2 5. 
He  gave  out  that  he  was  "  some  great  one,"  and 
the  people  proclaimed  him  as  "  that  power  of 
God  which  is  called  Great."  Hebelieved,  as  the 


SIN 


833 


result  of  Philip's  preaching,  was  baptized, 
and  continued  with  the  evangelist,  being  aston- 
ished at  the  great  powers  "wrought  "  (cf.  R.V. 
marg.).  When  SS.  Peter  and  John  were  sent 
from  Jerusalem,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  was  given 
through  the  laying  on  of  their  hands,  Simon 
offered  money  to  obtain  the  same  power,  and 
was  severely  rebuked  by  St.  Peter  (hence  our 
word  simoTiy).  The  story  leaves  him  praying 
against  the  consequences  of  his  presumption. 
The  subsequent  patristic  and  apocryphal  refer- 
ences to  Simon  Magus  are  of  great  interest,  but 
lie  outside  the  scope  of  this  dictionary.  Our 
chief  informant  is  Justin  Mart>T,  himself  a 
Samaritan,  who  wrote  about  100  3'ears  after 
the  event  in  Acts  (cf.  Apol.  i.  26,  56  ;  Dial. 
120).  See  Dr.  Salmon's  article  on  Simon  Magus 
in  Diet.  Chr.  Biog.  iv.  681. — 13.  The  tanner  of 
Joppa,  in  whose  house  by  the  sea  St.  Peter 
stayed  (Ac.9.43,10.6,17,32).  [e.h.p.] 

Simpi'  (R.V.  Shimri),  son  of  Hosah,  a 
Merarite  Levite  in  David's  reign  (iChr.26.io). 

Sin  is  a  concept  characteristic  of  Judaism 
and  Christianity  as  compared  with  all  other 
religions  ;  though  it  was  not  absent  from  the 
moral  creed,  and  the  literature,  of  the  prin- 
cipal nations  of  antiquity.  Sin  is,  indeed,  the 
special  subject  of  O.T.,  while  forgiveness  of  sin 
is  the  argument  of  the  New.  As  conceived  in 
the  Bible,  sin  is  a  wilful  straying  (Is. 53. 6  ; 
iPe.2.25)  from  the  path  in  which  God  would 
have  us  walk,  a  disobedience  to  a  voice  be- 
hind us  saying,  "  This  is  the  way,  walk  ye  in 
it."  Sin  is  not  mere  failure  or  shortcoming. 
It  is  not,  as  is  sometimes  alleged,  a  missing  of 
the  mark  ;  though  such,  in  classical  Gk.,  was 
the  first  meaning  of  the  verb  (a/xaprdvew), 
which  with  its  congeners  was  subsequently 
employed  in  the  LXX.  to  represent  the  Heb. 
hdtd — a  use  which  determines  the  meaning  of 
the  Gk.  words  aixaprdvav,  a/xapria,  a./j.apTco\6s, 
in  N.T.  Here  the  term  "  sin  "  (afiapria)  occurs 
in  every  group  of  writings,  and  is  at  length 
defined  briefly  but  effectually  in  ijn.3.4  as 
"  lawlessness  "  (avo/mia,  Heb.  'dwen).  It  is,  in 
fact,  a  disregard  of  the  law  of  God,  the  only 
law  that  has  absolute  authority  ;  its  species 
being  the  various  "  sins  "  (d^apriat)  which 
beset  and  enslave  individual  men.  The  fol- 
lower of  Christ,  "  abiding  in  Him,"  has  given 
up  the  life  of  sin  ;  he  in  this  crucial  sense 
"  sinneth  not  "  (ijn.3.6)  ;  but  still  is  prone 
to  commit  "sin"  (2.i)  (see  Westcott,  ad 
loc).  Viewed  in  its  effect  upon  the  wrong- 
doer, sin  is  regarded  both  in  O.T.  and  N.T. 
as  spiritual  disease  :  of  it  bodily  disease, 
especially  leprosy,  is  a  standing  parable  (cf. 
Is.l).  It  is  normally  curable,  but  by  God 
only.  No  man,  as  man,  can  take  away  sin. 
So,  too,  forgiveness  of  sins  is  a  divine  prero- 
gative. But  the  Son  of  Man,  as  Son  of  God, 
had  power  and  authority  on  earth  to  forgive 
sins  (Mk.2.7).  And  of  this  power  His  miracles 
of  bodily  healing,  whether  of  lepers  or  of 
paralytics  or  of  maimed  or  of  blind,  are  para- 
bolic "  signs."  The  normal  curableness  of  sin 
by  the  grace  of  God  is  illustrated,  and  not 
contradicted,  by  the  recognition  of  a  special 
case,  or  exceptional  species,  of  sin  which  is  in- 
curable (Mk.3.29  ;  ijn.5.i6)  ;  the  Johannine 
"  sin  unto  death  "  being  prolDably,  though  this 

53 


834 


SIN 


has  been  questioned,  identical  with  that 
"  blasphemy  of  the  Spirit  "  which,  in  words  of 
the  Lord  recorded  by  the  Synoptists,  is  marked 
as  "eternal"  (at'wviou)  and  therefore  irremis- 
sible.  Predisposition  to  sin  is  throughout 
Holy  Writ  assumed  to  be  hereditary,  or  at  least 
congenital,  in  mankind,  and  universal  (Gen. 
6.5,12;  Deut.32.5  ;  Ps.4.2,14.3,51.5 ;  Pr.20.9  ; 
Ec.9.3  ;  Is.l. 4f., 59.2-5  ;  Je.2.2if.,5,17.9,24.9  ; 
Ezk.2.3,36.26f.  ;  Mi.7.2f.  :  Ro.3.23,5.i2f.,7.i7- 
23  ;  Gal.3.22  ;  Eph.2.2f.,4.22  ;  Heb. 4.15, 9. 1-22  ; 
Jas.4  ;  iPe.4.2f.  ;  Jn.T.ig  ;  ijn.l.3f.,5.i9). 
The  story  of  the  Fall,  whether  taken  as 
history  or  parable,  offers  an  explanation, 
and  the  only  explanation  adequate  to  the 
facts,  of  the  origin  and  of  the  universality  of 
sin  among  men  ;  and  although  until  we  come 
to  the  Pauline  epistles  (iCor.15.22  ;  Ro.5.i2f., 
19)  a  direct  connexion  of  all  human  sin  with 
that  of  Adam  is  seldom,  if  ever  (Ps. 14. if.  ;  Job 
31.33),  asserted,  it  is  suggested  by  the  order  of 
events  in  Genesis,  the  position  of  Genesis  in 
the  Pentateuch,  and  in  the  Hebrew  canon, 
and  the  general  tenour  of  the  law  and  of  the 
history  of  Israel,  while  in  N.T.  the  Pauline 
doctrine  is  powerfully  supported  by  significant 
references  to  the  murder  of  Abel  (in  Genesis  so 
clearly  a  sequel  to  the  transgression  of  Adam 
and  Eve)  as  the  type  and  first  example  of 
hatred  and  mahce  (Mt.23.35  ;  Heb.i2.24  ; 
Ju.ii  ;  ijn.3.12).  That  "man's  first  dis- 
obedience," as  also  the  crime  of  Cain  and  all 
other  sinning  and  falsehood,  came  by  yielding 
to  temptation  of  "  the  devil,"  is  plainlv  de- 
clared in  N.T.  (2C0r.ll. 3  ;  Jn.8.44  ;  ijn.3.8, 
12  ;  Rev.20.2,3,10).  All  sins  may  be  viewed 
as  "trespasses"  and  again  as  "debts,"  terms 
correlative  and  of  the  temporal  order,  while 
"  sin  "  is  absolute,  and  presupposes  God  and 
an  eternal  order.  [Satan  ;  Fall.]  For  the 
O.T.  view  of  sin,  see  also  Crimes  ;  Witness  ; 
and  for  a  further  discussion  of  the  Pauline 
doctrine,  see  Paul.  [j.m.s.] 

Sin,  a  city  of  Egypt,  mentioned  only  by 
Ezekiel  (30.15,16).  It  is  identified  in  the 
Vulg.  with  Pelusium,  YlrjXouaioi',  which  is 
generally  supposed  to  mean  "  the  clayey  or 
muddy  "  town.  The  ancient  Egyptian  name 
is  unknown.  Champollion  identified  it  with 
the  Peremoun,  Feremon,  and  Baremoun  of  the 
Copts,  El-Fermd  of  the  Arabs.  The  site  of 
Pelusium  is  to  the  S.E.  of  Port  Said,  a 
mile  to  the  N.  of  it  being  the  ruins  of  the 
little  Arab  fort  of  Et-Tina.  Ezekiel,  in  one 
of  the  prophecies  relating  to  the  invasion  of 
Egypt  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  speaks  of  it  as 
"  Sin  the  stronghold  of  Egypt  "  (ver.  15).  This 
description  applied  to  it  until  the  period  of 
the  Romans.  Herodotus  relates  that  Sen- 
nacherib advanced  against  Pelusium,  and  that 
near  Pelusium  Cainbyses  defeated  Psammeni- 
tus.  The  decisive  battle  in  which  Ochus  de- 
feated the  last  native  king,  Nectanebos,  was 
fought  near  this  city.   [ExoDirs,«TnE.]    [a.h.s.] 

Sin,  Man  of.  [Thessalonians,  II.  ; 
Antichrist.] 

Sin,  Wilderness  of,  a  tract  of  the 
wilderness  wliicii  the  Israelites  reached  after 
leaving  the  encampment  by  the  Red  Sea 
(Num. 33. II, 12).  Their  next  halting-place 
(E.\.16.i,17.i)vvas  Rephidim,  perhaps  the  Wddy 
Feirdn  [RephidimJ  ;    in  which  case  Sin  must 


SITNAH 

lie  between  that  valley  and  the  coast  of  the 
gulf  of  Suez,  and  of  course  W.  of  Sinai.  As, 
however,  Sin  was  the  name  of  the  Babylonian 
Moon-god  from  whom  mount  Sinai  took  its 
name,  we  should  more  probably  look  for  it 
in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the 
mountain  of  the  law.  In  the  wilderness  of 
Sin  the  manna  was  first  gathered,  and  those 
who  suppose  that  this  was  merely  the  natural 
product  of  the  tarfd  bush,  find  in  the  abund- 
ance of  that  shrub  in  Wddy  esh-Sheikh,  S.E.  of 
Wddy  Ghurtindel,  a  proof  of  local  identity. 
[Manna].  [a.h.s.] 

Sina,  Mount,  the  Gk.  form  of  Sinai 
(Jth.5.14  ;   Ac.7.30,38).     [E.xoDus,  The.] 

Sinai.  [Exodus,  The  ;  Ten  Command- 
ments ;    Moses.] 

Sinim',  Land  of  (Is.49.i2).  The  old 
name  of  Elam  ("  highland  "  in  Semitic  speech) 
was — in  the  Akkadian  language — Si-nim,  or 
"  the  high  region."  The  language  of  this  re- 
gion, as  shown  by  texts  at  Susa,  Behistan,  and 
Malamir,  was  a  dialect  of  the  Akkadian,  even  as 
late  as  500  b.c.  The  Gk.  translators  render 
Sinim  "  the  land  of  the  Persians,"  and  there 
is  no  foundation  for  the  popular  idea  that 
Chong,  or  China,  is  meant.  [c.r.c] 

Sinite  (Gen. 10. 17),  the  tribe  inhabiting 
a  city  called  ^in  in  Phoenicia.  Strabo  men- 
tions Sinna  in  this  region  (xvi.  2,  S  18).  The 
Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  render  it 
Orthosia  (Neubauer,  Geog.  du  Tal.  p.  303) ;  see 
Orthosias.  Jerome  mentions  a  Sinna,  and 
Breidenbach  (in  1484  a.d.)  a  place  called 
Syn,  near  Tripoh,  but  the  name  is  not  known 
to  exist  now.  [c.R.c] 

Sin-offeping'.   [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  a ;  3,  v.  a.] 

Sion' — 1.  (Deut.4.48.)  [Sirion.]— 2.  The 
Gk.  form  of  the  Heb.  name  Zion  [Jerusalem] 
usediniMac,  Heb. 12. 22,  and  Rev.l4.i. 

Siphmoth',  one  of  the  places  in  the  S. 
of  Judah  which  David  frequented  during  his 
freebooting  hfe  (iSam.30.28).  The  site  is 
unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Sippai'  or  Saph.    [Sibbecai.] 

Si'pach.     [Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach.] 

Sipah',  Well  of  (2Sam.3.26).  The  word 
means  "  withdrawing,"  "  departing  "  ;  and 
the  word  rendered  "  well  "  (Heb.  bor)  means 
"  pit."  It  is  now  called  'Ain  Sdrah,  with  the 
same  meaning  in  Arab.,  and  is  a  spring  well 
standing  back  from  the  main  road,  in  a  lane  to 
W.,  a  mile  N.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Sipion'  (Deut.3.9  ;  Ps.29.6),  the  Sido- 
nian  name  of  Hermon.  In  Heb.  .s/uVvdn.  The 
name  Sion  (sVon),  or  "elevated,"  applied 
also  to  Hermon  (Deut.4.48),  has  been  thought 
to  be  a  clerical  error  for  Sirion.  [c.r.c] 

Sisama'i,  a  descendant  of  Sheshan  in  the 
line  of  Jcrahineel  (iChr.2.40). 

Sisepa'. — 1.  (Judg.4.2.)  Kingof  Harosheth. 
His  mother  was  queen,  her  ladies  princesses 
(E.V.wise  ladies,  5.29;  cf.vcr.  19).  He  was 
captain  of  Jabin's  army.  Jabin's  supremacy 
was  probably  hereditary  and  nominal.  Sisera 
was  the  tyrant.  He  was  defeated  at  Mec.iudo 
and  murdered  by  Jael.  [Deborah.] — 2.  The 
name  reappears  among  the  Nethinim  (Ezr.2. 
53  ;  Ne.7.55),  showing  the  persistence  of  the 
Caiiaanite  stt)rk.  [ii.m.s.] 

Sisin'nes  (iEsd.6.3)  =  Tatnai. 

Sltnah'   {enmity),   the  second    of  the  two 


SIVAN 

wells  dug  by  Isaac  in  the  valley  of  Gerar,  the 
possession  of  which  the  herdmen  of  the  valley 
disputed  with  him  (Gen.26.2i). 

Sivan.     [Months.] 

Slave  (Heb.  'ebhedh,  Gk.  SoOXoj  =  a  slave  ; 
A.V.  and  R.V.  translate  servant).  Slavery  in 
the  Bible  is  due  to  many  causes,  (i)  In  early 
society  the  family  or  clan  is  everything,  the 
individual  has  no  rights.  The  clanless  man  is 
therefore  either  an  outlaw  or  a  slave.  It  is 
only  as  a  slave  that  he  can  obtain  protection 
(Jos.9.23-27).  The  mixed  multitude  that 
came  out  of  Egypt  (Ex. 12. 38)  probably  be- 
came slaves  and  account  for  subsequent 
legislation.  (2)  Poverty  made  men  willing 
to  sell  themselves  or  their  children  into  slavery 
(Ex.21. 7;  Lev.25.39ff. ;  Deut.15.7-9).  (3)  E)ebt 
caused  men  to  be  sold  (Lev. 25. 39  ;  2K.4.1  ; 
Am. 2. 6).  (4)  Enemies  spared  in  war  became 
slaves  (2K.5.2  ;  Am.l.9).  (5)  Piracy  and 
kidnapping  led  to  the  slave  trade  (Jl.3.6). 
Kidnapping  was  strictly  forbidden  to  the 
Israelites  (Ex.21. 16  ;  Deut.24.7),  but  not  a 
trade  in  enemies  (Jl.3.8).  (6)  Moral  de- 
gradation (Gen. 9. 25)  and  crime  (Gen.44.i7, 
33;  Ex.22.3)  led  to  slavery.  (7)  The  children 
born  of  slaves  were  slaves  (Gen. 14. 14,17.23  ; 
Lev. 25. 46).  Sometimes  whole  nations  were 
enslaved  through  poverty  (Gen. 47)  or  through 
treaty  (Jos.9)  or  through  conquest  (Judg.l. 
28ff.  ;  2Chr.36.2o).  This  collective  slavery 
did  not  necessarily  interfere  with  individual 
freedom.  It  meant  taxes  and  public  works. 
After  David's  victories,  a  special  officer  was 
appointed  over  the  tributaries  (2Sam.2O.24). 
In  Judg.6.ii  and  iSam.ll.5  we  see  a  warlike 
people  not  ashamed  of  work  in  the  fields.  In 
I K. 9. 2 1,22  we  see  a  conquering  people  relying 
on  slave  labour.  In  Ec.2  and  Is. 2. 6  we  see 
a  luxurious  people  ministered  to  by  slaves. 
The  inevitable  consequence  was  the  Captivity. 
Successful  war  led  to  slavery,  slavery  to 
effeminacy,  and  an  effeminate  people  are 
rapidly  enslaved. — The  Theoretical  J  ustification 
of  Slavery,  (i)  Patriarchal  and  domestic 
slavery.  The  slave  is  a  member  of  the  family. 
He  receives  food  and  protection.  He  owes 
service,  and  is  under  the  dominion  of  the 
master.  (2)  The  slave  is  an  enemy  whose  life 
is  forfeit,  but  who  has  been  spared  on  condi- 
tion of  servitude — the  Roman  theory.  (3) 
The  slave  is  a  member  of  an  inferior  race, 
essentially  servile.  He  is  therefore  "  an  ani- 
mated implement  "  (Aristotle,  Pol.  i.  4,  Ethics 
viii.  13).  This  Greek  theory  was  adopted  by 
planters  in  W.  Indies  and  America-  In  no 
slave-owning  country  is  a  man  more  precious 
than  gold  (Is.  13. 1 2),  though  under  the  domestic 
slavery  of  the  Israelites  it  was  probably 
reckoned  disgraceful  to  sell  slaves  (Jl.3.3). 
— Slavery  in  O.T.  The  slave  was  reckoned  as 
one  of  the  Family.  In  default  of  offspring  he 
might  be  the  heir  (Gen. 15. 2, 3),  could  be  married 
to  a  daughter  (iChr.2.35),  or  preferred  to  an 
unruly  son  (Pr.17.2).  He  was  reckoned  as 
part  of  the  master's  wealth,  and  could  be  given 
away  and  sold,  but  so  could  children  (Gen. 12. 
16;  Ex. 21. 21;  Jl.3.3).  He  shared  in  the  re- 
ligious privileges  and  ceremonies  of  the  people  : 
circumcision  (Gen. 17. 12, 13),  the  Passover  (Ex. 
12.44),  the  sabbath  (Ex.20.io  ;  cf.  Deut.5.14). 
If  an  Israelite,  he  might  become  free  in  the 


SLAVE 


835 


sabbatical  year  (Ex. 21. 2),  and  could  not  be 
sent  empty  away  (Deut.15.13,14).  A  woman 
could  give  her  female  slave  as  a  concubine  to 
her  husband  (Gen. 16. 2, 30. 3, 9).  A  man  could 
buy  a  female  slave  to  be  his  or  his  son's  con- 
cubine (Ex.2i.7-11),  when  she  acquired  rights 
in  the  family.  The  children  of  such  concu- 
bines were  free  and  legitimate  {e.g.  the  twelve 
patriarchs  are  all  regarded  as  on  the  same 
footing).  The  children  of  such  slaves  had 
claims  on  the  inheritance  which  were  not 
always  acknowledged  (Gen. 21. 10, 25. 6, 49  ; 
Judg.9.18,11.2).  Slaves  could  possess  money 
(iSam.9.8).  It  was  not  permissible  to  rule 
over  them  with  rigour  (Lev.25.43).  They 
might  be  disciplined  with  the  rod,  but  to  kill  a 
slave  was  a  penal  offence  (Ex. 21. 20  ;  Pr.29.i9  ; 
Ecclus.33. 23-26),  and  if  he  were  mutilated 
he  was  to  go  free  (Ex. 21. 26,27).  [Law  in 
O.T.  ;  Crimes  ;  Homicide.]  Employments 
of  slaves  :  Eleazer  was  Abraham's  steward 
and  representative  (Gen.24) ;  Ziba  was  ste- 
ward to  Mephibosheth  (2Sam.9.io,16.4,19.29) ; 
there  were  singing  men  and  women  (Ec.2. 8), 
labourers  in  the  field  (Judg.6.27 ;  Ru.2.5) 
and  in  the  house  (Deut. 29.1 1  ;  Jos.9.27).  The 
lowest  kind  of  work  was  grinding  at  the  mill 
(Ex.11. 5  ;  Judg.l6.21;  Job  31.10;  Is.47.2  ; 
Lam.5.13).  The  price  of  slaves  was  constant  : 
an  adult  man,  30  shekels  (Ex. 21. 32  ;  Zech.ll. 
12;  2Mac.8.io);  awoman,  15  shekels  (Ho.3. 2), 
and  a  youth,  20  shekels  (Lev. 27. 5  ;  cf.  Gen. 
37.28).  In  early  times  slaves  were  probably 
few ;  under  the  monarchy,  numerous ;  with  the 
returning fexiles  came  7,337,  which  was  one- 
sixth  of  the  people  (Ezr.2.65).  This  domestic 
slavery  was  far  from  intolerable.  Men  even 
preferred  the  status  (Ex. 21. 5, 6).  There  is  only 
one  instance  recorded  in  O.T.  of  runaway 
slaves  (iK.2.39).  Runaway  slaves  could  not 
be  given  up  (Deut. 23. 15).  Slaves  were  always 
regarded  as  fellow-creatures  and  worthy  of 
consideration  (esp.  Deut.5.14  I  Job  31. 13-15). 
— Legislation  regarding  slaves  is  to  be  found 
in  Ex.21,  Deut.l5,  and  Lev.25.  Most  critics 
assume  that  centuries  divide  Ex. 21  (Book  of  the 
Covenant)  from  Deut.,  and  that  Lev.25  (P)  is 
post-Exilic.  Ex.21,  it  is  said,  appliesto  a  purely 
agricultural  community,  Deut.  to  a  community 
engaged  also  in  commerce,  and  Lev.25  has  land 
laws  that  were  never  observed.  But  if  there 
is  no  historical  reference  to  the  year  of  jubilee 
but  the  doubtful  Ezk.45.i6,  the  inalienable 
character  of  land-ownership  is  implied  in  i  K. 
21  ;  and  we  have  instances  of  land  redemp- 
tion by  relatives  in  Ru.4  and  Je. 31. 6-16.  In 
consequence  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  Lev. 
25  contains  elements  earlier  than  the  Exile. 
Secondly,  if  there  be  no  historical  jubilee,  the 
only  reference  to  the  law  ordering  the  relief  of 
Hebrew  slaves  in  the  sabbatical  year  is  in  Je. 
34.8ff.,  where  we  learn  that  it  was  not  obeyed. 
We  do  hear,  however,  of  sabbatical  years  after 
the  Exile  (2Chr.36.21  ;  Ne.lO.31  ;  iMac.6.49, 
53  '.  cf-  Josephus,  Ant.  passim,  i  Wars  xi.  4  ; 
Tacitus,  Hist.  v.  4).  There  is  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  in  pre-Exilic  times  the  whole 
land  was  simultaneously  fallow.  In  conse- 
quence it  is  possible  to  reconcile  Ex. 21. 2  with 
Lev.25  by  assuming  that  a  man  became  free 
in  the  year  of  jubilee  even  if  he  had  not  com- 
pleted six  years  of  service.      Thirdly,  Ex.21 


836 


SLAVE 


deals  with  purchased  Hebrew  slaves,  Deut.15 
with  poor  men  voluntarily  submitting  to 
servitude,  while  Lev.25  is  concerned  with  the 
land  system  and  only  incidentally  with  slavery. 
In  consequence  Ex.21  has  naturally  no  refer- 
ence to  debtor  and  creditor  arrangements  ; 
and  Lev.25  has  no  reference  to  the  Israelite 
bondsman  without  inheritance.  It  is  in  conse- 
quence precarious  to  argue  for  difference  of  date 
from  these  omissions. — The  Mosaic  Laws  and 
Code  of  Hammurabi.  The  Code  of  Hammurabi 
(Amraphel,  Gen. 14)  is  the  earliest  known,  and 
its  influence  upon  the  Peutateuch  is  a  matter 
of  dispute.  Laws  dealing  with  the  same 
conditions  of  life  are  likely  to  be  much  alike, 
and  parallels  have  been  found  to  this  code 
not  only  in  O.T.,  but  also  in  the  laws  of 
Gortyn,  the  XII.  Tables,  in  Babylonian  con- 
tract-tablets, and  in  Visigothic  laws.  But 
if  it  be  interesting  to  know  how  early  laws 
agree,  it  is  important  to  know  how  they 
differ.  This  code  throws  light  on  Hagar's 
relations  with  Sarah  (§  146),  and  on  the  con- 
ditions of  children  born  of  slave  concubines 
(§§  170,  171).  It  differs  strikingly  on  the 
treatment  of  runaway  slaves  (§§  16,  20).  But 
the  great  difference  is  a  difference  of  moral 
standpoint.  The  Israelite  was  always  in- 
structed to  remember  his  own  bondage 
{Deut.24.i8),  and  in  consequence  to  be  con- 
siderate. [Law  in  O.T.] — Slavery  in  N.T. 
In  Palestine  there  were  few  slaves.  The 
high-priest  possessed  slaves  (Jn. 18. 10, 18). 
Our  Lord  illustrated  His  teaching  from  the 
treatment  of  slaves  (Mt. 25.30  ;  Lu.12.43-48). 
But  in  Rome  and  in  Greece  the  slaves  formed 
the  bulk  of  the  population,  and  the  danger 
that  they  were  to  the  state  increased  the 
severity  of  their  treatment.  Horrible  tales 
of  brutality  are  recorded.  The  system  was 
demorali/ing,  enervated  the  character  of 
slave  owners,  and  tended  to  render  them 
heartless  and  cruel.  There  are,  however, 
many  instances  of  kindly  treatment  and  of 
real  affection  between  master  and  slave.  The 
point  is  that  the  slave  was  absolutely  at  the 
mercy  of  the  master,  who  might  be  good  and 
might  be  bad.  The  slaves  were  of  all  races 
from  Britain  to  Persia.  They  might  be  philo- 
sophers, artists,  physicians,  schoolmasters,  or 
agents  ;  they  might  be  chained  in  gangs  to 
labour  in  the  fields.  From  the  time  of  Nero 
onwards  the  law  did  much  to  ameliorate  their 
condition  and  afford  them  protection.  Our 
blessed  Lord  did  not  propose  a  political  revolu- 
tion. He  laid  down  no  laws  as  to  social  and 
economic  conditions ;  but  His  coming  has  led  to 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  He  came  to  reconcile 
all  men  to  Himself  (Col. 1. 20) ;  in  Him  there  is 
no  distinction  between  bond  and  free  (Col. 3. 
II  ;  Gal. 3. 28).  To  the  poor  the  Gospel  was 
preached  (Lu.4.i8).  He  taught  the  value  of  each 
individual  soul  to  the  Father  (Mt.lO.29-31). 
He  taught  also  the  responsibility  of  each  man 
for  himself  (Mt.25).  He  laid  great  stress  upon 
the  value  of  work  and  dignity  of  labour  (Jn.5. 
17,9.4).  Those  who  were  willing  to  be  His 
servants,  He  called  friends  (Jn.i5.15).  But 
more  than  this,  He  took  upon  Himself  the 
form  of  a  slave  (Ph-2.7;  c/.  iPe.2. 18-21).  He 
showed  the  value  of  the  virtues  needed  by  the 
slave  (Mt. 5. 3-5, 11. 29,30).    He  gave  an  example 


SLIME 

by  doing  the  slave's  of&ce  (Jn.l3.i2ff.).  He 
died  a  slave's  death.  He  said,  "  Whosoever  of 
you  will  be  the  chiefest,  shall  be  servant  [SoPXos] 
of  all"  (Mk.10.44).  The  apostles  rejoiced  to 
call  themselves  "slaves  of  Jesus  Christ"  (Ro. 
l.i  ;  2Pe.l.i ;  Ju.i).  Theyrejoiced,  too,  in  the 
liberty  of  the  sons  of  God  (Ro.8.15,21).  They 
knew  there  was  no  respect  of  persons  with 
God  (R0.2.11  ;  iPe.1.17).  But  they  did  not 
counsel  rebellion.  They  gave  much  advice  to 
slaves  how  they  might  use  their  condition  for 
the  advancement  of  the  faith  and  the  glory 
of  God  (iCor.7.19-24  ;  Eph.6.5-8  ;  Col.3. 
22ff.  ;  iTim.6.i,2  ;  Tit.2.9,10  ;  iPe.2.i8ff.). 
But  masters  are  commanded  to  "  forbear 
threatening"  (Eph.6.9),  and  are  reminded 
that  they  have  a  Master  in  heaven  (Col.4.i). 
In  the  epistle  to  Philemon,  the  runaway 
Phrygian  slave  Onesimus  is  restored  to  his 
master,  but  as  "  a  brother  beloved  "  (ver.  16). 
Slavery  could  not  be  abolished  all  at  once;  men 
had  to  learn  that  it  was  inconsistent  with 
Christian  principles.  In  the  early  Church 
converted  slaves  were  recognized  as  brethren 
(Aristides,  Apol.  xv.).  They  could  become 
clergy  or  even,  like  Callistus,  bishop  of  Rome. 
The  same  virtues  were  expected  of  them,  the 
same  privileges  accorded.  Manumission  was 
regarded  as  praise-worthy,  and  slaves  were 
sometimes  ransomed  from  church  collections 
(St.  Ignatius,  £/>.  to  Poly  carp  iv.).  The  Church, 
however,  at  first  was  so  concerned  with  her 
liberty  in  Christ  that  to  her  the  status  of  her 
members  in  the  world  was  a  matter  of  in- 
difference. For  Hebrew  slavery,  see  Meilziner, 
Sklaven  bei  den  Hehrdern  ;  Goldwin  Smith, 
Does  the  Bible  sanction  Slavery  ?  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904),  arts.  "Servant,"  "Sab- 
batical Year,"  and  "  Code  of  Hammurabi"  ; 
Smith,  D.B.  {4  vols.  1893).  "For  domestic 
slavery  -.  Maine,  Early  Village  Communities ; 
Lane,  Modern  Egyptians  ;  Burton,  Pilgrim- 
age ;  Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta  ;  Robertson 
Smith,  Kinship  and  Marriage.  For  Greek 
and  Roman  slavery  :  Wallon,  L'Hist. 
de  Vesclavage ;  Boissier,  La  religion  Ro- 
maine  ;  Lecky,  European  Morals  ;  Dill, 
Roman  Society.  For  N.T.  views :  Light- 
foot,  Philemon  :  Knight,  Colossians  and 
Philemon.  For  the  Early  Chiu'ch  and  slavery  : 
Harnack,  Expansion.  [u.m.s.] 

Slime.  The  rendering  in  A.V.  of  the  Heb. 
hemdr,  the  hommar  of  the  Arabs,  translated 
kff(pa\Tos  by  the  LXX.  and  bitumen  in  Vulg. 
The  three  instances  of  its  mention  in  O.T.  are 
abundantly  illustrated  by  travellers  and 
historians,  ancient  and  modern.  It  is  first 
spoken  of  as  used  for  cement  by  the  builders  in 
the  plain  of  Shinar,  or  Babj'lonia  (Gen. II. 3). 
The  liitumeu  pits  in  the  vale  of  Siddim  are 
mentioned  in  the  ancient  fragment  of  Canaan- 
itish  history  (14. 10)  ;  and  the  ark  of  papyrus 
in  which  Moses  was  placed  was  made  im- 
pervious to  water  by  a  coating  of  bitumen  and 
pitch  (Ex. 2. 3).  Herodotus  (i.  179)  tells  us  of 
the  bitumen  found  at  Is,  a  town  of  Babylonia, 
eight  days'  journey  from  Babylon.  The  cap- 
tive Eretrians  (Her.  vi.  119)  were  sent  by 
Darius  to  collect  asphaltum,  salt,  and  oil  at 
Ardericca,  a  place  2  to  stadia  from  Susa,  in  the 
district  of  Cissia.  The  town  of  Is  was  situated 
on  a  river,  or  small  stream,  of  the  same  name 


SLING 

which  flowed  into  the  Euphrates,  and  carried 
down  with  it  lumps  of  bitumen.  This  town 
is  without  doubt  the  modern  Hit,  on  the 
W.  or  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  and  fom: 
days'  journey  N.W.,  or  rather  W.N.W.,  of 
Baghdad.  The  principal  bitumen  pit  at  Hit, 
says  Mr.  Rich,  has  two  sources,  and  is  divided 
by  a  waU  in  the  centre,  on  one  side  of  which 
bitumen  bubbles  up,  and  on  the  other  the  oU 
of  naphtha.  Sir  R.  K.  Porter  observed  "  that 
bitumen  was  chiefly  confined  by  the  Chaldean 
builders  to  the  foundations  and  lower  parts  of 
their  edifices,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
the  ni  effects  of  water."  The  use  of  bitumen 
appears  to  have  been  restricted  to  the  Baby- 
lonians, for  at  Nineveh,  as  Sir  A.  Layard  ob- 
served, "  bitumen  and  reeds  were  not  employed 
to  cement  the  layers  of  bricks,  as  at  Babylon  ; 
although  both  materials  are  to  be  found  in 
abundance  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
city."  The  bitumen  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  de- 
scribed by  Strabo,  Josephus,  and  Pliny.  It  is 
given  out  by  springs,  and  hardened  lumps  of  it 
are  washed  up  on  the  shores,  from  which  the 
lake  got  its  classic  name  of  Lacus  Asfhaltites, 
and  a  rock  impregnated  with  it  is  stUl  used 
there  for  making  various  objects.  Strabo  says 
that  in  Babylonia  boats  made  of  wicker-work 
were  covered  with  bitumen  to  keep  out  the 
water  (xvi.  p.  743).     [Pitch  ;   Salt  Sea.] 

Sling-.     [Arms,  Offensive,  (2).] 

Smith.     [Handicrafts,  (i).] 

Smyp'na  (Rev.2.8-ii).  This  city  was 
founded,  or  at  least  the  design  of  founding 
it  was  entertained,  by  Alexander  the  Great 
soon  after  the  battle  of  the  Granicus.  It  was 
situated  20  stadia  from  the  city  of  the  same 
name  which,  after  a  long  series  of  wars  with 
the  Lydians,  had  been  sacked  by  Halyattes. 
The  rich  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  were  culti- 
vated by  the  peasantry  for  a  period  which 
Strabo,  speaking  roundly,  calls  400  years.  The 
new  Smyrna  soon  became  a  wealthy  and 
important  city.  It  seems  possible  that  just  as 
St.  Paul's  illustrations  in  iCor.  are  derived 
from  the  Isthmian  games,  so  the  message  to 
the  church  in  Sm\Tna  may  contain  allusions 
to  the  ritual  of  the  pagan  mysteries  which 
prevailed  there.  In  the  time  of  Strabo  the 
ruins  of  the  old  Smyrna  still  existed,  and 
were  partially  inhabited,  but  the  new  city 
was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  Asia.  The 
streets  were  laid  out  nearly  at  right  angles ; 
but  the  neglect  to  make  underground  drains 
to  carry  off  the  storm  rains  occasioned 
the  flooding  of  the  town  with  filth  and  re- 
fuse. There  was  a  large  public  library,  and 
also  a  handsome  building  surrounded  with 
porticoes  which  served  as  a  museum.  It  was 
consecrated  as  a  heroiim  to  Homer,  whom 
the  Smjnrneans  claimed  as  a  countryman. 
There  was  also  an  Odeum,  and  a  temple  of  the 
Olympian  Zeus,  with  whose  cult  that  of  the 
Roman  emperors  was  associated.  Olympian 
games  were  celebrated  here,  and  excited  great 
interest.  Smyrna  under  the  Romans  was 
the  seat  of  a  conventus  juridicus,  whither  law 
cases  were  brought  from  the  citizens  of  Mag- 
nesia on  mount  Sipylus,  and  also  from  a  Mace- 
donian colony  settled  in  the  same  country 
under  the  name  of  Hyrcani.^ 

JSnaU  (Heb.  jhabliil   and^  hornet),    shablul 


SNOW 


837 


occurs  in  Ps.58.8[9],  and  is  doubtless  correctly 
translated  snail  (or  slug).  The  sUmy  track  these 
molluscs  leave  behind  them  appears  to  have 
given  rise  to  the  idea  that  the  creatures  waste 
away  as  they  crawl ;  but  the  wasting  may 
refer  to  their  being  dried  up  when  exposed 
to  a  scorching  sun.  hdinet  occiurs  as  the  name 
of  some  unclean  animal  in  Lev. 11. 30,  and  in  the 
LXX.  and  Vulg.  is  regarded  as  representing 
some  kind  of  lizard.  In  the  Arab,  versions  of 
Erpenius  and  Saadias  it  is  translated  chame- 
leon ;  but  another  word  probably  stands  for 
that  reptile.  [Chameleon.]  It  has  been 
suggested  that  the  reference  is  to  one  of  the 
desert-haunting  hzards  of  the  skink  group 
(Scincidae).  [r.l.] 

Snake-chapming-.  The  remarkable 
power  exercised  by  certain  Orientals  over 
poisonous  serpents  is  distinctly  mentioned  in 
the  Bible,  and  probably  alluded  to  by  St. 
James  (3.7).  The  species  most  generally  opera- 
ted upon  are  the  Indian  cobra  (Naia  tripitdians). 


INDIAN  SNAKE-CHARMERS. 

the  African  cobra  (N.  hate),  common  to  N. 
Africa  and  Syria,  and  the  horned  viper  Cerastes 
cornutus,  which  has  a  similar  distribution. 
[Asp.]  The  charmers  generally  extract  the 
poison-fangs  before  the  snakes  are  subjected 
to  their  skill ;  and  some  have  supposed  that 
this  is  alluded  to  in  Ps.58.6,  "  Break  their 
teeth,  O  God,  in  their  mouth."  The  snake- 
charmers  employ  a  flute  and  a  drum  during 
their  performances  ;  and  carry  the  snakes  in 
baskets.  They  were  called  by  the  Hebrews 
nVnahashim,  while  the  art  itself  was  termed 
lahash  (Je.8.17  ;  Ec.lO.ii),  although  these 
terms  are  not  always  so  restricted.       [r.l.] 

Snow  (Heb.  shelegh;  Aram,  thelag,  Dan. 
7.9 ;  Arab.  Thelj,  2Sam.23.2o),  noticed  as 
falling  at  Jerusalem  (1Mac.i3.22),  and  in 
winter  in  Edom  (Job  6.16,24.19),  and  on 
mount  Salmon  or  Zalmon  (Ps.68.14).  It  was 
probably  used  for  cooling  drinks  (Pr.25.13), 
as  it  still  is  at  Damascus.  The  Lebanon  and 
Hermon  are  always  white  with  snow  till  the 
autumn,  and  it  remains  in  patches  later. 
It  often  falls  at  Jerusalem,  but  does  not  lie 
long.     The   mountains  of    Edom  are  white 


838 


so 


with  it  in  winter,  as  well  as  those  of  Samaria 
and  Galilee,  in  some  years.  [c.r.c] 

So.  "  So  king  of  Egypt  "  is  once  mentioned 
in  the  Bible.  Hoshea,  the  last  king  of  Israel, 
sent  messengers  to  him  and  withheld  the 
yearly  present  to  the  king  of  Assyria  (2K.17.4). 
So  is  usually  identified  with  Shabaka  or 
Sabaco,  the  founder  of  the  25th   (Ethiopian) 


m^u) 


CARTOUCHK  OF  SHABAKA   (SABACO). 

dynasty  of  Egypt  (c.  716  b.c).  In  720  b.c. 
Sargon  of  Assyria  defeated,  at  Raphia,  Hanon 
of  Gaza  and  his  ally  Sib'i,  who  is  described 
as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Egyptian 
Pharaoh.  There  seems  little  doubt  that 
Sab'e  is  the  So  of  O.T.,  and  that  both  are  to 
be  identified  with  Shabaka,  who  at  the  time 
of  the  battle  of  Raphia  had  not  yet  seized 
the  Egyptian  throne.  According  to  Manetho, 
the  Egyptian  historian,  Shabaka  reigned  for 
12   years.  [a.h.s.] 

Soap  ( A.  V.  sope).  The  Heb.  bortih  is  a  general 
term  for  any  substance  of  cleansing  qualifies. 
As,  however,  it  is  distinguished  in  J  e. 2.22  from 
nether  ("natron,"  or  mineral  alkali),  borith 
probably  refers  to  vegetable  alkali,  or  some 
kind  of  potash,  a  usual  ingredient  in  our  soap. 
Numerous  plants  capable  of  yielding  alkalies 
exist  in  Palestine  and  the  surrounding  coun- 
tries ;  one,  hubeibeh  (the  Salsola  fta/j  of  botan- 
ists), is  found  near  the  Dead  Sea,  and  its  ashes 
are  called  el-qali  from  their  strong  alkaline  pro- 
perties. In  Mai. 3.2  the  Vulg.  renders  borith 
by  herba  fullonum  ;  fullers'  sope  in  A.V.  There 
are  also  several  species  of  Saponaria  (soapwort) 
native  in  Palestine.  [h.c.h.] 

Socho,  Sochoh,  Socoh.     [Shocho.] 

Sodi',  father  of  Gaddiel  (Num.13. 10). 

Sodom'  {burning;  see  Gen. 10.19,13.10-13, 
14.2-22,18.16-26,19.1-28  ;  Deut. 29.23,32.32  ;  Is. 
1.9,10,3.9,13.19;  Je. 23. 14, 49. 18, 50.40;  Lam. 4. 
6;  Ezk.16.46-56;  Zeph.2.9  ;  Mt. 10.15  ;  Lu.l7. 
29  ;  Ju.7  ;  Rev. 11. 8)  and  Sodoma  (Ro.9.29). 
[Cities  of  the  Plain.] 

Sodom,  Sea  of.     [Salt  Sea.] 

Sodomites  (Heb.  q<'dhcshim).  The  Eng. 
word  is  derived  from  Sodom,  which  was  in- 
famous for  unnatural  offences  against  moral- 
ity. The  Heb.  word  is  found  in  Gen. 38.21  ; 
Deut. 23.17  ;  iK.14,24,15.i2, 22.46  ;  2K.23.7  ; 
Job 36. 14.  The  expression  does  not  refer  to 
ordinary  immorality,  but  religious  abomina- 
tions connected  with  the  worship  of  a  deity 
and  carried  on  in  temple  precincts.  These 
barbarities,  though  prohibited  bv  the  Mosaic 
law  (Deut.23.i8f.)  were  introduced  into 
Israel  from  Phoenicia,  Syria,  Phrygia,  Assyria, 
and  Babylonia,  and  were  specially  connected 
with  the  corrupt  worship  of  Ashtaroth — hence 
the  writers  of  the  Bible  speak  of  them  as  "  the 
abominations  of  the  nations  which  the  Lord 
cast  out  before  the  children  of  Israel." 
[Crimes.]  [t.a.m.] 

Sodomi'tish  Sea,  The  (2Esd.5.7)  =  the 
Dead  Sea,  near  which  was  Sodom.  [Salt  Sea.] 

Solomon  (Heb.  sh'-ldxw.  Gk.  ::^a\u3/xu)v , 
Salomon,  or  Solomon.  .Arab.  Sulaimdn)  was  the 
second  soo  whom  B^thsheba  bore  to  David. 


SOLOHON 

Her  first  son  died  in  early  childhood  (2Sam. 
12.15).  David,  or  Bathsheba,  gave  the  child 
when  bom  the  name  of  Solomon,  or  Peaceful 
(see  R.V.  marg.  2Sam.i2.24).  Nathan  the 
prophet,  with  prophetic  insight,  named  the 
child  Jedidiah  {beloved  of  Jehovah).  It  has 
often  been  noted  that  while  considerable 
literary  materials  are  available  in  the  sacred 
Scriptures  for  a  life  of  David,  there  is  by  no 
means  such  extensive  material  in  reference  to 
Solomon  and  his  reign.  The  book  of  Nathan 
the  Prophet  is  spoken  of  in  2Chr  9.29  as  con- 
taining memoirs  of  Solomon.  That  book  may 
possibly  have  been  identical  with  "  the  Acts 
of  Solomon  "  noticed  in  1K.II.41.  In  aChr. 
9.29  there  is  also  mention  made  among  his 
biographies  of  the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the 
Shilonite  and  the  visions  of  Iddo  the  Seer. 
The  Psalms  supposed  by  some  to  refer  to 
Solomon  and  his  kingdom,  such  as  Ps.2,45, 
127,  may  all  be  otherwise  interpreted.  Of  Ps. 
72  alone  can  it  be  said  that  there  is  anything 
like  a  solid  basis  for  considering  that  it  was 
really  composed  with  reference  to  his  days. 
Josephus  (8  Ant.  ii.)  gives  an  account,  fanci- 
fully enlarged  for  literary  purposes,  of  the 
letters  which  passed  between  king  Hiram 
and  Solomon.  Of  a  few  of  Solomon's  deeds, 
fragmentary  records  have  been  preserved 
by  Alexander  Polyhistor  and  others  from 
Phoenician  histories,  and  some  of  these  have 
been  cited  by  early  Christian  Fathers.  These 
accounts,  however,  contain  very  little  of  real 
importance,  and  are  disfigured  by  not  a  few 
anachronisms,  such  as  the  mixing  up  of  the 
building  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  with  the 
erection  of  the  temple  of  the  Samaritans  on 
mount  Geriziin  in  far  later  days.  None  of 
the  legends  in  the  Koran  can  be  accepted  as 
really  historical,  though  mostly  derived  from 
Jewish  sources.  A  number  of  these  have  been 
preserved  in  the  later  Midrashim,  such  as  that 
on  Koh^leth,  and  in  the  first  and  second  Tar- 
gums  of  Ruth.  There  are  apocryphal  books 
ascribed  to  Solomon,  e.g.  the  Incantation 
found  in  Fabricius,  Cod.  Pseudepigr.  A.T. 
The  so-called  Psalms  of  Solomon  were  certainly 
not  written  by  Solomon,  but  are  more  cor- 
rectly termed  Psalms  of  the  Pharisees  (see 
Ryle  and  James's  prf)legomcna  in  their  ex- 
cellent edition).  These  psalms  are  of  great  in- 
terest and  merit,  and  fill  up  a  gap  in  the  times 
immediately  before  Christ :  and  they  are  in- 
debted for  their  preservation  to  their  having 
been  regarded  in  an  uncritical  age  as  Solomonic, 
though  the  history  of  that  ascription  is  utterly 
unknown.  The  genuine  Solomonic  literature 
consists  only  of  one  book,  that  of  the  Proverbs. 
The  so-called  "  Song  of  Solomon  "  and  "  the 
book  of  Koheleth,"  or  Ecclesiastes,  are, 
although  inspired  literature,  not  the  products 
of  his  pen.  Nevertheless,  Solomon's  literary 
activity  seems  to  have  been  great,  and  the 
description  given  in  iK. 4.29-34  shows  that  he 
must  have  been  the  greatest  genius  that  had 
yet  appeared.  It  is  a  strange  fancy  of  Dean 
Plumptre  to  suppose  that  the  personal  appear- 
ance of  Solomon  is  alluded  to  in  Can. 5. 10.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  Solomon  was  one  of 
the  last-born  of  David's  sons.  iChr.3.5  has 
been  adduced  to  prove  that  he  was  the 
youngest  of  Bathsbeba's  cJiUdreu  ;   but  this  is 


SOLOMON 

scarcely  consistent  with  the  words  of  aSam. 
12.24.  It  cannot  in  all  cases  be  proved  that 
the  present  order  of  names  in  the  genealogies 
is  necessarily  the  historical  one.  The  child 
could  not  long  have  remained  ignorant  of  the 
awful  events  in  David's  family  which  directly 
or  indirectly  had  to  bs  traced  back  to  the  sin 
committed  by  David  with  Bathsheba.  Ab- 
salom at  that  time  might  fairly  have  been 
regarded  as  the  crown  prince  and  heir  to  his 
father's  throne.  Had  the  birth  of  the  best- 
loved  nothing  to  do  with  his  sad  rebellion  and 
his  terrible  doom  ?  Later,  Adonijah  became 
a  powerful  factor  in  the  state,  and  to  his  side 
were  drawn  Joab,  formerly  the  great  captain 
of  the  army,  then  probably  out  of  office,  and 
even  Abiathar,  the  high-priest,  who  had  been 
faithful  to  David  in  his  early  days  of  distress 
and  misery.  These,  with  others,  banded  them- 
selves together,  determined  to  destroy,  if  pos- 
sible, all  chances  of  Solomon's  succession  to  the 
throne.  It  was  then  that  David,  old  as  he  was, 
acted  with  a  new-born  energy,  in  fulfilment  of 
his  oath  to  Bathsheba,  and  commanded  Zadok 
the  priest,  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  Benaiah 
the  son  of  Jehoiada,  who  was  the  commander 
of  the  royal  bodyguard,  to  anoint  Solomon  as 
the  lawful  successor  to  the  kingdom.  The 
insurrection,  which  had  threatened  to  become 
formidable,  at  once  collapsed.  Joab  was 
shortly  after  put  to  death,  as  David  had 
recommended,  and  Abiathar,  thrust  out  from 
the  priesthood,  was  forced  to  retire  into  pri- 
vate life.  Adonijah,  though  forgiven  his  first 
offence  against  Solomon,  made  a  later  attempt 
to  secure  his  succession  at  some  future  time, 
and  was  then  put  to  death.  Shimei,  having 
broken  his  promise  to  abide  at  Jerusalem,  was 
also  put  to  death,  as  Solomon  had  solemnly 
forewarned  him,  and  thus,  the  natural  an- 
tagonists of  Solomon  being  removed,  he  was 
confirmed  in  the  kingdom.  The  kingdom 
over  which  Solomon  now  reigned  was  indeed 
a  mighty  one.  It  seems  to  have  embraced  a 
number  of  small  kingdoms  to  the  N.  of 
Palestine  (his  conquest  of  Hamath-zobah 
secured  his  empire  in  that  direction),  and  to 
the  S.  it  extended  to  the  border  of  Egypt. 
On  the  W.  it  was  bounded  by  the  Great  Sea, 
or  Mediterranean,  and  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
though  in  a  measure  independent,  were  almost 
vassal  powers.  The  Philistines,  too,  had  for 
a  season  been  crushed  in  the  S.  Though 
pre-eminently  "  a  man  of  peace,"  Solomon, 
whether  in  person  or  through  his  generals, 
engaged  in  several  small  wars.  Eastward  his 
kingdom  extended  "  to  the  river  Euphrates," 
and  some  of  the  most  remarkable  cities  which 
he  built  outside  the  ordinary  limits  of  Palestine 
lay  in  that  direction.  His  reign  lasted  for 
40  years  (1K.II.42).  It  was  specially  re- 
markable for  the  erection  of  the  temple,  which 
was  commenced  in  the  fourth  (6.1)  and 
brought  to  an  end  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his 
reign  (6.38).  [Temple.]  Very  extensive  pre- 
parations in  advance  had  been  made  by 
David,  and  treasures  of  all  kinds  collected 
together  in  Jerusalem;  but  Solomon  was 
obliged  to  add  largely  to  these,  and  to  make 
full  arrangements  for  bringing  to  Jerusalem 
the  wood  and  the  stone  necessary  for  the 
construction    of    that    gigantic    work.      The 


SOLOMON 


839 


building  of  his  own  palace,  known  as  "  the 
House  of  the  Forest  of  Lebanon,"  occupied 
even  more  time,  thirteen  years,  possibly  be- 
cause fewer  workmen  were  employed  (7. iff.). 
The  first  act  of  his  foreign  policy,  though 
apparently  wise,  proved  in  the  long  run  to  be 
pernicious.  The  king  of  Egypt  was  Solomon's 
most  powerful  neigbour,  and  the  kings  of  the 


' '  ^ — — SCiLi   Of     >Uf ~— ' 

FERGUSSON'S  RESTORATION   OF  SOLOMON'S  PALACE. 

Hittites  and  other  monarchs  around  obtained 
the  horses  they  needed  for  themselves  and  their 
armies  from  Egypt  (1K.IO.29).  Hence  it  was 
of  great  importance  to  all  concerned  to  main- 
tain a  commercial  connexion  with  Egypt. 
This  led  to  Solomon  entering  into  a  close 
alliance  with  Pharaoh,  cemented  by  taking 
the  daughter  of  that  king  as  his  wife.  This 
Pharaoh  was  Pa-seb-cha-nen  II.,  the  last 
king  of  the  21st  dynasty  (see  A.  Wiedemann, 
Aegypt.  Gesch.  ii.  p.  541).  He  is  called  by 
Josephus  Pharaothes,  Pharaon  by  Eupolemos, 
and  Uaphres  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus. 
Whether  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh  embraced 
her  husband's  religion  we  know  not,  but  there 
is  no  mention  of  any  temple  having  been 
erected  in  Jerusalem  to  any  of  the  gods  of 
Egypt.  There  appears  to  have  been  some 
"  unrest  "  displayed  by  the  remainder  of  the 
Canaanites  who  still  dwelt  among  the  Israel- 
ites (iK. 9.20-22  ;  2Chr.8.7,8),  and  this  may 
have  led  to  Gezer,  then  a  Canaanite  city, 
showing  some  disposition  to  take  their  side. 
Pharaoh,  in  order  to  provide  a  suitable  dowry 


840 


SOLOMON 


for  his  daughter,  marched  against  that  city, 
took  it,  burnt  it  with  fire,  slew  all  its 
inhabitants  and  gave  the  country  over  to 
Solomon,  who  rebuilt  it  as  a  Hebrew  city  (iK. 
9. 15-17).  The  city  was  a  most  important 
addition  to  the  general  security  of  Israel. 
So  far  all  looked  well,  but  the  friendship  with 
Egypt  proved  not  to  be  lasting.  Full  par- 
ticulars have  not  been  discovered  as  to  how 
the  2ist  dynasty  of  Egypt  came  to  a  close, 
and  how  a  new  dvnasty  was  founded  ;  but 
when  Sheshenk  (the  Biblical  Shishak)  came 
to  the  throne,  the  friendship  with  Solomon 
came  to  an  end.  Jeroboam,  who  was  already 
plotting  against  Solomon  on  account  of  his 
heavy  levies  of  workmen  and  exorbitant  taxes, 
fled  to  the  court  of  the  Egyptian  monarch, 
and  the  plan  was  devised  of  weakening  the 
Davidic  kingdom  by  stirring  up  insurrection 
among  the  northern  tribes,  and  forming  them 
into  an  independent  monarchy.  Nothing  was 
effected  in  this  direction  during  the  reign  of 
Solomon,  but  Jeroboam  was  not  surrendered 
to  Solomon  as  the  latter  had  desired,  and  Solo- 
mon, already  weakened  in  many  ways,  did  not 
venture  to  attack  Egypt.  In  the  reign  of  his 
son  and  successor,  Solomon's  forgetfulness  of 
God,  polygamy,  and  idolatry  brought  upon  the 
Davidic  family  a  terrible  retribution.  Solo- 
mon's policy  with  regard  to  Tjtc  stood  on  a 
very  different  footing  from  his  policy  with 
regard  to  Egypt.  He  needed  the  aid  of  the 
Tyrians  for  his  great  architectural  works  and 
supplies  of  wood  from  Lebanon,  and  they 
needed  supplies  of  corn  and  oil  from  Palestine. 
Solomon  saw  clearly  that  without  commerce 
it  was  impossible  for  Palestine  to  remain  a 
great  nation  or  to  construct  or  keep  up  a 
powerful  navy.  The  Phoenicians  were  near, 
and  an  alliance  with  them  was  mutually 
beneficial.  In  later  days  the  .Assyrian, 
Babylonian,  and  Persian  empires  had  to  rely 
upon  the  fleets  of  T>T:e,  which  visited  all  the 
seas  then  open.  Hiram  had  been  a  friend  of 
David  (1K.5.1),  for  whom  he  had  built  a  palace 
(2Sain.5.ii.i2),  and  when  Solomon  ascended 
the  throne  Hiram  sent  messengers  to  greet  him, 
and  a  mutually  beneficial  treaty  was  then 
made.  When  the  building  of  the  temple  was 
accomplished,  Solomon  gave  Hiram  of  his 
royal  bounty  a  present  of  twenty  cities  in 
Galilee,  which,  however,  were  not  to  Hiram's 
taste,  for  he  termed  them  Cabul,  popularly  ex- 
plained as  a  compound  word  meaning  "as  good 
as  nothing,"  although  some  scholars  conjecture 
that  "  the  land  of  Galilee  "  ought  to  be  read 
in  that  passage  (1K.9.12).  If  Solomon  on  that 
occasion  displayed  any  meanness  towards 
Hiram,  that  does  not  seem  to  have  long 
lessened  the  friendliness  between  the  two 
monarchs.  There  is  no  ground  whatever  for 
the  conjecture  that  those  cities  were  won  by 
Hiram  in  some  royal  wafers,  and  that  Snlomon 
outwitted  the  wiimcr  in  a  sliabby  fashion. 
The  visit  of  the  queen  of  Sheba  (IO.1-13)  was 
no  doubt  only  f)ne  of  such  similar  royal  visits 
made  by  monarchs  around  to  behold  the  glory 
and  hear  the  wis  loin  of  king  Solomon.  His 
wisdom  in  ordinary  events  is  excellently  1 
illustrated  by  the  story  of  the  two  women 
who  rame  before  him  for  judgment  (3.16-28).  | 
At  Gibcon,  where  the  old  tabernacle  of  Moses  1 


SON 

was  still  standing — bereft,  however,  of  the  ark, 
which  was  preserved  apart  in  the  tabernacle 
erected  for  it  by  David  in  Jerusalem — Solomon 
was  bidden  by  God  in  a  vision  to  choose  a  gift, 
and  wisely  chose  "  an  understanding  heart " 
rather  than  riches  or  long  life,  which,  as  a 
reward  for  his  wise  choice,  were  "  added  unto 
him  "  (3.5-15).  A  second  remarkable  vision 
granted  to  Solomon  is  recorded  in  9.i-io. 
But  the  greatest  event  in  his  life  was  the 
dedication  of  the  temple  with  the  magni- 
ficent prayer  offered  up  on  that  occasion 
(8.22-61).  The  apostasy  of  Solomon  was  of 
gradual  growth.  When  the  "  strange  wo- 
men "  of  various  countries  were  admitted  to 
the  royal  harem,  temples  were  erected  to  th<. 
deities  whom  they  worshi])ped  (ch.  11).  At 
first  that  privilege  may  have  been  granted  as 
a  very  special  favour,  but  it  afterwards  ap- 
pears to  have  been  vouchsafed  as  due  to  their 
rank  and  condition.  Solomon  may  have 
looked  upon  it  as  a  piece  of  liberality  on  his 
part,  and  have  himself  abstained  altogether 
from  frequenting  such  unholy  shrines.  But 
the  unholy  toleration  once  entered  upon  was 
gradually  enlarged,  till  no  doubt  Solomon 
learned,  for  the  satisfaction  of  those  women,  to 
join  to  some  degree  in  the  worship  they  paid  to 
their  false  gods,  and  to  make  use  of  the  en- 
chantments of  their  polluted  groves.  This  last 
degradation  is  ascribed  by  both  Jewish  and 
Mohammedan  tradition  to  Solomon.  As  a 
pimishment  the  Lord  raised  up  adversaries 
against  Solomon  :  (i)  Hadad  the  Edomite,  who 
was  long  screened  and  protected  by  the  king  of 
Egypt  (11. 14-22)  ;  (2)  Rezin,  long  a  guerilla 
leader,  who  founded  a  throne  in  Damascus  and 
was  a  constant  thorn  in  Solomon's  side  (11. 23- 
25)  ;  and  (3)  Jeroboam,  son  of  Nebat,  who  was 
encouraged  in  his  rebellion  by  the  prophecies 
of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite  (11. 26-40).  [c.h.h.w.] 
Solomon's  Porch.  [Temple;  Jerusa- 
lem ;   Palace.] 

Solomon's  servants,  Children  of, 
(Ezr.2.55,58  ;  Ne. 7. 57, 60, 11. 3).  The  persons 
thus  named  appear  in  the  lists  of  the  exiles  who 
returned  from  the  Captivity.  They  occupy  all 
but  the  lowest  places  in  those  lists,  and  their 
position  indicates  some  connexion  with  the 
services  of  the  temple.  (i)  The  name,  as 
well  as  the  order,  implies  inferiority  even  to 
the  Nethinim.  (2)  Their  origin  is  probably 
to  be  found  in  iK.5.13,14,9.20,21,  2Chr.8.7,8. 
Canaanites  were  reduced  by  Solomon  to  the 
helot  state,  and  compelled  to  labour  in  the 
king's  stone- quarries,  and  in  building  his 
palaces  and  cities.  (3)  iChr. 22. 2  throws  some 
light  on  their  special  "office.  The  Nethinim, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  (".ibeonites,  were 
appointed  to  be  hewers  of  wood  (Jos. 9. 23), 
and  this  was  enough  for  the  services  of  the 
tabernacle.  For  the  construction  and  repairs 
of  the  temple  another  kind  of  labour  was  re- 
quired, and  the  new  slaves  were  set  to  the 
work  of  hewing  and  squaring  stones  (1K.5.17, 
18).  Their  descendants  appear  to  have  formed 
a  distinct  order,  inheriting  probably  the  same 
functions  and  the  same  skill. 

Solomon's  Songr.     [Canticles.] 
Son.    The  Heb.  ben,  a  son,  in  O.T.  f  Family], 
and  its  Aram,  equivalent  bar  in  N.T.,  are  of 
frequent  occurrence  in  composition  witli  names 


SON  OF  GOD 

of  persons.  [Semitic  Languages.]  In  N.T.,  as 
often  in  O.T.,  the  word  is  used  also  for  a  descend- 
ant, Mt. 1.1,20,12.23, 22. 42, 45,  Lu.19.9.  Sons  of 
Israel,  the  Israelites,  Mt.27.9,  Lu.l.i6  ;  Ac.5. 
21,  etc.  An  adopted  son,  Ac, 7. 21,  Heb.ll.24  ; 
or  one  in  the  place  of  a  son,  Jn.i9.26.  Term 
of  endearment,  iSam.3.6,i6,  Heb. 12.5,6,  iPe. 
5.13,  etc.  Member  of  a  guild,  1K.2O.35  ; 
class  or  order,  Mt.i2.27.  Followed  by  words 
denoting  characteristic,  quality,  etc.,  e.g. 
thunder,  Mk.3.i7  ;  peace,  Lu.'l0.6  ;  light 
or  day,  Jn.i2.36,  iTh.5.5  ;  disobedience, 
Eph.2.2,5.6,  Col. 3. 6.  Connected  with  or  par- 
taking of  a  thing,  e.g.  the  kingdom,  Mt. 
8.12,13.38  ;  and  its  opposite,  this  world, 
Lu.16.8,20.34  ;  the  resurrection,  Lu.2O.36  ; 
perdition,  Jn.l7.i2,  2Th.2.3  ;  Gehenna,  Mt. 
23.15.  Son  of  pledges  (i.e.  hostages),  2K. 
14.14  ;  a  horn  the  son  of  oil  {i.e.  a  fertile 
hill),  Is. 5. 1  ;  son  of  the  bridal  chamber  (i.e. 
bridemen),  Mt.9.15  and  parallels.  Also  of  the 
yomig  of  animals,  Lev.9.2,  Mt.21.5.  Used 
also  to  express  relation  to  God — of  the  Israel- 
ites, Ex. 4. 22,  Ho. 11. 1  ;  of  believers,  Rn.8.14, 
19,  Gal. 3. 26,  etc.  ;  Jesus  Christ,  Mt.l6.i6, 
26.63,  Lu.l.32,4.41,  Jn.l. 49,20.31.  [H.H.] 

Son  of  God.  [God;  Jesus  Christ; 
Incarnation.] 

Son  of  Man.  (i)  Generally,  of  all  de- 
scendants of  Adam  (Job  25.6  ;  Ps.144.3,146. 
3  ;  Is.51.i2,56.2),  and  especially  applied  in 
this  sense  to  Ezekiel,  who  is  thus  addressed  by 
Jehovah  about  80  times.  (2)  Pre-eminently 
to  the  Messiah  (Dan.7.13,  and  of.  Ps.8.4ff.  with 
Heb. 2. 6-8  and  1C0r.i5.27),  and  in  N.T.  applied 
to  Christ  by  Himself  but  only  besides  by  St. 
Stephen  (Ac. 7. 56)  and  in  the  Apocalypse  (Rev. 
1.13,14.14),  if  we  omit  the  question  of  the 
people  in  Jn.i2.34.  For  the  doctrinal  signifi- 
cance, see  Incarnation;  Jesus  Christ,  III. 
(2)  ;  God  ;  Kenosis  ;  and  the  treatment  of  the 
Logos  in  John,  Gospel  of,  and  Philosophy. 

Song-  of  Song-s.     [Canticles.] 

Sons  of  God.  There  are  few  passages 
upon  which  more  strange  and  curious  theories 
have  been  erected  than  upon  Gen.6.1-4.  Not 
a  few  commentators  of  ancient  and  modern 
days  have  maintained  that  "the  sons  of  God" 
(b''n^  hd'elohim,  mentioned  twice,  vv.  2,4,  and  on 
two  other  occasions.  Job  1.6,2.i)  signify  in  those 
four  passages  "the  angels."  The  phrase  "  sons 
of  God"  without  the  article  is  found  in  Job  38.7, 
and  might  (possibly,  though  not  necessarily)  be 
regarded  as  identical  with  the  same  phrase 
with  the  article.  Another  similar  expression, 
b'-tie  'ellm  (Heb.  'el,  Ass\t.  ilu,  God)  occurs  in 
Ps.29. 1,89.6.  That  phrase  is  translated  in 
both  A.V.  and  the  text  of  R.V.  (after  the' ma- 
jority of  ancient  expositors)  by  "  the  mighty  " 
and  "  the  sons  of  the  mighty."  The  Psalmist 
uses  that  expression  to  denote  the  kings  and 
the  mighty  men  of  the  earth.  The  comparison 
of  Ps.97.7  with  Ps.29. 1  confirms  this.  Some 
commentators,  however,  consider  that  angels 
are  there  meant.  In  the  marginal  rendering  of 
R.V.  in  Ps.29. 1  the  phrase  is  rendered  "  sons 
of  God."  Whether  that  rendering  be  correct 
or  not,  the  phrase  is  not  identical  with  that 
used  in  Gen. 6. 2, 4  and  Job  1.6,2.i.  In  Job  38.7 
the  stars  may  be  referred  to  as  "  sons  of  God" 
(h'^ni  'elohim).  For,  in  ver.  28  of  that  chapter, 
God  is  figuratively  referred  to  as  the  Father  of 


SOREK,  VALLEY  OF 


841 


the  rain  and  of  the  dewdrops.  "  The  sons  of 
God  "  whose  intermarriages  with  "  the  daugh- 
ters of  men  "  are  narrated  in  Gen. 6  cannot  have 
been  angels,  for  the  idea  of  fleshly  intercourse 
between  angels  and  earthly  women  is  opposed 
to  the  sobriety  of  the  O.T.  narratives,  though 
the  idea  occurs  in  heathen  mythology.  Our 
Lord's  words  (Mt.22.30,  etc.)  ought  to  be 
decisive  on  the  point.  Such  acts  on  the  part 
of  angels  would  imply  procreative  power.  If, 
however,  the  sons  of  God  in  Gen. 6  were  not 
angelic  beings,  the  phrase  must  indicate  the 
professors  of  religion  in  that  early  time  who 
chiefly  belonged  to  the  family  of  Seth,  while 
the  daughters  of  men  were  women  of  the  family 
of  Cain.  The  two  families  had  long  been 
separated  from  one  another,  probably  owing 
to  the  murder  of  Abel  by  Cain,  but  in  the  days 
of  Enos  they  became  united  before  one  com- 
mon altar.  This  may  be  the  meaning  of  the 
statement,  "Then  it  was  begun  to  call  upon 
the  name  of  Jehovah  "  (Gen. 4. 26).  As  pro- 
fessors of  true  religion  the  Israelites  are  simi- 
larly termed  in  Ho.l.io,  "  the  sons  of  the  living 
God."  Similarlv  Moses  in  Deut.l4.i  ;  cf.  Ps. 
73.15,  Pr.14.26,  Is.1.2,43.6,  Je.3.19.  The 
analogy  of  allj'such  Tpassages  and  of  many 
others  tends  to  prove  that  the  phrase  "the  sons 
of  God,"  both  in  Gen. 6  and  Jobl  and  2,  sim- 
ply signifies  the  professors  of  religion  at  those 
several  periods.  Inasmuch  as  Gen.6.1-4  is  an 
introduction  to  the  history  of  the  flood,  which 
is  afterwards  described  as  a  judgment  upon 
the  ungodly  world,  the  expression  hann'^phUim 
(Gen. 6. 4)  probably  indicates  "  the  apostates  " 
or  the  fallen  away  from  God.  It  is  perfectly 
true  thsit  those  apostates  are  also  styled  the  hag- 
gibbortin,  the  mighty  ones  or  the  Giants.  It  was, 
however,  the  magnitude  of  their  transgression, 
and  not  the  size  of  their  bodily  frames,  that  is 
alluded  to  in  Gen. 6.  The  m'philUn  (A.V.  sons 
of  Anak)  spoken  of  in  Num. 13. 33  appear  to 
have  been  men  of  great  stature,  but  they  are 
not  to  be  identified  with  those  of  Gen. 6,  who  all 
perished  in  the  waters  of  the  deluge,  [c.h.h.w.] 

Soothsayer.     [Divination  ;    Magic] 

Sop  (ypuiixlov),  used  only  of  the  morsel  (prob- 
ably of  unleavened  bread)  which  Christ  dipped 
into  the  dish  and  gave  to  Judas  (Jn. 13. 26,27, 
30).  [w.o.e.o.] 

So'patep  of  Berea  accompanied  St.  Paul  on 
his  return  from  Greece  into  Asia  on  the  third 
missionary  journey  (Ac. 20. 4).     [Sosipater.] 

Sope.     [Soap.] 

Sophe'peth,  a  family  of  the  descendants 
of  Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.55,  R.V.  Hassophereth ; 
Ne.7.57)- 

Sophoni'as  (2Esd.l.4o)  =  ZEPHANiAH,  i. 

Sopeepep.     [Divination  ;    Magic] 

Sopek',  Valley  of  (Judg.16.4),  the'val- 
ley  of  the  "  choice  vine,"  near  the  Philistine 
country,  but  probably  also  near  hills,  since  the 
vine  is  not  "  choice  "  in  the  plains.  Eusebius 
(Onomasticon)  mentions  it  as  connected  with 
a  village  which  Jerome  renders  Caphar-Sorech, 
adding  that  it  was  near  Zorah.  The  ruin 
Stlrik  still  exists  2  miles  W.  of  Sur'ali  (Zorah), 
on  N.  side  of  the  great  valley  Wddy  es  Surdr 
(valley  of  pebbles),  the  boundary  of  Judah 
and  Dan.  The  site  is  that  of  a  village,  with 
spriAgs,  a  cave,  arid  a  sacred  tree  ;   and  a  rock* 


842 


SOSIPATER 


cut  wine-press  proves  ft)rmer  cultivation  of  the 
\ine  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  126).  [c.R.c] 

Sosip'atep. — 1.  A  captain  of  Judas 
Maccabaeus,  who  with  Dositheus  defeated 
and  captured  Tiniotheus  (zMac. 12. 19-24). — 
2.  A  friend  of  St.  Paul,  grouped  with  Lucius 
and  Jason  (R0.I6.21)  as  "my  kinsmen," 
i.e.     fellow- Jews.      Possibly     identical    with 

S0P.\TER     (.\c.2O.4).  [a. CD.] 

So'sthenes. — 1.  Ruler  of  the  synagogue 
in  Corinth  (Ac.l8.17),  in  which  office  he  was 
probably  the  successor  of  Crispus,  who  had 
become  a  convert  to  Christianity  and  had 
been  baptized  by  St.  Paul  (.\c.l8.8  ;  iCor.l. 
14).  This  event  exasperated  the  Jews,  and 
Sosthenes  doubtless  was  chosen  as  their  leader 
by  reason  of  his  strong  anti-Christian  animus. 
With  the  arrival  of  a  new  proconsul,  Gallio, 
it  seemed  to  the  Jews  that  the  opportunity  of 
avenging  Crispus'  defection  had  come,  for  the 
proconsul  would  be  anxious  to  gain  their 
favour,  and  would  not  be  over-scrupulous  as 
to  the  means  employed.  Accordingly,  under 
Sosthenes'  leadership,  they  seized  St.  Paul 
and  dragged  him  to  the  proconsular  court 
(.■Kc.18.i2).  But  Gallio  refused  to  be  their 
tool,  cut  short  their  case,  and  drave  them 
from  the  judgment-seat.  Thereupon  the  by- 
standers, infected  by  his  indignation,  seized 
Sosthenes  and  beat  him,  and  Gallio  did  not 
check  this  summary  retribution. — 2.  "  Sos- 
thenes the  brother  "  is  associated  with  St. 
Paul  in  iCor.l.i.  There  is  little  ground  for 
identifying  him  with  the  ruler  of  the  synagogue, 
thereby  presupposing  the  latter's  conversion. 
The  name  was  common,  and  the  person  here 
mentioned  was  not  at  Corinth  but  at  Ephesus, 
where   iCor.  was  written.  [a.c.d.] 

Sos'tpatus,  a  commander  of  the  Syrian 
garrison  in  the  Acra  at  Jerusalem  in  the  reign 
of  Antiochus  IV.  (c.  172  b.c.  ;   2Mac.4.27,29.) 

Sota'l,  a  family  of  the  descendants  of 
Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.2.55  ;   Ne.7.57). 

Soul,  i.e.  the  self-conscious  centre  of  human 
personality,  is  generally  nephesk  or  n'shdmd 
(lit.  breath),  Gk.  xf/vxr}  {soul)  ;  very  often  riiah 
(lit.  wind  or  breath),  Gk.  irveufxa  (spirit)  ;  fre- 
quently also  lebh  or  lebhdbh,  Gk.  KapSla  {heart). 
It  is  implied  already  in  Gen. 2. 7  that  the 
human  soul  is  an  immaterial  principle,  dis- 
tinct from  the  body,  and  analogous  in  nature 
to  the  divine  essence.  It  is  regarded,  if  not  as 
inherently  immortal,  at  least  as  potentially 
so,  f(jr  to  eat  of  the  tree  of  life  is  evidently 
the  ajipointed  reward  of  faithfulness  under 
probation  ((ien.2,3).  These  great  truths  do 
not  again  become  prominent  till  towards  the 
close  of  the  O.T.  revelation,  nephesk  often 
stands  simply  for  physical  life,  whether  of 
men  or  animals  (44.30  ;  Pr.l2.io),  or  for  a 
living  being  of  any  kind  (Gen. 1.20.24,30  ;  Ezk. 
47.1),  etc.),  or  for  the  seat  of  the  appetites 
(Ps.63.,'),107.9  ;  Pr.25.25),  or  of  the  emotions 
and  passions  (Deut.l2.20,21.i4,  etc.).  At 
other  times  it  means  a  "  person,"  whether 
living  (Pr.11.25,  etc.)  or  dead  (Num. 6.6  ;  Lev. 
21.11;  Hag. 2. 13);  or  is  a  mere  poetical 
substitute  for  a  personal  pronoun  ((ien.49.6  ; 
Num.23. 10  ;  ls.43.4,  etc.).  The  main  scat  of 
the  soul  was  supposed  to  be  the  bhwul,  with 
which  at  times  it  was  apparently  identified 


SOUL 

(Gen. 9.4, 5  ;  Lev.l7. 10-14  I  Deut. 12.23,24).  But 
the  soul  had  other  organs,  the  kidneys,  as  the 
seat  of  affection  and  emotion  (Job.  19.27  ;  Pr- 
23.16;  Je.ll.20,  etc.)  [Reins];  the  bowels 
as  the  seat  of  compassion  (Is.lB.i  1,63.15  ; 
Je.31.20,  etc.)  ;  the  liver  as  the  seat  of  sorrow 
(Lam.2.ii)  ;  but  especially  the  heart,  which, 
as  the  supposed  centre  of  numerous  psychical 
activities,  was  a  recognized  term  for  the  soul. 
In  Daniel  only  is  there  any  hint  of  the  modern 
doctrine  that  the  brain  is  the  sole  or  principal 
organ  of  mind  (Dan. 2. 28,4.10,13,7.1).  The  soul 
was  always  regarded  as  separable  from  the 
body.  For  the  gradual  growth  of  the  teaching 
as  to  the  persistence  of  the  soul  after  the 
death  of  the  body,  see  Future  Life.  During 
the  interval  between  the  two  Testaments,  the 
Jews  came  into  contact  with  Gentile  philo- 
sophy, and  the  result  was  considerable  specu- 
lation upon  the  mysterious  subjects  of  the 
soul's  nature,  origin,  and  destiny.  The 
opinion  of  Plalo  that  the  soul  is  an  imma- 
terial and  indestructible  substance  was  gener- 
ally adopted,  e.g.  by  the  author  of  Wisdom 
(2.23,3.1),  by  Philo,  by  the  Pharisees,  by  the 
Essenes — in  fact,  by  all  Jews  except  perhaps 
the  Sadducees  (Josephus,  18  Ant.  i.  3,  etc. ;  cf. 
Mt. 10. 28, 25. 41, 46).  It  was  also  generally 
held  that  every  human  soul  owes  its  origin  to 
a  special  creative  act  of  God  (Creationism). 
The  opposite  view,  that  it  is  derived  from  the 
parents  (Traducianism,  Generationism),  was 
apparently  unknown  until  the  time  of  Tertul- 
lian  (200  A.D.).  On  other  points  there  was 
less  agreement.  Some,  following  Plato  and 
Philo,  believed  in  the  soul's  eternal  pre- 
existence  (c/.  Wis. 8. 19,  R.V.)  ;  others  (mainly 
orthodox  Rabbis)  in  its  creation  at  the  creation 
of  the  world  {cf.  2Esd.4.35ff. )  ;  others  in  its 
pre-mundane  creation  (Sclavonic  Enoch,  xxiii. 
5)  ;  others  (perhaps  the  majority)  in  its  con- 
creation  with  the  body,  which  is  apparently 
the  doctrine  of  O.T.  (Gen. 2. 7  ;  Is. 44.2, 24, 
49.1-5;  Job31.i5).  A  few  supported  the 
Platonic  speculation  of  metempsychosis  (so 
apparently  Josephus,  3  Wars  viii.  5).  The 
disciples  of  Jesus  were  aware  of  these  discus- 
sions, and  on  one  occasion  asked  Him  whether 
a  certain  man  had  been  born  blind  as  a  penalty 
for  sins  committed  in  a  former  state  of  ex- 
istence (Jn.9.2).  The  N.T.,  as  distinguished 
trom  the  Old,  regards  the  soul  primarily  as 
an  object  of  salvation  (Heb.l3.i7;  iPe.2. 
11,25;  Jas.l.2i,5.2o;  3jn.2,  etc.).  According 
to  our  Lord's  teaching,  the  soul  being  a  man's 
inmost  self,  and  inherently  immortal  (Mt.lO. 
28),  is  precious  beyond  all  price.  Nothing  can 
be  accepted  in  exchange  for  it,  and  the  gain 
of  the  whole  world  will  not  compensate  for 
its  loss  (16. 26).  This  truth  is  driven  home  in 
the  awful  parable  ol  the  Rich  Fool  (Lu.l2.i6). 
The  gospels  contain  much  about  the  gain 
and  loss  of  the  soul,  generally  with  a  play 
upon  the  double  meaning  of  ^I'x^  C'/f  or 
soul).  Most  of  these  I'assages  take  the 
ff>rm  of  exhortations  to  martyrdom,  literal  or 
metaphorical  {e.g.  Mt.lO. 39  ;  see  also  16. 25  ; 
Lu.17.33  ;  Jn. 12.25).  Except  in  the  Pauline 
epistles,  there  is  practically  no  distinction 
of  meaning  between  "soul"  and  "spirit." 
I  [Spirit.)  Jesus,  as  perfect  man,  possessed 
I  both    "  soul  "    and   "  spirit."      His    "  soul  " 


SOUTH  RAMOTH 

became  an  atoning  sacrifice  for  sin  (Mt.20.28), 
was  troubled  (Jn.i2.27),  and  was  exceeding 
sorrowful  (Mt.26.38).  His  human  "  spirit  " 
groaned  or  was  angry  (Jn.ll.33),  was  troubled 
(13.21),  was  commended  to  God  (Lu.23.46), 
and  was  yielded  up  (Mt.27.5o  ;  Jn.i9.30). 
[Incarnation.]  After  death  It  descended  to 
Hades,  and  there  preached  to  the  disobedient 
spirits  in  prison  (iPe.3.18,19  ;  cf.  Eph.4.9), 
visiting  also,  we  infer  from  Lu.23.43,  that 
compartment  of  Hades  which  is  reserved  for 
the  spirits  of  the  just.  [Paradise.]  Our 
Lord's  teaching  recognized  an  intermediate 
state  of  the  soul  between  death  and  final 
judgment — of  bliss  in  the  case  of  the  right- 
teous,  and  of  misery  in  the  case  of  the  un- 
righteous (Lu.l6.19ff.).  Whether  the  punish- 
ments of  this  state  are  remedial,  or  vindictive 
only,  has  been  keenly  debated.  The  present 
tendency  of  criticism  is  to  regard  them  as 
remedial,  and  to  postulate  change  and  spiritual 
development  in  the  intermediate  state  as  at 
least  possible.  Scripture  regards  the  dis- 
embodied state  of  the  soul  as  imperfect  and 
provisional.  At  the  last  day  the  unclothed 
soul  will  be  "  clothed  upon  "  with  a  spiritual 
body  (2 Cor. 5. iff.),  and  will  then  enter  upon 
its  eternal  reward.  [Future  Life;  Eschat- 
OLOGY.]  F.  Delitzsch,  Syst.  d.  bibl.  Psychol. 
(E.T.  1867)  ;  Laidlaw,  Bible  Doct.  of  Man  ; 
W.  R.  Alger,  Datiny  of  the  Soul  ;  Welldon, 
Hope  of  Immortality  ;  J.  B.  Heard,  The 
Tripartite  Nature  of  Man.  [c.h.] 

South  Ramoth',  a  place  frequented  by 
David  and  his  outlaws  during  the  latter  part 
of  Saul's  life  (1Sam.3O.27).     [Baal,  geogr.  i.] 

Sow.     [Swine.] 

Sowrep,  Sowing:.  The  Egyptian  paint- 
ings furnish  many  illustrations  of  the  mode 
in  which  sowing  was  conducted.  The  sower 
held  the  vessel  or  basket  containing  the  seed  in 
his  left  hand,  while  with  his  right  he  scattered 
the  seed  broadcast.  The  "  drawing  out " 
(or  "bearing  forth,"  R.V.)  of  the  seed  is 
noticed  in  Ps.126.6  (cf.  A.V.  marg.),  and 
'■  sowing  "  in  Am. 9.13.  In  wet  soils  the  seed 
was  trodden  in  by  the  feet  of  animals  (Is. 32. 20). 
The  sowing  season  commenced  in  October 
and  continued  to  the  end  of  February.  The 
Mosaic  law  prohibited  the  sowing  of  mixed 
seed  (Lev.i9.19  ;  Deut.22.9).  The  ancient 
method  of  hand-sowing  remains  unchanged 
in  Palestine  to-day  (Mt.13.3)-  [c.r.c] 

Spain.  The  Lat.  form  of  this  name  is  re- 
presented by  the  lairavla  of  iMac.8.3  (where, 
however,  some  copies  exhibit  the  Gk.  form), 
and  the  Gk.  by  the  llwavla  of  Ro.15.24,2,8. 
These  passages  contain  all  the  Biblical  notices 
of  Spain.  The  mere  intention  of  St.  Paul  to 
visit  Spain  implies  the  establishment  of  a  Chris- 
tian community  there,  possibly  by  means  of 
Hellenistic  Jewish  residents,  and  this  early 
introduction  of  Christianity  is  attested  by 
Irenaeus  (i.  3)  and  Tertullian  (adv.  Jud.  7). 

Span.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Spaprov/'  (Heb.  cippor).  The  Heb. 
word,  which  occurs  forty  times  in  O.T.,  is  in 
all  passages  except  two  rendered  by  A.V. 
indifferently  "  bird  "  or  "  fowl  "  ;  but  in  Ps. 
84.3  and  102.7  it  is  translated  "  sparrow." 
The  Gk.  arpovdlov  (A.V.  sparrow)  occurs 
twice  in  N.T-.  Mt.lO.sg  and  Lu.l 3.6,7,  where 


SPARTA 


843 


the  Vulg.  has  passeres.  fippor,  from  a  root 
signifying  to  "chirp"  or  "twitter,"  appears 
to  be  an  onomatopoetic  title  for  small  birds  in 
general,  especially  those  of  the  perching  order 
(Passeres).  The  house-sparrow  (Passer  domes- 
ticiis)  has  been  introduced  into  the  Holy  Land, 
where  there  also  occur  the  allied  P.  cisalpinus 
and  P.  salicarius,  while  the  tree-sparrow  (P. 
montanus)  is  also  common  ;  but  it  is  not  to  be 
assumed  that  any  one  of  these  is  specially 
alluded  to  in  Scripture.  Palestine  abounds  in 
small  perching  birds,  many  of  which  are 
now,  as  in  Jewish  times,  sold  as  food  in  the 
markets.  One  species  only  may  be  identified 
with  probability — viz.  that  alluded  to  in 
Ps.102.7  as  "  the  sparrow  that  sitteth  alone 
upon  the  housetop,"  which  may  be  the  blue 
rock-thrush     (Monticola    cyaneus).       This    is 


THE  BLUE  THRUSH  (Monticola  cyanens). 

a  solitary  bird,  eschewing  the  society  of  its 
own  species,  of  which  rarely  more  than  a  pair 
are  seen  together.  There  are  but  two  allusions 
to  the  singing  of  birds  in  Scripture,  viz. 
Ec.12.4  and  Ps.104.i2.  As  the  psalmist  is 
referring  to  the  sides  of  streams  and  rivers,  he 
may  have  had  in  his  mind  the  Palestine  bulbul 
(Pycnonotus  xanthopygius).  The  "  bulbul  "  of 
the  Persian  and  Arabian  poets  is  probably  the 
eastern  nightingale  (Daulias  hafizi).      [r.l.] 

Spapta  (iMac.l4.i6 ;  but  in  2Mac.5.9, 
Lacedemonians).  In  the  history  of  the 
Hasmonaeans  mention  is  made  of  a  remarkable 
correspondence  between  the  Jews  and  the 
Spartans,  which  has  been  the  subject  of  much 
discussion.  When  Jonathan  endeavoured  to 
strengthen  his  government  by  foreign  alliances 
(c.  144  B.C.),  he  sent  to  Sparta  to  renew  a 
friendly  intercourse  which  had  been  begun  at 
an  earlier  time  between  Areus  and  Onias,  on 
the  ground  of  their  common  descent  from 
Abraham  (1Mac.i2.5-23).  The  embassy  was 
favourably  received,  and  after  the  death  of 
Jonathan  "the  friendship  and  league"  was 
renewed  with  Simon  (iMac.l4. 16-23).  Several 
questions  arise  out  of  these  statements  as  to 
(i)  the  people  described  under  the  name 
Spartans,   (2)  the   relationship   of   the   Jews 


844 


SPEAR 


and  Spartans,  (3)  the  historic  character  of 
the  events,  and  (4)  the  persons  referred  to 
under  the  names  Onias  and  Areus.  (i)  The 
whole  context  of  the  passage,  as  well  as  the 
independent  reference  to  the  connexion  of 
the  "  Lacedemonians  "  and  Jews  in  2Mac.5. 
9,  seem  to  prove  clearly  that  the  reference  is 
to  the  Spartans,  properly  so-called.  (2)  The 
actual  relationship  of  the  Jews  and  Spartans 
(aMac.S.g)  is  an  ethnological  error,  the  origin 
of  which  it  is  difficult  to  trace.  Possibly 
the  Jews  regarded  the  Spartans  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Pelasgi,  the  supposed  descend- 
ants of  Peleg  the  son  of  Eber.  It  is  certain, 
from  an  independent  passage,  that  a  Jewish 
colony  existed  at  Sparta  at  an  early  time  ( i  Mac. 
15.23).  (3)  The  incorrectness  of  the  opinion 
on  which  the  intercourse  was  based  is  obviously 
no  objection  to  the  fact  of  the  intercourse  it- 
self. But  it  is  further  urged  that  the  letters 
betray  their  fictitious  origin  negatively  by  the 
absence  of  characteristic  forms  of  expression, 
and  positively  by  actual  inaccuracies.  To 
this  it  may  be  replied  that  the  Spartan  letters 
(iMac.12.20-23,14.20-23)  are  extremely  brief, 
and  exist  only  in  a  translation  of  a  translation, 
so  that  it  is  unreasonable  to  expect  that  any 
Doric  peculiarities  should  have  been  preserved  ; 
and  the  absence  of  the  name  of  the  second 
king  of  Sparta  in  the  first  letter  (iMac.l2.2o), 
and  of  both  kings  in  the  second  (iMac.l4.2o), 
is  probably  to  be  explained  by  the  political 
circumstances  under  which  the  letters  were 
written.  (4)  The  difficulty  of  fixing  the  date 
of  the  first  correspondence  is  increased  by  the 
recurrence  of  the  names  involved.  Two 
kings  bore  the  name  Areus,  one  of  whom 
reigned  309-265  b.c,  and  the  other,  his  grand- 
son, died  257  B.C.,  being  only  eight  years  old. 
The  same  name  was  also  borne  by  an  ad- 
venturer, who  occupied  a  prominent  position 
at  Sparta,  c.  184  b.c  In  Judaea,  again, 
three  high-priests  bore  the  name  Onias,  the 
first  of  whom  held  office  330-309  b.c.  (or 
300)  ;  the  second  240-226  b.c  ;  and  the  third 
c.  198-171  B.C.  Josephus  is  probablv  correct 
in  fixing  the  event  in  the  time  of  Onias  III. 

Speap.     [Arms,  Offensive,  (3).] 

Speapmen.  The  word  thus  rendered  in 
A.V.  (.•\c.23.23)  is  of  very  rare  occurrence,  and 
its  meaning  is  extremely  obscure.  Two 
hundred  Se^ioXd/ioi  formed  part  of  the  escort  of 
St.  Paul  in  the  night-march  from  Jerusalem  to 
Caesarea.  They  are  clearly  distinguished  both 
from  the  heavy-armed  legionaries,  who  only 
went  as  far  as  Antipatris,  and  from  the  cavalry, 
who  continued  the  journey  to  Caesarea.  As 
nothing  is  said  of  the  return  of  the  5ettoXd/iot  to 
Jerusalem  after  their  arrival  at  Antipatris,  we 
may  infer  that  they  accompanied  the  cavalry  to 
Caesarea,  and  this  strengthens  the  supposition 
that  they  were  irregular  light-armed  troops 
able  to  ke(-p  pace  with  mounted  soldiers. 

Speckled  bipd  (Je.12.9).     [Hyena.] 

Spelt.     [RiE  ;    Bread.] 

Spice,  Spices.  Under  this  head  we  shall 
notice  the  Hel).  words  hdsdin,  wklwth,  and  sam- 
mim.  (i)  bdsclin,  be.sem,  or  bosem  ;  bdsdm, 
which  occurs  only  in  Can. 5. 1,  "  I  have  gathered 
my  myrrh  with  my  spice,"  points  apparently 
to  some  definite  substance.  I'^lsowhere,  in- 
cludiag  1.13,6.2  (bosem),  the  words  refer  more 


SPICE,  SPICES 

generally  to  sweet  aromatic  odours,  the  princi- 
pal being  that  of  the  balsam,  or  balm  of  Gilead ; 
the  tree  which  yields  this  is  now  generally  ad- 
mitted to  be  the  Amyris  (Balsamodendron)  opo- 
balsamum  ;  though  it  is  probable  that  other 
species    of   Amyridaceae    are    included.     The 


HAI.SAM  OF  GILHAD  (Atnyris  GikodtHsis). 

identity  of  the  Heb.  name  with  the  Arab,  hash- 
am  or  balasdn  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  sub- 
stances are  identical.  The  forms  besem  aad 
bosem,  which  frequently  occur  in  O.T.,  are  well 
represented  by  the  general  term  "  spices  "  or 
"  sweet  odours,"  as  in  the  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
The  balm  of  Gilead  tree  grows  in  some  parts  of 
Arabia  and  Africa,  and  is  seldom  more  than 
15  ft.  high,  with  straggling  branches  and  scanty 
foliage.  The  balsana  is  chiefly  obtained  from 
incisions  in  the  bark,  but  also  ifrom  the  berries. 
[Balm.]  (2)  wkhoth  (Gen.37.25,43.ii).  The 
most  probable  explanation  refers  this  word  to 
the  Arab,  naka'ath.  i.e.  "the  gum  obtained  from 
the  Tragacanth  "  {Astrai^alns).  The  gum  is  a 
natural  exudation  from  the  trunk  and  branches. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  tvkhdthdin  2 K. 20. 13,  Is. 
39.2,  denotes  spice  of  any  kind.  A.V.  and  R.V. 
read  in  the  text  "  the  house  of  his  precious 
things,"  marg.  "spicery."  [Stacte.]  (3)  sum- 
mim.  A  general  term  to  denote  the  aromatic 
substances  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  an- 
ointing oil,  the  incense  offerings,  etc.  [Aloes  ; 
Frankincense;  Mvrrii,  etc]  (4)  (ik.  d/uwyuoi' 
(Revisers'  te.xt  and  R.V.  marg.  Rev.l8.13), 
mentioned  among  the  merchandise  of  Babylon. 
A  spice  that  cannot  be  specifically  identified 
amongst  the  ancients,  and  which  was  vaguely 
referred  to  in  later  times  as  used  by  the 
Romans  in  preparing  an  unguent  for  futu-ral 
rites  and  for  the  hair  (<;/.  Pliuy,  »ii.  13,  *iii.  1), 


SPIBEE, 

Spider,  the  translation  in  A.V.  of  the 
Heb.  words  'akkdbhish  and  s''mdmith.  The 
former  occurs  in  Job 8.14  and  in  Is. 59-5,  and  is 
correctly  rendered.  As  to  s''mdmith  (Pr.3O.28), 
it  is  uncertain  whether  it  indicates  a  gecko 
[Lizard],  or  whether  the  A.V.  translation  is 
not  correct,  the  way  in  which  the  spider  uses 
its  feet  as  it  runs  over  its  web  being  such  as 
almost  to  justify  the  application  of  the  word 
"hands"  to  its  limbs.  [r.l.] 

Spikenard  (Heb.  nerd,  Gk.  vdpbos  irLariKri, 
Can. 1.12, 4.13,14  ;  Mk.14.3  ;  Jn.12.3).  The 
ointment  with  which  our  Lord  was  anointed  as 
He  sat  at  meat  in  Simon's  house  at  Bethany 
consisted  of  this  precious  substance,  the  costli- 
ness of  which  aroused  the  indignant  surprise  of 
some  of  the  witnesses.  Pliny  says,  "  The  spike 
[of  the  good,  syncere  and  true  Nard]  carrieth 
the  price  of  an  hundred  Romane  deniers  the 
pound."   C/.  Jn.12.5.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 


SPIRIT,  HOLY 


845 


SPIKENARD. 

Arab,  sunbul  el  Hind  or  "  Indian  spike,"  also 
called  nardin,  and  the  Hindu  jatamansee  are 
equivalents  of  the  Gk.  nardos  This  plant, 
called  Nardostachys  jatamansi  by  De  Candolle, 
is  evidently  the  nardos  described  by  Dioscorides 
(i.  6) under  the  name  •yayytri.s,  i-e.  "the  Ganges 
nard."  Pliny  says  of  the  plant,  "  Growing 
along  the  river  Ganges  [it  is]  condemned  alto- 
gether as  good  for  nothing,"  but  that  "  Nardus 
coming  from  Syria  is  esteemed  best."  Further, 
"  To  quicken  and  fortify  the  sent  of  all  these 
ointments  there  must  no  spare  bee  made  of 
Costus  and  Amomum"  (xii.  i2,xiii.  i).  Nard 
hasbeen  fully  discussed  in  Paxton's  Illustrations 
of  Holy  Scriptwe.  and  elsewhere.  [h.c.h.] 
Spinning-.  [Handicrafts,  (6).] 
Spirit  (the  human),  rUah,  Trvevfia.  (i) 
Usually  a  synonym  for  Soul.  (2)  Sometimes 
the  inspired  human  spirit  of  a  prophet  (Num. 
27.18;  2K.2.15  ;  Is.29.io  ;  Num.2.ii  ;  Zech. 
13.2).  (3)  In  the  Pauline  epistles,  "  spirit  " 
(TTveu/jia)  is  distinguished  from  "soul"  {^vxrDt 
and  even  contrasted.     There  "  soul  "  is  the 


principle  of  life  of  the  natural  man  ;  "  spirit  " 
is  the  principle  of  supernatural  life  as  mani- 
fested in  the  regenerate  Christian.  Hence 
the  derivative  i/'ux'^'os  (lit-  soulish)  is  used 
in  a  depreciatory  and  even  a  bad  sense  (iCor. 
12.14,15.44;  Jas.3.15  ;  Ju.19).  "  Spirit  "  in 
St.  Paul  stands  for  the  highest  religious  facul- 
ties of  the  human  soul  as  quickened  and  in- 
fluenced by  the  indwelling  Spirit  of  God,  and 
as  contrasted  with  "  flesh."  (4)  St.  Paul's 
analysis  of  man  into  spirit,  soul,  and  body 
(iTh.5.23  ;  cf.  Heb. 4.12)  does  not  imply  (as 
some  have  supposed)  a  metaphysical  tricho- 
tomy of  man  into  three  distinct  substances. 
The  Bible  generally,  and  the  gospels  in  par- 
ticular, favour  a  dichotomy — body  and  soul 
[or  spirit).  St.  Paul  in  iTh.5.23  is  only 
affirming  strongly  the  salvability  of  the  whole 
man — his  body  {aQ/j.a),  his  vital,  sensitive,  and 
intellectual  faculties  ('/'I'X'?),  and  his  spiritual 
faculties  (Trvev/j-a).  ^I'xv  and  irveufia,  when  not 
synonyms,  are  simply  different  faculties  of  one 
spiritual  substance.  [c.h.] 

Spirit,  Holy.  Belief  in  the  Holy  Spirit 
ultimately  depends  on  Jesus  Christ,  (i)  The 
Revelation  as  to  His  Person.  Our  Lord  filled 
the  doctrine  of  the  Fatherhood  of  God  with 
new  contents,  by  revealing  that  beside  the 
Father  existed  the  Son.  The  magnitude  of 
this  conception  required  the  central  place  in 
His  teaching  of  the  Twelve.  He  also  pro- 
claimed, chiefly  toward  the  close  of  His 
ministry,  the  Spirit.  The  term,  like  that  of 
Fatherhood,  was  not  new,  but  derived  from 
O.T.  (cf.  Gen.1.2;  Job 33.4;  Ps.51.li;  Is.11.2, 
63.10),  and  was  quite  familiar  to  our  Lord's 
contemporaries  (Lu. 1.15,35, 41, 67,2. 25  ;  Mt.4. 
i),  but  was  filled  by  Him  with  vastly  deeper 
meaning.  He  spoke  occasionally  of  the  Spirit 
in  the  earlier  part  of  His  ministry  (Mt.lO.20  ; 
Mk.3.29  and  parallels,  13.2;  Lu.4.i8[Is.61.i], 
11.13,12.12  ;  but  in  the  last  instructions  to  the 
Twelve,  precisely  where  it  must  have  come  if 
it  was  to  come  at  all,  He  g:ave  the  plainest  ex- 
plicit teaching  on  the  subject  (Jn. 14. 16, 26, 15. 
26,18.7,13).  This  revelation  declares  the 
personality  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  His  rela- 
tionship to  the  Father  and  the  Son.  The 
Spirit  proceeds  from  the  Father  (Jn.15.26); 
He  is  also  from  the  Son  (14.26).  We  now  hear 
for  the  first  time  the  triple  phraseology,  thence- 
forward familiar  in  Christendom  (Jn. 14. 26, 15. 
26).  After  the  Resurrection  these  instruc- 
tions were  resumed  and  completed  (Jn.2O.22  ; 
Ac.1.5  ;  Mt. 28.19,  Baptismal  formula).  On 
the  basis  of  this  Revelation  the  apostles  de- 
veloped a  doctrine  of  the  personality  of  the 
Spirit.  We  find  in  the  epistles  two  divine 
names  rather  than  three  (e.g.  iCor.1.3).  This 
is  not  "  a  maimed  Trinitarianism  "  ;  for,  as 
has  been  truly  said  (Moberly,  Atonement  and 
Personality,  p.  192),  the  apostle  is  not  con- 
cerned with  speculation  on  God  in  Himself,  but 
rather  with  God  as  revealed  in  Incarnation. 
But  the  epistles  also  constantly  name  the 
Holy  Spirit  (e.g.  1C0r.i2.1-13,  eleven  times  in 
thirteen  verses ;  cf.  R0.8),  and  relate  Him  to 
the  Father  and  the  Son.  Sometimes  the 
Spirit  is  described  as  an  influence,  sometimes 
as  a  Person.  The  two  are  in  no  sense  contra- 
dictory, but  supplementary.  Regarded  in  His 
gifts  and  manward  effect,  the  impersonal  is  a 


846 


SPIRIT,  HOLY 


quite  natural  expression  ;  regarded  in  Him- 
self, the  other  is.  He  is  to  St.  Paul  essentially 
a  personal  activity.  No  personification  will 
account  for  iCor.l2.ii.  The  analogy  be- 
tween the  spirit  of  man  and  the  Spirit  of  God 
(2.10  ff. )  involves  the  personality  of  each,  and 
therefore  the  divinity  of  the  latter,  although  it 
would  not  necessarily  imply  distinction  from 
the  Father,  which  is,  however,  given  in  the 
phrase  "  God  hath  revealed  them  unto  us  by 
His  Spirit  "  (c/.  Heb.l.1,2,  "  God  .  .  .  hath 
.  .  .  spoken  unto  us  by  His  Son ").  The 
separation  of  the  Persons  in  both  instances  is 
manifest.  For  the  distinctness,  yet  insepar- 
able union,  see  2C0r.i3.14  :  Love  which  is  the 
cause  of  redemption,  Grace  which  is  the 
means.  Communion  which  is  the  effect  ;  and 
these  ascribed  to  the  distinct  yet  united  Three 
(c/.  Pfleiderer,  Paulinism,  i  202).  How  St. 
Paul  co-ordinated  this  with  his  hereditary 
monotheism  is  a  matter  of  modern  inquiry. 
That  he  did  is  certain.  It  is  explicable  by  the 
overwhelming  force  of  the  New  Revelation. 
The  reduction  of  the  Three  Who  are  One,  in 
2C0r.i3.14,  to  a  solitary  Deity,  a  Man,  and  a 
Metaphor,  is  utterly  alien  to  apostolic  thought, 
and  reads  into  the  language  the  notions 
of  a  different  religion.  Cf.  also  Ac.16.6,7, 10, 
"  Having  been  forbidden  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to 
speak  the  word  in  Asia.  .  .  .  the  Spirit  of 
/esMS  suffered  them  not.  .  .  .  concluding  that 
God  had  called  us."  (See  further  Gal. 4.6  ; 
Eph. 1.17,2. 18  ;  and  Armitage-Robinson  on 
Ephesians.)  He  is  interchangeably  the  Spirit 
of  God  and  the  Spirit  of  Christ  (Ro.8.9).  This 
association  of  the  Spirit  with  the  Father  and 
Son  is  due  to  the  Christian  experience  [of.  Eph. 
2.18;  iCor.6.11 ;  and  Dorner,  Person  of  Christ, 
app.  to  Eng.  transl. ).  (2)  The  Work  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Our  Lord,  while  revealing  the  Spirit's 
personality  and  relation  to  the  Father,  at  the 
same  time  indicated  His  work.  And  from  these 
data  are  derived  the  fuller  apostolic  teachings. 
That  work  is  to  be  found  (i)  In  the  Incarnation. 
It  is  through  Him  that  Christ's  human  nature 
is  constituted  (Mt. 1.18,20  ;  Lu.l.35).  His 
Baptism  (Lu.3.22),  Temptation  (4.i),  miracles 
(4. 18),  mission  in  general  {ib.),  sacrifice 
(Heb.9.14),  resurrection  (R0.8.11),  are  all 
guided,  controlled,  or  effected  by  the  Holy 
Spirit  (cf.  Lux  Mundi,  p.  321,  and  Ac.lO.38J. 
(ii)  In  the  Church  of  which  He  is  the  Founder 
{cf.  Ac. 2).  Incorporation  into  the  Body  of 
Christ  is  His  work  (1C0r.i2.13).  It  is  the 
Spirit  Who  constitutes  the  validity  of  the 
Sacraments  ;  and  bestows  official  gifts  for 
ministration  in  the  Body  of  Christ  (I2.3-10  ; 
all  these  are  official  powers,  not  personal 
graces),  e.g.  the  power  to  absolve  (Jn.20), 
which  is  also  His  gift.  The  apostles  could  not 
by  their  own  power  forgive  sins — but  only 
"  in  virtue  of  a  divine  commission  "  (Schmid, 
Hibl.  Theol.  N.T.,  154).  Thus  He  consecrates 
individuals,  and  enables  them  for  particular 
functions  relatively  to  the  community  (Ac. 
20.28).  The  communication  ot  Truth  seems 
to  be  to  the  community  rather  than  to  the 
individual,  or  to  the  individual  as  within  the 
comnuiiiity  (cf.  iCor.2. 10).  Thus  tiie  action 
of  the  Spirit  on  the  Church  is  distinguished 
from  His  action  on  the  world  (Jn. 14.26,16.8). 
His  influence  on    the  apostles    (14.26)  is  col- 


SPIRIT,  HOLY 

lective,  as  representing  the  Body  of  Christ, 
rather  than  individual.  Thus  the  Church  is 
enabled  to  understand  the  contents  of  Revela- 
tion (14.26,16.13).  (iii)  In  the  Individual.  He 
is  the  Giver  of  Life  (3.6,8,6.63)  and  of  Faith 
(iCor.12.3).  His  appeal  to  conscience  (Ro. 
8.16),  guidance  (8.14),  power  of  inspiring 
love  (5.5),  indwelling  (iCor.3.i6),  are  in- 
stances of  His  sanctifying  work.  He  effects 
the  resurrection,  both  moral  and  physical,  of 
the  believer  (R0.8.9-11).  His  work  in  the 
individual  may  be  considered  in  two  aspects : 
(a)  Intellectual,  as  enlightenment.  He  is  the 
Spirit  of  Truth  (Jn. 14.17,26,16.13),  contrasted 
with  the  spirit  of  error  (ijn.4.6).  He  enables 
the  individual  mind  to  assimilate  and  value 
the  collective  Faith  of  the  community  (iCor. 
2.15  ;  iJn.2.20-27).  The  sentences  "  He  that 
is  spiritual  discerneth  all  things,"  and  "  Ye 
have  an  unction  from  the  Holy  One,"  and 
"  Ye  need  not  that  any  man  teach  vou," 
do  not  isolate  the  individual  from  the  com- 
munity, still  less  render  him  superior  to  it  ; 
rather  within  its  precincts,  assimilating  its 
traditions,  does  he  secure  this  enlightenment. 
At  the  same  time  this  enlightenment  is  an 
individual  possession,  wherein  each  will  differ 
in  degree  (iCor.l2.ii).  (b)  The  Holy  Spirit 
not  only  enlightens  but  invigorates  the  entire 
personality.  This  often-neglected  truth  is 
profoundly  scriptural.  Corresponding  to  the 
two  main  human  defects  of  ignorance  and 
weakness  are  the  two  main  gifts  of  the  Spirit, 
enlightenment  and  strength  (Ro.8.26  ;  2Cor. 
7.1;  Eph. 3.16;  2Th.2.i3).  It  is  the  work  of 
the  Spirit  to  impart  to  the  individual  the 
spiritual  principle  of  the  glorified  manhood  of 
Jesus.  This  is  the  ultimate  purpose  of  Chris- 
tianity and  its  crowning  distinction.  Of  this 
the  Sacraments  are  instances  and  instruments. 
St.  Paul's  antithesis  between  the  letter  and 
the  spirit  (2Cor.3.6)  is  his  magnificent  witness 
to  personal  experience  of  the  Holy  Spirit's 
power.  Where  the  letter  of  the  law,  or 
moral  ideal,  uttered  ineffective  commands, 
but  could  not  enable  to  compliance,  the  in- 
vigorating force  of  the  Spirit  rendered  obedi- 
ence possible  (see  St.  Augustine's  treatise  De 
Spiritu  et  Littera  ;  Scott  Holland,  Creed  and 
Character  ;  Gore,  Body  of  Christ).  The  pre- 
sence of  the  Holy  Spirit  is  not  a  substitute  for 
the  presence  of  Christ,  but  the  means  whereby 
tlic  latter  is  secured.  The  Spirit  does  not 
replace  an  absent  Christ,  but  perpetuates 
Christ's  living  presence.  His  work  is  to  re- 
produce Christ's  character  in  the  individual 
believer,  by  the  infusion  of  Christ's  nature. 
Hence  His  work  waited  until  our  Lord  was 
gloriliod  (Jn.7.3()).  The  Cinirch's  doctrine  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  is  confirmed  negatively  by  the 
perplexities  to  which  thought  is  reduced  in  any 
endeavour  to  explain  the  Scripture  data  on  a 
unitarian  basis.  It  ougiit  to  be  remembered 
that  the  relation  of  Divine  will  and  power 
to  human  independence  is  not  a  problem 
created  by  Christianity,  but  inherent  in  every 
conception  of  Deity.  We  cannot  analyse 
completely  even  a  human  personal  influence 
upon  another.  The  study  of  psychology  may 
be  yet  in  its  infancy.  It  lias  already  opened 
out  hitherto  unsuspected  realms  of  possible 
suggestiveness.     And    no    difficulties    in    ex- 


SPOIL 

plaining  the  action  of  Grace  are  inconsistent 
with  belief  in  the  reality  of  such  action  ;   more 
especially  where  the  necessity  for  some  higher 
invigorating    power    to   secure  man's    moral 
uplifting  is  frankly  acknowledged,    (iv)   In  the 
Scriptures.     Whether   the   N.T.    writers    con- 
sciously set  their  writings  on  a  level  with  the 
older  "  Scriptures  inspired  of  God  "  (2Tim.3. 
i6)  or  anticipated  the  position  to  be  accorded 
to  them  in  Christendom,  at  any  rate  the  writ- 
ings  are  products   of  the   Spirit,   within   the 
Church,  and  for  the  Church.     Consciousness  of 
His  guidance  is  expressed  in  iCor.7.40,  where 
the  humility  of  the  phrase  should  not  conceal 
the     grandeur     of     the     implication.     Local 
churches   which  received   the    epistles    must 
have  utilized  them  as  standards  whereby  the 
Church's  convictions  must  be  tried  and  tested 
(e.g.  Corinth ;  cf.  the  appeal  of  St.  Clement  of 
Rome  to  them  to  bring  themselves  into  closer 
conformity  with  the  principles  therein  defined). 
If  the  work  of  the  Spirit  was  to  recall  to  apos- 
tolic recollection  the  data  of  Revelation,  and 
to  mature  their  insight  into  its  deep  signifi- 
cance (Jn.14.26),   then  the  permanent  record 
and  expression  of  the  apostolic  experience  and 
conclusions   must    necessarily   remain   as   the 
divine  standard  by  which  every  generation  of 
the  Church  is  to  test   its  own  development. 
This  shows  the  constant  and  lofty  position  held 
by  the  idea  of  the  Spirit  in  the  consciousness  of 
the  apostolic  Church.     To  be  without  a  know- 
ledge of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  to  be  destitute 
of  one  of  the  first    essentials  of    Christianity 
{cf.  Ac. 19. 2-6).     To  experience  His  grace  was 
their  eager  expectation  (11. 16),  and  then  their 
indescribable    blessing     (ijn.3.24,41.13).     (3) 
The  Doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit  has  had  a  his- 
tory, beyond  the  apostolic  expression  of  it,  in 
its  assimilation  and  development  in  the  Church. 
This  reflection  of  the  Christian  consciousness  is 
a  product  of  the  apostolic  expression  and  its 
completion.     It  was  natural  that  our  Lord's 
divinity  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation 
should  occupy  both  the  believing  and  the  in- 
credulous mind  before  either  could  advance  to 
study  the  doctrine  of    the  Holy  Spirit.     The 
Nicene  definition,  while  precise  as  to  the  con- 
substantiality  of  the  Son,  left  the  Doctrine  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  almost  undefined.     The  clauses 
explanatory  of  His  Person  and  work  are  of  a 
later  date.     The  denial  by  the  Macedonians  of 
His  divinity  led  to  deeper  study  and   fuller 
expression  of  the  orthodox  faith.    Treatises  on 
the  Holy  Spirit  only  began  to  appear  near  the 
close  of  the  4th  cent.  {e.g.  St.  Basil,  On  the  Holy 
Spirit,   374).     See   further  the    art.   in    Pear- 
son, On  the  Creed  ;    Bp.  Moberly,  On  the  Ad- 
ministration of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Bampton  Lect. 
1868)  ;   art.    on  Holy  Spirit  in  Lux   Mundi  \ 
chapter  on  Holy  Spirit  in  Moberly,  Atonement 
and   Personality  ;    Newton  Clarke,  Outlines  of 
Christian    Theology,    pt    v.  ;     Masterman,    / 
Believe  in  the  Holy  Ghost  ;    Walpole,  Mission 
of  Holy  Spirit ;  Hutchings,  Person  and  Work 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  (4th  ed.  1893).       [w.j.s.s.] 

Spoil.     [Booty.] 

Spouse.     [Marriage.] 

Spungre  (R.V.  sponge),  though  abundant 
in  the  Mediterranean,  is  mentioned  only  in 
N.T.  (Mt.27.48=Mk.l5.36;    Jn.i9.29). 

Sta'chys,  a    Christian   at    Rome,   saluted 


STAR  OP  THE  WISE  MEN     847 

by  St.  Paul  (R0.I6.9).  Tradition  makes 
him  afterwards  Bp.  of  Byzantium  for  16  years 
(H.E.  viii.  6).  The  name  occurs  in  inscriptions 
of  Caesar's  household. 

Stacte  (Heb.  ndtdph),  one  of  the  sweet 
spices  which  composed  the  holy  incense  (see 
Ex. 30.34).  The  Heb.  word  occiurs  again  in  Job 
36.27  to  denote  "drops  of  water."  Rosen- 
miiller  identifies  the  ndtdph  with  the  gum  of 
the  storax  tree  (Styrax  officinale),  but  all  that 
is  positively  known  is  that  it  signifies  an  odor- 
ous distillation  from  some  plant.  Storax  in 
Ecclus.24.15  is  a  sweet  perfume.  It  has  also 
been  suggested  as  the  translation  of  n'khoth. 
[Spices.]  Pliny  says  it  was  abundant  in  Syria 
and  used  by  the  Arabs  in  their  houses  to  correct 
ill  smells.     [Galbanum;    Poplar.] 

Stallion  (Ecclus.33.6).     [Horse.] 

Standards.     [Ensign.] 

Star  of  the  \Vise  Men.  I.  (i)  It 
may  be  inferred  from  Mt.2.i6  that  the  star  of 
the  Wise  Men  first  appeared  at  least  two  years 
before  the  death  of  Herod,  which  occurred 
(probably)  in  March,  4  b.c.  Hence  the  appear- 
ance would  be  not  later  than  6  b.c,  and  prob- 
ably somewhat  before  that  date,  though  not 
very  much,  as  the  traditional  date  of  the 
Nativity  is  not  likely  to  be  many  years  at  fault. 
It  may  therefore  be  put  provisionally  c.  7  b.c, 
and  Ramsay  has  shown  independent  grounds 
for  the  belief  that  Christ  was  born  in  7  b.c  (see 
Was  Christ  born  at  Bethlehem  ?).  (2)  Is  there 
then  any  evidence  for  the  occurrence  of  an 
unusual  phenomenon  in  that  year  ?  In  the 
17th  cent.  Kepler  discovered  that  in  the  year 
7  B.C.  there  occurred  three  conjunctions  of 
Jupiter  and  Saturn  (see  De  Vero  Anno).  He 
was  corroborated  in  the  19th  cent.  byPritchard, 
who  has  calculated  that  the  three  conjunctions 
began  on  May  29,  Sept.  29,  and  Dec.  4,  respec- 
tively {Memoirs  of  the  Royal  Astronomical 
Soc.  XXV.  119).  Now,  the  mediaeval  Rabbi 
Abarbanel  (1437-1508)  says,  commenting  on 
Daniel,  that  a  conjunction  of  Jupiter  and 
Saturn  portends  the  birth  of  the  Messiah. 
This  evidence  is  certainly  late,  but  it  probably 
has  an  old  tradition  behind  it,  based,  perhaps, 
partly  on  Num.24. 17.  There  are,  then,  reasons 
for  identifying  the  star  of  the  Magi  with  one 
or  more  of  these  three  conjunctions.  Nor  is 
the  fact  that  St.  Matthew  describes  it  as  dar-fip 
against  the  identification,  as  the  language  of 
the  whole  passage  is  non-technical.  (3)  There 
are  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  Magi  came 
from  Yemen,  in  S.  Arabia.  [Magi.]  From 
one  of  the  remotest  parts  of  that  district 
they  would  need  quite  three  months  for  the 
journey  to  Jerusalem  ;  for  the  journey  from 
one  of  the  somewhat  less  remote  parts  of  Ye- 
men to  the  northernmost  point  of  the  gulf  of 
'Aqaba  generally  took  70  days  (16  Strabo  iv.  4). 
Hence  if  the  Magi  started  on  their  journey  to- 
wards the  middle  of  June  (about  a  fortnight 
after  the  appearance  of  the  first  conjunction), 
they  would  reach  Jerusalem  towards  the 
middle  of  September.  Meanwhile,  the  move- 
ments of  the  two  planets  having  become  retro- 
grade, the  conjunction  would  have  ceased. 
Inquiries  in  Jerusalem  would  occupy  about  a 
fortnight,  by  the  end  of  which  time  the  second 
conjunction  would  take  place.  The  Magi  on 
seeing   this   recurrence   of   the   phenomenon, 


848     STAR  OF  THE  WISE  MEN" 

would  naturally  set  out  immediately  for  the 
village  where  they  had  been  led  by  their  in- 
quiries to  expect  the  Messiah.  As  this  con- 
junction rose  in  an  easterly  direction,  the  Magi 
would  have  it  on  their  left  at  the  time  of  their 
departure  from  Jerusalem.  Some  little  dis- 
tance outside  Bethlehem,  however,  the  road 
takes  a  turn  to  the  left  ;  and  consequently,  as 
the  Magi  mounted  the  hill  leading  to  Bethlehem, 
they  would  see  the  conjunction  before  them 
apparently  leading  the  way  and  seeming,  per- 
haps, to  rest  over  some  particular  house  on  the 
crest  of  the  hill.  (4)  It  will  be  seen  that  these 
facts  fit  in  very  well  with  details  of  the  narra- 
tive in  Mt.2.  It  is  plain  from  the  language 
of  that  chapter  (esp.  vv.  2,7,10)  that  the  Magi 
did  lose  sight  of  the  star  before  reaching  Jeru- 
salem, but  were  greeted  with  a  reappearance 
of  it  about  the  time  that  they  quitted  the  Holy 
City.  Further,  they  travelled  by  night  (and 
this  is  most  naturally  explained  by  the  fact  of 
this  reappearance  of  the  star),  and  it  seemed 
to  them  that  the  star  was  leading  the  way 
to  Bethlehem  (Mt.2. 9, 10).  (5)  Moreover,  there 
is  evidence  from  another  quarter.  According 
to  Ramsay(o/?.  cit.  p.  193),  theenrolment which 
drew  Joseph  and  Mary  to  Bethlehem  must  be 
placed  at  some  point  during  the  months 
August-October.  This  confirms  the  view  that 
the  phenomenon  which  the  Magi  saw  between 
Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem  was  the  second  con- 
junction of  7  u.c,  and  consequently  that  the 
phenomenon  which  they  saw  before  setting  out 
from  their  own  country  was  the  first  conjunc- 
tion of  that  year.— II.  (i)  At  first  sight  Mt. 2.16 
seems  to  conflict  with  the  result  here  arrived  at. 
The  t6t€  of  that  verse,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  avax^P'n<Ta.vTwv  ok  avruiv  of  ver.  13,  might 
perhaps  naturally  seem  to  suggest  that  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  Innocents  took  place  very  soon  after 
the  departure  of  the  Magi,  and  consequently 
that  the  Magi  did  not  arrive  at  Jerusalem  until 
about  two  years  after  the  appearance  of  the  con- 
junction. This  is  the  view  taken  by  Kepler, 
who  conjectures  that  the  first  conjunction  may 
have  been  accompanied  by  an  evanescent  star, 
that  this  was  the  phenomenon  to  which  the 
Magi  attached  the  chief  importance,  and  that 
they  waited  for  this  star  to  dechne  before  they 
set  out  from  their  home.  But  there  are  grave 
objections  to  this  theory,  (i)  In  Mt.2. 2,9  we 
get  the  phrase  iv  tti  dvaToXrj.  This  probably 
does  not  mean,  "  in  the  east,"  which  would 
naturally  be  iv  dvaroXah.  And  this  dis- 
tinction appears  to  be  emphasized  in  the 
present  passage  ;  for  in  vv.  1,2  we  find  both 
di>aTo\rj  with  the  article  and  dvaroXal  with- 
out the  article  side  by  side  {fidyoi  dird  dvaroXuiv 
.  .  .  iv  Tji  dvaroKrj).  Hence  we  shall  prob- 
ably be  right  in  giving  the  latter  i)hrase  its 
more  normal  meaning  of  "  in  its  ascent." 
which  seems  to  be  an  indication  tliat  the  Magi 
did  not  wait  for  the  star  to  decline  before 
starting  from  their  home.  (ii)  On  Kepler's 
hypothesis  the  Magi  must  have  taken  about  a 
year  for  their  journey.  Now,  if  we  allow  them 
tiie  very  moderate  distance  of  100  miles  a  week 
— Herodf)tus  (iv.  loi)  reckons  a  day's  journey 
in  diflicult  country  at  about  23  miles — they 
must  have  come  at  least  5,000  miles.  But 
this  would  mean  that  they  came  from  India  or 


STAB,  OF  THE  WISE  MEN 

from  some  other  part  beyond  the  range  of 
Jewish  influence,  (iii)  If  the  Magi  did  not 
reach  Jerusalem  till  3  b.c,  we  have  no  satis- 
factory explanation  of  the  star  in  Mt.2. 9, 10. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  this  star  might  be 
identified  with  an  evanescent  star  mentioned 
by  certain  Chinese  tables  as  appearing  in  Feb., 
4  B.C.  But,  apart  from  the  fact  that  this 
would  give  about  two  years  for  the  journey,  it 
wouldseem  from  the  languageof  Mt.2. 9, 10  that 
the  phenomenon  which  the^lagisawon  quitting 
Jerusalem  was  similar  to  that  which  they  saw 
in  their  own  country.  Hence,  if  the  second 
phenomenon  was  an  evanescent  star,  the  first 
one  must  have  been  a  similar  evanescent  star 
(such  as  Kepler  conjectures).  But  the  Chinese 
tables  (which  are  the  sole  authority  for  the  star 
of  Feb.,  4  B.C.)  say  nothing  about  asimilarstar 
in  the  preceding  years.  Hence  their  evidence, 
so  far  as  it  seems  to  support  Kepler's  theory  in 
one  direction,  tends  against  it  in  another,  (iv) 
If  the  Magi  actually  found  the  infant  Messiah, 
as  recorded  in  Mt.2. 11,  it  must  have  been  at 
Bethlehem,  as  there  was  an  expectation  that 
the  Messiah  would  be  born  there  (Mt.2. 5  ;  cf. 
Jn.7.42),  whereas  there  was  no  such  expectation 
to  lead  them  to  Nazareth,  \vhich  was,  in  fact, 
the  last  place  to  which  their  thoughts  would 
naturally  turn  [cf.  Jn. 1.47,7.41).  (This  fact 
is  illustrated  by  Mt.2. 23,  where,  in  order  to 
give  any  O.T.  authority  for  the  Messiah's  dwell- 
ing at  Nazareth,  St.  Alatthew  is  obliged  to  use 
a  text  in  a  very  strained  sense.)  Now,  Ram- 
say (see  above)  has  shown  that  7  B.C.  is  the 
year  in  wliich  Joseph  and  Mary  must  have 
come  to  Bethlehem.  Hence  that  year,  and 
not  3  B.C.  or  4  B.C.,  must  have  been  the  year 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Magi.  (2)  From  all  this 
it  follows  that  Herod  did  not  command  the 
massacreof  the  Innocentsuntil  about  twoyears 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Magi  ;  and  hence  the 
Tbre  of  Mt.2.i6  must  be  taken  in  a  very  vague 
sense.  In  the  Gk.  Test,  we  find  the  word  rire 
occurring  about  a  score  of  times  in  St.  Mat- 
thew at  the  beginning  of  a  paragraph,  and  in 
most  cases  it  seems  to  be  without  any  very 
definite  chronological  signification,  hke  St. 
Luke's  favourite  i-yivero  5i  (cf.  Mt. 9.14,12.38, 
16.24,18.21,  etc.).  It  is,  in  fact,  a  favourite 
word  with  St.  Matthew  for  introducing  a  fresh 
event  which  occurred  after  the  one  with 
which  he  has  just  been  dealing.  Thus  our 
interpretation  f)f  the  word  in  Mt.2. 16  is  in 
accordance  with  St.  Matthew's  usage.  (3)  We 
learn  from  Joscphus  (17  Ant.  vi.  5)  that  on  his 
death-bed  Herod  gave  orders  that  a  large 
number  of  J  ewish  princes  should  be  slaughtered 
as  soon  as  he  was  dead.  Now,  Herod's  death 
took  place  (according  to  the  reckoning  here 
adopted)  in  March,  4  b.c.  ;  and  the  order  for 
the  slaughter  of  the  Jewish  princes  would 
come  about  two  years  and  six  months  after  the 
appearance  of  the  conjunction  at  the  end  of 
May,  7  B.C.  Such  a  slaughter  would  not  be 
complete  unless  the  infant  Messiah  came 
within  its  scope,  and  hence  it  seems  probable 
that  Herod  should  have  determined  on  the 
massacre  recorded  by  St.  Matthew.  The  age 
limit  would  thus  be  two  years  and  six  months  ; 
but  the  words  dirb  bitrovz  could  without  any 
great  violence  be  applied,  in  an  account  which 
does  not  give  minute  details,  to  anytliing  under 


STAR  OF  THE  WISE  MlEN 

three  years — just  as  a  person  naturally  gives  his 
age  as  that  on  his  last  birthday.  (4)  It  may 
be  asked :  Why,  since  the  Magi  apparently 
take  it  for  granted  at  the  end  of  7  b.c.  that  the 
Messiah  is  already  born  (Mt.2.2,  rex^^'s).  '^^'^s 
not  Herod  content  with  the  slaughter  of  those 
infants  only  who  were  bom  about  that  time  ? 
To  this  it  may  be  answered  :  (i)  That  this  is 
perhaps  unduly  pressing  the  temporal  force  of 
rexOeh-  A  celestial  phenomenon  portended 
a  future  event,  and  the  aorist  participle  might 
very  well  be  used  in  a  non-temporal  sense  of 
one  either  already  born  or  else  about  to  be 
bom  [cf.  the  "  gnomic  "  use  of  the  aorist  is 
class.  Gk.).  If  there  had  been  a  distinct  refer- 
ence to  past  time,  we  should  probably  have  had 
yeyeuuTjfxefos-  (ii)  The  fact  that  there  were 
altogether  three  conjunctions,  extending  until 
the  beginning  of  6  B.C.,  may  have  further  in- 
fluenced Herod,  (iii)  It  is  too  much  to  expect 
discrimination  in  a  madman.  Herod  would 
wish  to  make  quite  certain,  and  would  not  draw 
nice  distinctions.  Thus  Mt.2.i6,  instead  of 
conflicting  with  the  chronology  here  adopted, 
seems  rather  (so  far  as  it  goes)  to  tend  in  the 
other  direction. — III.  The  silence  of  St.  Luke 
on  the  subject  of  the  Magi  and  the  star  is  some- 
times urged  as  an  argument  against  the  truth  of 
the  whole  story.  But  it  may  be  answered  :  ( i ) 
That  the  argument  from  silence  is  proverbially 
unsafe.  (2)  The  account  in  St.  Luke  does 
make  it  plain  that  the  shepherds  were  in  a 
state  which  made  them  capable  of  receiving 
the  message  of  the  Messiah's  birth  ;  and  this 
fact  falls  naturally  into  its  place  if  we  suppose 
that  the  Magi  had  told  of  their  expectations 
of  a  birth  at  Bethlehem  under  exceptional 
circumstances.  The  chief  objection  to  this 
having  influenced  the  minds  of  the  shepherds  is 
that  the  tradition  (enshrined  in  the  Epiphany 
season)  makes  the  visit  of  the  Magi  occur  a 
fortnight  after  the  Birth,  while  the  visit  of 
the  shepherds  occurred  on  the  night  of  the 
Nativity  (Lu.2.ii).  Hence  we  must  either 
suppose  that  the  tradition  is  wrong  and  that 
the  visit  of  the  Magi  occurred  on  the  same 
night,  or  that  news  of  their  expectations  had 
preceded  them  and  had  reached  the  Beth- 
lehem shepherds.  (3)  It  seems  that  the 
message  to  the  shepherds  was  accompanied 
by  some  celestial  phenomenon  (Lu.2.9,  esp. 
86^a  Kvpiov).  Is  it  fanciful  to  suppose  that 
we  have  here  an  allusion  to  the  star  of  the 
Magi  ? — IV.  Once  more,  it  is  urged  against 
the  identification  of  the  star  of  the  Magi 
with  the  conjunction  of  7  b.c  :  Why,  if  this 
conjunction  of  Jupiter  and  Saturn  caused 
some  of  the  Magi  to  set  out  in  search  of  the 
Messiah,  had  not  the  much  brighter  conjunc- 
tion of  the  same  planets  in  66  b.c.  produced  the 
same  result  ?  To  this  it  is  only  necessary  to 
answer  that  not  all  men  are  bound  to  act  in 
the  same  way  under  similar  circumstances,  and 
that  if  the  Magi  of  7  B.C.  had  been  capable  of 
setting  out  for  Jerusalem  in  66  b.c,  they  might 
perhaps  have  done  so  ;  but  that  does  not  prove 
an3'thing  as  to  the  probable  movements  of 
their  fathers  or  grandfathers.  Moreover, 
there  is  no  absurdity  in  supposing  that  possibly 
traditions  of  the  conjunction  which  had  oc- 
curred 59  years  previously  may  ha\e  caused 


STEPHEN 


849 


the  conjunction  of  7  b.c  to  create  a  greater 
impression  as  a  republication  of  a  neglected 
message.  Nor  should  the  fact  that  these  astro- 
logers were  thus  led  by  this  strange  means  to 
the  birthplace  of  their  Redeemer  be  a  difiiculty 
to  those  who  reflect  that  the  whole  course  of 
history  shows  how  God  does,  by  what  appear  to 
be  coincidences,  make  even  the  follies  of  men 
subservient  to  His  divine  purpose,     [c.e.r.] 

Statep.     [Money.] 

Steel.  In  all  cases  where  the  word  "  steel " 
occurs  in  A.V.  the  true  rendering  of  the  Heb. 
is  "  copper."  Whether  the  ancient  Hebrews 
were  acquainted  with  steel  is  not  perfectly 
certain.  It  has  been  inferred  from  a  passage 
in  Jeremiah  (15. 12),  that  the  "  iron  from  the 
north  "  there  spoken  of  denoted  a  superior  kind 
of  metal,  hardened  in  an  unusual  manner,  like 
the  steel  obtained  from  the  Chalybes  of  the 
Pontus,  the  ironsmiths  of  the  ancient  world. 
The  hardening  of  iron  for  cutting  instruments 
was  practised  in  Pontus,  Lydia,  and  Laconia. 
Justin  mentions  two  rivers  in  Spain,  the 
Bilbilis  and  Chalybs,  the  water  of  which  was 
used  for  hardening  iron  (cf.  PUn.  xxxiv.  41). 
There  is,  however,  a  Heb.  word,  paldd,  which 
occurs  only  in  Na.2.3[4]  and  is  there  rendered 
"  torches,"  but  which  most  probably  denotes 
steel  or  hardened  Iron.  Steel  appears  to  have 
been  known  to  the  Egyptians.  The  steel 
weapons  in  the  tomb  of  Ramses  III.,  says 
Wilkinson,  are  painted  blue,  the  bronze  (or 
copper)  red. 

Ste'phanas,  a  Christian  convert  of 
Corinth,  whose  household  St.  Paul  baptized  as 
the  "  first-fruits  of  Achaia  "  (iCor.l.16,16.15). 

Stephen,  the  first  martyr  (Ac.6,7).  The 
Christian  Chiurch,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
the  Sadducees  and  the  priestly  party,  had  pros- 
pered greatly  in  its  early  days  in  Jerusalem 
(2.47,5.14,6.7).  Hellenistic  Jews  as  well  as 
Hebrews  had  joined  it.  A  murmiuring  arose 
because  the  former  considered  that  the 
"  widows  "  of  their  class  were  neglected  in  the 
daily  ministration.  Seven  men  were  chosen  by 
the  Chiurch  and  ordained  by  the  apostles  to 
attend  to  this.  Though  they  are  only  called 
"  the  Seven  "  in  the  Acts,  they  have  been 
regarded  from  the  time  of  Irenaeus  as  deacons. 
But  Chrysostom  says  that  their  office  was 
quite  as  much  that  of  elders,  and  that  their 
title  was  neither  deacons  nor  elders.  [Dea- 
con ;  Church,  (6).].  Of  these,  the  chief  was 
St.  Stephen.  He  was  "  a  man  full  of  faith  and 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  "  (6.5),  "  full  of  grace  and 
power,"  and  "  wrought  great  wonders  and 
signs  among  the  people  "  (6.8).  He  distin- 
guished himself  chiefly  by  disputing  in  the 
synagogues  with  Hellenistic  Jews,  so  that 
"  they  were  not  able  to  withstand  the  wisdom 
and  the  spirit  by  which  he  spake  "  (6.10). 
St.  Stephen  was  falsely  accused  (6.11,13)  by 
the  Hellenistic  Jews  (who  manifested  the 
intolerant  zeal  of  converts)  of  "  speaking 
blasphemous  words  against  Moses  and  against 
God,"  the  half-truth  upon  which  they  based 
their  accusation  being  the  Lord's  own  reference 
to  the  destruction  of  the  temple.  St.  Stephen 
was  arrested  and  brought  before  the  Sanhe- 
drin.  His  defence  is  the  longest  speech 
that  we  have  in  the  Acts.  It  was  probably,  as 
Dean  Farrar  argues,  delivered  in  Greek,  and 

54 


850 


STEPHEN 


its  quotations  of  O.T.  are  from  the  LXX. 
Its  genuineness  is  well  substantiated.  "  The 
Haggadoth  in  which  it  abounds,  the  variations 
from  historical  accuracy,  the  free  citation  of 
passages  from  the  O.T.,  the  roughness  of  style, 
above  all  the  concentrated  force  which  makes 
it  lend  itself  so  readily  to  different  interpreta- 
tions, are  characteristics  which  leave  on  our 
minds  no  shadow  of  doubt  that,  whoever  may 
have  been  the  reporter,  wc  have  here  at 
least  an  outline  of  Stephen's  speech  "  (Farrar). 
It  is  not  a  refutation  of  the  particular  charge 
brought  against  him,  but  probably  a  re- 
statement of  what  he  had  preached  in  the 
synagogues,  and  a  powerful  witness  of  the 
real  value  which  he  attached  to  the  Mosaic 
records  of  God's  leading  of  the  chosen  people. 
Though  it  comes  to  an  abrupt  conclusion,  the 


STEPHEN 

anger  of  his  judges  {7.54).  Stephen,  un- 
moved by  the  uproar,  saw  the  heavens  opened 
and  the  Son  of  Man  standing  on  the  right 
hand  of  God.  The  judges  broke  into  cries 
of  execration,  clapped  their  hands  to  their 
ears,  flew  as  with  one  impulse  upon  hinx,  and 
dragged  him  out  of  the  city  to  the  place  of 
execution.  What  had  begun  as  an  orderly 
trial  ended  in  a  wild  tumult.  There  was  no 
formal  condemnation,  nor  sentence  of  death. 
The  place  of  St.  Stephen's  martyrdom  was 
said  as  far  back  as  the  4th  cent,  to  have  been 
outside  the  Damascus  Gate  to  the  N.  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  but,  for  some  unexplained  reason,  the 
site  was  altered  in  the  15th  cent,  to  the  descent 
outside  St.  Stephen's  Gate,  E.  of  the  city.  As 
the  first  volley  of  stones  burst  upon  him,  he 
prayed,  "  Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit"  [cf. 


v..   (.All-.  01;  JKRUSALKM.  OR  "ST.   ST1U'H1;N'S  CATli."  fW.li. A.,  fru 

(Jii  i2th  cent,  tliu  N.  Gate,  now  called  the  "  U.imascus  Gate,"  was  called  "St.  Stephen's  Gate.") 


I  a  photo.) 


argument  is  complete.  Its  purpose  is  to  show, 
by  a  spiritual  interpretation  of  the  history  of 
Israel,  that  God  is  not  confined  to  one  building 
or  one  country,  but  reveals  Himself  in  various 
places,  in  Haran,  in  Egypt,  in  the  wilderness 
of  mount  Siiini  ;  the  tabernacle  of  testimony 
was  not  made  till  Moses,  the  temple  till  the 
reign  of  Solomon.  Secondly,  their  fathers  had 
been  obstinate,  and  had  rejected  the  revela- 
tion of  God  again  and  again  ;  they  under- 
stood not  that  God  was  giving  them  deliver- 
ance by  the  hand  of  Moses,  they  turned  bark 
in  their  iioarts  into  Egypt,  they  took  up  the 
tabernacle  of  Moloch  and  the  star  of  the  god 
Remphan.  The  conclusion  of  like  blindness 
and  obstinacy  in  their  own  case  is  suppressed 
till  the  close  of  the  speech  (7.51-53).  This 
forcible  application  of  lessons  (of  which  their 
reverence  for  the  name  of  Moses  must  Iiave 
made  them  feel  the  force)   aroused  the  deeji 


Lu.23.46).  Kneeling  down,  his  loud  cry  for 
mercy  upon  his  murderers  answered  to  the 
loud  cry  with  which  his  enemies  had  flown 
upon  him  ;  and  his  dying  words,  "  Lord,  lay  not 
this  sin  to  their  charge,"  again  inevitably  re- 
call to  us  the  examjile  of  his  Lord,  "  F'ather, 
forgive  them  ;  for  they  know  not  what  they  do." 
Thus  he  "  fell  asleep."  Devout  Jews  carried 
his  mangled  body  to  the  burial  and  made  great 
lamentation  over  him.  For  the  legend  01  his 
relics,  see  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities, 
art.  "  Stephen."  St.  Stephen's  martyrdom  has 
been  placed  at  various  dates  between  30  and 
38  A.D.  ;  it  would  seem  to  liave  been  f.  33.  A 
violent  i>ersecution  took  place  ;  the  apostles 
were  untouched,  but  Hellenistic  Christians, 
like  Pliili]-),  or  those  of  Cyprus  and  Cyrene.  had 
to  escape  into  Samaria  or  Syria.  The  influ- 
ence of  St.  Stephen  on  St.  Paul,  who  "  consented 
to  his  death  "  and  was  doubtless  present  at  the 


STEWARD 


STONES 


851 


stoning,  has  been  often  pointed  out.  He  has 
been  called  "  the  teacher  of  Paul,"  but  see 
art.  Paul.  Stanley  in  Smith,  D.IS.  (4  vols. 
1893)  ;  Grieve  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols. 
1904)  ;  Reuss  in  Schaft-Hcrzog,  Encyc.  ; 
Conybeare  and  Howson,  St.  Paul ;  Milman, 
Hist.  Christianity  ;  Neander,  Planting  of 
Christianity;  Weizsacker,^^ost.,.4ge;  Plumptre, 
Bible  Studies  ;  Ramsay,  St.  Paul  the  Traveller  ; 
Rackham,  and  other  Comm.,  ad  loc.     [g.m.y.] 

Steward.  In  O.T.  this  represents  "he  who 
was  over  the  house,"  Gen. 43. 19,44.4,  etc. 
(in  15.2  probably  heir,  cf.  R.V.);  in  N.T. 
iiriTpoTTOS,  Mt.20.8;  Lu.8.3;  oiKovofj-os,  Lu.l2. 
42, 16. if. ;  Gal. 4. 2,  R.V.  It  denotes  the  manager 
of  a  household  or  estate,  steward,  bailiff,  agent, 
usually  a  free  man,  Lu. 8.3,16.1,  sometimes  a 
slave,  12.42,43.  Used  spiritually  of  dispensers 
of  God's  truth,  iCor.4.i, 2,9.17  (R-V.) ;  Tit.l.7  ; 
iPe.4.io.  [h.s.] 

Stocks.  This  term  is  applied  in  A.  V.  to  two 
different  articles,  one  of  which  (Heb.  mah- 
pekheth)  answevsrather  to  our  pillory,  the  other 
(sadh)  to  our  "  stocks,"  the  feet  alone  being  con- 
fined in  it  (Job  13,27,33.11  ;  Ac.l6.24).  The 
prophet  Jeremiah  was  confined  in  the  first  sort 
(Je.20.2),  which  appears  to  have  been  then  a 
common  mode  of  punishment  (29.26),  as  the 
prisons  contained  a  special  chamber,  called 
"  the  house  of  the  pillory  "  (2Chr.l6.10  ;  see 
R.V.  marg.).  The  term  used  in  Pr.7.22 
(A.V.  stocks)  is,  more  properly,  translated 
"  fetters  "  in  R.V.     [Crimes.] 

Stoics  and  Epicupeans.  We  have  no 
direct,  or  certain,  reference  to  the  Stoics  or  Epi- 
cureans in  O.T.  or  in  the  Apocr.  [Philosophy.] 
In  N.T.  we  have  only  one  direct  reference  to 
the  adherents  of  these  two  philosophical 
schools,  viz.  Ac.i7.17, 18,  where  St.  Paul, 
reasoning  daily  in  the  Agora  with  all  chance 
comers,  encountered  also  certain  of  the  Epi- 
curean and  Stoic  philosophers.  In  the  speech 
which  follows,  delivered  before  the  Areopagus, 
we  seem  to  have,  as  we  should  expect,  refer- 
ence to  and  endorsement  of  certain  tenets 
which  may  not  improperly  be  described  as 
characteristically  Stoical.  The  assertion,  e.g. — 
that  God,  being  the  Maker  of  the  orderly 
world  and  all  things  in  it,  and  Lord  of  heaven 
and  earth,  dwells  not  in  temples  made  with 
hands — though  couched  in  terms  not  quite 
identical  with  those  that  they  would  have 
used,  would  still  be  accepted  by  the  Stoics  as 
representative  of  their  teaching  as  against  the 
materialism  of  the  Epicureans,  while  the 
further  assertion  that  God  needs  not  the  ser- 
vice of  men,  inasmuch  as  He  is  self-contained 
and  self-sufficing,  would  be  common  ground  to 
the  two  schools.  That  God  has  made  of  one, 
or  of  one  blood,  every  nation  to  dwell  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  and  has  determined  before- 
hand their  seasons  and  the  boundaries  of  their 
habitation,  might  be  regarded  as  an  integral 
and  even  distinctive  part  of  the  Stoical  creed. 
Lastly,  to  confirm  the  statements  that  in  Him, 
i.e.  in  God,  we  live  and  move  and  are,  the 
apostle  can  quote  the  saying  taken  from 
the  great  hymn  of  Cleanthes  and  repeated  in 
the  poem  of  the  Stoical  poet  Aratus,  that 
"  v/e  are  also  his  offspring"  (17. 22-29).  The 
general  impression,  then,  to  be  gathered  from 
the  speech  as  thus  summarized  by  St.  Luke 


is  that  St.  Paul  showed  himself  sufficiently 
well  acquainted  with  the  main  tenets  of 
Stoicism  to  be  able  to  select  and  give  his 
approbation  to  such  as  he  considered  suitable 
to  his  purpose  in  addressing  an  Athenian 
audience.  For  other  evidences  that  he  had 
such  an  acquaintance,  see  Philosophy.  So 
many  ideas,  phrases,  and  turns  of  expression 
of  St.  Paul  can  be  paralleled  from  the  writings 
of  Seneca  in  particular,  that  there  was  a  widely 
spread,  though  unfounded,  belief  in  early  times 
that  Seneca  was  actually  a  Christian  and  had 
derived  part  of  his  doctrines  from  St.  Paul's 
epistlesor  from  his  personal  teaching.  That  this 
was  actually  the  case  seems  unlikely,  though 
Lightfoot  is  so  much  impressed  by  these  re- 
semblances as  to  consider  it  at  least  possible 
that  a  certain  amount  of  acquaintance  with 
the  main  moral  doctrines  of  Christianity  may 
have  filtered  through  to  Seneca.  Though 
the  contact  between  Christianity  and  Stoicism 
is  at  some  few  points  real,  and  even  important, 
it  is  easy  to  exaggerate  the  coincidences.  In 
many  points  of  view  their  relation  is  rather 
one  of  contrast  than  of  similarity.  Bishop 
Lightfoot  has  singled  out  four  such  points 
in  particular  :  (i)  Stoicism  as  a  philosophic 
creed,  though  not  always  in  its  more  popular 
aspects  and  forms  of  expression,  is  essentially 
material  and  pantheistic,  while  the  central 
doctrine  of  Christianity  is  the  Personality  and 
the  Fatherhood  of  God.  (ii)  The  Stoical 
moral  code  is  harsh,  ascetic,  unsympathetic, 
inclined  to  overbear  and  crush  out  every 
human  and  kindly  emotion  :  the  glow  of  en- 
thusiasm and  self-approbation  which  virtue 
can  excite  no  less  than  the  pity  which  leads  us 
to  relieve,  and  the  sympathy  which  enables 
us  voluntarily  to  share,  or  take  upon  our- 
selves, the  burdens  of  others,  (iii)  Stoicism, 
though  it  does  not  altogether  deny,  makes 
light  of,  or  is  sceptical  about,  the  hope  of  a 
personal  immortality.  For  a  Christian,  the 
resurrection  of  Christ  enlarges  this  hope,  and 
gives  to  it  a  certainty  and  a  prominence  to 
which,  outside  of  Christianity,  it  has  never 
attained,  (iv)  Stoicism  entirely  lacks  any 
central  object  of  faith,  love,  worship,  and  in- 
spiration, such  as  has  been  found  among  all 
Christians,  however  much  sundered  in  other 
respects,  in  the  Person  of  Christ  Himself. 
Epicureanism  has  far  less  affinity  with  the 
teaching  either  of  O.  or  N.T.  than  has 
Stoicism.  Its  doctrines,  where  mentioned  or 
alluded  to,  are  always  reprobated.  Though 
the  doctrines  of  Epicureanism,  as  inculcated 
by  its  best  teachers,  are  not  as  positively 
harmful  as  on  first  hearing  they  sound,  they 
have  nothing  that  is  elevating,  nothing  that 
definitely  appeals  to  the  higher  side  of  man's 
nature  about  them  ;  accordingly,  whether  from 
the  point  of  view  of  O.  or  N.T.,  they  equally 
stand  condemned.  Rackham,  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  pp.  312,  317;  Lightfoot,  Philippians, 
dissert,  ii.  "  St.  Paul  and  Seneca "  ;  Aston, 
Stoicism  and  Christianity  in  2nd  Cent,    [w.a.s.] 

Stomaehep.     [Dress.] 

Stones.  The  uses  to  which  stones  were 
applied  in  ancient  Palestine  were  very  various, 
(i)  They  were  used  for  the  ordinary  purposes 
of  building.  [House  ;  Palace.]  Altars  (Ex. 
20.25  ;     Deut.27.5  ;     J0S.8.31)    were    not    oi 


852 


STONING 


hewn  stones.  The  Phoenicians  were  particu- 
larly famous  for  their  skill  in  hewing  stone 
(2Sani.5.ii  ;  iK.5.i8).  Stones  were  selected 
of  certain  colours  to  form  ornamental  courses 
(iChr.29.2).  They  were  also  employed  for 
pavements  (2K.I6.17  ;  cf.  Esth.1.6).  (2)  Large 
stones  were  used  for  closing  the  entrances  of 
caves  (Jos. 10.18  ;  Dan. 6. 17),  seinilchres  (Mt. 
27.60;  Jn.ll. 38,20.1),  and  wells  (Gen.29.2). 
(3)  Flint -stones  occasionally  served  as  knives, 
particularly  for  circumcision  and  similar  pur- 
poses (Ex.i.ss  ;  Jos. 5. 2, 3,  see  marg.).  (4) 
Stones  were  used  for  slings  (iSam.17.40,.19), 
catapults  (2Chr.26.14),  and  bows  (\Visd.5.22  ; 
cf.  I  Mac. 6.51)  ;  as  boundarv  marks  (Ueut. 
19.14,27.17;  Job24.2;  Pr.22.28.23.10);  as 
weights  for  scales  (Deut.25.i3,  see  marg.  ;  Pr. 
16.11,  marg.)  ;  and  for  mills  (2Sam.ll.21).  (5) 
Large  stones  were  set  up  to  commemorate  any 
remarkable  events  (Gen. 28.18,31.45, 35.14  ; 
Jos. 4. 9  ;  iSam.7.12).  Such  stones  were  occa- 
sionally consecrated  by  anointing  (Gen. 28. 18). 
A  similar  practice  existed  in  other  countries, 
and  these  stones  were  described  in  Phoenicia 
by  a  name  very  similar  to  Bethel,  viz.  baetylia. 
The  chief  point  of  resemblance  between  the 
two  consists  in  the  custom  of  anointing. 
[Pillars  ;  Witness.]  (6)  The  worship  of 
stones  prevailed  among  the  heathen  nations 
surrounding  Palestine,  and  was  borrowed  from 
them  by  apostate  Israelites  (Is. 57.6).  (7) 
Heaps  of  stones  were  sometimes  piled  up  in 
token  of  a  treaty  (Gen. 31. 46)  ;  or  over  the 
grave  of  some  notorious  offender  (Jos.7.26,8. 
29;  2Sam.l8.x7).  (8)  The  "white  stone"  of 
Rev\2.i7  has  been  variously  regarded  as  refer- 
ring to  the  pebble  of  acquittal  used  in  the  Greek 
courts  ;  to  the  lot  cast  in  elections  in  Greece  ; 
to  both  these  combined  ;  to  the  stones  in  the 
high-priest's  breast-plate  ;  to  the  tickets  pre- 
sented to  the  victors  at  the  public  games  ;  or 
gems  inscribed  with  holy  names.  (9)  The  use 
of  stones  for  tablets  is  alluded  to  in  Ex.24. 12 
and  Jos. 8. 32.  (10)  Stones  for  striking  fire  are 
mentioned  in  2Mac.l0.3.  (11)  Stones  were  a 
hindrance  to  the  operations  of  husbandry  : 
hence  the  custom  of  spoiling  an  enemy's  field 
by  throwing  quantities  of  stones  upon  it  (2K.3. 
19,23),  and  the  necessity  of  gathering  stones 
previous  to  cultivation  (Ec.3.5  ;  Is. 5. 2).  (12) 
The  "  burdensome  stone  "  (Zech.12.3)  is  con- 
nected by  Jerome  with  the  custom  of  lifting 
stones  as  an  exercise  of  strength  (cf.  Ecclus.6. 
21);  but  may  mean  a  "  crushing  weight"  (as 
in  LXX.),  or  a  corner-stone  as  a  symbol  of 
strength  (Is. 28. 16).  Metaphorically,  stones 
denote  hardness  or  insensibility  (iSam.25.37  ; 
Ezk.ll.i9,36.2r)),  and  firmness  or  strength 
(Gen. 49. 24).  The  members  of  the  Church  are 
called  "  living  stones,"  as  contributing  to  rear 
that  living  temple  in  which  Christ,  Himself  "  a 
living  stone,"  is  the  chief  or  head  of  the  corner 
(Eph. 2.20-22  ;   iPe. 2.4-8). 

Stoningr*     [Crimes.] 

Stopax.     [Stacte.] 

Stopk  (Heb.  hdsidhd).  It  is  singular 
that  a  bird  so  conspicuous  and  familiar  as 
this  is  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  should  have 
escaped  notice  by  the  LXX.,  but  there  is 
no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the  rendering 
of  A.V.  The  white  stork  (Cicnnia  alba)  stands 
nearly   4    ft.    high,    and   the   jet  black  of    its 


STRANGER 

wings  and  the  bright  red  beak  and  legs  pre- 
sent a  bold  contrast  with  the  white  of  the 
plumage  generally  (Zech.5.9).  In  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  cities  storks  devour  all  kinds 
of  offal  and  garbage  ;  and  it  is  doubtless  for 
this  reason  that  tliey  are  placed  in  the  list 


THE  WlllTF.  STORK  {Cicoilia  alba). 

of  unclean  birds  by  the  Mosaic  law  (Lev. 11. 
19;  Deut.l4.i8).  The  white  stork  ranges 
over  the  greater  part  of  Europe,  N.  Africa, 
and  temperate  .\sia,  visiting  S.  Africa,  India, 
and  Burma  in  winter.  The  black  stork 
(Ciconia  nigra),  though  less  abundant  in  some 
countries,  is  scarcely  less  widely  distributed. 
Both  are  numerous  in  Palestine.  While  the 
black  stork  frequents  marshy  places  in  forests 
and  breeds  on  tall  trees  or  in  ravines,  the 
white  stork  attaches  itself  to  man,  and  for 
the  service  it  renders  in  the  destruction  of 
reptiles  and  the  removal  of  offal  has  been 
repaid  from  the  earliest  times  by  protection 
and  reverence.  The  derivation  of  hdsidhd 
(from  hesedh,  "  kindness ")  jioints  to  the 
liaternai  love  of  which  the  stork  seems  to 
have  been  a  type  among  the  Hebrews  no  less 
than  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  These 
birds  return  year  after  year  to  the  same 
spot  ;  and  few  migratory  species  are  more 
punctual  in  their  apjiearance.  The  ordinary 
date  of  the  arrival  of  the  stork  in  Holland  is 
the  second  week  in  .April,  and  it  remains 
until  October  ;  in  Palestine  it  has  been  ob- 
served to  arrive  on  March  22.  Some  diffi- 
cult v  has  been  raised  respecting  the  expression 
in  Ps.lO4.17,  "  .\s  for  the  stork,  the  fir-trees 
are  her  house  "  ;  but  these  birds  still  occa- 
sionally nest  in  trees,  aiul  in  prehistoric  times 
doubtless  did  so  invariably,  while  in  the  old 
Jewisli  days  thi-y  may  have  retained  to  some 
extent  the  original  habit.  [r.l.] 

Stpangrep.  The  word  rendered  "  stranger  " 
in  A.V.  and  freiuently  in  K.\^  is  employed  to 
translate  four  Heb.  nouns  which  are  distinct 


STRANGER 

in  meaning — i.e.  zur  (Arab,  zdir),  a  visitor  ; 
ndkheri,  a  foreigner  ;  toshahh,  a  dweller  ;  and 
gcr  (Arab,  jar),  a  "  sojourner  with  another 
tribe  that  protects  him  as  a  guest  "  (Gesenius). 
It  is,  moreover,  rarely  used  in  the  Bible  in 
the  modern  sense,  "  strange,"  i.e.  denoting 
what  is  unknown  or  unexpected,  but  with 
the  meaning  attached  to  the  kindred  Fr. 
and  Lat.  words,  ctrange  and  extraneus,  namely, 
"  foreign"  or  "  alien."  To  a  Hebrew  a  stran- 
ger meant  a  "  foreigner,"  and  a  "  strange  god  " 
was  the  equivalent  of  a  "  foreign  "  god.  The 
words  "  foreign,  foreigner,"  are,  however,  ex- 
tremely rare  in  the  Bible,  and  unfortunately 
have  not  been  generally  adopted  in  R.  V.  In  the 
present  article  only  one  aspect  of  the  word  will 
be  treated — namely,  that  of  the  ger  or  "  foreign- 
er," who  incorporated  himself  with  Israel  by 
residence.  The  LXX.  renders  this  word  by 
TrpoarjXvTos  (proselyte);  but  for  those  who  em- 
braced Judaism  as  a  religion  from  conviction 
without  becoming  dependents  of  an  Israelite 
family,  see  Proselyte,  whilst  the  subject  of 
Israel's  relations  with  other  peoples  is  dealt 
with  in  the  article  Foreigner.  In  the  ancient 
world  the  position  of  a  stranger  among  an  alien 
race  was  undoubtedly  a  painful  one.  He  had 
no  natiural  rights,  family,  civil,  or  even  re- 
ligious ;  for  a  man  was  expected  to  worship  the 
gods  of  the  country  in  which  he  found  himself 
(1Sam.26.19).  Even  a  great  prince  like  Abra- 
ham, with  his  wealth  and  retinue,  had  to  assume 
a  position  of  humility  before  "  the  people  of  the 
land  "  (Gen. 23. 7),  and  the  g^f- was  often  a  slave, 
fugitive,  or  outcast.  One  of  the  most  amiable 
features  of  the  Israelitish  law  was  the  compas- 
sion with  which  the  "  stranger  "  was  to  be 
treated.  God's  people  had  been  themselves 
strangers  in  Egypt,  and,  as  they  were  reminded, 
they  knew  "  the  heart  of  a  stranger  "  (Ex. 23. 9). 
An  ordinary  Israelite  household  consisted  of  a 
man's  wife  or  wives,  children,  servants,  and 
"  the  stranger  within  the  gates  "  (Ex.20. 10), 
besides  which  "  the  Levite,  the  stranger,  and  the 
fatherless  and  the  widow  which  are  within  thy 
gates  "  are  mentioned  together  in  Deut.l8.14. 
The  religious  position  of  the  "  stranger  "  in  an 
Israelite  household  is  prescribed  in  several  pas- 
sages. He  had,  in  common  with  the  slaves  and 
cattle,  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  the  Sabbath  rest 
from  work  (Ex. 20. 10  ;  Deut.5.14).  He  was 
also  to  participate  in  the  Feasts  of  Weeks  (Deut. 
16. 10  ff.)  and  Tabernacles  (Deut. 16. 13),  and  in 
the  offering  of  the  first-fruits  (Deut.26.ir).  He 
was  to  abstain  from  leaven  during  the  paschal 
season  (Ex. 12. 19).  But  he  was  not  compelled 
to  take  the  final  step  in  religious  conformity  by 
submitting  to  circumcision  :  should  he  wish  to 
eat  the  Passover,  he  must  be  circumcised,  but 
there  is  no  compulsion  even  in  the  "  latest  " 
code  of  law  (Ex. 12. 48).  The  relations  of  the 
ger  to  his  patron  differed  in  various  cases. 
David,  a  chieftain  at  the  head  of  a  small  army, 
was  a  ger  to  Achish,  king  of  Gath  (iSam.27). 
The  family  of  Rahab  became  the  guests  of  the 
nation  of  Israel  (Jos. 6. 25).  In  both  cases, 
however,  ydshdbh,  to  dwell,  notgil;',  to  sojourn, 
is  used  in  the  Heb.  Israel  was  a  ger  in  Egypt. 
The  employment  of  irpoarfKvTos  to  translate  ger 
may  possibly  be  due  to  the  later  sense  of  the 
word  ;  but,  as  has  been  shown,  the  word  in  O.T. 
means  not  so  much  "  a  religious  convert  "  as  a 


SUCCOTH 


853 


non- Israelite  dependent  in  a  household,  or  a 
foreigner  residing  in  Palestine.  The  classical 
equivalent  is  iirrfKvs  or  iwr]\vTris ;  but  the  tech- 
nical name  of  such  a  foreign  resident  is  fx^roLKos 
(found  in  the  LXX.  of  Je.20.3  only,  see  Hast- 
ings, D.B.  vol.  iv.).  Perhaps  this  is  all  that 
is  meant  by  TrpoariXvTos  in  the  LXX.,  for  the 
Israelites  are  called  irpoarjXvToi  in  Egypt 
(Ex. 22.21, 23. 9;  Lev.l9. 34;  Deut. 10.19).  [Law^ 
IN  O.T.  ;  Poor.]  [f.j.f.-j.j 

Stpawr  {tebhen,  Assyr.  tibnu,  Arab.  tibn). 
Both  wheat  and  barley  straw,  threshed  fine, 
were  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews,  chiefly  as 
fodder  for  their  cattle  (Is.ll.7,65.25),  horses 
(iK.4.28),  asses  (Judg.19.ig),  and  camels  (Gen. 
24.25).  There  is  no  indication  that  straw  was 
used  for  litter.  It  was  employed  by  the 
Egyptians  (Ex.5.7,i6)  and  Babylonians  in 
making  bricks,  being  chopped  up  and  mixed 
with  the  clay  to  hold  it  together  and  prevent 
cracking.  This  mixture  of  straw  is  visible 
in  one  of  our  illustrations  in  Plate  VI., 
taken  from  a  brick  in  the  Brit.  Museum.  The 
ancient  Egyptians  reaped  their  corn  close  to 
the  ear,  and  afterwards  cut  the  straw  close  to 
the  ground  and  laid  it  by.  This  was  the 
straw  which  Pharaoh  refused  to  give  to  the 
Israelites.  [t.g.p.] 

Stpeam  of  Egypt  (Is.27.i2  only  ;  R.V. 
brook).     [River  of  Egypt.] 

Street.  The  streets  of  a  modern  Oriental 
city  are  generally  narrow,  tortuous,  and 
gloomy,  even  in  the  best  towns,  the  narrowness 
being  a  protection  against  the  extreme  heat, 
and  the  gloominess  due  to  the  circumstance  of 
the  windows  looking  for  the  most  part  into  the 
inner  court.  Doubtless  in  ancient  times  the 
streets  were  much  of  the  same  character.  The 
street  called  "  Straight,"  in  Damascus  (Ac.9. 
11),  was  an  exception  :  it  was  a  noble  thorough- 
fare, 100  ft.  wide,  divided  in  the  Roman  age 
by  colonnades  into  three  avenues,  the  central 
one  for  foot  passengers,  the  side  passages  for 
vehicles  and  horsemen  going  in  different  direc- 
tions. The  shops  and  warehouses  were  pro- 
bably collected  together  into  bazars  in  ancient 
as  in  modern  times  (Je.37.2i),  like  the  wool, 
brazier,  and  clothes  bazars  in  Jerusalem 
(Josephus,  5  Wars  viii.  i),  and  perhaps  the 
agreement  between  Benhadad  and  Ahab  that 
the  latter  should  "  make  streets  in  Damascus  " 
(iK. 20.34)  referred  to  bazars,  and  thus 
amounted  to  the  establishment  of  a  jus  com- 
mercii  ;  for  another  suggestion  as  to  the  mean- 
ing of  the  phrase,  see  Ahab.  That  streets  occa- 
sionally had  names  appears  from  Je.37.2i, 
Ac.9.11.  That  they  were  generally  unpaved 
may  be  inferred  from  the  notices  of  the  pave- 
ment laid  by  Herod  the  Great  at  Antioch,  and 
by  Herod  Agrippa  II.  at  Jerusalem.  Hence 
pavement  forms  one  of  the  peculiar  features  of 
the  ideal  Jerusalem  (Tob.l3.i7  ;  Rev.21.2i). 

StPipes.     [Crimes.] 

Su'ah,  son  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (iChr.7. 

36). 

Su'ba,  a  family  of  the  sons  of  Solomon  s 
servants  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (lEsd. 
5.34  only). 

Suba'i  (iEsd.5.30)  =  Shalmai. 

Suecoth'  {booths,  Gen.33.i7),  where  Jacob 
made  booths  for  cattle.  It  was  in  the  Jor- 
dan Valley,  in  the  lot  of  Gad  (Jos.13.27),  on 


854  succoTH 

the  road  to  Jogbehah  (Judg.8.3,i5,i(')),  and 
near  tlie  clay  lands  extending  to  Zarthan  (iK. 
7.46).  The  "  valley  of  Succoth  "  is  mentioned 
in  the  Psahns  (60.6).  See  2Chr.4. 17,  where  it  is 
placed  in  the  kikkdr  of  Jordan.  In  the  Talmud 
(Tal.  Jer.  Haniga  i.  i)  the  later  name  is  said  to 
be  Tar'ala  (Neubauer,  Geof^.  du  Tal.  p.  248), 
evidently  the  present  7V//£)a>-'a/a,in  the  Jordan 
Valley,  just  N.  of  the  Jabbok.  If  this  be  ac- 
cepted, Jacob  retired  N.  over  the  latter  stream 
on  the  approach  of  Esau  (Gen. 32. 22, 23). 
[Mauanaim.]  In  I K. 20. 16,  the  LXX.  reads 
"  in  Succoth,"  as  the  place  where  Benhadad 
I.  was  caught  "  drinking  himself  drunk."  The 
easiest  route  for  advance  on  Samaria  would 
be  up  the  valley  of  Aenon,  W.  of  Succoth.  In 
ver.  12  the  LXX.  reads  "  tents."        [c.r.c] 

Succoth'.  Here  the  Israelites  first  halted 
after  leaving  Rameses,  during  the  early  stage 
of  the  Exodus  (Ex. 12. 37, 13. 20).  Thence  they 
went  on  to  encamp  "  in  Etham,  in  the  edge 
of  the  wilderness."  The  word  signifies  tents, 
or  booths.  It  corresponds  with  Thukut,  the 
name  of  a  district  of  which  Pithom  (Pi -Turn 
or  Pa-Tum)  was  the  capital.  Naville,  indeed, 
identifies  Succoth  with  Pithom.  The  locality 
of  Succoth  lies  by  the  line  of  railway  running 
from  Zagazig  to  Suez,  by  the  Tell  el-Maskh- 
uta  mounds.  [a.h.p.] 

Succoth'-benoth'  occurs  only  in  2K.I7. 
30,  apparently  as  the  name  of  a  deity  made 
by  the  Babylonians  transported  to  Samaria. 
Regarded  as  Heb.,  it  means  "  booths  of 
girls,"  and  has  been  explained  as  the  booths 
in  which  Babylonian  women  prostituted  them- 
selves in  honour  of  their  idol  ;  or  as  small 
tabernacles  containing  images  of  goddesses. 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  compared  Succoth-benoth 
with  Zer-banlt,  Merodach's  spouse,  who  was 
specially  worshipped  at  Babylon,  but  one  of 
the  other  explanations  is  preferable. 

Sucha'thites,  one  of  the  families  of 
scrilies  at  Jabez  (iChr.2.35). 

Sud,  a  river  close  to  Babylon,  on  the  banks 
of  which  Jewish  exiles  lived  (Ba.l.4).  It  is 
otherwise  unknown,  but  the  original  text  may 
have  had  Sur,  as  the  Syriac  (with  sade). 
Possibly,  however,  the  name  was  written  with 
samech,  in  which  case  the  river  or  canal  ndrSurn 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Babylon  may  be  in- 
tended.    Its  position  is  doubtful.       [t.g.p.] 

Sud  fiEsd.5.29)  =  SiA. 

Su  dias.     [Hanuas.] 

Sukkiims,  a  nation  mentioned  (2Chr.l2. 
3)  with  the  Lubim  and  Cushim  as  supplying 
part  of  the  army  which  came  with  Shishak 
out  of  Egypt  when  he  invaded  Judah.  The 
LXX.  makes  them  "Troglodytes"  from  the 
Sudan.  [a.ii.s.] 

Sun.  In  the  history  of  the  Creation  the  sun 
is  described  as  the  "  greater  light,"  serving  (in 
conjunction  with  the  moon,  or  "  lesser  light  ") 
"  for  signs,  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days,  and 
years,"  while  its  special  office  was  "  to  rule  the 
day  "  (Gen. 1. 14-16).  fLuiiiT.]  The  "  signs  " 
were  perhaps  such  iihenomena  as  eclipses, 
which  were  regarded  by  the  ancient  world  as 
premonitory  of  future  events  (Je.10.2  ;  Lu.21. 
25) ;  but  as  the  use  of  this  sort  of  omen  is  gen- 
erally discouraged  in  the  Bible,  the  "  signs  " 
should  )irnbal)lv  be  understood  as  geograplii- 
cal,  and  for  the  guidance  of  travellers.     The 


SUR,  GATE  OF 

"  seasons  "  and  "  days  "  referred  to  were  of 
course  the  fixed  times  important  for  agricul- 
tural operations  and  religious  festivals  ;  while 
the  "  years  "  included  both  the  solar  and  lunar 
years,  which  were  used  in  combination  by  the 
Hebrews.  The  sun  "ruled  the  day"  not  only 
by  his  light  and  heat,  but  as  deciding  its  length. 
Sunrise  and  sunset  are  the  only  natural 
fixed  points  of  time,  in  the  absence  of  artificial 
contrivances.  Between  these  two  points  the 
Hebrews  recognized  three  periods — viz.  when 
the  sun  became  hot  (iSam.ll.9;  Ne.7.3),  the 
zenith  light  or  noon  (Gen.43.i6  ;  2Sam.4.5). 
and  the  "  cool  of  the  day,"  shortly  before  sun- 
set (Gen. 3. 8).  The  four  points  of  the  compass 
are  also  roughly  indicated  by  the  sun,  rising  and 
setting  (Is. 45. 6;  Ps.50. i),  the  dark  (N.)  quarter 
(Gen. 13. 14;  Jl. 2. 20)  and  the  bright  (S.)  quarter 
(Dent. 33. 23  ;  Job37.i7  ;  Ezk.4O.24)  ;  or  by 
their  position  relative  to  a  person  facing  the 
rising  sun  :  E.  before,  W.  behind,  N.  left 
hand,  S.  right  hand  (cf.  Job  23.8,9).  The 
"  standing  still  "  of  the  sun  and  moon  in  Jos. 
10.13  is  a  poetical  way  of  describing  a  miracu- 
lous prolongation  of  the  daylight.  [Joshua, 
Book  of.]  The  worship  of  the  sun,  as  the 
most  prominent  and  powerful  agent  in  the 
kingdom  of  nature,  was  widely  diffused 
through  the  ancient  world.  The  Arabians 
appear  to  have  paid  direct  worship  to  it 
without  any  statue  or  symbol  (Job  31.26,27), 
and  this  simple  style  of  worship  was  probably 
familiar  to  the  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews  in 
Chaldea  and  Mesopotamia.  The  Hebrews 
in  Egypt  must  have  been  well  acquainted 
with  sim-worship  in  connexion  with  Ra,  the 
sun-god,  the  principal  Egyptian  divinity  (cf. 
On  =  the  Heb.  Beth-shemesh  or  "  house  of 
the  sun,"  J e. 43. 1 3,  and  Potipherah  =  "he  who 
belongs  to  Ra,"  Gen. 41. 45).  After  the  en- 
trance into  Canaan  the  Hebrews  came  into  con- 
tact with  various  forms  of  idolatry  originat- 
ing in  sun-worship — the  Molech  or  Milcom  of 
the  Ammonites,  the  Syrian  Hadad,  and  pro- 
bably both  the  Canaanite  and  the  Tyrian  Baal 
(sometimes  represented  with  a  crown  of  rays). 
That  it  was  a  constant  peril  may  be  seen  in  such 
!  allusions  as  the  "  sun-images  "  (hammdnim. 
Lev. 26. 30  ;  Is.17.8,  etc.).  and  the  "  horses  of 
the  sun,"  perhaps  those  that  drew  the  idol's 
chariot  in  processions  (2K.23.ii)  ;  and  that  it 
was  regarded  by  the  prophets  as  one  of  the 
worst  of  heathen  corruptions  is  seen  in  l'^zk.8. 
16,  where  it  forms  the  climax  of  the  visionary 
"  abominations."  In  the  metaphorical  lan- 
guage of  Scrii^ture  the  sun  is  emblematic  of  the 
laWof  God  (Ps.i9.4-7),  of  the  cheering  presence 
of  God  ( l's.84.i  I ).  of  the  promised  Messiah  (Mai. 
4.2),  of  the  (lixinilv  of  Cluist  manifested  in  His 
transfiguration  (Mt.17.2),  and  of  His  work  in 
the  world  generally  (Jn.l.9)  ;  also  of  the  ghiry 
and  purity  of  the  Church  (Rev. 12. i)  and  of  the 
angels  (ICJ.i ).  The  darkening  of  the  sun  which 
accompanied  the  Crucifixion  is  also  foretold  as  a 
sign  of  the  Second  .Advent  (Mt. 24.29  ;  Rev.6. 
12).   Sdxcc,  Hibbcrt  Lt'cltiresdHHy).     [a.r.w.] 

Sunstroke.     [Medicine.] 

Sup  (Jth.2.2S).  Perhaps  for  Palae-Tyrus. 
[()(Ina;  Tvkk. I  fc.R.c] 

Sup,  Gate  of  (liaff  of  the  wall  or  of  f^oing 
fi'ilh.  zK.H.(t).  It  was  jiroliably  on  il.  side 
of  the  temple,  the  gate  "west  of  the  guard" 


STJRETISHIP 

being  opposite,  and  the  third  station  being  on 
S.,  near  the  Horse  Gate  and  palace.  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  need  to  guard  on  N. 
side  against  Athaliah's  flight.  [c.r.c] 

Supetiship,  the  contract  by  which  one 
renders  himself  liable  for  the  debt  or  default 
of  another  ordinarily  entered  into  by  Hand- 
clasp (Pr.l7.i8,  etc.).  Apparently  it  ren- 
dered the  surety  liable  to  execution  on  his 
goods  in  default  of  payment  (20. i6, 22. 27),  and, 
according  to  one  rendering  of  20.  r  6,  to  personal 
execution  [cf.  Job  24. g).    [Poor]     [h.m.w.1 

In  N.T. — Heb.7.22,  "Jesus  hath  become  the 
surety  of  a  better  covenant."  The  word  occurs 
only  here  in  N.T.     C/.  Ph.i8,ig.  [h.h.] 

Su'sa  (Est.Apoc.ll.3,16.18).     [Shushan.] 

Susanchites  (Ezr.4.9),  better  Shushan- 
chites,  were  inhabitants  of  Susa  or  Shushan 
(Dan. 8. 2),  the  ancient  capital  of  Elam. 
[AsNAPPER  ;    Elam.]  [t.g.p.] 

Susan'na. — 1.  [Daniel,  Apoc  Additions 
TO.] — 2.  One  of  the  women  who  ministered  to 
our  Lord  (Lu.8.3). 

Susi',  father  of  Gaddi  (Nuni.13.ii). 

Sw^addling--clothes  (Lu.2.7, 12).  The 
Eng.  "swaddle"  or  "swathe"  comes  from  the 
A.-S.  "  swethel  "  or  "  swathian  " — the  former 
being  a  band  or  strip  of  cloth  used  for  wrapping 
a  child  or  for  any  kind  of  bandaging.  Amongst 
the  Jews  at  the  present  day,  the  newly  born 
child  is  at  once  enwrapped  in  a  square  cloth, 
which  is  bound  round  it  with  bandages,  varying 
in  material  according  to  the  circumstances  of 
the  parents.  This  simple  method  of  dressing 
the  child  is  probably  a  relic  from  the  time  of 
the  Wanderings,  and  is  retained  for  about 
twelve  months.  For  the  first  week,  salt 
water  is  applied  to  the  parts  of  the  body  liable 
to  inflammation,  and  olive-oil  is  rubbed  upon 
any  chafed  parts  of  the  skin  (see  Ezk.16.4). 
The  infant  is  frequently  tied  down  in  his 
cradle  by  other  bands  ;  a  bold  use  of  this 
figure  of  confinement  or  repression  is  found 
in  Job  38.9.  In  Lam. 2.22  and  20  marg.,  A.V. 
translates  a  different  Heb.  wordby  "swaddle"  ; 
but  R.V.  rightly  corrects  to  "  dandle."    [s.n.s.] 

S\vallow  (Heb.  d'-ror  and  'dghur).  The 
first  word,  which  occurs  in  Ps.84.3  and  Pr.26.2, 
and  means  "  the  bird  of  freedom,"  is  correctly 
translated  swallow  in  A.V.,  although  it  pro- 
bably includes  other  swift-flying  birds,  such 
as  martins,  sand-martins,  and  even  bee- 
eaters.  In  regard  to  'dghur,  the  translators 
of  A.V.  have  been  singularly  unfortunate, 
for  while  they  have  given  this  word  (e.g. 
Is. 38. 14)  as  "swallow,"  they  have  rendered 
the  associated  sis  as  "  crane."  [Crane.] 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  translations  should 
be  transposed,  while  even  then  one  of  them 
would  not  be  quite  correct,  as  sis  is  the 
equivalent  of  the  Arab,  sus,  which  denotes 
the  swift,  and  refers  to  thie  rushing  "swish  " 
of  its  flight.  Confirmation  of  this  is  af- 
forded by  the  fact  that  while  the  swallow 
is  only  a  partial  migrant  in  Palestine,  all  the 
typical  swifts  depart  for  Africa  in  the  winter. 
Besides  the  common  swift  (Cypselus  apus), 
the  larger  Alpine  swift  (C.  melba)  is  common 
during  the  summer  in  Palestine,  where  there 
is  also  the  Galilean  swift  (C.  affinis),  a  more 
martin-like  species,  resident  in  the  Jordan 
valley  throughout  the  year.  [r.l.] 


SWINE 


855 


S'wan  (Heb.  tinshemeth).  This  transla- 
tion, which  occurs  in  Lev. 11. 18  and  Deut.l*. 
16  in  the  list  of  unclean  birds,  is  almost 
certainly  wrong ;  while  the  emendations 
"pelican"  and  "owl"  are  equally  unsatis- 
factory, as  other  words  indicate  these  birds. 
The  LXX.  renderings  "  porphyrio  "  and 
"  ibis  "  are  much  more  probable,  neither  of 
these  birds  occurring  elsewhere  in  the  cata- 
logue, while  both  would  be  familiar  to  residents 
in  Egypt,  and  the  original  seems  to  point  to 
some  water-fowl,  n  opcpvpiwv,  the  purple  water- 
hen  (Porphyrio  caeruleus),  a  brilliantly  coloured 
and  larger  relation  of  our  own  moorhen,  is 
abundant  in  the  marshes  and  reed-brakes  of 
all  the  Mediterranean  countries,  and  is  most 
probably  the  species  mentioned.  [r.l.] 

Sweaping-.     [Oath.] 

Sweat,  Bloody.  This  feature  of  our 
Lord's  Passion  has  probably  been  more  dis- 
cussed than  any  other.  The  phrase  used  by 
St.  Luke  (22.44,  omitted  by  Vat.  and  Alex. 
MSS.,  see  note  in  R.V.  marg.)  is  remarkable  : 
"  His  sweat  was  as  it  were  great  drops  [lit.  clots 
or  gotits]  of  blood  falling  to  the  ground."  It  has 
been  suggested  that  "  as  it  were ' '  simply  means 
"  like,"  i.e.  that  the  sweat-drops  poured  from 
our  Lord's  brow  as  blood  from  a  wound ;  but 
this  explanation  appears  to  be  extremely  far- 
fetched. Moreover,  a  bloody  sweat  is  by  no 
means  unknown  in  medicine,  and  if  we  accept 
the  most  probable  view  of  the  physical  cause 
of  our  Lord's  death,  viz.,  that  He  died  from 
actual  rupture  of  the  heart,  the  violent  action 
of  that  organ  a  few  hours  earlier  causing  the 
actual  exudation  of  blood  upon  his  forehead 
is  by  no  means  inexplicable.  [f-J.] 

Swine  (Heb.  Mzir).  (i)  The  flesh  of 
swine  was  forbidden  as  food  by  the  Levitical 
law  (Lev.11.7  ;  Deut.14.8)  ;  and  the  abhor- 
rence in  which  it  was  held  by  the  Jews  may 
be  inferred  from  Is. 65. 4  and  2Mac.6.i8,i9. 
Swine's  flesh  was  forbidden  to  the  Egyptian 
priests  and  also  to  Arabs.  No  other  reason  for 
the  command  to  abstain  from  swine's  flesh  is 
given  in  the  law  of  Moses  beyond  the  general 
one  forbidding  any  mammals  as  food  which  do 
not  come  under  the  definition  of  a  "  clean 
animal,"  fjz.  a  cloven-footed  ruminant.  It  is, 
however,  probable  that  dietetical  considera- 
tions  may  have  been  connected  with  the 
prohibition  of  swine's  flesh,  as  it  is  generally 
believed  that  its  use  in  hot  countries  is  liable 
to  induce  cutaneous  disorders,  so  that  in  a 
people  subject  to  leprosy  the  necessity  for  the 
observance  of  a  strict  rule  in  this  respect  is 
obvious.  Although  during  the  greater  part  of 
their  existence  as  a  nation  the  Jews  did  not 
breed  swine,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
heathen  nations  of  Palestine  used  the  flesh 
as  food ;  and  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's 
ministry  it  would  appear  that  the  Jews  oc- 
casionally violated  the  law  with  respect 
to  swine's  flesh.  Whether  "  the  herd  of 
swine  "  into  which  the  devils  were  allowed 
to  enter  (Mt.8.32  ;  Mk.5.13)  was  the  property 
of  the  Jewish  or  Gentile  inhabitants  of  Gadara 
is  not  apparent  ;  but  that  the  practice  of 
keeping  swine  existed  among  the  Jews  seems 
clear  from  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  Hyr- 
canus  "  ne  cui  porcum  alere  liceret."  (2) 
"Thewjld  boar  of  the  wood"  (Ps.8O.13) is  Sms 


856  SWORD 

scrofa  ferus,  which  is  still  common  in  the  wooded 
parts  of  Palestine,  especially  mount  Tabor. 

SAVOPd.     [Arms,  Offensive,  (4).] 

Sycamine-tpee  (Lii.17.6  only).  The 
sycamine  is  distinct  from  the  sycamore  of  the 
same  evangelist  (19.4).  The  former,  as  ex- 
pressly stated  by  Dioscorides,  is  the  mulberry- 
tree  (Morns),  and  so  rendered  by  Coverdale. 
Both  black  and  white  mulberry-trees  are  com- 
mon in  Syria  and  Palestine.  The  confusion 
between  the  sycamore-fig  and  the  mulberry, 
from  the  almost  identical  Gk.  names,  was  not  a 
serious  botanical  error,  since  they  are  closely 
allied.     [Sycamore.]  [h.c.h.] 

Sycamope  (Heb.  shiqmd  ;  Gk.  a-vKafiivos. 
Lu.17.6,  (TVKOfxopea.  I9.4).  The  Heb.  word 
occurs  in  O.T.  only  in  the  plur.  form  masc.  and 
once  fem.,  Ps-78.47.  Although  the  sycatnine  is 
properly,  and  in  Lu.17.6,  the  mtdherry,  and 
the  sycamore  is  the  fis.-mulberry,  or  sycamore-fig 
(Ficus  sycomorus),  yet  the  latteris  the  tree  gen- 
erally referred  to  in  O.T.,  as  in  1K.IO.27,  iChr. 
27.28,  Ps.78.47,  Am.7.14,  though  always  trans- 
lated by  (Tii\d;U(vos  in  LXX.  The  sycamore,  or 
fig-mulberry,  abounds  in  Egypt  and  Palestine. 
It  attains  the  size  of  a  walnut-tree,  has  wide- 
spreading  branches,  and  affords  a  delightful 
shade.  For  this  reason  it  is  frequently  planted 
by  the  waysides.  Its  leaves  are  heart-shaped, 
downy  on  the  under  side,  and  fragrant.  The 
fruit  grows  directly  from  the  trunk  itself  on 
little  sprigs,  and  in  clusters  like  the  grape.  To 
raakeit  edible,  each  fruit,  three  or  four  days  be- 
fore gathering,  must  be  punctured  with  a  sharp 
instrument  or  the  finger-nail  in  order  to  liberate 
certain  grubs  or  insects  which  infest  it.  This 
was  the  original  employment  of  the  prophet 
Amos  (7.14).  So  greatly  were  these  trees 
valued,  that  David  appointed  a  special  over- 
seer for  them,  as  for  the  olives  (iChr.27.28)  ; 
and  it  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  heaviest  of 
Egypt's  calamities  that  her  sycamores  were 
destroyed  by  hailstones  (Ps.78.47).     [Gimzo.] 

Sychap  (Stx^p)-  "  A  city  of  Samaria  "  (Jn. 
4.5)  "  near  to  the  parcel  of  ground  that  Jacob 
gave  to  his  son  Joseph.  Now  Jacob's  well  was 
there."  In  4th  cent.  a.d.  it  was  known  as 
lying  a  mile  from  Shechem  (Bordeaux  Pilgrim, 
333  A.D.).  Eusebius  (Onomasticon)  calls  it 
Sychar  ;  Jerome  renders  it  Sichar,  and  says 
that  "  a  church  is  now  built  "  over  the  well. 
In  the  Middle  Ages,  however,  it  was  confounded 
with  Shechem,  probably  because  the  disciples 
are  said  to  have  "  gone  away  into  the  city 
(TToXti/)  to  buy  food"  (ver.  8).  The  true  site  is 
probably  the  village  'Askar,  on  the  slope  of  the 
hill  half  a  mile  N.E.  of  Jacob's  well  (Surv.  W. 
Pal.  ii.  p.  168).  It  has  a  spring  below  it  on  W., 
and  ancient  rock  tombs.  The  word  'Askar 
means  an  "  army,"  and  the  initial  guttural 
has  been  thought  an  objection.  But  in  the 
Samaritan  Chronicle  (as  given  by  Neubauer, 
Journal  Asiatique,  Dec.  1869,  pp.  390,  434)  the 
town  called  Iskar  (n^DM  in  Samaritan  "is  ren- 
dered 'Askar  in  the  Arab,  translation.  The 
name  Ischar  or  Sichar  would  mean  "  shut  up  " 
or  "  fortified,"  whence  perhaps  'Askar,  "  arm  v." 
It  lay  just  inside  the  border  of  Samaria.  Pos- 
sibly 'Judas  the  Iscariot  "  was  among  the 
converts  on  the  occasion  of  our  Lord's  visit 
(ver.    41).     It    is    true  that  his  title  is  spelt 


SYNAGOGUE 

'IiTKaptwTT;?,  which  answers  to  Heb.  IpK'* ;  but 
the  Samaritans  and  Galileans  were  notorious 
for  confusing  the  gutturals,  etc.  (Tal.  Bab. 
Mesilla,  246),  as  they  still  are.  [c.r.c] 

Sychem  (Ac.7.i6).     [Shechem.] 

Sy'chemite,  The  (Jth.5.i6),  aboriginal 
inhabitants  of  Shechem  dispossessed  at  the 
conquest. 

Sye'lus  (iEsd.1.8)  =  Jehiel,  3. 

Syene  {s>'wen£,  "Zv-qv-q,  the  present  Aswan),  a 
city  on  the  southern  frontier  of  Egypt,  below 
the  most  northern  of  the  cataracts.  It  be- 
longed to  the  nome  of  Nubia.  Its  hierogly- 
phical  name.  Sun,  is  found  only  in  late  in- 
scriptions ;  in  the  older  ones  the  capital  of 
the  nome  is  Elephantine,  the  city  built  on  the 
island  in  front  of  Syene.  Elephantine  gained 
importance  from  the  temple  of  the  god  Khnum. 
Syene  is  mentioned  twice  by  Ezekiel  (29. 10, 
30.6)  in  connexion  with  Migdol  ;  they  are  the 
two  frontier-towns,  one  in  the  N.,  the  other  in 
the  S.  Quite  lately  it  has  been  discovered  that 
there  was  an  important  settlement  of  Jews  at 
Syene ;  they  had  even  built  a  temple  at 
Elephantine.  As  we  know  from  Je.44.i  that 
Migdol  also  was  inhabited  by  Jews,  the  threats 
of  Ezekiel  are  a  warning  to  his  countrymen, 
as  well  as  to  the  Egyptians.  [e.n.] 

Synagogue.  I.  Name  and  Origin.  The 
term  awaywyq  occurs  in  the  LXX.  as  the 
designation  of  the  Congregation  and  also  of 
the  Assembly.  [Congregation.]  It  is  used  in 
N.T.  of  recognized  Jewish  places  of  worship,  ex- 
cept Jas.2.2,  the  Jewish-Christian  synagogue, 
and  Rev. 2. 0,3. 9,  "the  synagogue  of  Satan." 
It  appears  from  2K.4.23  that  it  was  usual  to 
resort  to  the  prophet's  house  on  sabbath  and 
new  moon.  During  the  Exile  the  people 
would  probably  meet  together  for  reading  the 
Scriptures,  prayer  and  instruction  being  added. 
Such  assemblies  would  be  necessary  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  religious  life  (cf.  Zech.7.3, 
5).  After  the  Return  these  assemblies  became 
general,  and  in  the  later  period  the  building 
erected  for  the  purpose  was  called  a  bith 
hakk'neseth,  or  synagogue.  It  was  also  custom- 
ary to  resort  for  prayer  to  places  outside  the 
town,  near  running  water  (Ac. 16. 13).  These 
were  called  Trpoirei'xa'',  the  term  being  after- 
wards applied  to  the  house  of  prayer  put  up 
on  the  spot  (Josephus,  14  Ant.  x.  23  ;  Life, 
liv.).  In  N.T.  times  the  synagogue  as  an  in- 
stitution was  fully  established,  and  evidently 
of  long  standing.  There  were  synagogues 
wherever  Jews  resided,  both  in  Palestine  and 
other  lands — e.g.  Nazareth  (Lu.4.i6),  Caper- 
naum (7.3  ;  cf.  Mt.4.23):  and  it  is  said  there 
were  480  in  Jerusalem  (Jer.  Meg.  iii.  i).  The 
apostles  frequented  the  svnagogues  in 
Damascus  (Ac.9.20),  Antioch  (I3.14),  Iconium 
(14.i),  Thessalonica  (17. i),  Berea  (ver.  10), 
Athens  (ver.  17),  Corinth  (18. 4),  Ephesus  (ver. 
19),  etc.  ;  see  also  6.'). — II.  Structure,  etc. 
The  synagogue  was  usually  built  at  the  cost  of 
the  community,  sometimes  by  wealthy  mem- 
bers, or  even  by  a  Gentile  (Lu.7..'i).  The 
principle  that  the  synagogue  should  occupy 
the  highest  situation  in  the  town  so  as  not 
to  be  over-topped  by  other  buildings  was 
not  generally  observed  in  our  Lord's  time, 
la    any   case   it  did  not   apply   to  those   in 


SYNAGOGUE 

Galilee.  Some  think  that  the  synagogues  dis- 
covered there  date  from  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
cent.  (Mem.  Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  206-208;  Syrian 
Stone  Lore,  3rd  ed.  pp.  262-264  ;  cf.  P.E.F.  Qtly. 
Stat.,  July,  1878,  123-129).  It  used  to  be 
generally  understood  that  the  entrance  was  on 
the  E.,  in  imitation  of  the  temple  (but  see 
Syr.  Stone  Lore,  3rd  ed.  p.  264  note),  but  in  ten 
of  eleven  discovered  it  was  on  the  S.,  and  the 
exception  was  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  site. 
There  seems  to  have  been  usually  four  colon- 
nades, running  N.  and  S.,  the  two  side  aisles 
probably  being  passages.  The  women's  gaUery 
was  at  the  N.  end.  If  the  general  direction  to 
turn  towards  Jerusalem  in  prayer  was  observed 
in  our  Lord's  time,  we  must  assume  that  the 
worshippers,  on  entering  by  the  S.  door,  made 
a  detour  to  the  middle  of  the  E.  side  before 
turning  into  the  nave.  Many  of  the  Rabbini- 
cal references  to  synagogue  construction  pro- 
bably apply  only  to  later  times  and  foreign 
lands.  The  stone  of  the  country  was  used — e.g. 
the  black  basalt  of  Chorazin — and  the  floor 
was  of  limestone  slabs.  On  the  lintels  over 
the  doors  were  carved  representations  of 
the  Paschal  lamb,  vine-leaves  and  grapes,  the 
seven-branched  candlestick,  or  a  pot  of  manna 
with  Aaron's  Rod.  [Palestine. 1 — III.  Furni- 
ture, (i)  A  movable  wooden  chest,  called  the 
Holy  Ark,  containing  the  scrolls  of  the  law  and 
the  prophets.  This  stood  at  the  Jerusalem  end 
of  the  synagogue,  was  usually  raised  a  little 
above  the  floor,  and  approached  by  one  or  more 
steps.  In  front  of  it  was  the  perpetual  lamp, 
(Ex. 27. 20),  the  symbol  of  God's  Presence  in 
Israel.  There  was  also  a  Candlestick, 
sometimes  two,  for  use  on  sabbath  and 
festival.  (2)  The  rostrum  (hinid)  with,  in 
somewhat  later  times,  a  desk  on  which  to 
place  the  scroll  during  the  reading.  The  desk 
was  covered  with  a  cloth,  sometimes  of  great 
value  and  beauty  (Meg.  26b).  The  bimd, 
called  "  the  seat  of  Moses  "  (Mt.23.2  ;  Pesik. 
7b.  ed.  Buber)  stood  in  the  centre  of  a  large 
synagogue  (Succa  516).  (3)  Seats.  There 
were  seats  for  the  congregation,  those  for  the 
elders  and  other  honourable  men  being  in  front 
of  the  ark  and  facing  the  people  (Tos.  Meg. 
iii.  ;  Mt.23.6  ;  Lu.ll.43).— IV.  The  Officers. 
(i)  The  elders  constituted  the  local  Sanhe- 
DRiN,  and  were  called  shepherds  (parnassim, 
TToi^ifVes)  iJer.  Pea.  viii.  6;  cf.  Ac.2O.28  ;  Eph.4. 
11),  or  rulers  {dpxovTes).  [Elder.]  The  chief 
of  the  elders,  probably  primus  inter  pares,  was 
the  d/)X'<3'i'i'a7w7os  (Mt.9.i8,  etc.).  These  rulers 
were  all  examined  as  to  their  knowledge  by 
delegates  from  the  Great  Sanhedrin,  but  they 
were  elected  by  the  congregation  (Berach.  55a). 
Upon  the  ruler  devolved  the  care  of  the 
synagogue,  and  the  ordering  of  the  services, 
especially  the  choice  of  qualified  persons  to 
take  part  in  them.  (2)  The  shelidh  nbbur, 
or  delegate  of  the  congregation,  who  must  be 
fitted  by  learning  and  possession  of  the  highest 
moral  qualities  for  the  sacred  task  of  reading 
the  prayers  or  benedictions  (Taan.  ii.  2  ; 
Yad.  Tefilla  viii.  11,  12).  (3)  The  m^thurge- 
indn,  or  interpreter.  Any  one  who  was  able 
to  render  the  Heb.  into  the  vernacular 
Aramaic  was  invited  to  ascend  the  bimd  and 
act  as  intrepreter.  One  verse  from  the  law, 
or  three  from  the  prophets,  were  read  at  a 


SYNAGOGUE 


857 


time  and  then  paraphrased.  (4)  The  hazzdn, 
the  minister,  servant,  or  beadle.  His  special 
duties  were  to  take  the  scroll  of  the  law  from 
the  ark,  hand  it  to  the  reader,  and  finally^re- 
place  it  in  the  ark  (Sotah  vii.  7,  8 ;  Lu.4.2o). 
He  also  saw  that  the  synagogue  doors  were 
open,  attended  to  the  lamps  (Jer.  Maas.  Sh. 
V.  2),  and  taught  the  children  to  read  (Shab.  i. 
3,  comments).  (5)  Three  almoners  (dtaKovoL), 
who  collected  and  distributed  the  alms  (cf.  Ph. 
l.i  ;  iTim.3. 8,12, 4.6).  Hatch  (Organ,  of  Chr. 
Ch.)  traces  the  office  of  bishop  to  that  of  the 
gabbdy  or  almoners.  (6)  The  ba'Jdnini,  or 
ten  men  of  leisure.  These  were  probably 
men  of  independent  position  who  attended 
the  synagogue  regularly,  and  formed  the 
quorum  of  ten,  without  which  public  service 
could  not  be  performed  (Meg.  i.  3,  iv.  3  ;  Jer. 
Meg.  i.  6  ;  Sank.  17b). — V.  Hours  of  Prayer. 
Prayer,  public  or  private,  was  offered  three 
timesaday(Ps.55.i7) :  (i)  at  the  third  hour,  or 
nine  o'clock,  the  time  of  the  morning  sacrifice  ; 
(2)  about  the  ninth  hour,  3-3.30,  or  even  at 
12.30,  since  that  was  the  time  of  the  evening 
sacrifice  on  the  Passover  Eve  when  it  fell  on 
Friday  ;  (3)  during  the  time  of  burning  the 
fat,  etc.,  on  the  altar,  i.e.  from  sunset  till  all 
was  consumed  (Ber.  iv.  i  and  Gemara ; 
Josephus,  14  Ant.  iv.  3  :  cf.  Ac.3. 1,10.30). 
Public  prayer  was  obligatory  on  feasts  and 
fasts,  the  sabbath,  and  on  Monday  and  Thurs- 
day, the  latter  being  market  days,  when  the 
local  Sanhedrin  held  their  sessions  in  the 
synagogue  (Baba  Kama  82a).  These  two  days 
were  optional  fast -days  (cf.  Lu.l8.12).  —VI. 
Powers.  The  higher  officials  of  the  syna- 
gogues had  the  power  to  administer  justice  in 
religious  and  civil  matters  in  their  own  com- 
munity. They  issued  marriage  contracts, 
letters  of  divorce,  and  similar  legal  instru- 
ments. They  also  dealt  with  religious 
offenders  (cf.  Mt.l8.i5-i7  ;  Mk.13.9  ;  Jn.9. 
22,12.42  ;  Ac.22.i9,26.ii). — VII.  Worship. 
There  can  be  no  question  that  a  fixed  order  of 
service  was  followed  in  the  synagogue  in  our 
Lord's  time,  and  the  benedictions  or  prayers 
then  used  still  constitute  the  central  portion  of 
the  synagogue  service,  (i)  The  recital  of  the 
Shema,  a  kind  of  creed  consisting  of  Deut.6. 
4-9,11.13-21,  Num. 15. 37-41,  was  preceded  by 
two  benedictions  and  followed  by  a  third.  It 
derived  its  name  from  the  opening  word, 
sh''m.a',  "  hear,"  and  is  referred  to  by  our 
Lord  in  His  reply  to  the  lawyer  (Lu.lO.26). 
The  introductory  benedictions  were  i, 
"  Blessed  be  Thou,  O  Lord,  King  of  the  world, 
Who  formest  light  and  createst  darkness.  .  .  . 
Blessed  be  the  Lord  our  God,  Who  has  formed 
the  luminaries."  2.  "  With  great  love  hast 
Thou  loved  us.  .  .  .  Blessed  be  the  Lord, 
Who  in  love  chose  His  people  Israel."  Then 
followed  the  Shema  and  the  Ten  Command- 
ments (Taniid  v.  i  ;  Berach.  14b)  and  the 
third  benediction  :  "  True  it  is  that  Thou  art 
Jehovah,  our  God,  and  the  God  of  our  fathers  ; 
there  is  no  God  besides  Thee.  Blessed  be  the 
Lord,  Who  saveth  Israel "  (Berach.  i.  4  and 
Gemara  ;  Tamid  v.  i  and  Gemara).  (2)  This 
was  followed  by  the  eighteen  (now  nineteen) 
benedictions,  distinguished  as  The  Prayer.  Of 
these  the  first  and  last  three  are  the  most 
ancient:     i.  "  Blessed  be  the  Lord  our  God, 


858     SYNAGOGUE,  THE  GREAT 

and  the  God  of  our  fathers.  .  .  .  Who  bring- 
eth  a  redeemer  to  their  children's  children,  for 
His  Name's  sake,  in  love.  Blessed  art  Thou, 
O  Jehovah, the  Shield  of  Abraham."  2.  "Thou, 
O  Lord,  art  mighty  for  ever  ;  Thou,  Who 
quickenest  the  dead,  art  mighty  to  save.  .  .  . 
Blessed  art  Thou,  Jehovah,  Who  quickenest 
the  dead."  3.  "Thou  art  holy,  and  Thy  Name 
is  holy.  Selah.  Blessed  art  Thou,  Jehovah 
God,  the  Holy  One."  The  last  three  :  16. 
"  Accept,  O  Jehovah,  our  God,  Thy  people 
Israel  and  their  prayer.  .  .  .  Blessed  be  Thou, 
O  Jehovah,  Who  restoreth  His  Shekinah  to 
Zion."  17.  This  is  a  thanksgiving,  to  be  said 
inclining  :  "  We  give  thanks  to  Thee,  for 
Thou  art  He,  Jehovah,  our  God.  .  .  .  Blessed 
art  Thou,  Jehovah,  Whose  Name  is  All-good, 
and  unto  Whom  it  is  becoming  to  give  thanks." 
If  there  were  priests  present  they  pronounced 
the  blessing  (Num.6.23-26),  with  "  lifting  up  of 
hands"  (iTim.2.8),  the  people  saying  Amen 
after  each  of  the  three  sections  into  which  it  is 
divided.  18.  "  O  bestow  on  Thy  people 
Israel  great  peace  for  ever.  For  Thou  art 
King,  and  Lord  of  all  peace.  And  it  is  good  in 
Thine  eyes  to  bless  Thy  people  Israel  at  all 
times  and  in  every  hour  with  Thy  peace. 
Blessed  art  Thou,  Adonai,  Who  blesseth  His 
people  Israel  with  peace."  There  is  a  longer 
form  of  this  benediction,  used  only  in  the 
morning  service.  The  blessing  was  regarded 
as  coming  from  God,  through  the  priest,  even 
if  the  priest  were  personally  unworthy  (cf. 
Jer.  Ciitt.  v.  9).  There  now  followed  the  read- 
ing of  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  the 
sermon  (Lu.4.i6ff.).  A  visitor  or  a  well-known 
preacher  was  usually  asked  to  deliver  the 
sermon.  (For  other  details,  see  Kitto,  Encycl. 
Bibl.  Lit.  s.v. ;  Edersheim,  Life,  etc.,  i.  436- 
450.)  Jer.  Megilla  ill.;  Maimon.  Yad,  TefUla; 
Zunz,  Die  Gott.  Vorlrdge  der  Jtiden,  and  Die 
Kitus  des  Synagogue  Gottesd. ;  Schiirer,  Gesch. 
(3rd  ed.)  ii.  427-464  ;  Bacher,  Hastings,  D.B. 
(5  vols.  1904).  [U.H.] 

Synag-og-ue,  The  Great.  The  Synod 
known  as  the  Great  Synagogue  came  into  ex- 
istence during  the  earlier  period  of  the  second 
temple.  Its  members  numbered  120  {Meg. 
176),  or,  according  to  another  account  85  {Jer. 
Meg.  i.  7),  among  whom  were  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah.  Simon  the  Just,  who  died  292  b.c, 
was  one  of  the  last  members.  Its  origin  is 
traced  to  the  great  assembly  described  in 
Ezr.8-10,  but  as  Haggai  and  Zechariah  are 
said  to  have  received  the  oral  law  from  the 
line  of  prophets  and  passed  it  on  to  the  Men 
of  the  Great  Synagogue,  it  must  have  been  in 
existence  at  an  earlier  period.  These  prophets 
flourished  at  the  time  of  the  building  of  Zerub- 
babel's  temple  in  520  u.c,  and  the  assembly 
under  Ezra  was  nearly  one  hundred  years 
later.  Some  {e.g.  Krauss)  maintain  that  the 
Synod  was  established  about  520  b.c,  and  then 
consisted  of  120  members,  this  number  being 
afterwards  reduced  to  85.  The  work  of  the 
Men  was  to  define,  teach,  and  develop  the 
law.  (i)  They  settled  the  Canon.  (2)  In- 
troduced the  Feast  of  Purim.  (3)  Laid  the 
foundation  of  the  Liturgy,  and  compiled, 
among  other  prayers,  the  Shemone  'l-^src 
(tierach.  },t,(i),  the  most  important  of  the  svna- 
gogue  prayers.     The  Great  Synod  probably 


SYRIA 

became  merged  in  the  Assembly  of  Elders. 
[Sanhedrin.]  Krauss,  in  the  Jew.  Qtly.  Rev. 
X.  347  ff. :  Bacher,  Jew.  Encycl.  xi.  640  f!.  ; 
Kuenen,  "  Ueberdie  Manner  der  Gros.  Syn.,"  in 
Gesam.  Abhand.  125-160  ;  Low,  in  "  Die  Grosse 
Syiiode,"  in  Gesam.  Schriften,  i.  399  ff.     [h.h.] 

Synoptists.     [Gospels.] 

Syn'tyche,  a  female  member  of  the  church 
of  Philippi  (Ph. 4.2),  whom  St.  Paul  besought 
to  live  in  harmony  with  Euodias  ;  perhaps 
these  two  are  the  "  women  "  of  ver.  3,  who  had 
"  laboured  with  "  St.  Paul,  and  the  help  which 
he  besought  his  "  true  yoke- fellow "  (see 
Lightfoot,  Philippians,  ad  loc.,  for  the  possible 
meanings  of  this  phrase)  to  render  would  then 
be  the  reconciling  of  the  twain. 

Sy'pacuse,  the  celebrated  city  on  the 
E.  coast  of  Sicily.  St.  Paul  arrived  there 
in  an  Alexandrian  ship  from  Melita,  on  his 
voyage  to  Rome  (Ac. 28. 12).  The  magnificence 
which  Cicero  describes  as  still  remaining  in 
his  time  was  then  no  doubt  greatly  impaired. 
But  the  site  of  Syracuse  rendered  it  a  con- 
venient place  of  call  for  the  .African  corn -ships, 
the  harbour  being  an  excellent  one,  and  the 
fountain  Arethusa  in  the  island  furnishing  an 
unfailing  supply  of  excellent  water.  At  the 
time  of  St.  Paul's  voyage,  Sicily  did  not  supply 
the  Romans  with  corn  to  the  extent  it  had  done 
in  the  time  of  king  Hiero  and,  in  a  less  degree, 
as  late  as  the  time  of  Cicero.  It  is  an  error, 
however,  to  suppose  that  the  soil  was  ex- 
hausted ;  for  Strabo  expressly  says  that  for 
corn,  and  some  other  productions,  Sicily  even 
surpassed  Italy.  At  this  period  there  were 
only  five  Roman  colonies  in  Sicily,  of  which 
Syracuse  was  one.  The  others  were  Catana, 
Tauromenium,  Thermae,  and  Tyndaris.  Mes- 
sana,  although  not  a  colony,  was  inhabited  by 
a   Roman  population. 

Syria,  the  region  N.  of  Palestine,  and 
three  times  as  large,  the  history  of  which  is  im- 
portant in  relation  to  O.T.  as  explaining  that 
of  the  Holy  Land.  The  name,  as  spelt  in  the 
Mishna  (N'lID,  Ohololh  xviii.  7),  comes  from 
a  root  meaning  "  to  mount  up,"  and  is  thus 
equivalent  t<>  Aram  ;  which  connection  is  re- 
cognized by  LXX.  and  A.V.  It  applied  to  the 
"  wall  "  of  mountains  separating  the  valley  of 
the  Orontes  [Coelosvria]  from  the  narrow 
shores  of  Phoenicia  [Puenice],  or  more  gener- 
ally to  all  the  country  between  the  Leontes 
{Li(dny)  River  and  the  Euiihrates,  even  in- 
cluding Commagene  {Kumntukh),  which  lay 
between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Taurus  chain 
as  far  E.  as  Samosata.  Syria  was  bounded  on 
E.  by  the  Anti-Lebanon  [Lebanon ],  and  by 
the  Syrian  Desert.  It  included  three  regions: 
one  running  100  miles  N.  to  Kadcsh  on  Orontes 
and  to  tlie  Ivleuthekus  ;  the  second  including 
mount  Hargylus — a  continuation  of  the  Leba- 
non chain — as  far  N.  as  the  lower  valley  of  the 
Orontes  near  Antiocii,  this  being  the  land  of 
Hamatii,  extending  also  100  miles  N.  ;  the 
third,  reaching  yet  another  100  miles  to 
Mcr'ash  at  the  foot  of  the  Taurus,  included  the 
.\manus  [.^mana],  a  continuation  of  the 
Bargylus  range,  with  the  plains  draining  S.  into 
the  ()rontes,  and  W.  to  the  Pyramus,  or  farther 
F,.  into  the  luipiiratts.  Tiic  total  area  of  Syria 
is  tlins  about  30,0(10  S(inarc  miles.  On  the  I'', 
it  included  Damascis,  Hekmon,  and  Shenir, 


SYRIA 

witlj  towns  on  E.  slope  of  Anti-Lebanon 
towards  Tadmor,  this  being  the  kingdom  of  j 
Damascus  adjoining  that  of  Hamath.  The 
trade  route  from  Damascus  to  Tadmor  ran 
thence  N.  to  Rezeph,  and  to  Tiphsah  on  the 
Euphrates.  Near  Ba'albek  the  Buqa'a  Plain, 
E.  of  Lebanon,  has  a  low  shed  whence  the 
Orontes  drains  N.  and  the  Leontes  S.  The 
latter  bounds  Galilee,  and,  turning  W.,  reaches 
the  sea  5  miles  N.  of  Tyre.  The  Orontes  is  fed 
by  other  springs  at  Lebweh  (Lybo),  N.  of  Ba'al- 
bek, and  becomes  a  brawling  stream,  which 
passes  just  E.  of  the  great  mound  of  Tell  Neby 
Mendeh — the  site  of  Kadesh  (Qades),  called  in 
later  times  Laodicea  ad  Libanum.  [Tahtim- 
HODSHi.]  It  then  passes  through  a  lake  6 
miles  long  {Baheirct  Horns)  formed  by  a  Roman 
dam  which,  according  to  the  Talmud  (Neu- 
bauer,  Geog.  dti  Tal.  p.  29),  was  made  by  Diocle- 
tian. The  Orontes  then  passes  Horns  (Emesa) 
and  runs  in  a  narrow  gorge  near  Hamath,  which 
city  is  remarkable  for  the  great  water-wheels 
on  the  river.  By  Apamea  it  flows  to  the 
"  Iron  Bridge,"  where  it  turns  W.,  entering  the 
valley  of  Antioch,  and  is  fed  by  the  waters  of 
the  lake  of  Antioch,  and  by  the  Afrin  River 
from  N.  It  reaches  the  sea  after  a  course  of 
more  than  100  miles.  East  of  the  river,  and  of 
Antioch,  Aleppo — the  present  capital  of  N. 
S\Tia — stands  on  the  Quweiq  stream,  which 
flows  S.  and  ends  in  a  swamp  :  it  rises  near 
the  Sdjiir,  an  affluent  of  the  Euphrates, 
which  flows  S.E.  past  Carchemish.  The  sixth 
Syrian  river,  flowing  W.  under  the  Taurus, 
is  the  Aq-shai  (Turkish)  or  "  white  stream." 
These  plains  are  bounded  on  W.  by  the  range 
which  to  S.  in  Lebanon,  rises  10,000  ft.  above 
the  sea,  and  5,000  ft.  to  N.  in  the  Amanus.  The 
Afrin  River,  flowing  S.byC},TThus  and  'Azaz,is 
flanked  on  W.  by  the  Kurd-Ddgh,  or  "  Kurd's 
mountain,"  which  runs  parallel  to  the  Amanus, 
and  on  E.  by  the  hills  S.of  'A  in  Tab  (Doliche), 
which  separate  the  basins  of  the'Afrin  and  the 
Quweiq.  The  Amanus  falls  with  very  steep 
slopes  to  the  narrow  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Alex- 
andretta,  at  the  N.  end  of  which  the  great  trade 
route  from  Carchemish  to  Tarsus,  passing 
Samala,  descends  through  the  narrow  gorge 
S.  of  Issos  where,  in  333  B.C.,  Alexander  the 
Great  entrapped  the  huge  army  of  Darius  III., 
and  by  his  victory  decided  the  fate  of  Western 
Asia.  Besides  the  chief  cities  above  men- 
tioned, several  others  in  S\Tia  are  of  historic 
importance.  Thus  Kdmid  on  the  Leontes 
appears  to  have  been  the  ancient  Kumidi, 
noticed  in  the  15th  and  perhaps  in  i6th  cent. 
B.C.  It  lies  S.  of  the  road  from  Beiriit  to 
Damascus,  and  E.  of  the  river,  on  the  lower 
slope  of  Anti-Lebanon.  Abu  el  Feda  ( Robinson, 
Later  Bib.  Res.  p.  425)  says  it  was  once  the 
chief  place  of  this  region.  Ba'albek  is  noticed 
under  its  Gk.  name  Heliopolis  (city  of  the 
sun)  by  Josephus  (14  Ant.  iii.  2)  as  existing 
in  63  B.C. ;  but  its  famous  temple  first  appears 
on  coins  of  Septimius  Severus  (193-211  a.d.), 
whose  empress  was  the  S^Tian  princess  Julia 
Domna  from  Emesa.  The  text  on  the  temple 
porch  was  inscribed  by  Longinus  (Waddington, 
No.  1881)  in  the  reign  of  her  grand-nephew 
Elagabalus  (218-222  a.d.)  ;  andrecent  explorers 
all  agree  that  none  of  the  work  is  older  than 
about   this  time,  when  S>T:ia  played  so  im- 


SYRIA 


859 


portant  a  part  in  Roman  history.  In  N.  Syria, 
Chalcis  S.  of  Aleppo  was  an  important  town, 
and  N.  of  Aleppo  Arpad  and  Tuneb  (Tennib) 
were  capitals  in  early  times.  Pethor  lay 
between  the  Sajur  and  the  Euphrates  ;  and, 
in  Commagene,  Taruna  (Derrena)  appears  to 
have  been  a  large  town.  Strabo  divides  Syria 
into  five  provinces,  including  Commagene, 
Coelosyria,  and  those  of  which  the  capitals 
were  C>Trhus,  Seleucia,  and  Damascus. — 
Inhabitants.  The  earliest  inhabitants  were 
probably  of  both  the  Akkadian  and  the  Semitic 
races.  In  15th  cent.  e.g.  we  find  the  Hittites 
powerful  both  in  the  far  N.  at  Mer'ash,  and  in 
central  Syria  at  Kadesh.  They  are  repre- 
sented as  a  yellow  people,  with  hairless  faces, 
slanting  eyes,  and  black  pigtails  (on  Egyptian 
coloured  reliefs),  and  the  only  Hittite  letter 
in  the  Amarna  collection  (Berlin  10)  is  in  au. 
agglutinative  dialect  like  the  Akkadian.  The 
names  of  their  princes  are  also  Akkadian. 
The  Amorites,  on  the  other  hand,  were  '"  high- 
landers,"  represented  as  dark  brown,  with  black 


SYRIAN  baggage-camel.  W.D.A. 

eyes,  beards,  and  hair,  and  Semitic  features. 
They  dwelt  at  Tuneb  and  in  Lebanon,  and  the 
letters  of  Aziru  the  Amorite  are  in  Semitic 
Babylonian.  These  two  races  have  always 
existed  together,  and  still  so  exist,  in  S}Tia  ; 
and  it  is  notable  that  many  of  the  town  names 
of  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  in  Syria  are  still 
preserved,  not  in  Arab.,  but  in  the  Turkish 
nomenclature  of  to-day.  The  Assyrians  de- 
ported both  Hittites  and  other  Syrians,  and 
filled  their  towns  with  colonists  from  E.  ;  but 
these  also  were  of  Semitic  race.  After  the 
time  of  Tigranes,  there  seems  to  have  been  a 
Persian — or  Greco-Persian — element  in  the 
population  of  Commagene  at  least,  and  there 
was  a  Gk.  element  in  Syria  after  c.  300  B.C., 
which  is  still  represented  in  the  Christian  popu- 
lation. The  Romans  and  the  Crusaders  did 
not  furnish  more  than  a  governing  class  ;  and 
the  present  population  of  Arabs,  Turkomans, 
and  Turks  (with  a  few  Jews,  Armenians,  and 
Kurds)  substantially  represents  that  of  the 
earliest  known  age.-^History.  SjTia  was  known 
from  the  dawn  of  history  to  the  Akkadians  of 
Chaldea,  who  called  it  Mar-tu,  "the  way  of 
sunset"  (.Aharu,  or  "west,"  in  Semitic  trans- 
lation) ;  and  Sargina,  "  the  founder  king  "  of 
Chaldea,  conquered  Martu  as  far  as  the  Medi- 


860 


SYRIA 


terraneaii.  The  rJabylouians  of  the  6th  cent. 
B.C.  asserted  that  he  lived  at  a  date  repre- 
senting 3800  B.C.,  but  this  may  be  an  exaggera- 
tion of  1000  years,  judging  from  astronomical 
data  as  to  the  zodiac,  (iudea,  the  prince  of 
Zirgul  {Zirghul,  close  to  Tell  Loh)  is  said,  on  the 
same  authority,  to  have  lived  c.  2800  b.c  ; 
and  the  Akkadian  texts  on  his  statues  tell  us 
that  he  cut  cedars,  to  roof  his  temple,  in 
Amanum  (Amanus),  and  brought  other  ma- 
terials from  Martu.  The  kings  of  the  first 
dynasty  of  Babylon  (after  2250  b.c)  also  in- 
vaded the  VV.,  S'umuabi  the  first  king  con- 
quering Kazalla  (probably  the  Kizil  range  in 
Commagene),  and  advancing  to  Halibu  or 
Aleppo.  Kazalla  had  already  been  invaded  by 
Sargina.  Hammurabi,  the  first  Babylonian 
king  who  founded  an  extensive  empire,  was  the 
sixth  of  the  first  dynasty  (2139  to  2094  b.c), 
^nd  he  appears  to  have  dominated  the  whole  of 
Syria  and  Palestine,  though  his  chronicle  un- 
fortunately is  broken  after  his  20th  year.  In 
the  30th  and  31st  years  he  was  fighting  in 
Elam,  where  he  conquered  Susa  ;  but  in  the 
23rd  and  24th  years,  before  he  thus  became 
supreme,  he  apparently  fought  against  Gubla, 
which  (in  the  Amarna  letters,  etc.)  represents 
Gebal  in  Phoenicia.  He  thrice  (in  22nd,  30th, 
and  31st  years)  attacked  a  place  called  Emur, 
which  might  be  Gomorrah  ;  but  it  must  be 
noted  that  the  text  which  gives  these  references 
to  Gubla  and  Emur  has  been  ascribed  to  a 
time  yet  earlier,  the  king's  name  being  almost 
illegible,  though  the  events  coincide  with 
those  of  the  Babylonian  chronicle  of  Ham- 
murabi's reign.  His  successor,  Saamsu-isibna 
(3094-2089  B.C.),  also  speaks  of  "  the  army 
of  the  west  "  ;  but  the  second  dynasty  of 
Babylon  (1851-1589  b.c)  was  less  powerful: 
and,  just  at  the  time  of  its  close,  Thothmes  HI. 
of  Egypt  appears  as  the  conqueror  of  all  Syria 
and  part  at  least  of  Phoenicia.  His  ancestor 
Thothmes  I.  had  already  penetrated  to  the 
Euphrates,  where  he  set  up  a  record  ;  but  a 
formidable  league  of  Hittites,  Syrians,  and 
Phoenicians  met  Thothmes  HI.  at  Mf.giddo, 
on  his  first  conipaign.  .\fter  their  defeat  he 
proceeded  to  Damascus,  to  KadeshonOrontes, 
and  thence  to  .\RVAr)  and  Phoenicia  [PhenickI. 
His  list  of  230  cities  in  Syria  includes  such 
places  as  Hamath,Tuneb,  Chalcis,Carchemish, 
Pethor,  .\lcppo,  and  Rezcph,  with  others  even 
in  Padan-aram  ;  and  he  received  offerings 
from  Assyria  and  Babylon.  Amenophis  III. 
(c.  1500  B.C.)  also  ruled  Syria,  and  travelled 
through  it  into  .Armenia.  In  his  time  a  revolt 
of  the  N.  Hittites  was  quelled  by  Dusratta, 
the  Mongol  king  of  Matiene,  allied  i)y  marriage 
with  Amenophis  III.  and  accepting  his  suzer- 
ainty in  Syria.  He  also  speaks  of  the  city  of 
Chalcis.  The  great  revolt  which  began  in  the 
closing  years  of  .\menophis  III.  was  caused  by 
a  fresh  outbreak  of  the  Hittites  of  Mar-l)ase 
(or  Nu-hase) — probably  Mer'ash — and  soon 
involved*' the  .'Minorites  of  Tunob  (Tcnnib)  and 
the  Hittites  of  Kadesh.  The  united  forces 
overthrew  the  Egyptians,  and  conquered  the 
cities  of  Phoenicia  and  Bashan.  The  Hittites 
of  Kadesh  remained  iudepcuidcnt  until  c.  1350 
B.C.,  whcniRamses  II.  took  their  fortress  and 
marched  N.  to  Tuncb;  but  even  after  this  they 
made  a  treaty  on  equal  terms  with  Egypt. 


SYRIA 

One  of  the  latest  of  tiie  .-Vmariia  letters — per- 
haps c.  1400  B.C. — is  from  Assur-uballid  of 
Assyria  (Berlin  9),  who  attacked  Syria  and 
reached  Beirut,  .\nother  (Berlin  30)  is  from 
a  certain  Kimmon-nirari,  who  may  have  been 
an  Assyrian,  and  who  asks  assistance  from 
Egypt  against  the  Hittites  of  Mer'ash,  which 
he  claims  to  have  been  included  in  his  kingdom 
by  Thothmes  IV.  After  this  there  is  a  blank 
of  more  than  two  centuries,  until  Nabu-kudur- 
usur  I.  of  Babylon  (1154-1128  b.c)  raided 
Syria,  as  did  Assur-ris-ilim  about  the  same 
time.  The  Babylonian  king  was  defeated  by 
Tiglath-pileser  I.  of  Assyria,  who  conquered  N. 
Syria,  but  was  finally  defeated  by  Marduk- 
nadin-ahi,  son  of  Nabu-kudur-usur  (1128-1111 
B.C.).  Tiglath-pileser,  c.  11 30  B.C.,  began  by 
spoiling  Kummukh  (Commagene)  and  Sumasti 
(probably  Samosata),  and  afterwards  crossed 
the  Euphrates  near  Carchemish,  and  occupied 
Bisri  {Tell  Basher)  farther  W.  He  fought  later 
at  Kasiyari  in  Aram  (or  SvTia)  ;  and,  crossing 
the  Euphrates  on  rafts,  he  reached  Pethor, 
Lebanon  (where  he  hunted  the  rim  or  wild  bull; 
A.V.  unicorn),  and  Arvad  in  Phoenicia.  These 
conquests  were  not  permanent  ;  for,  c.  1000 
B.C.,  though  Assur-irbi  set  up  his  image  on 
Amanus,  yet  later  in  his  reign  the  "  king  of 
Aram  "  occupied  towns  near  Pethor,  after 
w^hich  there  is  a  break  in  Assyrian  history  till 
the  accession  of  Assur-nazir-pal  in  885  b.c. 
During  the  time  of  Solomon  (after  1000  b.c) 
the  Hittite  princes  of  the  N.  appear  to  have 
been  independent  (i  K.IO.29),  though  Solomon's 
kingdom  included  Lebanon  and  adjoined 
Hamath  (2Chr.8.4),  N.  of  Tadmor.  In  884  b.c 
.\ssur-nazir-pal  began  the  conquest  of  Syria, 
which  cost  the  Assyrians  a  century  and  a  half 
of  repeated  efforts,  till  Damascus  fell  in  732 
B.C.  He  first  secured  Commagene.  In  870 
he  went  from  Carchemish  to  'Azaz,  crossed  the 
Afre  (Afrin),  and  reached  the  sea,  returning 
by  Amanus,  where  he  cut  cedars.  In  859  B.C. 
his  successor,  Shalmaneser  II.,  defeated  the 
kings  of  Carchemish  and  of  Samala  (on  the 
plateau  E.  of  Issos),  and  he  went  on  by  Vazbuk 
(now  Yazibugh)  to  the  sea,  and  yet  farther  W. 
into  Cilicia.  Down  to  832  b.c  he  made  in  all 
24  exj^editions  to  the  VV.  ;  in  854  he  re- 
ceived the  submission  of  the  kings  of  C;u:che- 
mish  and  Commagene  at  Pethor,  and  pro- 
ceeded by  Halvan  (Chalybon  or  .-Meppo)  to 
Hamath  and  to  ."^rgana  (now  Arjiin,  close  to 
Kadesh — now  Qades — on  the  Orontes),  S. 
of  which  he  encountered  the  league  of  Syrian 
jiriuces  under  Hadadezer  of  Damascus,  in- 
cluding the  forces  of  Hamath  and  of  ".Ahab  " 
[RiBLAii]  with  those  of  Arqa  and  Arvad,  and 
others,  among  whom  were  1,000  Egyptians. 
The  total  Syrian  force  is  said  to  have  been 
about  62,000  men  and  4,000  chariots,  and  14,000 
at  least  were  slain.  In  848  n.c  Shalmaneser 
II.  re-entered  "  Aram,"  and  cut  trees  in 
Amanus  ;  two  years  later  his  i6th  expedition 
was  with  a  force  of  120,000  men,  and  all  op- 
position was  broken  down.  Hazael  (II.)  of 
Damascus  was  defeated  at  Shenir,  with  the 
lossof  16,000  men  and  1,121  chariots,  and  after- 
warfls  besieged  in  Damascus  itself.  In  839  a 
further  expedition  was  undertaken  against 
Hazael  and  the  I'hoenicians  ;  and  .Vinanus 
was  crossed  in  834  oa  return  from  Tarsus. 


SYRIA 

After  the  death  of  Shalmaneser  II.  in  825  B.C., 
Syria  seems  to  have  remained  subject,  with 
occasional  rebeUions.  Rimmon  Nirari  III. 
in  806  subdued  Arpad,  and  next  year  was  at 
'Azaz,  while  in  803  he  reached  the  sea.  Shal- 
maneser III.  in  775  was  in  Syria  ;  but  under 
Assur-dan  in  759  the  whole  country  revolted, 
even  to  Gozan.  Assur-nirari  II.  had  to  re- 
duce Arpad  once  more  ;  but  the  final  conquest 
was  made  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  (or  II.) 
between  745  and  732  B.C.  In  742  he  received 
tribute,  at  Arpad,  from  kings  of  Commagene^ 
Damascus,  Tyre,  Gebal,  Carchemish,  and 
others  such  as  Panammu  II.  of  Samala,  whose 
son's  inscriptions  have  been  found.  Azariah 
of  Judah  had  been  leagued  with  Hamath,  but 
the  fall  of  Arpad,  in  740,  was  followed  by  the 
annexation  of  19  districts  in  the  kingdom  of 
Hamath,  and  by  general  submission  of  all  the 
Syrian  princes,  with  tribute  even  from  Menahem 
of  Samaria  in  738  b.c.  But  though  the  As- 
syrian storm-cloud  thus  rolled  ever  nearer  to 
Israel  after  Damascus  fell,  rebellions  continued, 
and  Sargon  in  720  (or  722 )  was  confronted  by  a 
league  of  Hamath,  Arpad,  Simyra,  Damascus, 
Samaria,  and  Egypt.  He  then  placed  4,300 
.\ss>Tians  under  an  Assyrian  governor  in 
Hamath,  and  went  on  to  defeat  Egypt  at 
Raphia,  S.  of  Gaza.  Carchemish  was  still  re- 
bellious till  717  B.C.,  when  Sargon  took  the  city 
and  carried  the  Hittites  away  to  the  E., 
getting  III  talents  of  gold  and  2,100  talents  of 
silver  as  spoil.  A  Syrian  revolt  was  also  put 
down  in  711  b.c,  when  Sargon  went  on  to 
Ashdod,  but  Sennacherib  was  apparently  only 
troubled  by  resistance  in  Phoenicia.  Carche- 
mish was  the  scene  (c.  607  b.c)  of  the  battle 
between  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Pharaoh  Necho, 
which  resulted  in  extending  Babylonian  sway 
over  all  Syria  and  Palestine,  and  these  regions 
passed  without  a  struggle  to  Persia  after  538 
B.C.,  and  to  Greece  in  333  b.c,  after  Alexander 
had  taken  Tyre  and  Damascus.  Syria  was 
often  a  battleground  for  the  Ptolemies  and 
Seleucidae,  after  Seleucus  had  built  its  new 
capital  at  Antioch  in  300  b.c  ;  but  finally  it 
fell  to  his  successors,  after  the  battle  of  Banias 
in  198  B.C.,  and  so  remained  until  it  was  seized 
by  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  in  83  b.c  The 
extraordinary  statues  erected  by  Antiochus 
of  Commagene  c.  38  b.c  witness  the  mixture 
of  Gk.  and  Persian  religion  in  his  kingdom. 
He  was  related  to  the  Seleucidae  and  to  the 
Parthians,  and  his  tomb  isonNimriid  Ddgh,  N. 
of  Samosata.  Pompey  entered  Commagene 
and  conquered  Syria  in  64  b.c,  and  it  remained 
a  part  of  the  Roman  empire  till  the  Moslem 
invasion  of  637  a.d.  ;  while,  after  the  Crusaders 
took  Antioch  in  1098,  W.  Syria  and  N.  Syria 
(at  first  with  Edessa)  remained  under  the 
Franks  for  a  century,  but  E.  Syria  under  Turks 
and  Egyptians,  till,  in  1291,  the  fall  of  Acre 
gave  the  whole  country  to  Egypt  until  15 18 
A.D.,  when  it  was  conquered  by  the  Turks. 
The  succession  of  Roman  governors  after  62 
B.C.  is  well  known,  but  the  only  one  mentioned 
in  N.T.  is  Cyrenius  (Publius  Sulpicius  Quirin- 
us),  who  succeeded  L.  Volusius  Saturninus  in 
5  A.D.,  and  under  whom  Coponius  was  the  first 
Procurator  of  Judaea  a  year  later.  Cyrenius 
had  no  authority  in  Palestine  till  the  deposition 
of  Archelaus  in  that  year.     The  prosperity  of 


SYRIA 


861 


Syria  under  the  .A.ntonines,  and  especially  under 
the  Syrian  emperors  succeeding  Septimius 
Severus,  appears  to  have  been  great,  and  Elaga- 
balus  (218-222  A.D.)  was  the  high-priest  of  the 
sun  at  Emesa,  and  the  child  of  another  high- 
priest  Bassianus.  From  267  to  272  a.d.  Syria 
was  also  part  of  the  empire  of  Zenobia,  ruling 
from  Tadmor,  and  her  defeat  by  Aurelian  oc- 
curred near  Emesa. — Religion.  The  religion  of 
the  Syrians  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Phoe- 
nicians, and  their  gods  included  El  or  Baal, 
Baalath,  Hadad,  Ashtoreth,  and  others  no- 
ticed in  the  texts  of  Samala,  and  in  later  inscrip- 
tions. One  of  the  most  remarkable,  in  Lat.  and 
Gk.  (Waddington  No.  2720  a),  was  found  at 
Hosn  Suleiman,  in  mount  Bargylus,  a  place  in 
the  satrapy  of  Apamea,  which  bore  the  native 
name  Baito-kaika.  The  ruins  are  important, 
but  not  older  than  Roman  times.  The  Lat. 
preface  states  that  Valerian  and  Gallienus  (in 
253  A.D.)  renewed  the  ancient  privileges  of  a 
shrine  consecrated  to  Zeus  ;  the  Gk.  texts  in- 
clude a  copy  of  a  letter  by  a  certain  Antiochus, 
establishing  a  rate  to  support  monthly  sacri- 
fices and  a  priest  of  Zeus,  and  a  decree  of  the 
city  of  Apamea,  addressed  to  Augustus,  whose 
god  Zeus  they  adopted,  and  decreed  that  men 
or  beasts  straying  into  the  temple  enclosure 
should  incur  fines.  This  instance,  and  others, 
show  that  the  religion  of  Syria,  before  326  a.d., 
was  a  mixture  of  the  earlier  native  worship 
with  that  of  Gk.  and  Roman  gods.  Elagabalus 
also  adored  the  "  black  stone  "  of  Emesa  even 
in  Rome. — Antiquities.  The  oldest  Syrian  anti- 
quities are  those  inscribed  with  the  characters 
called  "  Hittite  "  [Writing],  including  those 
of  Carchemish,  Mer'ash,  Izghin  (near  Samala), 
Samosata,  Aleppo,  and  Hamath.  The  inscrip- 
tions of  Samala,  in  Phoenician  and  in  Assyrian, 
come  next,  and  are  of  peculiar  interest.  [Sem- 
itic Languages.]  The  style  of  art  in  the  bas- 
reliefs  (800  to  730  B.C.)  resembles  that  of  Baby- 
lonia, and  a  gryphon,  a  female  sphinx,  and  a 
iion-headed  god  (probably  Nergal)  are  repre- 
sented. The  figures  are  bearded,  except  one 
pig-tailed  captive  (probably  a  Hittite).  The 
succession  of  kings  of  Samala,  mentioned  in  the 
texts,  includes  Bar  Karal,  Panammu  I.  (who 
was  tributary  to  Assyria  in  806  b.c),  Bar  (^ur, 
Panammu  II.  (who  fled  to  Damascus),  and 
Barrakab  (who  boasts  the  favour  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  c.  730  B.C.,  andwho  built  the  palace). 
The  statue  of  Panammu  I.  was  found  at  his 
burial-place  Takhtdli-hundr,  near  the  ruin  5m- 
jirli  and  the  village  of  Keller  (Humann  and 
Puchstein,  Reisen,  1890).  At  Samala  was  also 
found  the  fine  bas-relief  of  Esar-haddon  (after 
670  B.C.)  :  he  holds  Tirhakah,  the  Ethiopian, 
captive  by  a  cord  attached  to  a  ring  passing 
through  the  upper  lip  of  the  captive  (Is.37.29). 
The  gods  are  represented  standing  on  animals, 
as  at  Bavian  ;  the  cuneiform  text  describes  the 
conquest  of  Egypt.  Early  in  Esar-haddon's 
reign  the  native  dynasty  was  deposed,  and  an 
Assyrian  governor  replaced  them  in  Samala. 
The  age  of  the  Seleucidae  is  only  represented 
by  the  beautiful  coins  of  kings  and  cities  ;  but 
the  art  of  Commagene,  under  Antiochus  (at 
Nimrud  Dagh),  presents  a  mixture  of  Gk.  and 
Persian  styles  ;  and  the  Gk.  texts  render  the 
names  of  Persian  gods  by  Gk.  equivalents 
coupled  with  each.     Antiochus  himself  was  a 


862 


SYRIAC  VERSIONS 


TABAOTH 


-^^::::^-^!'^>-^. .. 


MONUMENT  AT  SAMALA. 


Mazdean  by  religion.  Syria  is  also  remarkable 
for  its  Christian  architecture  and  inscriptions  of 
4th  and  5th  cents,  a.d.  The  peculiar  mono- 
gram in  Gk.,  X.M.r.  ("Christ  born  of  Mary"), 
occurs  in  te.xts  dated  390,  420,  and  479  a.d.  ; 
and  over  the  doors  of  liouses  verses  from  the 
Psalms(4.8,24.i,34.9,91.i,2,118.2i,121.8)occur. 
Lu.2.14  and  Mt. 22.31, 32  are  inscribed  at  Sala- 
mina  and  at  Barra.  The  oldest  known  of  these 
Christian  inscriptions  (at  Khatura  ;  Wadding- 
ton  No.  2704)  dates  from  331  a.d.,  with  the  in- 
vocation "  Come,  O  Christ."  At  Refddi,  in 
516  A.D.  (No.  2625),  is  the  curious  text  "  Jesus 
the  Nazarene,  born  of  Mary,  the  Son  of  C.od, 
dwells  here."  At  Kokanaya  (No.  2681)  the 
Trinitarian  Gloria  is  inscribed  as  early  as  369 
A.D.  On  the  other  hand,  a  Gk.  pagan  couplet, 
found  in  the  mosque  at  Emesa,  dates  from  78 
A.D.,  and  belonged  to  a  temple  on  this  site.  The 
finest  architecture  of  the  2nd  cent,  is  repre- 
sented by  the  huge  structures  at  Ba'albek  and 
at  Palmyra.  Among  the  most  useful  modern 
books  may  be  noted  :  H  umann  and  I'uchstcin's 
Reisen  in  Kleinasien  unci  Xonisyn'en,  and  the 
Mittheilungen  aus  den  OrientaUschen  Sainlun- 
gen.  Heft,  xi.,  with  VVaddington's  Inscriptions 
Grecques  et  Latines  de  la  Svrie.  fc.R.c] 

Syplac  versions.  [Versions.] 
Sy'po-phenic  ian  occurs  only  in  Mk.  7.26 
as  the  description  of  the  race  of  the  Gentile 
("Greek")  woman  from  whose  daughter 
our  Lord  cast  forth  a  devil  at  the  mother's 
persistent  request.  The  emperor  Hadrian 
divided  Syria  into  three  parts,  Syria 
Proper,  Syro-phoenice,  and  Syria  Pala?stina  ; 
and  henceforth  a  Syro-phoenician  meant 
a  native  of  this  sub-jirovince,  which  included 
Phoenicia  I'roper,  Damascus,  and  Paln.v- 
rene.  It  is  perhaps  most  probable  that 
^vpa  ^olviaaa,  "a  Phoenician  Syrian," 
found  in  some  copies,  is  a  better  read- 
ing. The  term  denotes  a  (ireek(E.V.  marg. 
Genlilc)  of  Phoenicia  in  Syria,  as  distin- 
guished from  African  natives — the  Punic  race 
of  Carthage.  [c.r.c] 


Taanach'  (sandy  soil),  a  town  on  W.  of  the 
plain  of  ICsDRAF.LON;  probably  so  called  from 
the  rich  basaltic  soil  of  the  plain  near  it.  It 
was  a  royal  Canaauite  city  (Jos.I2.2i),  on  the 
border  of  Manasseh  and  Issachar,  held  by  the 
former  tribe  (17.ii),  and  given  to  the  Levites 
(21.25,  A.V.Tanach).  In  iChr.7.29  it  is  given 
to  Issachar  (c/.  5.i )  onthc  borders  of  Manasseh, 
referring  perhaps  to  a  later  age ;  for  Manasseh 
failed  to  drive  out  the  Canaaaites  of  Taanach 
(Judg.1.27),  whose  kings  fought  at  Tabor  in  14th 
cent.  B.C.  (5.19).  [Megiddo.)  It  was  included 
in  Solomon's  3th  district,  answering  to  Issachar 
(iK.4.r2).  It  is  noticed  in  the  list  of  Thothmes 
III.  (No.  42),  in  i6th  cent,  b.c,  and  in  the  ac- 
count of  his  ad\ance  on  Megiddo.  It  also  ap- 
pears in  loth  cent.  h.c.  in  Shishak's  list  (No. 
14).  It  is  now  a  small  village  called  T'annak, 
on  S.E.  side  of  a  large  mound  at  the  edge  of  the 
plain,  with  wells  on  N.,  olives  on  S.,  and  cactus 
hedges  :  rock-cut  tombs  occur  at  the  foot  of  the 
mound  on  N.  (Siirv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  p.  46).  Recent 
German  excavations  have  resulted  in  the  dis- 
covery of  fragments  of  cuneiform  tablets,  and 
of  an  altar  with  a  sphinx  in  relief,  resenibling 
the  later  remains  in  Phoenicia.  The  bodies  of 
infants  buried  in  pottery  urns  also  occur  here. 
[Gezkr.]  [c.r.c] 

Taanath'-shlloh'  {afyf>roach  to  Shiloh ; 
Jos.l6.'>).  a  pl.ur  on  E.  border  of  Ephraim 
mentioned  before  jANonAn  (Ydniin).  Vande- 
veUle  places  it  at  t'ana,  a  ruin  I  .J  miles  N.l--.  of 
Vaniin  :  and  the  border  valley  runs  by  it  (H'rtrfy 
W  Kcrdd)  "  I-^.  of  Janohah."  It  is  10  miles  fnma 
Shiloh  :  but  in  this  instance  Sualem  (Sdlim) 
may  be  the  jilace  intended,  for  the  high-road  to 
that  town  leads  past  Tana,  which  is  3  miles 
S.V..  of  Salim.  The  ruin,  with  caves,  cisterns, 
and  roik-cut  tombs,  ise\identlv  au(  ient  (Surv. 
\V.  I'dl.  ii.  p.  J4S).  Ir.R.c] 

Tabaoth'  ( ii;sd.5.29)  orTabbaoth' (Ezr. 
2.43  ;  Ne.7.46).  a  family  of  Nethinim  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabci. 


TABBATH 

Ta,bbath',  probably  a  long  tract  of  land 
(Arab,  (ibbah)  ;  apparently  S.  of  Abel-me- 
HOLAH.  No  site  so  named  is  known,  and  the 
words  "  unto  ('a^/i)Tabbath"  might  only  mean 
"  a  long  way."  [c.r.c] 

Tabeal'  (R.V.  Taheel).  The  son  of  Ta- 
beal  was  apparently  an  Ephraimite  in  the 
army  of  Pekah,  or  a  Syrian  in  the  army  of 
Rezin,  when  they  besieged  Jerusalem  in  the 
reign  of  Ahaz  (Is. 7. 6). 

Tabeel'  (Ezr.4.7)  or  Tabellius  (iEsd.2. 
16),  a  Persian  official  in  Samaria  in  the  reign 
of  Artaxerxes. 

Taberah',  a  place  in  the  wilderness  of 
Paran  (Nuni.ll.3  ;  Deut.9.22).  It  has  not 
been  identified,  but  was  probably  about  20 
miles  S.W.  of  Hazeroth.  [c.r.c] 

f'.Tabeping-,  an  obsolete  word  in  A.V.  of 
Na.2.7.  The  Heb.  word  connects  itself 
with  toph,  "  a  timbrel."  The  A.V.  reproduces 
the  original  idea.  The  "  tabour,"  or  "  tabor," 
was  a  musical  instrument  cf  the  drum  type, 
which  with  the  pipe  formed  the  band  of  a 
country  village.  To  "  tabour,"  accordingly, 
is  to  beat  with  loud  strokes  as  men  beat  upon 
such  an  instrument.     [Timbrel.] 

Tabernacle.  The  description  of  the 
tabernacle  is  given  in  a  twofold  form — the  in- 
structions to  Moses  (Ex. 26, 27. 9-19),  and  the 
account  of  the  actual  construction  (36.8-38).  It 
consisted  of  two  distinct  parts  :  the  tabernacle 
proper,  and  the  tent. — I.  The  Tabernacle, 
or  Dwelling-place  (Heb.  mishkan,  26.1-6, 
I5-37)-  (i)  TheFtamework.  This  was  formed 
of  boards  of  acacia  wood,  overlaid  on  both 
sides  with  thin  plates  of  gold  (I'f.  16,29).  The 
word  qeresh,  translated  boards,  occurs  only  in 
connexion  with  the  tabernacle,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Ezk.27.6,  where  it  probably  refers  to 
the  boards  forming  the  deck  of  a  ship  (R.V. 
marg.).  It  is  derived  from  a  root  meaning 
"  to  become  firm,  solid."  Kennedy  (Hastings. 
D.B.  5  vols.  1904,  s.v.)  suggests  hollow  panels 
instead  of  solid  boards.  Each  board  was  10 
cubits  long  and  li  broad  ;  the  thickness  is  not 
specified  (Ex.26. 16).  There  were  20  on  each  of 
the  two  long  sides,  the  N.  and  the  S.,  and  6 
at  the  W.  end.  There  were  also  2  other 
boards  on  the  W.,  one  at  each  corner  {vv.  23- 
25),  making  8  in  all.  It  has  been  assumed 
that  these  two  were  the  same  width  as  the 
others,  ij  cubits,  in  which  case  the  external 
measurement  of  the  W.  wall  must  have  been  12 
cubits.  Since  the  inside  measurement  was  not 
more  than  10  cubits  the  boards  forming  the 
sides  must,  on  this  assumption,  have  been  one 
cubit  in  thickness.  This  is  the  view  held  by 
Ewald,  Bahr,  Riggenbach,  Kamphausen, 
Diestel,  and,  among  later  writers,  by  Konig  (in 
the  Jew.  Encycl.  s.v.),  but  it  suggests  grave 
difficulties,  (i)  In  ancient  times  acacia  trees 
capable  of  yielding  boards  10  by  i^  cubits  were 
probably  to  be  found  in  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula 
(Theophrastus,  Hist.  Plant,  iv.  3),  but  not 
trees  from  which  could  be  cut  massive  beams 
measuring  at  least  15  ft.  long,  27  in.  wide,  and 
18  in.  thick,  (ii)  The  boards  stood  upright, 
fitting  close  together,  each  having  two  tenons 
at  its  lower  end  which  fitted  into  two  silver 
sockets  let  into  the  ground.  These  bases 
weighed  only  a  talent,  or  about  95  lb.,  each, 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  would  have 


TABERNACLE 


863 


been  of  any  use  in  supporting  beams  of  this 
size,  (iii)  Transport,  though  not  impossible, 
would  have  been  difficult,  and  the  only  pro- 
vision mentioned  utterly  inadequate  (Num. 
7.8  ;  cf.  3.36,37).  There  may  of  course  have 
been  many  more  than  four  wagons  and 
eight  oxen,  these  only  being  mentioned  be- 
cause given  by  the  princes  (7.2,3).  Josephus 
says  the  boards  were  four  fingers,  or  3  in. 
thick  (3  Ant.  vi.  3).  The  language  used  in 
describing  the  corner  boards  is  ambiguous  and 


TO  7  S  Feet. 


PLAN  OF  THE  OUTER  COURT  OK  THE  TABKRNACI.E. 
(Fergussoii.) 

obscure  (Ex. 26. 24),  and  none  of  the  numerous 
interpretations  that  have  been  attempted  are 
entirely  satisfactory.  Keil  (Bib.  Arch.  i.  103) 
thinks  they  were  made  up  of  two  boards 
joined  together  at  right  angles  to  form  the 
corner  pieces,  and  having  one  ring  only,  set  in 
the  comer,  instead  of  one  on  each  side.  Ken- 
nedy suggests  sloping  bastions  made  of  two 
boards  braced  together.  The  important  point 
is  that  these  two  were  different  to  the  other  46 
boards,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  statement  to 


864 


TABERNACLE 


the  contrary  it  need  not  be  assumed  that  they 
were  the  sanae  width  as  the  rest.  Their  pur- 
pose seems  to  have  been  to  give  stability  to  the 
corners,  as  well  as  to  fill  up  the  space  of  ^ 
cubit  at  each  corner  of  the  W.  end.  They  had 
each  two  silver  sockets  like  the  other  boards 
(ver.  25).  The  boards  were  kept  in  position  by 
means  of  cross-bars  of  acacia  wood  overlaid 
with  gold,  which  passed  through  rings  of  gold 
affixed  to  the  outside  of  each  board.  Accord- 
ing to  vv.  26,27  there  were  five  bars  on  each  of 
the  three  sides,  but  since  only  the  middle  one 
ran  the  whole  length  of  the  wall  (ver.  28),  it  is 
probable  that  the  other  four  on  each  side  were 
only  half  the  length,  two  being  joined  together 
and  so  making  three  bars  on  each  side.  This  is 
Rashi's  opinion,  and  it  has  been  adopted  by 
many  later  writers.  Rashi  says  the  middle 
bar  of  the  three  passed  through  the  heart  of 
the  boards,  but  if  they  were  only  ^  in.  thick 
either  the  bar  was  very  slender  or  the  bore  of 


TABERNACLE 

fives.  It  is  not  stated  how  the  separate  cur- 
tains were  joined,  but  the  two  large  ones  had 
each  50  loops  of  blue  along  the  inner  edge  and 
were  coupled  together  by  means  of  50  golden 
clasps  (26.1-6).  Pictures  of  cherubim  were 
woven  into  them,  possibly  in  blue,  purple,  and 
scarlet  on  a  white  ground  (ver.  i).  Some 
think  these  curtains  covered  the  inside  of  the 
walls,  from  analogy  with  Solomon's  temple 
(iK.6.29  ;  cf.  Ezk.41.i8).  There  is,  however, 
no  mention  of  any  means  of  suspending  them 
on  the  inside.  They  were  28  cubits  long,  and 
would  therefore  cover  the  top,  10  cubits,  and 
hang  down  q  cubits  over  the  sides,  thus 
leaving  about  i  cubit  at  the  bottom  un- 
covered. The  clasps  connecting  the  two  cur- 
tains were  to  be  directly  over  the  division 
between  the  Most  Holy  and  the  Holy  Place 
(cf.  Ex. 26.33).  Hence  the  one  large  curtain 
of  20  cubits  would  cover  the  Holy  I'lace,  and 
of  the  other,  10  cubits  would  cover  the  Most 


SOUTH-KAST  VIEW  OF  THE  TABKRNACLH.     (As  restored  by  rergus^on. 


the  hole  must  have  been  so  large  as  to  weaken 
the  boards  in  their  centre.  According  to 
Josephus  (loc.  ciL),  the  bars  were  made  up  of 
lengths  of  3  cubits  each,  the  end  of  one  sec- 
tion fitting  securely  into  the  next.  The  di- 
mensions of  this  framework  were  30  cubits 
long  by  10  wide.  It  is  disputed  whether  these 
are  to  be  taken  as  the  external  or  inside 
measurements.  The  question  is  not  without 
importance.  If  external,  then  the  whole 
length  of  the  interior  was  30  cubits,  less  the 
thickness  of  the  W.  wall,  and  the  breadth  10 
cubits,  less  the  combined  thickness  of  the  two 
side  walls.  If  the  boards  were  only  3  in.  thick, 
this  small  reduction  of  the  inside  dimensions 
would  not  seriously  interfere  with  that  in- 
ternal symmetry  of  the  Most  Holy  and  Holy 
Place  upon  which  so  much  stress  is  laid  ;  but  if 
they  were  much  more  than  this  thickness  the 
measurements  muxl  have  been  those  of  the  in- 
terior (cf.  Josejihus,  3  Aiit.  vi.  4).  (2)  The  Cur- 
tains. The  ceiling  of  the  tabernacle  was  formed 
of  ten  curtains  of  fine  twined  linen,  each  28  cu- 
bits long  and  4  wide,  fastened  together  in  two 


Holy  and  10  hang  over  the  VV.  wall,  covering 
it  almost  to  the  ground,  i.e.  all  except  the 
thickness  of  the  wall  and  the  height  of  the 
silver  bases  above  the  ground.  Some  think 
it  was  placed  centrally,  5  cubits  hanging  over 
the  E.  and  3  over  the  W.  end.  (3)  Hangings. 
(!)  The  Veil.  At  a  distance  of  10  cubits 
from  the  \V.  wall  (Jcsephiis,  I.e.)  there  were 
four  pillars  of  acacia  wood  overlaid  with  gold 
and  set  in  sockets  of  silver.  From  these  pillars 
was  suspended  by  golden  hooks  a  curtain  of 
the  same  substance,  colours,  and  ornamenta- 
tion as  the  covering  of  the  dwelling  Isce  I.  (2) 
supra  ;  26.31-33].  This  was  the  pdrdkhetli, 
and  divided  the  tabernacle  into  two  parts — 
the  Most  Holy,  a  cube  of  10  cubits,  and  the 
Holy  Place,  20  cubits  long,  10  wide,  and  10 
high.  It  is  translated  "  the  veil  "  of  the 
screen  (35.12,39.31,40.21  ;  Num. 4. 5)-  [Hang- 
ings.] In  the  Most  Holy  I'lace  was  the  Ark 
OF  THE  Covenant.  1  (ii)  The  Screen.  The  I".. 
end  of  the  Holy  I'lace,  which  had  no  wall,  was 
covered  with  a  curtain  of  10  cubits  square, 
made  of  the  same  material  and  colours  as  the 


^TABERNAClE 

preceding,  but  with  stripes  or  cubes  woven  into 
it  instead  of  cherubim  (Ex. 26.36,37).  It  was 
suspended  by  golden  hooks  from  five  pillars  of 
acacia  wood  overlaid  with  gold  and  fixed  into 


TABERNACLE 


865 


DIAGRAM  OF  THE  DIMENSIONS   OF  THE  TABERNACLE 
IN  SECTION.     (Fergusson.) 

sockets  of  Brass.  This  curtain  is  described  as 
"  a  screen  for  the  door  of  the  tent  "  (ver.  36, 
R.V.).  [Hangings.]  The  Holy  Place  contained 
(a)  the  Altar  of  Incense,  in  the  middle  at  the 
W.  end  (30.6) ;  (/>)  the  golden  Candlestick,  on 
the  S.  ;  and  (c)  the  table  of  Shewbread,  on 
the  N.  side  of  the  tabernacle  (26.35). — II.  The 
Tent.  This  served  as  a  protection  to  the 
dwelling.  Its  shape  is  disputed,  some  holding 
that  it  was  placed  upon  the  dwelling,  the  whole 
retaining  the  shape  of  a  parallelogram  ;  others 
that  it  was  tent-shaped,  or  ridged.  It  con- 
sisted of  (i)  a  covering  of  goats'-hair,  made  of 
eleven  curtains,  each  30  cubits  long  and  4  wide. 
These  were  sewn  together  to  form  two  large 
curtains,  six  of  the  small  ones  in  the  one  and 
five  in  the  other.  The  two  parts  were  joined 
together  by  loops — colour  and  material  not 
specified — and  50  clasps  of  "brass"  (26.7-1 1). 
If  the  tent  was  a  covering  resting  on  the 
tabernacle,  the  arrangement  of  the  goats'- 
hair  curtain  would  probably  be  as  follows — of 
the  larger  half,  consisting  of  six  curtains  and 
therefore  24  cubits  wide,  20  cubits  covered  the 
Holy  Place,  and  4  cubits,  the  sixth  curtain,  was 
folded  over  the  forefront  of  the  tent,  forming 
a  sort  of  eaves  (ver.  9).  Of  the  lesser  half, 
formed  of  five  curtains  and  so  20  cubits  wide, 
10  cubits  covered  the  Most  Holy  Place,  the 
other  half  hanging  down  over  the  W.  wall  and 
covering  it  (ver.  12).  According  to  this  ar- 
rangement the  division  in  the  goats'-hair  cur- 
tain coincided  with  that  in  the  linen  curtain, 
and  both  were  directly  over  the  veil  which 
divided  the  Tabernacle  into  two  parts,  the 
Holy  and  the  Most  Holy  Place.  This  curtain 
was  30  cubits  long  (ver.  8),  and  so  would  cover 
the  linen  curtain  and  also  the  cubit  at  the 
bottom  of  the  boards  not  covered  by  the  latter 
(ver.  13),  which  was  only  28  cubits  long.  If 
the  tent  were  ridge-shaped,  either  the  linen 
curtain  covered  the  inside  of  the  walls  or  it  was 
exposed  to  a  certain  extent  to  moisture,  wind, 
and  dust,  as  the  edge  of  the  goats'-hair  curtain 
in  that  case  was  4  cubits  above  the  ground  and 
5  from  the  walls.  There  is  no  mention  of  a 
ridge-pole,  and  the  only  possible  hint  of  sup- 
porting pillars  is  the  statement  that  there  were 
five  at  the  E.  end  of  the  tabernacle  and  only 


four  in  the  Holy  Place  (vv.  32,37).  Over  this 
tent  there  were  two  other  coverings,  of  which 
the  dimensions  are  not  given,  (2)  one  of  rams'- 
skins  dyed  red,  and  (3)  over  this  one  of  skins 
(ver.  14),  probably  of  the  dugong,  a  marine 
animal  12  to  30  ft.  long,  and  said  to  be  plenti- 
ful in  the  Red  Sea.  The  pins  and  cords  (27.19, 
35.18,38.20,31,39.40)  may  have  been  for  use 
with  either  of  these  coverings,  more  probably 
the  last.  If  the  tent  were  ridge-shaped,  the 
third  covering  may  have  been  merely  a  coping 
along  the  top.  The  great  weight  of  these 
coverings,  and  the  probability  that  during 
heavy  rains  the  water  would  collect  on  a  flat 
roof,  are  strong  arguments  in  favour  of  the 
ridge-shaped  tent. — III.  The  Courts.  The 
court  was  in  a  sense  a  part  of  the  tabernacle. 
It  was  an  oblong  space,  100  cubits  on  N.  and 
S.,  and  50  on  E.  and  W.  (27.9-13).  The 
tabernacle  stood  more  towards  the  W.  end, 
with  its  entrance  facing  E.  The  N.  and  S.  sides 
had  each  twenty  pillars,  the  W.  and  E.  ten — 
60  altogether.  They  were  of  "brass,"  5  cubits 
in  height,  fixed  in  sockets  of  "brass,"  and  5 
cubits'  distance  from  each  other  (27. 18).  They 
were  furnished  with  hooks  and  fillets  of  silver, 
by  means  of  which  the  linen  Hangings  were 
suspended  (ver.  10).  These  fillets  were  either 
rings  under  the  capitals,  or  bars  resting  on 
hooks  and  extending  from  pillar  to  pillar,  and 
to  which  the  hangings  were  attached  probably 
by  rings.  The  four  centre  pillars  on  the  E. 
side  supported  the  screen  of  20  cubits  which 
formed  the  entrance  to  the  court.  This  was 
a  variegated  curtain,  like  the  screen  covering 
the  E.  side  of  the  tent  (ver.  16,26.36).  There 
is  some  ambiguity  in  the  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  pillars  on  the  E.  side  of  the  court  (27. 
13-16).  The  entrance  had  four  pillars,  but  if 
they  were  only  5  cubits  apart  five  pillars  would 
be  required  for  the  screen  of  20  cubits.  It  is, 
of  course,  possible  that  there  were  only  two  in 
the  middle,  the  entrance  being  distinguished 
by  distance  between  the  pillars  as  well  as  by 
difference  in  curtain.  Otherwise  there  were  11 
pillars,  including  the  two  corner  ones.  The 
hangings  N.  and  S.  of  the  entrance  must  each 
have  been  attached  to  four  pillars.  If  the  one 
at  the  N.E.  corner  be  counted  as  belonging  to 
the  N.  side,  and  the  inner  one  of  the  four  on  the 
S.  of  the  entrance  as  belonging  to  the  entrance, 
the  difficulty  would  be  removed.  This  is  the 
svstem  adopted  in  reckoning  the  other  pillars 
of  the  court,  i.e.  though  each  corner  pillar 
supported  the  hangings  of  two  sides  it  was 
counted  to  one  only.  Some  count  the  two 
outer  pillars  of  the  entrance  as  only  half- pillars 
— e.g.  Keil  (op.  cit.).  In  the  E.  part  of  the 
court,  called  the  Outer  Court,  there  stood  ( i )  the 
Altar  of  Burnt-offerings,  near  the  entrance, 
and  (2)  the  Laver  of  "brass,"  between  the 
altar  and  the  tabernacle  (30.i8). — IV.  Names. 
(i)  Tabernacle  (mishkdn,  "  the  dwelling- 
place,"  Ex. 25.9,  see  R.V.  marg.),  specially  ap- 
plied to  the  inner  structure  as  distinct  from  the 
tent  which  covered  it.  The  name  expresses 
the  purpose  of  the  tabernacle,  "  Let  them  make 
Me  a  sanctuary  ;  that  I  may  dwell  among 
them  "  (ver.  8,29.45)  ;  "  I  will  set  My  taber- 
nacle among  you.  .  .  .  And  I  will  walk  among 
you,  and  will  be  your  God,  and  ye  shall  be  My 
people"  (Lev.26.ii,i2).     (2)  The  Tent,  'dhel. 


866    TABERNACL.ES,  FEAST  OP 

which  served  as  a  covering  to  the  former  (Ex. 
26.7,  etc.).  Also  the  tent,  with  reference  to  or 
including  the  mishkan  (33.8,ii ;  Num.12. 5, lo  ; 
Deut.31.i5  ;  cf.  Num.11. 24  ;  1K.I.39,  all  in 
K.V.).  (3)  "Tent  of  meeting  "  ('o^d  »Hd't'(i/;, 
Ex. 27. 2 1,  etc. ;  see  R.V.  raarg.),  the  appointed 
place  where  God  would  meet  with  Moses  (29. 
42,30.36),  and  there  reveal  to  him  His  will  (Lev. 
l.i;  Num.7.89;  c/.  Ex.25.22,30.6).  (4)  Tent  of 
the  testimony  ('ohel  hd'i'dhuth),  as  containing 
the  ark  and  tables  of  the  testimony  (25.21, 
Num.9.i5,17.7,8[22,23].18.2  ;  cf.  2Chr.24.6). 
Also  tabernacle  of  the  testimonv  (mishkan 
ha'edhtith,  Ex. 38. 21  ;  Num.1. 50,53,10.11).  (5) 
Tabernacle  of  the  tent  of  meeting  (Ex. 39. 32, 
40.2,6,29  ;  iChr.6.32li7J.  (6)  House  (bi-th)  of 
God  (Ex.23.19,  etc.).  (7)  Tabernacle  of  the 
house  of  God  (iChr.6. 48(33]).  (8)  Temple 
(hi'khal,  iSana.l.9,3.3).  (9)  Sanctuary  (w»;/(^as/i, 
Ex.25.8  ;  Lev.12.4).— V.  History.  The  plan 
of  the  tabernacle  was  of  divine  origin  and 
was  revealed  to  Moses  in  the  mount  (Ex. 
26.30).  Its  construction  was  entrusted  to 
Bezaleel  and  Aholiab,  and  they  with  the  work- 
men were  specially  endowed  by  God  with 
knowledge  for  the  work  (31. 3-6,36.1).  The 
materials  were  provided  by  the  people  as  free- 
will-offerings(35.4-29),  and  their  liberality  was 
such  that  more  material  was  provided  than 
was  necessary,  and  they  had  to  be  restrained 
from  giving  (36.6,7).  When  the  work  of  pre- 
paration was  finished,  Moses,  seeing  that  all 
had  been  done  in  accordance  with  the  divine 
command,  blessed  the  people  (39.43).  The 
tabernacle  was  erected  on  the  first  day  of  the 
first  month  of  the  second  yearafter  the  Exodus 
(40.2,17).  It  was  anointed  with  holy  oil  (40.9  ; 
Lev. 8. 10),  and  then  the  cloud  covered  the 
tent,  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  filled  the 
dwelling  (Ex. 40. 34).  The  tabernacle  occu- 
pied a  central  position  in  the  camp  (Num. 2. 2, 
17,5.3),  surrounded  by  the  camp  of  the  Levites 
(1-50,53) ;  cf.  Ex.33. 7,  where  it  is  said  "  Moses 
used  to  take  the  tent  and  to  pitch  it  without 
the  camp,  afar  off  from  the  camp  "  (see  also 
Num.11. 26,30,12.4).  The  LXX.  calls  this 
T7JC  (TKrjvriv  avToO,  "  his  own  tent."  It  is  sup- 
posed by  some  that  it  was  a  temporary  tent 
put  up  pending  the  erection  of  the  tabernacle. 
The  tabernacle  accompanied  the  Israelites  in 
their  wanderings  until,  after  the  conquest 
of  Canaan,  it  was  set  up  in  Shiloh  (Jos.lS.i). 
It  remained  there  during  the  period  of  the 
Judges  (Judg.l8.31  ;  iSam.2.22  ;  cf.  Ps.78.6o). 
Some  years  later  it  was  at  Nob  (iSam.21. 
1-6).  David  pitched  a  new  tent  on  Mt.  Zion 
for  the  ark  (2Sam.6.i7  ;  iChr.l5.i,16.r  ;  aChr. 
1.4),  but  the  Mosaic  tabernacle,  with  its 
altar,  was  still  an  object  of  veneration  and 
a  sanctuary  at  Gibeon  (iChr.l6. 39,40,21. 29). 
When  the  Te.mim.e  was  finished  the  tabernacle 
was  taken  to  Jerusalem  and  probably  pre- 
served,as  a  sacred  relic,  in  one  of  the  chambers 
of  the  temple  (iK.8.4;  2Chr.5.5).  Its  later 
history  is  unknown.  Riggenbach,  Die  Mos. 
Stiftshutle  ;  Dicstel,  in  Schenkel's  Bibellcx.  ; 
Hiehia,  Handworterbuch  des  Bib.  Altertums  ; 
liwald,  AUerthumer  ;  Kennedy,  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904)  ;  W.  Shaw  Caldccott,  The 
Tabernacle.  [n.n.] 

Tabepnacles,  Feast  of.     The  last  of  the 
three  pilgrimage  festivals,  ordained  by  Moses, 


TABERNACLES,  PEAST  OP 

when  all  Heb.  niales  were  obliged  to  appear 
at  the  sanctuary  (Ex.23. 17  ;  Lev. 23. 34-36, 39- 
43;  Num.29.12-38  ;  Deut. 16. 13-16).  It  is 
commonly  called  hagh  hassttkkoth  ("the  Feast 
of  Booths  "),  and  sometimes  designated  as 
hagh  hd'dsiph  ("the  Feast  of  Ingathering"), 
or  simply  hehc'igh  ==  "the  Feast  "  (iK.8.2  ; 
Ezk. 45.23  ;  2Chr.7.8).  The  celebration  of  this 
feast  lasted  seven  days  :  15-22  of  the  seventh 
month  (Tishri).  The  day  following — i.e.  the 
eighth  day — was  observed  as  an  appended  holi- 
day, and  was  called  'd<ereth="  an  holy  convo- 
cation "  (Lev. 23. 36),  or  "  solemn  assembly  " 
(Ne.8.i8).  The  observance  of  the  festival 
had  a  double  significance  :  (i)  As  general 
thanksgiving  days  for  the  bounty  of  the 
autumn  grape  crop  which  completed  the  year's 
harvest — "  At  the  end  of  the  year,  when  thou 
gatherest  in  thy  labours  out  of  the  field  "  (Ex. 
23.16).  (2)  As  a  commemoration  of  the  time 
when  the  Israelites  dwelt  in  booths  or  tents 
during  their  passage  through  the  wilderness 
after  their  Exodus  from  Egypt.  As  all  princi- 
pal festivals  are,  more  or  less,  memorials  of  the 
deliverance  from  the  Egyptian  slavery  into 
freedom,  so  is  this.  A  gathering  of  all  the 
people  took  place  at  the  end  of  every  sabbati- 
cal year  on  this  feast,  when  the  law  was  read 
in  their  presence  (Deut. 31. 10-12).  Solomon 
dedicated  the  temple  on  this  festival,  and,  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  special  dedication  festi- 
vities, extended  the  period  of  rejoicing  seven 
days,  making  the  festival  last  fourteen  days 
(iK.8.2,65).  King  Jeroboam  1.,  whose  object 
was  to  separate  the  ten  tribes  under  his  com- 
mand from  tlie  influence  of  the  Jerusalem 
pilgrimage  imder  the  Judaean  kingdom,  sub- 
stituted a  feast  just  a  month  later  (12. 32). 
The  peculiar  features  of  the  feast  were  :  (1) 
The  abandoning  of  the  pennanent  habitation 
in  houses  for  the  temporary  dwelling,  eating 
and  sleeping  in  booths  during  the  seven  days, 
which,  aside  from  its  symbolic  meaning  as  a 
memorial  of  the  Exodus,  is  a  symbol  of  de- 
mocracy, for  all  men,  rich  and  poor  alike, 
are  to  dwell  in  a  simple  booth.  This  feature 
had  been  neglected  from  the  time  of  Joshua  till 
the  return  from  the  Babylon  Exile  to  Jerusa- 
lem (Ne.8.17),  but  ever  since  it  has  been  a 
regular  custom  in  Israel.  The  Feast  of  Booths 
was  observed  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  (2Mac.lO. 
6,7).  The  Talmudists  have  compiled  a  trac- 
tate called  Sukki,  in  five  chapters,  mostly 
taken  up  with  explaining  the  construction 
of  the  booth  and  details  in  connexion  with 
this  festival.  According  to  it.  three  walls  and 
a  sign  of  a  door  at  the  fourth  side,  with  a 
covering  on  top,  constitute  a  booth.  The 
walls  may  be  of  any  material,  but  the  "  cover- 
ing "  (lit.  sukki),  which  is  the  main  part  of 
the  l)ooth,  is  permitted  only  to  be  of  foliage 
and  boughs  cut  from  trees  (Ne. 8.15, 16),  or 
reed,  sticks,  and  laths  loosely  arranged  so  that 
the  stars  may  be  visible  through  them.  The 
covering  must  not  be  above  20  cubits  from  the 
ground,  in  order  not  to  lose  sight  of  it  when 
sitting  in  the  booth.  (2)  Another  feature  is 
the  ceremony  of  carrying  and  waving  the 
palm-branch  known  as  luU'ibh,  with  the  citron 
=  'ethrogh.  The  palm-branch  was  tied  to- 
gether with  boughs  of  thick  trees  (myrtles) 
and  willows  of  the  brook,  made  into  a  bunch 


TABEKNACLES,  FEAST  OP 

and  held  in  the  right  hand,  with  the  citron  in 
the  left,  while  reciting  hallH  at  the  morning 
service.  This  was  observed  on  the  first  day  of 
the  festival  everywhere,  but  in  the  temple 
("  before  the  Lord  ")  the  ceremony  was  per- 
formed for  seven  days  (Lev. 23. 40).  After 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  the  Rabbis  or- 
dained the  observance  of  this  custom  for  seven 
days  everywhere,  which  is  still  kept  up,  except 
on  the  sabbath  day.  Neither  the  dwelling  in 
the  booth  nor  the  ceremony  of  the  li'dabh  is 
continued  on  the  last  or  eighth  day  of  the 
festival,  which  is  a  separate  holiday.  (3) 
The  sacrifices  were  more  nimierous  than  on  any 
other  festival.  On  the  first  day  the  burnt- 
offering  consisted  of  13  bullocks,  2  rams,  and 
14  yearling  lambs.  The  rams,  and  lambs  were 
the  same  every  day  of  the  festival,  but  the 
number  of  bullocks  decreased  by  one  each  day, 
making  12  on  the  second  day,  11  on  the  third, 
and  so  on  to  7  on  the  seventh  day,  in  all  70  bul- 
locks (Num.29.13-32),  equalling  the  number  of 
the  70  heathen  nations  mentioned  in  Gen. 10, 
which  e.\isted  at  that  time,  signifying,  accord- 
ing to  the  Talmud,  that  heathenism  will  de- 
crease steadily.  The  eighth  day  being  a 
separate  holiday,  had  for  sacrifice  only  one 
bullock,  one  ram,  and  seven  lambs  [vv.  35,36). 
(4)  According  to  tradition  a  great  celebration 
took  place  in  the  temple,  on  the  eve  of  the 
seventh  day,  which  is  known  as  hoslv'annd 
rabbi  (the  great  hosanna).  On  this  day  the 
willow-twigs  were  more  in  use  at  the  cere- 
monies than  the  palm-branches,  in  a  procession 
seven  times  around  the  altar  of  the  temple. 
The  willows  were  set  up  on  the  side  of  the  altar 
and  were  also  carried  around  and  beaten  on 
the  ground  while  shouting  "  Hosanna  "  ("  O  ! 
save  !  " ).  This  beating  of  the  hdsh'''anni  is  still 
practised  on  hdsh''annd  rabbi  in  the  orthodo.\ 
synagogues.  (3)  "The  libation  of  water" 
or  "  water-drawing  "  occurred  at  the  morning 
service  of  the  temple  in  connexion  with  the 
wine  libation  during  the  seven  daj's,  but  the 
ceremony  developed  on  the  eve  of  the  seventh 
day.  The  water  was  drawn  from  the  Pool  of 
Siloam  in  a  golden  ewer  and  borne  to  the  altar 
in  solemn  procession,  accompanied  with  torch- 
lights and  the  blowing  of  the  trumpet.  The 
water  was  poured  out  through  a  silver  basin 
with  an  opening  at  the  bottom.  The  wine  was 
poured  through  another  opening,  both  liba- 
tions running  down  simultaneously  and  being 
conducted  by  pipes  into  the  Kidron.  Pre- 
parations were  made  on  the  night  of  the  first 
day  at  the  outer  court  of  the  temple,  known  as 
the  "  Women's  Court,"  by  fixing  four  golden 
lamps  on  high  pedestals  ;  each  lamp  contained 
120  measures  (logs)  of  oil,  and  they  were  lit  by 
wicks  made  of  old  garments  and  girdles  of  the 
priests.  The  illumination  resembled  a  sea  of 
fire,  lighting  up  every  nook  and  corner  of 
Jerusalem.  A  special  gallery  was  erected  in 
the  court  for  the  accommodation  of  women. 
The  celebration  reached  its  climax  on  the  eve 
preceding  the  seventh  day,  when  they  sang 
and  danced  with  torches  in  hand,  while  the 
Levites  stood  on  the  fifteen  steps  leading  to  the 
Gate  of  Nicanor  chanting  the  Songs  of  Degrees 
(Ps. 120-134)  to  the  accompaniment  of  their 
instruments.  Hillel  the  Elder  and  other  Rab- 
bis often  participated  in  the  ceremonies  of 


TABLES  OF  THE  LAW 


867 


rejoicing  and  dancing.  The  custom  of  cele- 
brating the  water-drawing  by  singing  hymns 
at  the  synagogue  is  still  observed,  each  con- 
gregation selecting  a  certain  night  between  the 
first  and  seventh  day,  in  memory  of  the  pour- 
ing out  of  water  at  the  temple.  The  water 
libation  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Mosaic  law. 
There  is  only  a  symbolic  reference  to  it  by  the 
prophet  :  "  Therefore  with  joy  shall  ye  draw 
water  out  of  the  wells  of  salvation  "  (Is.12.3). 
The  Gospel,  no  doubt,  alluded  to  this  event  by 
saying,  "  Now  on  the  last  day,  the  great  day 
of  the  feast  [the  seventh  day],  Jesus  stood  and 
cried,  saying.  If  any  man  thirst,  let  him  come 
unto  Me  and  drink  "  (Jn.7.37)-  Jesus  also 
said,  "  I  am  the  Light  of  the  world, . . .  the  Light 
of  life  "  (8.12),  referring  to  the  illumination  of 
the  festival.  In  this  respect  Jesus  echoed  the 
sentiments  of  the  Sadducees,  who  were  opposed 
to  this  Pharisaic  ordinance,  which  was  based 
only  on  Rabbinical  tradition.  Indeed,  it  is 
difficult  to  account  at  all  for  the  adoption  of 
this  ordinance  by  the  Rabbis,  unless  it  was  to 
modify  the  wine  libation,  which  was  a  common 
practice  among  the  Gentiles  in  their  idol- 
worship.  Or,  perhaps,  the  water  libation  was 
intended  as  a  lesson  on  temperance.  Cf.  Jexv. 
Encycl.,  arts.  "  Tabernacles,  Feast  of "  ; 
"  Water-drawing."  [j.d.e.] 

Tabitha,  "  which  is  by  interpretation 
called  Dorcas  "  (Ac. 9.36),  a  female  disciple 
(fiadrrrpia,  this  fem.  form  occurs  here  only  in 
N.T.),  of  Joppa,  full  of  good  works,  among 
which  that  of  making  clothes  for ' '  the  widows  " 
(evidently  a  recognized  class,  see  6.1)  is  speci- 
fically mentioned.  She  must  have  been  a 
person  of  some  means.  While  St.  Peter  is  in 
the  neighbouring  town  of  Lydda  she  dies, 
whereupon  the  disciples  send  him  message, 
urging  him  to  come  without  delay.  He  arrives, 
to  find  her  already  laid  out  for  burial,  and 
restores  her  to  life  under  circumstances  which 
bear  a  close  resemblance  to  the  raising  of 
J airus's  daughter  (Mt. 9.25,  etc.).  Themiracle 
results  in  a  number  of  conversions  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. The  Aram.  wordTabitha(('"W»';/(a), 
with  its  equivalent  Dorcas,  in  Gk.,  means 
"roebuck,"  or  "gazelle,"  and  is  fairly  common 
as  a  woman's  name.  [s.n.s.] 

Table,  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  shulhdn, 
chiefly,  in  O.T.,  and  Gk.  rpdTrej'a.  A  flat- 
topped  and  generally  round  stand  about 
12  in.  high,  round  which  people  reclined  for 
meals.  The  prophet's  table  (2K.4.10)  was 
probably  of  this  shape.  The  Gk.  word  signi- 
fies a  four-legged  table  ;  and  those  used  in  a 
guest-chamber  were  long  enough  for  a  number 
of  guests  to  eat  from  them  (Lu.22.2i).  [Meals.] 
In  Mal.l.7,12  the  "  table  of  the  Lord  "  is  the 
altar.  Hence  its  contrast  in  1Cor.lO.21  with 
"  the  table  of  devils,"  where  the  Lord's  Supper 
is  compared  with  idol-feasts.  [Eucharist.] 
Table  in  Ex.24. 12  and  parallels  is  the  Heb. 
ludh,  a  smooth  tablet,  whether  of  stone,  wood, 
metal,  or  wax,  upon  which  writing  could  be 
inscribed.  [Writing.]  On  table  of  shew- 
bread,  see  Shewbread.  [s.n.s.] 

Tables  of  the  law,  the  two  tables  of 
stone  which  God  gave  to  Moses  in  the  mount 
(Ex. 24.12) ;  "the  two  tables  of  the  testi- 
mony," on  which  was  written  with  the  finger 
of  God  (31.18),  on  both  their  sides  (32.15),  the 


868 


TABOR 


Ten  Words  or  Commandments  (34.28).  The 
tables  and  the  writing  were  the  work  of  God 
(32. 1 6).  On  descending  the  mount,  Moses  saw 
the  idolatry  of  the  people,  and  in  an  outburst 
of  righteous  indignation  cast  down  the  tables 
and  broke  them  (32.19).  Later  on  Moses  was 
commanded  to  hew  two  other  tables  like  the 
first,  and  to  ascend  the  mount  with  them, 
when  God  wrote  on  them  the  same  words  as  on 
the  first  (34.1 ).  These  were  placed  in  the  "  ark 
of  theTESTiMO.vY  "  (40. 2o).  According  to  iK. 
8,9  these  were  the  only  contents  of  the  ark  at 
the  dedication  of  Solomon's  temple.  [Ark  of 
THE  Covenant.]  What  finally  became  of 
them  is  not  known,  but  they  were  not  in 
Herod's  temple  (5  li'a/'i  V.  5).  [Moses;  Law 
IN   O.T.  ;  Table;  Writing.]  [h.h.] 

Tabop,  apparently  an  Aram,  word,  from 
a  root  nieaniug  to  "  break  off,"  and  thus 
applying  to  the  isolated  position  of  Mt.  Tabor, 
which  is  an  outlier  of  the  Nazareth  mountains. 
It  is  now  called  Jebel  et  Tor,  or  "  mountain  of 
the  isolated  summit."  "It  is  a  rounded  moun- 
tain like  a  mole  hill,  rising  1,840  ft.  above  the 
sea,  and  about  1,550  above  the  plains  at  its  foot. 
On  N.W.  the  lower  slopes  are  covered  with  an 
open  wood  of  oaks,  in  which  fallow  deer  have 
been  found.  A  mediaeval  church  and  fortress 
crown  the  summit,  which  mediaeval  tradition 
made  the  scene  of  the  Transfiguration,  following 
the  apocryphal  "  Gospel  of  the  Hebrews."  The 
border  of  Issachar  reached  to  Tabor  (Jos. 19. 22) 
and  to  Shiiion  on  N.W.  side  of  the  mountain. 
Barak  came  down  from  Tabor  to  meet  Sisera 
near  En-dor  (Judg.4.6,i2,i4,8.i8).  [Kisiiok, 
River.]  The  mountain  appears  to  have  been 
a  centre  of  worship  which  became  idolatrous 
(Ps.89.i2;  H0.5.1).  In  Je.46.i8,  "asTabor" 
might  be  a  clerical  error  for  "  by  Tabor,"  in 
describing  the  Babylonian  advance  on  Egypt. 
In  iChr.6.77,  a  town  Tabor  in  Zebulun  seems 
to  be  noticed,  but  in  Jos.2i.35  wefindNAHALAL 
instead.  In  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Judg.5.2) 
the  literal  wording  of  the  Heb.  rendered  in 
A.V.  "  for  the  avenging  of  Israel,"  appears  to 
be  "  in  the  oppression  by  Pharaohs  "  ;  and  it 
is  notable  that  Ramses  II.,  in  his  8th  year,  took 
a  group  of  towns  in  Lower  Galilee  (Brugsch, 
Hist.  F.gt.  ii.  p.  64),  which  included  Shalama 
(Scilim,  2  miles  N.W.  of  Taanacu),  Maroma 
(Mekom),  Beit-antha  (perhaps  Hannathon), 
and  Dapur — either  Tabor  or  the  village  Da- 
BERATii  at  its  foot  to  W.  Dapur  is  also  noticed 
later  in  his  reign,  in  connexion  with  towns  of 
(ialilce  (p.  106).  The  revolt  of  Barak  would 
thus  seem  to  have  been  directed  against  Ca- 
naanite  kings  allied  to  Hazor,  among  whom 
Sisera  was  perhaps  the  Egyptian  resident  (Ses- 
ra  being  in  Egyptian  "  the  servant  of  Ra  ")  ; 
and  in  the  later  years  of  Ramses  this  defeat 
followed  the  victories  of  his  youth.  The  Plain 
of  Tabor  ('Hon  tabhdr,  iSain.lO.3)  was  between 
Rachel's  tomb  and  (iibeah,  and  here  Saul  met 
"  three  men  going  up  to  G(k1  to  Bethel."  More 
probably  (see  R.V.)  we  should  read  "  oak 
Tabor,"  or  possibly  "a  broken  oak"  (or  "  tere- 
binth "),  which  would  be  a  point  on  the  road. 
The  oak  of  Deborah  at  \Ui\u-\  ((h-u.SS.S)  is 
too  far  N.,  as  is  tin;  pahii  of  l)(l)(irah  (Jud>,'.4. 
5)  between  Bethel  and  Kamah  ;  but  solitary 
trees — oaks  or  terebinths — are  not  uncommon 
in  the  mountains  of  Benjamin.  [c.k.c] 


TADMOR 

Tabpet.     [Tlmbrel.] 

Tabpimon'  (better,  Tab-Rimmon,  i.e. 
"good is  Rimmon,"  the  ^yv'idjx  J upiter  tonans) , 
the  father  of  Benhadad  I.,  king  of  Syria  in  the 
reign  of  Asa  (iK.15.i8). 

Tache  (Heb.  9cy«,  M.W.  clasp).  Only  used 
in  connexion  with  the  tabernacle  curtains, 
(i)  Hooks  to  fit  into  the  corresponding  loops 
on  the  edge  of  two  curtains  to  join  the  latter  : 
of  gold,  Ex.26.6,36.i3  ;  of  Brass,  26. it, 36. 18. 
(2)  The  clasps  by  which  the  screen  between 
the  Holy  Place  and  the  Holy  of  Holies  was 
suspended,  26.33.     C/.  35.ii,39.33.       [n.H.] 

Tach'monite,  The  (R.V.  Tahchem'onite). 
"  The  Tachmonite  that  sat  in  the  seat," 
chief  among  David's  captains  (2Sam.23.8),  is 
in  iChr.ll.ii  called  "Jaihobeam  an  Hach- 
monite  "  or  (marg.)  "son  of  Hachmoni  "  (see 
R.V.).  Kennicott  showed  that  the  words 
translated  "he  that  sat  in  the  seat"  are  a 
corruption  of  Jashobeam,  and  that  "the 
Tachmonite  "  is  a  corruption  of  the  "  son  of 
Hachmoni,"  which  was  the  family  or  local  name 
of  Jashobeam.  He  concludes  "Jashobeam  the 
Hachmonite"  to  have  been  the  true  reading. 

Tadmop'.  So  2Chr.8.4  ;  but  in  iK.9.i8  the 
Heb.  reads  Tamar,  or  otherwise  Tadmor  (see 
R.V.  marg.).  It  was  a  city  built  by  Solomon 
in  the  desert,  and  noticed  with  Lebanon  and 
Hamath.  The  name  is  usually  cormected  with 
Tamar,  "palm"  ;  but  might  be  the  Syr.  Ted- 
>«dra,  "admirable."  Josephussays(8  .4n/.  vi.  i) 
that  in  his  time  the  Syrians  called  it  Tadmor, 
but  the  Gks.  Palmyra.  The  name  Tadmor  is  so 
rendered  in  a  text  at  the  city  (De  VogUe.  In- 
script.  Palmyr.  No.  22  ;  Waddington,  No.  2600), 
where  the  Aram.  Kosh  Tadmor  is  rendered 
"  exarch  of  the  Palinyrenes  "  in  (ik.  The  N. 
trade-route  from  Damascus  passed  this  desert 
station,  which  lies  E.S.E.  of  Emesa  ;  and  it 
went  on  to  TinisAu  on  the  liuphrates.  The 
city  lies  E.  of  a  narrow  pass  leading  towards 
RiBLAii,  and  has  a  spring  ('.{in  .ifqa,  noticed 
in  a  text  as  Ephka  ;  Wacldington,  No.  2,571  c) 
at  E.  end  of  the  gorge  ;  but  the  water  is  sul- 
phurous, and  the  main  supply  was  by  an  aque- 
duct from  the  fine  spring  of  -Ifcif  I'awdris,  5 
miles  to  W.  The  ruins  re.^emble  those  of  Ba'al- 
bek,  some  pillars  being  70  ft.  high,  and  they  be- 
long to  ist,  2nd,  3rd,  4tli,  and  6th  centuries  a.d. 
The  wall  of  Diocletian  (2H4  303  a.d.)  enclosed 
a  larger  area  than  that  of  J  ustiuian,  which  ex- 
cluded the  great  sun  teini)le  and  the  gardens 
to  the  E.  Aurelian  rebuilt  this  temple  after 
defeating  Zenobia  in  273  A.n.  There  are  also 
remains  of  a  church,  and  Palm>Ta  was  still  in- 
habited in  i2th  cent.  A.n.  The  gorge  is  called 
the  "  Valley  of  Tombs,"  remarkable  for  its 
tomb  towers  (one  over  100  ft.  high),  which  con- 
tained mummified  corpses  in  pottery  coffins. 
One  of  these  towers  has  a  text  of  9  a.d.  The 
Palmvrene  texts  (mostly  bilinguals  in  Aram, 
and  Gk.)  [Semitic  Lancuaoes  ;  Writing] 
continue  down  to  263  A.D.,  the  dates  79  and  83 
A.D.  being  among  the  earliest.  The  era  is  that 
of  the  Seleucidae,  and  the  native  months  are 
rendered  in  (ik.  by  those  of  the  Macedonian 
calend.ir.  Jews  are  aiming  the  inhabitants 
(Waddington,  No.  2()i<))in2i2  a.d.  Lat.  texts 
of  the  time  of  Diocletian  also  occur.  In  the 
long  street  of  columns,  running  E.  and  W.,  the 
Palinyrenes  used  to  set  up  statues  of  citizens. 


TAHAN 

who  were  "  caravan  rulers,"  in  some  cases  on 
the  route  to  Vologesia,  etc.  Palm\Ta  was 
known  to  Pliny  the  Elder,  and  was  raided  by 
Pompey  in  64  B.C.,  and  by  Mark  Antony  in  34 
A.D.  It  was  beautified  by  Hadrian  in  130  a.d., 
and  made  a  co/ou'a  by  Caracalla  (21 1-2 17  a.d.). 
The  PalmvTenes  aided  Alexander  Severus 
against  Persia  in  230  a.d.,  and  saved  the  Roman 
empire  in  260  a.d.,  being  led  by  Odenathus  11. 
(Adinath),  who  was  then  made  "  despot  "  by 
Gallienus.  He  was  murdered  by  a  nephew  in 
267  A.D.  ;  but,  during  the  troubles  in  Rome,  his 
widow  Zenobia  (or  Bath  Zahinah)  became  in- 
dependent— ruling  from  Bithynia  to  Egypt — 
till  crushed  by  Aurelian  in  272  a.d.  A  coin  of 
her  son  as  Imperator,  under  Aurelian  as  Au- 
gustus, has  been  found  in  Egypt  ;  and  texts  of 
Odenathus  and  Zenobia  occur  at  Palmyra 
(Waddington,  Nos.  2602.  261 1).  Odenathus  is 
called  Maran,  or  in  the  Gk. ' '  despot,"  and  after- 
wards "  king  of  kings."  The  only  link  be- 
tween Solomon's  Tadmor  and  that  of  Zenobia 
is  the  occurrence  of  a  scarab  of  Tirhakah  (702- 
670  B.C.),  discovered  by  Rev.  W.  Wright  at 
Palmvra  in  1874.  The  city  is  described  by 
Rabbi  Benjamin  of  Tudela  in  1163  a.d.,  and 
had  then  a  population  of  6,000  warlike  Jews. 
In  1678  English  merchants  tried  to  visit  it,  and 
succeeded  in  1691,  staying  4  days  and  copying 
many  texts.  Wood  and  Dawkins  surveyed  its 
ruins  in  1751,  De  Vogiie  and  Waddington  ex- 
hausted its  texts  before  1870.  Besides  these 
standard  works,  a  good  account  of  two  visits, 
paid  in  1S72  and  1874,  is  given  by  Rev.  W. 
Wright  {Palmyra  and  Zenobia,  1895);  but  the 
leading  work  still  is  The  Ruins  of  Palmyra,  by 
Wood  and   Dawkins,    175^-  [c.r.c] 

Ta'han. — 1.  Son  of  Telah  and  ancestor  of 
Joshua  (iChr.7.25). — 2.  Son  of  Ephraim  and 
ancestor  of  the  Tahanites  (Num.26.35)  = 
Tahath  (iChr.7.2o),  repeated  by  a  clerical 
error.      [Shuthelah.] 

Tahapanes.     [Tahpenes.] 

Ta'hath. — 1.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ances- 
tor of  Samuel  and  Heman  (iChr.6.24,37 
[9,22]). — 2.  According  to  the  present  text,  son 
of  Bered,  and  great-grandson  of  Ephraim  (7. 
20). — 3.  Grandson  of  the  preceding,  as  the 
text  now  stands  (7. 20). 

Ta'hath. — 1.  A  desert-station  of  the  Israel- 
ites between  Makheloth  and  Tarah  (Num. 
33.26).— 2.  [Tahan,  2.] 

Tahpanhes  or  Tehaphnehes  (LXX. 
Td<;6:'at  ;  Taphnis),  an  Egyptian  city  of  im- 
portance in  the  time  of  Jeremiah,  mentioned 
once  (Ezk.30.i8)  ;  the  Adcpuai  of  Herodotus, 
now  Tel-Defneh,  about  15  miles  W.  of  the 
station  of  Kantarah,  on  the  Suez  Canal.  The 
hieroglyph ical  name  is  probabl}'  Ta-Bennut. 
It  was  on  the  Pelusiac,  the  Eastern  branch  of 
the  Nile,  and  on  one  of  the  principal  array 
roads  coming  from  Syria.  Although  it  pro- 
bably already  existed  under  Ramses  II.,  it 
became  important  under  Psammetichus  I. 
(f.  664  B.C.),  who,  as  we  know  from  Herodotus, 
established  there  a  garrison  of  Ionian  and 
Carian  mercenaries  to  guard  the  kingdom 
against  the  Arabians  and  Syrians.  The  cor- 
rectness of  this  statement  has  been  confirmed 
by  the  excavations  made  on  the  spot  by  Prof. 
F.  Petrie,  who  explored  there  the  remains  of  a 
fort  which  must  have  been  the  residence  of  the 


TALMUD 


869 


king,  and  which  is  stdl  known  under  the  name 
of  the  "Palace  of  the  Jew's  daughter."  We 
know  from  Jeremiah  (44. i)  that  it  was  a  settle- 
ment of  Jews.  The  prophet  himself  (43.7)  was 
brought  there,  and  there  also  took  place  the 
episode  of  his  burying  stones  in  the  platform 
of  the  palace.  [e.n.] 

Tahpenes'  (iK.lt. 19,20;  OeKetpevrji,  6f\e- 
fjidva,  Taphne),  an  Egyptian  princess  men- 
tioned in  connexion  with  the  Edomite  Hadad. 
Whether  she  was  a  queen  or  the  wife  of  Hadad 
is  doubtful  ;  the  text  is  not  clear,  and  the 
discrepancy  between  the  Heb.  and  the  LXX. 
is  considerable.  [e.n.] 

Tahre'a,  son  of  Micah,  and  grandson  of 
Mephibosheth  (iChr.9.41). 

Tahtim'-hodshi',  a  land  on  the  N.  border 
of  David's  kingdom  (2Sam.24.6).  The  ren- 
dering in  four  Gk.  MSS.  shows  that  this  is  a 
clerical  error  for  the  "  land  of  the  Hittites  at 
Kadesh  "  (hahittim  qddheshd),  due  to  the 
similarity  of  the  letters  H  and  D,  n  and  p,  and 
probably  H  for  ^  which  made  the  difference  of 
the  two  readings.  The  place  intended'is  Ka- 
desh on  the  Orontes,  a  famous  Hittite  city,  just 
N.  of  the  N.  Ijorder  of  Israel  when  Lebanon  and 
Damascus  had  been  conquered.  The  site  of 
Kadesh  retains  its  name  as  Qades,  applying  to 
ruins  just  S.  of  Tell  Neby  Mendeh,  which  (in 
later  times)  was  called  Laodicea  ad  Libanum. 
This  site  is  immediately  W.  of  a  small  lake  or 
pool  formed  by  damming  the  Orontes  ;  while 
W.  of  the  city  a  stream  runs  N.,  and  joins  the 
Orontes  under  the  Tell.  On  S.  a  ditch  is  trace- 
able, once  connecting  the  two  streams.  The 
site  thus  answers,  not  only  in  name  and  in  its 
position,  but  also  in  its  topography,  to  the  Ka- 
desh taken  by  Ramses  II.,  and  represented 
as  surrounded  by  streams,  with  a  little  lake  on 
E.  The  city  has  bridges  in  the  Egyptian  pic- 
ture, and  a  small  bridge  still  leads  to  Qades, 
over  the  Orontes.  The  place  was  known  to 
Herodotus  as  Cadytis,  where  Necho  fought  the 
S}Tians  (ii.  159),  and  as  being  equal  to  Sardis  in 
size(iii.5).  It  was  takenbyThothmesIIL,  and 
in  the  later  time  of  Amenophis  III.  it  is  noticed 
(Amarna  Tablets,  Brit.  Mus.  30,  Berlin  92 
and  1 89)  as  the  capital  of  the  Hittite  Aidugama. 
The  "  Orontes  "  is  named  on  the  picture  of  the 
city  (as  Arunta)  in  14th  cent.  b.c.  and  in  the 
account  of  its  capture  by  Ramses  II.  {Surv.  W. 
Put.  Special  Papers,  pp.  140-150).        [c.r.c] 

Talent.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 

Talitha'  cumi',  two  Aram,  words  (Mk.5. 
41),  signifying  "  Damsel,  arise  "  :  used  by  our 
Lord  in  the  raising  of  the  daughter  of  JaLrus. 

Talma'i. — 1.  One  of  three  sons  of  "  the 
Anak,"  slain  by  the  men  of  Judah  (Num.13. 
22;  Jos.i5.14;  Judg.l.io). — 2.  Son  of  Am- 
mihud,  king  of  Geshur.  His  daughter  Maacah 
was  one  of  David's  wives  (2Sam.3. 3,13.37  ; 
iChr.3.2). 

Talmon',  head  of  a  family  of  doorkeepers 
in  the  temple,  "  porters  for  the  camp  of  the 
children  of  Levi "  (iChr.9.17  ;  Ne.ll.19). 
Some  of  his  descendants  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.2.42  ;  Ne.7.45  ;  iEsd.5.28),  and 
were  still  employed  as  "  porters  "  (Ne.i2.25). 

Talmud.  The  word  comes  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to  learn  "  ;  and  the  Talmud  is  the 
name  given  to  the  great  mass  of  the  learning  of 
Israel's  sages,  collected  from  age  to  age,  aAd  at 


870 


TALMUD 


length  reduced  to  writing  in  a  final  form.     But 
the  Tahnud  represents  the  final  stage  in  the 
development  of  Jewish  learning,  at  least  in  so 
far  as  this  is  presented  in  an  authoritative  and 
official  form.     In  order,  therefore,  to  realize  of 
what  the  Talmud  consists,  it  is  necessary  to 
understand    what    the    earlier   elements   were 
which  later  on  became  incorporated  in  it.    The 
foundation  of  the  whole  was  the  Law  or  Tordh, 
i.e.  the  five  books  of  Moses,  concerning  which 
the  eighth  "  Principle"  of   the  Jewish   Creed 
says  :   "  I  firmly  believe  that    the  Law  which 
we  possess  now  is    the   same  which  has  been 
given  to  Moses  on  Sinai."      (The   "Thirteen 
Principles  of  Faith  "  were  drawn  up  by  Mai- 
monides,    the  great  religious   philosopher  (d. 
1204  A.D.),  and  are  accepted  by  all  orthodox 
Jews,  having  been  incorporated  in  the  Jewish 
Liturgy).     But   the   Law  (Tordh)  consisted  of 
two  parts :  the   Written  Law,  as  now  found  in 
the    Pentateuch,   and    the    Oral    Law.      The 
former  is  believed  by  the  Jews  to  have  been 
committed    to    writing   from  the  beginning ; 
the  latter  was  believed  to  have  been  revealed 
to   Moses  on  mount  Sinai,   together  with  the 
former.      This  Oral   Law  was  handed   down 
from  age  to  age  side  by  side  with  the  Written 
Law,  which  it  explained.     This  is  stated  in  the 
opening  wordsof  the  tractate  PirqeAboth  ("Say- 
ings of  the  Fathers  ")  :    "  Moses  received  the 
(oral)  lawfrom  Sinai,  anddelivercd  itto  Joshua, 
and  Joshua  to  the  elders,  and  the  elders  to  the 
prophets,  and  the  prophets  to  the  men  of  the 
Great  Synagogue."     Although  this  cannot  be 
accepted    as    historically    true,    it    has    some 
basis  in  fact,  in   that  when,    in  the  time  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  the  law  was  explained  to 
the     people  by  the   Levites   (Ne.8.7,8),   these 
latter  most    probably    had    some    traditional 
matter  upon  which  they  based  their  explana- 
tions.    For  centuries  expositions  of  the  law, 
as  well  as  of  other  Biblical  books,  continued. 
These  were  handed  down  by  word  of  mouth 
from  teacher  to  pupil;  and  thus  very  many  be- 
came stereotyped.  They  were,  generally  speak- 
ing, of  two  kinds :  Expositions  in  narrative  form, 
which   explained    and   expanded   the   Biblical 
text.     These  were  called  Hcii^i^adnlh,  the  jilur. 
form  of  Haggadah,  which  comes  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to   narrate."     Secondly,  explana- 
tions of  legal  observances  and  of  the  ceremonial 
law,  etc.    These  were  called  Halakolh,  the  plur. 
form  of  Halakah,  which   comes  from   a  root 
meaning   "  to  go."     Tiiese,   tlierofore,  taught 
people  the  "  way,"  how  they  ought  to  walk  in 
the  sight  of  God ;  i.e.  Halakah  means  a  legal  re- 
quirement.    In  course  of  tiun;  the  (piantity  of 
Hajicadic  and  Halakic  matter  which  had  accu- 
iiuHated  was  immense,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  formulate  some  kind  of  otliciai  compilation 
which  could  be  regarded  as  a  guide  and  a  book 
of  reference  for  teachers.     Tiiis  was  first  under- 
taken by   the  pupils  of   Shaunnai  and  Hillel. 
They   collected  many  Halakoth.  and  comiiilcd 
what  became  known  as  the  "  Former  Mishna." 
The   Mishna  means   "  Second  "  ;    i.e.    Second 
Law.     But    the   immense   amoiuit   of  floating 
material    could  not  be  incorporated  into  one 
work,  and  many  teachers  fouiul  it  necessary 
to  compile  their  own  smaller  "Mishn.'us,"  and 
it  was  not  long    l)ef()r(!   it   became   necessary 
to   put    forth    some    authoritative,    officially 


TALMUD 

recognized   form    of   the    Mishna.      This    was 
done   (c.    130-200    A.n.)    by    Jehudah-ha-Nasi 
("  Judah    the    Prince"),    who    undertook    his 
great  redaction  of  the  Mishna,   which  (with 
some  alterations)  has  survived  to  the  present 
day.     The  Mishna,  therefore,  is  an  immense 
collection  of  comments,  explanations,  and  ex- 
pansions of  the  Biblical  text.     Now  it  is  the 
.Mishna  which  forms  the  basis  of  the  Talmud  ; 
for  there  was  very  much  in  the  Mishna  which 
was  obscure  and  ambiguous;  and  there  was, 
moreover,  in  other  works  a  great  deal  of  valu- 
able Haggadic  material  thought  worthy  of  pre- 
servation.   The  Trt/»n<^/ therefore  explained  the 
.Mishna,  and  incorporated  much  other  matter. 
Thus  the  history  of  the  origin  of  the  Talmud 
really  repeats  that  of  the   Mishna — tradition 
transmitted  orally  for  centuries,  finally  cast 
into    definite    literary    form.     .Another  term, 
Gemara,    is  often  used  as  a  synonym    for  the 
Talmud.     This  is  an  Aram,  word,  from  a  root 
meaning  "  to  learn  "  ;  but  with  the  special  signi- 
fication of  learning  what  has  been  handed  down 
by   tradition.      (Bacher,    in   Jewish    Encyclo- 
paedia,   art.    "  Talmud."     But   it  means  also 
"completion.")  The  Talmud  has  come  down  in 
two  forms  :  the  "  Jerusalem  Talmud  "  {Yeru- 
shalmi)     and     the     "  Babylonian     Talmud " 
(Babli).     The  material  which  is  compris?d  in 
the    Yerushalmi    had   been    prepared   in   the 
academies  [i.e.    centres  of  learning)  of  Pales- 
tine, chief  among  which  was  that  of  Tiberias, 
whence     Rabbi   Jochanan    issued   the     Yeru- 
shalmi, in  its  earliest  form,    in  the  middle  of 
the  3rd  cent.  A.n.     The  first  compiler  of  the 
Babli    was    Rabbi    Ashi   (d.    430    A.n.),    who 
presided  over  the  academy  of  Sura,  in  Baby- 
lonia.    Both  Talmuds  were  constantly  being 
added    to,    and    the    Yerushalmi  was  not  fin- 
ally closed  until  the  end  of  the  4th  cent.,  the 
Babli   not  until   the    beginning  of   the  sixth. 
Haggadoth  flourish,   as  regards  quality,  more 
in  the    Yerushalmi  than  in  the  Babli;  for   in 
the   Babylonian   schools  intellectual   acumen 
reigned  supreme,  leaving  little  room  for  the 
play  of  the   emotions  or  the  development  of 
poetical  fancy  which  were  more  at  home  on 
Palestinian  soil.   Therefore,  although  U\o  Hag- 
gadic element  is,  in  quantity,  much  fuller  in  the 
Babli  than  in    the  Yerushalmi,  it  is  (generally 
speaking)  of  a  far  less  attractive  character.    To 
give  some  concrete  idea  of  what  a  Haggadah  is, 
the   following  instance   may  be   cited  :     "  R. 
Jehosluia  ben  Hananiah  said,  'I  can  take  cu- 
cumbers and  melons  and  make  tiiem  into  kids 
aiul  goats,  and  they  really  are  made  into  kids 
and  goats.'     K.  Jaunai  said,  '  I  was  walking  in 
a  certain  street  iuSeiijihoris,  and  I  saw  a  certain 
Min  I  heretic]  take  a  bird,  and  he  cast  it  \\y.  and 
it  f«^ll  down  antl  was  made  into  a  calf.'     But 
it  is  not  so.      R.  Lazar  said,  in  the  name  of  R. 
Jose  ben  Zimra.   '  If  all   who  come  into  the 
world  were  assembled  togetiier,  they  would  not 
be  able  to  create  a  gnat  and  imt  breath  in  it.' 
.   .   .   ."  {Sanhedrin.    25  a  :  (juoted  by  Hcrford, 
Christianilv  in   Talmud  and   M idrash.  p.  11  ^). 
But  the  Haggadic  element  o(cu()ies  in  reality 
a  subordinate  place  in  both  ;   for  in  its  origin, 
as    we    have    seen,    the    Talmud  was  a  com- 
mentarv  on  tiie    Mishna,    which    was    a    col- 
lection of  Halaknih.     "  It  w.is  in  regard  to  Ha- 
lakah that  the  principle  of  Tradition  was  most 


TALSAS 

rigorously  upheld;  because  it  was  above  all 
thiags  essential  that  Halakah,  the  law  of  right 
conduct  binding  on  every  Israelite,  should  be 
accurately  defined  and  based  upon  ample 
authority"  (Herford,  op.  cit.  p.  12).  Al- 
though the  Haggadic  portions  of  the  Talmud 
■ — which  include  history,  fable,  legend,  and 
speculations  in  astrology,  astronomy,  philo- 
sophy, and  almost  every  imaginable  science 
— are  of  much  greater  human  interest,  it 
is  the  Halakic  portions  which  form  the  bulk, 
and  which  constitute  its  importance  as  the 
final  authority  for  Jewish  belief  and  theology. 
W.  Surenhuse,  Mischna  (3  vols.  1698)  ;  Abbe  L. 
Chiarini,  Talmud  de  Bab.  (1831),  introduction 
valuable  ;  Der  Bahylonische  Talmud,  Hebrdisch 
und  Deutsch,  ed.  by  Goldschmidt ;  F.  Weber, 
Jiidische  Theologie  auf  Grund  des  Talmud  und 
verwandter  Schriften  (1897)  ;  Bernfeld,  Der 
Talmud  (1900)  ;  Emil  Deutsch's  art.  in  Qtly. 
Review  (1867);  the  articles  "Mishna"  and 
"Talmud"  in  the  Jewish  Encycl.,  where  much 
bibliography  will  be  found,  though  it  omits 
some  important  works.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Tal'sas  (iEsd.9.22)  =  Elasah,   i. 

Ta'mah  (Ne.7.55)  =  Thamah. 

Tamap'. — 1.  A  Canaanite  woman,  the  wife 
successively  of  the  two  sons  of  Judah,  Er  and 
Onan.  On  the  death  of  these  two  sons  Judah 
hesitated  to  give  to  the  widow  (in  accordance 
with  the  Levirate  Law)  his  surviving  son 
Shelah,  lest  he  should  meet  with  the  same  fate 
as  his  brothers.  Thereupon  Tamar  disguised 
herself  as  a  harlot,  and  became  by  her  father-in- 
law  the  mother  of  twins,  Pharez  and  Zarah 
(Gen.38  ;  Ru.4.i2  ;  iChr.2.4  ;  Mt.l.3).— 2. 
The  sister  of  Absalom,  violated  by  her  half- 
brother  Amnon,  David's  eldest  son,  for  which 
crime  Amnon  was  murdered  at  the  instigation 
of  Absalom  (2Sam.i3.1-32  ;  iChr.3.9).  In 
Tamar's  touching  remonstrance  two  points 
are  remarkable  :  first,  the  expression  of  the 
infamy  of  such  a  crime  "in  Israel,"  implying 
the  loftier  standard  of  morals  that  prevailed, 
as  compared  with  other  countries  at  that  time  ; 
and,  secondly,  the  belief  that  even  this  stan- 
dard might  be  overborne  lawfully  by  royal 
authority — "  Speak  to  the  king,  for  he  will  not 
withhold  me  from  thee."  The  brutal  hatred 
of  Amnon  succeeding  to  his  brutal  passion,  and 
the  indignation  of  Tamar  at  his  barbarous 
insult,  even  surpassing  her  indignation  at  his 
shameful  outrage,  are  pathetically  and  graphic- 
ally told. — 3.  Daughter  of  Absalom  (2Sam. 
14.27)-  [h.c.b.] 

Tamap'  [palm). — 1.  In  iK.9.i8,  a  Heb. 
reading  for  Tadmor. — 2.  In  Ezk. 47. 19,48.28 
the  S.  border  of  the  Holy  Land  is  defined  as  ex- 
tending "  from  Tamar  to  the  waters  of  strife 
[Meribah]  in  Kadesh."  The  latter  being  at 
S.E.  corner,  Tamar  would  be  the  S.W.  bound- 
ary town,  evidently  at  Tamrah,  a  village  6 
miles  N.E.  of  Gaza.  The  Talmud  agrees  with 
this  passage  when  it  excludes  even  Ashkelon 
from  the  Holy  Land.     [Judea.]        [c.r.c] 

Tamapisk.  is  substituted  for  the  grove  (of 
Beer-sheba)inGen.21.33,  by  Celsius  and  others. 
[Grove.]  This  has  been  adopted  by  R.V.  The 
demand  for  fuel  has  long  since  exterminated 
all  wood  at  Bir-es-seb'a.  The  tamarisk  {Ta- 
marix  gallica,  var.  nilotica)  is  found  frequently 
from  the  Jordan  Valley  to  the  Dead  Sea  and 


TAMMUZ 


871 


throughSinai,  where  moisture  allows  its  growth. 
Other  species  occur  sparingly,  chiefly  on  the 
Mediterranean  seaboard,  as  T.  articulata  (a 
handsome  tree  ;  probably  a  modern  introduc- 
tion) and  T.  pallasii.     [Heath.]        [h.c.h.] 

Tamm'uz.  This  heathen  deity  is  men- 
tioned but  once  in  O.T.  (Ezk. 8. 14,  "  Behold, 
there  sat  the  women  weeping  for  Tammuz  "). 
The  prophet  is,  however,  referring  here  to 
Jewish  women  practising  an  alien  cult,  and  for 
this  reason  the  subject  is  of  interest  to  Biblical 
students.  The  name  Tammuz  comes  from  the 
ancient  Babylonian  Du-mu-zi,  meaning  "  son 
of  life,"  which  is  not,  however,  a  Semitic  name 
(Jensen  and  Jeremias).  He  was  worshipped 
by  Phoenicians  under  the  name  of  Adonis 
i'ddhon  =  lord),  by  the  Egyptians  under  that 
of  Osiris,  and  by  the  Greeks  under  that  of 
Dionysus.  In  each  case  his  cult  was  con- 
nected with  the  decay  and  revival  of  vegeta- 
tion. For  this  reason  there  was  probably 
more  than  one  festival  in  the  year  held  in 
his  honour  (probably  originally  in  spirng  and 
late  summer).  The  mythological  story  tells  us 
that  he  was  a  very  beautiful  youth,  beloved  of 
Astarte  (the  Istar  of  the  Babylonians,  and  the 
Aphrodite  of  the  Greeks),  and  that  he  was  slain 
by  a  boar  while  still  in  the  full  bloom  of  youth. 
As  is  always  the  case  when  a  cult  is  taken  over 
by  different  peoples,  the  worship  of  Adonis 
varied  considerably  in  different  parts  of  the 
world.  The  form  which  is  of  chief  importance 
in  the  present  connexion  is  that  which  ob- 
tained in  Syria.  According  to  Lucian  (De  Dea 
Syria,  vi.),  the  death  of  Adonis  was  mourned 
in  Byblus  once  a  year.  Women  wailed  and 
wept,  and  beat  upon  their  bare  breasts,  in 
memory  of  his  tragic  death,  which  was  believed 
to  have  taken  place  on  mount  Lebanon  ;  but 
on  the  next  day  his  resurrection  and  ascension 
into  heaven  were  celebrated.  It  is  from  the 
conceptions  of  the  Babylonians  concerning 
him  that  we  gather  that  Tammuz  was  a  vege- 
tation god.  In  a  Babylonian  dirge  annually 
chanted  in  honour  of  Tammuz  in  late  summer, 
when  the  vegetation  was  beginning  to  decay, 
the  following  words  occur  :  "  Thou  shepherd 
and  lord,  husband  of  Istar,  king  of  the 
nether-world,  king  of  the  place  of  waters, 
shepherd  ;  thou  art  a  corn-seed,  which  drank 
no  water  in  the  furrow,  whose  germ  brings  forth 
no  fruit  upon  the  field  ;  a  young  tree,  that  was 
planted  in  a  waterless  spot  ;  a  young  tree 
whose  root  was  cut  off ;  a  plant  which  drank 
no  water  in  the  furrow."  Another  Tammuz- 
dirge  says  :  ".  .  .  The  sun-god  caused  him  to 
disappear  in  the  land  of  the  dead.  Full  of 
wailing  was  he  on  the  day  in  which  he  fell  into 
great  anguish,  in  that  month  in  which  his  life 
was  cut  off  from  completion  .  .  ."  (Jeremias, 
Holle  und  Paradies  bei  den  Babyloniern,  p.  g  ; 
1900).  It  will  be  seen  that  these  ideas  are 
expressed  mythologically  in  the  Phoenician 
story  referred  to  above.  "  The  young  tree  " 
is  the  beautiful  youth  ;  he  was  killed  when 
still  quite  young,  or,  as  the  song  expresses 
it,  "  his  life  was  cut  off  from  completion." 
The  wild  boar  which  killed  him  is  the 
scorching  sun — i.e.  the  sun-god  "  which 
caused  him  to  disappear  in  the  land  of  the 
dead."  The  whole  mythological  conception 
probably  arose  in  the  first  instance  as  follows : 


872  TANACH 

Men  saw  that  every  spring  the  vegetation 
was  renewed,  and  that  in  midsummer  the 
scorching  sun  dried  it  up.  According  to 
the  invariable  rule  among  men  in  a  low  stage 
of  civilization,  natural  phenomena  were  per- 
sonified to  make  tlieni  comprehensible.  More- 
over, the  belief  that  what  happens  in  the 
spheres  above  is  reflected  on  earth  was  axio- 
matic. The  problem  of  the  renewal  and  de- 
cay of  vegetation  was,  therefore,  explained  by 
saying:  "The  fresh  vegetation  is  Tammuz — 
that  is  the  way  in  which  he  shows  liimself  to 
men  on  earth  ;  the  scorching  sun  is  only  the 
way  in  which  the  wild  boar  appears  ;  the 
dying  vegetation  is  the  way  we  see  Tammuz 
dying  " — the  more  actual  reality  being  con- 
sidered as  going  on  somewhere  else  at  the 
same  time.  To  modern  ears  this  sounds 
extremely  quaint  ;  but  it  was  a  matter  of 
great  seriousness  to  men  of  old,  for  they  be- 
lieved that  the  renewal  of  the  vegetation  de- 
pended upon  the  right  celebration  of  the 
ritual.  There  are  many  other  elements  which 
come  into  consideration  in  connexion  with 
the  subject  of  Tamnmz-worship,  which  cannot 
be  touched  upon  here.  It  must  suffice  to  add 
merely  that  the  weeping  was  to  do  honour  to  the 
god  ;  and  mourning  was  more  specifically  the 
duty  of  women  for  reasons  which  are  likewise 
outside  the  scope  of  this  article.      [w.o.e.c] 

Tanach'.     [Taanach.] 

Tanhu'meth,  father  of  Seraiah,  3.  The 
omission  of  some  words  in  2 K. 25. 2 3  makes  him 
wronglv  appear  as  a  Netophathite  [cf.  Je.40.8). 

Tanis  (jth.l.io).     [Zoan.] 

Tannen.     [Handicrafts,  {7).] 

Ta'phath,  daughter  of  Solomon  and  wife 
of  the  son  of  Abinadab,  4  (iK.4.ii). 

Ta'phon,  one  of  the  cities  in  Judaea 
fortified  by  Bacchides  (iMac.9.50).  Probably 
the  Beth-tappuah  of  O.T.     [Tappuah.] 

Tappu'ah,  a  son  of   Hebron   (iChr.2.43). 

Tappuah  (apple,  Arab,  tiiffdh). — 1.  A 
city  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 34)  noticed  with  Adul- 
LAM.  It  appears  to  be  Tnffilh,  a  village  3  miles 
W.  of  Hebron,  and  8  miles  S.  of  Adullam.  It 
may  be  the  Tapiion  fortified  by  Bacchides  c. 
159  B.C.  (iMac.9.50),  and  appears  to  be  the 
Taphuna  of  the  lis't  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  98), 
in  ifith  cent.  b.c. — the  final  guttural  being 
nasalized. — 2.  The  "  land  of  Tappuah  "  was 
by  En-Tappuah  (Jos.16.8,17.7,8),  on  N.W. 
border  of  Ephraim  [Asher  ;  Miciimethaii], 
probably  at  Ydsuf.  [c.r.c.J 

Tapah',  a  desert-station  of  the  Israelites 
between  Tahath  and  Mitheah  (Num. 33. 27). 

Tapalah',  one  of  the  towns  in  the  allot- 
ment of  Benjamin  (Jns.t8.27). 

Tare'a  (i('hr.8.35)   -  Tawrea. 

Tares.  Undoubtedly  the  t^t^dvia  of  the 
parable  (Mt.i3.25)  denotes  the  weed  called 
"  darnel  "  {Lolium  Icmulentum).  [Cockle.] 
The  word  used  by  the  Evangelist  is  an  Oriental, 
not  a  (Ik.  term.  The  darnel  before  it  comes 
into  ear  looks  very  like  wheat  ;  hence  the 
eonunand  that  tlie  zizania  should  be  left  to  the 
harvest,  lest  while  men  plucked  up  the  tares 
"  they  should  root  up  also  the  wheat  with 
them."  l^r.  Stanley,  however,  speaks  of  wo- 
men and  children  j)icking  up  from  the  wheat 
in  the  corn-fields  of  Samaria  the  tall  green 
stalks,     still     (ailed     by    the    Arabs     zuit'dn. 


TARSHISH 

"These  stalks,"  he  continues,  "if  sown  de- 
signedly throughout  the  fields,  would  be  in- 
separable from  the  wheat,  from  which,  even 
when  growing  naturally  and  by  chance,  they 
are  at  first  sight  hardly  distinguishable."  The 
grain-growers  in  Palestine  believe  that  the  zti- 
wan  is  merely  a  degenerate  wheat,  and  that  in 
wet  seasons  the  wheat  turns  to  tares.  Pliny 
speaks  of  "  Vuraine  or  Darnel  "  as  "  useful  in 
Physicke." 

Tapg-et.     [.^rms.] 

Tapg-ums.     [Versions.] 

Tap'pelites,  The,  a  race  of  colonists 
who  were  planted  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  after 
the  captivity  of  Israel  (Ezr.4.9).  They  have 
not  been  identified  with  any  certainty. 

Tapshish',  an  important  seaport,  men- 
tioned (Gen. 10. 4)  with  countries  in  and  near 
Asia  Minor  (see  iChr.1.7).  The  navy  of  Tar- 
shish  visited  Palestine  every  third  year  in  Solo- 
mon's time  (iK.10.22).  In  another  passage 
(22.48)  a  late  Targum  reads  "  Africa,"  and 
an  attempt  is  thus  made  to  harmonize  the  par- 
allel passage  (2Chr. 20. 36,37),  which  would  place 
Tarshish  not  in  the  Mediterranean,  but  in  the 
Red  Sea.  Probably,  however,  "  ships  to  go  to 
Tarshish  "  (from  Ezion-gaber)  is  an  ancient 
copyist's  error,  the  corresponding  passage  read- 
ing "  ships  of  Tarshish  to  go  to  Ophir  "  (in 
Arabia).  The  later  Jewish  commentators — 
perhaps  puzzled  by  this  slip — rendered  Tar- 
shish "  the  sea,"  as  if  from  a  root  meaning  "  to 
foam"  ;  and  the  LXX.  also  has  this  reading  in 
one  passage  (Is. 2. 16).  But  Josephus  (i  Ant. 
vi.  i)  places  Tarshish  at  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  and 
the  name  "foaming"  would  apply  to  the  cata- 
racts of  the  Cydnus,  on  which  river  Tarsus 
stands.  The  city  was  reached  in  ships,  up  the 
river,  as  late  as  Antony's  age  (Plutarch,  Life  of 
Antony),  and  was  always  an  important  trading 
place.  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  {Megilla  i.  11), 
the  Targums  (as  a  rule),  the  Midrash,  and  Je- 
rome all  agree  with  J  osephus  in  placing  Tarshish 
at  Tarsus  ;  and  it  was  evidently  in  the  Medi- 
terranean (Jon. 1.3, 4. 2).  Tarsus  appears  to  be 
the  Tarzi  attacked  by  Shalmaneser  II.  in  834 
B.C.,  and  may  be  the  Taratzi  of  the  Ainarna 
letters  (Berlin  48).  The  old  view  that  Tarshish 
was  Tartessus  in  Spain  ( Bochart ,  Michaelis,  etc. ) 
is  unfounded  ;  and  "  ivory,  apes,  and  pea- 
cocks "  are  not  found  in  Spain,  while  Tartessus 
— if  it  existed  at  all — was  probably  unknown 
in  the  Iv.  till  after  the  foundation  of  Carthage,  c. 
850  B.C.,  or  after  Solomon's  time.  The  LX.X. 
sometimes  (Is. 23. 1,6.10, 14, 66.19  ;  Ezk. 88.13) 
renders  Tarshish  by  "  Karchedon,"  or  Carth- 
age— perhaps  the  Carthage  which  is  noticed  by 
Esar-haddon  in  7tii  cent.  B.C.  in  Cyjirus  ;  for 
(in  Is. 66. 19)  it  is  coupled  with  Pul  (or  Phut), 
I,ud,  Tubal,  and  Javan.iu  Asia  Minor,  and  with 
the  Moschi  according  to  LX.X.  The  materials 
brought  from  Tarshish,  and  the  animals,  alike 
require  consideration  :  they  included  j^old  and 
silver,  Ivorv,.\pes,  and  Peacocks  (i  K. 10. 22) 
— the  last  omitted  by  LXX.  in  2Chr.9.2i,  while 
thcGk.  (Vat.  MS.)  in  the  earlier  jiassage  is  quite 
different,  mentioning  "  gold,  silver,  and  stones 
chased  and  rough  hewn."  Jeremiah  (10. 9)  no- 
tices silver  from  Tarshish.  and  Ezekiel  (27.12, 
23)  mentions  silver,  iron,  tin.  and  lead,  brought 
in  its  ships  to  Tyre.  Josephus  (8  AnI.  vii.  2) 
reads  "Ethiopians"  for  peacocks  (/i<A'A'/yfwi  ii^ 


TARSUS 

Heb.).  Silver,  gold,  iron,  tin,  and  lead  were  all 
in  use  before  1500  b.c.  in  Babylonia,  Matiene, 
and  elsewhere.  The  gold  appears,  as  well  as 
the  tin  (used  early — see  Lachish),  to  have 
come  from  the  Caucasus,  and  from  E.  of  the 
Caspian.  The  Akkadians  made  bronze  very 
early,  and  a  text  speaks  of  "  mingling  the 
copper  with  the  tin."  There  still  are  silver- 
mines  near  Tarsus,  and  at  Gumish  Khana,  W. 
of  Trebizond.  There  are  iron-mines  at  Unieh 
(Oenoe)  in  the  same  region,  and  the  Chalybes 
were  iron  miners  (Hamilton,  Researches  in  Asia 
Minor,  1842,  i.  pp.  169,  259,  274).  Lead  was 
also  commonly  found  in  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 
The  word  for  "ivory"  (shen-habbim),  or  "  teeth 
of  elephants,"  recalls  the  Tamil  word  hab  for 
"  elephant "  ;  but  the  Assyrians  called  it  habba, 
and  the  Egyptians  eb,  and  elephants  were 
found  wild  on  the  Euphrates  in  i6th  cent.  b.c. 
The  Heb.  qoph,  for  "  ape,"  is  the  Skt.  and 
Tamil  kapi  (Gk.  kepos,  Lat.  cepus) ;  but  it 
is  also  the  Egyptian  kafi.  The  A.V.  rendering 
of  tukkiyim  as  "  peacocks  "  is  due  to  late  trans- 
lations— Syr.  and  Arab. — and  the  word  ap- 
pears to  puzzle  Josephus  and  the  LXX.  trans- 
lators. The  bird  was  probably  known  early — 
perhaps  before  1000  b.c. — to  the  Greeks,  since 
it  appears  in  Cretan  frescoes  at  Knossos.  But 
they  called  it  taos — the  Arab,  {auw^s.  We 
might  quite  as  well  compare  the  Egyptian  tekh 
for  the  "  ibis."  But  in  Tamil  togei  is  the  "  pea- 
cock." The  Black  Obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II. 
(c.  840  B.C.)  represents  Asiatics  bringing  apes 
as  tribute,  and  an  elephant  is  also  represented, 
with  a  Bactrian  hound,  and  a  rhinoceros.  The 
trade  with  N.  India — overland  to  Assyria — 
which  brought  these  objects,  may  well  have 
been  as  old  as  Solomon's  time  ;  and  they  might 
easily  have  been  carried  farther  W.  on  the  trade 
route,  to  the  important  port  of  Tarsus,  which 
was  a  Phoenician  city  adoring  Baal-Tars,  who 
is  also  represented  (on  the  Gk.  coins  bearing 
the  legend  Mctropoleos  Tarseon),  standing  on  a 
monster,  like  the  old  gods  of  Syria  and  Assyria. 
There  is  no  difficulty  therefore  in  accepting  the 
Jewish  opinion  that  Tarsus  was  Tarshish.  In 
Ps.48.7  the  ships  of  Tarshish  are  broken  by  the 
"  east  wind,"  which — blowing  down  the  gorges 
of  Amanus — still  renders  the  gulf  of  Alexand- 
retta  dangerous.  See  also  Ps.72.io  ;  Esth.l.14 
(a  man's  name,  as  iniChr.7.io,  R.V.);  Is. 60. 9, 
66.19;  and  Tarsus.  [c.r.c] 

Tap'sus,  the  chief  town  of  Cilicia,  "  no 
mean  city,"  the  birthplace  and  early  resi- 
dence of  the  apostle  Paul  (Ac.9.ii,21.3g,22.3). 
Even  in  the  flourishing  period  of  Gk.  history 
it  was  a  city  of  some  considerable  consequence. 
After  Alexander's  conquests  had  swept  this 
way,  and  the  Seleucid  kingdom  was  estab- 
lished at  Antioch,  Tarsus  usually  belonged  to 
that  kingdom,  though  for  a  time  it  was  under 
the  Ptolemies.  In  the  Civil  Wars  of  Rome  it 
took  Caesar's  side,  and  on  the  occasion  of  a 
visit  from  him  had  its  name  changed  to 
Juliopolis.  Augustus  made  it  a  "free  city." 
It  was  renowned  as  a  place  of  education  under 
the  early  Roman  emperors.  Strabo  compares 
it  in  this  respect  to  Athens  and  Alexandria. 
Tarsus  also  was  a  place  of  much  commerce.  It 
was  situated  in  a  wild  and  fertile  plain  on  the 
banks  of  the  Cydnus.     [Tarshish.] 

Tapta!s',agodoftheAviTEs(2K. 17.31).  The 


TAXES 


873 


word  has  no  Semitic  or  Aryan  etymology.  In 
Akkadian /ar  is  "to  judge";  te^-i  (as  in  Turkish) 
would  be  "  judgment  "  ;  and,  with  the  personal 
suffix,  tart-ak  is  "  the  judge."  An  Assyrian 
list  of  gods  gives  Tarta-han  ("  the  chief  of 
judgment  ")  as  a  deity  of"  the  Su  people  in 
the  W.  The  judge  of  the  dead  was  Ea,  the  god 
of  the  abyss.  The  other  Avite  deity  Nibhaz 
seems  likewise  to  be  Akkadian  also ;  nab  mean- 
ing "divinity,"  and  haz  "to  judge."     [c.r.c] 

Taptan'  (2K.I8.17  ;  Is.20.i),  formerly  re- 
garded as  a  personal  name,  is  shown  by  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions  to  be  a  title,  like  Rab- 
saris  and  Rab-shakeh.  The  tartan  (in  Assyr. 
tartdnu  or  turtdnu)  was  a  general,  or  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  there  were  two  grades, 
"  the  tartan  of  the  right  "  and  "  the  tartan  of 
the  left."  As  one  who  could  hold  the  office  of 
eponym,  giving  his  name  to  a  year,  he  came 
next  in  order  to  the  king.  It  is  uncertain  who 
were  the  tartans  sent  by  Sargon  to  Ashdod 
and  by  Sennacherib  to  Jerusalem.  See  Hast- 
ings, D.B.  (vol.  iv.  1902),  s.v.  [t.g.p.] 

Tatna'i,  satrap  of  the  province  W.  of  the 
Euphrates  in  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis 
(Ezr. 5. 3, 6,6. 6,13).     [Governor.] 

Tavepns,  The  Thpee.  [Three  Taverns.] 

Taxes.  I.  Under  the  judges,  according 
to  the  theocratic  government  contemplated 
by  the  law,  the  only  payments  required  as  of 
permanent  obligation  were  the  tithes,  the 
first-fruits,  the  redemption-money  of  the  first- 
born, and  other  offerings  as  belonging  to  special 
occasions.  The  payment  by  each  Israelite  of 
the  half-shekel  as  "  atonement -money,"  for 
the  service  of  the  tabernacle,  on  taking  the 
census  of  the  people  (Ex.3O.13),  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  had  the  character  of  a  recurring 
tax,  but  to  have  been  supplementary  to  the 
freewill-offerings  of  25.1-7,  levied  for  the  one 
purpose  of  the  construction  of  the  sacred  tent. 
After  the  return  from  Babylon  there  was  an 
annual  payment  for  maintaining  the  fabric 
and  services  of  the  temple  ;  but  the  fact  that 
this  begins  by  the  voluntary  compact  to  pay 
one-third  of  a  shekel  (Ne.lO.32)  shows  that  till 
then  no  such  payment  had  been  recognized  as 
necessary.  A  little  later  the  third  became  a 
half,  and  imder  the  name  of  the  didrachma 
(Mt.17.24)  was  paid  by  every  Jew. — II.  The 
kingdom,  with  its  centralized  government  and 
greater  magnificence,  involved,  of  course,  a 
larger  expenditmre,  and  therefore  a  heavier 
taxation.  The  chief  burdens  appear  to  have 
been  :  (i)  A  tithe  of  the  produce  both  of 
the  soil  and  of  live  stock  (iSam.8.15,17).  (2) 
Forced  military  service  for  a  month  annually 
(8.12;  iK.9.22;  iChr.27.i).  (3)  Gifts  to  the 
king  (iSam.l0.27,16.2O,17.i8).  (4)  Import 
duties  (iK. 10.15).  (5)  The  monopoly  of  cer- 
tain branches  of  commerce  (9.28,10.28,29,22. 
48).  (6)  The  appropriation  to  the  king's  use 
of  theearly  crop(Am.7.i).  [Mowing.]  At  times, 
too,  in  the  history  of  both  kingdoms  there  were 
special  burdens.  A  tribute  of  50  shekels  a 
head  had  to  be  paid  by  Menahem  to  the 
Assyrian  king  (2  K. 15. 20),  and  under  his  suc- 
cessor Hoshea  this  assumed  the  form  of  an 
annual  tribute  (17. 4).— III.  Under  the  Persian 
empire  the  financial  system  which  gained  for 
Darius  Hystaspis  the  name  of  the  "  shop- 
keeper king  "  involved  the  payment  by  eacU 


874 


TAXING 


satrap  of  a  fixed  sum  as  the  tribute  due  from 
his  province.     In   Judaea,    as  in   other  pro- 
\inces,  the  inhabitants  had  to  provide  in  kind 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  governor's  house- 
hold, besides  a  money-payment  of  40  shekels  a 
day  (Ne. 5. 14, 15).     In  Ezr.4.13,20,7.24  we  get 
a    formal    enumeration    of    the    three    great 
branches  of  the   revenue.     Tlie  influence  of 
Ezra  secured  for  the  whole  ecclesiastical  order, 
from  the  priests  down  to  the  Nethinim,  an 
immunity  from  all  three  (7.24) ;   but  the  bur- 
den pressed  heavily  on  the  people  generally. — 
IV.   Under  the  Egyptian  and  Syrian  kings  the 
taxes  paid  by  the  Jews  became  yet  heavier. 
The    taxes    were    put    up    to    auction    and 
"  farmed."     The  contract  sum  for  those  of 
Phoenicia,  Judaea,  Samaria,  had  been  estim- 
ated at  about  8,000  talents.     An  unscrupulous 
adventurer  would  bid  double  that  sum,  and 
then  go  down  to  the  province,  and  by  violence 
and  cruelty,  like  that  of  Turkish  collectors, 
exact  a  large  margin  of  profit. — V.  Under  the 
Roman  Government  many  taxes  were  paid  in 
Judaea,  but  it  appears  doubtful  whether  the 
system  in  vogue  was  that  of  the  old  publicani 
under   the  republic,  referred  to   above  under 
the    "farming"    system.     [Publican.]     For 
Julius  Caesar  modified  the  system  for  Judaea. 
Taxing.     Two  distinct  taxings,  or  regis- 
trations (a.iroypa(f>ai),  are  mentioned  in  N.T., 
each  of  them  by  St.  Luke,     (i)  The  first  (Lu. 
2.1)  is  stated  to  have  been  the  result  of  an 
edict  of  the  emperor  Augustus  that    all  the 
world    (i.e.    the    Roman   empire)    should   be 
taxed.     The  date  is  immediately  before  the 
birth  of  Jesus — that  is,  according  to  the  re- 
ceived chronology,  in  4  b.c.     (2)  The  second 
taxing  (Ac.5.37)  is  associated  by  St.  Luke  with 
the  revolt  of  Judas  of  Galilee.     This  taxing 
took  place  in  6  or  7  a.d.     It  was  conducted  by 
P.  Sulpicius  Quirinus,  who  was    at  that  time 
legatits  of  Syria  (Josephus,  i*<  Ant.  i.  i,  ii.   i). 
The  facts  as  to  this  second  taxing  are  not 
questioned  ;  but  in  regard  to  the  earlier  taxing 
of  4  B.C.,  various  difficulties  have  arisen.    The 
following  are  the  chief  objections  which  have 
been  made  against  the  acceptance  of  St.  Luke's 
account,     (i)  No  direct  independent  evidence 
of  any  such  decree  of  Augustus  exists.    (2)  In 
any    case    Palestine    would    not    have    been 
affected  by  any  such  decree  during  the  time  of 
Herod  the  Great  {d.  4  b.c),  as  it  was  not  yet 
a  Roman  province.     (3)  As  toCvKENius,  the 
vvords  of  St.  Luke  are  Tjye/xoi'fvoi'Toi  rrjs  Si-p/a? 
Kvprjviov  ("when   Quirinus  was    governor  of 
Syria").   If  by  this  is  meant  that  Quirinus  was 
lenatus  of  Syria  in  4  n.c,  then  it  appears  to 
involve  an  error  in  chronology  ;    for  we  know 
the  names  of  the  Roman  /f^'rt7^  of  Syria  from  9 
to  4  B.C.  inclusive,  and  we  can  find  no  place  for 
Quirinus.     These  objections,  however,  can  be 
severally  met,  as  follows:  (i)  Our  history  of 
this  portion  of  the  reign  of  Augustus  is  de- 
ficient, as  Tacitus  and  i)io  Cassius,  our  chief 
authorities,  fail  us  here.     Further,  a  number  of 
items  have  been  collected  which,  though  not 
direct  evidence,  tend  to  show  that  a  Roman 
census  in  Judaea  at  this  time,  in  accordance 
with    some    general    instructions    given    by 
Augustus,  is  not  improbable  (for  these  items, 
see  Plummer  on   I.u.2.i  in  hilcrnalinnal  Criti- 
cal Commentary).      (z)  When  Palestine  was 


TEKOA 

divided  among  Herod's  sons,  Augustus  ordered 
the  taxation  of  Samaria  to  be  reduced  ;  and 
this  was  before  Palestine  became  a  Roman 
province.  If  he  could  do  that,  he  could  re- 
quire information  as  to  taxation  in  Palestine 
(this  is  what  is  meant  by  a.Troypa<pri).  Herod 
would  not  have  ventured  to  resist  him.  (3) 
The  key  to  the  solution  of  the  problem  as  to 
Quirinus  lies  in  the  Gk.  participle  Tj-y^novtvov- 
Tos.  This  verb  is  generic,  and  may  express 
the  office  of  any  ruler,  whether  legatus  or  pro- 
curator. It  does  not  tell  us  that  Quirinus  was 
legatus  in  4  e.g.,  as  he  undoubtedly  was  in  6 
A.D.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.  i.  34)  states  that 
Quirinus  was  procurator  {'iriTpoiros)  at  the 
time  of  this  census  ;  and  in  the  only  other 
place  where  St.  Luke  uses  the  verb  ijyffjLovfveiv, 
he  uses  it  of  a  procurator  {Pontius  Pilate,  Lu.3. 
i).  Thus,  though  Quinctilius  Varus  was  the 
legatus  of  Syria  at  the  time  of  the  enrolment, 
yet  Quirinus  may  have  held  some  office  by 
virtue  of  which  he  imdertook  the  census.  For 
recent  arguments  in  favour  of  this  view,  see 
Ramsay's  IVas  Christ  born  at  Bethlehem?  See 
also  Plummer,  Internal.  Crit.  Comm.  (on  Lu.2. 
i),  and  in  Hastings,  D.B.  iv.  183  ;  P.  Gardner 
in  Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  3994.  [j.a.n.] 

Tear-bottle.  The  phrase,  "  Put  my  tear 
into  thy  bottle,"  occurs  in  Ps.56.8[9],  and  ex- 
presses, in  apictorial  way,  the  i)rayer  that  God 
will  bear  in  mind  the  Psalmist's  sorrow.  The 
parallel  phrase,  "Are  they  not  in  thy  book." 
emphasizes  the  figurative  character  of  both 
clauses.  The  application  of  the  term  "lachry- 
matory" to  small  bottles  is  very  doubtful, 
thoiigh  at  one  time  generally  accepted,  and  pro- 
bably due  to  the  passage  cited.      [w.o.e.o.] 

Te'bah,  eldest  of  the  sons  of  Nahor,  by 
his  concubine  Reumah  (Gen. 22. 24). 

Tebaliah',  third  son  of  Hosah  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Merari  (iChr.26.ii). 
Tebeth.     [Montiis.] 

Tehaphnehes'  (Ezk.30.i8)  =  TAHPANHES. 
Tehlnnah',  the  father  or  founder  of  Ir- 
nahash,  and  son  of  Eshton  (iChr.4.i2). 
Teil-tree.  [Oak  ;  Turpentine-tree.] 
Teko'a  or  Tekoah',  a  town  in  the 
tribe  of  Judah  (2Chr.ll.6).  Jerome  says  that 
Tekoa  was  6  Roman  miles  from  Bethlehem, 
and  that  as  he  wrote  he  had  that  village  daily 
before  his  eyes.  In  the  Onomasticon  he  re- 
presents Tekoa  as  9  miles  only  from  Jeru- 
salem ;  but  elsewhere  he  agrees  with  Eusebius 
in  making  tiic  distance  12  miles.  It  is  not 
enumerated  in  the  Heb.  catalogue  of  towns 
ill  Judah  (J  OS. 15. so),  but  is  inserted  in 
that  passage  of  the  l.X.X.  Tin-  "wise  wo- 
man" whom  Joab  employed  to  effect  a  recon- 
ciliation l)etween  David  and  .Absalom  was 
from  this  place  (2Sam.l4.2).  Ira,  the  son  of 
Ikkcsh,  one  of  David's  Tiiirtv,  was  c.iiled 
"the  Tekoite"  (2Sam.23.2(>).  It  was  one  of 
the  places  which  Rehoboam  fortified  (2Clir. 
11.6)  near  the  wilderness  of  Judah  (20. 20). 
Some  of  the  people  froni  Tekoa  took  p.irt  in 
buildini;  the  walls  of  yerusalem,  after  tlie  re- 
turn fromtiicCaptivity(Ne.3.5.27).  In  Je.6.i 
tiic  proi^liet  exclaims,  "  Blow  the  trumpet 
in  Tekoa  and  set  up  a  sign  of  fire  in  Beth- 
liaccerem."  .\mos  was  a  herdman  of  Tekoa 
(.\m.l.i).     It  is  now  the  ruined  village  Teqd'a, 


TEKOITE,  THE 

overlooking  from  a  high  ridge  the  desert  of 
Judah  (seeiMac.9.33),  5  miles S.  of  Bethlehem, 
and  10  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem.  Bethlehem,  and 
even  Bethel,  are  visible  thence.  Ashur,  a 
grandson  of  Judah  (iChr.2.24,4.5),  was  the 
"father"  or  founder  of  Tekoa.  [c.r.c] 

Teko'ite,  The.  Ira,  one  of  David's 
warriors,  is  thus  designated  (2Sam.23.26;  iChr. 
11.28,27.9).  [Tekoa.]  The  Tekoites  repaired 
two  parts  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Ne.3.5,27). 

Tel-abib',  a  city  of  Babylonia  where 
Jewish  e.xiles  had  settled,  beside  the  river  (or 
canal)  named  Chebar  (Ezk.3.15).  As  the 
scene  of  Ezekiel's  labours  seems  to  have  been 
Babylonia,  not  Upper  Mesopotamia,  it  is  im- 
possible to  locate  it  on  the  Khabiir,  which, 
moreover,  for  philological  reasons,  cannot  be 
the  Chebar.  The  meaning  of  Tel-abib  is 
generally  regarded  as  being  "  hill  of  corn,"  but 
Fried.  Delitzsch  suggests  that  it  may  be  for 
Til-ahuhi,  "  hill  of  the  flood."  The  site  is 
unknown.     [Chebar.]  [t.g.p.] 

Te'lah,  father  of  Tahan,  i  (iChr.7.25). 

Telaim',  the  place  at  which  Saul  num- 
bered his  forces  before  his  attack  on  Amalek 
(iS^rn.15.4  only).  It  may  be  identical  with 
Telem.  On  the  other  hand,  the  reading  of  the 
LXX. — viz.  Gilgal — is  remarkable,  and  is  fol- 
lowed (6  Ant.  vii.  2)  by  Josephus. 

Telassap'  [Assay's  Hill)  occurs  in  2K.I9. 
12  (A.V.  Thelwai-)  and  Is. 37. 12  as  a  city 
inhabited  by  "  the  children  of  Eden."  It  is 
apparently  the  Til-assuri  or  Til-asurri  of  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions,  which,  according  to 
Tiglath-pileser  III.,  had  a  renowned  temple, 
of  Babylonian  origin,  dedicated  to  Merodach. 
Esar-haddon,  who  conquered  the  place,  seems 
to  say  that  the  people  of  Mihranu  called  it 
Pitdnti,  and  informs  us  that  "its  inhabitants 
were  people  of  Barnaku  or  Parnaku.  Parnaku 
apparently  lay  near  Mitanni  (Upper  Mesopo- 
tamia), and  may,  therefore,  be  the  Biblical 
site,  as  it  is  mentioned  with  Gozan,  Haran, 
and  Reseph.  As  Asari  was  one  of  the  names 
of  Merodach,  the  form  Telassar  agrees  with 
the  statement  made  by  Tiglath-pileser.  It 
has  still  to  be  identified.""  [t.g.p.] 

Te'lem,  a  doorkeeper  of  the  temple  (Ezr. 
10.24);  perhaps  the  same  as  Talmon. 

Te'lem,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  extreme 
S.  of  Judah  (Jos.15.24).  It  occurs  between 
Ziph  and  Bealoth,  but  has  not  been  identified. 

Tel-hapsa'  or  Tel-hapesha',  probably 
"  hill  of  the  wood,"  is  a  Babylonian  town  or 
village  mentioned  in  Ezr.2.59  and  Ne.7.6i. 
It  was  probably  in  the  low  country  near  the 
sea,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tel-melah  and 
Cherub,  but  is  as  yet  unidentified.  In  iEsd.5. 
36  it  is  called  Thelersas. 

Tel-me'lah  is  mentioned  with  Tel-harsa 
and  Cherub  in  Ezr.2.59  ^iid  Ne.7.6i.  It 
means  "  hill  of  the  sailor  "  (?  or  "  of  salt  ") 
and  is  not  yet  identified.  [t.g.p.] 

Tema',  the  ninth  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen. 
25.15 ;  iChr.1.30)  ;  whence  the  tribe  called 
after  him  (Job  6.19;  Je.25.23),  and  also  the 
land  occupied  by  this  tribe  (Is. 21. 13, 14).  The 
name  is  identified  with  Teima,  a  small  town 
on  the  confines  of  Syria,  on  the  road  of  the 
Damascus  pilgrim-caravan.  It  is  near  Dumat 
el  Jendel.     [Dumah.] 

Teman'. — \.  A  son  of  Eliphaz,  son  of  Esau 


TEMPLE  875 

by  Adah  (Gen. 36. 11, 15, 42  ;  iChr.l. 36,53). — 
2.  A  country.  The  Heb.  signifies  "  south  " 
(see  Job  9.9  ;  Is.43.6)  ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  land  of  Teman  was  S.  of  Edom.  It  is 
mentioned  with  Edom  and  with  Dedan  (Je. 
49.7,8  ;  Ezk.25.13).  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
mention  Teman  as  a  town  in  their  day  distant 
15  miles  from  Petra,  and  a  Roman  post.  The 
gentilic  noun  of  Teman  is  temdni  (Job2.ii, 
22.1),  and  Eliphaz  the  Temanite  was  one  of 
the  wise  men  of  Edom.  In  Gen.36.34  the  land 
of  Temani  is  mentioned. 

Temeni',  son  of  Ashur,  the  father  of 
Tekoa,  by  his  wife  Naarah  (iChr.4.6). 

Temple.  In  the  early  days  of  mankind, 
temples  are  said  to  have  been  of  simple  con- 
struction ;  yet  they  were  considered  the  earthly 
resting-place  of  the  god  or  gods.  In  process 
of  time  the  god  was  worshipped  under  the 
symbol  of  a  sacred  stone  or  stones  (the 
macfebhoth,  baetuli,  or  stelae),  not  only  amongst 
Semitic  races,  but  very  generally  amongst 
primitive  people  throughout  the  world — the 
resting-place  of  the  stone  being  the  house  of 
God  (Beth-el).  Eventually  images  of  the  god 
came  into  use,  which  the  soul  (or  "  double  ") 
of  the  god  was  believed  to  inhabit.  Thus  the 
temple  became  the  dwelling-place  of  the  god, 
body  and  soul — the  god  having  a  "  double  " 
for  each  temple  erected  in  his  honour.  The 
variations  in  the  forms  of  temples  depended  in 
a  great  measure  on  the  condition  of  civiliza- 
tion of  the  rulers,  geographical  features  of  the 
country,  climatic  effects,  the  building  materials 
available,  and  the  stock  from  which  the  race 
was  derived.  But  when  all  is  said,  we  must 
recognize  that  temples  can  only  differ,   one 


CORNICE  OF   LILY-WORK  AT  PERSEPOLIS. 

from  another,  in  degree.  During  the  past  50 
years,  constant  efforts  have  been  made  to  dis- 
cover from  what  nation  the  Israelites  derived 
their  general  scheme  and  plan  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  tabernacle  and  king  Solomon's 
temple.  The  world  during  this  period  has 
added  enormously  to  its  knowledge  of  the 
records  of  the  past ;  but  the  Jewish  tabernacle 


876 


TEMPLE 


still  remains  as  an  original  conception.  It  is 
probably  more  easy  to  say  what  nations  cannot 
have  influenced  the  plan  and  construction  of 
the  tabernacle.  Asia  Minor,  Persia,  Greece, 
and  Rome  may  be  eliminated ;  and  tliere 
remain  for  consideration  only  Assyria,  Baby- 
lonia, Egypt,  and  Phoenicia.  In  Babylonia  and 
Assyria  the  early  temples,  or  ziqqurats,  were 
elevated  to  a  height  of  from  loo  to  150  ft. 
above  the  plain,  by  erecting  vast  cubes  of 
brickwork  upon  each  other,  in  diminishing 
proportions,  until  a  species  of  stepped  p>Tamid 
was  constructed,  with  the  little  temple  on  the 
summit.  No  resemblance  can  be  traced  be- 
tween these  masses  of  brickwork  and  the 
tabernacle  and  temple  of  Solomon  and  its 
courts.  See  illustration  under  Baukl,  Tower 
OF.  In  Egypt  there  are  few  temples  in  ex- 
istence dating  before  the  i8th  and  igth 
dynasties,  except  that  of  Gizeh,  near  to  the 
Sphinx  and  Second  Pyramid.  This  temple  is  in 
size  between  the  tabernacle  and  king  Solomon's 
temple,  and  in  shape  resembles  the  temple  of 
Herod.  It  is  built  of  granite,  and  is  T  shaped — 
square  to  the  cardinal  points  of  the  compass  ; 
the  head  of  the  T  to  the  E.,  the  entrance  of  the 
temple  being  in  the  centre  of  the  E.  face,  the 
end  of  the  stena  of  the  T  to  the  W.  In  its 
orientation,  and  in  the  formation  of  its  doorway, 
this  temple  is  similar  to  the  tabernacle.  In 
size  it  is  about  77  ft.  long,  33  ft.  wide,  and  is 
measured  by  the  Drusian  foot  of  i3'3  in. — an 
early  standard  found,  wherever  ancient  civilized 
races  have  built  in  the  past.  The  dimensions 
therefore  in  units  are,  70  :<  30  cubits,  with  a 
porch  of  70  X  20  cubits.  There  is  little  in  this 
temple  that  can  be  said  to  foreshadow  the  plan 
of  the  tabernacle.  The  splendid  temples  of 
the  1 8th  and  19th  dynasties,  of  the  great 
Theban  period,  are  wanting  in  the  "  precise 
ornamentation  and  careful  masonry  of  the  old 
kingdom,  the  buildings  of  the  new  race  are 


W.D.A. 
STONE  BROUr.HT  FROM  THE  THMPLF.  AT  JF.RUSALEM   BY 
CANON    LIDDON.  AND    NOW   PLACUU    IN    THE    S.   AISLE 
OE  ST.   PAUL'S  CA  IIIEDRAI.. 

placed  anywhere,  facing  in  any  direction,  and 
generally  affec  ted  with  a  syminctriphobia  that 
it  is  difficult  to  understand  "  ( l-'crgusson,  Hisl. 
of  Arch.  vol.  1.  p.  103).  In  Phoenicia  there  are 
no  remains  that  can  throw  light  upon  the  sub- 
ject,   Wc  hj^vc  therefore  nothinf;  in  the  records 


TEMPLE 

of  the  past  to  guide  us  as  to  the  general  design 
of  the  tabernacle,  and  the  assumption  seems  to 
be  that  it  is,  so  far  as  temples  go,  an  original 
design.  When  wc  come  to  consider  the 
temple  of  Solomon,  however — following  the 
general  plan  of  the  tabernacle,  double  in  all  its 
dimensions — we  shall  find  that  it  is  in  all  prob- 
ability influenced  in  its  details  by  the  master- 
mind of  the  chief  artificer  (Hiram  of  T>Te)  and 
his  TyTian  workmen,  who  were  sent  by  Hiram, 
king  of  Tyre,  to  assist  king  Solomon  in  carry- 
ing out  the  work.  And  we  may  be  certain 
that  in  all  its  architectural  details,  excepting 
the  ruling  dimensions,  it  was  Phoenician  or 
Tyrian.  The  Phoenicans  were  expert  builders  ; 
the  people  of  Tvtc  had  magnificent  temples  to 
Hercules  ;  and  Herodotus  says  of  them  (ii.  44) 
that  at  the  temple  of  Hercules,  at  Tyre,  there 
were  two  pillars,  one  of  gold  and  the  other  of 
emeralds  shining  by  night. — The  Temples  ok 
THE  Jews.  The  accounts  of  the  measurements 
of  the  temples,  successively  erected  to  the  W. 
of  the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite, 
present  difficulties  when  taken  singly ;  but  when 
compared  together,  the  difficulties  concerning 
the  general  plan  of  these  temples  vanish  :  and 
it  is  evident  that  the  Holy  of  Holies  and  the 
altar  remained  in  the  same  position  from  the 
time  of  king  Solomon  until  the  final  destruction 
of  the  temple  of  king  Herod  by  Titus.  The 
continuity  of  the  scheme  can  be  shown  as 
follows  :  The  tabernacle  enclosure  was  formed 
of  two  squares,  side  by  side,  lying  E.  and  W., 
of  50  cubits  a  side.  In  the  centre  of  the  eastern 
square  was  the  centre  of  the  altar :  in  the  centre 
of  the  western  square  was  the  centre  of  the  vail 
of  the  tabernacle  (assuming  a  porch  of  5  cubits 
to  the  tabernacle),  the  front  of  the  porch 
being  flush  with  the  line  of  division  of  the  two 
squares.  The  temple  of  Solomon  was  double 
of  the  tabernacle  in  all  its  ground  portions :  and 
as  it  had  a  porch  of  10  cubits,  the  centre  of  the 
vail  in  one  square  of  100  cubits  would  be  100 
cubits  distant  from  the  centre  of  the  altar  in 
the  other  square,  the  front  of  the  porch  being 
50  cubits  from  the  centre  of  the  altar.  The 
temple  thought  out  by  Ezckicl  had  three 
squares  of  100  cubits  each,  lying  E.  andW.;  but, 
considering  for  the  present  only  the  two  west- 
ern squares,  we  again  have  100  cubits  between 
the  centre  of  the  altar  and  the  centre  of  the 
vail.  The  temple  of  Zerubbabel  was,  no  doubt, 
restored  in  a  great  measure  on  the  plan  of 
Ezekiel.  The  temple  of  Herod  followed  suit. 
According  to  tiie  Mishna,  the  distance  from  the 
centre  of  the  altar  to  the  centre  of  the  vail  was 
100  cubits,  as  follows:  In  cubits — half  altar 
16,  altar  to  porch  22,  thickness  of  porch  6, 
width  of  porch  11,  width  of  tenqile  wall  5, 
length  of  holy  place  40  ;  total  100  cubits.  With 
this  dimension  fixed,  the  records  concerning  the 
temples  can  be  understood  with  greater  facility. 
— Solomon's  Temple.  The  idea  of  a  permanent 
house  of  tiod  (instead  of  a  tent  or  tabernacle) 
originated  with  king  David  ;  but  as  he  was  a 
man  of  war,  aiul  liad  shed  blood,  hisworkin  this 
respect  was  limited  to  furnishing  the  plans  and 
preparing  the  building  materials— the  actual 
construction  of  the  temple  being  entrusted  by 
the  Almighty  to  king  Solomon  (2Sam.7.3-i3 ; 
iK.5.3;  iChr.28.6).  Detailed  measurements 
of  the  building  arcgiven  (iK.6and  2Chr.2):  but 


of 
MORTAK 

Shovdng  the  Courts  of  the  Temple 

J'//        jn.  time  ofKngJIerod 
/  Scale  soob 

.^-,  .   „    , CorvboxAjrs  show  lh»  oriffiTialroch  surface-. 


p.  876] 


TEMPLE 

there  is  not  yet  sufficient  information  to  draw 
up  a  correct  restoration  of  tlie  plan  and  eleva- 
tion of  the  temple  buildings,  in  the  absence  of 
any  knowledge  of  similar  buildings  elsewhere. 
By  doubling  the  dimensions  of  the  tabernacle 
and  its  courts,  we  arrive  at  the  first  dimension 


TEMPLE 


877 


PLAN  OF  SOLOMON'S  TEMPLE, 
Showing  the  disposition  of  the  cliainbers  in  two  storeys. 

of  100  cubits  from  the  centre  of  the  altar  to  the 
centre  of  the  vail  ;  and  these  two  centres  are 
the  centres  of  two  contiguous  squares  of  loo 
cubits  a  side,  lying  E.  and  W.  Thus  we  arrive 
at  the  dimensions  of  the  courts  of  Solomon's 
temple,  the  front  of  the  porch  of  the  temple 
being  flush  with  the  line  joining  the  two  squares. 
The  Holy  of  Holies,  Holy  Place,  and  porch, 
taken  together,  were  70  cubits  in  length  and  20 
in  width  ;  and  the  outer  wall  of  the  temple  on 
N.,  S.,  and  W.  was  from  10  to  16  cubits  thick, 
according  to  various  opinions,  with  three  tiers 
of  little  chambers  in  the  thickness  of  the  wall, 
5  cubits  wide  in  the  lower  tier  and  7  wide 
in  the  upper  tier.  What  purpose  these  little 
chambers  served  we  have  no  information. 
The  temple  measured  about  80  cubits  from  E. 
to  W.,  and  from  50  to  60  cubits  from  N.  to  S., 
according  to  various  estimates.— //e/g/j/s. 
The  height  is  given  (iK.6.2)  as  30  cubits,  and 
the  height  of  the  porch  (2Chr.3.4)  120  cubits. 
This  latter  height  of  120  cubits  for  a  porch  of 
1 1  cubits  wide  seems  to  be  excessive  ;  and  some 
commentators  consider  this  number  to  be 
corrupt,  and  suggest  20  or  30  cubits  in  lieu  ;  but 
both  Josephus  (8  Ant.  iii.)  and  the  Talmud 
assert  that  not  only  the  porch,  but  also  the 
whole  body  of  the  temple,  was  120  cubits  in 
height. — Internal  Siif^ports.  With  an  in- 
terior width  of  20  cubits  (about  34  ft.),  some 
supports  would  be  required  for  the  roof ;  and 
it  has  been  suggested  by  Mr.  Fergusson  that 
there  were  two  rows  of  seven  supports,  one  on 
each  side,  at  6  cubits  from  the  wall,  leaving  a 
central  aisle  8  cubits  wide  ;   thus  dividing  the 


length  of  the  Holy  Place  into  bays  of  about  8 
cubits  each.  In  the  Holy  of  Holies,  the  spacing 
would  be  something  less.  Of  any  upper 
chamber  above  the  Holy  Place  there  is  no 
mention;  but  if  the  account  of  Josephus  is 
correct,  there  is  much  space  that  was  not  occu- 
pied by  the  holy  places. — Pillars.  There  is 
considerable  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether 
the  pillars  J  ACHiN  and  Boaz,  a<  the  porch  of  the 
temple,  were  attached  to  the  porch;  or  were 
detached,  and  in  front  of  it  {1K.7.15).  It  is 
stated,  however  (2Chr.3.i7),  that  these  two 
pillars  were  reared  up  before  the  temple,  one  on 
the  right  hand  and  the  other  on  the  left.  They 
were  12  cubits  in  circumference  and  18  cubits 
in  height,  with  capitals  5  cubits  in  height,  and 
with,  apparently  (1K.7.19),  an  entablature  4 
cubits  high  joining  the  two  capitals  :  giving 
altogether  a  height  of  27  cubits. — Inner  Court. 
The  enclosure  of  the  court  of  the  temple  (1K.6. 
36),  200  cubits  in  length  and  100  cubits  in 
breadth,  was  made  of  three  rows  of  hewn  stone 
and  a  row  of  cedar  beams,  probably  10  cubits 
in  height,  double  of  the  height  of  the  curtain 
enclosing  the  tabernacle.  There  is  no  mention 
of  any  gate  to  this  enclosure  of  the  inner 
court ;  and  as  the  term  "inner  court  "  is  used,  it 
may  be  assumed  that  there  was  an  outer  court, 
to  which  the  Gates  Shallecheth  and  Parbar 
belonged. — Position  of  Solomon's  Temple.  We 
have  certain  data  as  to  the  position.  First,  we 
have  the  outer  wall  of  Herod's  temple  and 
courts,  still  in  existence  ;  the  interior  of  which 
is  called  the  Noble  Sanctuary,  with  theQubbet 
es-Sakhrah  erected  on  the  highest  point.  In 
this  space,  about  i,  800  ft.  by  900  ft.,  we  may  be 
certain  that  the  temple  was  situated  ;  and  this 
space  is  further  circumscribed  by  a  scarp  of 
rock  and  ditch  cut  in  the  rock  E.  of  the  Golden 
Gate,  giving  a  four-sided  figure,  about  900  by 
1,000  ft.,  i.e.  nearly  square.  Within  this  is  part 
of  the  eastern  hill  of  Jerusalem,  usually  called 
Mount  Moriah,  the  ridge  of  which  runs  from 
N.W.  to  S.E.  The  only  portion  of  the  ridge 
suitable  for  the  temple — \vith  its  coiurts  at  least 
200  cubits  from  E.  to  W.,  and  space  for  wor- 
shippers to  the  E. — is  upon  the  comparatively 
flat  summit  near  where  the  Qubbet  es-Sakhrah 
stands.  Moreover,  we  know  (2Sam.24.18)  that 
the  altar  was  placed  on  the  threshing-floor  of 
Araunah  the  Jebusite.  Now,  threshing-floors 
in  Palestine  are  placed  on  high  exposed  posi- 
tions, where  the  wind  will  blow  away  the  chaff ; 
so  that  the  threshing-floor  would  have  stood 
without  doubt  on  some  flat  and  elevated 
space  on  the  ridge.  Again,  we  are  told  that 
Araunah  and  his  sons  hid  themselves  (iChr. 
21.20),  so  there  was  probablya  cavenear  by,  as 
is  common  in  Palestine,  for  the  storage  of 
wheat.  We  have  then  here  the  cave  of  the 
Qubbet  es-Sakhrah,  with  the  flat  space  on  the 
S.  as  the  threshing-floor  ;  and  we  may  be  sure 
of  the  location  of  the  temple  to  within  a  few  feet. 
— The  Causeway  and  the  Gates  Shallecheth  and 
Parbar.  Of  these  there  is  only  mention  (iChr. 
26.16)  in  connexion  with  the  guarding  of  the 
gates  of  the  outer  court.  They  are  all  still  in 
existence.  The  causeway  is  on  the  2,420  level, 
giving  a  passage  through  the  Bab  es-Silsileh  (at 
Wilson's  Arch) — no  doubt  the  Gate  Shalle- 
cheth. The  Gate  Parbar  is  probably  one  of 
the    suburban     gates   still    piercing   the     old 


878 


TEMPLE 


walls,  called  respectisely  Barclay's  Gate  and 
Warren's  (late.  The  store-house  (.-lii//> /)»>») 
is  still  unknown. — Temple  of  Ezekiel.  The 
vision  of  the  temple  and  courts  seen  by  the 
prophet  ICzekiel.  while  residing  on  the  banks  of 
the  Chebar,  in  Babylonia,  in  the  25th  year  of 
the  Captivity  (574  u.c),  is  entirely  in  keeping 
with  the  development  of  Solomon's  temple, 
and  its  plan  was  probably  followed  in  the 
erection  of  the  temple  of  Zerubbabel. — Temple 
of  Zerubbabel.  What  littlt;  is  known  of  tliis 
temi)le,  shows  that  it  was  in  keeping  with  the 
plan  of  Solomon's  temjile  and  the  vision  of 
Ezekiel  (Iizr.6.3).  Height  60  cubits,  breadth 
60  cubits,  with  three  rows  of  great  stcjnes, 
and  a  row  of  great  timber,  as  in  Solomon's 
temple  (iK.6.36). — Temple  oe  Herod.  For 
our  knowledge  of  the  temple  of  Herod  we 
are  indebted  principally  to  Josephus  (Anti- 
quities and  Wars)  and  to  the  Talmud  (Tract, 
Measurements  of  the  Temple,  Mishna).  The 
N.T.  contributes  very  little  to  our  topographi- 
cal knowledge.     The  temple  of  Herod  and  its 


Tpc^^ 


WOMEN 


l«   U 


■     WOOD    ■ 


CAST 

IM.AN  OI-    HliKOU'S  TliMI'Lli. 

nner  courts  1  iccupicd  the  same  position,  on  plan, 
as  those  of  Solomon  and  Zerul)babel,  except 
that  the  borders  were  extentlicl.  The  Holy  of 
Holies,  the  Holy  I'lace,  and  the  centre  of  the 
altar  occupied  exactly  tiie  same  sites,  but  the 
two  courts,  of  100  cubits  a  side  each,  were  ex- 
tended to  N.  and  S.  17  J  cubits,  so  as  to  measure 
135  cul>its  in  width,  and  there  was  a  third 
court  to  the  li.  of  135  cubits  a  side,  which  was 
used  for  the  people  of  Israel  to  assemble  in  (the 
Court  of  the  Women).  It  is  mentioned  in  the 
vision  of  l-'zekiel,  and  ])robably  was  made 
in  the  time  of  Zerubl>al;el  or  in  earlier  times 
{2Chr.29.4  ;  Ezr.lO.9).  These  courts  were 
surrounded  by  buildings  of  great  strength  and 


TEMPLE 

magnificence,  andljtogetiier  "were  called  the 
■'inner  courts "|('of_the_temple,  and  none  but 
Jews  were  i)erniitted  to  enter  them.  The  two 
eastern  courts  were  consecrated  to  the  use  of 
the  priests  only,  and  the  buildings  around 
them  were  so  arranged  that  the  inner  portions 
were  on  the  consecrated  ground  and  the  outer 
portions  were  common  to  all  Jews  ;  so  that 
[)riests  and  people  would  meet  for  many  pur- 
poses in  the  same  building.  Beyond  these 
buildings  was  a  raised  space,  6  c\ibits  higher 
than  the  level  of  the  outer  courts.  It  was  called 
the  hil  (soreg),  10  cubits  wide,  with  a  reticu- 
lated wail  enclosing  it,  2  cubits  in  height,  on 
which  were  inscribed  in  dk.  notices  forbidding 
Cientiles  to  proceed  further.  One  of  these  in- 
scriptions has  been  recovered,  and  is  now  in  the 
Museum  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund. 
King  Herod  undertook  tlie  rebuilding  of  the 
temple  and  its  courts  ;  but  he  was  obliged  to 
intrust  all  work  within  the  inner  courts  to  the 
priests,  asCientiles  were  not  permitted  to  enter. 
He  very  much  enlarged  the  outer  courts, 
making  the  whole  space  double  the  area  which 
it  had  in  the  time  of  Solomon.  It  is  said  to 
have  been  increased  to  a  perimeter  of  6  furlongs; 
and  this  would  accord  with  the  indications 
of  the  existing  remains.  In  thus  increasing 
the  area,  the  oidy  space  available  was  towards 
the  S.,  where  the  buiklings  comiected  with 
Solomon's  palace  are  said  to  have  stood.  The 
whole  area  was  surrounded  by  a  wall  of  magni- 
ficent masonry,  of  great  height  ;  which  remains 
to  the  present  day  as  the  finest  jiiece  t)f 
masonry  of  ancient  times  left  to  us.  The  S. 
wall  is  922  ft.  in  length,  and  in  some  |)laces2oo 
ft.  in  height,  and  the  E.  wall  extends  to  the 
Ciolden  tiate,  a  distance  of  1,100  ft.  At  the 
S.E.  angle,  the  old  wall  of  the  palace  of  Solo- 
mon was  taken  in,  and  formed  part  of  the  outer 
wall.  At  the  S.\V.  angle  the  work  is  all  Hero- 
dian,  and  had  to  be  built  across  the  Tyropoeon 
Valley  to  complete  the  rectangle  required. 
The  outer  wall  (as  it  stands  at  present)  is  over 
140  ft.  high,  at  the  S.E.  and  S.W.  angles,  from 
tiie  foundations  to  the  floor-level  of  the  Noble 
Sanctuary,  2,420  ft.  The  courses  of  stones  are 
from  3  ft.  6  in.  to  4  ft.  in  height,  and  some  of 
theni  are  over  30  ft.  in  length,  and  weigh 
nearly  90  tons.  They  appear  to  have  been 
quarried  in  the  royal  caverns,  under  Bezetha, 
and  to  have  been  brought  to  the  Noble  Sanc- 
tuary by  a  rock-cut  passage  under  the  Antonia, 
the  bed  of  the  quarry  being  higher  than  the 
level  of  the  courts  of  the  temple. — The  Idling 
up  of  the  space  beneath  the  outer  courts  and  the 
rocks.  This  filling  has  taken  place  at  dilTerent 
epochs.  The  most  ancient  filling  is  jirobably 
that  from  the  S.I'",  angle  to  the  Triple  (late  on 
the  S.  and  to  the  (lolden  date  on  the  E.,  i)rob- 
ably  executed  by  king  Solomon  as  part  of  the 
Milio.  At  the  Triple  (iate  and  (iolden  date  the 
levels  of  the  sills  near  the  rock  (2,380  ft.)  are 
about  40  ft.  below  the  level  ot  the  outer  courts 
(2,420  ft.);  butatthe  S.l-:.  angle  the  rock  (2,280 
ft.)  is  about  140  ft.  below  the  level  of  the 
courts.  The  portion  above  2,380  ft.  is  occu- 
pied by  Solomon's  stables  (vaults);  but  below 
there  appears  to  be  solid  masonry.  In  it  is 
built  the  passage  for  the  blood,  the  floor  of 
which  is  at  a  level  of  2,347ft.,  neartherock.  On 
the  W.  side  there  is,  on  an  average,  50  ft.  ol 


TEMPLE 

filling  from  the  rock  to  the  level  of  the  courts, 
which  is  either  solid  or  vaulted.  Nothing  is 
known  of  this,  except  where  it  is  pierced  by 
the  suburban  gates,  or  by  tanks  which  have 
been  explored.  At  the  S.W.  angle  is  the 
portion  of  the  wall  added  by  king  Herod.  Here 
there  is  about  130  ft.  of  filling,  no  ft.  of  which 
appears  to  be  solid,  and  20  ft.  of  which  is  occu- 
pied by  late  Roman  and  Saracenic  buildings. 
On  the  E.  side,  to  the  N.,  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  temple,  there  is  a  very  extensive  filling 
up  across  the  valley,  near  the  Birket  Israil, 
of  about  140  ft.,  a  great  portion  of  which 
appears  to  be  solid.  In  the  centre  of  the 
courts,  where  the  rock  crops  up,  a  number 
of  tanks  for  holding  water  have  been  dis- 
covered and  explored. — The  outer  gates  and 
porticoes.  The  outer  wall  of  the  courts  was 
adorned  by  cloisters  or  porticoes,  with  flat 
roofs,  on  which  the  soldiers  keeping  watch 
over  the  temple  could  walk.  On  three 
sides — E.,  W.,  and  N. — these  porticoes  were 
estimated  at  30  cubits  wide,  and  on  the  S.  side 
there  was  a  great  portico,  or  Stoa  Basilica, 
about  60  cubits  wide.  Thus  the  interior 
space  of  the  courts  would  be  about  500  cubits 
a  side,  as  stated  in  the  Talmud.  According  to 
Josephus,  there  were  eight  gates  to  the  outer 
courts  of  the  temple  ;  on  the  W.  four.  The 
first  and  most  important  was  that  at  the 
causeway,  Shallecheth,  which  still  exists  as 
Bab  es-Silsileh,  going  over  Wilson's  Arch  to  the 
king's  palace,  on  the  level  of  the  outer  courts, 
2,420  ft.  The  two  suburban  gates  S.  of  the 
causeway  are  those  of  Robinson's  Arch  and 
Barclay's  Gateway.  At  Robinson's  Arch,  the 
Stoa  Basilica  opened  out  on  steps  over  an  arch 
of  40  ft.  span,  leading  down  to  the  suburbs. 
At  Barclay's  Gateway  steps  went  down  in  the 
courts  of  the  temple  to  a  gate,  probably  Par- 
bar,  leading  to  the  marble  pavement  of  the 
street  which  ran  along  the  western  wall  at 
level  2,366.  N.  of  the  causeway  is  Warren's 
Gate,  which  is  the  gate  leading  to  the  "  other 
city,"  and  is  probably  the  Kipunus  of  the 
Talmud.  The  level  of  the  suburbs  is  reached 
by  a  flight  of  steps  inside  the  temple  courts. 
On  the  S.  side  were  the  two  Huldah  gates  of 
the  Mishna  {Middoth  i.  3).  These  are  repre- 
sented by  the  two  ancient  gates  now  existing, 
equidistant  from  the  corners  of  the  wall  and 
from  each  other.  One  to  the  W.,  called  the 
Double  Gate,  has  a  double  passage,  with  a 
total  width  of  40  ft. ;  the  roof,  supported 
by  great  columns,  being  flat  domes,  highly 
ornamented  with  Herodian  tracery.  The 
other,  to  the  E.,  is  now  a  triple  gate,  altered 
probably  in  the  time  of  Justinian;  but  there 
are  still  many  indications  that  it  originally 
was  a  double  gate  and  passage,  similar 
to  that  on  the  E.  Both  these  gates  and 
passages  led  upwards  as  tunnels  under  the 
Stoa  Basilica,  to  a  distance  of  190  ft.,  where 
they  opened  on  the  Court  of  the  Gentiles.  On 
the  E.  side  there  was  but  one  gate,  at  the  ex- 
treme N.E.  corner  of  the  Court  of  the  Gentiles, 
called  in  the  Talmud  the  Gate  Shushan, 
through  which  could  be  seen  the  high-priest, 
who  burned  the  heifer,  going  out  to  mount 
Olivet.  This  gate  is  mentioned  by  the  prophet 
Ezekiel  (44.2)  as  the  gate  that  shall  be  shut, 
that  no  man  may  enter  in  by  it,  "  It  is  for  the 


TEMPLE 


879 


Prince."  It  is  now  represented  by  the  Golden 
Gate;  and,  in  accordance  with  Moslem  tradi- 
tion, it  is  still  walled  up,  probably  owing  to  the 
words  of  Ezekiel.  The  portion  of  the  gate 
which  is  visible  to  the  E.  is  said  to  be  Christian 
of  the  4th  to  5th  cent. ;  but  the  substructures 
are  very  ancient  (pre-Herodian),  probably  dat- 
ing back  to  the  Jewish  kings  or  king  Solomon. 
In  the  N.  was  the  Gate  Tadi,  leading  direct 
from  the  Court  of  the  Priests  to  the  outside. 
— Gates  of  the  Court  of  the  Priests.  There  were 
seven  gates :  on  the  N.  three,  on  the  S.  three,  and 
on  the  E.  one.— the  Gate  Nicanor,  leading  to  the 
Court  of  the  Women.  Of  the  three  S.  gates  we 
have  now  no  record,  but  two  of  the  N.  gates 
can  be  identified.  The  westerly  one  was  the  gate 
of  the  house  Mokad  ( Moqed),  whence  the  priests 
descended  to  the  bath-room  for  washing  pur- 
poses, and  thence  by  a  tunnel  passed  out  of 
the  temple  through  the  gate  Tadi.  This  bath- 
room leading  to  Tadi  is  to  be  found  in  Vault 
No.  III.  The  easterly  gate  was  called  Nitsots 
(Nicuc),  from  whence  there  was  a  gate  into  the 
Ml;  so  that  the  exit  would  be  by  Tadi.  This 
gate  or  chamber  lies  over  the  Sakhrah,  orsacred 
rock ;  and  the  passage  appears  to  have  been 
through  the  cave  and  so  down  into  the  tunnel 
(I.)  leading  to  Tadi.  Both  these  gates  were 
guarded  by  the  priests,  because  they  led  from 
the  outer  gate  direct  to  the  priests'  courts. 
The  other  gate  guarded  by  the  priests  was 
that  on  the  southern  side  (Abtinas),  where  the 
water  duct  came  in  ;  probably'  because  the 
water  duct  was  a  possible  line  of  entry.  Along 
the  N.  side  of  the  outer  court,  in  line  with  the 
N.  side  of  the  Golden  Gate,  was  scarped  rock, 
and  a  ditch  cut  in  the  rock,  separating  the 
temple  courts  from  the  Antonia.  In  this  scarped 
rock  was  the  Gate  Tadi,  the  position  of  which 
can  now  be  traced.  This  gate  appears  only  to 
have  been  used  for  the  priests  to  retire  by  un- 
observed. The  temple  itself  was  100  cubits  in 
length  and  100  in  breadth  at  the  porch,  but  70 
cubits  in  breadth  W.  of  the  porch  ;  the  porch 
being  22  cubits  wide  in  the  solid.  Its  height 
was  120  cubits.  In  the  temple  of  Herod,  the 
porch  was  double  the  width  of  the  original 
porch  of  king  Solomon;  therefore  it  encroached 
1 1  cubits  into  the  altar  square.  On  the  E.  side 
also  the  altar  square  lost  11  cubits,  owing  to  the 
Gate  Nicanor  and  its  gallery  being  accounted 
as  part  of  the  Court  of  the  Women.  Thus  there 
were  only  76  cubits  (instead  of  100)  between 
the  porch  and  the  Court  of  the  Women,  as 
follows  :  From  the  porch  to  the  altar  22,  width 
of  altar  32,  Court  of  the  Priests  11,  Court  of 
Israel  11  ;  total  76  cubits.  To  the  E.  of  the 
Court  of  Israel,  the  spot  allotted  for  the  assem- 
bly of  the  people  (called  the  Court  of  the 
Women),  originally  100  cubits  sq.,  was  now  in- 
creased to  135  cubits  sq.  This  court,  though 
first  appearing  in  the  vision  of  the  prophet 
Ezekiel,  was  probably  constructed  in  the  time 
of  king  Solomon  (see  2Chr.29.4  ;  Ezr.lO.9; 
Josephus,  II  Ant.v.  5). — Solomon's  Porch  (Ac. 
3. 1 -11)  was  the  eastern  cloister,  or  portico,  of 
the  Court  of  the  Gentiles,  running  from  the 
Golden  Gate  to  the  S.E.  angle,  and  so  named 
because  it  was  the  first  cloister  raised  up  in  the 
time  of  Solomon  (5  Wars  v.  i). — TheBeautiful 
Gate  was  the  Gate  Nicanor,  leading  from  the 
Court  of  the  Women  to   the  Court  of  Israel 


880 


TEMPTATION 


and  the  Priests  (5  Wars  v.  3 ;  6  v.  3). 
Josephus  states  that  the  nine  gates  closing  the 
two  Courts  of  the  Priests  and  of  the  Women 
were  30  cubits  in  height,  and  covered  with 
gold  and  silver,  but  that  the  one  gate  which 
opened  on  the  E.  over  against  the  gate  of  (and 
without)  the  holy  house  (i.e.  leading  into  the 
Court  of  the  Priests  from  the  Court  of  the 
Women)  greatly  excelled  in  magnificence  the 
other  nine  gates,  and  was  of  Corinthian  brass, 
in  height  50  cubits,  and  adorned  after  a  most 
costly  manner,  as  having  much  richer  and 
thicker  plates  of  gold  and  silver  upon  them 
than  the  others.  [c.w.] 

Temptation.  [Satan  ;  Fall,  The.] 
Temptation  of  Clirist.  (i)  The  Re- 
cords. The  brevity  of  St.  Mark's  account 
corresponds  to  his  method  throughout,  and 
may  be  merely  the  result  of  condensation.  It 
is  therefore  quite  uncritical  to  employ  it  to 
disparage  the  contents  of  the  other  Evangelists. 
St.  John's  omission  occurred  when  the  narra- 
tives of  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  must  surely  have 
been  accessible.  (Cf.  Bovon,  Theologie  der  N.T. 
i.  234.)  {2)  The  Antecedents.  All  tempta- 
tion must  be  interpreted  in  relation  to  the 
previous  experience.  The  records  concur  in 
placing  Christ's  immediately  after  His  baptism. 
Spiritually,  this  means  that  the  human  nature 
is  strengthened  by  the  Spirit,  before  being  sent 
to  be  tested  by  temptation  ;  intellectually, 
that  the  conscious  entrance  on  Messianic 
office  determined  its  form.  Most  significantly 
also  this  sequence  is  affirmed  by  all  the  records 
to  be  divinely  determined:  Mk.l.12  ("  the  Spirit 
driveth  Him  forth,"  ^^/SdWet)  ;  Mt.4.i  ("led 
up  of  the  Spirit,"  d.i>rix(>v)',  Lu.4.i  ("  was  led  by 
the  Spirit,"  ifYero).  (3)  The  Actual  Temptation. 
It  is  a  widespread  human  experience  that  self- 
absorption  in  a  great  purpose  will  render  the 
individual  superior  to,  or  unconscious  of, 
pliysical  needs,  over  an  interval  determined 
by  the  intensity  of  that  self-absorption.  The 
forty  days  may  signify  the  actual  period,  or, 
generally,  a  considerable  time.  For  the  agent 
of  the  Temptation,  see  Demon,  Satan,  (i) 
The  first  temptation.  Conscious  of  the  pro- 
mise of  more  than  human  power,  the  suggestion 
is  to  employ  it  for  Himself.  Now,  Jesus  had 
done  no  miracle  as  yet.  If  He  had  yielded  to 
this  temptation,  would  He  not  have  abused 
and  perverted  a  trust  ?  The  sublimity  of  His 
decision  consists  in  "  declining  to  use  for  His 
own  convenience  what  He  regards  as  a  sacred 
deposit  committed  to  Him  for  the  good  of 
others  "  (Ecce  Homo).  Jesus  resigns  Himself, 
with  absolute  submission,  to  the  Heavenly 
Father's  care.  The  basis  of  this  confidence 
is  expressed  in  words  from  Deut.8.3.  (ii)  A 
second  temptation  fc^llows  whose  exquisite 
subtlety  consists  in  its  being  founded  upon  this 
very  faith.  It  is  further  fortified  by  a  scrip- 
tural appeal.  If,  in  this  confidence,  Jesus 
would  cast  Himself  from  the  temple  heights, 
and  descend,  borne  on  angels'  wings,  into  the 
midst  of  the  assembled  worshippers,  would  He 
not  give  the  noblest  demonstration  of  His  faith 
while  utilizing  His  entrusted  iiowcr,  not  on  His 
own  behalf,  but  expressly  for  the  nuiltitudes 
for  whose  edification  it  was  given  Him  ?  This 
temptation  exaggerated  a  truth.  Confidence 
in  the  Fatherly  care  must  not  be  pushed  to 


Temptation  of  Christ 

extremes  by  presumption  or  self-will.  Christ's 
scriptural  answer  is  a  sublime  illustration  of 
His  perfect  moral  balance :  "  It  is  written 
again.  Thou  shalt  not  tempt  the  Lord  thy  God." 
(iii)  The  third  temptation.  The  last  assault, 
for  the  moment,  on  Jesus'  self-mastery  con- 
sists in  a  vision  of  universal  empire  secured  on 
condition  of  employing  unspiritual  means. 
This  vision  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  world  and 
the  glory  of  them  shows  that  already  in  this 
early  stage  the  universality  of  the  Gospel  was 
before  the  mind  of  Jesus  Christ  [cf.  Rev.ll.15). 
This  temptation  is  to  secure  that  ascendency, 
but  by  unspiritual  means  {cf.  Mk.8.33).  (() 
The  historic  character  of  Christ's  temptation 
is  morally  certain,  (i)  Contemporary  thought 
would  never  have  ascribed  such  ideas  to  Him. 
"  The  views  presented  by  the  Tempter  lay 
closer  to  the  sentiments  of  the  Jewish  people 
than  the  ethical  ideal  of  the  Messiah  existing  in 
the  mind  of  Jesus"  (Schmid,  Bibl.  Th.,  N.T. 
50).  (ii)  These  conceptions  are  in  perfect  har- 
mony with  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  and  with  His 
character,  (iii)  The  singular  unearthliness,  sub- 
limity, and  appropriateness  to  the  situation,  is 
the  strongest  moral  evidence  to  its  reality. 
These  three  considerations  point  to  the  impos- 
sibility of  its  having  been  invented.  Accord- 
ingly even  the  extremes  of  criticism  acknow- 
ledge that  this  narrative  must  have  been  de- 
rived from  Christ  Himself  [cf.  Holtzmann, 
Life  of  J.  143  ;  Wendt,  Teaching  of  J .  i.  97).  (5) 
Its  Objective  Character.  The  essentials  of  the 
narrative  are  neither  the  exceeding  high  moun- 
tain from  which  were  rendered  visible  all  the 
kingdoms  of  the  world  and  the  glory  of  them 
nor  the  rapid  moment  of  time  in  which  this  was 
beheld.  It  is  obvious  that  such  a  vision  must 
have  received  at  least  a  mental  amplification. 
But  the  narrative  indisputably  declares  that 
the  entire  experience  was  not  a  mere  self- 
created  train  of  thought,  but  objectively  pre- 
sented, and  that  from  without.  The  person- 
ality of  the  Tempter  was  not  a  matter  of  doubt 
in  the  precincts  of  N.T.  thought  (cf.  Mt.6.13, 
K.V.).  (6)  Subsequent  Temptations  of  Christ. 
The  gospel  which  dwells  most  on  His  humanity 
says  distinctly  that  Satan  "  departed  from 
Him  for  a  season  "  (Lu.4.13).  Temptations 
would  return  (cf.  Mt.l6.23  ;  ~Lu. 22.28  ;  Jn.l4. 
30;  Heb.2.18,4.15).  (7)  The  Bearing  of 
Christ's  Temptation  on  His  Sinlessness.  (i) 
The  temptations,  rising  far  above  the  level 
which  temptation  assumes  with  men,  and 
meeting  Him  on  these  rarified  and  imearthly 
levels,  in  relation  to  His  self-less  devotion  to 
the  loftiest  interests  of  mankind,  arc  in  them- 
selves a  significant  revelation  of  character. 
Moreover  if,  as  is  universally  recognized,  these 
inward  experiences  must  have  been  related  by 
Christ  Himself,  they  affirm  a  serene  unqualified 
consciousness  of  victorv  which  would  be 
inronsisteiit  with  sincerity  in  sinful  human 
beings,  but  is  ix-rfectly  consistent  with  the  self- 
consciousness  which  could  say  "  the  prince  of 
this  world  cometh  and  hath  nothing  in  Me  "  ; 
nothing,  that  is,  which  he  can  call  his  own. 
.\m\  further,  the  moral  decisions  of  Jesus  in 
temptation  are  generally  confessed  to  manifest 
a  perfect  judgment.  Indeed  we  are  not  aware 
that  our  Lord's  decisions  in  temptation  have 
been  adversely  criticized  (cf.  Heb.4. 15).     (ii) 


TEN  COMMANDMENTS 

Apostolic  testimony  declares  that  this  is  the 
Incarnate  One.  Incarnation  is  assumption 
of  the  constituent  elements  of  humanity  by  a 
Person  Who  is  divine.  He  took  into  perman- 
ent unity  with  Himself  the  faculties  common  to 
man — body  and  mind,  etc. — so  that  His  divine 
Self  becamethe  centreof  these  human  elements, 
which  had  no  separate  human  personality  of 
their  own.  From  this  must  follow  that  it  was 
impossible  for  Jesus  to  sin.  It  was  not  im- 
possible that  He  should  be  tried  and  tempted, 
and  that  His  human  faculties  should  feel  the 
force  of  the  temptation,  as  it  felt  all  the  natural 
and  sinless  longings  inseparable  from  human 
nature.  What  was  impossible,  by  the  very 
constitution  of  His  being,  was  that  His  human 
will  should  yield.  The  truth  of  this  appears 
irresistibly  if  we  attempt  to  realize  the  exist- 
ence of  sinfulness  in  the  humanity  inseparably 
united  with  God.  Of  course  He  could  have 
sinned,  if  He  had  willed  ;  but  the  thing  im- 
possible was  that  He  could  ever  will  to  sin,  and 
choose  the  evil  ("  Hanc  cupiditatem  Christus  et 
sentire  posset,  si  haberet  ;  et  habere  si  vellet : 
sed  absit  ut  vellet." — St.  Aug.  Op.  Imperf.  C. 
Julian,  iv.  xlviii.  ;  Works  x.  p.  1867  ;  Mill, 
"  Sermons  on  the  T.,"  Ch.  Qtly.  Rev.  vol.  xvi. 
p.  290).  (8)  Christ's  Temptation  and  Adam's. 
Patristic  exegesis  has  often  dwelt  on  this.  And 
certainly  there  seems  in  the  gospels  a  con- 
scious comparison  :  Adam  in  the  garden,  Christ 
in  the  wilderness  ;  Adam  in  plenty,  Christ  in 
want  ;  Adam  defeated,  Christ  victorious, — 
the  parallels  in  the  Temptations  themselves 
are  surely  not  accidental.  Christ,  in  originally 
relating  them,  threw  light  on  His  self-selected 
title,  the  Son  of  Man,  and  the  Pauline  contrast 
between  the  first  man  and  the  Second  Man 
seems  founded  in  the  most  primitive  data  of 
Christianity.  (9)  Christ's  Temptation  and  Ours. 
The  impossibility  of  sinfulness  necessarily 
sets  Christ's  temptation  altogether  apart  from 
ours.  But  this  is  no  argument  against  the 
truth  of  this  doctrine.  For  in  any  case 
Christ's  sinlessness  makes  His  temptation  en- 
tirely different  from  ours  (Heb.4.15).  And  if 
He  were  merely  to  be  regarded  as  an  example 
He  would  surely  rather  discourage  and  depress 
than  secure  resemblance.  The  value  of  Christ's 
experience  consists  not  so  much  in  an  example 
for  our  imitation  as  in  the  imparting  of  His 
strength  to  ensure  our  victory.  The  apostles 
who  taught  that  we  "  should  follow  His  steps 
Who  did  no  sin  "  taught  also  that  He  Who  did 
no  sin  dwelt  in  the  believer,  and  that  Christ  in 
us  was  the  hope  of  glory.  Moderns  who  teach 
the  former  without  the  latter  set  indeed  Christ's 
temptation  on  a  level  with  ours  at  the  cost  of 
depriving  it  of  the  spiritual  force  which  renders 
imitation  possible.  Among  modern  litera- 
ture on  Christ's  Temptation  see  the  admirable 
chapter  in  Ecce  Homo ;  Bovon,  Theologie  du 
N.T.  i.  pp.  233-245  ;  Latham,  Pastor  Past- 
orum  ;  Hall,  Christ's  Temptation  and  Ours  ; 
Westcott,  Introd.  Study  of  the  Gospels  ;  Church 
Qtly.  Rev.  "  Our  Lord's  Human  Example,"  vol. 
xvi.  No.  32  ;  Knight,  Hulsean  Lectures  (1907) ; 
Weston,  The  One  Christ  (ch.  viii.  "  The  Christ 
and  Evil  Spirits,"  1907) ;  W.  H.  Mill,  Five  Ser- 
mons on  the  Temptation  (1844).        [w.j.s.s.] 

Ten  Commandments.     The  law  of  the 
"  ten  words  "   (Decalogue)  (Ex.34.28  ;   Deut. 


*EN  COMMANDMENTS        881 

4.13,10.4  [Heb.]),  also  called  the  "  testimonv  " 
(Ex.25.i6,16.34,31.i8  ;  2K.II.12),  and  the 
"  covenant  "  (Deut. 9.9),  was  promulgated,  ac- 
cording to  ancient  Jewish  tradition  on  mount 
Horeb  amid  thunders  and  lightnings,  Moses 
alone  going  up  to  receive  the  Revelation. 
Some  critics  ascribe  the  Commandments 
to  prophetic  times,  on  the  ground  that  they 
presuppose  a  settled  agricultural  Ufe,  and 
that  they  prohibit  idolatry  in  terms  which 
were  unheard  of  in  earlier  days.  It  may  be 
answered  that  the  Israelites  had  lived  an 
agricultural  life  in  Goshen,  and  that  the  sad 
lapse  into  idolatry  is  characteristic  of  back- 
sliding familiar  in  the  experience  of  nations  or 
of  individuals.  The  decline  of  many  civiliza- 
tions may  be  adduced  to  support  the  evidence 
of  Judges  and  i,2Samuel  as  to  the  declension 
of  the  people  from  earlier  standards.  We 
have  only  fragmentary  histories  of  the  pro- 
phets Elijah  and  Elisha.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  whether  they  did  or  did  not  refer  to  C.  2, 
but  thefidelity  of  the  7,000  (iK. 19.18)  suggests 
knowledge  of  some  such  prohibition.  Follow- 
ing Goethe,  Zwei  wichtige  hisher  unerorterte 
Fragen,  1773  a.d.,  some  critics  discover  an 
earlier  ten  words,  referred  to  in  Ex.34.28  and 
embedded  in  vv.  10-26:  (i)  Thou  shalt  worship 
no  other  gods.  (2)  Thou  shalt  make  thee  no 
molten  gods.  (3)  The  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread  shalt  thou  keep.  (4)  Every  firstling  is 
Mine.  (5)  Thou  shalt  observe  the  Feast  of 
Weeks.  (6)  And  the  feast  of  ingathering  at  the 
year's  end.  (7)  Thou  shalt  not  offer  the  blood 
of  My  sacrifice  with  leaven.  (8)  The  fat  of  My 
feast  shall  not  be  left  unto  the  morning.  (9) 
The  first  of  the  firstfruits  of  the  land  shalt  thou 
bring  to  the  house  of  Jehovah,  thy  God.  (lo) 
Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in  its  mother's 
milk.  This  is  really  an  arbitrary  selection 
from  a  set  of  12  precepts,  and  the  mixture  of 
moral  precepts  with  directions  concerning  the 
ritual  of  outward  worship  by  no  means  proves 
that  such  a  code  belongs  to  an  earlier  stage  of 
national  religion  than  that  of  Ex.20.  Careful 
comparison,  however,  of  the  two  versions  of 
Ex.20  and  Deut. 5  reveals  the  fact  that  addi- 
tions have  been  made  to  the  earlier  fcrm. 
Thus  in  Ex.  the  reason  given  for  keeping  the 
sabbath  (C.  4)  is  that  Jehovah  made  all  things 
in  six  days,  whereas  in  Deut.  it  is  said  that  the 
slave  as  well  as  his  master  needs  rest.  In  C.  5 
parents  are  to  be  honoured,  according  to  Ex. 
"  that  thy  days  may  be  long,"  according  to 
Deut.  "  as  the  Lord  thy  God  commanded  thee, 
that  it  may  go  well  with  thee."  In  C.  10  Ex. 
puts  first  "  Thy  neighbour's  house,"  in  Deut. 
his  wife,  women  taking  a  higher  place.  It 
seems  plain  that  the  Commandments  have 
been,  so  to  speak,  edited  by  prophetic  writers 
who  have  added  the  reasons  appended  in 
several  Commandments.  We  may  recon- 
struct the  earliest  form  as  follows  : — Law 
of  piety,  (i)  Thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods 
beside  Me.  (2)  Thou  shalt  not  make  unto 
thee  any  graven  image.  (3)  Thou  shalt  not 
take  the  name  of  Jehovah  thy  God  for  a  vain 
end  (perhaps  for  purposes  of  magic).  (4) 
Remember  the  sabbath  day  to  hallow  it.  (5) 
Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother. — Laiv  of 
probity  and  duty.  (6)  Thou  shalt  do  no  murder. 
(7)  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery.    (8)  Thou 

56 


882  TENT,  TENTH AKER 

Shalt  not  steal.  9.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false 
witness  against  thy  neighbour.  (10)  Thou 
shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbour's  house;  (then 
wife,  slaves,  cattle=all  his  possessions).  This 
division  of  the  two  tables  is  the  scheme  known 
to  Philo  and  Joseph  us.  The  R.C.  and  Lu- 
theran Churches  (differing  herein  from  the 
Eastern  and  the  Anglican)  combine  CC.  i,  2 
and  subdivide  10.  In  the  LXX.  the  order  of 
CC.  6  and  7  is  reversed  to  bring  together  two 
Commandments  which  bear  on  the  life  of  the 
family.  This  explains  the  order  Mk.lO.19,  Ro. 
13.9.  The  most  importarit  feature  of  this  code 
is  its  combination  of  religion  and  morality. 
The  law  of  piety  teaches  the  sovereignty  and 
spirituality  ot  God,  the  law  of  probity  and  duty 
inculcates  an  austere  code  of  morals  which 
condemns  criminality  in  word  and  thought  as 
well  as  in  act.  Nothing  more  clearly  shows  the 
inspiration  of  such  teaching  wherein  Moses  and 
the  prophets  laid  the  foundations,  deep  and 
lasting,  for  a  system  of  Christian  ethics. 
Among  duties  to  God,  which  carry  with  them 
no  corresponding  rights,  in  the  first  table  comes 
duty  to  parents,  who  stand  to  young  children 
in  the  place  of  God,  until  the  awakening  of 
conscience.  This  is  an  interesting  point  of 
contact  with  the  teaching  of  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
in  which  duty  to  an  earthly  father  is  made  the 
model  of  duty  to  our  heavenly  Father.  Christ 
fully  recognized  the  divine  authority  of  the 
Decalogue  (Mt.5.17)  at  the  same  time  that  He 
corrected  its  deficiency  as  an  ideal  by  condens- 
ing the  law  into  the  precepts  to  love  God  and 
to  love  our  neighbour  (22.36-40).  His  method 
of  interpretation,  however,  immeasurably 
widened  their  range.  C.  i  is  to  be  kept  by  loving 
God  with  all  thy  heart  (22.37).  C  2  :  worship 
is  to  be  offered  inspirit  and  in  truth  (Jn.4.24). 
CC.  6,  7  :  anger  is  forbidden  with  murder  and 
lust  with  adultery  (Mt.5.22,28).  Siuailar  ven- 
eration is  expressed  in  the  Kpp.  of  St.  Paul  for 
the  decalogue.  It  has  fulfilled  its  purpose  in 
bringing  conviction  of  sin  (Ro.3.20).  It  must 
always  hold  its  place  in  the  discipline  of  charac- 
ter. But  the  burden  which  it  lays  on  con- 
science is  rolled  away  when  the  heart  finds 
peace  in  Christ  (8.1),  for  tlic  Gospel  is  the 
message  of  forgiveness  for  past  transgressions 
and  of  grace  to  do  better  in  the  power  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  [L/VW  in  O.T.]  S.  K.  Driver, 
Intro,  to  Lit.  of  O.T.  (1891)  ;  W.  R.  Harper, 
Amos  and  Hosea  (1907);  W.  P.  Paterson,  art. 
"Decalogue,"  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904). 
For  legal  points  cf.  Wiener's  Studies  in  Biblical 
Law ;  for  homilctical  purposes  cf.  R.  W.  Dale's 
The  Ten  Commundments.  [a.e.b.] 

Tent,  Tentmakep.    [Handicrafts,  (ii).] 
Tenth    deal   (Ex. 29.40,  etc.)  =  one-tenth 
of  an  ephah  ;  i.e.  —  an  omer.     [Weights  and 
Measures.] 

Te'pah,  the  father  of  Abram,  Nahor,  and 
Haran,  and  through  them  the  ancestor  of  the 
Israelites,  Ishmaelites,  Midianites,  Moabites, 
and  Ammonites  (Gen. 11. 24-32).  From  the 
O.T.  we  learn  that  he  was  an  idolater  (Jos. 24. 
2),  that  he  dwelt  in  Ur  of  the  Clialdees  (Gen. 11. 
28),  and  that  in  his  old  age  he  migrated  witli 
Abram,  Sarai,  and  Lot  to  Haran,  where  lie 
died  at  the  age  of  205  years  (11.31,32).  In 
Jewish  and  Arabian  traditions  Terah  the 
idolater  is  turned  into  a  maker  of  images,  and 


TESTIMONY 

"  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  "  is  the  original  of  the 
"  furnace  "  into  which  Abram  was  cast  (see 
Rashi's  note  on  11. 28). 

Tepaphim'  (only  found  in  plur.),  a  word 
of  uncertain  origin,  denoting  some  object  of 
idolatrous  or  superstitious  regard,  dating  back 
to  patriarchal  times,  and  retained  long  among 
the  Israelites.  From  Gen. 31. 34  it  might  be 
supposed  that  they  were  small  objects,  since 
they  could  be  hidden  under  the  camel's  har- 
ness ;  whereas  from  1Sam.i9.13  they  might  be 
regarded  as  life-size,  to  convey  the  idea  of  a 
man  in  bed.  Laban  calls  them  his  "  gods  " 
(Gen.3i.30).  The  R.V.  preserves  the  word 
throughout  imtranslated,  but  A.V.  has 
"images."  They  seem  to  have  been  house- 
hold gods,  like  the  Lat.  lares  and  penates, 
though  they  are  also  associated  with  an  ephod, 
and  a  graven  and  a  molten  image  (Judg.17.4, 
5),  and  they  might  be  used  for  divination 
(Ezk.21.2iL5.26]).  Small  figures  in  clay, 
supposed  to  be  ancient  teraphim,  have  been 
recently  found  in  excavations  in  Palestine. 
Vincent,  Canaan  d'aprcs  I' exploration  recente 
(1907).  [J.R.] 

Tepebinth.  [Turpentine-tree  ;  Oak.] 
Te'pesh,  one  of  the  two  eunuchs  whose 
plot  to  assassinate  Ahasuerus  was  discovered 
by  Mordecai  (Esth.2.21,6.2).  He  was  hanged. 
Tep'tius,  probably  a  Roman,  was  the 
amanuensis  of  Paul  in  writing  the  Ep.  to  the 
Romans  (R0.I6.22). 

Teptul'lus,  "a  certain  orator"  (Ac.24.i) 
retained  by  the  high-priest  and  Sanhedrin 
to  accuse  St.  Paul  at  Caesarea  before  the 
Roman  procurator  Antonius  FeUx.  Evi- 
dently he  belonged  to  the  class  of  professional 
advocates,  and  was  of  Italian  origin.  The 
exordium  of  his  speech  is  designed  to  conciliate 
the  good  will  of  the  procurator,  and  is  accord- 
ingly overcharged  with  flattery.  There  is  a 
strange  contrast  between  the  opening  clause 
and  the  brief  summary  of  the  procurator's 
administration  given  by  Tacitus  {Hist.  v.  9). 
Testament,  or  "Will.  Following  the  Vulg. 
and  old  Lat.  \ersions,  A.\'.  translates  8iatir)Kr} 
by  "testament"  in  several  places,  notably  in 
the  description  of  the  blessing  of  the  cup  at 
the  Last  Supper,  and  in  Hcb.9.  Elsewhere  the 
same  word  is  rendered  "  covenant,"  which  R.\'. 
prefers  everywhere  exccjit  in  Hcb.9. 16, 17,  ap- 
parently considering  tiiat  the  context  there 
requires  the  meaning  of  "  will."  Certainly 
StaOriKT)  is  the  word  for  a  will  in  ordinary  Gk., 
but  apparently  the  N.T.  writers,  following 
LXX.,  use  it  for  a  divine  Covenant  to  show 
that  this  is  not  an  agreement  between  two  con- 
tracting parties,  but  a  disposition  made  by  God 
alone  of  what  is  strictly  His  own.  There  is 
tlierefore  no  valid  reason  for  rendering  it  any- 
thing else  but  "  covenant  "  throughout  N.T. 
Wcstcntt,  Epistletothe Hebreti's{xSSg).  [a.r.w.] 
Testament,  New.  [New  Testament.] 
Testament,  Old.  [Old  Testament.] 
Testimony  (Heb.  'idhtUh,  ])lur.  'idh'wdth). 
Tlie  word  occurs  61  times,  and  is  rendered 
Witness  in  A.V.  (Num. 17.7,8,18.2;  2Chr.24.6). 
The  tables  of  the  Law  (or  "  token  tablets  ") 
were  "tablets  of  the  'edhiith"  (i:x.32.i5,34. 
29),  and  the  tabernacle  was  the  "  tent  of  the 
'edIttUh"  (Num. 1.50,53).  In  Ex.l6.34,  we 
have  a  note  that  the  pot  of  manna  was  finally 


TETA 

laid  up  "  before  the  'edhiith  "  (originally  "  be- 
fore Jehovah,"  ver.  33),  as  was  Aaron's  rod 
(Num. 17. 10).  The  term  in  plur.  refers  to  laws, 
and  in  Pent,  appears  to  mean  the  tablets  of 
the  ten  commandments  in  the  ark  (Ex.25. 16, 
26.33,34).  The  testimony  given  to  king  Joash 
(2K.II.12)  ma)'  have  been  the  original 
tablets  of  the  Law  (see  Deut.l7.i8).    [c.R.c] 

Te'ta  (iEsd.5.28)  =  Hatita. 

Tetpareh,  the  dependent  prince  of  any 
small  district  ;  originally  ruler  of  the  fourth 
part  of  a  countrv-  The  title  of  Herod  Antipas, 
Mt.l4.i,  Lu.3. "1,19,9.7,  Ac.13.1  (popularly 
called  "  king,"  Mt.14.9,  Mk.6.i4.22fE.)  ;  PhiUp 
and  Lysanias,  Lu.S.i.  [h.s.] 

Thaddaeus.     [Judas  of  James.] 

Tha'hash,  son  of  Nahor  by  his  concubine 
Reumah  (Gen. 22. 24). 

Tha'mah,  a  family  of  Nethinim  who  re- 
turned with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.53). 

Tha'mar  (Mt.l.3)  =  Tamar,  i. 

Tham'natha,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judaea 
fortified    by    Bacchides    (iMac.9.50).     It    is 


TheOphanies 


8B3 


in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Old  Empire,  when 
Memphis  was  the  centre  of  the  political  life. 
Apparently  it  was  the  nth  dynasty  which 
took  it  as  their  capital  and  made  the  worship 
of  Amon,  the  god  of  the  locality,  of  great  im- 
portance. The  Hyksos,  or  Shepherd  kings, 
did  not  rule  over  Thebes,  where  the  native 
princes  remained  in  power  and  at  length  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  out  the  foreign  kings.  In 
the  times  of  the  i8th  and  19th  dvnasties 
Thebes  became  a  large  and  wealthy  city  and 
the  capital  of  the  empire.  The  worship  of 
Amon  extended  over  the  whole  country,  and 
the  kings  erected  the  marvellous  buildings, 
the  reputation  of  which  spread  in  foreign 
lands.  Homer  speaks  of  Thebes  as  eKaTo/xirnXos, 
"  with  a  hundred  gates,"  meaning  the  numer- 
ous pylons  placed  near  all  the  temples.  The 
college  of  the  priests  of  Amon  was  so  powerful 
that  in  the  time  of  the  21st  dynastv  they 
succeeded  in  driving  out  the  legitimate'  rulers 
and  usurping  the  throne.  From  that  time 
J  ^,^        ,  ,  .    ,  dates  the  real  decline  of  Thebes.     The  city 

noticed  between  Bethel  and  Pharathon,  and  is  !  was  taken    and  plundered  by   Esar-haddon 
probably   Thamna  {3    Wars  ni._5),   the   chief  I  king  of  Assyria,  in  671  B.C.,  and  again  ten  years 

later  by  Assur-bani-pal  so  completely  that  it 


town  of  a  district  of  Judaea.  Now  Tibneh,  a 
ruin  with  Greco-Roman  tombs,  13  miles 
W.N.W.  of  Lydda.  [c.r.c] 

Thank-ofTeping.  [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  c ; 
3,  V.  c] 

Tha'ra  (Lu.3. 34)  =  Terah. 

Thap'pa   (Est.Apoc.l2.i)  ---  Teresh. 

Thapshish'.— 1.  (iK. 10.22,22.48.)  The 
less  accurate  form  of  Tarshish. — 2.  A  Ben- 
jamite  son  of  Bilhan  (iChr.T.io  only). 

Thas'si,  the  surname  of  Simon,  son  of 
Mattathias  (iMac.2.3).  It  perhaps  means 
"  the  zealous,"  but  the  derivation  is  un- 
certain. [c.D.] 

Theatpe.  The  Gk.  term  denotes  both  the 
place  where  dramatic  performances  are  ex- 
hibited, and  the  scene  or  spectacle  witnessed 
there.  It  occurs  in  the  first  or  local  sense  in 
Ac. 19.29.  It  was  in  the  theatre  at  Caesarea 
that  Herod  Agrippa  I.  gave  audience  to  the 
Tyrian  deputies,  and  was  stricken  with  death 
for  his  impiety  (Ac. 12. 20-23  ;  cf.  Josephus,  18 
Ant.  viii.  2).  The  other  sense  of  the  term 
occurs  in  iCor.4.9,  where  A.V.  renders  "We 
are  made  &  spectacle  [deaTpov  iy€vrj6riij.€v]  unto 
the  world."  (Tyndale,  Cranmer,  and  the 
Geneva  version,  gazing-stock.) 

Thebes,  the  greatest  city  of  Upper 
Egypt.  It  does  not  occur  under  this  name  in 
O.T.  It  is  called  No-amo.m,  "  the  city  of 
Amon,"  or  sometimes  only  No,  "  the  city." 
The  Gk.  translation  is  Diospolis,  the  Greeks 
having  assimilated  Amon  to  Zeus.  Thebes 
is  referred  to  but  seldom  in  the  Bible,  and  only 
by  the  prophets.  In  their  time  Upper  Egypt 
had  been  superseded  by  the  Delta,  which  was 
also  nearer  to  Palestine.  Nahum  (3.8)  speaks 
of  No-amon  as  a  fallen  city  which  had  suffered 
from  the  conquest  of  the  Assyrians.  Jeremiah 
(46.25,  R-V.)  threatens  Amon  of  No  with  being 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon,  and  Ezekiel  (30.i4,i6)  also 
foretells  the  destruction  of  No  ;  but  it  is  not 
absolutely  certain  that  No  does  not  here  apply 
to  a  city  of  the  Delta.  Thebes  probably  goes 
back  to  a  very  early  antiquity  ;  but  it  is  not 
as  ancient  as  Memphis.     It  does  not  appear 


never  recovered  from  that  blow.  The  26th 
dynasty,  the  Saites,  attempted  to  restore  to 
Thebes  something  of  its  former  magnificence  ; 
but  in  their  time  the  fate  of  Egypt  was  decided 
in  the  Delta,  and  Thebes  had  become  a  second- 
rate  city.  A  rebellion  under  the  Ptolemies 
was  quenched  in  a  barbarous  way  by  Ptolemy 
Lathyros  ;  thenceforward  Thebes  decayed 
more  and  more  rapidly.  The  city  at  the  time 
of  its  great  prosperity  was  built  on  both  sides 
of  the  Nile.  On  the  E.  were  the  two  great 
temples  of  Amon,  the  ruins  of  which  are  now 
surrounded  by  the  villages  of  Luxor  and 
Karnak.  In  the  temple  of  Karnak  is  the 
wonderful  hypostyle  hall,  built  by  the  two 
great  kings  of  the  19th  dynasty,  Seti  I.  and 
Ramses  II.  The  temple  of  Amon  covers  an 
enormous  area  ;  it  mav  be  described  as  a 
record  of  the  history  of  Egypt  ;  nearly  all 
dynasties  from  the  rath  to  Roman  times  have 
added  something  to  it.  On  the  left  side  of  the 
Nile  is  the  necropolis  of  Thebes,  with  its 
funerary  temples.  There  were  a  great  num- 
ber of  them  ;  a  few  have  been  preserved  : 
Qumah,  Deir-el-bahari,  the  Ramesseum,  and 
Medinet  Habu,  besides  the  substructions  of 
others.  In  Christian  times  there  have  been 
several  Coptic  convents  around  Thebes  ;  they 
are  now  abandoned  and  ruined.  [e.n.] 

Thebez',  a  place  memorable  for  the 
death  of  Abimelech  (Judg.9.50).  Eusebius 
(Onomasticon)  places  it  "  in  the  district  of 
Neapolis,  on  the  road  to  Scythopolis,  at  the 
13th  milestone."  It  is  now  the  village  Tubas, 
10  miles  N.E.  of  Shechem  (Neapolis)  on  the 
road  to  Beisdn  (Scythopolis).  [c.r.c] 

Theco'e,  Wildepness  of.     [Tekoa.] 

Theft.     [Crimes  ;    Deposit.] 

Thelasap'  (2K.19.12)  =  Telassar. 

Thelep'sas  (iEsd.5.36)  =  Tel-harsa. 

The'man  (Ba.3.22,23)  =  Teman. 

Theoea'nus  (iEsd.9.14)  —  Tikvah,  2. 

Theod'otus,  an  envoy  sent  by  Nicanor  to 
Judas  Maccabaeus,  c.  162  b.c.  (2Mac.i4.19). 

Theophanies.  Since  "no  man  hath  seen 
God  at  any  time,"  the  special  name  of  Theo- 


884 


THEOPHlLtJg 


phanies  has  been  given  to  tln)se  manifestations 
of  '■  the  only-begotten  Son  "  which  began  when 
tlie  Lord  God  walked  in  Paradise  in  the  cool 
of  the  day,  and  which  culminate  in  His  Incar- 
nation and  Resurrection.  All  these  manifesta- 
tions are  associated  in  Mai. 3. 2  with  "  the  angel 
of  the  covenant,"  usually  called  the  angel  of 
]  HVH  {mal'dkh  Juvh),  or  the  JHVH-Angel.  He 
is  first  mentioned  by  this  title  when  He  "'  found 
Hagar  by  a  fountain  of.water  in  the  wilderness  " 
((ien.16.7),  as  He  is  said  to  have  "  found  Jacob 
in  Bethel  "  afterwards  (H0.I2.4).  With  this 
appearance  Hosea  connects  the  wrestling  at 
Jabbok — an  appearance  wiiich  Genesis  de- 
scribes Elohisticall)'  bv  the  words  "God  ['elo- 
him]"  and"naan  ['/s/)],"  not  Jhvh  and  Angel. 
According  to  Hosea,  the  (iod-man  with  Whom 
Jacob  wrestled  was  Angel  and  Jhvh,  God  of 
Sabaoth.  The  word  Angel  {mal'dkh)  ordinarily 
means  in  Heb.  a  "servant  acting  as  a  nies- 
senger,  agent  or  doer."  In  Mai. 3. i  both  our  Lord 
and  His  forerunner  are  styled  "  messengers  "  in 
a  prophecy  applied  to  them  by  St.  Mark.  Thus 
in  these  O.T.  theophanies,  the  Person  Who 
appeared  was  He  Who  afterwards  became  in- 
carnate, already  taking  the  jiost  of  a  servant, 
before  He  was  made  flesh.  A.V.  sometimes 
calls  him  "an  angel,"  sometimes  "the  angel  of 
the  Lord"  ;  "the  angel  of  Elohim"  (Gen.2i.17, 
31.11 ;  l-lx.i4.19) ;  K.V.  uniformly,  "the  angel." 
We  should  read  "  an  angel  of  the  Lord  "  in  Ac. 
12.23.  There  is  no  more  interesting  study  than 
the  comparison  of  the  ways  and  doings  of  the 
Angel  with  our  Lord's  acts  and  sayings  in  the 
days  of  His  flesh.  We  cannot  fail  to  see  the 
identity  of  the  Character.  [c.h.w.] 

Theophilus.  The  name  of  the  person  to 
whom  the  third  Gospel  and  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  were  addressed  {Lu.l.3  ;  Ac.l.i). 
There  are  several  theories  concerning  the  iden- 
tity of  the  ]ierson  intended  by  this  title.  One 
interpretation,  dating fromthe4th cent. (Epiph. 
Haer.  li.  p.  429),  was  that  the  address  was  to 
any  pious  reader,  denoting,  as  it  does  literally, 
one  who  loved  God  or  was  loved  by  God.  But 
the  name  is  certainly  that  of  an  individual.  In 
the  first  place,  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  generic 
use  as  ap])licablc  to  each  and  every  Christian. 
Secondly,  the  name  was  common  among  both 
Jews  (='  Jedidiah)  and  Gentiles.  Thirdly,  the 
epithet  Kpa-riarf,  usually  applied  to  persons  of 
rank,  is  in  itsc'lf  almost  conclusive.  This  is  evi- 
dently here  and  in  Acts  purely  an  official  title, 
for  it  is  prefixed  to  the  names  Felix  and  Festus 
(Ac.23. 26,24.3, 26. 25),  implying  that  the  person 
to  whom  it  was  ascribed  belonged  at  least  to 
the  equestrian  order,  and  was  therefore  a  Gen- 
tile. Theophylact  conjectured  that  Theophi- 
lus was  even  of  senatorial  rank.  Oecumenius 
tells  us  that  he  was  a  governor.  Other  theories 
have  variously  assigned  .A.ntioch,  Alexandria, 
Achaia,  and  Rome  as  the  seat  of  his  govern- 
ment or  the  place  of  his  residence,  and  some 
writers  have  identified  him  with  a  high-priest 
of  this  name  (Josephus,  18  Ant.  v.  3),  who 
held  office  for  aljout  five  years,  and  was  jiossibly 
that  high-priest  from  whom  Saul,  afterwards 
Paul,  obtained  "  letters  to  Damascus  unto  the 
synagogues  "  that  he  might  bring  any  Chris- 
tians he  found  there  j^risoners  to  Jerusalem. 
All  that  may  with  safety  be  said  is  that  Theo- 
philus must  have  been  a  Gentile  of  rank  and 


THESSALONIANg 

consideration  who  came  under  the  influence 
of  St.  Luke  and  was  converted  to  the  Christian 
faith.  Two  difficulties  however  arise.  In  the 
first  place,  is  it  probable  that  a  Roman  of  pro- 
fessed Christian  views  would  have  had  a  high 
position  in  any  part  of  the  Roman  world  en- 
trusted to  him  ?  In  the  second  place,  how  could 
a  Roman  of  high  rank  in  the  early  part  of  the 
ist  cent,  have  had  the  name  Theophilus 
originally  conferred  upon  him  ?  The  answers 
are  :  first,  his  religious  convictions,  as  was  the 
case  with  so  many  Christians  at  Rome  in  the 
ist  cent.,  may  have  been  kept  from  the  know- 
ledge of  those  in  authority  ;  secondly,  it  is  quite 
possible  that  the  name  was  only  given  to  him 
late  in  life  at  his  baptism,  and  so  was  used  and 
known  only  among  Christians.  [r.s.m.j 

The'pas  (iEsd.8.41,61)  =  Ahava. 

Thepme'leth  (iEsd.5.36)  =  Tkl-melah. 

Thessalonians,  First  Epistle  of  St. 
Paul  to  the.  Destination.  The  situation  of 
Thessalonica  on  the  sea  and  the  great  com- 
mercial road  (Via  Egnatia)  leading  from 
Dyrrachium,  through  Macedonia  and  Thrace, 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Hebrus,  and  so  con- 
necting Italy  with  Asia,  made  it  a  flourishing 
commercial  town,  great,  rich,  populous  by  its 
trade  (Strabo,  vii.),  luxurious  and  licentious 
by  its  riches.  Its  population  was  mostly 
Greek  ;  next  in  number  were  the  Roman 
colonists,  and  there  was  a  considerable  Jewish 
population,  having  not  a  mere  Trpocrevxy'i, 
but  a  synagogue  proper  (Ac.lT.i).  St.  Paul's 
first  visit  to  it  was  on  his  second  missionary 
journey,  when  he  first  came  into  Europe 
(53  A.D.).  He  journeyed  thither  from  Philippi 
by  Amphipolis  and  -ApoUonia  (17. i),  with  two 
assistants,  Silas  (or  Silvanus)  and  Timotheus 
(17.4,16.3,12  ;  17.14  ;  Ph.2.22).  He  turned 
first  to  the  Jews,  and  gained  few  converts,  but 
obtained  greater  access  among  the  ]iroselytes 
and  Gentiles  (Ac. 17. 4).  After  a  few  weeks 
(cf.  Ph. 4. 16)  there  was  a  mixed  Christian  con- 
gregation, Jews  and  Gentiles,  the  latter  much 
the  more  numerous  (iTh.1.9  and  Ac.17.4, 
Lachmann's  reading).  The  embittered  Jews 
raised  a  tumult,  and  forced  St.  Paul  to  leave 
(17. 5).  Taken  by  night  to  the  neighbouring 
Macedonian  city  of  Bcroea,  he  found  there, 
both  among  Jews  and  Gentiles,  a  most  ready 
reception  for  the  Gospel.  Thereupon  the 
Thessalonian  Jews  hastened  to  Bcroea,  stirred 
up  the  multitude,  and  expelled  iiim  thence  also. 
Silas  and  Timotheus  remained  behind  for  the 
confirmation  and  instruction  of  the  Beroeans. 
St.  Paul  went  to  Athens  and  thence  to  Corinth, 
where  he  stayed  a  year  and  a  half  (17.io,18). 
Later  on,  the  third  great  missionary  journey 
led  him  repeatedly  back  to  Thessalonica  (20. i, 
etc.). — Occasion.  The  persecution  against  St. 
Paul  soon  attacked  the  Church  (iTh.2.14,3.3, 
1.6).  Thus,  not  only  personal  love  (2.17,  etc.), 
but  also  anxiety  (3-5),  urged  him  back  to 
Thessalonica.  Twice  lie  resolved  to  return, 
but  circumstances  prevented  him  (2. 18).  No 
longer  able  to  resist  their  solicitude,  he  sent 
Timotheus  from  Athens  (3. 1,2)  to  obtain 
information,  and  strengthen  and  encourage 
them.  The  return  of  Timotheus  (3.6),  and  his 
message,  were  the  occasion  of  the  e]iistle.  The 
message  was  mainly  consolatory  ;  the  church, 
in  spite  of  persecution  and  trial,  was  steadfast 


THESSALONIANS 


THESSALONIANS 


885 


and  unshaken  (1.6,2.14),  so  that  its  members 
could  be  named  as  examples  for  the  Christians 
in  all  Macedonia  and  Achaia  (I.7)  ;  their 
heroic  faith  was  everywhere  spread  abroad 
(1.8).  Distinguished  by  active  brotherly  love 
(1.3,4.9,10),  and  on  the  whole  by  faithful  ad- 
herence to  St.  Paul's  rules  of  conduct  (4.i), 
they  kept  affectionate  remembrance  of  him 
(3.6),  and  their  church  life  had  so  flourished 
that  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  (5. 19)  and  pro- 
phecy (5. 20)  were  manifest.  But  there  were 
also  defects  and  incompleteness  (3. 10) :  the  two 
cardinal  vices  of  heathenism,  sensuality  and 
covetousness  (4.3,  etc.),  not  always  respect  to 
presbyters  (6.12),  and,  in  consequence  of  in- 
ordinate attention  to  Second  Advent,  an  un- 
settled and  excited  habit,  with  neglect  of 
ordinary  duties,  and  idleness  (4.ii,  etc.). 
Lastly,  there  was  perplexity  as  to  whether 
deceased  friends  would  share  in  the  blessings 
of  the  Advent  (4.13),  about  which  probably  a 
question  had  been  asked  (4.13,  etc.). — Design. 
Threefold,  (i)  St.  Paul,  testifying  joy  for  past 
conduct,  would  strengthen  them  to  persevering 
steadfastness  in  Christian  confession.  (2) 
Exhortation  to  relinquishraoral  weaknesses,  by 
which  they  were  still  enfeebled.  (3)  Consola- 
tion concerning  the  deceased  by  more  minute 
instruction  about  the  Advent. — Contents.  Two 
parts.  I.  Historical  (I.1-3.13).  (i)  Saluta- 
tion (l.i).  (2)  Joy  and  thanksgiving  for  the 
Christian  soundness  of  the  church  (1.2,3).  (3) 
The  operation  of  the  grace  of  God  manifest  in 
their  conversion  to  Christianity :  (a)  the 
Gospel  preached  by  himself  with  energy,  con- 
fidence, undaunted,  pure,  self-sacrificing  love 
for  his  divine  calling  ;  (b)  received  by  them 
with  eager  desire,  and  steadfastly  maintained 
amid  suffering  and  persecution  (1. 4-2. 16).  (4) 
The  longing  that  came  upon  him,  the  mission 
of  Timotheus,  and  the  consolation  imparted 
by  the  return  of  Timotheus  (2.17-3. 13).  II. 
Moral  and  dogmatic  (4.1-5.2  8).  (i)  Exhor- 
tation to  make  progress  in  holiness,  to  re- 
nounce fornication  and  covetousness  (4.1-8)  ; 
(2)  to  increase  yet  more  in  brotherly  love  (4. 
9,10)  ;  and  instead  of  surrendering  themselves 
to  unsettled  disposition  and  excitement,  to  be 
diligent  and  laborious  in  their  worldly  business 
(4.11,12).  (3)  Comfort  concerning  those  de- 
ceased before  the  Advent,  and  exhortation  to 
be  watchful  and  prepared  for  it  (4. 13-5. 11). 
(4)  Divers  counsels,  and  wish  that  God  would 
sanctify  the  Thessalonians  wholly  for  the 
coming  of  Christ  (5.12-24).  (5)  Concluding 
remarks  (5.25-27).  (6)  Benediction  (5.28). — 
Time  and  Place  of  Composition,  (i)  The  time 
was  not  long  after  the  founding  of  the  church 
of  Thessalonica.  St.  Paul  is  as  yet  full  of  the 
impression  made  on  him  by  his  residence 
there  ;  he  lives  and  moves  so  entirely  in  the 
facts  of  the  conversion  of  the  Thessalonians 
and  his  conduct  to  them,  that  only  recent 
events  can  be  treated.  The  longing  felt  soon 
after  his  separation  from  them  (2.17)  still 
endures  when  he  is  writing  (3. 11).  The  whole 
moral  and  dogmatic  part  shows  that  this 
church,  though  already  eminent  and  flourish- 
ing, as  yet  consisted  only  of  novices.  (2) 
When  he  wrote  this  epistle,  he  had  already 
preached  the  Gospel  in  Achaia  (1.7,8).  Ac- 
cording to  3.6,  "  now  "  (dpTi),  the  epistle  was 


written  immediately  after  the  return  of  Ti- 
motheus from  Thessalonica.  From  Ac.  18. 
5,6  we  learn  that  Timotheus  and  Silas,  re- 
turning from  Macedonia,  rejoined  St.  Paul  at 
Corinth  when  he  had  not  long  been  there  ;  for 
until  then  the  Gospel  had  been  preached  by 
him  chiefly  to  the  Jews.  Therefore,  there  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  this  epistle  was  written 
at  the  beginning  of  St.  Paul's  stay  at  Corinth, 
in  the  year  53,  perhaps  half  a  year  after  his 
arrival  in  Macedonia  or  his  flight  from  Thessa- 
lonica (Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  apostolischen 
Zeitalter,  p.  40 ff.). — The  Subscription,  "written 
from  Athens,"  is  probably  a  mistaken  in- 
ference from  iTh.3.1.  St.  Paul  sent  Timothy 
to  Thessalonica  when  at  Athens  on  his  way 
to  Corinth.  The  view  of  Theodoret  and 
others  that  it  was  written  during  the  first 
visit  to  Athens  does  not  fit  in,  nor  the  view  of 
others  that  it  was  during  a  later  visit.  There 
is  no  reason  to  imagine  a  short,  unrecorded 
return  to  Athens  during  the  year  and  a  half  at 
Corinth,  merely  in  order  to  suit  this  subscrip- 
tion.— Genuineness.  The  epistle  is  not  clearly 
mentioned  by  the  apostolic  Fathers,  because, 
being  of  an  intimate  personal  character  to  an 
elementary  church,  it  does  not  present  such 
obvious  points  for  quotation  as  other  epistles. 
But  the  historic  attestation  is  so  old,  con- 
tinuous, and  universal,  that  justifiable  reason 
for  doubting  its  authenticity  on  external 
grounds  is  inconceivable.  Iren.  Haeres.  V.  vi. 
I ;  Clement  Alex.  Paedag.  i.  p.  88  D ;  TertuU. 
De  Resurr.  Carn.  24  ;  Origen,  Contra  Celsum 
ii.  65;  Canon  Murat.  ;  Peshitta;  Marcion  (in 
TertuU.  Adv.  Marc.  v.  15),  etc.  The  arguments 
of  Schrader  and  Baur  on  internal  grounds  are 
purely  fanciful  and  arbitrary,  and  will  not 
bear  examination.     [Paul.]  [w.m.s.] 

Thessalonians,  Second  Epistle  to. 
Occasion.  After  sending  his  first  epistle,  St. 
Paul  received  further  news  of  the  Thessalonian 
church.  It  had  actively  progressed  in  Chris- 
tianity ;  faith  had  been  confirmed  ;  brotherly 
love  had  gained  in  extent  and  reality  ;  and 
its  enduring  steadfastness  under  persecution, 
lately  renewed,  had  been  to  St.  Paul  a  glory  in 
all  the  churches  (2Th.l.3,4).  But  the  thought 
of  the  Second  Advent  had  given  rise  to  new 
disquietude.  The  question  had  advanced 
another  stage  ;  perplexity  about  deceased 
friends  in  reference  to  the  Advent  had  been 
allayed  by  the  first  epistle  ;  but  now  they 
thought  it  immediately  at  hand,  to  be  daily, 
hoiurly  expected.  Some  felt  fear  and  con- 
sternation ;  others  fanatical  longing  for  the 
coming  of  the  Lord  and  the  completion  of  His 
kingdom.  No  wonder  that  unsteadiness,  ex- 
citement, and  neglect  of  worldly  business, 
which  had  previously  afflicted  the  church,  had 
greatly  increased.  Some  maintained  that  they 
had  received  divine  revelations  about  the 
nearness  of  the  Advent,  and  even  forged  an 
epistle  in  the  name  of  St.  Paul.  Appeal  was 
made  to  some  oral  word  of  St.  Paul  (2.2),  and 
explanations  of  the  first  epistle  may  have 
promoted  that  view  ;  for  though  nothing  was 
said  about  immediateness,  St.  Paul  said  it 
would  be  sudden  and  unexpected  (iTh.5.2,4), 
and  spoke  as  if  he  and  his  contemporaries 
might  hope  to  be  alive  (4.15,17). — Design. 
Threefold,     (i)  The  apostle  wished,  chiefly,  to 


886 


THESSALONIANS 


oppose  the  disturbing  and  exciting  error  that 
the  Advent  was  even  at  the  door,  by  further 
instructions.  (2)  He  wished  strongly  and 
emphatically  to  dissuade  from  that  unsettled, 
disorderly,  and  idle  disposition  into  which  the 
church  had  fallen.  (3)  He  desired,  by  re- 
cogni'.ing  and  praising  their  progressive  good- 
ness, to  encourage  them  to  steadfast  persever- 
ance.— Contents,  (i)  Salutation  (l.i,2).  (2) 
Introduction  or  retrospective  portion  (I.3-12). 

(a)  Tiianksgiving  for  progress  made  (1-3,4). 

(b)  Hopes  thus  afforded  in  preparation  for  the 
Advent  (I.5-10).  (c)  Prayer  for  continuance 
in  that  happy  state  (l.ii,i2).  {^)  The  In- 
structive and  Hortatory  Section  (2.1-3. 15).  (i) 
On  the  date  of  the  Advent,  (a)  Caution  against 
believing  the  Advent  close  at  hand  (2.1-3). 
(h)  What  must  happen  first  (2.3-10).  (c) 
Terrible  fate  of  the  apostates  (2. 11, 12).  {d) 
Thanksgiving  that  the  Thcssaloiiians'  fate  is 
so  difTcrent  (2.13,14).  (c)  Exhortation  and 
prayer  (2. 15-17).  (ii)  On  the  necessity  of 
work,  (fl)  Request  for  prayers  for  himself, 
which  skilfully  serves  to  predispose  the  readers 
to  obey  the  ensuing  commands  (8.1-4).  (6) 
Prayer  for  the  same,  purpose  (8.5).  (c)  Com- 
mands to  make  all  work,  and  to  excommuni- 
cate the  refractory  (8.6-15).  {d)  Prayer  for 
tranquillity  (3. 16).  (t)  Final  benediction, 
with  attention  drawn  to  the  autograph  (8.17, 
18). — Time  and  Place  of  Composition.  Inter- 
preters and  chronologists  agree  that  this 
second  epistle  was  composed  shortly  after  the 
first  ;  with  the  exception  of  Grotius  and 
Ewald,  wlio  hold  that  the  second  was  first 
composed — a  view  which  has  nothing  for  it, 
but  much  against  it.  The  arguments  of 
Grotius  may  be  measured  by  the  fact  that  he 
holds  2.1-12  to  refer  to  Caligula;  whereas 
Caligula  was  dead  in  41  a.d.,  10  years  before 
St.  Paul  came  to  Thessalonica.  Ewald's  chief 
argument  is  that  this  epistle  has  all  the  signs 
of  a  first  communication  to  a  recently  founded 
church  ;  whereas  in  2.15  it  is  clear  that  St. 
Paul  had  already  sent  some  letter  to  the 
Thessalonians.  In  fact,  everything  in  the 
second  naturally  follows  on  from  the  first. 
The  following  reasons  ])rove  that  the  second 
was  composed  not  long  after  the  sending  away 
of  the  first.  SS.  Silas  aud  Timotheus  are  still 
in  the  company  of  the  apostle  (l.i),  whereas 
Acts,  at  least,  never  informs  us  that  after 
St.  Paul  left  Corinth  (Ac.l8.i8)  these  two 
apostolic  assistants  were  again  together  with 
him.  We  find  Timotheus  again  in  the 
apostle's  company,  first  at  Ephesus  (19.22), 
whilst  there  is  no  further  mention  of  St.  Silas 
in  the  Acts  after  his  Corinthian  residence. 
Besides,  the  relations  and  wants  of  the  church 
are  throughout  analogous  to  those  which  arc 
presupposed  in  the  first.  The  same  circle  of 
thought  occupies  the  writer  ;  similar  instruc- 
tions, exhortations,  warnings,  and  wishes  are 
found  throughout  in  both  epistles.  It  is 
therefore  to  be  assumed  also  that  the  second 
epistle  was  written  during  the  first  residence 
of  St.  Paul  at  Corinth  ;  but,  according  to 
2Th.3.2,  at  a  time  when  he  had  already  suffered 
hostilityonthe  part  of  the  Jews,  and,  according 
to  1.4  ("  the  churches  "  ;  cf.  iCor.1.2,  2Cor.2.i, 
Ko.  16.  i),  when  branch  churches  had  already 
been  founded  from  Corinth — probably  at  the 


THESSALONIANS 

beginning  of  the  year  54. — Genuineness,  (i) 
.As  to  the  external  evidence  of  Christian  anti- 
quity, the  epistle  is  completely  unassailable. 
Polyc.  Ad  Phil.  11  fin.  ;  Just.  Mart.  Dialog, 
cum  Tryph.  col.  1686,  p.  336  E,  p.  250  A  ; 
Iren.  .{dv.  Haeres.  iii.  vii.  2  ;  Clem.  Alex. 
Strom,  v.  p.  554,  ed.  Sylb.  ;  TertuU.  De 
Resurr.  Cam.  xxiv. ;  Canon  Murat. ;  Peshitta  ; 
Marcion,  etc.  (2)  Doubts  from  internal 
grounds  did  not  arise  till  the  beginning  of  the 
19th  cent.  The  arguments  are  purely  arbi- 
trary, and  easily  answered.  "  This  is  the  sign 
in  every  epistle  :  so  I  write,"  is  specially  for 
the  Thessalonians,  as  they  had  been  troubled 
by  spurious  letters;  not  for  every  church. — - 
Interpretation  of  the  Man  of  Sin,  and  the 
Prophecy  (2Th.2.3).  It  is  founded  on  the 
language  and  thrcatenings  of  Joel,  Zech.l4, 
Malachi,  and  especially  of  the  book  of 
Daniel.  Westcott  shows  that  there  was 
probably  no  other  book  in  the  O.T.  m<ire 
valued  among  the  Jews  of  the  apostolic  age 
than  was  Daniel.  It  was  regarded  with  full 
reverence  as  an  inspired  revelation ;  our 
Lord  Himself  founded  discourses  upon  it 
(Mt. 24.15  ;  Mk.l8.14).  The  taste  for  apoca- 
lyptic literature  was  very  strong  at  that 
time,  and  the  simplest  interpretation  of  the 
prophecies  in  that  book  pointed  to  the  existing 
era.  Tacitus  (Hist.  v.  13)  and  Suetonius 
{Vesp.  c.  4)  allude  to  the  expectations  of  the 
Jews  founded  on  their  ancient  literature.  The 
predictions  are  contained  in  Dan. 2,7, 8,  and  11, 
and  give  two  descriptions  of  five  monarchies, 
the  first  being  the  Babylonian,  headed  by 
Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the  tifth  the  kingdom 
of  God,  which  had  been  the  main  subject  of 
St.  Paul's  preaching  at  Thessalonica.  The 
seventy  weeks  had  pointed  to  the  existing  era, 
so  that  men  saw  in  the  fourth  monarchy, 
which  was  to  be  crushed  by  the  kingdom  of 
God,  the  Konxan  empire.  "  In  the  very  same 
manner  Daniel  also  wrote  concerning  the 
empire  of  the  Romans,"  says  Josephus  (10 
Ant.  xi.  7).  To  St.  Paul  the  fifth  monarchy 
meant  in  all  probability  the  First  and  Second 
.Advent  of  Christ  ;  the  more  readily  because 
he  did  not  see  how  vast  an  interval  was  to 
elapse  between  the  two.  St.  Paul  is  caution- 
ing the  Thessalonians  not  to  expect  the  Second 
Advent  so  soon  as  they  thought ;  and  reminds 
them  of  "  what  withholdcth  " — i.e.  the  Roman 
empire  or  the  Roman  emperor,  not  yet  crushed. 
The  great  opponent  cannot  be  developed  till 
"  he  that  withholdcth  "  is  gone  ;  that  op- 
ponent seems  the  same  as  the  little  horn  of 
Daniel,  which  cannot  appear  till  the  fourth 
empire  has  broken  up  into  ten  monarchies. 
St.  Chrysostom  says,  "  Seeing  that  he  says 
this  of  tiic  Koiiuin  omiiirc,  he  naturally  puts  it 
enigmatically  and  very  obscurely,  for  he  has 
no  wish  to  subject  himself  to  unnecessary 
hostilities  and  unprofitable  perils.  For  had  he 
said  that  the  Roman  empire  would  shortly 
after  be  dissolved,  they  would  soon  have 
transfixed  him  for  a  miscreant,  and  all  the  be- 
lievers with  him,  as  living  and  fighting  for  this 
end."  St.  Paul  had  been  able  to  speak  more 
clearly  about  it  when  he  was  with  them  ;  so 
now  he  savs,  "  Remember  ye  not  ?  "  |  Pai'L.] 
With  regard  to  the  Man  of  Sin,  St.  Paul  draws 
his  characteristics  from  the  little  horn  in  Dau.7 


THESSAIiONICA 

and  8.5.  The  Jews  held  that  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  had  not  exhausted  the  meaning  of 
the  prophecy,  but  looked  on  him  as  the  type  of 
some  other  Antichrist,  whose  coming  should 
precede  and  be  defeated  by  the  Messiah.  The 
Christian  interpretation  only  differed  from  the 
Jewish  in  holding  that  the  Man  of  Sin,  or  Anti- 
christ, Daniel's  little  horn,  would  appear  near 
the  Second  Advent  instead  of  the  First.  This 
they  had  a  right  to  do,  as  in  Dan. 12.2  the 
Resvurrection  is  made  to  follow  close  on  the 
development  of  the  Antichrist.  Dr.  Lightfoot 
thinks  that  St.  Paul  himself  expected  to  see  the 
development,  and  that  he  found  the  materials 
for  it  in  the  bitter,  hostile,  arrogant,  persecut- 
ing, unbelieving  J  ewish  spirit.  The  fulfilment 
did  not  come  in  St.  Paul's  time  ;  but  the  spirit 
would  be  the  same.  The  characteristics  of  the 
Man  of  Sin  are  that  he  is  a  human  being,  a 
single  person,  heading  a  movement,  not 
atheistic  but  claiming  personal  worship,  with 
power,  signs,  and  lying  wonders,  not  neces- 
sarily breaking  with  the  Church,  but  forming 
an  apostasy,  and  (according  to  Daniel) 
"  wearing  out  the  saints  of  the  Most  High,  and 
thinking  to  change  times  and  laws."  Against 
such  a  spirit  men  need  constant  warning  ;  but 
the  climax  is  not  yet  seen.  [w.m.s.] 

Thessaloni'ca.  The  original  name  of 
this  city  was  Therma  ;  and  that  part  of  the 
Macedonian  shore  on  which  it  was  situated 
was  called  throughout  the  Roman  period 
the  Thermaic  Gulf.  The  history  of  the  city 
under  its  earlier  name  was  of  no  grer.t 
note.  It  rose  into  importance  with  the  de- 
cay of  Greek  nationality.  Cassander,  son  of 
Antipater,  rebuilt  and  enlarged  it,  naming  it 
after  his  wife,  the  sister  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  As  the  modern  Saloniki,  it  is 
still,  after  Constantinople,  the  most  im- 
portant town  of  European  Turkey.  Under 
the  Romans,  when  Macedonia  was  divided 
into  four  governments,  Thessalonica  was 
made  the  capital  of  the  second ;  afterwards, 
when  the  whole  was  consolidated  into  one 
province,  this  city  became  practically  the 
metropolis.  Strabo  in  the  ist  cent,  speaks 
of  Thessalonica  as  the  most  populous  city  in 
Macedonia.  To  this  busy  city  came  St.  Paul 
(with  Silas  and  Timothy),  during  his  second 
missionary  journey,  and  thus  Christianity  was 
introduced  into  Thessalonica.  Two  facts  illus- 
trate the  importance  of  this  visit  and  journey, 
and  throw  light  upon  the  two  epistles  to  the 
Thessalonians.  (i)  This  was  the  chief  station 
on  the  great  Roman  Road,  called  the  Via 
Egnatia,  which  connected  Rome  with  the 
whole  region  to  the  N.  of  the  Aegean  Sea. 
Thus  Thessalonica  was  an  invaluable  centre 
for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel,  being  a  close  rival 
with  Corinth  and  Ephesus  for  the  commerce 
of  the  Levant.  (2)  The  fact  (Ac.l7.i)  that 
here  was  the  synagogue  of  the  Jews  ia  this 
part  of  Macedonia.  This  had  evidently  much 
to  do  wifh  the  apostle's  plans,  and  also  doubt- 
less with  his  success.  Trade  would  inevitably 
bring  Jews  to  Thessalonica ;  and  it  is  a  fact 
that,  ever  since,  they  have  had  a  prominent 
place  in  the  annals  of  the  city.  The  first 
scene  of  the  apostle's  work  at  Thessalonica 
was  the  synagogue  (Ac.17.2,3).  The  minis- 
trations among  the  Jews  continued  for  three 


THETJDAS 


887 


weeks  (ver.  2) ;  we  are  not  obliged  to  limit  to 
this  time  the  whole  stay  of  the  apostles  at 
Thessalonica.  A  flourishing  church  was 
formed  there  ;  and  the  epistles  show  that  its 
elements  were  much  more  Gentile  than 
Jewish.  The  narrative  in  the  Acts  shows  close 
familiarity  with  the  political  constitution  of 
Thessalonica.  Not  only  is  the  demus  men- 
tioned (Ac.17.5)  in  harmony  with  what  has 
been  above  said  of  its  being  a  "  free  city,"  but 
the  peculiar  title,  politarchs  (ver.  6),  of  the  chief 
magistrates.  This  term  occurs  in  no  other 
writing  ;  but  it  may  be  read  to  this  day  con- 
spicuously on  an  arch  (the  Varddy  Gate)  of  the 
early  Imperial  times,  which  spans  the  main 
street  at  the  W.  end  of  the  city.  From  this 
inscription  it  would  appear  that  the  number 
of  politarchs  was  seven.  At  the  E.  extremity 
is  another  Roman  arch  of  later  date,  probably 
commemorating  some  victory  of  Constantine. 
The  main  street,  containing  these  arches  and 
intersecting  the  city,  is  undoubtedly  part  of  the 
Via  Egnatia.  During  several  centuries  this 
city  was  the  bulwark  both  of  the  later  Gk. 
Empire  and  of  Oriental  Christendom,  and  was 
largely  instrumental  in  the  conversion  of  the 
Slavonians  and  Bulgarians.  Thus  it  was 
known  as  "  the  Orthodox  City  "  ;  and  its 
struggles  are  very  prominent  in  the  writings 
of  Byzantine  historians. 

Theudas(Gr.eeu5as  =  Ge65c<;posoree(55oTos: 
Schmiedel  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  5051)  is 
the  name  of  an  insurgent  mentioned  (Ac. 
5.36)  in  Gamaliel's  speech  before  the  Jewish 
Council  at  the  time  of  the  arraignment  of 
the  apostles.  The  date  of  this  speech  cannot 
be  placed  later  than  37  a.d.  According  to 
Gamaliel,  Theudas  had  pretended  to  be  some 
great  person.  He  was  joined  by  about  400 
men,  but  was  slain,  and  his  followers  were 
scattered  and  brought  to  nought.  Gamaliel 
then  continues :  "  After  this  time  rose  up 
Judas  of  Galilee  in  the  days  of  the  taxing 
(iv  Ta;s  ijfiepais  ttjs  aTroypa<pris)  ;  but  he  also 
perished,  and  his  supporters  were  dispersed." 
The  taxing  here  referred  to  is  the  famous  re- 
gistration with  a  view  to  taxation  which  took 
place  in  6  or  7  a.d.  under  P.  Sulpicius  Quirinus 
(Lu.2.2).  Hence  the  defeat  and  death  of  the 
Theudas  mentioned  by  Gamaliel  must  have 
taken  place  before  6  a.d.  Josephus,  however 
(20  Ant.  v.  i),  gives  an  account  of  a  certain 
Theudas  who  lived  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Claudius,  when  Fadus  was  procurator  of 
J  udaea.  This  Theudas  persuaded  many  of  the 
people  to  follow  him  across  the  Jordan,  but 
Fadus  attacked  him  suddenly,  scattered  his 
followers,  and  put  Theudas  himself  to  death. 
The  date  of  these  events  is  fixed,  by  the  refer- 
ence to  Fadus,  as  falling  between  44  and  46 
A.D.  The  defeat  and  death  of  the  Theudas  of 
Josephus  was  thus,  at  earliest,  seven  years 
after  Gamaliel's  speech,  and  nearly  forty  after 
the  death  of  the  Theudas  referred  to  in  that 
speech.  If,  then,  there  was  but  one  Theudas, 
either  St.  Luke  or  J  osephus  is  guilty  of  a  chrono- 
logical blunder.  Interpolation  has  been  sug- 
gested, but  the  differences  between  the  Acts 
and  Josephus  are  only  conceivable  on  the  sup- 
position of  independence  ;  and,  in  regard  to 
this  particular  question  of  Theudas,  the  de- 
pendence of  St.  Luke  on  J  osephus  or  vice  versa 


888  THICK  TREES 

has  not  been  conclusively  demonstrated. 
Hence  we  conclude  that  theTheudas  of  St.  Luke 
is  distinct  from  that  of  Josephus.  Of  those 
who  take  this  view  some  identify  the  Theudas 
of  St.  Luke  wilh  one  or  other  of  the  various  in- 
surgent leaders  who  (as  we  know  from  Jose- 
phus, e.g.  17  Ant.  X.  8,  2  Wars  iv.  i)  were 
prominent  in  the  last  days  of  Herod  the  Great. 
Thus  Sonntag  identifies  him  with  Simon,  a 
slaveof  Herod;  Wieseler  with  Matthias  ("gift  of 
God,"  cf.  Oevdas,  i.e.  Geddcopo?),  a  teacher  of  the 
law:  see  Josephus,  i  Wars  xxxiii.  2.  But  these 
identifications  with  specified  leaders  are  merely 
fanciful,  and  we  conclude  that  the  Theudas  of 
the  Acts  is  an  otherwise  unknown  insurgent 
leader,  whose  defeat  and  death,  in  the  cir- 
cumstances recited  by  Gamaliel  (Ac. 5. 35-39), 
took  place  some  time  before  6  a.d.  See  also 
A.  C.  Headlam  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  igo4) 
iv.  750  ;  P.  W.  Schmiedel  in  Encycl.  Bihl.  iv. 
5049  ff. ;  and  F.  C.  Burkitt,  The  Gospel  History 
and  its  Transmission,  p.  106.  [j.a.n.] 

Thick  trees  are  mentioned  (as  the 
translation  of  'e(  'dboth)  in  Lev.23.40,  Ne.8.15, 
and  Ezk.20.28.  According  to  the  Talmud, 
Targums,  and  the  Syr.  version,  the  myrtle  is 
intended.  The  myrtle  is,  however,  included  in 
the  context  in  the  two  latter  passages,  which 
makes  it  an  improbable  rendering.  Trees  full  of 
boughs,  or  burgeonings,  is  the  Wyclif  render- 
ing. In  Leviticus  [I.e.)  several  ancient  au- 
thorities read  for  "  goodly  trees  "  (the  trans- 
lation in  E.V.  of  '<?<■  hddhdr),  the  citron-tree, 
by  which  was  probably  intended  the  thyine- 
tree  or  North  African  cypress.  [h.c.h.] 

Thieves  (R.V.  Robbers),  The  two  (Mt. 
27.38  ;  Mk.15.27),  called  Malefactors  Lu.23. 
32-43.  Possibly  comrades  of  Barabbas,  a 
robber,  under  similar  sentence  of  death  at 
same  time  (Jn.l8.40  ;  Lu.23. 19).  They  ac- 
companied to  death  Him  in  preference  to 
Whom  Barabbas  had  been  set  free,  and  were 
crucified  one  on  either  side  of  Him  (Mt.27.38  ; 
Mk.15.27),  joining  at  first  in  the  general  exe- 
cration of  the  rejected  "  King  of  the  Jews  " 
(Mt.27.44  ;  Mk. 15.32).  One,  however,  chang- 
ing his  tone,  first  rebuked  his  companion  and 
then  besought  remembrance  from  Jesus.  To 
that  prayer  Jesus  Himself  answered  Amen, 
promising  relief  from  the  cramps  and  tension 
of  the  Crucifixion  before  sunset  in  words  on 
which  Bossuet  comments  :  "  '  To-day  ' — 
what  speed  !  '  In  Paradise  ' — what  rest  ! 
'  With  Me  ' — what  companionship  1  "  In  the 
Gospel  of  Nicodemus  the  penitent  thief  is 
called  Dismas,  and  the  name  has  passed  into 
the  hagiology  of  the  Syr,,  Gk.,  and  Lat. 
Churches.  According  to  the  legend,  he  had 
been  one  of  a  band  of  robbers  tiiat  attacked 
the  holy  travellers  in  the  flight  from  Bethle- 
hem, and  he  had  then  pleaded  for  their  lives. 
The  Virgin  mother  had  blessed  him.  'J'hc 
child  Christ  had  foretold  his  suffering  and  re- 
pentance. Now,  as  he  gazed  on  the  Divine 
Sufferer,  he  recognized  the  features  of  the 
infant  Jesus.  But,  legend  apart,  he  protested 
iromhiscrosstheinnocenceof  Jesus,  and  became 
the  special  type  of  those  who  "  are  justified 
by  faith  without  the  deeds  of  the  law,"  the 
precursor  of  all  those  who  find  salvation 
through  "  deathbed  repentance."     [c.r.d.b.] 

Thlgrh  (Gen. 32.25).   Jacob's  thigh  is  dislo- 


THOMAS 

cated  or  sprained  in  his  conflict  with  the  angel, 
and  the  writer's  comment  deduces  from  the 
incident  the  origin  of  the  Israelitish  custom  of 
not  eating  the  part  of  the  thigh  (injury  to 
which  causes  limping),  as  being  sacred  because 
of  the  touch  of  God.  Whether  this  is  the 
sciatic  nerve  at  the  back  of  the  hip,  the  nervus 
ischiaticus,  or  the  tendon  of  the  psoas,  or  the 
adductor  longus — sinews  in  the  groin  which  if 
cramped  cause  agonizing  lameness — is  doubt- 
ful. In  Gen. 46. 26  (see  A.V.  marg.),  et  alia,  the 
thigh  is  spoken  of  as  the  centre  of  procreative 
energy  ;  hence  the  thigh  was  regarded  in  primi- 
tive times  as  peculiarly  sacred,  and  an  Oath 
might  be  taken  upon  it  {e.g.  Gen. 24. 2,  etc.).  In 
Rev.  19. 16,  despite  the  ingenious  allegorical 
meaning  suggested  by  ancient  interpreters,  the 
phrase  merely  means  that  the  rider  on  the 
white  horse  bears  a  third  name  displayed  on 
his  habit  where  it  falls  over  the  thigh,  and  so 
cannot  escape  notice.  [s.n.s.] 

Thimnathah',  a  town  of  Dan  (Jos.i9.43 
only),  named  between  Elon  and  Ekron.  Now 
the  ruin  Tibneh.     [Timnah.]  [c.r.c] 

Thisbe',  a  name  found  only  in  Tob.1.2 
as  that  of  a  city  of  Naphtali  from  which  Tobit's 
ancestor  had  been  carried  captive  by  the 
Assyrians.     The  site  is  unknown,      [c.r.c] 

Thistle.     [Thorns  and  Thistles.] 

Thomas,  one  of  the  Twelve.  The  name 
is  a  transliteration  of  the  Heb.  for  twin,  Didy- 
mus  being  the  Gk.  equivalent.  He  is  called 
"  Judas  Thomas "  in  the  apocryphal  Acta 
Thoniae,  and  this  traditional  name  is  also  re- 
corded by  Eusebius.  The  ascription  of  the 
name  Judas  to  him  led  in  time  to  his  identi- 
fication with  "  Judas  of  James  "  and  Judas  the 
Lord's  brother  (.Mt. 13.55  ;  Mk.6.3).  In  the 
lists  of  apostles  he  is  coupled  with  St.  Matthew 
in  Mt.10.3,  Mk.3.18,  Lu.6.15,  and  with  St. 
Philip  in  Ac.l.13.  No  incident  is  recorded  of 
him  by  thesynoptists,  butSt.  Johnrelatesthree 
important  facts.  First,  when  the  other  apostles 
tried  in  vain  to  dissuade  Jesus  from  the  risk  of 
a  visit  to  the  bereaved  sisters  of  Bethany, 
Thomas,  though  he  could  see  nothing  but 
death  before  them,  said.  "  Let  us  also  go, 
that  we  may  die  with  Him"  (Jn.ll.i6).  Again, 
at  the  Last  Supper,  our  Lord,  speaking  of  His 
departure,  said  to  those  around  him,  "  Whither 
I  go  ye  know,  and  the  way  ye  know"  (Jn. 
14.4).  But  Thomas,  forgetting  the  former 
teaching  of  our  Lord,  made  this  despondent 
reply,  "  We  know  not  whither  Thou  goest ; 
and  how  can  we  know  the  way  ?  "  Moreover,  a 
week  after  the  Resurrection,  Thomas,  altiiough 
he  had  expressed  most  imreasonable  doubts  as 
to  its  reality,  is  found  in  the  company  of  the 
other  apostles,  presumably  for  worship  and 
conference.  Even  the  emphatic  testimony  of 
10  competent  witnesses  failed  to  convince  him. 
He  refused  to  believe  until  he  too  had  satisfied 
himself  by  sight  and  touch  that  there  was  no 
mistake  (Jn.2O.25).  But  when  this  test  was 
offered  to  him,  his  recognition  of  his  Master 
was  immediate  and  adoring:  "  My  Lord  and 
my  God."  No  greater  confessinn  of  faith  is 
recorded  in  N.T.  And  the  answer  of  our  Lord 
gives  tlie  moral  of  the  whole  narrative,  ac- 
cepting the  tardy  faith  of  Thomas,  but  censur- 
ing his  culpable  incredulity.  "  Because  thou 
hast  seen  Me,  thou  hast  believed  :  blessed  are 


THOMOI 

they  that  have  not  seen,  and  yet  have  be- 
lieved" (Jn.20.29).  These  notices,  few  as 
they  are,  place  the  character  of  Thomas  before 
us  with  great  clearness.  It  is  that  of  a  man 
slow  to  believe,  seeing  all  the  difficulties  of  a 
case,  subject  to  despondency,  and  yet  full  of 
ardent  love  for  his  Master.  In  N.T.  we  hear  of 
Thomas  only  twice  more,  once  as  present  at 
the  sea  of  Galilee  with  six  other  disciples  (Jn. 
21.2),  and  again  among  the  apostles  after  the 
Ascension  (Ac.l. 13).  His  field  of  work  after- 
wards is  said  to  have  been  India,  where  he 
suffered  martyrdom  at  the  point  of  the  spear. 
There  are  to-day  Christians,  as  there  have  been 
from  the  earliest  times,  dwelling  near  the  tomb 
of  St.  Thomas  in  Malabar.  Some  believe  that 
this  tomb  is  that  of  the  apostle,  others 
that  of  a  Nestorian  merchant-prince.  These 
"  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  "  observe  his  day 
on  July  I.  By  the  Lat.  Church  it  is  observed 
on  Dec.  21,  and  by  the  Gk.  on  Oct.  6.  [r.s.m.] 

Thomo'i  (iEsd.5.32)  =  Thamah. 

Thopn  in  the  flesh  (see  2Cor.l2.7 ; 
Gal. 4. 14, 15;  2Cor.lO.10).  Various  explanations 
of  this  phrase  have  been  suggested,  (i)  The 
personal  opposition  of  the  devil  (see  Eph.6.12). 
(2)  Active  opposition  and  persecution  on  the 
part  of  enemies  both  within  and  without  the 
Church  (see  2  Tim.4.14 ;  2C0r.ll. 26) ;  supported 
by  St.  Chrysostom.  (3)  Temptatio  horrendi — 
i.e.  the  mental  suffering  caused  by  intense 
personal  temptation.  (The  modern  Roman 
theory.)  (4)  Bodily  ailment.  This,  the 
oldest  and  most  frequent  view,  is  that  of 
Tertullian  and  St.  Jerome  and  (among  recent 
scholars)  Bp.  Lightfoot.  Among  various  ail- 
ments suggested  are  epilepsy  and  malaria.  The 
latter  has  considerable  recent  support  (see, 
e.g.,  art.  Paul,  I.  (5)  (i)  in  this  Diet.),  and  a 
man  constantly  travelUng  in  the  East  is  especi- 
ally liable  to  malarial  diseases ;  but  there  does 
not  seem,  in  the  opinion  of  the  present  writer, 
to  be  much  other  ground  for  it.  Perhaps 
the  most  plausible  explanation  is  the  popular 
one  that  St.  Paul  suffered  from  a  severe  affec- 
tion of  the  eyes.     [Blindness.]  [f.j.] 

Thopns  and  Thistles.  There  are  some 
13  different  Heb.  words  which  point  to  different 
kinds  of  prickly  or  thorny  shrubs,  and  which 
are  variously  rendered  in  A.V.  by  "  thorns," 
"  briers,"  "  thistles,"  etc.  We  shall  confine 
oiu:  remarks  to  some  of  those  which  afford 
indications  as  to  the  plants  they  denote,  (i) 
'dtddh  occinrs  for  some  spinous  plant  in  Judg. 
9.14,15,  where  A.V.  renders  it  "  bramble " 
(marg.  thistle),  and  in  Ps.58.9  (A.V  thorns). 
It  is  supposed  to  be  Lycium  europaeuni  or 
L.  afrum  (box-thorn),  both  of  which  occur  in 
Palestine.  The  Arab,  name  is  identical  with 
the  Heb.  Lycium  enropaeiim  is  a  native  of 
the  S.  of  Europe  and  the  N.  of  Africa  ;  in  the 
Grecian  islands  it  is  common  in  hedges.  It 
readily  establishes  itself  near  the  sea  in  mild 
places  in  England  and  Ireland,  where  it  is 
known  as  "  the  tea-plant."  (2)  hedeq  occurs 
in  Pr.i5.19  and  in  Mi. 7.4.  Celsius,  re- 
ferring the  Heb.  term  to  the  Arab,  hadaq, 
thinks  that  some  spinous  species  of  Solanum  is 
intended.  The  Arab,  term  clearly  denotes 
some  kind  of  Solanum  ;  either  the  S.  melen- 
gela,  var.  esculentum,  or  the  S.  sodomeum 
(."  apple  of  Sodom  ").     The  Heb.  term  may  be 


THRESHOLD 


889 


generic,  and  intended  to  denote  any  thorny 
plant  suitable  for  hedges.  (3)  hoah,  a  word 
of  very  uncertain  meaning,  occurs  in  the  sense 
of  some  thorny  plant  in  Is.34.i3,  Ho.9.6,  Pr. 
26.9,  Can.2.2,  2K.14.9.  Cf.  Job  3I.40,  "  Let 
hoah  [A.V.  thistles]  grow  instead  of  wheat." 
Celsius  believes  that  the  blackthorn  {Prunus 
sylvestris)  is  denoted.  Perhaps  the  term  is  used 
in  a  wide  sense  to  signify  any  thorny  plant. 

(4)  ^aria;' is  mentioned  twice  in  connexion  with 
the  Heb.  q6( — viz.  in  Gen. 3. 18  and  Ho.10.8. 
The  Gk.  Tpij3o\os  occurs  in  Mt.7.i6.  Cf.  Heb.6. 
8.  It  is  probable  that  either  the  Tribulus  ter- 
restris,  which,  however,  has  spines  on  the  fruit 
only,  or  else  the  Centaurea  calcitrapa,  is  the 
plant  more  particularly  intended  by  dardar. 

(5)  shdmlr,  almost  always  found  in  connexion 
with  the  word  shayith,  occurs  several  times  in 
the  Heb.  text  ;  it  is  variously  rendered  by  the 
LXX.  According  to  Abu' If adl,  cited  by  Celsius, 
"  the  samur  of  the  Arabs  is  a  thorny  tree  ;  it 
is  a  species  of  Sidra  which  does  not  produce 
fruit."  No  thorny  plants  are  more  conspicu- 
ous in  Bible  lands  than  different  kinds  of 
Rhamnaceae  such  as  Paliurus  aculeatus  (Christ's 
thorn)  and  Zizyphus  spina  christi ;  the  latter  is 
the  nuhq  of  the  Arabs,  which  grows  abundantly 
in  Syria  and  Palestine.  The  na'acuc  of  Is. 7. 19, 
55. 1 3  probably  denotes  some  species  ofZwy^/i((s. 
[Crown  OF  Thorns;  Nettle.] 

Thpa'cia.  A  Thracian  horseman  is  inci- 
dentally mentioned  in  2Mac.i2.35,  apparently 
one  of  the  bodyguard  of  Gorgias,  governor  of 
Idumaea  imder  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Thrace 
at  this  period  included  the  whole  of  the 
country  within  the  boundary  of  the  Strymon, 
the  Danube,  and  the  coasts  of  the  Aegean, 
Propontis,  and  Euxine— all  the  region,  in  fact, 
now  comprehended  in  Bulgaria  and  Roumelia. 
In  the  early  times  it  was  inhabited  by  a  num- 
ber of  tribes,  each  under  its  own  chief.  The 
wars  on  a  large  scale  which  followed  the  death 
of  Alexander  furnished  an  outlet  for  the  mar- 
tial tendencies  of  the  Thracians,  who  found  a 
demand  for  their  services  as  mercenaries  every- 
where. Cavalry  was  the  arm  which  they 
chiefly  furnished,  the  rich  pastures  of  Rou- 
melia abounding  in  horses.  The  only  other 
passage,  if  any,  in  the  Bible  alluding  to 
Thrace  is  Gen. 10. 2,  where  Tiras  has  by  some 
been  supposed  to  mean  Thrace. 

Thpase'as,  father  of  Apollonius,  i  (2 
Mac.3.5). 

Three  Childpen,  Song-  of  the. 
[Daniel,  Apocryphal  Additions  to.] 

Three  Taverns,  a  station  on  the  Appian 
Road,  along  which  St.  Paul  travelled  from 
Puteoli  to  Rome  (Ac.28.i5).  The  distances, 
reckoning  southwards  from  Rome,  are  given 
as  follows  in  the  Antonine  Itinerary:  "to 
Aricia,  16  miles  ;  to  Three  Taverns,  17  miles  ; 
to  Appii  Forum,  10  miles  "  ;  thus  "  Three 
Taverns "  was  near  the  modern  Cisterna. 
Here  a  road  came  in  from  Antium  on  the 
coast.  Doubtless  "  Three  Taverns  "  was  a 
frequent   meeting-place   of  travellers. 

Thpeshing-floop  (Heb.  gdren  ;  Fellah, 
jurn).  [Agriculture;  Araunah;  Jerusalem; 
Perez-uzza;  Temple.] 

Thpeshold.— 1.  (Judg.19.27  ;  iSam.5.4  r 
Ezk.43.8.)  The  threshold  was  an  object  of  su- 
perstitious reverence  amongst  ancient  peoples, 


890 


THRONE 


owing  to  its  marking  the  inner  dividing  line  be- 
tween all  that  was  ruled  by  the  outside  law  of 
the  community  and  all  that  which  was  sub- 
jected to  the  will  of  the  individual  who  was, 
sui  juris,  master  of  free  persons,  slaves,  and 
objects  of  property  in  the  house.  Probably 
for  this  reason  Ezekiel  (43.8)  calls  the  sanc- 
tuary the  threshold  of  God,  and  the  temples  of 
the  idols  their  thresholds.  At  the  present  day 
in  Asiatic  Turkey  and  Persia  the  people  regard 
with  reverence  the  thresholds  of  mosques, 
tombs,  houses  of  high  personages,  and  also,  in 
a  minor  degree,  of  private  houses. — 2.  (Ne. 
12.25.)      [ASUPPIM.]  [c.w.] 

Throne.  The  Heb.  kissS,  which  in  A.V.  is 
usually  rendered  "  throne,"  is  used  for  any  seat 
of  honour.  In  the  East,  where  it  is  usual  to  sit 
on  the  ground  or  recline  on  couches,  the  single 
elevated  seat  is  a  sign  of  honour  or  authority. 
It  was  used  by  Eli  as  high-priest  (iSam.l.9,4. 
13,18)  and  by  the  provincial  governors  of  Persia 
(Ne.3.7).  It  was  bestowed  on  Elisha  as  a  token 
of  honour  (2K.4.10).  But  this  term  is  especi- 
ally used  to  express  the  royal  seat,  as  that  of 
Pharaoh  (Gen.4i.40  ;  Ex. 11. 5, 12. 29),  of  David 
(iK.2.33),  of  Solomon  (1K.2.19),  and  of  Aha- 
suerus  (Esth.S.i).  The  royal  throne  had  afoot- 
stool  as  part  of  its  insignia  (2Chr.9.i8  ;  c/.Is.66. 


ASSYRIAN  TIIRONK   OR   CHAIR  OI'  STATIi.     (Layard, 
Ninri'eliy  ii.  301.) 

I).  The  throne  of  Solomon  is  elaborately  de- 
scribed as  unique  in  its  design  (1K.IO.18-20). 
The  thought  of  God's  sovereignty  is  frequently 
brought  out  by  allusion  to  His  throne,  seen  in 
vision  (Is. 6. 1  ;  Ezk.l. 26,10.1)  or  described  in 
poetry  (Job26.9;  Ps.ll.4).  As  used  meta- 
phorically to  stand  for  the  so%'ereignty  of  God, 
the  term  occurs  in  poetry  only  (Ps.47.8,89.i4, 
93.2,97.2,103.19  ;  Je.l4.2i,  which  is  part  of  a 
passage  of  poetic  parallelism  ;  Lam. 5. 19).  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  used  to  symbolize  the  power 
of  evil  (Ps.94.2o).  In  N.T.  'eplivo%  is  used  to  ex- 
press kingly  power  (Lu. 1.32,52  ;  Ac.2.30),  and 
thence  is  frequently  used  of  the  sovereignty  of 
•God  (Mt.5.34)  and  of  Christ  (Mt. 19.28).  It  is 
the  seat  also  of  judicial  authority  (Lu. 22.30) 
and  of  heavenly  honour  (Rcv.4.4).     It  stands 


THYINE  WOOD 

for  the  power  of  Satan  (Rev.2.13)  and  of  the 
"  Beast  "   (Rev. 16. 10).  [j.c.v.d.] 

Thummim.     [Urim  and  Thummim.] 

Thunder  is  in  summer  very  rarely  heard 
in  Palestine,  but  thunder-storms  do  some- 
times occur  in  harvest-time  (1Sam.i2.17). 
Poetically  it  is  regarded  in  O.T.  as  the 
voice  of  God,  and  the  instrument  of  divine 
punishment  (iSam. 2. 10;  2Sam.22.14;  Job  37. 
2-5;  Ps. 18. 13, 29. 3, 9, 81. 7;  Is.3O.30, 31).  [c.r.c] 

Thyati'pa,  a  city  on  the  Lj-cus,  founded 
by  Seleucus  Nicator ;  and  one  of  the  many 
Macedonian  colonies  established  in  Asia 
Minor  after  the  destruction  of  the  Persian 
empire  by  Alexander.  It  lay  to  the  left  of  the 
road  from  Pergamus  to  Sardis,  on  the  southern 
incline  of  the  watershed  which  separates  the 
valleys  of  the  Caicus  (Bakyr-tchai)  and  Her- 
mus,  on  the  very  confines  of  Mysia  and  Ionia, 
so  that  it  was  sometimes  reckoned  in  the  one,- 
and  sometimes  in  the  other.  In  earlier  times 
it  had  borne  the  names  of  Pelopia,  Semiramis, 
and  Euhippia.  In  the  ist  cent.  \.d.  the 
Macedonian  element  so  preponderated  that 
Strabo  calls  it  a  Macedonian  colony.  The 
original  inhabitants  may  have  been  distributed 
in  surrounding  hamlets  when  Thyatira  was 
founded.  During  the  Attalic  dynasty  Thya- 
tira scarcely  appears  in  history ;  and  of  the 
various  inscriptions  found  on  its  site,  now 
called  Ag  Hisdr,  not  one  is  unequivocally 
anterior  to  the  Roman  empire.  The  pro- 
sperity of  the  city  seems  to  have  been  re- 
newed under  Vespasian.  Dyeing  apparently 
formed  an  important  part  of  the  industrial 
activity  of  Thyatira,  as  also  of  Colossae  and 
Laodicea  (Ac.i6.14).  The  principal  deity  of 
the  city  was  Apollo,  worshipped  as  the  sun- 
god  under  the  surname  Tyrimnas.  He  was 
no  doubt  introduced  by  the  Macedonian 
colonists,  for  the  name  is  Macedonian.  A 
priestess  of  Artemis  is  also  mentioned  in  the 
inscriptions.  Another  superstition,  of  an  ex- 
tremely curious  nature,  existed  at  Thyatira. 
A  fane  stood  outside  the  walls,  dedicated  to 
Sambatha — the  name  of  the  sibyl  who  is  vari- 
ously called  Chaldean,  Jewish,  and  Persian — 
in  the  midst  of  an  enclosure  designated  "  the 
Chaldean's  court."  This  seems  to  illustrate 
the  obscure  passage  in  Rev. 2. 20, 21,  which 
Grotius  interprets  of  the  wife  of  the  bishop. 
Now,  there  is  evidence  to  show  that  in  Thya- 
tira there  was  a  great  amalgamation  of  races. 
But  amalgamation  of  different  races,  in  pagan 
nations,  always  led  to  a  syncretism  of  different 
religions.  If  the  "prophetess"  Sambatha 
was  not  discountenanced  by  the  authorities 
of  the  Judaeo-Christian  church  at  Thyatira, 
both  the  censure  and  its  qualification  become 
easy  of  explanation. 

Thyine  wood  occurs  once  only  (Rev.lS. 
12),  where  the  marg.  has  "sweet"  (wood). 
[Algum.]  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
wood  referred  to  is  that  of  the  conifer  Thuya 
articulata,  Dcsfont.,  the  CaUitris  quadrivalvis 
of  present  botanists.  This  tree  was  much 
prized  by  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  on 
account  of  tiie  beauty  of  its  wood,  for  orna- 
mental purposes.  By  the  Romans  it  was  called 
citrus,  the  wood  citruui.  It  is  a  native  of  Bar- 
bary,  and  grows  to  the  height  of  15  to  25  ft. 
I  Pliny  says  that  it  was  abundant  in  Mauretania, 


TIBERIAS 

but  he  does  not  identify  it  with  "  the  tree 
Thj^a,"  (xiii.  15,  16).  He  refers  to  Homer  as 
reporting  that  "  dame  Circe  (whom  he  would 
have  to  be  reputed  as  a  goddesse)  burnt  of  this 


TiaLATH-PILESER 


891 


THUYA  ARTICULATA. 


Thyon."  Theophrastus  wrote  that  "  all  car- 
penters work  of  temples  in  old  time  was  made 
of  the  same  ;  as  of  a  timber  everlasting,"  and 
that  it  grew  in  Cyrenaica.  The  derivation  is 
probably  from  dveiv,  to  sacrifice.  [Thick 
Trees.]  [h.c.h.] 

Tiberias,  the  capital  of  the  tetrarchy  of 
Herod  Antipas,  who  built  the  city  and  named 
it  in  honour  of  Tiberius,  removing  the  seat  of 
government  there  (after  14  a.d.)  from  Sep- 
phoris,  N.  of  Nazareth.  Tiberias  was  thus  a 
great  city  in  our  Lord's  time(Josephus,  Life,  9, 
18  Ant.  ii.  3),  but  regarded  as  unclean,  because 
built  over  ancient  tombs.  It  had  a  royal 
palace,  decorated  with  figures  of  living  crea- 
tures, in  spite  of  the  law,  and  full  of  treasures 
(Life,  12,  13)  :  but  it  also  had  a  Jewish  place  of 
prayer  (54).  Agrippa  H.  afterwards  restored 
Sepphoris  to  the  rank  of  capital.  Tiberias  was 
apparently  an  open  town,  and  its  walls  were 
not  built  till  67  a.d.  (2  Wars  xiii.  2,  xx.  6).  Ac- 
cording to  Talmuds  it  was  on  the  site  of  Rak- 
KATH  (Jos. 19. 35  ;  Tal.  Jer.  Megilla  i.  i  ;  Tal. 
Bab.  Sanhed.  12  a),  a  "  shore  "  city  near  Ham- 
math,  or  the  "  hot  baths"  still  existing  S.  of 
Tiberias.  From  this  city  (on  its  W.  shore)  the 
sea  of  GaUlee  was  called  the  sea  of  Tiberias 
(Jn. 6. 1, 21.1).  Our  Lord  does  not  appear  ever 
to  have  entered  this  unclean  city,  which  is  only 
once  noticed  (Jn.6.23).  Coins  of  Tiberias  under 
Tiberius,  Claudius,  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  An- 
toninus Pius  are  known  (Robinson,  Bih.  Res.  ii. 
p.  390).  Under  the  last  named  the  Jews  enjoyed 
toleration,  and  the  Sanhedrin  settled  at  Tibe- 
rias, where  the  Mishna  was  compiled  (150  to 


200  A.D.)  by  Rabbi  Judah.  Justinian  (527- 
565  A.D.)  built  walls  at  Tiberias  (Procopius, 
De  Aedif.  v.  9),  and  the  line  of  fortification  on 
the  slope  W.  of  the  modern  town  (surveved  by 
Mr.  Schumacher)  probably  belongs  to  this  age. 
The  ruined  walls  of  the  present  small  town  re- 
present the  fortress  of  the  12th  cent,  built  by 
the  Franks.  The  population  is  about  3,000,  of 
whom  half  are  Jews,  100  Christians,  and  the 
rest  Moslems.  The  tombs  of  the  famous  Rab- 
bis, Jochanan,  Maimonides,  Meir,  and  even  of 
Akiba,  are  shown  near  the  town.  The  modern 
walls  were  built  in  c.  1738  a.d.  (Surv.  W.  PaL 
i.  pp.  361,  371,  418-420).  [c.R.c] 

Tibe'pius  (in  full,  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero 
Caesar)  was  born  42  b.c.  His  parents  were 
T.  Claudius  Nero  and  Livia.  His  mother, 
however,  after  divorce,  was  married  to  Augus- 
tus, and  Tiberius  was  thus  his  stepson,  and 
subsequently,  in  14  b.c,  his  successor  on  the 
imperial  throne.  A  sf)ldier  for  20  years,  he 
commanded  in  several  campaigns,  notably 
in  Germany,  and  in  Illyricum,  which  he  sub- 
dued, and  in  12  a.d.  he  enjoyed  a  triumph  for 
his  victories  in  Germany  and  Dalmatia.  As 
emperor,  he  gained  esteem  for  his  provincial 
administration,  but  in  Rome  his  rule  was 
arbitrary  and  cruel.  Velleius  Paterculus,  a 
contemporary  historian,  who  served  under  his 
military  command  for  nine  years,  leaves  a 
favourable  impression  of  him.  Two  later 
writers,  Suetonius,  a  retailer  of  gossip,  and 
Tacitus,  a  biassed  partisan,  draw  terrible 
pictures  of  the  man,  crediting  him,  especially 
during  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  and  his 
retirement  at  Capreae,  with  monstrous  vices. 
Their  estimate  must  be  considerably  dis- 
counted. Tiberius  died  in  37  a.d.  It  was  in 
his  reign  that  our  Lord  was  crucified.  See 
Velleius  Paterculus  (Hist.  Rom.  ii.),  Suetonius 
[Tiberius),  Tacitus  [Annals,  vi.),  and,  for  a 
warm  vindication  of  his  character,  J.  C.Tarver's 
Tiberius  the  Tyrant.  [a.r.] 

Tibhatli'  (iChr.18.8).    [Betah.] 

TIbni',  son  of  Ginath,  and  Omri's  rival  for 
thethroneof  Israel(xK.16.2i,2  2).  The  struggle 
lasted  four  years  (cf.  vv.  15  and  23),  and  was 
only  ended  by  the  death  of  Tibni.     [Omri.] 

Tidal',  "  king  of  nations,"  is  described  in 
Gen. 14. 1,9  as  one  of  the  vassal  kings  who 
assisted  their  suzerain  Chedorlaomer  of  Elam 
in  suppressing  a  rebellion  in  Canaan.  In  the 
cuneiform  texts  his  name  is  written  Tudghula, 
"  nations  "  being  a  close  translation  of  the 
Babylonian  Umman  Manda  or  "  hordes  " 
of  Kurdistan  over  whom  Tidal  would  have 
ruled.  [a.h.s.] 

Tig-iatli-pilesep  (2K.I5.29  ;  in  iChr.5.26 
and  2Chr.28.20,  wrongly  written  Tilgath- 
pilneser).  The  native  Assyrian  form  is 
Tiikulti-apil-esarra,  for  which  the  Tiglath- 
pileser  of  2K.  is  a  fair  rendering.  He  was  the 
third  of  the  name,  and  the  third  Assyrian  king 
to  come  into  contact  with  the  Israelites.  He 
succeeded  Assur-nirari  in  745  b.c,  on  lyyar 
13,  but  by  what  right  he  came  to  the  throne 
is  not  known.  His  identity  with  Pul  (2K. 
15.19)  is  practically  proved  by  the  Baby- 
lonian Canon,  which  has  Pulu  (Ptolemy's 
Porus)  for  the  Tiglath-pileser  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Chronicle  during  the  years  correspond- 
ing with  729  and  728  b.c.     His  first  campaign, 


892 


TIGLATH-PILESER 


which  took  place  five  months  after  his  acces- 
sion, was  to  Babylonia,  to  crush  the  Aramcan 
tribes.  On  his  way  back  he  annexed  N. 
Babylonia.  In  744  b.c.  he  marched  to  Namri 
and  suppressed  the  tribes  which  harassed  the 
Assyrian  frontier.  In  743  b.c.  he  defeated 
Sarduris  II.,  king  of  Ararat,  at  Arpad,  where 
the  latter  lost  72,950  men  captured.  Rezin  of 
Damascus,  Hiram  of  Tyre,  and  Pisiris  of 
Carchemish  gave  tribute  on  this  occasion. 
Arpad,  having  again  revolted,  became  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Assyrian  king's  campaigns  during 
the  years  742-740  B.C.  In  739  b.c  he  marched 
to  Ullubu  in  Mesopotamia,  and  the  positions 
occupied  enabled  him  to  put  an  end  to  Syrian 
and  Phoenician  resistance  there  during  the 
year  738  b.c.  Kullani  (possibly  the  Calno  of 
is. 10. 9),  which  was  apparently  his  objective, 
was  taken.  Rost  (Keilschrift  iexte  Tiglat- 
Pilesers  III.)  thinks  it  possible  that  Azriau  or 
Izriau  (Azariah)  of  Judah  was  in  some  way 
connected  with  this  campaign,  but  this  is 
doubtful.  Menahem  of  Samaria,  however, 
was  one  of  those  who  paid  tribute.  In  737 
B.C.  Tiglath-pileser  restored  peace  in  Media, 
setting  up,  in  the  course  of  his  campaign, 
bas-reliefs  sculptured  with  his  own  likeness  in 
certain  of  the  cities  which  he  occupied.  The 
next  year  (736  b.c)  he  led  his  arms  against 
Mesopotamia,  penetrating  as  far  as  the  Nal 
mountains,  and  capturing  many  cities  and  the 
country  of  Muqania.  The  consequence  of  this 
march  was,  that  Ararat  was  conquered  in  735 
B.C.,  Sarduris,  the  king,  remaining  practically 
passive.  Though  Tiglath-pileser  reached  the 
capital,  TuruSpi  (Van),  for  some  reason  he  did 
not  take  the  city.  Pilista  (Philistia  in  the 
sense  of  the  coast-lands  as  far  as  Joppa)  was 
the  object  of  attack  in  734  b.c,  his  intention 
being  to  use  it  as  a  basis  for  future  operations. 
Hanun  of  Gaza  decided  not  to  meet  him,  and 
fled  to  Musri  (Egypt  or  an  Arabian  tract), 
leaving  his  capital  a  prey  to  the  conqueror, 
who  took  his  throne  and  set  up  his  own  image 
in  the  royal  residence.  Affairs  in  Judah 
claimed  Tiglath-pilescr's  attention  in  733  b.c 
After  the  death  of  Azariah,  and  the  short  reign 
of  Jotham,  his  son,  Jehoahaz  or  Ahaz  mounted 
the  throne.  Pckah  of  Israel  thereupon  pro- 
fited by  the  change  to  ally  himself  with  Rezin 
of  Damascus  and  attack  Judah  (2K.l6.5ff.), 
whereupon  Ahaz,  fearing  ultimate  defeat, 
turned  to  Tiglath-pileser  with  a  gift  of  gold  and 
silver  from  the  temple  and  from  the  palace, 
asking  for  help.  This  being  accorded,  the 
allies  retreated,  but  instead  of  joining  their 
forces  against  the  common  foe,  each  awaited 
attack  in  his  own  territory.  Assuring  himself  i 
first  f)f  the  submission  of  the  rulers  in  N.  I 
Phoenicia,  Tiglath-pileser  invaded  N.  Israel,  | 
taking  Ijon,  Abel-beth-maachah,  Janoah, 
Kedesh,  Hazor,  Ciilead,  tialilee,  and  all 
Naphtali,  carrying  the  people  captive  to  As- 
syria (2K.I5.20).  The  inscriptions  do  not  give 
us  these  names,  but  Hommcl  has  suggested 
that  "  the  broad  [land  of]  .  .  .  -li,"  which  is 
mentioned  as  having  been  annexed  to  Assyria, 
may  be  the  last  named.  Pekah  seems  to  have 
submitted,  and  Samaria  was  spared  :  but  Rezin, 
his  ally,  was  defeated,  and  compelled  to  take 
refuge  in  Damascus,  his  capital,  which  was  be- 
sieged by  the  Assyrians,  and  taken  in  732  B.C. 


TIGRIS 

Hadara,  Rezin's  ancestral  home,  and  591 
towns  in  addition,  were  then  destroyed.  The 
annals  record,  in  conclusion,  an  attack  upon 
Samsi,  queen  of  the  Arabians,  who  had  to  sub- 
mit, whereupon  many  tribes  of  that  nation  in 
Yemen  sought  Tiglath-pileser's  favour  with 
gifts.  Apparently  whilst  these  things  were 
taking  place,  the  conspiracy  headed  by  Hoshea 
came  into  existence,  and  having  murdered 
Pekah,  its  leader  mounted  the  throne  (2K.I5. 
30),  and  gained  the  recognition  of  the  Assyrian 
king,  who  was  still  devastating  Syria,  by  a 
prompt  payment  of  tribute.  The  fate  of 
Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  so  strongly  affected 
Mitinti  of  Ashkelon,  that  he  is  said  to  have  gone 
mad,  and  his  son  and  successor,  Rukipti,  fol- 
lowed Hoshea's  example,  and  thus  atoned  for 
his  father's  hostility  to  Assyrian  overlordship. 
Even  Metennu  of  Tyre  became  tributary. 
Damascus  was  now  annexed  to  Assyria,  the 
people  were  carried  captive  (following  the 
Assyrian  custom)  to  Kir  (2K.I6.9),  and  Rezin 
was  slain.  It  was  in  Damascus  that  Ahaz  met 
Tiglath-pileser,  and  saw  the  altar  which  served 
him  as  the  pattern  for  that  which  he  caused  to 
be  made,  and  afterwards  used  for  burnt-offer- 
ings (2K.I6.10  ff.).  Tiglath-pileser  being  now 
confident  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  with 
regard  to  Assyrian  influence  in  Palestine,  left 
the  country  in  peace,  and  its  states  remained 
tributary  as  long  as  the  rulers  thought  that 
Assyria  was  strong  enough  to  enforce  her 
claims.  In  731  b.c  Ukin-zcr,  a  Chaldean 
prince,  seized  the  throne  of  Babylonia,  obliging 
Tiglath-pileser  to  invade  the  country,  when 
the  pretender  was  captured  in  Sapia,  his 
capital  (729  B.C.).  The  next  year  (728  B.c) 
the  Assyrian  king  mounted  the  throne  of 
Babylon,  but  beyond  "  taking  the  hand  of 
Bel  "  as  king  of  the  country,  during  two  suc- 
cessive years,  took  part  in  no  expeditions. 
He  died  in  727  B.C.,  the  year  when  an  expedi- 
tion was  being  made  against  a  city  whose  name 
is  lost,  and  Shalmaneser  IV.  ascended  the 
Assyrian  throne  (Tebct  25).  When  in  his 
own  country,  Tiglath-pileser  resided  either  in 
Nineveh  or  Calah.  In  the  latter  city  he  re- 
stored and  modified  the  architecture  of  the 
Central  Palace  in  imitation  of  the  Hittite  style, 
decorating  it  witli  Hittite  and  Chaldean  ob- 
jects sent  as  tribute.  The  reign  of  this  king 
may  be  regarded  as  ha\ing  been  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  in  Assyrian  history.      [t.g.p.] 

Tig-pis,  in  the  I.XX.,  is  the  (ik.  form  of  the 
Heb.  hidde;el,  and  occurs  also  in  the  apo- 
cryphal books  Tobit  (6.1).  Judith  (1.6),  and 
lilcclesiasticus  (24.25).  I-'l<c  the  Euphrates, 
the  Tigris  has  two  |->rincii)al  sources,  the  more 
distant  (and  real)  source  being  the  western  one, 
a  little  S.  of  the  high  mountain  lake  called 
Goljik  or  Goleiijik  (lat.  38'  10',  long.  39^  20' 
nearly),  in  tlie  sharp  bend  of  the  Euphrates 
which  begins  at  Karfyul,  and  not  many  miles 
from  the  course  of  that  river  where  it  returns 
to  about  the  same  longitude.  The  course  of 
the  Tigris  is  at  first  nearly  Iv,  but  after  about 
25  miles  it  sweeps  to  the  S.,  and  descends  by 
Arghaiia  Madcn  to  Diarhckr.  Here  it  again 
rtms  nearly  !•'.,  past  Osman  Kietii  to  TH,  where 
it  receives  a  large  stream,  the  liohtan-Su,  from 
the  N.W.  At  Oxtnnii  Kieui  it  receives  the 
eastern  Tigris,  which  descends  from  Niphates 


TIKVAH 

(Ala-Tagh),  with  a  course  almost  due  S.  From 
Til  the  Tigris  runs  S.  for  about  20  miles 
through  a  long,  narrow,  and  deep  gorge,  emerg- 
ing upon  the  comparatively  low  but  hilly  dis- 
trict of  Mesopotamia  near  Jezireh.  Its  course 
to  Mosul  is  S.E.,  then  S.  past  Nimn'td  (Calah) 
to  Qal'ah-Shergat,  and  afterwards  S.S.E.  to 
Tekrit  and  Samarah,  where  the  hills  end,  and 
the  river  enters  upon  the  great  alluvium. 
Continuing  S.E.,  it  passes  the  ruins  of  Opis, 
and  at  Baghdad  approaches  to  within  about 
20  miles  of  the  Euphrates.  After  a  while  its 
course  becomes  eastward  again,  and  passing 
Qut  al-'Amarah, it  again  turns  S.E.  some  dis- 
tance beyond  E.  Mendalia,  and  joins  the 
Euphrates  at  Qorna,  where  the  united  stream 
takes  the  name  of  Sha'.f  al-'Arab,  and  runs  into 
the  Persian  Gulf.  Omitting  the  numerous 
bends,  the  course  of  the  whole  stream  is  rec- 
koned at  1,146  miles,  with  an  average  width, 
where  it  enters  the  alluvium,  of  200  yds.,  and 
a  considerable  depth.  Besides  the  three  head- 
streams  of  the  Tigris,  it  receives  the  Zakho  or 
eastern  Khabilr,  the  Great  Zab  {Zdb  'Ala),  the 
Lesser  Zab  (Zdb  Asfal),  the  Adhem,  and  the 
Diyaleh  or  ancient  Gyndes,  which  all  flow  from 
the  high  range  of  Zagros.  Its  flood-season  is 
early  in  March,  when  the  river  rises  rapidly 
owing  to  the  melting  snow  on  the  S.  flank  of 
Niphates.  Its  breadth  gradually  increases  at 
Diarbekr  from  100  or  120  to  250  yds.  The 
river  reaches  its  full  height  in  the  first  or 
second  week  of  May,  and  soon  after  begins  to 
fall,  reaching  its  natural  level  by  midsummer. 
In  Oct.  and  Nov.  there  is  another,  but  com- 
paratively insignificant,  rise  and  fall  due  to  the 
autumnal  rains.  It  is  better  fitted  for  traffic 
than  the  Euphrates,  but  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  much  used  for  trade  in  ancient  times.  In 
Gen. 2. 14,  under  the  name  of  Hiddekel,  it  is 
correctly  described  as  "  going  toward  the  E.  of 
Assyria  "  ;  but  to  all  appearance  the  only  other 
references  to  it  are  in  Daniel  (10-12),  to  whom 
it  became  well  known,  and  who  calls  it  "  the 
great  river."  Running  through  ancient  Ar- 
menia and  Assyria,  in  the  lower  part  of  its 
course  it  separated  Babylonia  from  Susiana 
(Elam).  As  a  political  boundary,  it  was 
secondary  to  the  great  chain  of  the  Zagros.  It 
is  well  stocked  with  fish,  and  the  jungles  on  its 
banks,  where  they  exist,  are  the  haunt  of  the 
wild  boar  and  the  lion.  See  Smith,  D.B.  (4  vols. 
1893),  S.V.;   and  our  art.  Hiddekel.   [t.g.p.] 

Tikvah'. — 1.  Father-in-law  of  the  pro- 
phetess Huldah  (2K. 22.14).  — 2.  Father  of 
Jahaziah    (Ezr.lO.15). 

Tikvath'  (properly  Tokehath,  or   Tokhath, 

2Chr.34.22)  =  TiKVAH,    I. 

Tile.  The  A.V.  rendering  of  Lu.5.19, 
"  through  the  tiling,"  has  given  much  trouble 
to  expositors,  the  word  perhaps  meaning  a 
"  lean-to  "  roof  [House]  ;  or  did  St.  Luke  (a 
native,  probably,  of  Greek  Antioch)  use  the 
expression  "  tiles  "  as  the  form  of  roof  most 
familiar  to  himself  and  his  Gk.  readers  without 
reference  to  the  particular  material  of  the  roof 
in  question  ?     [Brick  ;    Writing.] 

Tilgath'-pilne'sep.     [Tiglath-pileser.] 

Tilon',  son  of  Shimon  (iChr.4.20). 

Timae'us,  father  of  blind  Bartimaeus  (Mk. 
10.46). 

Timbrel,  Tabnet.     By  these  words  A.V. 


TIMNITE,  THE  »9ii 

translates  the  Heb.  toph,  which  is  derived  from 
an  imitative  root  occurring  in  many  languages 
not  immediately  connected  with  each  other. 
It  is  the  same  as  the  Arabic  and  Persian  duff, 
which  in  Spanish  becomes  adufe,  a  tambourine. 
In  O.Eng.  tabor  was  used  for  any  drum.  Ta- 
bouret (of  which  tabret  is  a  contraction)  and 
tabourine  are  diminutives  of  tabor,  and  denote 
the  instrument  now  known  as  the  tambourine. 
The  Heb.  toph  is  undoubtedly  the  instrument 
described  by  travellers  as  the  duff  or  diff  of  the 
Arabs.  It  was  used  in  very  early  times  by  the 
Syrians  of  Padan-aram  at  their  merry-makings 
(Gen. 31. 27).  It  was  played  principally  by 
women  (Ex. 15. 20  ;  Judg.ll.34  ;  iSam.18.6  ; 
Ps.68.25[26])  as  an  accompaniment  to  the 
song  and  dance  (c/.  Jth.3.7),  and  appears  to 
have  been  worn  by  them  as  an  ornament 
(Je.31.4).  The  diff  of  the  Arabs  is  described  by 
Russell  (Aleppo,  p.  94,  ist  ed.)  as  "  a  hoop 
(sometimes  with  pieces  of  brass  fixed  in  it  to 
make  a  jingling)  over  which  a  piece  of  parch- 
ment is  distended.  It  is  beaten  with  the  fingers, 
and  is  the  true  tympanum  of  the  ancients,  as 
appears  from  its  figure  in  several  relievos." 
In  Barbary  it  is  called  tar. 

Timna',  Timnah'. — 1.  A  concubine  of 
Eliphaz  son  of  Esau,  and  mother  of  Amalek 
(Gen.36.i2)  ;  presumably  the  same  as  Timna, 
sister  of  Lotan  (ver.  22,  and  iChr.l.39). — 2. 
The  name  of  a  duke  of  Edom,  and  probably  also 
of  a  town  or  district  (Gen. 86.40;  iChr.l.51). 

Timnah.' — 1.  A  place  which  formed  one  of 
the  landmarks  on  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah 
(Jos. 15. 10).  It  is  probably  identical  with 
the  Thimnathah  of  Jos. 19. 43  and  with  the 
Timnath  (R.V.  Timnah)  of  Samson  (Judg.l4. 
1,2,5).  Now  the  ruin  Tibneh,  2  miles  W. 
of  'Ain  Shems  (Beth-shemesh). — 2.  A  town 
in  the  mountain  district  of  Judah  (Jos. 15. 57). 
Now  Tibna,  a  ruin  9  miles  W.  of  Bethlehem, 
and  2  miles  N.W.  of  Gibeah  of  Judah  (Jeb'a), 
with  which  it  is  noticed.  [c.r.c] 

Timnath'  (R.V.  rm»a/j;Gen.38.i2,i3,i4), 
near Chezib and AduUam.  [Timnah, i.]  [c.r.c] 
Timnath'-hepes'  (Judg.2.9),  or  Tim- 
nath-serah  (Jos. 19. 50).  The  latter  reading 
has  the  same  letters,  but  is  written  backwards, 
perhaps  in  error.  Jerome  supposes  it  to  mean 
"  the  rugged  heritage,"  not  serah,  but  heres. 
It  was  a  place  in  Mt.  Ephraim,  N.  of  the  hill 
Gaash,  a  mountain  with  ravines  (2Sam.23.30  ; 
iChr.11.32).  Jewish,  Samaritan,  Christian, 
and  Moslem  tradition  alike  point  to  the  same 
site — now  the  small  village  of  Kefr  Hdris,  on 
high  ground  in  the  mountains,  9  miles  S.W.  of 
Shechem,  and  S.  of  the  brook  Kanah.  It  is 
thus  within  the  border  of  Ephraim.  Three 
sacred  places  are  shown,  by  Moslems,  as  the 
tombs  of  Nun,  Joshua,  and  Caleb.  Eusebius 
(Onomasticon)  says  that  Joshua's  tomb  was 
shown  in  his  time,  and  the  three  tombs  were 
shown  in  1537  a.d.  Jerome  (Pilgrimage  of 
Paula,  XV.)  couples  the  site  with  Gibeah  of 
Phinehas,  which  is  8  miles  N.E.  of  Kefr 
Haris.  The  Samaritan  Chronicle  and  all  the 
Jewish  Itineraries  point  to  this  site.  Modern 
Samaritans  believe  Nun,  Joshua,  and  Caleb 
(Neby  Kifl)  to  have  been  buried  here  (Surv.  W. 
PaL  li.  p.  285).  [c.r.c] 

Tim'nite,  The,  Samson's  father-in-law,  a 
native  of  Timnathah  (Judg.15.6).  [Timnah,  i.] 


894 


TIMOU" 


Ti'mon,  the  fifth  of  the  Seven,  commonly 
called  "deacons"  {Ac.6.i-6).  He  was  probably 
a  Hellenist.  Nothing  further  is  known  of  him 
with  certainty.     [Deacon.] 

Timo'theus. — 1.  An  Ammonite  leader  re- 
peatedly defeated  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  i66 
and  164  B.C.  {I  Mac.5.6,ii, 34-44  ;  sMacS.so, 
9.3),  and  finally  killed  at  the  capture  of  Gazara 
by  Judas  (2l\Iac.lO. 24-37). — 2.  The  Gk.  name 
of  Timothy  (Ac.l6.i,17.i4,  etc.).  [c.d.] 

Timothy.  Timothy,  one  of  the  younger 
companions  of  St.  Paul,  was  probably  a  native 
of  Lystra  in  Lycaonia  (Ac.l6.i).  He  was  the 
offspring  of  a  mixed  marriage.  His  father 
(whose  name  is  unknown)  was  a  Greek  ;  his 
mother  (named  Eunice,  aTim.l.s)  was  a 
Jewess  (Ac.  I.e.).  The  absence  of  any  per- 
sonal allusion  to  the  father  of  Timothy  in  the 
Acts  or  epistles  makes  it  probable  that  he 
died  during  Timothy's  infancy.  Thus  upon 
Eunice,  his  mother,  and  Lois,  his  grandmother, 
devolved  the  care  of  the  boy's  education.  He 
was  trained  by  them  in  the  O.T.  Scriptures 
(2Tim.l.5,3.r4),  but  reached  manhood  without 
being  circumcised  (Ac.16.3).  Timothy's  in- 
timate association  with  St.  Paul  began  during 
the  second  missionary  journey.  SS.  Paul  and 
Silas  found  Timothy  already  a  member  of  the 
church  at  Lystra  (16. i).  His  high  character 
recommended  him  as  one  likely  to  be  of  value 
in  missionary  work  ;  and  by  the  laying  on  of 
hands  he  received  the  office  of  an  evangelist 
(iTim.4.14  ;  2Tim.l.6).  He  was  also  circum- 
cised by  St.  Paul,  in  order  to  allay  the  sus- 
ceptibilities of  the  Jews.  He  accompanied 
SS.  Paul  and  Silas  to  Europe  ;  and  at  Philippi 
(Ac.l6.12)  and  Thessalonica  (iTh.1,2)  he 
proved  his  energy.  His  relations  with  PhiUppi 
were  exceptionally  close  (Ph.2.20-22).  He 
thence  passed  to  Beroea  (Ac.i7.14),  and  re- 
joined St.  Paul  at  Athens.  After  another  visit 
to  Thessalonica,  he  returned  to  St.  Paul,  who 
had  meanwhile  gone  to  Corinth  (18. 5).  At 
Corinth  he  shared  St.  Paul's  work  ;  and  was 
associated  with  him  in  both  epp.  to  the 
Thessalonians  (iTh.l.i  ;  2Th.l.i).  We  next 
meet  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  immediately  before 
the  third  missionary  journey  (Ac. 19. 22).  He 
was  sent  by  St.  Paul  on  a  mission  through 
Macedonia  to  Corinth  (iCor.4.17),  and  re- 
turned to  Ephesus.  He  next  accompanied 
St.  Paul  to  Corinth  (see  K0.I6.21,  written  from 
Corinth),  and  returned  with  him  to  Asia  (Ac. 
20.3-6).  Though  not  named  by  St.  Luke  as  a 
companion  of  Paul  on  his  voyage  to  Rome,  yet 
he  certainly  was  at  Rome  during  St.  Paul's 
imprisonment  (Col.l.i  ;  Ph.l.i).  After  the 
apostle's  release,  Timothy  visited  Ephesus 
once  more  (iTim.l.3).  He  there  represented  j 
St.  Paul,  who  hoped  to  come  to  Ephesus  ! 
shortly  ;  and  his  task  was  to  check  false 
teaching,  and  to  enforce  discipline  throughout 
the  Ephesian  church.  St.  Paul  wrote  iTim. 
to  encourage  his  friend,  and  to  give  him  guid- 
ance on  certain  points.  Ho  had  fears  for  the 
youth  and  inexiHTiencc  ot  Timothy  ;  and, 
after  his  second  arrest,  sent  from  Rome 
another  letter  (2TiMi.),  urging  Timothy  to 
come  to  him.  Timothy  was  perhaps  himself 
arrested  when  visiting  Rome  in  response  to 
this  appeal  ;  his  liberation  is  recorded  in  Heb. 
13.23.     Tradition  regarded  Timothy  as  bishop 


TIMOTHY  AND  TITUS,  EPP.  TO 

of  Ephesus.  He  was  held  to  have  suffered 
martyrdom  there  towards  the  end  of  ist  cent. 
A.D.,  in  making  a  protest  against  the  licentious- 
ness of  a  local  festival.  His  character  is 
known  to  us  chiefly  from  iTim.  and  2Tim. 
His  youth  and  timidity,  his  affectionate  nature 
and  delicate  constitution,  are  mentioned  in 
several  passages  of  these  epistles — e.g.  iTim.4. 
12,5.23  ;  2Tim.l.4,8,2.22.  St.  Paul  also  ex- 
presses anxiety  as  to  Timothy's  capacity  to 
meet  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  at  Ephe- 
sus ;  but  shows  his  great  esteem  and  regard 
for  him  in  various  descriptive  phrases  ;  thus 
he  calls  him  his  "  genuine  "  or  his  "  loved  " 
son  (iTim.1.2  ;  2Tim.l.2)  and  his  "  fellow- 
worker  "  (R0.I6.21)  ;  while  Timothy's  re- 
ligious zeal  is  commemorated  when  he  is 
described  (Ph.l.i)  as  the  "  slave  of  Jesus 
Christ."  W.  Lock  in  Hastings,  D.B.  iv.  767  ; 
J.  Moffatt  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  5074.     [j.a.n.] 

Timothy  and  Titus,  Epistles  to.   Date 
AND  Authorship.    The  external  evidence  for  the 
Pauline  authorship  of  the  epp.  to  Timothy,  and 
of  the  ep.  to  Titus  which  is  inseparable  from 
them,  is  very  strong.  It  includes  the  witness  of 
apostolic    Fathers    and    Gk.   apologists   and 
early  heretics  (e.g.  Polycarp  and  Justin  Martyr 
and  Marcion.  1 12-146  a.d.)  ;    of  ancient  ver- 
sions {e.g.  the  Peshitt.i-Syriac  and  the  Old  Latin , 
130,  150  A.D.)  ;    of  the  Galilean,  Alexandrian, 
African,  and  Roman  Churches  (e.g.  Irenaeus, 
Clement,    Tertullian,    Muratorian    Fragment, 
180-220  A.D.)  ;    of  the  historian  Eusebius  (300 
A.D.)  ;    and  of  the  Councils,  being  included  in 
the  Canon  of  the  N.T.  by  the  third  Council  of 
Carthage  (390  a.d.). — Their  Date  in  St.  Paul's 
Life,     (i)  There  is  no  time  possible  before  the 
end  of  the  Acts,     (a)  iTiniothy  could  not  have 
been    written   on   some    visit   to    Macedonia 
during  the  three  years'  stay  at  Ephesus.     To 
such  an  absence  we  should  have  to  add  the 
stay  in  Crete  with   Titus  and  the  winter  at 
Nicopolis  (Tit. 1.5).      And  then  St.  Paul  can- 
not have  been  long  enough  at  Ephesus  for  his 
"reasoning  daily  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus," 
which    "continued    two    years"    (.Ac. 19.9,10), 
nor  yet  for  his  own  words  "by  the  space  of 
three  years"  (2O.31).    Nor  could  it  have  been 
written  when  he  did  go  to  Macedonia  (20. i) 
and  "gave  much  exhortation"  there  (20.2),  for 
he  was  not  expecting  then  to  return  to  I{i)iiosus 
(iTiui.3. 14).     (b)  7"/<»s  was  not  written  before 
St.   Paul's  arrival  at  Ejihesus,  since  Apollos, 
who  was  unknown  to  him  before  this,  is  referred 
to  (Tit. 3. 13) ;  nor  during  the  stay  at  Ephesus, 
for  the  reason  given  above  ;   nor  on  the  voyage 
as  prisoner  to   Rome,   because  tlieii  St.   I'aul 
could  not  be  expecting  to  winter  at  Nicopolis 
in  Epirus  or  Macedonia  (3. 12).     (c)  zTimoihy 
supposes  St.  Paul  at  Rome  expecting  death. 
But  this  cannot  have  been  at  the  time  of  Ac. 
28,  because  tlien  the  words  "  Trophinuis  I  left 
at  Miletus  sick  "  (2Tini.4..;o)  must  refer  to  the 
visit  to  Miletus  of  Ac.20.4,17  ;   but  Tr(i])liimus 
was  not  left  there  then,  but  was  witli  St.  Paul 
when  taken  prisoner  at  Jerusalem.    (2)  There  is 
a  time  possible  after  the  end  of  the  Acts.     For 
(a)  the  re!)ort  of  Fcstus  (25.25)  ean  only  have 
been   fa\'ourabl<',   and  not  suc.li  as  to  lead  to 
death,     (b)  St.  Paul  was  expecting  release  when 
he  wTote,  "  I'ind  me  a  lodging"  (Ph. 22),  i.e.  at 
Colossae  ;  "  I  know  I  shall  abide  .  .  .  with  you  " 


TIMOTHY  AND  TlTTJS,  EPP.  TO  TIMOTHY  AND  TITUS,  EPP.  TO    895 


(Ph. 1.25).  (c)  If  St.  Paul's  death  had  occurred 
at  the  end  of  the  two  years,  the  writer  of  Acts 
must  have  named  it,  if  only  in  a  sentence,  {d) 
Tradition  speaks  of  other  journeys  :  "The  de- 
parture of  Paul  for  Spain"  (Mur.  Frag. 220  A. D.); 
"  Having  reached  the  end  of  the  West  "  (Clem. 
Ep.  Cor.,  95  A.D.).  The  objection  raised  from 
St.  Paul's  own  statement,  "  /  know  that  I  shall 
not  see  you  again  at  Ephesus  "  (Ac. 20. 25),  is 
met  by  the  still  stronger  words,  "  /  know  with  a 
sure  conviction  that  I  shall  see  you  again  at 
Philippi  "  (Ph.1.25).  (3)  St.  Paul's  last  years 
may  then  quite  possibly  have  been  spent  some- 
what thus:  62  A.D.  Acquitted  and  released 
at  Rome.  First  journey  eastward,  to  Philippi, 
Colossae,  Ephesus,  Crete.  Laying  the  founda- 
tion for  these  epistles  (see  Ph. 2. 24 ;  Ph. 22  ;  and 
iTim. ;  Tit. ;  2'rim.  passim).  65  a.d.  (spring  to 
autumn).  Second  journey  westward,  from  Crete 
to  Puteoli  and  Rome  to  Spain  and  Massilia 
and  back  to  Rome  (see  Ro.15.28  ;  Clem. 
Cor.  v;  Mur.  Frag.;  2Tim.4.io).  66  a.d. 
(spring).  Third  journey  eastward  and  west- 
ward, to  Crete,  Miletus,  Ephesus,  Troas, 
(where  iTimothy  was  very  possibly  written), 
Philippi,  Corinth  (where  Titus  was  very  pos- 
sibly written),  Nicopolis(see  Tit.3.i2).  66  a.d. 
(autumn).  At  Nicopolis  arrested  and  brought 
to  Rome.  67  a.d.  (spring).  First  part  of  second 
trial ;  2Tiinothy  written.  67  a.d.  (June  29). 
Second  part  of  second  trial,  condemnation, 
and  execution. — Internal  Evidence.  The 
subject-matter  is  the  natural  sequel  to  the 
teaching  of  the  former  groups  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  "  the  gospel  of  the  individual  soul  " 
and  "  the  gospel  of  the  Church."  It  is  on  one 
side  the  inculcation  of  quiet  virtue  and  sober 
godliness  and  good  works  the  ripe  fruit  of  faith  ; 
and  on  the  other  the  provision  for  the  main- 
tenance of  Christ's  faith  and  due  succession 
of  Christ's  ministry  in  His  Church  through 
Timothy  and  Titus  as  St.  Paul's  successors  in 
Ephesus  and  Crete,  and  their  training  of  as- 
sistants. The  language  has  many  new  words 
for  new  business  needs  and  details.  Recent 
light  on  N.T.  Gk.  from  contemporary  litera- 
ture and  archaeology  lessens  materially  the 
difficulty  still  felt  by  many  under  this  head, 
as  to  the  authorship.  Dr.  Nageli,  for  example, 
concludes  that  "  in  the  main  St.  Paul  uses  the 
language  which  inscriptions  and  papyri  prove 
to  have  been  the  language  of  daily  intercourse ' ' ; 
his  doubts  about  the  "  Pastorals  "  may  yet  be 
removed  by  more  inscriptions  and  fresh  papyri. 
— Theme  and  Contents.  The  principle  under- 
lying this  three-part  Manual  of  Pastoral  Care 
is  individual  headship  in  each  district — 
Timothy  at  Ephesus,  Titus  in  Crete — the  prin- 
ciple, as  we  know  it,  of  diocesan  episcopacy. 
And  for  this  headship  character  is  the  absolute 
essential.  And  in  the  brief  passages  dealing 
with  "  priests  "  and  "  deacons  "  it  is  their 
qualifications  for  ordination  by  the  apostolic 
head  that  are  chiefly  named.  The  bishop's 
standpoint  rather  than  the  priest's  or  deacon's  is 
taken,  so  to  speak.  Still,  we  do  get  in  them  the 
chief  sample  method  of  conducting  the  govern- 
ment by  the  apostolic  head,  the  supplying  of 
and  working  with  and  through  a  fit  succession 
of  "  fellow  workers  imto  the  kingdom" — the 
method,  as  we  know  it,  of  diocesan  synods. 
Hence  "  Manual  for  Bishops  "  is  a  more  cor- 


rect synonym  for  "  Pastoral  Epistles  "  than  is 
"  Manual  for  Clergy  " — with  the  very  same 
meaning  that  the  Latin  "  Pastoralis  Regula  " 
or  "  Pastoralis  Cura  "  has  throughout  Gregory 
the  Great's  well-known  treatiseon  the  episcopal 
office. — Contents.  iTimolhy.Ch.i.  Apostolic 
succession.  The  work  is  to  be  continued  after  St. 
Paul's  death  by  a  duly  commissioned  successor, 
Timothy,  his  "  own  son  in  the  faith."  Ch.  2. 
One  Mediator.  Public  worship  is  to  be  under 
the  control  of  the  apostolic  head  and  his 
clergy  ;  all  is  to  be  done  remembering  Christ 
Jesus  the  "One  Mediator."  Ch.  3.  The  assist- 
ant ministry.  Timothy,  as  one  of  the  apostolic 
successors  ("  bishops,"  we  call  them  now),  is  to 
select  "  bishops  "  ("  priests,"  we  call  them 
now,  or  "presbyters")  and  "deacons"  to 
assist  him  ;  their  character  being  very  im- 
portant, to  reflect  the  character  of  the  Church 
and  its  Head  the  Incarnate  Redeemer.  Ch.  4,5. 
How  a  bishop  governs.  By  doctrine  rightly 
held  and  taught,  especially  the  central  truth  of 
the  Incarnate  Redeemer,  "  the  Saviour  of  all 
men."  By  discipline,  rightly  guiding  his 
flock  ;  for  example,  enforcing  proper  systems 
for  almsgiving,  the  work  of  his  clergy,  and 
home  life.  Ch.  6.  A  bishop's  duty.  To  stop 
false  and  covetous  teachers,  live  a  true  life, 
speak  plainly  to  the  rich,  guard  the  Catholic 
faith.  Titus  :Ch.  1-3.  A  bishop's  work.  How 
Titus  should  carry  on  as  bishop  the  apostolic 
office,  by  selecting  duly  qualified  presbyters 
for  "  teaching  the  word,"  and  by  repressing 
unruly  teachers.  To  uphold  not  only  sound 
teaching,  but  also  holy  living  in  public,  social, 
and  private  life.  To  promote  a  ministry  of 
good  will  and  good  works,  through  God's  love 
and  the  Spirit's  power.  •  aTimothy  :  Ch.l.  The 
old  father  in  God  appeals  to  his  successor  by  his 
inheritance  of  personal  faith  and  ministerial 
gifts,  and  by  his  own  suffering  for  Christ.  Ch.  2. 
The  old  bishop  and  overseer  calls  for  work, 
work,  work,  by  three  parables  from  life — the 
"soldier,"  the  "athlete,"  the  "farmer";  and 
by  one  from  death,  "  the  cross  before  the 
crown."  No  keeping  of  pure  doctrine  or  pure 
life  without  hard  work.  Ch.  3.  The  old  pro- 
phetit  teacher  again  appeals  for  pure  life  and 
doctrine,  in  view  of  St.  Paul's  own  past  and  the 
evil  future.  Ch.  4.  The  old  evangelist's  last 
warning  and  encouragement  to  inspire  Timothy 
for  the  "  evangelistic  succession  "  ;  his  last 
word  the  assurance  of  his  Lord's  presence  "  all 
the  days." — Presbyter  and  episcopus  are 
identical  in  N.T.  This  generally  accepted 
view  has  been  recently  denied,  and  it  is  im- 
portant to  re-examine  certain  chief  passages, 
(i)  "The  presbyters  of  Ephesus"  (Ac.2O.17), 
followed  by  "  the  Holy  Ghost  hath  made  you 
bishops  "  (20.28).  Here  "  presbyter  "  is  the 
technical  official  title,  but  "episcopus" 
describes  the  presbyter's  work ;  perhaps  recall- 
ing the  familiar  Gk.  usage  in  Ephesus  for  the 
organization  of  social  clubs.  If  this  speech  (20. 
18-35)  is  supposed  to  be  in  two  parts — to  the 
presbj^ers  down  to  ver.  27,  and  then  to  those  of 
them  only  who  were  bishops — we  must  imagine 
(a)  the  administration  of  alms  to  belong  to  the 
episcopus,  in  opposition  to,  e.g.,  11. 30  ;  (6)  the 
guarding  of  the  faith  against  heresy  as  a  duty 
of  the  episcopus,  not  the  presbyter,  in  opposition 
to,  e.g.,  15.22fl".  ;  (f )  the  summing  up  (20. 32)  as 


896    TIMOTHY  AND  TITUS,  EPP.  TO 

addressed  to  the  episcopal  portion  of  the 
hearers  only,  witli  no  farewell  to  the  presby- 
ters. (2)  "  Ordain  presbyters  in  every  city," 
followed  by  "  a  bishop  must  be  blameless  " 
(Tit. 1.5-7).  Here  again  the  presbyter's  ofhce 
is  described  by  the  title  episcopus.  Against 
this,  it  is  argued,  presbyters  are  in  the  plur., 
episcopus  niarkedly  in  the  sing,  and  with  the 
definite  article.  But  immediately  after  "  pres- 
byters "  we  have  the  singular  (ver.  6),  "  if  any 
bo  blameless."  And  then  (ver.  7),  when  the  title 
episcopus  is  used,  the  reason  is  given  for  this 
requirement  of  blamelessness  "  as  the  steward 
of  God."  (3)  Those  who  have  offered  the  gifts 
of  the  bishop's  office,  followed  by  "blessed  are 
those  presbyters  "  (Clem.  iCor.  c.  44).  That 
"bishops"  are  "presbyters"  hereis  shown:  (a) 
By  the  previous  sentence,  where  the  apostles  are 
said  to  have  appointed  bishops  and  deacons ; 
for  Clemens  could  not  have  omitted  the  pres- 
byters, when  his  one  object  was  to  defend  their 
authority,  which  had  been  assailed,  (b)  By  the 
following  sentence,  which  (wrongly  interpreted) 
has  been  said  to  show  that  presbyters  appointed 
and  deposed  bishops ;  but  this  is  from  the  wrong 
identification  of  "  other  approved  men  "  with 
"othermenof  repute"  just  above;  while  theGk. 
(^^Tepos,  the  word  used  for  "  others  of  the  same 
class")  clearly  shows  that  the  first  "  other" 
refers  to  the  presbyter  class,  but  the  second  to 
the  apostolic  class.  It  is  "  other  apostolic  men 
of  repute  "  who  appointed  "  other  approved 
presbyters,"  after  receiving  the  "  injunction  " 
from  the  apostles.  And  our  Pastoral  Epistles 
give  us  just  a  sample  of  this  injunction.  As 
to  two  words  for  one  thing,  a  jiarallel  is  seen 
in  "  Saul  who  is  also  Paul,"  where  "  Saul "  was 
Jewish,  "  Paul  "  was  (ientile.  For  the  term 
"  presbyter  "  was  essentially  Jewish,  the  term 
"  episcopus  "  essentially  Gk.  Both  were  in  use 
in  LXX.  for  official  dignity  and  position.  But 
we  find  "  presbyter  "  was  definitely  used  of 
office  in  Jewish  synagogue  or  Sanhedrin,  and 
"  episcopus  "  definitely  of  office  in  Gk.  social 
club  life.  Hence  the  use  of  the  two  words, 
interchangeably,  for  the  officer  of  the  church 
generally  in  evidence  and  resident,  where 
Jewisli  and  Gk.  life  was  intermingled.  Hence 
also  the  greater  prominence  given  in  the  Acts  to 
"presbyter,"  when  Jewish  surroundings  were 
prominent,  and  to  "  episcopus  "  in  the  Pauline 
epistles,  as  the  Gk.  surroundings  eclipsed  the 
Jewish.  Hence,  therefore,  of  the  two  names, 
the  one  transferred  to  the  higher  office,  hitherto 
filled  by  an  "apostle"or"prophet  "or  "angel," 
was  the  one  connected  with  the  dominating 
Gk.  and  (ientile  life,  episcopus.  Cf.  (112  a.d.), 
"  I  am  devoted  to  those  who  are  subject  to 
the  bishop,  the  presbyters,  and  the  deacons" 
(Ign.  Ad  Polyc.  vi.  i ).  [Bishop;  Church.] 
For  a  summary  of  contending  views  on  the 
epistles,  see  Schmiedel,  "Ministry,"  Encyc. 
Bibl.  Of  the  best  German  comni.,  Holtzmann 
rejects,  Weiss  accepts,  the  Pauline  authorship. 
Recent  English  comm.  are  Humphreys,  Epp. 
to  Tim.  and  Tit.  ;  Bernard,  Pastoral  Epistles. 
Among  the  latest  writers,  Prof.  Clenien,  Paulus 
sein  Leben  und  Wirken  (1904),  accepts  some 
fragments  only  as  Pauline,  because  of  the 
subject-matter;  Dr.  Resch,  Der  Paulinismus 
und  die  Logia  (1004),  defends  the  whole  as 
Pauline;   Dr.  Niigeli,  Der  Wortschatz  des   Ap. 


TIRE 

P.  (1905),    has  doubts,  because   of   the   lan- 
guage. [A.Ii.U.] 

Tin  was  one  of  the  metals  found  among 
the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  (Num. 31. 22).  It 
was  known  in  the  form  of  an  alloy  to  Heb. 
metal-workers  (Is.l.25  ;  Ezk.22.i8,2o).  The 
markets  of  Tyre  were  supplied  with  it  by  the 
ships  of  Tarshish  (27.12).  It  was  used  for 
plummets  (Zech.4.io),  and  was  so  plentiful  as 
to  furnish  a  figure  to  express  the  wealth  of 
Solomon  (Ecclus.47.i8).  In  the  times  described 
by  Homer  the  Greeks  were  familiar  with  it. 
Twenty  layers  of  tin  were  in  Agamemnon's 
cuirass.  Copper,  tin,  and  gold  were  used  by 
Hephaestus  in  welding  the  famous  shield  of 
Achilles.  The  melting  of  tin  in  a  smelting-pot 
is  mentioned  by  Hesiod  (Theog.  862).  Bronze, 
an  alloy  of  Copper  containing  about  10  per 
cent,  of  tin,  was  used  in  Egypt  under  the 
12th  dynasty,  or  at  least  2,500  years  B.C., 
and  over  8  per  cent,  of  this  metal  is  present 
in  a  3rd-dynasty  ring.  Tin  was  known  very 
early  to  the  Akkadians  and  the  Canaanites. 
[Lachish.]  In  Crete  bronze  has  been  found 
in  the  older  or  pre-Mykenian  palace  ruins, 
and  it  must  have  been  widely  known  some 
centuries  before  the  Exodus.  Tin  is  not 
found  in  Palestine.  Whence,  then,  did  the 
ancient  Hebrews  obtain  their  supply  ?  "  Only 
three  countries  are  known  to  contain  any  con- 
siderable quantity  of  it  :  Spain  and  Portugal, 
Cornwall  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  Devonshire, 
and  the  islands  of  Junk,  Ceylon,  and  Banca,  in 
the  straits  of  Malacca"  (Kenrick,  Phoenicia, 
p.  212).  Spain  may  have  been  a  chief  source 
of  supply,  but  by  5th  cent.  n.c.  (Herodotus, 
iii.  115)  the  metal  was  also  obtained  from  the 
Cassiterides,  or  tin  districts  of  Britain.  Pliny 
(vi.  36)  identifies  the  cassiteros  of  the  Greeks 
with  the  plumbum  album  or  candidum  of  the 
Romans,  which  is  our  tin.  Stannum,  he  says, 
is  obtained  from  an  ore  containing  lead  and 
silver,  and  is  the  first  to  become  melted  in  the 
furnace.  It  is  the  same  which  the  tiermans 
call  Werk,  and  is  apparently  the  meaning  of 
the  Hcb.  b'dhil  in  Is.l.25. 

Tiphsah'  (crossing). — 1.  A  city  on  the 
Euphrates  (iK.4.24),  tlie  limit  of  Solomon's 
dominions.  It  is  mentioned  by  Xenophoh, 
Arrian,  and  Strabo,  as  Thapsacus,  and  lay  N. 
of  Rezkph. — 2.  .A.  town  smitten  by  Meuahem 
(2K. 15.16),  at  a  time  when  he  could  not  have 
reached  Thapsacus,  while  all  Syria  was  held 
by  the  Assyrians.  It  is  evidently  the  present 
Tafsah,  which  preserves  the  final  guttural — a 
ruined  village  6  miles  S.W.  of  Shechem,  where 
the  road  "  crosses  "  a  great  valley.  This  place 
Meuahem  would  easily  reach  from  Tirzah 
(Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  jip-  169.  198)-  Ic.R.c] 

Tinas',  the  youngest  son  of  Japhet  (Gen. 
10.2).  We  have  no  clue  in  the  Bible  to  identi- 
fication with  any  particular  people.  Josephus 
(I  .-Int.  vi.  i)  and  the  Targums  miderstand  the 
Thracians,  which  is  etymologically  improb- 
able. The  known  tribes  of  the  list  belong  to 
Asia  Minor  and  .Arincuia.  [c.r.c] 

Tipathites',  The,  one  of  the  three 
families  of  scribes  residing  at  Jabez  (iChr.2. 
55),  the  others  being  the  Shiineathites  and 
Suchathites.     The  passage  is  obscure. 

Tli»e,    an    ornamental    headdress   worn  on 
!  festiveoccasious(l':zk.24.i7,23)-  [HEAnoRiiSS.] 


TIRHAKAH 

Tiphakah'  (Egyptn.  Taharka,  Qdpa, 
edpaKa;  2K.I9.9;  Is.37.9),  king  of  Ethiopia. 
He  is  spoken  of  as  threatening  the  Assyrians, 
who  besieged  J  erusalem.  He  was  not  yet  ruler 
over  Egypt,  but  had  probably  been  called  to 
the  rescue  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  Shabataka,  who 
had  been  routed  himself  by  the  Assyrians.  It 
did  not  come  then  to  a  war  with  Sennacherib, 
but  Tirhakah  broke  with  his  ally,  invaded 
Egypt,  and  conquered  it.  He  was  a  great 
builder ;  his  monuments  are  found  from 
Jebel  Barkal,  in  Upper  Nubia,  as  far  as  to 
Tanis  in  the  Delta.     He  is  always  represented 


TITHE 


897 


CARTOUCHE  OF  TAHRQ  (TIRHAKAHj. 

with  the  typical  face  of  an  Egyptian  king,  and 
he  seems  to  imitate  the  style  of  the  nth 
dynasty ;  nevertheless  it  is  almost  certain 
that  he  was  a  negro.  A  stele  erected  by  his 
successful  enemy,  Esar-haddon,  shows  him 
as  of  the  negro  type,  and  we  have  no  reason  to 
doubt  this  testimony.  About  670  b.c.  Tirha- 
kah joined  a  coalition  against  Esar-haddon, 
king  of  Assyria,  but  was  defeated  ;  the  king 
of  Assyria  invaded  Egypt  and  took  and 
plundered  Thebes.  Afterwards,  Esar-haddon 
having  been  succeeded  by  his  son  Assur-bani- 
pal,  Tirhakah  marched  against  Egypt  and 
conquered  the  whole  country  a  second  time. 
But  he  could  not  resist  Assur-bani-pal,  who 
reconquered  Egypt.  Thebes  was  again  plun- 
dered. Tirhakah  fled  to  Ethiopia,  where  he 
died.  [E.N.] 

Tiphanah',  son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  by 
his  concubine  Maachah  (iChr.2.48). 
Tipia',  son  of  Jehaleleel  (iChr.4.i6). 
Tipshatha',  The  (Ezr.2.63;  Ne.7.65,70,8. 
9,10.1),  properly  "the  prefect,  procurator," 
Pers.  title  given  to  Nehemiah  when  on  his 
mission  to  Jerusalem.  His  Babylonian  title, 
adopted  in  Heb.,  is  p''hd,  Assyr.  pahdtu  (for 
the  fuller  and  older  hel  pahdti),  "  procurator," 
"governor";  and  this  (Ne.5.14)  shows  the 
meaning  of  "the  tirshdthd"  ;  tirshdthd  (pro- 
perly ti-shdthni,  from  ti,  contracted  for  Akhaem. 
Pers.  ati,  Skt.  ait,  "  over  "  ;  cf.  Skt.  ati-mdnnsha, 
"  superhuman,"  and  Avest.  shoithra  [later  form 
of  Akhaem.  khshaihm,  Skt.  kshairam],  "  dis- 
trict," Mod.  Pers.  shahr,  "  city  "  :  ti,  for  ati,  is 
used  in  Armenian;  e.g.mti-kin,  "over -woman," 
"queen,"  "  lady  ";  ti-ezerk'h,  "over-limits," 
"  world,"  etc.)  has  puzzled  all  ancient  transla- 
tors; hence  LXX.  and  Vulg.  merely  transliterate 
('Adapcradd,  'Adepaadd  'AcrepcraOd,  Athersatha), 
and  Peshitta  Syr.  renders  "chief  of  the  priests" ! ! 
With  ti-shdthrd  cf.  ti-phtdye  (Aram.  def.  plur.), 
ti-pati,  "over-lord,"  Dan.3.2,3.  The  derivation 
from  Avest.  tarshta  (  \/tares,  or  teres,  "  to  be 
afraid,"  Skt.  Vtras)  is  hopeless,  because  the 
word  would  then  mean  "  the  terrified,"  Mod. 
Pers.  tarsideh.  For  transposition  of  the  r, 
cf.  Ellasar  (Gen.l4.i),  for  al  Larsa,  "  city  of 
Larsa,"  and  Tirhakah  (Heb.  tirhdqd),  for  Aeg. 
Taherqa,   Assyr.    Tarqu.  [w.st.c.t.] 

I  Tirxaiy'  (delight). — l.The  youngest  daughter 
of  Zelophehad  (Num.26. 33,  etc.),  in  Gilead. — 
2.  A  royal  Canaauite  city  (Jos.i2.24),  where 


Jeroboam  I.  lived  (iK. 14.17),  and  Baasha  of 
Israel  ruled  (15.21,33)  and  was  buried  (16.6). 
Elah  was  here  slain  (vv.  8,9),  and  Omri  here 
besieged  Zimri  (vv.  15,18),  who  perished  in  the 
flames  of  his  palace.  Omri  reigned  in  Tirzah 
6  years,  before  he  transferred  the  capital  to 
Samaria  (vv.  23,24).  Thence  Menahem  attacked 
TiPHSAH  (2K. 15. 14, 16).  Solomon's  bride  (Can. 
6.4)  is  likened  to  this  ancient  capital  in  the 
words,  "  Thou  art  beautiful,  O  my  love,  as 
Tirzah,  comely  as  Jerusalem,  terrible  to  look 
on."  There  is  no  indication  of  the  situation  of 
the  town,  which  must,  however,  have  been  in 
Samaria.  The  most  probable  site  is  Teidstr,  a 
village  II  miles  N.E.  of  Shechem,  at  the  junc- 
tion of  two  Roman  roads  leading  to  Beisan.  The 
name  has  the  required  radical  letters,  though 
inverted — as  in  some  other  cases.  Brocardus, 
in  1283,  placed  Thirsa  about  10  miles  E.  of 
Samaria,  from  which  Teiasir  is  12  miles  E.N.E. 
The  village  is  small,  but  ancient  tombs  are  nu- 
merous, and  the  lands  round  are  fertile.  A 
fine  monument  on  S.  appears  to  be  a  tomb  of 
perhaps  2nd  cent.  a.d.  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  ii.  pp. 
228,   245).     See   Zereda.  [c.r.c] 

Tishbite,  The,  the  designation  of 
Elijah  (iK. 17. 1,21. 17,28;  2K. 1.3,8,9.36).  The 
name  naturally  points  to  a  place  called 
Tishbeh,  or  Tesheb,  as  the  residence  of  the 
prophet.  If  a  town  is  alluded  to,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  infer  that  it  was  in  Gilead,  though 
the  prophet  came  thence  (cf.  Thisbe  in 
Naphtali,  Tob.l.2).  But  hattishhi  has  not 
always  been  read  as  a  proper  name.  It  was 
pointed  by  Michaelis  so  as  to  make  it  mean 
"  the  stranger." 

Tithe,  (i)  Animals.  Jacob  vowed  at 
Bethel  to  give  a  tithe  of  "  all  that  Thou  shalt 
give  me  "  to  God  if  He  brought  him  back  in 
peace  (Gen.28.22).  As  his  wealth  was  pastoral, 
the  custom  of  tithing  animals  must  have  been 
pre-Mosaic.  The  law  provides  that  the  tithe 
of  herd  or  flock  "  shall  be  holy,"  and  shall  not 
be  exchanged  (Lev.27.32,33).  A  "holy"  ani- 
mal was  withdrawn  from  ordinary  use  and 
sacrificed.  There  is  no  command  to  bring  tithe 
animals  to  the  temple.  Later  the  law  was  in- 
terpreted otherwise,  and  the  animals  seem  to 
have  been  brought  to  Jerusalem  and  applied  to 
the  support  of  the  priests  (2Chr.31.6).  (2)  Vege- 
tables. It  is  provided  that  a  tithe  of  seed  and 
fruit  shall  be  holy.  If  redeemed,  Jth  was  added 
to  it.  In  2  years  out  of  3  it  was  to  be  taken  to 
the  temple  and  consumed  there  at  a  sacrificial 
feast  by  the  peasant  and  his  family  and  de- 
pendants. In  the  third  year  (i.e.  allowing  for 
the  sabbath  year  2  years  out  of  7)  it  was  to  be 
given  to  "  the  Levite,  the  stranger,  the  father- 
less and  the  widow,"  a  declaration  being  made 
by  the  peasant  of  the  fulfilment  of  his  duty,  con- 
cluding with  a  prayer  (Lev.27. 30,31;  Deut.l4. 
22-29,26.12-15).  In  Num.l8.2i-24  (addressed 
to  Aaron)  we  read  "  to  the  children  of  Levi 
behold  I  have  given  all  the  tithe  in  Israel  .  .  . 
the  tithe  of  the  children  of  Israel  which  they 
heave  [offer,  set  apart]  to  God  as  a  heave-offer- 
ing [offering,  contribution]  I  have  given  to  the 
Levites,"  and  in  25-32  it  is  provided  that  the 
Levites  shall  give  a  tithe  of  their  tithe  to  the 
priests;  c/.Ne.l0.38f.[37f.]-  It  has  been  thought 
that  this  tithe  in  Num.  is  a  different  tithe  to 
that  enjoined  in  Dent. ;  but  the  passage  only 

57 


898 


TITLE  ON  THE  CROSS 


deals  with  the  iuteraal  arrangements  of  the 
priestly  tribe,  and  probably  refers  only  to  the 
tithe  contributed  in  the  third  year.  In  that 
case  the  expression  "  all  the  tithe  in  Israel  "  is 
used  not  to  denote  that  no  portion  went  to 
strangers,  etc.,  but  rather  to  show  that  the  whole 
of  what  was  set  aside  to  priestly  uses  (the  tithe 
.  .  .  which  they  heave)  went  in  the  first  instance 
to  the  Levites,  exclusive  of  the  priests.  Later 
the  law  was  thought  to  require  three  tithes : 
one  for  the  feast,  one  for  the  Levites,  and,  in  the 
third  year,  one  for  the  Poor  (Tob.1.6-8;  Jose- 
phus,  4  ^«/.  viii.  22).  (3)  Secular.  Abram  gave 
a  tithe  of  his  spoil  to  Melchizedek  (Gen.l4.2o) 
and  Samuel  foretold  that  the  king  would  take  a 
tithe  of  the  vegetables  and  animals  (iSam.8. 
15,17)  as  a  secular  tax.  Other  views  in  Driver, 
Dent.  168-173 ;  VanHoonacker.Sac^^-i.  levitique, 
384-401  ;  Hamburger,  Realency.  fur  Bib.  and 
Talm.,  2nd  ed.  i.  1071-1072.  Parallels  in  Lans- 
dell.  Sacred  Tenth,  i.  11-38.  [h.m.w.] 

Title  on  the  Cposs.     [Cross.] 
Titles  of  Psalms.     [Psalms,  Titles  of.] 
Tittle.     [Writing.] 

Titus,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul,  always 
mentioned  by  the  apostle  with  great  affection. 
His  name  never  appears  in  the  Acts,  and  only 
rarely  in  the  epistles  (Gal.,  2Cor.,  and  2Tim., 
besides  that  to  Titus  himself).  His  birthplace 
is  uncertain,  perhaps  in  Crete.  He  was  a 
Gentile  (Gal. 2. 3)  ;  and  was  at  Antioch  when 
the  dispute  arose  as  to  the  bearing  of  the 
Mosaic  law  (and  especially  circumcision)  upon 
Gentile  Christians.  St.  Paul  took  him  to 
Jerusalem,  and  successfully  opposed  an  at- 
tempt to  have  Titus  circumcised  (2.5).  Titus 
next  appears  in  connexion  with  the  events  re- 
corded in  I  and  2Cor.  He  paid  two  visits  to 
Corinth — the  first,  in  the  year  before  2 Cor. 
'was  written,  with  a  view  to  organize  a  collec- 
tion for  the  saints  (2Cor.8.6)  ;  on  the  second 
occasion  he  came  to  Corinth  from  Ephesus,  and 
rejoined  St.  Paul  in  Macedonia,  bringing  news 
of  the  loyalty  of  the  Corinthian  converts.  On 
hearing  this,  St.  Paul  wrote  2 Cor.  ;  and  Titus 
was  sent  again  to  Corinth  to  complete  his 
collection  (see  2Cor.2,7).  From  the  ep.  to 
Titus  we  learn  that  St.  Paul,  after  his  release 
from  prison  in  Rome,  travelled  with  Titus  in 
the  East,  and  preached  the  Gospel  in  Crete. 
There  he  left  Titus  to  appoint  presbyters,  to 
teach  sound  doctrine,  and  to  exercise  authority 
generally  (Tit. 1.5,11, 13).  Titus  is  also  re- 
quested (3.12)  to  leave  Crete  later,  and  to  join 
St.  Paul  at  Nicopolis.  Probably  the  mission 
to  Dalmatia  (2Tim.4.io)  was  from  Nicopolis. 
Titus  appears  to  have  been  older  than 
Timothy,  and  also  stronger  in  character  (see 
iCor.16.io*;  2Cor.7.i5).  St.  Paul  speaks  of 
him  in  warm  terms  :  as  his  "  brother  "  (2  Cor. 
2.13),  his  "  partner  and  helper  "  (8.23),  his 
"  genuine  son  "  (Tit.l.4,  whence  it  has  been 
inferred  that  he  was  converted  by  St.  Paul 
himself).  According  to  tradition,  Titus  be- 
came Bp.  of  Crete,  and  lived  there  till  an 
advanced  age.  Lock  in  Hastings,  D.D.  iv.  782  ; 
J.  Moffatt  in  Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  5105.     [j.a.n.] 

Titus,  Epistle  to.  As  this  epistle  in- 
volves the  same  subjects  for  discussion  as 
Timothy,  Epp.  to,  it  is  more  conveniently  dis- 
cussed tnuler  that  head. 

Titus  Manlius.     [Manlius.] 


TOBIT 

Ti'zite,  Tlie,  the  designation  of  Joha,  one 
of  the  heroes  of  David's  army  (1Chr.ll.45).  It 
occurs  nowhere  else,  and  nothing  is  known  of 
the  place  or  family  which  it  denotes. 

To'ah  (iChr.6.34;  cf.  26)  =  Nahath,  2. 
Tob,  Land  of  (Judg.ll.3,5),  a  region 
in  or  near  Gilead.  The  Ish-tob,  or  "  men  of 
Tob"  (2Sam. 10.6,8),  who  fought  against  David 
in  Gilead,  may  have  come  thence.  It  appears 
to  be  the  Tobie  of  iMac.5.13,  in  Gilead  ;  and 
the  Jews  called  Tubieni  (2Mac.i2.17)  were  in- 
habitants, probably,  of  Tob.  The  word  means 
"  good,"  and  in  Arab,  would  be  Taiyibeh.  The 
most  likely  site  is  the  district  in  N.  Gilead  in 
which  the  village  Taiyibeh  now  stands,  9  miles 
S.  of  Gadara.  It  is  a  large  place,  and  was  till 
recently  the  chief  town  of  a  district.  A  number 
of  dolmens  are  found  scattered  over  a  distance 
of  2  miles  to  W.  (Schumacher,  Northern  'Ajlun, 
pp.  123,  131-134).  [c.R.c] 

Tob-adonijah',  one  of  the  Levites  sent 
by  Jehoshaphat  through  the  cities  of  Judah  to 
teach  the  law  to  the  people  (2Chr.l7.8). 

Tobiah'. — 1.  "  The  children  of  Tobiah  " 
returned  with  Zerubbabel,  but  were  unable  to 
prove  their  pedigree  (Ezr.2.6o  ;  Ne.7.62). — 2. 
"  Tobiah  the  slave,  the  Ammonite,"  took  part 
in  the  opposition  made  by  Sanballat  and  others 
to  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  (Ne. 4.3, 7,13. 4, 
8).  Though  a  slave  (2.10,19),  unless  this  is  a 
title  of  opprobrium,  and  an  Ammonite,  he 
allied  himself  with  a  priestly  family,  and  his 
son  Johanan  married  the  daughter  of  Meshul- 
1am  the  son  of  Berechiah  (6.18).  He  himself 
was  the  son-in-law  of  Shechaniah  the  son  of 
Arah  (6.18),  and  these  family  relations  created 
for  him  a  strong  faction  among  the  Jews. 
Ewald  conjectures  that  Tobiah  had  been  a 
page  ("  slave ")  at  the  Persian  court,  and, 
being  in  favour  there,  had  been  promoted  to  be 
satrap  of  the  Ammonites. 

Tobi'as,theGk.  form  of  Tobiah,  orToBijAii. 
— 1.  Tobit's  son,  holding  nearly  as  prominent  a 
position  as  his  father  in  the  book  of  Tobit.— 2. 
The  father  (seemingly  grandfather  in  Josephus) 
of  HyTcanus,  a  man  of  high  standing,  who  had 
deposited  some  of  his  wealth  in  the  temple,  a 
trust  which  Oiiias  III.  refused  to  betray  to 
Heliodorus  (c.  175  B.C.),  2Mac.3.io-i3.  In 
the  high-priestly  schism  which  happened  after- 
wards, "  the  sons  of  Tobias  "  took  a  con- 
spicuous part  (Josephus,  12  Ant.  v.  i). 
Tobie.     [ToB.] 

Tobiel',  the  father  of  Tobit  (Tob.l.i). 
Tobijah'. — 1.  A  Levite  sent  by  Jeho- 
shaphat to  teach  the  law  in  the  cities  of  Judah 
(2Chr.l7.8). — 2.  One  of  a  deputation  that 
came  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  with  contri- 
butions of  gold  and  silver,  from  which  crowns 
were  to  be  made  for  the  high-priest  Joshua, 
the  crowns  being  preserved  in  the  temple  as  a 
memorial  to  Tobijah  and  his  companions 
(Zech. 6.10-14).  [H.C.B.] 

To'blt,  son  of  Tobiel,  husband  of  Anna,  father 
of  Tobias,  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali.  Before 
being  exiled  to  Nineveh,  where  he  attained  an 
office  at  court, he  (alone  of  his  family)  attended 
the  sacrifices  at  Jerusalem.  At  Nineveh  he 
keeps  the  law,  and  buries  the  dead  (at  personal 
risk  and  loss)  until  protected  by  Achiacharus, 
his  nephew,  a  high  oflicial.  Being  unclean 
through  burying,  lie  sleeps  out  of  doors,  and 


^fOSlT,  BOOK  OI' 

his  sight  is  ruined  by  birds.  A  sUght  dispute 
with  Anna  leads  him  to  pray  in  grief.  He 
directs  Tobias  to  fetch,  from  Gabael  at  Rages 
in  Media,  lo  talents  which  he  had  entrusted  to 
him  on  a  former  journey.  He  gives  Tobias 
much  good  advice,  and  tells  him  to  hire  a 
companion,  Azarias,  who  satisfies  him  as  to 
his  suitability.  Anna  fears  for  her  son,  but 
Tobit  reassures  her.  Unaware  of  the  delay 
caused  by  Tobias'  marriage  to  Sara,  daughter 
of  Raguel,  at  Ecbatane,  Tobit  thinks  the  time 
long,  and  Anna  fears  the  worst  ;  but  Tobias 
returns  with  wife  and  money,  to  their  great 
content,  and  heals  his  father's  eyes  with  the 
gall  of  a  fish  caught  in  the  Tigris.  When  it 
was  proposed  to  pay  Azarias,  he  declared  him- 
self, to  the  amazement  of  father  and  son,  to  be 
the  angel  Raphael.  Tobit  utters  a  panegyric, 
with  prophetic  passages,  chiefly  addressed  to 
Israel  and  Jerusalem.  He  lives  in  piety  to  a 
great  age,  and  before  his  death  gives  a  prophetic 
address  to  Tobias,  advising  himto  quit  Nineveh 
before  its  downfall.  According  to  his  wish,  he 
and  Anna  are  buried  by  Tobias  in  one  grave. 
Tobit's  character  is  simple,  devout,  and  up- 
right. [W.H.D.] 

To'bit,  Book  of.  This  book  consists  of 
family  memoirs  of  home  life  and  of  journeys 
undertaken  during  the  Captivity;  many 
interesting  incidents  and  examples  of  religious 
observance  being  interwoven  therewith. 
They  are,  therefore,  of  private  and  homely 
rather  than  of  public  and  national  concern  ;  in 
this  forming  a  contrast  with  Judith.  Tobit's 
simple,  naturally  told,  domestic  tale,  full  of 
faith  and  benevolence,  shows  the  blessing  of 
God  on  pious  households,  and  is  as  touching 
as  almost  any  O.T.  story.  If  all  Jews  had 
practised  such  piety  as  Tobit's,  Christ  would 
have  had  little  occasion  for  pronouncing  His 
well-known  woes.  Tobit's  life  has  some 
parallels  with  Job's ;  but  the  problem  of  the 
suffering  of  the  innocent  is  less  profoundly 
considered.  The  activity  of  spirits,  Raphael 
and  Asmodeus,  good  and  bad,  taking  part  in 
human  affairs,  is  very  prominent.  The  duty 
of  paying  tithes  (1.6,7)  and  of  burying  the  dead 
(1.17-19,2.7);  the  value  of  prayer  (3.16,4.19, 
8.4-8,15-17)  ;  the  sanctity  of  marriage,  in- 
cluding the  doctrine  of  affinity  (10. 12),  are 
exemplified.  The  spiritual  results  of  alms- 
giving are  perhaps  a  little  disproportionately 
extolled  (4.io,12.9).  Still  two  Offertory  Sent- 
ences j_are  chosen  from  4.7-9  ;  the  Marriage 
Service  is  indebted  to  Tobit  for  some  phrases  ; 
and  the  Homilies  quote  the  book  as  "  Scrip- 
ture." Though  constantly  used  in  the  early 
Church,  opinion  as  to  the  canonicity  of  this 
book  was  much  divided  ;  but,  though  never 
in  the  Jewish  canon,  it  gradually  won  its  way, 
partly  as  admitted  into  the  LXX.,  partly  on 
its  own  merits  as  full  of  moral  and  practical 
teaching. — Language.  The  existing  texts 
yield  no  certain  result — witness  the  opposite 
opinions  of  competent  scholars  ;  but,  on  the 
whole,  a  Semitic  original  has  rather  the  stronger 
probability,  and  accords  best  with  the  in- 
tensely Heb.  character  of  the  story.  Of  this 
Neubauer's  Aram,  may  be  an  early  revision, 
though  attempts  have  been  made  to  show 
that  it  is  only  a  rendering  from  the  Gk.  The 
linguistic  indications  of  our  present  documents 


TOGABMAH 


899 


can  hardly  be  deemed  decisive  :  but  the  earlier 
the  book  is  dated,  the  less  likely  does^a  Gk. 
original  become  ;  while  the  existence  of  a 
Aram,  text  in  Jerome's  day  is  certain.  The 
doubt  which  exists  as  to  the  author's  country 
unfortunately  deprives  us  of  a  valuable  clue. 
— Text  and  Versions.  The  Sinaitic_text,  prob- 
ably the  basis  of  the  Old  Latin,  differs  largely 
from  the  ordinary  LXX.  type.  Early_varia- 
tions — not  merely  verbal,  but  divergences  in 
the  narrative  itself — suggest  the  currency  of 
oral  traditions  of  the  tale.  Jerome  professes 
(Pref.)  to  have  rendered  Tobit  for  the  Vulg., 
like  Judith,  very  hurriedly  from  aChaldeeMS. 
Doubtless  the  Old  Latin,  as  well  as  theGk.,  was 
also  before  him.  The  extant  Heb.  texts  are 
of  late  date,  and  cannot  claim  to  represent  an 
original  in  that  language. — Author.  Of  the 
author  personally,  no  record  has  survived. 
Evidently  he  was  a  strict  Jew,  with  a  clear 
sense  of  divine  Providence ;  while  his  know- 
ledge of  Ufe  in  the  lands  of  the  Captivity 
(though  some  of  his  topographical  details  are 
at  fault),  his  high  enthusiasm  for  J  erusalem,  and 
his  familiarity  with  the  Achiacharus  legend 
(14.10)  are  perhaps  rather  morCj  consonant 
with  a  Babylonian  than  a  Palestinian  stand- 
point.— Date.  Although  ostensibly_ written  at 
the  time  of  the  narrative  (12.20),  and  completed 
(14. 15)  after  the  fall  of  Nineveh  (6o6_b.c.),  a 
much  later  date  is  likely.  Angelology  and 
demonology  more  developed  than  in  O.T. 
(though  less  than  in  Rabbinic  writings), 
traces  in  Tobit's  character  of  the  views  which 
afterwards  budded  into  Pharisaism,  and  a 
quotation  in  8.6  (both  recensions)  of_Gen.2.i8 
(LXX.),  forbid  such  an  early  date  as  7th  cent. 
B.C.  On  the  other  hand,  Polycarp's  quotation, 
§10,  of  12.9,  and  the  temple  allusion  in  14. 5, 
dispose  of  the  very  late  a.d.  date  proposed  by 
Kohut  ;  while  it  makes  the  Hadrian  period 
supported  by  Graetz  and  Neubauer  improbable. 
On  the  whole,  from  200  to  170  b.c.  seems  a 
likely  period  for  the  origin  of  the  book.  Cer- 
\  tain  parallels  with  Ecclus.,  and  the  absence  of 
Maccabaean  traces,  fit  in  well  withj^this  datej 
but  certainty  is  not  yet  attainable.  Neu- 
bauer, Chaldee  Tobit,  etc.  (1878)  ;  W.  Erbt, 
in  Encycl.  Bibl.,  s.v. ;  Speaker's,  S.P.C.K.,  and 
BisseU'sComm.;  arts,  in  Hastings(5  vols.  1904) 
and  Vigouroux's  D.B. ;  Streane,  Age  of  the 
Maccabees  (1898)  ;  L.  E.  T.  Andre,  Les  Apoc- 
ryphes  (Florence,  1903).  [w.h.d.] 

Tobit's  flsh.     [Fish.] 

To'ehen,  a  town  of  Simeon  (iChr.4.321. 

Tog-aptnah'  (Gen.lO.3)  was  the  third  son 
i  of  Gomer,  brother  of  Ashkenaz  and  Riphath. 
!  Geographically,  the  name  is  connected  with 
Armenia,  and  Ezekiel's  references  to  Togarmah 
as  trading  with  Tyre  for  war-horses  and  mules 
(Ezk. 27. 14,38.6)  accord  with  this.  Fried. 
DeUtzsch  compares  the  name  with  the  Til- 
garimmi  of  Assyrian  texts.  It  was  the  capital 
of  Melitene,  and  Sargon  of  Assyria  states  that 
he  captured  and  re-colonized  it.  According 
to  Sennacherib,  who  took  Til-garimmi  and 
destroyed  it,  it  was  on  the  borders  of  Tabal 
(Tubal,  q.v.,  and  cf.  Ezk. 27. 13).  It  is  difficult 
to  see  how  the  Assyrizm  syllable  til  could  have 
become  to,  but  the  position  agrees  fairly  well. 
,  Kiepert  and  Dillmann,  however,  make  it  to  be 
S.W.  Armenia,  [t.g.p.] 


900 


trOHT? 


Tohu',  an  ancestor  of  Samuel  the  prophet, 
perhaps  =  Toah  (iSam.l.i  ;  cf.  iChr.6.34). 

To'i',  the  king  of  Hamath  who  sent  his 
son  Joram,  bearing  presents  of  gold,  silver,  and 
brass,  to  congratulate  David  upon  his  defeat  of 
their  mutual  enemy  the  Syrian  king  Hadad- 
ezer  (zSam.S.g,  10). 

Tola'. — 1.  The  first-born  of  Issachar,  and 
ancestor  of  the  warlike  Tolaites  (Gen. 46. 13; 
Num.26.23  ;  iChr.7.i,2).— 2.  (Judg.lO.1,2.) 
Son  of  Puah,  a  man  of  Issachar,  who,  after 
Abimclech,  judged  Israel  for  23  years  at  Shamir 
in  mount  Ivphraim. 

Tolad',  one  of  the  towns  of  Simeon 
(iChr.4.29).     [El-tolad.] 

Tolaites,  The.     [Tola,  i.] 

Tol'banes  (iEsd.9.23)  =  Telem. 

Tomb.  Heb.  rock-cut  tombs  consisted  of 
square  chambers,  with  tunnel  graves  (kokim, 
Mishna,  Baba  Bathra  vi.  i )  running  in  from  the 
walls.  These  tombs  were  whitewashed  out- 
side (Mt.23.27  ;  Mishna,  Sheqalim  i.  i).  Phoe- 
nician tombs  [SiDON  ;  Tyre]  were  usually 
reached  by  a  shaft  from  above,  as  in  Egypt, 
though  the  Heb.  type  occurs  also  neai 
Tyre.  After  c.  100  u.c.  a  new  type  of  tomb 
appears,  often  in  inner  chambers  cut  behind 
the  old  kokim  chambers,  which  are  entered 


HmiRHW  TOMll.  WIIH  KOKIM. 
(Ganncau,  Ar(h.  Res.  Pat.,  1873-1874) 

from  the  face  of  the  rock.  In  this  three 
sarcophagi,  parallel  with  the  walls,  occur  on 
three  sides  of  the  ciiaiubor,  each  under  an 
arcosr)lium,  or  arclicd  recess,  as  in  the  Roman 
catacombs.  The  "  new  seinilchre  "  {Jn.t9.41 ) 
was  evidently  of  this  type,  wiiich  was  tiicn 
used  at  Jerusalem,  since  it  woukl  be  inipossil)le, 
in  tlie  case  of  the  old  knkiiii,  for  the  angels  to 
be  seen,  "  the  one  at  tiie  head,  and  tlie  other  at 


TONGUES,  CONPTTSION  01' 

the  feet,  where  the  body  of  Jesus  had  lain" 
(Jn. 20.12).  [BuRiAi-.l  See  Mem.  Surv.  W. 
Pal.,  vol.  Special  Papers,  pp.  280-293.  [c.r.c] 
Tong-ues,  Confusion  of.  The  unity  of 
the  human  race  is  clearly  implied,  if  not  posi- 
tively asserted,  in  Gen. 1. 27  {cf.  2.22),  and  was 
regarded  as  of  the  most  rigid  nature,  all  man- 
kind being  conceived  as  descending  from  a 
single  pair.  This  naturally  presupposes  the 
doctrine  of  the  unity  of  language,  handed  down 
from  parent  to  child  by  the  process  of  imita- 
tion which  perpetuates  it  still.  No  explanation 
is  given  of  the  origin  of  speech,  but  it  was  re- 
garded as  coeval  with  the  creation  of  man  (cf. 
1.29  with  2.19,20).  Whether  the  speech  of 
man  developed  into  dialects  and  languages  be- 
tween this  period  and  the  Flood  is  not  stated  ; 
but  if  so,  its  unity  was  restored  in  Noah,  and 
must  have  continued  down  to  the  time  of  the 
tower  of  Babel  and  the  dispersion  (11. iff.). 
Recognizing,  apparently,  the  tendency  to  dis- 
persion, the  human  family,  or  a  portion  of  it, 
sought  to  check  it  by  the  building  of  a  great 
central  edifice,  and  a  city  which  should  serve 
as  the  metropolis  of  the  whole  world.  This, 
however,  was  not  the  Creator's  design — the 
human  race  was  to  be  spread  abroad,  not 
gathered  all  in  one  place  ;  hence  the  confound- 
ing of  their  language,  and  the  consequent  dis- 
persal of  men  to  the  various  regions  of  the 
earth  (11.7,8).  We  are  left  to  imagine  that 
this  dispersal  was  because  they  could  not 
understand  each  other,  and  that  the  change 
in  speech  which  took  place  affected  certain 
groups  or  families.  Whether  the  language  in 
existence  before  the  confusion  of  tongues  con- 
tinued to  exist  is  not  stated.  Though  spoken 
of  in  11.7,8  as  practically  contemporaneous 
events,  the  scattering  would  follow  the  con- 
fusion, though  but  at  a  short  interval.  The 
confusion  of  tongues  must  have  been  con- 
ceived as  having  been  very  thorough,  as  it  was 
not  a  mere  sudden  development  of  dialects 
(though  this  is  involved),  but  also  a  creation  of 
new  languages.  A  chronological  period  is  also 
implied — the  confusion  took  place  as  soon  as 
men  grew  numerous  enough  to  have  towns  and 
build  a  metropolis,  so  ch.  11  chronologically 
precedes  ch.  10  {cf.  vv.  5,20,31,32).  The  Mosaic 
table  in  ch.  10  does  not  aim  at  describing  the 
process  of  the  dispersion,  but  assumes  it  as  an 
accomplished  event,  and  the  narrative  pre- 
supposed a  certain  amount  of  geographical 
knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  reader.  It  re- 
cords, therefore,  the  ethnic  relations  between 
the  various  nations  affected  by  it,  these 
relations  being  expressed  under  the  guise 
of  genealogies.  The  ethnic  character  of  the 
document,  however,  is  clear  from  the  names, 
some  of  which  are  gentilic  in  form,  as 
I.udim,  Jebusite,  etc.,  others  geographical,  as 
Mi/raim,  Sidon,  etc.  ;  and  these  different, 
though  combined,  points  of  view  are  admitted 
and  stated  in  the  formula  which  concludes 
each  section — "  after  their  families,  after  their 
tongues,  in  their  countries,  and  in  their  na- 
tions "  {vv.  5,20,31).  That  the  table  is  geo- 
grajiliical  as  well  as  ethnological  arises  from 
the  practice  of  designating  nations  by  the 
countries  they  occupied.  The  whole  human 
race  is  referreii  bark  to  Noah's  three  sons, 
Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhcth,  and  is  divided  intu 


TONGUES,  CONFUSION  OF 

three  divisions  corresponding  therewith.  Ap- 
parently that  the  continuity  of  the  narrative 
following  therefrom  might  not  be  disturbed, 
the  order  of  the  races  is  reversed,  J  apheth  being 
described  first  and  Shem  last,  thus  making  the 
geographical  order,  roughly,  from  W.  to  E. 
(i)  The  Japhethite  list  contains  14  names,  of 
which  7  represent  independent,  and  the  re- 
mainder affiliated,  nations,  (i)  Gomer,  con- 
nected ethnically  with  the  Cimmerians,  and 
geographically  with  Crimea.  Associated  there- 
with are  (a)  Ashkenaz,  (b)  Riphath,  and  (c) 
Togarmah.  (ii)  Magog,  the  Scythians,  (iii) 
Madai,  the  Medes.  (iv)  Javan,  the  lonians 
and  Hellenic  race  in  general,  with  which  are 
associated :  (a)  Elishah,  {b)  Tarshish,  (c) 
Kittim,  Cyprus,  {d)  Dodanim,  if  for  Rodanim, 
probably  Rhodes,  (v)  Tubal,  the  Tihareni. 
(vi)  Meshech,  the  Mosc/(za«5.  (vii)  Tiras.  (2) 
The  Hamitic  list  contains  30  names,  of  which 
4  represent  independent,  and  the  remainder 
affiliated,  nations  :  (i)  Cush,  Ethiopia,  and  pro- 
bably the  Asiatic  Kusu  and  Kassu  of  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions,  the  eastern  Kassu  being 
the  land  of  the  Cossaei.  With  Cush  are  as- 
sociated :  {a)  Seba,  (b)  Havilah,  (c)  Sabtah, 
{d)  Raamah,  (e)  Sabtechah,  (/)  Nimrod,  Baby- 
lonia. From  Raamah  came  :  {a")  Sheba,  the 
Sabeans  ;  (b")  Dedan.  (ii)  Mizraim,  Egypt, 
with  which  are  associated  the  following  7  : 
(a)  Ludim,  (6)  Anamim,  (c)  Naphtuhim,  (d) 
Pathrusim,  people  of  Pathros  in  Egypt,  (e) 
Casluhim,  (/)  Caphtorim.  From  Casluhim 
came  (e")  Philistim,  the  Philistines,  though  this 
is  regarded  as  incorrect — it  should  be  from 
Caphtorim  (in  that  case  /-').  (iii)  Phut,  evi- 
dently regarded  as  one  of  the  original  nation- 
alities, which  is,  perhaps,  confirmed  by  a 
Babylonian  inscription,  which  mentions 
Pu'u-Yawan,  Phut  of  Ionia,  (iv)  Canaan  (well 
known),    to  which   belong  the   following   11  : 

(a)  Sidon,  the  renowned  coast-town  (language 
Semitic)  ;    [b)  Heth,  the  land  of  the  Hittites 
(language    seemingly    Aryan)  ;     (c)    the    Je- 
busites,    of    Jebus    or    Jerusalem;     (d)    the 
Aniorite  (language    seemingly    Semitic)  ;     (e) 
the  Girgashite,  apparently  in  Palestine  ;     (/) 
the  Hivite,    in    the    same  district ;    (g)    the 
Arkite,    in    Phoenicia ;     (h)    the    Sinite,    in 
Phoenicia;   (i)  the  Arvadite,  of  Aradus  in  the 
same  district ;    (/)  the  Zemarite,  probably  of 
Simyra ;   (k)  the  Hamathite,  of  the  city  now 
called  Hamah,  where  the  ancient  Hittite  script 
was  in  use.    (3)  The  Shemiticlist  has  25  names, 
5  being   those    of    independent,  and    the   re- 
mainder of  affiliated,   nations  :    (i)    Elam,   an 
early  Semitic  possession,     (ii)  Asshur  or  As- 
syria,     (iii)     Arphaxad,    probably     Chaldea. 
With    these    are    associated  :      (a)    Salah    or 
Shelah  ;    («')  Salah's  son    Eber,  the   Hebrew 
nation  ;    Eber's  two  sons  (a')   Peleg  and  (6') 
Joktan,  the  tribes  of  Arabia,  whose  names  are  | 
then      given — (a')      Almodad,     (&')     Sheleph,  i 
(c*)  Hazarmaveth  or  Hadramaut,    (d^)  Jerah,  j 
(e')    Hadoram    (/'),    IJzal,    [g')    Diklah,    (/»')  1 
Obal,    [i')    Abimael,    [j')    Sheba,    {k')    Ophir, 
(/')  Havilah,  (w')  Jobab.     (iv)   Lud,  possibly  i 
Lydia.      (v)    Aram,    the   Aramean    tribes   in  \ 
general,   with  which    are    associated  :    (a)  Uz,  1 
perhaps  the  Assyrian  Ussd,  N.W.  of  Aleppo  ;  | 

[b)  Hul ;  (c)  Gether  ;   (d)  Mash,  apparently  the  ' 
Assyriaa  Mas,  a  desert  country  (Syrian  or  Ara-  1 


TONGUES,  CONFUSION  OF     901 

bian).  The  total  number  of  the  names  men- 
tioned in  this  table  amounts  to  70,  which  has 
been  raised  by  ancient  writers  to  72,  so  as  to 
make  six  dozen — a  suggestion  of  Babylonian 
influence.  It  is  difficult  to  fix  the  date  of  this 
ethnographical  table,  as  arguments  can  be  de- 
duced for  a  period  as  early  as  2000  b.c.  and  as 
late  as  the  Jewish  Captivity.  In  all  proba- 
bility some  date  between  these  two  would  best 
suit  the  case,  and  it  has  been  pointed  out  that 
the  absence  of  any  mention  of  Tyre  would 
seem  to  indicate  an  early  date  for  the  com- 
position of  the  table.  [Tvre.]  Whatever 
may  be  its  date,  it  is  noteworthy  that  the 
writer,  even  then,  had  recognized  the  fact 
that  language  was  no  test  of  nationality,  for 
he  has  no  hesitation  in  stating  that  Canaan 
and  Sidon  were  descended  from  Ham,  not- 
withstanding that  it  must  have  been  well 
I  known  that  a  language  closely  akin  to  Hebrew 
j  was  spoken  there.  He  may,  however,  have 
regarded  the  people  present  at  the  time  of 
the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel  as  having 
the  languages  which  there  came  into  existence 
distributed  among  them  irrespective  of  race. 
Knobel  maintained  that  the  threefold  division 
of  the  Mosaic  table  is  founded  upon  the 
physiological  question  of  colour,  Shem,  Ham, 
and  J  apheth  representing  respectively  the 
dark,  black,  and  fair  or  white  complexions 
existing  in  the  then  known  world.  Geo- 
graphically these  different  races  are  correctly 
placed,  but  it  seems  strange  that  the  Kassites, 
Sabeans,  non-Semitic  Babylonians,  Egyptians, 
Canaanites,  Sidonians,  Hittites,  Jebusites,  etc., 
should  be  regarded  as  being  of  the  same  race  as 
the  negroid  Ethiopians.  The  question  of  lan- 
guage, also,  is  a  difficult  one,  and  even  if  we 
exclude  the  Negroid  element,  and  regard  the 
Ethiopians  as  having  been,  at  the  time  the 
table  was  compiled,  without  Negritic  strain,  it 
is  noteworthy  that  the  Hamitic  Hittites  spoke 
a  language  differing  from  the  Hamitic  Egyp- 
tians, and  the  Hamitic  Babylonians  (Nimrod), 
again,  spoke  a  tongue  differing  considerably 
from  either,  and  quite  peculiar  in  its  forma- 
tion. To  the  Japhetic  stock  may  be  attri- 
buted the  Kelts,  Teutons,  and  Scandinavians, 
but  to  all  appearance  no  provision  for  the 
classification  of  the  Mongolians  has  been  made, 
unless  they  be  regarded  as  Hamitic  too — which 
indeed  would  be  their  designation  if  the  non- 
Semitic  language  of  Babylonia  be  Mongolian, 
as  Rawlinson,  Lenormant,  etc.,  have  main- 
tained. According  to  the  old  interpreters, 
Ashkenaz  represents  the  Teutonic  race,  and 
according  to  Knobel,  the  Italian  would  be  Tar- 
shish (which  he  identifies  with  the  Etruscans), 
the  Slavonian  would  be  represented  by  Magog, 
and  the  Lithuanian  possibly  by  Tiras.  Knobel 
also  makes  Riphath  to  be  the  Gauls,  as  dis- 
tinct from  the  Cymri  or  Gomer ;  whilst  he  sug- 
gests that  Kittim  may  be  the  Carians,  who  at 
one  time  were  prominent  in  the  islands  of  Asia 
Minor.  Those  who  advocate  the  Mongolian 
origin  of  the  Scythians  would  naturally  regard 
Magog  as  belonging  to  this  family.  But  we 
need  evidence  as  to  the  facial  types  before 
accepting  mere  theories.  The  Biblical  narra- 
tive of  the  confusion  of  tongues  is  un- 
doubtedly due  to  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
ancient  Hebrews  to  account  for  the  diversity 


902 


TONOTJES,  GIFT  OF 


of  languages  known  to  exist  on  the  earth. 
There  is  no  attempt  therein  to  account  for  the 
diversity  of  race,  though  diversity  of  language, 
notwithstanding  that  it  is  no  real  test  of  race, 
is  nevertheless  dependent  upon  it.  In  all 
probability  it  was  regarded  as  sufficiently  ac- 
counted for  by  the  statement  that  Shem,  Ham, 
and  Japheth  were  the  three  sons  of  Noah, 
who  developed,  as  we  may  suppose,  by  divine 
will,  the  three  racial  types  with  which  the 
Hebrews  were  acquainted.  And  here  we  are 
again  met  by  a  difficulty,  for,  admitting  the 
miracle  of  the  confusion  of  tongues,  we  have 
still  to  find  time  for  the  increase  of  the  families 
of  mankind,  and  we  know  from  the  ancient 
inscriptions  that,  at  the  date  of  the  Flood 
(2501  B.C.  according  to  Ussher,  3066  b.c.  if 
we  accept  the  LXX.  chronology),  there  were 
at  least  four  distinct  languages  spoken — Su- 
merian  and  its  dialect,  Klamite,  Semitic  Baby- 
lonian, and  Egyptian.  It  is  of  course  possible, 
with  Wollhausen,  to  shift  back  the  narrative  to 
an  earlier  period,  so  as  to  give  time  for  the 
increase  of  men  to  the  number  needed  at  that 
date,  but  this  would  interfere  with  the  narra- 
tive as  it  stands,  and  transfer  ch.  1-11,  as 
Driver  says,  to  the  prehistoric  period.  The 
explanation  of  the  Biblical  narrative  therefore 
is,  that  as  soon  as  the  more  learned  and  in- 
telligent among  them  began  to  reflect,  they 
wondered  how  the  variotis  languages  with 
which  they  were  acquainted  came  into  exist- 
ence. The  people  wished  not  to  be  scattered 
abroad,  and  in  building  the  tower  they  com- 
mitted what  was  regarded  as  an  impious  act, 
the  punishment  for  which  was  the  bringing 
about  of  that  disadvantage  which  they  sought 
to  avoid.  As  yet  no  Babylonian  parallel  has 
been  found,  but  it  is  not  im|:)robable  that  such 
may  have  existed,  notwithstanding  that  the 
Biblical  narrative  is  anti-Babylonian.  Tra- 
vellers or  merchants  visiting  that  ancient  city 
in  those  early  days,  noticing  the  many  lan- 
guages spoken  there,  and  seeing  an  unfinished 
ziqqurat  or  temple-tower,  regarded  it  as  an 
evidence  of  man's  self-exaltatinn  checked  by 
God  in  the  manner  related.  Nebuchadnezzar 
speaks  of  the  teni|5le-towers  of  Babylon 
having  been  left  unfinished.  That  in  its  pre- 
sent form  the  narrative  is  strongly  Hebraic  is 
shown  by  tlie  mention  of  brick  and  bitumen  as 
building-material,  as  if  they  were  unusual 
(which  a  Babylonian  would  not  have  done), 
and  to  this  may  be  added  the  incorrect  ety- 
mology of  Babel,  which,  though  it  mav  not 
have  really  meant  originally,  as  the  Baby- 
lonian inscriptions  indicate,  "  (Jate  of  God/' 
could  hardly  have  signified  "  confusion,"  as 
the  Babylonian  language  seems  not  to  have 
possessed  the  graininatiral  form  involved.  See 
Prof.  Driver  in  Hastings,  D.li.  (vol.  iv.  1002); 
and  the  Rhyl  Church  Conp,rcss  Ref^ort  (1891), 
p.  ifii.  |Ra(  i;s:  Skmitic  1,an(;i'A(;es.1  [t.c.p.] 
Tong-ues,  Oift  of.  Tlie  chief  passages 
whicli  tlirow  light  on  the  nature  and  jiuriiose 
of  the  gift  ill  question  .nre  Mk.l6.17,  Ac.2. 
1-13,10.46,19.6,  iCor.12,13.1,14.  We  assume 
that,  whatever  inter])retation  mav  be  put  on 
these  passages,  thev  at  least  imi)lv  a  special 
manifestation  of  the  Holv  Spirit,  Who  was 
promised  to  the  discinles,  notonlv  to  give  them 
understanding,  but  also  new  power  of  exprcss- 


TONGTTES,  GIFT  OF 

ing  truth.  Their  moral  courage  was  to  be 
strengthened,  that  they  might  be  good  wit- 
nesses ;  even  before  kings  (Mt. 10.19,20  ;  Mk. 
13. 11)  should  Galilean  peasants  speak  freely. 
The  reading  of  Mk.l6.17,"  with  new  tongues," 
is  doubtful ;  but  in  any  case  it  refers  to  some- 
thing more,  probably  to  the  wonder  of  the  Day 
of  Pentecost.  Together  with  the  sound  as  of 
the  rushing  of  a  mightv  wind,"  there  appeared, 
ap]iarently  to  all  who  were  in  the  house, 
"  tongues  parting  asunder  like  as  of  fire,  and 
it  sat  upon  each  one  of  them.  And  they  were 
all  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  began  to 
speak  with  other  tongues  as  the  Spirit  gave 
them  utterance  "  (Ac. 2. 1-4).  The  word  used 
for  speaking,  diro<pdiyy(<Tdai.  is  used  in  the 
LXX.  for  the  speech  of  prophets  with  a  sug- 
gestion of  solemn,  musical  tone  (iChr.25.i  ; 
Ezk.13.0).  They  spoke  "  tlie  mighty  works 
of  God  "  (Ac.2.  Ti)  in  a  kind  of  hymn  of  praise. 
When  the  multitude  came  together,  some 
mocked  and  said  they  were  drunk,  others 
caught  at  words  in  their  own  language  and  ex- 
pressed surprise  that  the  speakers  were  Gali- 
leans, men  of  a  marked  provincial  dialect. 
The  list  given  of  the  nationalities  represented 
in  the  crowd  is  "  one  of  countries,  vol  of 
languages  "  (Robertson).  All  these  Jewish  pil- 
grims may  be  supposed  to  have  spoken  either 
Greek  or  Aramaic,  no  doubt  with  (lifferences  of 
dialect,  and  it  is  possible  tliat  the  difficulty 
overcome  was  only  the  roughness  of  Galilean 
speech.  Even  so  it  was  a  marvellous  triumph 
of  spiritual  influence  over  natural  deficiency. 
The  difficulty  about  accepting  the  traditional 
interpretation  tliat  the  apostles  received  the 
power  of  i^reaching  in  foreign  languages  conies 
from  the  fact  tliat  St.  Paul  claimed  to  possess 
tlie  gift  (iCor.l4.iS)  in  words  which  exclude 
the  idea  of  preaching.  As  we  have  seen,  the 
words  of  Ac.2. 1 1  suggest  praise  as  the  dominant 
idea.  In  St.  Paul's  letter  to  the  Corinthians 
the  gift  of  tongues  is  described  as  a  kind  of 
ejaculatory  prayer,  uttered  in  rapturous  devo- 
tion ;  not  always  the  same,  for  there  were 
"  kinds  of  tongues  "  (iCor.l2.io)  ;  occurring 
in  prayer  only  (14.2)  addressed  to  God.  The 
speaker  edified  himself,  but  sometimes  lost  self- 
control  (ver.  I.] ).  He  was  not  understood  unless 
brethren  were  present  who  had  a  special  gift 
of  sympathy  and  could  follow  obscure  trains  of 
thought  and  interpret  them.  St.  Paul  com- 
pares it  to  tiie  sound  of  the  trumiiet  when  it 
gives  an  uncertain  sound  (rv.  7,8)  or  the  use  of  a 
foreign  language  (jt.  10,  ii).  One  wjio  speaks 
in  a  tongue  should  pray  for  ability  to  interpret 
(ver.  13).  Wemay  supiiose  that  unusual  words, 
such  as  Maranatha.  Abba,  inqjorted  from  the 
Aramaic,  mav  have  mingled  with  otlier  words 
and  sounds  of  ecstatic  joy.  T!ie  use  of  such 
exi>ressions  would  not  be  improbable  in  a  state 
of  high  spiritual  tension,  and  in  fact  the  last- 
named  word  is  regarded  by  St.  Paul  as  speci- 
ally characteristic  of  the  spirit  (R0.8.15  ;  Gal. 
4.6).  But  in  tlie  case  of  one  singing  in  the 
sjiirit  but  without  imderstanding,  a  strain  of 
ecstatic  melody  is  alone  perceived.  The  spirit 
pravs  or  praises,  but  the  mind  takes  no  part, 
is,  in  St.  Paul's  word.  "  unfruitful  "  (iCor.t4. 
i.(,i5).  Tiie  impression  made  on  bystanders,  if 
unbelievers,  would  hv  tiiat  here  was  an  assem- 
bly of  madmen  (ver.  23),  whereas  St.  Paul  an* 


TOPARCHY 

ticipated  conversions  from  the  exercise  of  the 
higher  gift  of  prophecy.  This  passage  seems 
to  exclude  the  idea  that  the  gift  of  tongues  was 
a  gift  of  speaking  foreign  languages,  for  such 
ability  would  have  been  invaluable  to  him  as  a 
missionary.  In  I.ycaonia  he  and  St.  Barnabas 
were  evidently  unable  to  follow  what  was  said 
in  the Lycaonian  tongue  (Ac.l4.iiff.).  Tt  must 
be  remembered,  however,  that  St.  Paul  was 
grateful  to  God  for  the  gift  of  tongues  (iCor.l4. 
i8),  and  urged  that  it  should  be  used  in  private, 
although  he  did  not  allow  its  public  use  when 
no  interpreter  was  present.  Such  an  explana- 
tion applies  satisfactorily  in  Ac. 10. 46, 19. 6,  and 
in  11.15  ;  the  gift  of  10. 46  is  said  to  have  been 
the  same  gift  which  was  conferred  on  the  apos- 
tles "  at  the  beginning."  We  are  bound  to  find 
an  explanation  which  will  apply  also  in  ch.  2, 
and  it  is  possible  that  the  tongues  at  Pentecost 
were  a  higher  grade,  perhaps  never  repeated,  of 
the  gift  spoken  of  by  St.  Paul.  Not  that  the 
power  to  communicate  thought  in  foreign 
languages  was  given ;  but  God  thought  fit  that 
His  Spirit,  the  one  Source  of  human  life  and 
thought  and  speech,  should  inaugiu"ate  the 
Gospel  dispensation  by  pouring  through  the 
lips  of  men  words  in  human  languages  before 
unknown  to  them.  This  highest  form  of  the 
gift  was  limited  to  the  founding  of  the  Church. 
Traces  of  the  gift  have  been  found  in  Romans, 
Galatians,  and  Ephesians,  but  disappeared 
gradually,  while  its  place  in  Christian  worship 
was  more  and  more  supplied  by  "  hymns  and 
spiritual  songs."  From  time  to  time  interest- 
ing parallels  have  been  noted  in  Church 
history.  The  gift  of  tongues  was  claimed  by 
French  prophets  in  the  i8th  cent.,  contem- 
poraneously with  a  revivalist  movement  in 
Silesia.  Similarly,  more  recent  "  revivals  " 
have  during  the  last  century  been  accom- 
panied by  phenomena  which  have  been 
claimed  to  be  akin  to  the  "  gift  of  tongues." 
The  consideration  of  these  lies  outside  our 
scope,  but  it  is  within  it  to  point  out  that  the 
gift  recorded  in  the  Acts  was  bestowed  on  men 
in  full  vigour  and  activity,  preceded  by  no 
morbid  excitement  or  ecstatic  frenzy,  and 
followed  by  no  exhaustion.  It  was  the  start- 
ing-point of  the  long  history  of  the  Church  of 
Christ,  the  witness,  in  its  very  form,  of  a  uni- 
versal family  gathered  out  of  all  nations.  It 
belonged,  however,  to  a  critical  epoch,  not  to 
the  continuous  life  of  the  Church.  It  implied 
a  disturbance  of  the  equilibrium  of  man's 
normal  state,  and  it  was  not  the  instrument 
for  building  up  the  Church.  Commentaries 
on  Ac.2,  especially  Knowling  ;  on  iCor.,  see 
especially  J.  A.  Beet's  art.  "Gift  of  Tongues" 
in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904)  ;  A.  Wright, 
Some  N.T.  Problems,  p.  277.  [a.e.b.] 

Topapchy  (Gk.  roTrapx^a),  applied  in  one 
passage  of  the  LXX.  (1Mac.ll.28)  to  indicate 
three  districts  to  which  elsewhere  (10.30,11.34) 
the  name  vo/jl6s  is  given.  R.V.  translates 
in  the  first-named  passage  "provinces,"  but 
in  the  latter  two  "  governments,"  which  A.V. 
uses  in  all  three  passages.  The  three  "  top- 
archies"  in  question  were  Apherima,  Lydda, 
and  Ramath.  The  "  toparchies  "  seem  to 
have  been  of  the  nature  of  the  Turkish 
agaliks,  and  the  passages  (e.g.  2K.I8.24,  etc., 
^.XX.)  where  the  toparch  (roTrdpx'Js)  i?  mep- 


TOU 


903 


tioned  harmonize  with  the  view  that,  like  the 
aga,  his  duty  would  be  to  collect  the  taxes 
and  administer  justice  in  all  cases  affecting 
the  revenue,  and,  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing 
payment,  he  would  have  the  command  of  a 
small  niilitary  force. 

Topaz  (Heb.  ptp'dhd  ;  Ex.28. i7,39.ro  ;  Ezk. 
28.13  ;  Job  28.19  ;  Rev.21.2o).  It  is  clear  from 
the  account  given  by  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist,  xxxvii. 
32)  and  other  ancient  writers  that  their  topazius 
was  not  the  mineral  now  bearing  the  name 
topaz,  but  that  called  Chrysolite  or  peridote, 
a  choice  variety  of  olivine.  The  yellower  kinds 
were  first  obtained  from  an  island  in  the  Red  Sea, 
of  which  some  marvellous  stories  were  told,  the 
greener  from  near  Thebes  in  Egypt.  The  modem 
topaz,  of  which  the  best  specimens  come  from 
Brazil  and  to  which  in  mediaeval  times  the 
name  was  gradually  transferred,  consists  of 
silica  and  alumina  with  fluorine,  and  it  is  dis- 
tinctly harder,  while  chrysolite  is  rather  softer, 
than  rock-crystal.  It,  however,  does  occur 
in  Egypt,  near  the  emerald-mines,     [t.g.b.] 

To'phel,  a  place  mentioned  Deut.l.i, 
which  has  been  identified  with  Tufileh,  a 
ruined  site  N.E.  of  Petra  in  Edom.   '  [c.r.c] 

To'pheth,  To'phet.  The  word  occurs 
almost  always  with  the  definite  article  in 
Hebrew  [hatidpheth],  thus  showing  it  was  first 
a  common  noun  and  only  afterwards  the  name 
of  a  locality.  Topheth  (once  tophtf.  Is. 30. 33  ; 
"  a  Topheth,"  R.V.,  more  correctly  "  a  pyre," 
"  a  funeral  pile  ")  gave  its  name  to  a  part 
of  the  valley  of  (the  son,  var.  the  sons  of) 
Hinnom  (Je.7.32,19.2,6,i3,X4  ;  2K.23.io  :  cf. 
Jos. 15. 8),  and  stood  to  the  S.E.  of  that  valley, 
near  the  Kidron  and  not  far  from  the  E.  gate  of 
Jerusalem,  called  the  Gate  Harsith,  or  of  pot- 
sherds (R.V.).  For  its  historj',  see  Gehenna. 
The  name  Topheth  no  longer  existed  in  N.T. 
times,  or  even  after  the  Captivity.  The  LXX. 
spell  the  name  Ta(/)f^,  Qd(p(pe$.  Q6(pOa,  etc., 
and  hence  the  Peshitta  has  Taphath.  Pos- 
sibly this  change  of  vowels  throws  light  on 
the  derivatioa.  If  correct,  the  word  comes 
from  the  Syr.  verb  iephd{"  to  heat  "),  whence 
tephayd  ("  fireplace,"  "  tripod  ").  If  the  Heb. 
form  is  right,  it  is  from  the  verb  which  in  Syr. 
(Aphel)  is  awpJu  ("  to  perfect,"  "  finish  "),  cf. 
Heb.  ydphd  ("  to  be  perfect,"  hence  "  beauti- 
ful"), Arab,  wafa'  ("tokeepa  promise,"  "pay 
a  debt,"  "atone,"  "conciliate  God").  A 
Syr.  verb  ephd  ("  to  cook  ")  maybe  mentioned. 
The  word  must  mean  "  a  burning-place." 
"  pyre,"  or  "  place  of  atonement  "  made  by 
fire.  The  later  Jewish  explanation,  "  place  of 
spitting,"  is  impossible.  Thomson,  Land  and 
Book ;  Neil,  Pal.  Explored.  [w.st.c.t.] 

Toptoise  (Heb.  fabh).  The  word  fabh 
occurs  only  in  Lev.ll.29,  as  the  name  of  some 
unclean  animal,  and  is  translated  tortoise 
in  A.V.  (R.V.  great  lizard).  It  is  probably 
the  equivalent  of  dab,  the  Arab,  name  of 
the  spine-tailed  lizard  (Uromastix  spinipes). 
These  lizards,  which  grow  to  a  length  of  nearly 
2  ft.,  are  common  in  the  deserts  of  Arabia, 
Syria,  and  N.  Africa,  where  they  live  in 
burrows.  They  take  their  generic  name  from 
the  rings  of  stout  spines  girdling  the  tail,  which 
is  often  left  exposed  when  the  creatures  are  in 
their  burrows.  [r.l.] 

Tou'  (iChr.18.9,10)  =  Toi. 


904  TOWER 

Towep.  A.V.  so  renders  seven  Heb.  words, 
(i)  bahiin  (Is.23.i3),  bdhon  (Je.6.27),  or  bahan 
(Is. 32. 14),  a  "watch  tower"  on  a  mound. 
[Ophel.]  (2)  mighdil(2S2Lm.22.5i;  tnighdol  in 
the  q'ri),  a  "great"  building.  {3)  tnighdal, 
the  common  word  (Arab,  mejdel)  for  a 
"strong"  or  "high"  building,  or  "castle" 
(iChr.27.25),  rendered  tower  in  46  passages, 
and  flower  (Can.5.13  ;  marg.  towers  of  perfume) 
=  niighdol  (,Ezk.29. 10,30.6).  (4)  mdfor  (Hah. 
2.1),  occurring  in  28  other  cases,  rendered  s/ege 
(i.e.  siege  tower),  bulwark,  defence,  stronghold, 
fortress,  fenced  place.  (5)  [Ophel.]  {6)  pinna, 
a  "  corner  tower"  (Zeph.l.i6,3.6)  or  bulwark 
(2Chr.26.15).  (7)  tnisgdbh,  a  high  tower  (2Sam. 
22.3  ;  Ps.18.2,144.2),  occurring  14  times,  other- 
wise rendered  refuge,  defence,  high  place.  Town 
walls  were  very  early  strengthened  by  project- 
ingtowers[CiTiES;  LACHisH]like  that  on  Ophel 
(Ne.3.25),ofwhich  the  foundations stillremain. 
Vineyard  towers,  2  or  3  ft.  high,  served — as  they 
still  do — for  a  platform  on  which  a  watchman 
stood  (Is.5.2  ;  Mt.21.33  ;  Mk.l2.i).     [c.r.c] 

Towrep  of  David  (Caa.4.4).  The  neck  of 
Solomon's  bride  is  compared  to  David's  tower 
(probably  at  Jerusalem)  built  "  to  talpiyyoth  " 
(R.V.  marg.  "  with  turrets  ").  The  meaning 
of  this  word  is  doubtful,  but  it  is  perhaps  best 
rendered  "  with  slopes  "  (Arab,  lafa)  "dimin- 
ishing "  upwards  like  the  neck.  The  gold 
disks  of  her  necklace  are  compared  to  round 
shields  of  heroes  hung  on  the  wall  (see  Ezk.27. 
10,11),  such  bucklers  being  represented  on 
towers  in  Assyrian  pictures.  The  site  has 
been  localized  at  the  ancient  tower  near  the 
Jaffa  Gate  (Phasaclus),  but  this  was  built  by 
Herod  the  Great.     [Jerusalem.]       [c.k.c] 

Town-elepk,  the  title  ascribed  in  E.V.  to 
the  magistrate  at  Ephesus  who  appeased  the 
mob  in  the  theatre  when  a  tumult  had  been 
stirred  up  by  Demetrius  and  his  fellow-crafts- 
men (Ac. 19. 35).  The  original  duty  of  "  town- 
clerks  "was  to  record  the  laws  and  decrees  of 
the  state,  and  to  read  them  in  public.  "  On 
the  subjugation  of  Asia  by  the  Romans,"  says 
Baumstark,  "  ypa/jL/j-arfh  were  appointed  there 
in  the  character  of  governors  of  single  cities 
and  districts,  who  even  placed  their  names  on 
the  coins  of  their  cities,  caused  the  year  to 
be  named  from  them,  and  sometimes  were 
allowed  to  assume  the  dignity,  or  at  least  the 
name,  of  'Apx'spef'J*" 

Tpachoni'tis  (Lu.S.i  only).  From  Jo- 
sephus  we  gather  tliat  it  lay  S.  of  Damascus 
and  }i.  of  (iaulauitis,  and  that  it  bordered  on 
Auranitis  and  Batanaea,  from  Ptolemy  that 
it  bordered  on  Batanaea,  near  the  town  of 
Saccaea.  In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  {Shchiith 
vi.  I )  it  is  made  to  extend  as  far  S.  as  Bozrah 
of  Bashan.     [Argoh.] 

Trade.     [Commerce.] 

Tradition.  Tl)e  most  scrupulous  eiuleav- 
ours  made  to  keep  the  exact  letter  of  the  law 
led  during  the  four  centuries  before  Christ  to 
the  creation  of  a  great  body  of  Midrashim 
(tromdarash,  to"seek"),  i.e.  interpretations  or 
inquiries  into  the  meaning  of  the  Scriiitures. 
These  were  of  two  sorts — legal  and  homilctiral, 
Halakoth  and  Haggadoth;  for  which  and  fur 
their  history  in  O.T.  times  sccTalmcd.  In  the 
time  of  Christ,  these  Midrashim  ("  traditions 
of   the  elders,"    Mt.15.2,3,6,  etc.)  were   con- 


TRANCE 

sidcred  of  equal,  if  not  superior,  authority 
to  the  Scriptures,  and  their  character  is  well 
illustrated  in  Mk.7.3,  etc.  (cf.  Mt.23.i6fT.). 
Their  minutiae  {e.g.  cf.  the  39  prohibited 
labours  on  the  sabbath  ;  cf.  Lu.B.iff. )  involved 
the  poorer  people  in  hopeless  entanglements 
(see  Jn.7.49),  and  provoked  the  strong  lan- 
guage of  Christ.  Care  must  be  used  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  "  tradition  of  the 
elders  "  which  evoked  our  Lord's  indigna- 
tion, and  the  Christian  tradition  of  the 
apostles.  Three  times  St.  Paul  uses  the 
word  7rapa66crets,  Trapadoaiv,  of  the  instruc- 
tions which  he  had  given  to  his  converts  in 
the  faith  (iCor.11.2 ;  2Th. 2.15, 3.6).  Obvi- 
ously, all  the  first  Christian  teaching  must  have 
been  oral,  and  given  with  the  authority  of  the 
ascended  Christ  ;  hence  it  is  easy  to  under- 
stand how  the  same  word  used  of  the  "  tradi- 
tion of  the  elders  "  was  applied  to  the  earliest 
Christian  doctrine.  But  in  the  three  instances 
cited  above,  St.  Paul  uses  the  word  with  a 
further  covering  and  safeguarding  clause,  e.g., 
"  Which  ye  have  been  taught,"  thereby 
avoiding  such  an  expression  as  "  traditions." 
The  J  ewish  doctrines  that  he  had  formerly  held, 
he  does  call  his  own  traditions  (tQu  TraTpinQv 
fxov  Trapaddcreiijv,  Gal. 1. 14).  Pocock,  Porta 
Mosis;  art.  "  O.T.,"  Curtis  in  Hastings,  D.B. 
(5  vols.  1904) ;  Edersheim,  Life  of  Christ,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  gff.  [s.n.s.] 

Tpance,  an  abnormal  suspension  of  the 
faculties  of  the  body  while  the  mental 
faculties  may  or  may  not  be  active.  Pos- 
sibly a  form  of  catalepsy.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  in  all  ages  and  nations  extreme 
religious  fervour  seems  apt  to  produce  in 
special  cases  extraordinary  ecstasies.  Al- 
though the  word  "  trance  "  only  occurs  on 
four  occasions  in  A.V.  (Num. 24. 4;  2Esd.l2.3  ; 
Ac.lO. 10,22. 17),  yet  the  state  indicated,  in 
which  the  person  affected  acts  in  an  entirely 
abnormal  fashion  while  under  the  influence  of 
an  external  spiritual  power,  is  fairly  frequent. 
Thus  Abraham  in  his  "  horror  of  great  dark- 
ness "  (Gen. 15. 12),  Balaam  seeing,  with  wild, 
staring  eyes,  the  vision  of  God  (Num. 24.4),  Saul 
prophesying  naked  on  the  ground  (i Sam.  19. 
24),  Ezekiel  and  Daniel  at  the  time  of  their 
prophetic  visions,  all  appear  to  have  been 
in  a  condition  of  trance.  Possibly,  too,  the 
apostles  were  in  a  similar  state  on  the  Day  of 
Pentecost  ;  almost  certainly  the  three  chosen 
ones  were  so  on  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration 
(Mk.9.2ff. ;  Lu.9.32).  St.  Paul  again  did  not 
know  whether  soul  and  body  were  together  or 
no  at  the  time  of  his  revelation  (2C0r.i2.1ff.), 
and  St.  Joliii  saw  tiie  Apocalypse  when  he  was 
"in  the  Siiirit  t)n  the  Lord's  i)ay"  (Kev.l.io). 
But  these  trances  are  by  no  means  restricted  to 
Bible  times.  Everywhere  they  have  been 
prevalent,  till  they  have  almost  come  to  be 
regarded  as  a  mark  of  a  si)erial  degree  of 
sanctity.  Here,  of  course,  we  arc  on  difficult 
ground,  for  so  many  would-be  reformers  have 
been  ]iossessed  with  a  mad  hysteria  which  has 
simulated  the  religious  trance  or  ecstasy  that 
one  is  almost  tempted  to  dismiss  the  whole 
thing  as  a  mere  form  of  neurosis.  This,  how- 
ever, it  is  impossible  to  do  in  the  face  of  the 
extraordinary  variety  of  the  people  who  have 
experienced   these   ecstasies.     And   after   all, 


TRANSFIGURATION 

there  is  a  very  palpable  difference  between  the 
mad  ravings  of  a  Joanna  Southcote  and  the 
devout  trance  of  a  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  No 
sane  person  believes  in  the  former  ;  every 
devout  mind  reverences  the  latter.  [Tongues, 
Gift  of;  Vision.]  [f.j.] 

Transflg-upation  (Mk.9.i-io).  This  is 
intimately  connected  with  Jewish  ideas  of 
death.  Neither  O.T.  nor  N.T.  regard  human 
death  as  natural.  The  retribution  pronounced 
in  Gen. 2. 17  would  certainly  convey  to  our 
Lord's  contemporaries  the  idea  that  physi- 
cal death  was  a  consequence  of  sin  (cf.  Ps. 
39.11  ;  Wis. 1.13-16,2. 23  ;  Ecclus.25.24  ;  2 
Esd.3.5-7).  The  N.T.  contains  the  same 
teaching.  It  is  impossible  to  exclude  from 
Pauline  doctrine  the  thought  of  intimate  rela- 
tion between  the  spiritual  and  the  physical, 
between  moral  and  physical  death  (iCor. 
15.21  ;  Ro.5.12,15,21,8.10  ;  cf.  Jn. 5.25, 28). 
According  to  Scripture,  the  possession  of  an 
animal  constitution  rendered  physical  death 
a  liability  but  not  a  necessity.  What  con- 
verted it  into  a  necessity  was  sin.  No  one  can 
reasonably  argue  that  physical  dissolution  as 
now  experienced  is  the  only  possible  method  of 
transition  into  a  higher  existence.  The  uni- 
versality of  sinfulness  involves  the  universality 
of  death.  Now,  the  historic  entrance  of  the 
Son  of  God  into  the  human  race  produced,  in 
that  one  instance,  new  moral  conditions  within 
mankind.  The  N.T.  asserts  repeatedly  the  sin- 
lessness  of  Jesus  Christ.  But  if  physical  death 
is  the  wages  of  sin,  not  the  debt  of  nature,  it 
will  follow  that  moral  perfection  includes  ex- 
emption from  the  necessity  of  such  experience. 
If  Christ  was  sinless,  then,  according  to  Biblical 
conceptions.  He  need  not  die.  And  this  is 
exactly  what  our  Lord  asserts  (Jn.lO.17,18). 
"  In  the  case  of  Christ,  even  death  itself  was 
voluntary"  (Westcott.inZoc).  "Christus  autem 
et  pro  nobis  posuit,  et  quando  voluit,  posuit" 
(St.  Aug.  In  Johannis  Ev.  tract,  xlvii.  ii. 
Gaume's  ed.,  iii.  2153).  Transition,  therefore, 
into  higher  life  by  some  other  means  than  the 
penalty  of  death  belonged  by  right  to  Him  Who 
had  advanced  along  the  lines  of  a  sinless  de- 
velopment. This  was  offered  Him  when  He 
was  transfigured.  The  moral  glory  trans- 
figuring the  flesh  suggests  a  higher  method  of 
transition.  He  stood  on  the  verge  of  the  other 
world.  Moses  and  Elijah,  the  law  and  the 
prophets,  acknowledge  Him.  If  the  Incarna- 
tion had  occurred  in  a  sinless  environment,  we 
may  suppose  that  our  Lord's  earthly  life  would 
have  terminated  with  an  ascension  at  the 
Transfiguration.  But  what  was  individually  His 
right  would,  if  accepted,  have  left  mankind  un- 
aided. The  brilliant  exception  could  not  save 
the  sinful.  The  law  and  the  prophets  had, 
relatively  to  mankind,  another  ideal — the  idea 
of  redemptive  work.  Accordingly  Christ 
speaks  of  His  decease  which  He  must  shortly 
accomplish  at  Jerusalem.  Thus  the  death  of 
Christ  is  absolutely  voluntary.  Others  may 
consent  to  an  experience  which  they  cannot 
avoid.  He  alone  consented  to  death  which  He 
need  never  have  experienced.  And  that  death, 
so  accepted,  would  have  unique  results  is  im- 
plied in  the  Father's  expressed  approval : 
"  This  is  My  beloved  Son"  (Lu.9.35).  Thus  the 
Transfiguration   had  its  primary  significance 


TRIAL 


905 


for  oiu:  Lord  Himself.  Yet,  since  it  was  per- 
mitted to  occur  in  the  sight  of  His  selected 
brethren,  it  was  intended,  subordinately,  to 
convey  to  the  Twelve  instruction  and  strength 
at  an  extremely  critical  hour.  For  it  followed 
upon  our  Lord's  first  announcement  of  His 
death.  This  heavenly  glory  as  a  right  offered 
yet  refused,  this  acceptance  of  death  followed 
by  the  approval  of  the  heavenly  Voice,  gave 
the  highest  sanction  to  our  Lord's  previous 
prediction  of  His  death.  It  must  have  helped 
to  reconcile  them  to  an  idea  so  abhorrent  to 
their  preconceptions.  They  may  at  the  time 
have  continued  only  partially  comforted.  But 
afterwards  they  would  come  to  see  the  pure 
willingness  of  His  sacrifice  and  the  profound 
value  of  such  an  experience  of  the  Sinless  vol- 
untarily endured.  We  know  how  this  im- 
pressed St.  Peter  (2Pe.l. 16-18).  B.Weiss,  Life 
of  Christ,  iii.  98  ff.  ;  Our  Lord's  Resurrection  (Oxf. 
Lib.  Theol.),  pp.  207ff. ;  Weber,  Zum  Zorne 
Gottes;   Mason,  Faith  of  the  Gospel,     [w.j.s.s.] 

Tpeasupe-house,  Tpeasupep, 
Tpeasupy.  Four  distinct  Heb.  and  Aram, 
roots  are  represented  by  these  words  in  A.V. 
(i)  Heb.  'ofdr,  the  common  word  for  "store," 
or  "  treasure,"  is  rendered  treasury  in  Jos.B.ig, 
24,  iChr.28.i2,  Ne.i3.13,  Ps.135.7,  Je.38. 
II  ;  otherwise  storehouse,  iChr.27.25,  Ps.33. 
7,  Mai. 3. 10 ;  armoury,  Je.50.25  ;  cellar, 
iChr.27. 27,28.  (2)  Heb.  sokhen  (Is. 22. 15, 
treasurer;  R.V.  marg.  steward),  meaning  a 
"  resident  "  (Ass.  sakanu).  (3)  gizbdr  in  Ezr. 
1.8  (Heb.)  and  7.2i  (Aram.),  or  g'dhdbh''rayyd 
(Aram.  def.  plur.)  in  Dan. 3. 2,3,  "  treasurer  " 
(Syr.  gezbdro),  thought  to  be  a  Persian  word 
from  its  termination.  (4)  Heb.  g'ndzim  (Esth. 
3.9,4.7,  treasuries  ;  Aram,  giwztn,  Ezr. 5. 17,7. 
20) ,  properly ' '  treasures  "  or  "  collections, "  as  in 
6.1,  beth-siphrayyd  di  ginzayyd,  "house  of  rolls" 
(R.V.  archives),  or  "of  writings"  [Writing] — 
i.e.  the  storehouse  of  official  records.  The 
Heb.  ganzakh  (iChr.28.ii)  for  treasury  does 
not  seem  to  be  a  Semitic  word,  and  might 
be  Akkadian  [ganzak)  for  "  tablet  building," 
meaning  a  library  for  sacred  writings  in  the 
temple  (2K. 22. 8).  [c.r.c] 

Tpench  (iSam. 17. 20,26.5, 7).  [Encamp- 
ment.] 

Tpespass-offeping.  [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  a ; 
3,  v.  a.] 

Tpial.  See  Judge,  Law  in  O.T.,  Sanhe- 
DRiN,  Pontius  Pilate.  A  few  judicial  proceed- 
ings in  N.T.  may  be  mentioned  here,  (i)  The 
trials  of  the  apostles,  of  St.  Stephen,  and  of 
St.  Paul  before  the  high-priest,  were  conducted 
according  to  Jewish  rules  (Ac. 4,5. 27, 6. 12, 22. 
30,23.1).  (2)  The  trial,  if  it  maybe  so  called, 
of  SS.  Paul  and  Silas  at  Philippi  (16. 19-22), 
was  held  before  the  duumviri,  or,  as  they 
are  called,  a-TpaTTjyoi,  praetors,  on  the  charge 
of  innovation  in  religion — a  crime  punish- 
able with  banishment  or  death.  (3)  The 
interrupted  trial  of  St.  Paul  before  the 
proconsul  Gallio  was  an  attempt  made  by  the 
Jews  to  establish  a  similar  charge  (18. 12-17). 
(4)  Those  of  St.  Paul  at  Caesarea  (24,25,26) 
were  conducted  according  to  Roman  rules  of 
judicature,  (a)  In  the  first  of  these,  before 
Felix,  we  observe  the  employment,  by  the 
plaintiffs,  of  a  Roman  advocate  to  plead  in 
Latin.     [Orator.]     (b)  The     postponement. 


906 


TRIBE 


after  St.  Paul's  reply,  (c)  The  free  custody 
in  which  tlie  accused  was  kept,  pending  the 
decision  of  the  judge  (24.23-26).  The  second 
formal  trial  (25.7,8)  presents  two  new  features  : 
(a)  the  appeal,  appellatio  or  provocatio,  to 
Caesar,  by  St.  Paul  as  a  Roman  citizen,  which 
at  once  removed  the  case  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  emperor,  (h)  Tlie  conference  of  the  pro- 
curator with  "  the  council  "  (25.12) — i.e.  either 
the  assessors,  who  sat  on  the  bench  with  the 
praetor  as  consiliarii,  or  the  deputies  from  the 
Sanhedrln.  (5)  We  have,  lastly,  the  mention 
(I9.38)  of  a  judicial  assembly  which  held  its 
session  at  E]:>hesus. 

Tribe.  If  we  take  the  Bible,  which  derives 
the  twelve  tribes  from  Jacob's  sons,  at  its  own 
valuation  and  consider  the  sous  of  Jacob  to  be 
set  before  us  as  men  of  flesh  and  blood,  they 
will  be  for  us  neither  clans  nor  chieftains  of 
clans,  but  actual  fathers  of  tribes  ;  though 
foreign  elements  miglit  be  incorporated  in 
their  tribes  (Gen. 17. 12, 13)  by  circumcision, 
with  the  restriction  indicated  in  Deut.23.2fT. 
Nor  shall  we  be  able  to  deri\'e,  as  Jeremias 
and  others  do,  the  number  twelve  from  the 
signs  of  the  Zodiac,  any  relation  to  which 
could  only  have  arisen  in  later  times.  The 
same  number  in  Nahor's  sons  (Gen. 22.20  ff.) 
and  Ishmacl's  sons  (17.2o,25.i3ff.)  need  not 
at  all  be  regarded  as  an  artificial  imitation 
by  Israel,  but  simply  as  a  fact.  Notice  the 
difference  in  the  mothers  (Israel  descending 
from  two  wives  and  two  concubines,  the  sons 
of  Nahor  from  one  wife  and  one  concubine,  the 
Ishmaelites  without  mention  of  the  mothers, 
but  see  21. 21);  and  the  varying  numbers  in 
tlie  posterity  of  Esau  (Gen. 36),  of  Joktan  (10. 
26ff.),  of  Keturah  (25.2ff.).  To  keep  to  the 
number  twelve,  which  was  disturbed  by  the 
adoption  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (ch.  48), 
either  Levi,  because  of  his  separation  to  God 
and  his  deprivation  of  inheritance  amongst 
his  brethren  (Num.18. 20  ff.;  Deut.l8.i),wasnot 
counted  (Num.1, 2,10.i4ff., 13. 4-16  ;  Ezk.48.i- 
20),  or  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  were  reckoned 
as  one  tribe  ((len. 49.22;  Deut. 33.13  ;  Ezk.48. 
3off.).  The  order  of  the  tribes  fluctuates  con- 
siderably, often  without  any  clear  principle 
being  distinguished;  but  Leah's  sons,  as  being 
tiiose  of  the  first  wife,  are  preferably  set  first, 
and  the  order  of  camping  is  grouped  according 
to  descent  on  the  mother's  side  (Num. 2,10. 
I3ff. ).  The  system  of  division  was  patriarchal, 
as  the  influence  of  the  family  connexions  in 
nomad  peoples  generally  makes  it.  The  tribes 
(railed  maljc  genealogically  \cf.  l'>.k.l9.io  ff., 
Heb.|,  iviiitirally  s}icbhc( ;  so  that  these  terms 
are  not  available  as  indications  of  sources)  are 
divided  into  clans  (mishpdholh),  these  into 
houses  (bdtlim  or  beth  'dbiwlh).  these  into 
families  (ffbhdrim);  see  specially  Jos.T.i^ff. 
(A.V.  confuses  this  distinction  by  translating 
both  mi'ihpdhoth  and  i^'bhdrim  as  "families.") 
\vi  tlie  concei)tjons  are  not  constant,  the  first 
two  being  interchangeable  (Jos. 7. 17  ;  Num.4. 
18,  Heb.),  and  the  last  but  one  being  used  for 
anyof  thcothers(Num.l7.2ti7] ;  Ex. 6.14,12.3). 
As  a  rule,  the  clans  are  derived  from  the  sons 
(yet  see  Num. 26. 21, 29, 36,40;  iChr.4.iff.),  the 
houses  from  the  grandchildren,  the  families 
from  the  great-grandchildren  of  the  tribal 
father.     Groups  that  were  tyo  small  were  put 


TRIPOLIS 

together  (iCIir.23.ii).  The  word  'eleph  for 
mishpdhoth  cannot,  however,  be  connected  with 
1,000,  as  the  clans  were  much  larger  (Num.26. 
I2ff.),  but  with  'alluph.  At  the  head  of  the 
tribe  was  the  "prince"  (nds'i),  at  the  head  of 
the  clan  and  the  house  the  rosh,  at  the  head 
of  the  family  the  gchher,  though  here  also  we 
find  interchanges.  All  chief  men  together 
form  "  the  whole  congregation  or  church,"  as 
its  representatives  (10.3ff.)  or  its  nominees  or 
elect  (I.16),  and  are  identical  with  the  "  elders  " 
(c/.  E.\. 16.22  with  17.5).  Tills  already  existing 
triljal  institution  was  taken  up  by  Moses  and 
made  part  of  his  theocratic  svstem  (see  Deut. 
1.15;  Num.l.4ff.,ll.i6ff.,13.2ff.,34.i8ff.).  By 
the  law  of  inheritance,  according  to  which 
property  in  laud  was  inalienable  [Goel  ; 
JuBiLKK,  Ye.\k  of],  the  tribal  institution  was 
most  powerfully  strengthened  as  a  happy  link 
between  the  family  and  the  state,  though  it 
afterwards  lent  itself  to  schisms,  where  a 
strong  hand  was  wanting  [e.g.  Judg.5.i5ff.,8. 
iff.,12.iff. ;  2Sam.2.8ff.,19.off.,  and  the  divi- 
sion of  the  kingdom).  Ideally  the  twelve  tribes 
were  held  to  be  unbroken  even  in  the  northern 
kingdom  (1K.I8.31)  and  after  the  Exile  (Ezk. 
47,48).  For  tlie  Exile,  see  Ezk.8.i,14.i, 
20.1;  after  the  Exile,  Ezr.2.6iff. ;  Nc.7.6ifl.  ; 
Lu.l.'i,2.4,36;  Ro.ll.i;  Ph. 3.5-  That  Herod 
did  away  with  the  public  genealogical  registers 
is  not  sufficiently  proved.  The  idea  of  the 
twelve  tribes  is  continued  in  the  twelve 
Apostles  (see  Mt. 19. 28;  Lu. 22.30  ;  Ac.l.i5ff.) 
and  in  the  N.T.  Church  (Jas.l.i  ;  Rev.7.4ff., 
21.12).  Oi  other  tribal  institutions  the  ancient 
Ionic,  with  its  4  (j>v\al,  3  (ftparpiai,  30  y^vr), 
which  again  divide  into  families,  specially 
recalls  the  Hebrew.  [Family.]  Herzog's 
Real-cncy.  isted.;  Oehler,  Stdmme  Israels  in 
Rielim's  Haiidwdrterbiich.  [w.m.] 

Tribute  (Mt. 17. 24, 25).  For  the  general 
Biblical  facts  connected  with  the  payment  of 
tribute,  see  Taxes.  A  few  remain  to  be  added 
in  connexion  with  the  above  passage.  The 
payment  of  the  half-shekel  (=  half  stater  = 
two  drachmae)  was,  though  resting  on  an 
ancient  precedent  (Ex. 30. 13),  yet,  in  its  char- 
acter as  a  fixed  annual  rate,  of  late  origin.  It 
was  ptoclaimed,  according  to  Rabbinic  rules, 
on  Adar  i,  began  to  be  collected  on  the  15th, 
and  was  due,  at  latest,  on  Nisan  i.  It 
was  applied  to  defray  the  general  expenses 
of  the  temple.  After  the  destruction  of 
the  temple  it  was  sequestrated  by  Vespa- 
sian and  his  successors,  and  Ijansferred  to 
the  temple  of  the  Capitoline  Jupiter.  In 
Mt.22.17,  Mk.i2.14,  and  other  iilaces  the  re- 
ference is  to  the  annual  imperial  taxes  levied 
on  behalf  of  the  Roman  Treasury,  whether  on 
persons,  houses,  or  land.  In  O.T.  the  word 
"  tribute  "  is  used  as  the  equivalent  to  several 
distinct  Heb.  words — in  Num. 31. 38,  2K.23.33, 
2Chr.i7.11,  Ezr.4.13 — of  an  impost,  duty,  or 
indemnity.  But  where  it  represents  the  Heb. 
DO,  as  in  iK.5.13  (A.V.  marg.),  the  word 
means  the  forced  labour  exacted  from  his 
subjects  by  a  king.     [Money.]  [s.n.s.] 

Tpinlt,y.     [God.] 

Tpj  polls,  the  Gk.  name  of  a  city  of 
great  commercial  importance,  which  served 
at  one  time  as  a  point  of  federal  union  for 
Aradus,  Sidon,  and  Tyre.     It  was  at  Tripoli? 


TROAS 


TUBAL. 


907 


that,  in  the  year  351  b.c,  the  plan  was  con- 
cocted for  the  simultaneous  revolt  of  the 
Phoenician  cities  and  the  Persian  depend- 
encies in  Cyprus  against  the  Persian  king 
Ochus.  When  Demetrius  Soter,  the  son  of 
Seleucus,  succeeded  in  wresting  Syria  from  the 
young  son  of  Antiochus  (161  b.c),  he  landed 
there  and  made  the  place  the  base  of  his  opera- 
tions. It  is  this  circumstance  to  which  allu- 
sion is  made  in  the  only  reference  to  Tripolis 
in  the  Bible  (2Mac.l4.i).  The  city  continued 
to  be  important  ever  after,  and  is  still  a  large 
town.  The  port — cl  Mlneh — 2  miles  W.  of  the 
city  of  Trdblus,  is  considered  the  best  in  Syria. 
The  town  lies  on  both  sides  of  the  river  Kadisha, 
which  may  preserve  its  ancient  name,  but  it  is 
not  noticed  in  early  records.  [c.r.c] 

Tpo'as,  the  city  from  which  St.  Paul  first 
sailed,  in  consequence  of  a  divine  intimation, 
to  carry  the  Clospel  from  Asia  to  Europe 
(Ac.l6.8,ii).  It  is  also  mentioned  in  Ac.20.5, 
6  ;  2Cor.2.i2  ;  2Tim.4.i3.  It  was  built  by 
Antigonus,  under  the  name  of  Antigoneia 
Troas,  and  peopled  from  some  neighbouring 
cities.  Afterwards  it  was  embellished  by 
Lysimachus,  and  named  Alexandreia  Troas 
(Liv.  x.xxv.  42),  sometimes  called  simply  Alex- 
andreia, as  by  Pliny  and  Strabo,  sometimes 
simply  Troas.  It  was  on  the  coast  of 
MvsiA,  opposite  the  S.E.  extremity  of  the 
island  of  Tenedos.  Under  the  Romans  it 
was  one  of  the  most  important  towns  of  the 
province  of  Asia.  In  the  time  of  St.  Paul, 
Alexandreia  Troas  was  a  colonia  with  the  Jus 
Italicuin.  The  modern  name  is  Eski-Stamboul, 
and  the  ruins  there  are  considerable.  The 
walls,  which  may  represent  the  extent  of  the 
city  in  the  apostle's  time,  enclose  a  rectangu- 
lar space,  extending  above  a  mile  from  E.  to 
W.,  and  nearly  a  n^ile  from  N.  to  S.  The 
harbour  is  still  distinctly  traceable  in  a  basin 
about  400  ft.  long  and  200  broad. 

Tpog-yl'lium.  The  island  of  Samos  is 
exactly  opposite  the  rocky  extremity  of  the 
ridge  of  Mycale,  called  Trogyllium  in  N.T. 
(Ac.2O.15),  and  by  Ptolemy  (v.  2).  A  little  to 
the  E.  of  the  extreme  point  there  is  an  an- 
chorage still  called  St.  Paul's  Port. 

Troop,  Band.  These  words  are  employed 
to  represent  the  Heb.  word  g'dhudh,  which  has 
invariably  the  meaning  of  an  irregular  force, 
gathered  with  the  object  of  marauding  and 
plunder. 

Troph'imus,  one  of  the  companions  of 
St.  Paul.  He  was  a  Gentile  and  a  native  of 
Ephesus  {Ac.21.28,29).  With  Tychicus  he  ac- 
companied St.  Paul  on  the  third  missionary 
journey  and  over  part  of  the  return  route  from 
Macedonia  to  Syria  (20.4).  Tychicus  seems 
to  have  remained  in  Asia,  while  Trophimus 
journeyed  with  the  apostle  to  Jerusalem. 
There  he  was  the  cause  of  the  tumult  leading 
to  St.  Paul's  arrest  (21. 27-29).  He  is  men- 
tioned but  once  more,  in  2Tim.4.2o,  from 
which  we  learn  that  he  had  been  with  St.  Paul, 
but  had  been  left,  by  reason  of  illness,  at 
Miletus.  [a.c.d.I 

Trumpet.     [Cornet.] 

Tpumpets,  Feast  of,  better  known, 
from  Jewish  tradition,  as  the  New  Year's  Day. 
It  fell  on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month 
(Tishri),  reckoned  by  the  national  year  be- 


ginning with  Nisan  as  the  first  month  from 
the  Exodus  (cf.  1K.6.1).  But  the  civil  and 
economic  year  began  from  Tishri.  This  feast 
is  designated  as  "  a  memorial  of  blowing  of 
trumpets  "  (Lev.23.24),  and  as  "  a  day  of 
blowing  the  trumpets"  (Num.29. i).  The 
single  word  t-rii'd  is  translated  "  blowing  of 
the  trumpets,"  but  according  to  Rabbinical 
interpretation  it  signifies  a  certain  thrill-sound 
of  a  shophdr,  which  is  a  rani's  horn.  The  word 
shophdr  is  also  mistranslated  as  "  trumpet  " 
or  "  Cornet."  The  trumpet  (Heb.  hdroc'td) 
was  used  at  the  temple  when  offering  sacrifices 
on  festivals,  new  moon  days,  and  on  other 
occasions  (10. 2- 10).  The  Feast  of  Trumpets 
being  on  the  first  of  the  month,  the  regular 
monthly  offerings  were  repeated,  and  in  addi- 
tion a  young  bullock,  a  ram,  and  seven  yearling 
lambs,  etc.  (29.2-6).  This  festival  is  included 
among  the  seven  days  of  holy  convocation. 
Ezra  said,  "  This  day  is  holy  unto  the  Lord," 
and  bade  the  people  not  to  mourn  or  weep,  but 
eat,  drink,  and  be  cheerful  (Ne. 8. 2,9, 10).  Ps. 
81.3,4  is  interpreted  as  referring  to  the  New 
Year  celebration,  which  is  held  on  the  new 
moon  day,  when  the  shophdr  is  sounded 
for  a  "  solemn  feast  day."  Indeed,  the 
observance  of  New  Year's  Day  is  next  in 
solemnity  to  the  Day  of  Atonement,  which 
follows  ten  days  later,  and  is  considered  as  a 
day  of  judgment  for  all  men  before  their 
Creator,  as  sheep  pass  for  examination  before 
their  shepherd  (Mishna,  Rosh  hash-Shanah 
i.  2).  The  symbolic  naeaning  of  blowing  the 
shophdr  is  variously  explained.  Philo  regards 
the  blowing  as  in  memory  of  the  giving  of  the 
law  in  Sinai,  which  was  similarly  accompanied 
(Ex. 19. 16).  Others  consider  it  as  the  bugle- 
cry  to  awaken  the  people  from  their  spiritual 
slumber,  and  for  the  sinner  to  repent  in  the 
interval,  known  as  the  "days  of  repentance," 
between  New  Year's  Day  and  the  Day  of 
Atonement.  Cf.  Jew.  Encycl.,  s. v.  "New  Year's 
Day,"  "Shofar."  [j.d.e.] 

Tpyphe'na  and  Tpypho'sa,  two  Chris- 
tian women  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul 
(R0.I6.12).  They  may  have  been  sisters,  but 
it  is  more  likely  that  they  were  fellow-deacon- 
esses. It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  colum- 
baria of  "  Caesar's  household  "  contain  both 
these  names. 

Tpy'phon,  the  surname  assumed,  after  his 
accession  to  power,  by  Diodotus,  a  usurper  of 
the  SjTian  throne.  For  the  account  of  his 
intrigues  in  favour  of  Antiochus  VI.,  see  De- 
metrius II.  He  afterwards  murdered  in  turn 
his  ally  Jonathan  and  Antiochus  VI.  (iMac. 
12,13).  Simon  appealed  against  him  to  De- 
metrius (13. 34),  who  was  preparing  an  expedi- 
tion against  him  (141  B.C.),  when  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Arsaces  (I4.1-3).  Tryphon  retained 
the  throne  till  Antiochus  VII.  (Sidetes),  the 
brother  of  Demetrius,  drove  him  to  Dora,  from 
which  he  escaped  to  Orthosia  (iMac.15. 10-14, 
37-39)  and  thence  to  Apamea  where  he  either 
committed  suicide  or  was  killed,  138  e.g. 
(Josephus,  13  Ant.  vii.  2). 

Tpyphosa.     [Tryphena.] 

Tubal  (Gen. 10.2  ;  iChr.l.5)  is  placed,  with 
Javan  and  Mesech,  among  the  sons  of  Japheth, 
and  all  three  are  again  classed  together  in  the 
enumeration  of  the  sources  of  wealth  of  Tyre 


908 


TUBAL-CAIN 


(Ezk.27.13).  Tubal  and  Javau  (Is.66.19), 
Meserh  and  Tubal  (Ezk.32.26,38.2,3,39.i),  are 
described  as  nations  of  the  North  (38.15,39.2). 
Josophus  identities  the  descendants  of  Tubal 
with  the  Iberians — not  the  Spaniards  (Jerome), 
but  the  inhabitants  of  a  tract  between  the 
Caspian  and  the  Euxine,  nearly  corresponding 
with  modern  Georgia.  This  is  similar  to  the 
view  of  Bochart  and  Lagarde,  that  Mesech  and 
Tubal  are  the  Moschi  and  Tibareni.  These 
two  nationalities  are  associated,  under  the 
names  of  Muskda  and  Tubalda,  in  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions.  In  the  time  of  Shalmaneser  II. 
mat  Tabali,  "  the  land  of  Tubal,"  comprised  24 
l)etty  kingdoms,  whose  tribute  he  received. 
Uassurme  of  Tubal  also  paid  tribute  toTiglath- 
l)ilcser,  but  afterwards  refused  to  do  so,  and 
was  apparently  deposed,  and  Hulli  set  on  the 
throne.  Later,  Sargon  of  Assyria  placed 
Ambaris  on  the  throne  of  Hulli,  his  father,  and 
gave  him  his  own  daughter  in  marriage  with 
Cilicia  as  a  wedding-gift.  Nevertheless,  Am- 
baris plotted  with  Armenia  and  mat  Mu&ki 
(Mesech)  against  his  benefactor,  the  result 
being  that  Amris  (Ambaris),  with  all  the  royal 
house  and  the  nobles,  was  carried  captive  to 
Assyria,  Assyrians  taking  their  place.  The 
exact  limits  of  Tubal  are  difficult  to  determine, 
but  Prof.  Rawlinson  placed  the  Tibareni 
between  Cape  Yasoun  (lasonium)  and  the 
Melet-Irmak  (the  river  Melanthius).  In  the 
time  of  Xenophon  the  Tibareni  were  an  inde- 
pendent tribe.  [t.g.p.] 

Tu'bal-ca'in,  a  son  of  Lamech  the  Cainite 
(Gen. 4. 22).  He  is  called  "  an  instructer  of 
every  artificer  in  Brass  and  Ikon"  (A.V.  and 
R.V.  marg.),  a  rendering  of  the  Heb.  which 
agrees  roughly  with  that  of  the  amended  text 
of  Olshausen  and  (iunkel,  "  he  was  the 
father  of  all  such  as  forge  copper  and  iron." 
Tlie  R.V.  reads,  "  the  forger  of  every  cutting 
instrument  of  brass  and  iron."  The  deriva- 
tion of  the  name  is  obscure,  but  it  may  mean 
"the  forger  of  the  spear."  [h.c.b.] 

Tubie'ni.  The  "Jews  called  Tubieni  " 
(2Mac. 12.17) — i.e.  men  of  Tob,  which  lay  near 
Ammonitis.  iMac.5.13  records  a  massacre  of 
the  Jews  "  in  the  places  of  Tobie  "  (R.V.  land 
of  Tubias).  [c.d.] 

Tuppentine-tnee  occurs  only  once  (Ecclus. 
24.16).  Tlic  repeftivDos  or  TipfiivOos  of  the 
Greeks  is  the  Pislaciatcrcbinthiis,tcrcbinth-iTec, 
common  in  Palestine  and  the  East,  supposed 
by  some  to  represent  the  'eld  of  the  Heb.  Bible. 
It  occasionally  grows  to  a  large  size,  and  be- 
longs to  the  Anacardiaceae.  In  Is. 6. 13  the 
Heb.  word  'eld  is  rendered  teil-trec  in  A.V.  : 
in  WycHf,  "  terebynt  "  ;  R.V.  "  terebinth." 
But  the  tcil-tree  is  also  the  name  of  the  linden, 
or  lime,  which  seems  to  have  misled  some  com- 
mentators. See  Harris  (Nat.  Hist,  of  B.,  1K24) 
on  "  teil-tree."  Tiie  terebintli  or  turpentine 
was  gcnorallv  classed  with  oaks.        |h.c.h.] 

Turtle,  Tuptle-dove  (Heb.  tor).  The 
Heb.,  like  the  English,  name  is  onomato- 
poetic,  derived  from  the  cooing  of  the  bird, 
and  is  first  mentioned  in  Scripture  in  (ien. 
15. f).  Turtle-doves  {Turtur  communis)  visit 
S.W.  Asia  in  great  numbers  during  the 
winter  ;  but  other  kinds,  such  as  the  EgyjJtian 
or  pahn  turtle-dove  {Stipmatofydia  sencpal- 
ensis),  are  summer  visitors  to  Palestine.    Both 


TYPE 

kinds  may  have  supplied  tlie  sacrifices  in  the 
wilderness,  as  the  last-named  is  found  in  num- 
bers wherever  palms  occur.  From  its  habit  of 
pairing  for  life,  and  its  fidelity  to  its  mate,  the 
turtle-dove  was  a  symbol  of  purity  and  an 


j;f\ 

^^y>:    .>^^~">^...^^ 

(   I^^^^^K 

V^^^S^^ 

^ 

^^^ 

^^^ 

V^^^ 

^^\^ 

iM 

^\ 

1  >'^ 

^^ 

IHli  TURTLE-DOVE  (Turtiir  communis). 

appropriate  offering.  The  regular  migration 
of  the  Egyptian  turtle-dove  and  its  return  in 
spring  are  alluded  to  in  Je.8.7  and  Can.2.ii, 
12.  It  is  from  its  plaintive  note  that  David 
in  Ps.74.19  compares  himself  to  a  turtle-dove. 
For  other  species  of  doves,  or  pigeons,  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible,  see  Dove.  [r.l.] 

Ty'chicus,  described  with  Trophimus  as 
"  of  Asia "  (Xaiavol,  Ac. 20. 4).  They  tra- 
velled with  St.  Paul  through  Macedonia,  and 
went  in  ad\'ancc  of  hini  to  Troas.  At  the  tinie 
of  the  apostle's  first  imprisonment  in  Rome 
Tychicus  was  again  with  him  (Col. 4. 7, 8),  and 
was  the  bearer  of  his  epistle  to  the  Colossian 
Church,  and,  most  probably,  with  Onesimus 
of  that  to  Philemon.  On  two  occasions  he 
acted  as  St.  Paul's  messenger  to  Ephesus 
(Eph.6.2i,22  ;  2Tim.4.i2).  In  Tit. 3.12  St. 
Paul  speaks  of  sending  him  or  Artcmas  to 
Crete,  and  there  seenxs  some  likeliho'>d  that 
he  and  Trophimus  may  have  been  the  two 
brethren  (2Cor.8.i6-23)  disi^atched  with  the 
epistle  cited  to  Corinth.  .According  to  tra- 
dition, he  became  Bp.  of  Chalcedon.     [a.c.d.] 

Type.  The  Gk.  jviros  (a  blow,  or  a  mark 
made  by  a  blow,  and  so  a  model  or  image)  is 
used  in  N.T.  in  several  shades  of  meaning  ; 
but  the  sense  in  which  "  type  "  has  become 
familiar  in  religious  phraseology,  /•(■•  a  di\inely 
designed  parallel  or  correspondence  between 
some  person,  institution,  or  event  in  O.T.  and 
Christ  Himself,  or  the  ordinances  or  exin-riences 
oi  the  Cin-istian  Ciuircii,  is  most  nearly  to  be 
seen  in  R0.5.14  or  iC<ir.l0.ii.  Tiiat  such 
correspondences  would  i)e  found  to  exist 
between  the  old  and  new  co\enants  seems 
to  have  been  a  Jewish  belief  which  was 
adopted  unhesitatingly  by  Christians,  and  has 
always  played  an  important  part  in  the  ortho- 
dox Christian  intcriirctation  of  O.T.  Al- 
though the  word  "  type  "  is  rarely  used  in  this 
sense  in  N.T.,  yet  the  jiriiiriple  of  tyi'ology 
marks  the  whole  attitude  of  Ciirist  and  His 
apostles  towartls  the  didcr  Scrijitures.  Thus  we 
have  such  authoritative  types  as  Jouah,  of  the 


TYRANNtJS 

Resurrection  (Mt. 12. 39, 40) ;  the  brazen  ser- 
pent, of  the  Crucifixion  (Jn.3.14);  the  manna, 
of  the  Eucharist  ( Jn.6.32,33)  ;  the  events  of  the 
Exodus,  of  the  privileges  and  perils  of  Christians 
(iCor.lO  );  Melchizedek,  of  the  royal  priesthood 
of  Christ  (Heb.7) ;  the  tabernacle,  of  the  whole 
economy  of  the  Incarnation  {Heb.9).  The  word 
"  antitype,"  usually  applied  to  the  N.T.  fulfil- 
ment of  a  "  type,"  is  only  found  in  that  sense 
in  iPe.3.2i-  The  terms  are  used  in  an  almost 
opposite  sense  in  Heb.9. 24,  where  "  antitype  " 
is  applied  to  the  earthly  copy,  while  "type" 
is  used  of  the  heavenly  pattern  and  original  of 
the  tabernacle  (Ex. 25. 40  ;  Ac. 7. 44  ;  Heb.8.5). 
A  "  type  "  should  properly  be  distinguished 
from  an  "  Allegory,"  which  is  a  fictitious  nar- 
rative designed  deliberately  to  convey  spiritual 
truth,  or  a  figurative  interpretation  of  some  his- 
torical event  suggested  by  pious  imagination. 
The  interpretation  of  types  stand  on  a  higher 
level,  and  is  more  akin  to  prophecy.  To  recog- 
nize and  interpret  the  typical  meaning  of  O.T. 
belongs  to  the  prophetic  office  of  the  Church. 
For  types  are  significant  illustrations  of  the 
laws  of  divine  operation  in  history  which  the 
mind  of  the  Church  is  guided  by  the  Spirit  to 
recognize  and  teach.  "  A  type  presupposes 
a  purpose  in  history  wrought  out  from  age 
to  age  "  (Westcott).  Typology  may  be 
rightly  regarded  as  the  application  of  scientific 
method  to  spiritual  truth.  It  recognizes  the 
inner  order  and  unity  of  all  the  events  of 
sacred  history,  and  sees  the  development  of 
revelation  as  a  connected  whole.  Thus  to  the 
spiritual  mind  typology  supplies  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  evidences  of  the  truth  of 
revelation.  It  should  be  noted  that  this 
typical  value  of  the  events  and  characters  of 
O.T.,  while  in  no  way  diminishing  their  his- 
torical truth,  is  independent  of  the  knowledge 
and  immediate  purpose  of  the  actors  and 
authors,  and  may  not  be  recognized  till  long 
afterwards,  like  the  Messianic  meaning  of 
many  utterances  of  the  prophets  {cf.  iPe.l.io- 
12).  The  development  of  typology  beyond 
what  is  actually  suggested  in  N.T.,  while  in- 
evitable, is  a  difficult  problem,  demanding 
caution  and  a  sense  of  proportion.  For  typo- 
logy in  mediaeval  and  even  in  patristic  exegesis 
degenerated  at  times  into  mere  fanciful  alle- 
gorizing. Hence  the  Reformation  produced 
a  reaction  in  favour  of  literalism,  and  even 
tended  to  reject  typology  altogether.  The 
more  orthodox  Protestantism  of  Bengel  and 
the  Wiirtemberg  school  emphasized,  however, 
the  broader  aspects  of  typology,  and  in  the 
present  day  the  typical  value  of  O.T.  history 
and  institutions  is  again  becoming  widely 
recognized  as  an  element  that  needs  taking 
into  account  to  form  a  true  conception  of 
Inspiration.  Keble,  The  Mysticism  attributed 
to  the  Early  Fathers  of  the  Church  (1849)  ; 
Willis,  The  Worship  of  the  Old  Covenant 
(1880)  ;  Westcott,  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
(1889) ;  Tholuck,  Schaff-Herzog  Encyclopaedia 
(1891);  Arnold  and  Scannell,  A  Catholic 
Dictionary  (new  ed.  1897).  [a.r.w.] 

Typan'nus,  a  man  in  whose  school  or 
place  of  audience  Paul  taught  the  Gospel  for 
two  years,  during  his  sojourn  at  Ephesus  (Ac. 
19.9).  The  reading  adopted  in  R.V.,  "  the 
school  of  Tyrannus,"  seems  to  imply  that  he 


TYRE,  TYRUS 


909 


was  well  known,  and  in  this  case  the  proba- 
bility is  that  he  taught  in  a  public  place.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  reading  which  A.V. 
follows,  "  the  school  of  one  Tyrannus,"  sug- 
gests that  the  name  will  be  unknown  to  the 
reader.  If  so,  Tyrannus  was  probably  a 
private  teacher,  who  taught  pupils  in  a  lecture- 
room  attached  to  his  own  house.  [a.c.d.] 

Type, Typus(Heb.  f'iir ;  Arab,  stir,  "rock"), 
the  Phoenician  city  on  a  rocky  island  in  N.W. 
corner  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  a  "strong 
city  "  outside  the  limits  of  David's  kingdom 
(Jos. 19. 29;  2Sam.24.7),whose  king  Hiram  sent 
cedars,  firs,  carpenters,  and  masons  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  aided  in  building  the  palace  and 
temple  (2Sam.5.ii  ;  iK. 5. 1,7.13, 14  ;  iChr.l4. 
I  ;  2Chr.2.3,ii).  Solomon  ceded  20  cities  of 
Galilee,  including  Cabul,  to  Hiram  (1K.9.11, 
12).  Tyre  is  unnoticed  in  the  historic  books 
after  Solomon's  time.  An  early  Psalm  (45.12) 
speaks  of  the  "  daughter  of  Tyre  "  offering  a 
gift  ;  but  later  (83.7)  Tyre  joins  the  general 
league,  under  Assyria,  against  Israel.  Isaiah 
(apparently  c.  728  b.c.)  speaks  of  troubles  which 
will  afflict  Tyre  for  70  j^ears  (Is. 23. 15);  and 
such  troubles  began  in  727  b.c,  and  continued 
till  664  B.C.,  or  even  later.  Je.25.22  speaks  of 
the  approaching  desolation  due  to  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's attack.  Tyre  sent  messengers  to  Ze- 
dekiah,  probably  as  to  mutual  aid  against  the 
Babylonian  conqueror  (27.3);  but  its  fate  was 
foreseen  (47.4).  Ezk.26.2,4,7,15  speaks  of  the 
ruin  of  Tyre,  just  about  the  time,  apparently, 
when  Neijuchadnezzar  besieged  and  took  the 
city.  The  prophecy  of  Isaiah  that  Tyre  should 
be  restored  (Is. 23. 17)  had  then  been  fulfilled, 
and  Ezekiel  gives  a  full  account  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  city  under  the  later  kings  of  As- 
syria (Ezk.27.2-25),  and  just  before  the  acces- 
sion of  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  was  to  destroy  it 
for  a  time.  Tyre  was  then  "  a  merchant  of  the 
people  of  many  coasts,"  and  built  "  in  the 
midst  of  the  seas."  It  had  firs  from  Senir, 
cedars  from  Lebanon,  ships  with  oars  of  Ba- 
SHAN  oak,  benches  (or  hatches)  of  boxwood  in- 
laid with  ivory,  the  sails  being  of  Egyptian 
linen,  and  the  awnings  of  purple  and  scarlet 
from  the  coasts  of  Elishah.  The  mariners 
came  from  Sidon,  Arvad,  and  Gebal  ;  the 
mercenary  troops  from  Persia,  Lud  (Lydia), 
and  Phut,  as  well  as  from  Arvad  [Gammadims]. 
Precious  metals  came  from  Tarshish  and  from 
the  regions  of  Javan,  Tubal,  and  Mesech,  in 
Asia  Minor.  Horses,  chariot  horses,  and  mules 
were  brought  from  Togarmah  (Armenia),  ivory 
and  ebony  from  Dedan  (or  from  Rhodes,  ac- 
cording to  LXX.).  From  Syria  came  gems, 
broidered  work,  and  linen  ;  from  Palestine, 
corn,  honey,  oil,  and  balm  ;  from  Damascus 
white  wool  and  wine  of  Helbon.  The  Danai 
and  lonians  brought  metals  [Dan  ;  Javan], 
while  Indian  products — cassia  and  calamus — 
seem  to  have  come  by  Arab  trade  from  Uzal. 
Tapestry  from  Dedan,  flocks  from  Arabia 
and  Kedar,  came  with  gold  and  spices  and 
gems  from  Sheba  and  Raamah.  From  As- 
SHUR,  Haran,  and  other  lands  to  the  E.  were 
brought  corded  boxes  of  cedar,  with  broidered 
robes.  The  description  represents  a  trade  with 
Ionia  on  the  W.,  with  India  on  the  E.,  with 
Egypt  and  Arabia  on  the  S.,  and  with  Armenia 
on  the  N.     The  mention  of  Persia  in  this  early 


910 


rrYRS:,  iJYKVS 


age  is  explained  by  the  yet  earlier  appearance 
of  Persians  in  the  texts  uf  Sennacherib.  ^  The 
prince  of  Tyre  (Ezk.28.2)  was  then  perhaps  a 
sdkhen,ov  "protector"  ;but  the  "king  of  Tyre" 
(ver.  12)  was  regarded  as  divine,  unless  we  arc  to 
understand  the  deity  of  the  city  to  be  intended 
by  the  "  anointed  cherub"  (ver.  14),  who  had 
been  in  the  garden  of  God ;  for  the  Phoenicians, 
like  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  repre- 
sented on  their  seal  cylinders  the  Kirubii  (or 
"guardian")  as  a  winged  figure — human  or 
monstrous — in  pairs  flanking  the  tree  of  life,  or 
'dsherd,  and  the  winged  sun  "  brooding  "  or 
"  settling  "  above  those  whom  he  protected. 
The  "  mountain  of  Ciod  "  (Harsak-Kalama,  or 
"  world  mountain  ")  was  also  an  ancient  Ak- 
kadian name  for  the  Caucasus  (see  ver.  14),  and 
Phoenician  mythology  was  of  Babylonian 
origin.  But  all  this  wealth,  pride,  and  trust  in 
Melqarth,  the  deity  of  Tyre,  was  to  be  abased 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  (29. 18).  The  earlier  pro- 
phets say  little  of  Tyre.  In  H0.9.13  the  mean- 
ing seems  to  be  "  Ephraim  looks  to  me  like  a 
rock  set  in  a  meadow  "  ;  and  this  does  not  refer 
to  the  city.  J  1.3. 4  refers  apparently  to  the 
old  Phoenician  slave  traffic  at  Tyre  and  Sidon  ; 
Amos  to  breach  of  alliance  with  Judah  (I.9)  ; 
and,  after  the  Captivity,  Zech.9.2,3  alludes  to 
the  revived  prosperity  of  Tyre  under  the  Per- 
sians. Later  notices  are  scarce  (iEsd.5.55  ;  i 
Mac.5.15,11.59),  and  in  N.T.  Tyre  is  only 
noticed  as  visited  by  our  Lord  (Mt.ll.21, 
22,15.21  ;  Mk. 3. 8, 7. 24, 31 ;  Lu. 6. 17, 10.13,14),  as 
quarrelling  with  Agrippa  (Ac. 12. 20),  and  as  a 
port  touched  at  by  St.  Paul  (21.3,7). — The  Site. 
Tyre  was  built  on  a  flat  rocky  reef  of  about 
100  acres  in  area,  including  a  smaller  rock,  on 
S.W.,  of  Some  25  acres,  which  seems  to  have 
been  included  early  by  filling  in  the  space  be- 
tween it  and  the  main  island.  It  is  always 
mentioned  as  having  two  ports,  the  oldest 
notice  of  these  being  c.  1330  b.c,  when  the 
Egyptian  Mohar  (see  Brugsch,  Hist.  Egt.  ii.  p. 
105)  says  (according  to  Chabas)  that  it  was 
called  "  Tyre  of  the  two  ports."  "  The  drink- 
ing water  is  brought  to  her  in  boats.  She  is 
richer  in  fishes  than  in  sands."  The  Greeks 
thought  tliat  the  older  site  was  on  the  main- 
land at  Palae-Tyrus,  which  Strabo  places  30 
stadia  away  (xvi.  ii.  23)  by  streams.  This  is 
the  present  lids  el  \Ain,  about  3 J  miles  S.  of  the 
island,  with  two  springs,  whence  an  aqueduct 
led  to  the  shore  near  the  city.  Strabo  also  refers 
td  the  "  two  ports,"  and  these  are  mentioned 
(by  Diodorus  Siculus  and  .\rrian)  in  connexion 
with  the  seven  months'  siege  by  Alexander 
the  (ireat,  in  333-332  b.c.  The  N.  port  is  the 
present  harbour,  about  10  acres  in  area.  It 
was  called  the  "  Sidonian  Harbour."  The 
southern  harbour,  surveyed  by  swimming,  in 
1881  (by  Capt.Conder  and  Lieut.  Mantell,  R.E.), 
was  previously  supposed  to  have  disappeared. 
It  is  also  about  10  acres  in  extent,  formed  by 
reefs,  and  divided  into  an  outer  and  an  inner 
port  by  a  cross  quay.  This  was  the  "  Egyp- 
tian Harbour."  There  were  also  small  landing- 
places  between  reefs  on  W.  side  of  the  city. 
Alexander  made  a  mole  to  join  Tyre  to  the 
mainland,  and  this,  being  covered  l)y  sand, 
now  makes  an  isthmus  about  500  yds.  wide, 
joining  tlie  island  to  tln'  shore.  The  ruins  in- 
clude the  i2th-eint.  walls,  and  a  cathedral  S. 


TYRE,  TYrTTS 

of  them  (where  Origen  was  buried  in  253  or  254 
A.D.  and  Frederic  Barbarossa  in  1190  a.d.), 
with  a  Phoenician  shaft  tomb  on  S.W.,  ex- 
plored in  1 88 1.  The  main  cemetery  is  on  the 
rocky  mainland,  presenting  tombs  with  kokim 
(or  tunnel  graves,  as  in  Heb.  tombs),  reached  by 
shafts  6  to  10  ft.  deep,  as  in  Egypt.  The  springs 
at  Rds  el  'Ain  were  dammed  up  in  five  tanks, 
of  which  three  were  apparently  ancient.  The 
aqueduct  thence  to  Tyre  fell,  from  a  level  80 
ft.  above  the  sea,  to  about  40  ft.  or  less  opposite 
the  island.  It  is  mainly  mediaeval;  but  Lieut. 
Mantell  discovered,  in  1881,  that  at  one  point 
there  are  remains  of  false  arches,  which  may 
be  as  old  as  the  time  when  (according  to  Men- 
auder,  as  quoted  by  Josephus,  9  Ant.  xiv.  2) 
Shalmaneser  IV.  besieged  Tyre  (before  722 
B.C.),  and  cut  off  the  water  supplied  by  an 
aqueduct.  The  modern  town,  within  the  me- 
diaeval walls,  occupies  only  about  half  the 
island,  towards  N.W.  It  has  a  small  trade  in 
fruits,  and  a  population  of  about  3,000  per- 
[  sons,  half  of  whom  are  Gk.  Christians,  and  the 
rest  fanatical  Metdwaleh,  or  Moslems  of  a 
Persian  Slii'ah  sect  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  i.  pp.  51,  69, 
72-81  ;  iii.  pp.  423-435).— H«tory.  As  in  the 
Bible  Tyre  is  "  in  the  midst  of  the  seas  "  (Ezk. 
28.2),  so  in  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  ac- 
counts the  city  is  also  noticed  as  on  an  island. 
The  Gk.  idea  that  Palae-T>TUS  ("  Old  Tyre  ") 
was  on  the  mainland,  30  stadia  away,  and 
Pliny'sassertion  that  the  citystretchedio  miles 
[Hist.  Nat.  v.  17),  were  unfounded,  though 
a  ruined  settlement  at  the  head  of  the  aqueduct 
may,  inStrabo's  time,  have  been  older  than  the 
flourishing  city  on  the  island  appeared  to  be. 
Ramses  II.  must  have  passed  Tyre,  since  he 
left  records  at  Sidon  and  Beirut,  and  the  Mohar 
(as  above)  describes  the  island-city  in  his  reign. 
It  is  not  yet  known  how  early  it  was  built, 
though  its  priests  gave  to  Herodotus  (ii.  44)  a 
date  answering  to  2700  b.c.  There  is  nothing 
impossible  in  this  statement,  if  we  accept  the 
Babylonian  date  which  makes  the  Akkadians 
enter  Syria  a  century  earlier.  [Phenice  ;  Syria.) 
The  Amarna  letters,  in  15th  cent,  b.c,  include 
five  fromT>Te  (Berlin  99,  Brit.  Mus.  28  to  31). 
Its  ruler  was  then  named  Abimelech  [Sidon], 
and  it  appears  that  Zauepiiath  (Zarpitu)  was 
then  placed  under  Tyre.  .Abimelech  was 
attacked  by  Aziru  the  Amorite,  with  chariots 
and  infantry,  aided  by  ships  from  Arvad,  and 
the  water  supply  was  cut  off.  Menander  (see  9 
Ant.  xiv.  2)  appears  to  have  had  historic  infor- 
mation as  to  tlie  reigns  of  Tyrian  kings,  though 
Josepluis  (8  .(«/.  iii.  i)  is  wrong  in  supposing 
Tyre  not  to  have  been  founded  till  c.  1240  u.c. 
He  appears  to  be  correct,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
giving  the  foundation  of  Carthage  as  the  great 
Tyrian  colony  of  the  W.  r.  H70  B.C.  (Ai^ainst 
Apion,  i.  17).  Beginning  with  Abibalus  (.\bi- 
baal),  the  father  of  Hikam,  he  follows  the 
Phoenician  history  of  Diosand  the  records  of 
Menander.  Hiram  had  reigned  12  years  when 
Solomon  built  the  tein|)lc,  ami  was  succeeded  by 
HaalcziT,  'Abd-'Astarta,  ami  his  son,  followed 
by  'Astartu,  Asher-anunii,  and  Phelish.  The 
next  king,  Ithu-baal.  would  by  the  dates  (which 
seem  slightly  corrupted  in  drtail,  according  to 
the  total  in  the  present  text  of  Josephus)  be  con- 
temporarv  with  .Miab.  His  name  (as  the  Baby- 
lonian Ittu-h'el  shows)  meant   "  Baal  is  with 


TYRE,  TYRtrS 

him."  He  was  also  king  of  Sidon(see9^n/.  vi. 
6)  and  was  the  Ethbaal  whose  daughter  Ahab 
married.  He  reigned  32  years,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Bodezer,  and  Mutkun,  and  Pugum- 
'aliun  in  whose  7th  year  Carthage  was  built 
by  his  sister.  His  reign  of  47  years  brings  us 
to  the  time  when  (in  842  b.c.)  Tyre  be- 
came tributary  to  Shalmaneser  II.  of  Ass}Tia. 
There  is  a  gap  in  Tyrian  history  till  the  reign  of 
Luliya  (or  Eluliya),  who  ruled  not  only  in  Tyre, 
but  from  Sidon  to  Accho,  for  36  years  (see  9 
Ant.  xiv.  2).  He  was  attacked  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  and  also  by  Shalmaneser  IV.  (ac- 
cording to  Menander),  when  Sidon  and  Accho 
deserted  him,  and  the  water  supply  from  the 
aqueduct  was  cut  off  for  5  years.  He  was  again 
attacked  by  Sennacherib  in  703  b.c,  and  though 
Tyre  was  not  taken,  an  Assyrian  nominee  (Tub- 
el)  was  set  up  in  Phoenicia.  Luliya  would 
thus  have  acceded  c.  740  b.c.  In  the  reign 
of  Esar-haddon,  Baal  of  Tyre  was  tributary,  but 
joined  Tirhakah  of  Egypt  in  670.  The  Eponym 
Canon  states  that  when  Esar-haddon  proceeded 
against  Tirhakah  he  sent  a  force  to  cut  off  the 
food  and  water  supply  of  Tyre,  and  thus 
caused  its  submission.  On  Esar-haddon's 
death  Baal  again  joined  in  an  Egyptian  revolt, 
and  T>Te  was  again  besieged  by  Assur-bani- 
pal,  who  appears  to  have  desired  peace  with 
Phoenicia.  In  680  b.c.  he  had  forgiven  Baal 
his  first  revolt  ;  in  664  b.c.  he  besieged  "  Baal 
of  Tyre,  dwelling  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,"  and 
forced  the  Tyrians  to  submit  when  they  had 
only  sea  water  to  drink.  Even  then  he  re- 
stored Yahi-melek,  the  king's  son  (a  famous 
warrior),  to  his  father,  and  accepted  daughters 
of  Baal  and  of  his  brothers,  with  large  dowries, 
as  wives.  The  history  of  Tyre  in  the  time  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  is  taken  by  Josephus  {Against 
A  pion,  i.  2 1 )  from  Phoenician  records.  Another 
Ithu-baal  then  reigned,  and  was  blockaded  by 
the  Babylonians  for  13  years  (600  to  587  b.c), 
being  succeeded,  or  replaced,  by  another  Baal, 
ruling  till  577  b.c  Nebuchadnezzar  then  ap- 
pears to  have  appointed  Phoenician  judges 
(shoph'^^tim),  instead  of  liings,  till  570  b.c  ;  and, 
after  a  certain  Baal-(^ur  had  ruled  for  a  year, 
Meri-baal  and  another  Hiram  were  sent  in  suc- 
cession from  Babylon.  The  latter  reigned  for  20 
years,  and  in  his  time  Cyrus  took  Babylon  (538 
B.C.).  The  Tyrian  kings  under  the  Persians 
are  unknown,  and  Sidon  may  have  been  the 
capital  city  of  Phoenicia  in  this  age.  In  the 
time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  'Az-melek  was 
king  of  Tyre,  and  alone  remained  faithful  to 
the  Persians,  who  had  destroyed  Sidon.  The 
famous  seven  months'  siege  (333-332  b.c)  is 
described  by  Diodorus  Siculus  in  detail  (xvii. 
iv.),  and  Arrian  repeats  his  account  (ii.  18-24). 
When  the  great  mole  had  forever  destroyed  the 
insularity  of  Tyre,  and  the  Greco-Phoenician 
fleet  had  burst  the  boom  of  the  Egyptian  har- 
bour, 8,000  Tyrians  are  said  to  have  fallen  fight- 
ing, and  2,000  were  crucified  by  Alexander 
round  the  walls.  Women,  children,  and  slaves, 
to  the  number  of  30,000,  were  sold ;  and  the  con- 
queror, after  sacrificing  to  Melqarth,  and  estab- 
lishing memorial  games  to  be  celebrated  every 
five  years  (see  2Mac.4.i8),  made  Baal-amin, 
of  the  old  royal  house,  ruler  of  Tyre.  We  hear 
little  of  the  ruined  city,  which  was  again  be- 
sieged (for  14  months)  after  Alexander's  death 


XJLAl 


911 


(by  Antigonus),  until  Roman  times,  when  Tyre 
and  Sidon  were  recognized  as  free  cities  by 
Pompey  in  63  b.c,  and  by  Antony  in  36  a.d. 
Josephus  (Life,  66)  makes  Tyre  the  metropolis 
in  ist  cent.  a.d.  Strabo  (xvi.  ii.  23)  in  the  same 
age  speaks  of  its  two  ports,  its  flourishing  trade, 
and  its  "  purple  "  dye.  Jerome  (on  Ezk.26.7) 
calls  it  the  most  noble  and  flourishing  city  of 
Phoenicia,  trading  with  all  the  world ;  and  this 
trade  continued  not  only  vmder  the  Romans, 
the  Moslems,  and  the  Franks  (who  held  it  from 
1 124  to  1291  A.D.),  but  yet  later,  till  its  har- 
bours were  destroyed  by  Fakhr-ed-Din  early 
in  17th  cent.  a.d. — Antiquities.  Coins  of  Tyre 
are  known,  belonging  to  the  Persian  and  Ro- 
man ages  (Taylor,  Alphabet,  i.  p.  225),  be- 
ginning with  those  of  'Az-baal  (456-424  B.C.), 
and  others  imder  Artaxerxes  III.  (360-339  b.c). 
The  Gk.  and  Roman  coins  range  from  145 
B.C.  to  153  A.D.  One  of  these  represents  Mel- 
qarth as  a  Hercules,  and  on  the  reverse  are  the 
"  two  ambrosial  stones,"  which  (according  to  a 
Phoenician  legend)  existed  under  the  sea  at 
Tyre.  No  remains  of  the  famous  temple  of 
Melqarth  have  as  yet  been  found.  It  stood 
perhaps  where  the  cathedral  was  built,  in  the 
centre  of  the  island ;  and  the  columns  of  Egyp- 
tian granite,  lying  in  the  ruins  of  the  latter, 
may  have  once  belonged  to  it.  Many  of  the 
Tyrian  tombs  have  been  rifled  ;  none  having 
yet  been  found  intact.  The  only  Phoenician 
text  in  the  city  (Clermont-Ganneau,  Recueil,  ii. 
p.  87)  is  a  much-damaged  inscription  of  nuae 
lines,  found  by  natives  in  1885  near  the  Serai,  or 
court-house.  It  is  cut  on  a  white  marble  block 
like  an  altar,  and  is  evidently  votive.  It  re- 
cords the  presentation  of  a  "  basin,"  costing 
"  ninety  of  silver — Tyrian  coinage,"  by  two 
"  judges  "  {sh6ph"tim),  who  seem  to  have  halved 
the  expense  of  the  object,  given  in  fulfilment  of 
a  vow.  The  names  are  interesting  in  con- 
nexion with  Tyrian  mythology.  One  donor  is 
"  Adon-baal  the  Shophet,  son  of  'Az-melek," 
who  apparently  had  ancestors,  also  judges, 
named  Bod-Melqarth  and  D'a-melek  ;  and  the 
other,  apparently  his  brother,  also  "  a  Shophet, 
son  of  'Az-melek."  If  the  latter  were  the 
Tyrian  king  of  Alexander's  age,  the  text  might 
be  as  early  as  300  b.c  ;  but  probably  it  belongs 
to  a  later  period  of  prosperity  in  Tyre,  under 
the  Ptolemies.   [Phenice  ;  Sidon.]     [c.r.c] 

Ty'pus,  used  for  Tyre  in  A.V.  of  Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel,  Hosea  (Joel  has  "Tyre"),  Amos, 
Zechariah,  2Esdras,  Judith,  and  the  Maccabees. 

Typus,  Laddep  of.    [Ladder  of  Tyrus.] 


u 


Ueal'.  In  the  received  text  of  Pr.30.1 
(A.V.  and  R.V.)  Ithiel  and  Ucal  appear  as 
proper  names.  The  R.V.  marg.  reads,  "  I  have 
wearied  myself,  and  am  consumed."  The 
passage  is  very  obscure.  See  Encyclopaedia 
Biblica,  "  Ithiel  and  Ucal."  [h.c.b.] 

Uel',  one  of  thebene-Bani,  who  had  married 
a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.34). 

Ula'i  (Dan.8.2,16),  the  Eulaeus  of  the  Gk. 
and  Roman  geographers,  is  mentioned  as  the 
river  flowing  past  Susa  or  Shushan,   where 


912 


tTLAM 


Daniel  saw  his  vision  of  the  ram  and  the  he- 
goat.  A§§ur-bani-apli  records  that  in  the 
battle  which  his  army  fought  outside  the  city, 
the  Ulai  {Uld  or  Ulaa)  was  choked  with  the 
bodies  of  the  slain,  and,  according  to  Pliny,  it 
surrounded  the  citadel.  It  is  now  the  Kart'in, 
a  large  river  which  enters  the  Sha't  al-'Arab  at 
Mohammerah.  Ancient  writers  seem  to  iden- 
tify the  Upper  Eulaeus  with  the  Kerkhah  and 
the  Lower  Eulaeus  with  the  Karun.  The 
surveys  show  that  the  Kerkha  formerly 
divided  at  Pai  Pul,  about  20  miles  N.W.  of 
Susa,  sending  out  a  branch  which  passed  E. 
of  the  ruins,  and  receiving  the  waters  of  the 
Shapur,  flowed  in  a  S.S.E.  direction  until  it 
joined  the  Karun  at  Ahwaz.  The  two  might, 
therefore,  have  been  anciently  regarded  as  a 
single  stream.  Concerning  the  Eulaeus  an 
Assyrian  copy  of  an  old  Babylonian  (student's) 
tablet  says,  "  Let  him  explain  the  Ula  as  that 
which  carries  its  abundance  to  the  sea,"  con- 
firming the  general  opinion  that  it  flowed 
anciently  into  the  Persian  Gulf.         [t.g.p.] 

Ulam'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Manasseh, 
and  father  of  Bedan  ( iChr.7. 1 7 ).  [  Rakem.  ] — 2. 
Firstborn  of  Eshek,  a  descendant  of  Saul  and 
jirogcnitorof  a  family  of  archers  {iChr.8.39,40). 

Ulla'.hcad  of  an  .Asherite  family  (iChr.  7.39). 

Umtnah',  one  of  the  cities  of  Asher 
(Jos. 19. 30  only).  Possibly  'Alma,  as  sug- 
gested by  Thomson,  since  the  Heb.  begins 
with  the  guttural  'ay in.  Now  a  village  in  the 
hills  6  miles  N.E.  of  Achzib  (ez  Zib),  next  to 
whicli  it  is  noticed.  [c.r.c] 

Unclean  Meats.  The  distinction  be- 
tween clean  and  unclean  animals  is  anterior 
to  the  Mosaic  law.  The  first  mention  of  the 
division  occurs  in  the  Flood  story,  when  Noah 
took  into  the  ark  seven  each,  male  and  female, 
of  all  kinds  of  clean  animals  and  fowls,  and 
two  each,  male  and  female,  (jf  the  unclean 
animals  and  fowls  (Gen. 7.2, 3, 8).  The  dis- 
tinction seems  then  to  have  been  made  with 
reference  to  sacrifices  only.  Noah  offered  of 
each  kind  of  clean  beasts  and  fowls  on  the 
altar  that  he  made  after  the  Fk)od  (8.20)  ; 
whereas  "  every  moving  thing  that  liveth  shall 
be  food  for  you  "  (9.3).  In  the  Mosaic  law 
the  division  into  clean  and  unclean  is  made  the 
basis  of  an  important  food-law  (Lev. 11. 46,47). 
Living  creatures  jiermittcd  for  fond  are 
"  clean  "  or  "  pure,"  those  forbidden  arc 
"  unclean  "  or  "  an  abomination."  (i)  Beasts 
and  animals  permitted  :  those  that  chew  the 
cud  and  divide  the  hoof.  Four  whicli  fulfil 
only  one  of  these  two  conditions,  and  tlwrcforc 
were  jiroliibited,  are  mentioned  by  name  (Lev. 
11.4-7;  Dent. 14.7,8)  :  (a)  the  camel  ;  (b)  the 
Coney  or  hyrax,  the  flesh  of  which  is  eaten 
by  the  Arabs  of  Arabia  Petraca,  and  also  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Lebanon  ;  (c)  the  hare, 
which  is  eaten  by  the  Arabs  ;  {d)  the  swine. 
(2)  F'ish  :  "  whatsoever  hath  fins  and  scales  " 
was  permitted  (Lev. 11. 9  ;  I)eut.l4.9).  (3) 
Birds  :  no  distinguishing  feature  of  clean  or 
unclean  birds  is  given,  but  from  the  list  of  for- 
bidden birds  (Lev. 11. 13-19)  it  would  appear 
that  all  birds  of  prey  and  nearly  all  water- 
fowls were  forbidden.  (4)  "  Winged  cree(iing 
things  that  go  upon  all  four,  which  liave  legs 
above  their  feet,  to  leap  withal  upon  the 
earth,"    were   permitted,    and   four   kinds   of 


TTNCLEAN  MEATS 

locusts  are  mentioned  (11.21,22)  ;  all  other 
creeping  things  were  forbidden  (11.20,31-38, 
42,43),  of  which  a  list  is  given  in  vv.  29,30. 
Other  restrictions  were :  (i)  Blood  was  not 
to  be  eaten  (Lev.17.13,14).  This  prohibition 
was  older  than  the  Mosaic  law,  being  one  of 
the  Noachic  precepts  (Gen. 9. 4).  The  blood  of 
fowl  and  beast  was  forbidden  ;  the  penalty  for 
transgression  was  "  cutting  off  "  (Lev. 7. 26, 27). 
This  law  applied  to  the  stranger  as  well  as 
to  the  Israelite  (17. 10,12).  The  blood  of  an 
animal  taken  in  hunting  was  to  be  drawn  off 
(ver.  13).  Probably  because  the  blood  re- 
mained in  the  body,  a  clean  animal  that 
had  been  torn  by  a  beast  was  not  to  be  eaten 
(Ex. 22. 31)  ;  or  one  that  had  died  a  natural 
death  (i3eut.l4.2i),  but  this  might  be  given  or 
sold  to  a  stranger.  An  instance  of  the  trans- 
gression of  the  law  occurs  in  1Sam.i4.32,  and 
the  narrative  shows  that  the  sin  was  con- 
sidered a  great  one.  Two  reasons  are  given 
for  the  prohibition  against  eating  blood  :  (a) 
it  is  the  seat  of  life,  or  the  life  itself  (Lev. 
17.11,14;  Deut.12.23  ;  cf.  Gen. 9. 4)  ;  (6)  the 
blood  on  the  altar  made  atonement  for  souls, 
and  therefore  should  not  be  eaten  by  man 
(Lev. 17. 11).  The  Gentiles  who  joined  the 
Christian  Church  were  exhorted  to  abstain 
from  blood  (Ac. 15.29,21. 25).  (ii)  The  fatty 
parts  of  sacrificial  animals  to  be  burned  on  the 
altar  were  prohibited  ;  the  fat,  like  the  blood, 
seems  to  have  been  considered  to  be  the  seat 
of  life  (Lev. 3. 17).  The  penalty  for  disobe- 
dience was  "  cutting  off  "  (7.25).  (iii)  The 
command  not  to  seethe  a  kid  in  its  mother's 
milk  is  three  times  repeated  (Ex.23. 19,34.26  ; 
Dent. 14. 21).  The  Targ.  Onk.  renders  the 
phrase  "  Thou  shalt  not  eat  meat  in  milk," 
and  it  is  understood  in  this  sense  by  later 
Jewish  teachers,  (iv)  The  fruit  of  a  tree 
during  the  first  three  years  was  "  as  uncir- 
cumcised,"  and  was  not  to  be  eaten  (Lev. 19. 
23).  (3)  Meaning  of  the  prohibition.  The 
only  reason  given  for  the  division  into  clean 
and  unclean  is  that  Israel  may  be  holy  as 
God  is  holy  (11. 45).  [Hoi,v.]  The  pre- 
vailing opinion  among  the  Rabbis  was  that 
the  laws  of  clean  and  unclean  are  the  arbitrary 
decrees  of  God  ;  others  {e.g.  Grotius,  Spencer, 
Mirhaelis)  that  they  arc  purely  sanitary  laws, 
intended  to  promote  ]ihysical  well-being; 
others  again  (Ewald,  Ant.  of  Isr.  144  fi.) 
that  they  were  designed  to  iorm  a  barrier 
between  Israel  and  the  surrounding  nations. 
Whether  the  latter  was  the  original  intention  or 
not,  the  laws  have  had  this  effect.  [Medicine, 
Hygiene]  This  is  seen  in  N.T.  :  e.g.  St.  Peter 
says,  "  It  is  an  unlawful  thing  for  a  man  that 
is  a  Jew  to  join  himself  or  come  unto  one  of 
anfither  nation  "  (Ac. 10. 28) :  and  the  first 
thing  necessary  to  the  rcmov\nl  of  this  barrier 
was  the  abolition  of  the  distinction  between 
clean  and  unclean  as  applied  to  peoples. 
With  the  abrogation  of  the  law  as  applied  to 
animals  there  fell  the  barrier  between  men 
(Ac. 10. 9-16).  These  laws  have  contributed 
largely  to  the  continued  existence  of  the  Jews 
as  a  separate  race.  Gthers  regard  the  laws  as 
disciplinary  and  intended  to  teach  the  people 
self-controi  tlirough  the  exercise  of  self-denial 
in  food  matters.  Various  reasons  have  been 
suggested  for  the  division  of  animals,  etc.,  into 


tTNCLEANNESS 

the  two  classes,  but  no  one  theory  meets  all 
the  difficulties.     [Law  in  O.T.]  [h.h.] 

Uneleanness.  The  Mosaic  law  regarded 
certain  acts  and  states  of  the  body  as  rendering 
the  person  unclean,  and  as  the  state  could  be 
transmitted  to  others  by  personal  contact, 
separation  from  the  congregation  was  pre- 
scribed imtil  an  act  of  Purification  had  been 
performed.  The  matter  does  not  concern 
health,  nor  is  the  act  or  state  of  the  nature  of 
sin.  The  cases  of  uneleanness  are  arranged 
in  three  classes  (Num. 5. 2) — leprosy,  issues,  and 
death.  These  again  fall  into  two  classes  :  (i) 
matters  connected  with  the  propagation  of 
life,  e.g.  conjugal  intercourse,  all  kinds  of 
sexual  discharges,  childbirth  ;  (2)  those  con- 
nected with  the  other  extreme,  death ;  leprosy 
being  in  a  peculiar  sense  a  death  in  life.  Some, 
including  Jewish  writers,  divide  all  the  cases 
into  two  classes,  the  greater  and  lesser  degrees 
of  uneleanness  according  to  the  period  re- 
quired for  purifying,  the  lesser  requiring  one 
day  the  greater  a  longer  period.  The  Mosaic 
division  is  probably  the  most  convenient. — I. 
Leprosy.  It  is  evident  from  the  description 
given  in  Lev. 13  that  the  kind  of  leprosy  in- 
tended is  the  malignant  form,  the  symptoms 
being  gangrene  and  putrefaction.  This  kind 
of  Leprosy  is  not  uncommon  in  Syria  at  the 
present  day.  The  dishevelled  hair  and  rent 
garment  (13. 45)  are  the  signs  of  mourning  for 
the  dead  (10.6),  and  suggest  that  the  leper  was 
regarded  as  already  dead,  and  therefore  con- 
tact with  him  would  defile  like  contact  with 
the  dead.  Leprosy  in  houses  is  described  in 
l*-33-53-  The  house  was  subjected  to  the 
same  process  of  examination  as  the  man 
suspected  of  leprosy,  and  when  found  to  be 
infected  with  a  malignant  type,  it  was  to  be 
demolished,  and  the  materials  deposited  in 
an  unclean  place  without  the  city.  Any  one 
entering  a  leprous  house  was  unclean  till  the 
evening  (14. 46).  The  leprous  garment  was  to 
be  destroyed  by  fire  as  unclean  (13. 47-59). — - 
II.  Is.'iues.  Those  specified  are  :  (i)  In  woman. 
(a)  The  menses.  She  was  to  be  unclean  seven 
days  ;  anything  that  came  in  contact  with 
her  was  unclean,  and  any  person  touching  the 
unclean  thing  was  himself  unclean  till  the 
evening  (15. 19-24).  Any  man  who  was 
stained  with  her  taint  was  unclean  for  the 
same  period  as  the  woman,  and  he  imparted 
his  uneleanness  to  the  bed  (ver.  24).  (6)  Issue 
of  blood  (15.25-28).  The  conditions  were  the 
same  as  in  the  preceding  case,  the  imcleanness 
continuing  as  long  as  the  issue.  Coitus  is 
not  mentioned,  (c)  Childbkth  (12.2-6).  The 
uneleanness  lasted  seven  days  for  a  boy  and 
fourteen  for  a  girl,  with  33  days  for  the 
former  and  66  days  for  the  latter  spent  in  her 
home.  During  this  period  she  was  not  to 
touch  anything  holy  nor  enter  the  sanctuary. 
(2)  In  man  (I5.2-12).  (a)  Two  kinds  of  issue, 
the  conditions  of  uneleanness  being  as  in 
woman's  (la  supra).  If  the  unclean  man  spit 
on  one  who  is  clean,  the  latter  is  unclean  till  the 
evening  (ver.  8).  {b)  (15. 16-18).  Dischargeof 
semen,  involuntarily  or  in  coition,  rendered  the 
man,  and  in  the  latter  case  the  woman  also, 
unclean  till  evening,  and  anything  contamin- 
ated was  the  same. — III.  Death.  It  was  not 
death  itself  that  defiled,  but  the  dead  body, 


tTNlCORN 


913 


whether  of  man  or  of  clean  or  unclean  animal 
(Num.19.14-22).  (i)  The  dwelling  in  which 
a  man  died,  and  all  open  vessels  in  it,  were 
imclean  for  seven  days,  as  was  also  one  who 
entered  it,  or  who  touched  the  body  of  one 
who  had  died  in  the  open  air,  or  a  dead  man's 
bone,  or  even  a  grave.  A  thing  touched  by 
the  imclean  man,  or  one  who  came  into  con- 
tact with  the  thing  so  defiled,  was  unclean 
till  the  evening  (19.22).  (2)  Contact  with 
slaughtered  animals,  clean  or  unclean,  did  not 
defile,  but  the  carcase  of  any  animal  defiled 
men  till  the  evening  (Lev. 11. 24-28)  ;  eight 
kinds  of  smaller  animals  defiled  also  things, 
domestic  utensils,  etc.  {vv.  29-38),  and  the 
objects  were  unclean  tUl  the  evening.  The 
animals  are  enumerated  in  vv.  29,30,  and  the 
things  defiled  in  ver.  32. — IV.  The  following 
instances  represent  a  different  class  of  defile- 
ment. These  were  unclean  till  the  evening — 
the  priest  who  superintended  the  offering 
of  the  red  heifer  (Num. 19.7),  the  man  who 
burnt  it  (ver.  8)  and  he  who  collected  the 
ashes  (ver.  10) ;  on  the  Day  of  Atonement  the 
man  who  conducted  the  scapegoat  out  of  the 
city  (Lev. 16. 26)  and  he  who  burnt  the  bullock 
and  the  other  goat  (ver.  28).  The  soldiers  who 
slew  the  Midianites  were  unclean  for  seven  days 
(Num.3i.17ff.).  [Crimes.] — V.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  in  every  instance  (I.-III.) 
the  cause  of  defilement  was  contact  with 
decomposition  and  corruption.  This  is  clearly 
the  case  where  dead  bodies  are  concerned 
(animals  slaughtered  are  in  a  different  cate- 
gory). There  was  gangrene  in  leprosy,  and  the 
same  element  of  corruption  in  the  defiling  dis- 
charges. The  Israelite  was  to  be  Holy  as 
God  is  holy.  Sin  defiles  the  soul,  and  for  this 
defilement  sacrifices  were  provided  ;  contact 
with  corrupt  or  decomposing  animal  matter 
defiles  the  body,  and  for  this  defilement 
purifications  were  provided  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  Levitical  system.  These  were  not 
expiatory,  because  the  defilement  was  not  sin, 
but  they  did  for  the  body  what  the  sacrifices 
did  for  the  soul — they  brought  it  into 
covenant  relationship  with  God,  between 
Whom  and  His  children  defilement  raises  a 
barrier.  [h.h.] 

Unetion.     [Anointing.] 

Undepsetteps  (kdtheph).  The  Heb.  means 
lit.  "  a  shoulder  "  ;  the  A.V.  word  expresses 
admirably  the  meaning  in  iK. 7. 30,34 — viz. 
"supports,"  which  held  up  the  laver.  [w.o.e.o.] 

Unicopn  (Heb.  f'em,  rim),  the  rendering 
by  A. v.,  following  the  LXX.,  of  the  Heb. 
r-'em,  which  occurs  seven  times  in  O.T.  as 
the  name  of  some  large  wild  animal.  That 
the  r^'em  was  not  a  one-horned  animal  (what- 
ever the  mythical  "  unicorn  "  may  have  been) 
is  evident  from  Dent. 33. 17,  where,  in  the 
blessing  of  Joseph,  it  is  said,  "  His  glory  is  like 
the  firstling  of  his  bullock,  and  his  horns  are 
like  the  horns  of  an  unicorn,"  not,  as  the  text 
of  A.V.  renders  it,  "  the  horns  of  unicorns." 
The  two  horns  of  the  r'^'em  are  "  the  ten  thou- 
sands of  Ephraim  and  the  thousands  of 
Manasseh."  Some  difficulty  arises  from  the 
!  fact  that  reim  is  the  modern  Arab,  name 
I  of  Loder's  gazelle  (Gazella  leptoceros)  of  N. 
Africa.  Tristram  indeed  suggests  that  this 
name    may    have    been    transferred    to    the 

58 


914 


UNKNOWN  GOD 


gazelles  (and  perhaps  other  antelopes)  after 
the  extermination  of  the  wild  ox,  but  this  is 
doubtful.  The  idea  that  the  buffalo  is  in- 
tended is  very  unlikely,  seeing  that  this  ani- 
mal only  exists  in  a  domesticated  state  in 
Palestine,  where  it  appears  to  have  been  intro- 
dured  at  a  comparatively  late  epoch.  Little 
can  be  urged  in  favour  of  the  African  two- 
horned  rhinoceros,  for  that  animal  does  not 
exist  in  Syria,  and  even  if  it  had  been  a  native 
it  would  have  been  forbidden  to  be  sacrificed 
by  the  law  of  Moses,  whereas  the  y'em  is  men- 
tioned by  Isaiah  as  coming  down  with  bullocks 
and  rams  to  the  Lord's  sacrifice.  Again,  the 
skipping  of  young  r'em  (Ps.29.6)  is  incom- 
patible with  the  habits  of  a  rhinoceros.  With 
regard  to  the  claims  of  any  member  of  the 
antelope  group,  it  may  be  observed  that  all  the 
Sjnrian  species  are  harmless  unless  wounded  or 
hard  pressed  by  hunters,  nor  are  they  remark- 
able for  the  possession  of  extraordinary 
strength.  Considering,  therefore,  that  the  y'etn 
is  described  as  a  two-horned  animal  of  great 
strength  and  ferocity,  that  it  was  evidently 
well  known  and  often  seen  by  the  Jews,  that  it 
is  mentioned  as  an  animal  fit  for  sacrificial 
purposes,  and  that  it  is  frequently  associated 
with  bulls  and  oxen,  the  inference  is  that  a 
wild  member  of  the  same  group  is  referred  to. 
Moreover,  the  allusion  in  Ps.92.io,  "  But  thou 
shalt  lift  up,  as  a  rVw,  my  horn,"  seems  to 
point  to  the  mode  in  which  oxen  use  their 
horns,  lowering  the  head  and  then  tossing  it 
up.  If  this  inference,  which  is  very  generally 
accepted  (see  J.  E.  Diirst,  Die  Kinder  von  Baby- 
lonien,  Assyrien,  tind  Aegypten,  Berlin,  iSgg), 
be  well  founded,  the  wild  ox,  or  aurochs  (Bos 
taurus  primigenius],  which,  although  now  ex- 
tinct, survived  in  I'olaud  till  the  17th  cent., 
is  doubtless  the  animal  indicated  by  the 
word  r'^em.  Representations  of  the  aurochs 
undoubtedly  occur  in  some  of  the  sculptures 
discovered  by  Sir  H.  Layard  at  Nineveh  ;  and 
an  obelisk  of  Tiglath-pileser's  time  (1130-1110 
B.C.)  depicts  young  aurochs  under  the  name 
of  rimu  (see  Diirst,  op.  cit.  p.  10).  This  last 
instance  seems  to  settle  the  question  as  to  the 
identity  of  the  r'fw  with  the  aurochs,  [r.l.] 

Unknown  Cod  (Ac.i7.23,  'kyvuaTo)  Oa^, 
ignoto  dco).  St.  Paul  mentions  an  altar  which 
he  had  seen  with  the  inscription  "  To  an  [or. 
the]  Unknown  (iod,"  in  Athens,  and  makes  it 
the  text  of  his  discourse  on  Mars'  Hill.  Jerome 
says  that  the  inscri])tion  actually  ran,  "To  the 
gods  of  Asia,  Europe,  and  Africa,  to  the  un- 
known and  strange  gods"  ;  and  luithalius  men- 
tions a  similar  inscription.  Philostratus  says, 
in  his  life  of  Apolloiiius  of  Tyana,  that  there 
were  altars  to  unknown  deities  at  Athens  ;  and 
Pausanias,  in  his  accoimt  of  Atliens  written 
about  fifty  years  after  St.  Paul's  visit,  mentions 
altars  dedicated  to  a  god  not  with  any  definite 
title,  l)ut  nameless  or  unknown.  It  is  men- 
tioned in  Diogenes  Laertius'  account  of  Ej^i- 
menides  that  wlien  a  jiestilenre  broke  out  in 
Athens  altars  were  erected  "  to  the  kindly 
deity,"  but  these  altars  seem  to  have  had  no 
inscriptions.  Eichhorn  suggests  that  the  altar 
was  one  which  had  been  erected  before  writing 
was  invented  (!)  or  that  the  inscription  had 
been  defaced,  and  so  that  'Ayt'w<TT(fi  «lt((J  was 
engraved  on  it.  [c.m.y.J 


XTR 

Unleavened  bread.  [Passover; 
Leaven  ;    Bread.] 

Unni'. — 1.  A  Levite  doorkeeper  in  the  time 
of  David  (iChr.l5.i8,2o).— 2.  {Unno,  R.V.) 
The  name  of  a  Levitical  family  that  returned 
from  Babylon  (Ne.12.9). 

Uphaz'   (Je.10.9  ;  Dan. 10. 5)  =  Ophir. 

Up  "  of  the  Chaldees  "  occurs  only  in 
Gen. 11. 28, 31,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  land  of 
Haran's  nativity,  whence  Terah  and  Abraham 
started  "  to  go  into  the  land  of  Canaan  "  (11. 
31).  In  Acts  (7.2,4)  St.  Stephen  places  it,  by 
implication,  in  Mesopotamia.  One  tradition 
identifies  Ur  with  the  modern  Or/a,  apparently 
on  account  of  the  name  Orrha,  which  it  seems 
to  have  borne  in  the  time  of  Isidore  (150  B.C.). 
According  to  Pocock,  it  was  "  the  universal 
opinion  of  the  Jews,"  and  is  also  the  local 
belief,  that  Ur  is  Edessa  or  Orfa.  Another 
tradition  makes  Ur  to  be  Warka,  the  'Opxdij 
of  the  Greeks,  but  this  is  certainly  Erech  (Gen. 
10.10).  Whatever  may  be  said  in  favour  of 
the  northern  situation  of  the  cit}',  there  is  no 
proof  that  the  name  Chaldea  was  ever  ex- 
tended to  the  region  above  the  Sinjar  ;  and  in 
any  case  the  Jews  meant,  by  Chaldea,  ex- 
clusively the  lower  country,  the  upper  being 
called  Mesopotamia  or  Padan-aram  (Job.  1. 
17  ;  Is.13.19,43.14,  etc.).  That  being  the 
case,  the  tradition  connecting  Ur  with  the 
Uru  of  the  Babylonian  inscriptions  seems  to 
be  the  most  probable.  It  is  quoted  by 
Eusebius  from  Eupolemus,  and  is  to  the  effect 
that  in  the  tenth  generation  there  lived  in 
Camarina,  which  is  by  some  called  Urie,  the 
13th  in  descent,  Abraham,  "  a  man  of  noble 
race,  and  superior  to  all  others  in  wisdom." 
There  is  hardly  any  doubt  that  Camarina  is 
to  be  connected  with  the  Arab,  qamar,  "  the 
moon,"  and  the  inscriptions  tell  us  that  the 
god  of  Uru,  or  Uriwa,  as  it  was  called  by  the 
Sumero- .Akkadians,  was  Sin  or  Nannara,  the 
moon-god.  This  city,  which  is  represented 
by  Muqeir  or  Umqeir  (Muqayyar)  on  the 
Euphrates,  nearly  opposite  its  junction  with 
the  Shail  al-Hdi,  is  now  not  less  than  123  miles 
from  the  sea,  but  a  reference,  in  a  bilingual 
list,  to  "  the  Urite  ship  "  gives  ground  for 
believing  that  it  was  in  ancient  days  a  mari- 
time city.  The  most  remarkable  building  is 
the  remains  of  the  temple-tower,  dedicated  to 
Nannara,  the  moon-god,  near  the  northern  end 
of  the  ruins — a  true  Babylonian  tower  in 
stages.  [Bahkl,  Towmu  or.]  The  bricks  of 
the  structure  bear  tlie  name  of  Ur-luigur,  who 
reigned  c.  2700  B.C.  Among  otiier  rulers 
whose  names  are  found  in  connexion  with 
tiiis  ruin  are  the  venerable  Dungi,  son  of  Ur- 
luigur,  and  Kudur-mabuk  and  liis  son  Arad- 
Sinor  l'>i-.'\ku  (  .\kh)(  11,  1).  It  was  here  that 
the  four  cylinders  with  identical  inscription  of 
Nabonidus  mentioning  his  son  Belshazzar 
were  found,  and  from  tiiem  ^we  learn  that  the 
temjile-tower  was  called  Iv-lugal-galga-sisa, 
and  belonged  to  the  tenqilc  A-gis-nu-gala.  S. 
of  the  tenqile-tower  of  Nannara  lay  the  temple 
of  the  goddess  Nin-gala,  and  to  the  S.lv.  was 
f'!-pipara,  "  the  temjile  of  the  lady  of  the  gods." 
Ur  was  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  which  it 
formed  the  centre  until  tlie  consolidation  of 
the  states  of  Babylonia  into  a  single  kingdom 
during  the  time  of  IJannnurabi  and  his  sue- 


TTRBANE 

cessors.  The  ruins  measure  about  i,ooo  yds. 
by  800,  and  consist  of  a  number  of  low  mounds 
witliin  an  enclosure.  It  is  completely  sur- 
rounded by  graves,  having  evidently  been  one 
of  the  sacred  places  to  which  the  dead  were 
taken  for  burial.  The  statement  of  Eupo- 
lemus  is  important,  as  we  have  said,  but  it  is 
needful  to  point  out  that  the  comparison  of  Ur 
with  Urn  is  not  altogether  satisfactory,  the 
original  (Sumero-Akkadian)  form  of  the  word 
being  Urtwa,  the  termination  of  which  is  not 
reproduced  in  the  Heb.  Ur.  It  is  therefore 
possible  that  Ur  of  the  "Chaldees"  may  have 
been  the  country  of  Ura  or  Urt — i.e.  Akkad  or 
N.  Babylonia.  (See  Shinar.)  This  would 
give  a  wide  field  for  a  pastoral  family  such  as 
that  of  Terah,  though  in  the  province  to  which 
Uru  [Muqeir)  belonged  they  would  have 
found  no  lack  of  pasture.  The  principal  ob- 
jection to  its  identification  with   Ura  or  N. 


URIEL 


915 


I  officers  (23.34),  and  hence,  perhaps,  Uriah's 
I  first  acquaintance  with  Bath-sheba.  In  the 
first  war  with  Ammon  he  followed  Joab  to 
the  siege,  and  with  him  remained  encamped 
in  the  open  field  (11).  He  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem, at  the  king's  order,  sent  on  the  pretext 
of  asking  news  of  the  war — really  in  the  hope 
that  Uriah's  return  to  his  wife  might  cover  the 
shame  of  the  king's  own  crime,  but  the  austere 
fidelity  of  Uriah  disappointed  the  king's  ex- 
pectation. Finding  it  impossible  to  screen 
Bath-sheba  from  the  death-punishment  to 
which  she  was  liable  (Lev. 20. 10),  David  sent 
Uriah  with  a  letter  to  Joab  containing  the 
command,  "  Set  ye  Uriah  in  the  forefront  of 
the  hottest  battle,  and  retire  ye  from  him,  that 
he  may  be  smitten,  and  die."  Joab  did  as  he 
was  told  ;  an  assault  was  made  on  Rabbah- 
ammon,  and  Uriah,  with  his  fellow-officers, 
was  shot   down  by  the   archers  on  the  wall 


RUINS  OF  THMPLK  AT  MUGHEIR   (Muqeir).      (After   Loftus.) 


Babylonia  is  that  the  name  Chaldea  was  not 
applied  to  that  part  of  Babylonia  until  a 
comparatively  late  date.  That  Terah  was  a 
worshipper  of  the  moon-god,  and  went  to 
Haran  because,  like  Ur,  it  was  a  centre  of  his 
worship,  is  also  possible,  and  would  confirm  the 
ideutification  of  Ur  with  Uru.  [t.g.p.] 

Up'bane  (better,  as  R.V.  and  (ienevan 
Bible,  Urbaniis,  Gk.  OvpjSai'ds),  the  name  (masc. 
in  gender)  of  a  Christian  quoted  by  St.  Paul  in 
R0.I6.9.     Nothing  further  is  known  of  him. 

Upi'. — 1.  A  man  of  J  udah,  grandson  of  Caleb 
ben-Hezron,  and  father  of  Bezaleel,  i  (Ex. 
31.2,35.30,38.22;  iChr.2.2o;  aChr.l.s).— 2. 
Father  of  Geber,  2  (1K.4.19). — 3.  A  gate 
keeper  of  the  temple  who  put  away  his  foreign 
wife  (Ezr.10.24). 

Uplah'. — 1.  One  of  David's  mighty  men 
(2Sam.23.39  ;  1Chr.ll.41).  Like  others  of 
the  king's  officers,  he  was  a  foreigner — a  Hit- 
tite  ;  but  his  name  and  manner  of  speech  (2 
Sam. 11. 11)  indicate  that  he  had  adopted  the 
Jewish  religion.  He  married  Bath-sheba,  the 
daughter  of  Eliam — possibly  the  same  as  the 
son  of  Ahithophel,  and   one   of  his  brother- 


(ver.  24).  It  is  one  of  the  touching  parts  of  the 
story  that  Uriah  falls  unconscious  of  his  wife's 
dishonour. — 2.  High-priest  in  the  reign  of 
Ahaz,  summoned  by  Isaiah  as  one  of  the  two 
witnesses  to  his  prophecy  concerning  Maher- 
shalal-hash-baz  (Is. 8. 2).  He  is  probably  the 
same  as  Urijah  the  priest,  who  built  the  altar 
for  Ahaz  (2K.I6.10-16). — 3.  A  priest  of  the 
family  of  Hakkoz,  head  of  the  seventh  course 
of  priests  (Ezr.8.33  ;  Ne.3.4,21,  R.V.).    [h.c.b.] 

Uri'as. — 1.  Uriah,  the  husband  of  Bath- 
sheba  (Mt. 1.6).— 2.  (iEsd.9.43)=  Urijah,  3. 

Uriel'  {fire of  God;  cf.  the  demand,  2Esd.4. 
5,  "weigh  me  weight  of  fire"),  the  angel 
who  questions  and  teaches  Ezra  (2Esd.4.i,36 
[Jeremiel],  5.20,10.28).  Also  in  Eth.  Enoch 
ix.  I  (one  of  the  four  archangels),  x.  i  (Gk.), 
xix.  I,  XX.  2,  xxi.  5,  Ixxii.  i.  He  is  "  over  the 
world  and  over  Tartarus,"  and  accompanies 
Enoch  through  chaos  and  the  prison  of  the 
angels,  and  also  teaches  him  the  laws  of  the 
heavenly  bodies.  For  his  position  in  later 
Judaism,  see  Jew.  Encycl.  s.v.  [a.l.w.] 

Uriel'.— 1.  A  Kohathite  chief  (iChr.6.24[9]). 
— 2.  Chief  of  the  Kohathites  in  the  reign  of 


910 


URIJAH 


David  (15.5,ii).— 3.  Uriel  of  Gibeah  was  the 
maternal  grandfather  of  Abijah  (2Chr.l3.2).  I 
[Maachah.  3.]  I 

Upijah'. — 1.  Urijah  the  priest,  in  the  reign 
of  Ahaz(2K.16.io);  =  probably  Uriah,  2. — 2. 
=  Uriah,  3. — 3.  A  priest  who  stood  at  Ezra's 
right  hand  when  he  read  the  law  to  the  people 
{Ne.8.4). — 4.  The  son  of  Sheniaiah  of  Kirjath- 
jearini ;  slain  by  Jehoiakini  for  prophesying 
against  Jernsaleni  (Jc. 26. 20-23). 

Upim'  and  Thummim'  (Ex.28. 30  ;  Lev. 
8.8;  lizr.2.63)  were  the  official  method  of  divina- 
tion by  which  the  ecclesiastical  head  of  the 
Israelitish  nation  inquired  of  the  Lord  and  ob- 
tained guidance  for  the  secular  ruler.  Thus 
Eleazer  divines  for  Joshua  (Num. 27. 21),  Ahiah 
for  Saul  (iSam.l4.i8),  Abiathar  for  David,  who 
by  this  time  had  been  anointed  king  (iSam.23. 
9).  It  is  a  sign  of  Saul's  official  degradation 
that  the  Lord  answered  him  not  by  Urim  (i 
Sam. 28. 6);  and  Zerubbabel  postpones  a  decision 
on  a  difficult  matter  till  he  can  have  the  assist- 
ance of  this  method  of  high-priestly  divination, 
which  apparently  disappeared  with  the  deposi- 
tion of  Abiathar  (iK.2.35).  The  two  names  are 
given  in  reverse  order  in  the  blessing  of  Moses 
(Deut.33.8),  and  several  times  Urim  is  used 
alone  (Num. 27. 21  ;  iSam.28.6).  Hence  it  is 
inferred  that  they  are  not  two  things,  but  two 
names  for  one  and  the  same  thing — viz.  an 
object  laid  within  "the  breastislate  of  Judg- 
ment," which  was  doubled  back  upon  itself  to 
form  a  kind  of  purse,  to  contain  what  was  a 
treasure  greater  even  than  the  precious  stones 
with  which  the  breastplate  was  encrusted.  It 
was  probably  a  diamond,  or  other  white  stone, 
with  two  sides  known  respectively  as  Urim  and 
Thummim,  one  being  engraved  with  the  Inef- 
fable Name,  the  other  being  plain.  When 
"  inquiring  of  the  Lord,"  the  jiriest  put  his 
hand  in  the  breastplate  and  drew  out  the  stone 
(1Sam.i4.19),  the  verdict  being  according  to 
which  side  was  iippermost.  Thus  in  iSam.l4. 
41,  where,  according  to  the  Massoretictext,  Saul 
prays  "Shew  the  innocent"  or  "Give  a  perfect 
lot" — i.e.  "Let  the  side  which  is  without  en- 
graving be  uppermost" — the  LX.\.  and  Vulg. 
suggest  tiiat  the  unmutilated  text  ran,  "  If  the 
iniquity  be  in  me  or  in  Jonatlian  my  S(jn,  O 
Lord  (ifid  of  Israel,  give  Urim,  and  if  it  be  in 
my  people  Israel,  give  Thummim,"  the  un- 
engravedside,  or  Thummim,  coming  nii|)ermost 
if,  as  he  hoped,  the  guilt  might  prove  neither 
his  nor  his  son's.  This  simjile  choice  between 
twf)  alternatives  is  apparent  also  in  Abiathar's 
use  of  Urim  with  the  cphod  on  behalf  of  David 
(1Sam.23.9-12) ;  and  p(jssibly  in  Jos. 7. 14-18  ; 
judg.20.27  ;  iSam. 10. 19-22  ;  2Sam. 2. 1,5.19,23, 
th(;  incniiring  of  the  Lord  was  made  by  this 
means.  The  significance  of  the  two  names  has 
been,  and  will  probably  continue  to  be,  the 
subject  of  much  guess-work.  [c.R.n.n.] 

Usury.     [Loan.] 

U'ta  1;;  named  (i  lvsd.5.3oonly)  among  those 
whnsr  soTis  returned  with  Zerubl)abel. 

Utha'l. — 1.  (it'hr.9.4)^ Atuaiaii. — 2.  One 
of  tli(-  Sons  of  Higvai,  wlio  returned  in  the 
sec/ind  caravan  with  lizra  (lCzr.8.14). 

U'thI  (ii:sd.8.4o)  -=  Uthai,  2. 

Uz. — 1.  ((ien. 10.23.)  I'-ldest  son  of  Aram, 
and  in  iChr.l.17  called  a  "son"  of  Sliem. — 2. 
(Gen. 22.2 1,   R.V.)     Eldest  son  of  Nahor — 3. 


UZZIAH 

(36.28.)  SonofDishan. — 4.  In  Job  l.i  theland 
of  Uz  is  mentioned,  probably  as  a  country  near, 
or  in,  Edom  (c/.  Je.25.20,2 1  and  Lam. 4. 21),  near 
the  Sabeans  and  Chaldeans  mentioned  in  Job 
1.15,17.  The  LXX.  places  it  in  the  same 
direction,  reading  in  the  verse  added  to  42.17, 
"  in  Uz,  on  the  borders  of  Idumaea  and 
Arabia."  Josephus  places  it  more  N.,  includ- 
ing the  city  Damascus  (i  Ant.  vi.  4).  It  is 
probably  (though  this  is  not  absolutely  certain) 
identical  with  the  Assyr.  Uzzd  (Friedr.  De- 
litzsch,  Paradics).  The  Arameans  are  spoken 
of  as  a  race  widely  distributed  throughout 
Mesopotamia,  and  even  in  parts  of  Palestine, 
especially  in  places  bordering  on  mount  Seir. 
For  literature,  see  Job.  [c.h.h.w.] 

Uza'i,  the  father  of  Palal  (Ne.3.25). 

Uzal',  the  sixth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.lO. 
27  ;  iChr.l.2i),  whose  settlements  are  clearly 
traced  in  the  ancient  name  of  ^an'ad,  the 
capital  city  of  the  Yemen,  which  was  origin- 
ally Auzdl.  It  has  disputed  the  right  to  be  the 
chief  city  of  the  kingdom  of  Sheba  from  the 
earliest  ages  of  which  any  traditions  have  come 
down  to  us.  From  its  position  in  the  centre  of 
the  best  portion  of  that  kingdom,  it  must 
always  have  been  an  important  city.  Niebuhr 
says  that  it  is  a  walled  town,  situate  in  an 
elevated  country,  in  lat.  15°  2',  and  with  a 
stream  (after  heavy  rains)  running  through  it. 
It  has  a  citadel  on  the  site  of  a  famous  temple. 
The  houses  of  .s'an'aa  are  the  finest  in  Arabia  ; 
and  it  possesses  many  mosques,  public  baths, 
and  khans.  It  is  probably  the  same  as  the 
Auzara,  or  Ausara  of  the  classics.     [Cassia.] 

Uzza'. — 1.  A  Benjamite  (iChr.8.7).  —  2. 
(13.7ff.)  =  UzzAH. — 3.  The  head  of  a  family  of 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
2.49  ;  Ne.7.51). — 4.  Properly  Uzzah,  as  R.V. ; 
the  head  of  a  Merarite  family  (iChr.6.29[i4l). 

Uzza',  Gapden  of,  the  spot  in  which 
Manasseh,  king  of  Judah,  and  his  son  Anion 
were  both  buried  (2K. 21. 18.26).  It  was  the 
garden  attached  to  Manasseh's  palace  (ver.  18). 

Uzzah',  son  of  Abinadab.  Together  with 
his  brother  Ahio  he  drove  tiie  cart  on  which 
the  ark  was  removed  from  Kirjath-jearim 
(2Sam.6.3,6ff.  ;  iChr.l3.7,9ff.).  At  the  thresh- 
ing-floor of  Nachon  (or  Chidon),  the  oxen 
stumbled,  and  Uzzah  took  hold  of  the  ark  to 
steady  it.  For  this  (iod  smote  him,  and  the 
place  received  the  name  Pkkkz-uzzaii.  His 
error  or  sin  is  not  explained.  [ir.c.n.] 

Uzzen'-shepah',  a  town  founded  or 
rebuilt  i)y  Sherah,  an  Eiihraimite  woman,  the 
daughter  either  of  li^phraim  himself  or  of 
Beriah.  It  is  named  oidy  in  iChr.7.24,  in  con- 
nexion witli  the  two  Beth-horons.  It  is  per- 
liajis  lit'it  Sira,  a  village  2  miles  S.W.  of  the 
lower   Bctli-horon.  [c.R.c] 

Uzzi'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Aaron  (iChr.6. 
5,51  ;  l'>.r.7.4). — 2.  Son  of  Tola,  the  son  of 
Issachar  (iChr.7.2.3). — 3.  Son  of  Bela,  a  Ben- 
jamite (7./). — 4.  .Another  Benjanute,  perhaps 
the  same  (9.K). — 5.  .\  I.evite,  son  of  Bani,  and 
overseer  of  the  Levites  dwelling  in  Jerusalem 
(Ne. 11.22). — 6.  A  priest,  chief  of  the  house  of 
Jedaiali,  in  the  time  of  J<nakim  (12.19,42). 

Uzzl'a,  one  ivf  David's  guard;  a  native  of 
AsMTEKorn  Kaknaim  (1Chr.ll.44). 

Uzziah'  (Jehovah  is  my  strength).—!.  Uz- 
ziah,  king  of  Judah,  also  called  {e.g.  2K.I5.1) 


irzziEL 

Azariah  {Jehovah  hath  helped  me).  After  the 
murder  of  Amaziah,  his  son  Uzziah  was  chosen 
by  the  people  to  occupy  the  vacant  throne. 
He  was  a  contemporary  of  Jeroboam  II.  He 
lived  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  was  a  wise,  active, 
and  pious  ruler.  He  began  his  reign  by  a  suc- 
cessful expedition  against  his  father's  enemies 
the  Edomities,  who  had  revolted  from  Judah 
in  Jehoram's  time,  and  penetrated  as  far  as 
the  head  of  the  gulf  of  'Aqaba,  where  he  re- 
took the  important  town  of  Eloth  (the  Elath 
of  2K.I4.22).  Uzziah  waged  other  victorious 
wars  in  the  S.,  especially  against  theMEHUNiM, 
or  people  of  M'aan,  and  the  Arabs  of  Gxirbaal. 
Towards  the  W.,  Uzziah  fought  successfully 
against  the  Philistines,  razed  the  walls  of  Gath, 
J  abneh,  and  Ashdod,  and  founded  new  fortified 
cities  in  Philistine  territory.  He  strengthened 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  He  was  a  great  patron 
of  agriculture  ;  and  also  brought  his  army  to  a 
state  of  high  efficiency.  He  never  deserted 
the  worship  of  the  true  God,  and  was  much  in- 
fluenced by  Zechariah,  a  prophet  who  is  only 
mentioned  in  connexion  with  him  (2Chr.26.5). 
So  the  southern  kingdom  was  raised  to  such 
prosperity  as  it  had  not  known  since  the  death 
of  Solomon.  Elated  with  his  successes,  he 
determined  to  burn  incense  on  the  altar  of  God, 
but  was  opposed  by  the  high-priest  Azariah 
and  eighty  others.  (See  Ex. 30.7,8  ;  Num.18. 
40,18.7.)  Enraged  at  their  resistance,  he 
pressed  forward  with  his  censer,  and  was  sud- 
denly smitten  with  leprosy.  He  was  buried 
"  with  his  fathers,"  yet  apparently  not  actually 
in  the  royal  sepulchres  (2Chr.26.23).  During 
his  reign  an  earthquake  occurred,  which,  though 
not  mentioned  in  the  historical  books,  was 
apparently  very  serious  in  its  consequences, 
for  it  is  alluded  to  as  a  chronological  epoch 
by  Amos  (l.i),  and  mentioned  in  Zech.14.5. 
Josephus  connects  it  with  Uzziah's  sacrilegious 
attempt  to  offer  incense,  but  this  is  very 
unlikely.  [Chronology.] — 2.  A  Kohathite 
Levite,  and  ancestor  of  Samuel  (iChr.6.24[9]). 
—3.  Father  of  Jehonathan,  one  of  David's 
overseers  (27.25). — 4.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of 
Harim,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO. 
21). — 5.  Fatherof  Athaiah,  or  Uthai  (Ne.ll.4). 
Uz'ziel. — 1.  Fourth  son  of  Kohath  (Ex.6. 
18,22  ;  Lev. 10.4  ;  iChr.6.2,18),  and  ancestor  of 
the  Uzzielites  (Num. 3. 27  ;  iChr.26.23). — 2. 
A  Simeonite  captain,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah 
(iChr.4.42). — 3.  Head  of  a  Benjaraite  family 
(7.7). — 4.  A  musician,  of  the  sons  of  Heman 
(25.4). — 5.  A  Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Jeduthun 
(2Chr.29.r4). — 6.  A  goldsmith  who  took  part 
in  repairing  the  wall  (Ne.3.8). 


Vail.     [Tabernacle  ;  Temple.] 
Vajezatha',  one  of  the  ten  sons  of  Haman 
whom  the  Jews  slew  in  Shushan  (Esth.9.9). 

Vale,  Valley.  The  A.V.  so  renders  five 
Heb.  words,  (i)  'emeq,  a  "deep  valley," 
occurring  69  times,  including  the  vale  of 
Siddim  [Cities  of  the  Plain],  of  Shaveh,  of 
Hebron,  of  Achor,  of  Ajalon,  the  Jordan 
Valley  (Jos.13.27),  that  of  Rephaim,  of 
Jezreel,  of  Keziz,  of  Beth-rehob,  of  Elah; 


VEIL 


917 


a  gorge.  (3) 
word  occurs 
as    "  brook," 

"  valley."     It 


the  "King's  Dale"  (2Sam.l8.18),  the  valley 
of  Berachah,  of  SuccoTH,  of  Baca,  and  of 
Jehoshaphat,  the  order  being  that  of  first 
occurrence  in  O.T.  (2)  gay  or  ge,  a  narrow 
ravine,  or  a  watercourse  in  a  valley  (iSam. 
17.3),  a  word  occiurring  56  times,  especially 
of  Hinnom  [Gehenna],  Charashim,  and 
Hamon-gog.  For  Jiphthah-el  (Jos.i9.14, 27), 
see  Dabbasheth.  The  valley  of  Salt  was  in 
Edom  (the  Talmud  applies  the  word  to  the 
gorge  leading  to  Petra),  and  see  also  that  of 
Zeboim  (iSam.l3.i8).  The  "valley  of  the 
shadows  "  (Ps.23.4)  was  such 
nahal,  a  torrent  bed.  The 
133  times,  rendered  in  A.V. 
"stream,"  "flood,"  "river,' 
applies  to  the  valleys  of  Gerar,  Eshcol, 
Zared,  Arnon,  Zered,  Jabbok,  the  River 
OF  Egypt  (J0S.I5.4),  Kanah,  Kishon,  Sorek, 
Besor,  Gad,  Kidron,  Cherith,  Gaash, 
GiHON,  Willows,  Shittim  (in  JI.3.18).  In 
Job  (6.15)  the  drying  of  such  torrents  is  no- 
ticed, as  also  in  1K.I7.7  of  Cherith.  In 
Job 21.33,  probably,  the  reading  should  be, 
"  clods  of  the  bees  "  (Arab,  nahl),  as  meaning 
honeycombs  used  in  embalming.  (4)  biq'd. 
[Plains.]  (5)  sh''pheld,  or  low  hills. — These 
terms  are  not  interchanged  in  the  Heb.  in  the 
case  of  the  sites  named.  [c.r.c] 

Vaniah',  a  son  of  Bani  who  put  away 
his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.36). 

Vashni',  the  firstborn  of  Samuel,  according 
to  A.V.  of  iChr.6.28[i3];  but  in  iSam.8.2  the 
name  of  his  firstborn  is  J  oel.  Most  probably  in 
Chronicles  the  name  oi  Joel  has  dropped  out, 
and  "  Vashni  "  is  a  corruption  of  vesheni,  "  and 
(the)  second."     Cf.  R.V. 

Vashti',  possibly  a  modification  of  the  Old 
Pers.  vahista  (excellent),  or  to  be  identified, 
though  by  no  means  satisfactorily,  with  Ames- 
tris,  the  only  wife  of  Xerxes  who  is  known 
to  secular  history,  the  labials  m  and  v  being 
readily  interchangeable.  Refusing  to  risk 
insult  by  appearing  at  the  king's  command  in 
a  scene  of  drunken  revelry,  she  was  forth- 
with deposed,  at  the  advice  of  the  wise  men 
and  princes  (Esth.l).  [a.w.s.] 

Veil,  (r)  maswe;  used  of  the  veil  which 
Moses  assumed  when  he  came  down  from  the 
mount  (Ex. 34.33-35).  (2)  mispdhoth ;  used 
of  the  veils  which  the  false  prophets  placed 
upon  their  heads  (Ezk. 13. 18,21  ;  A.V.  ker- 
chiefs). (3)  r^'dloth;  used  of  the  light  veils 
worn  by  females  (Is. 3. 19  ;  A.V.  mufflers). 
(4)  f-ammd;  understood  by  A.V.  of  "locks" 
of  hair  (Can.4. 1,3,6.7  ;  Is. 47.2)  ;  but  the  con- 
tents of  the  passages  favour  the  sense  of  veil. 
For  other  words  improperly  translated  veil, 
see  Dress.  The  use  of  the  veil  was  by  no 
means  so  general  in  ancient  as  in  modern  times. 
Much  of  the  modern  scrupulousness  dates  from 
the  promulgation  of  the  Koran,  which  forbade 
women  to  appear  unveiled  before  any  but  their 
nearest  relatives.  In  ancient  times,  the  veil  was 
adopted  only  in  exceptional  cases,  either  as  an 
article  of  ornamental  dress  (Can. 4. 1,3, 6. 7),  or 
by  betrothed  maidens  in  the  presence  of  their 
future  husbands,  especially  at  the  wedding 
(Gen. 24. 65, 29.25),  or  by  women  of  loose  char- 
acter for  purposes  of  concealment  (Gen. 38. 14). 
Among  the  Jews  of  N.T.  times  it  appears  to 
have  been  customary  for  the  women  to  cover 


918  VERMILION  VERSION,  AUTHORIZED 

after,  as  is  shown  by  the  fart  that  even  now 
nearly  200  MSS.  copies  of  the  whole  or  a  part 
of  the  Scriptures  in  this  version  are  in  exist- 
ence.— II.  A  century  passed  by  before  the 
next  p"eat  advance  was  made  ;  and  in  that 
interval  the  art  of  printing  was  invented.  The 
fall  of  Constantinople  had  brought  the  trea- 
sures of  Gk.  learning  within  the  reach  of  the 
West  ;  and  so  the  New  Learning  arose,  with 
Erasmus  as  its  leading  exponent.  It  was 
through  him  that  the  Greek  Text  reached  the 
meantime  to  render  portions  of  the  Bible  into  |  Western  Church.  The  advance  of  the  New 
English,  it  was  not  till  the  14th  cent,  that  the  ,  Learning  brings  us  to  the  next  great  name  in 
great  era  of  Bible-translation  began.  Then  Bible-translation.  William  Tindale  was 
the  work  of  John  Wyclif  led  the  way  to  that  |  born  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  15th  cent.,  and, 
remarkable  series  of  versions  which  culminated  first  at  Oxford  and  then  at  Cambridge,  came 
in  our  A.V.  in  1611.     Since  therefore  the  A.V.    under  its  influence.     From  quite  early  days  it 


their  heads  (not  necessarily  their  faces)  when 
engaged  in  public  worship.  For  the  use  of 
the  word  (O.T.  vail,  N.T.  veil)  as  a  curtain,  see 
Tabernacle  ;  Temple. 

Vepmilion.     [Colours.] 

Version,  Authorized.  The  desire  to 
enable  the  people  of  fingland  to  read  the 
Holy  Scriptures  in  their  own  language  first 
finds  expression  in  the  works  of  Bede.  But 
none  of  his  translations  have  survived  ;  and, 
though  fragmentary  efforts  were  made  in  the 


is  the  lineal  descendant  of  other  English  ver- 
sions that  preceded  it,  we  shall  best  understand 
its  characteristics  by  tracing  its  historical 
antecedents. — I.  We  begin,  then,  with  the  work 
of  John  Wyclif.  Wyclif  was  born  in  York- 
shire about  the  year  1320.  He  was  keenly 
conscious  of  the  evils  that  had  arisen  from  the 
corruptions  of  the  Church,  the  wealth  of  the 
hierarchy,  and  the  oppression  of  the  people. 
He  felt  that  no  remedy  was  possible  unless  the 
Church  could  be  restored  to  a  Scriptural  basis, 
and  that  for  this  purpose  the  Scriptures  must 
be  brought  within  reach  of  the  jieople  in  a 
language  they  could  understand.  So,  in  spite 
of  fierce  attack,  especially  from  Archbishop 
Arundel,  his  great  work  of  translation  was  set 
on  foot.  With  him  was  associated  one  Nicholas 
of  Hereford,  to  whom  was  assigned  the  work  of 
translating  the  O.T.,  Wyclif  himself  working  on 
the  N.T.  In  1382,  however,  Nicholas  came 
under  ecclesiastical  censure  for  preaching 
Wycliffite  doctrines  at  Oxford  and  was  ex- 
communicated. The  result  was  that  his  share 
in  the  work  of  translation  ended  abruptly,  and 
the  O.T.  was  completed  by  another  hand,  per- 
haps by  Wyclif  himself.  So  the  first  complete 
English  Bible  made  its  appearance,  probably 


had  been  his  desire  to  bring  the  Scriptures  with- 
in the  reach  of  all  the  people  of  England  in 
their  own  tongue.  He  would  cause  the  lads 
at  the  plough,  he  said,  to  become  more  familiar 
with  the  Bible  than  were  the  clergy  of  his  own 
day.  He  sought  the  patronage  of  the  Bishop 
of  London  to  enable  him  to  carry  out  his 
scheme.  But  he  met  with  no  encouragement  ; 
indeed,  as  he  said  subsequently  in  his  preface 
to  the  Pentateuch,  he  f(3und  that  "  not  only  was 
there  no  room  in  my  Lord  of  London's  palace 
to  translate  the  N.T.,  but  also  there  was  no 
place  to  do  it  in  all  England."  So  Tindale 
was  driven  to  the  Continent  to  carry  out  his 
great  work.  His  special  claim  to  honour  lies 
in  the  fact  that  he  was  the  first  to  go  behind  the 
Vulgate  and  to  translate  from  the  original 
languages.  First  at  Cologne  and,  when  driven 
thence  by  persecution,  then  at  Worms,  Tindale 
pursued  his  work  upon  the  N.T.,  and  in  1525 
there  appeared  the  first  printed  copy  of  the 
N.T.  in  English.  The  jirinter's  name  is  not 
given,  but  it  is  generally  considered  to  have 
been  issued  at  Antwerp.  The  appearance  of 
this  volume  in  luigland  was  followed  quickly 
by  its  official  condemnation,  in  which  Tunstal, 
Bishop  of  Loudon,  took  a  foremost  part.     He 


in  13H3.  But  Wyclif  did  not  rest  content  with  I  ordered  all  the  cojiies  that  could  be  found  to  be 
his  first  attempt.  He  saw  that  revision  was  I  bought  up  and  burnt  :  but  the  efTect  of  this 
needed,  and  at  once  set  to  work  to  prepare  a  order  was  hardly  what  the  bishop  intended, 
new  edition.  He  had  a  valuable  helper  in  !  for  the  money  jniid  for  the  books  enabled  Tin- 
JoiiN  I'liKVEV,  who  comi)leted  this  new  edition  I  dale  to  proceed  to  the  jireparatiou  of  a  new 
after  Wyclif's  death  in  1384  and  has  left  an  j  and  better  edition.  In  addition  to  the  N.T. 
ac(-ount  of  the  procedure  adopted.  The  trans-  he  also  translated  and  jirinted  the  Pentateuch 
lation  had  been  made  from  the  Vuloate.  The  ]  and  certain  other  books  of  the  O.T.  It  is 
existing  texts  of  the  Vulgate  were,  however,  full  |  impossible  to  jiraise  Tindale  too  highly  for  his 
of  errors.  The  translators  were  therefore  at  single-minded  devotion  to  truth.  It  was  his 
pains  to  search  for  old  copies  of  the  Latin  Bible,  I  aim  to  ascertain  always  the  exact  meaning  of 
which  gave  a  better  text  than  those  in  common  I  the  original  and  to  render  it  faithfully  into 
use.     In  order  to  (k^termine  the  meaning  of  1  English.     His    wt)rk    is   singularly    free    from 


difficult  words  and  passages,  they  used  the 
Glossa  Onlinaria  of  Walafrid  Strabo.  and.  for 
the  O.T.,  the  Commentary  of  Niciiolaus  de 
Lyra,  a  converted  Jew.  Anoth(^r  imixirtaut 
aim  in  Purvey's  revision  was  to  improve  the 
linglish  idiom  in  Wyclif's  Bibh-.  The  first 
translation  bore  obvious  signs  of  having  been 
made  from  the  Latin  ;  for  the  Ivnglish  render- 
ing often  retained  the  Latin  idiom,  and  was  in 
consequence  difficult  to  understand.  Purvey's 
revision  istherefore  an  improvemeutonWyclif's 
first  Bible  in  that  its  I^uglish  is  more  idiomatic. 
In  spit(^  of  the  hostility  of  those  in  authority 
and  the  great  cost  of  m.iking  coiiies,  the  new 


theological  bias.  "I  have  never,"  he  says, 
"  altered  one  syllable  of  God's  word  against  my 
consci(!nce."  We  cannot  be  too  thankful  that 
Tindale  set  this  example  of  faithfulness  in 
striving  to  render  the  true  meaning  of  the 
origiruil  ;  for  his  version  exercised  a  great 
influence  ujion  his  successors  in  the  work  of 
translation.  It  is  true  he  often  made  mis- 
takes ;  his  renderings  are  sometimes  free  and 
his  language  rough.  But  these  are  faults  which 
in  such  an  early  stage  of  the  new  scholarship 
were  inevitable  and  could  be  removed  in  sub- 
sequent revisions.  Tind.ile  dieil  a  martyr  to 
the  cause  for  which  he  h.ul  laboured  so  faith- 


Bible  circulated  widely  and  was  eagerly  stuight    fully.      By   an  act  of  treachery  his   enemies 


VERSION,  AUTHORIZED 

entrapped  him  and  imprisoned  him  in  the 
castle  of  Vilvorden,  where,  after  over  a  year's 
confinement,  he  was  strangled  and  burnt  in 
1536.  "  Lord,  open  the  king  of  England's 
eyes,"  were  the  last  words  he  uttered. — III. 
The  work  of  translation  was  carried  forward 
under  very  different  conditions  by  Miles 
CovERDALE,  a  native  of  Yorkshire.  Thomas 
Cromwell  was  now  in  authority  and  was 
anxious  that  the  Bible  in  English  should  be  in 
the  hands  of  the  people.  The  bitter  opposi- 
tion which  the  bishops  had  offered  to  Tindale's 
work,  associated  as  it  was  in  their  minds  with 
his  controversial  treatises,  made  it  impossible 
to  hope  that  a  translation  bearing  his  name 
would  ever  be  received  by  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority in  England.  So  Cromwell  looked 
round  to  find  a  scholar  who  should  be  com- 
petent to  make  a  new  version.  He  fixed  on 
Coverdale,  who  indeed  had  been  one  of  Tin- 
dale's  assistants,  and  asked  him  to  undertake 
the  task.  Coverdale  set  to  work  with  unre- 
mitting diligence,  and  his  Bible  was  printed 
(probably  at  Zurich)  and  published  in  1535.  In 
point  of  scholarship,  Coverdale  was  inferior  to 
Tindale,  for  he  made  no  attempt  to  translate 
from  the  original  languages.  The  claim  made 
upon  the  title-page  of  the  first  edition  of  his 
Bible  was  that  it  had  been  "  faithfully  and 
truly  translated  out  of  Dutch  and  Latin  into 
English."  In  other  words,  Coverdale's  prin- 
cipal authorities  were  Luther's  German  version 
and  the  Latin  Vulgate.  In  his  dedication, 
however,  he  speaks  of  other  versions  which  he 
had  consulted,  and  it  is  generally  considered 
that  among  these  Tindale's  work  is  to  be 
included.  But  though  Coverdale  makes  no 
claim  to  original  research,  his  version  has  a 
special  value  on  account  of  the  richness  of  its 
diction  and  the  beauty  of  its  renderings. 
For  though  successors  were  needed  to  correct 
his  faults  of  scholarship,  yet  the  stately  rhythm 
and  tender  pathos,  which  in  a  peculiar  degree 
are  the  product  of  Coverdale's  genius,  may  be 
said  to  have  set  for  all  subsequent  workers  the 
standard  in  this  respect  of  what  an  English 
translation  of  the  Bible  should  be.  His  render- 
ing of  the  Psalms,  in  the  revised  form  which 
he  subsequently  made  for  the  Great  Bible,  so 
endeared  itself  to  the  people  by  constant  use 
that  it  was  adopted  for  inclusion  in  the  Prayer 
Book  of  1662  in  preference  to  the  version  of 
161 1. — -IV.  The  next  edition  of  the  Bible  was 
that  whichbore  the  name  of  Thomas  Matthew 
(1537).  Thisname,  however,  was  a  pseudonym, 
the  real  editor  being  John  Rogers,  a  friend  of 
Tindale's  and  the  proto-martyr  of  the  Marian 
persecution.  The  translation  was  not  a  new 
one.  It  incorporated  Tindale's  N.T.  ;  and  in 
the  O.T.  the  Pentateuch  is  also  that  of  Tindale. 
The  books  from  Joshua  to  aChronicles  seem, 
from  internal  characteristics,  to  be  similarly 
from  Tindale's  hand;  and  the  rest  of  the  O.T. 
is  taken  from  Coverdale's  Bible.  The  special 
characteristic  of  Matthew's  Bible  lies  in  the 
strong  Protestant  bias  of  its  very  diffuse  ex- 
planations and  annotations.  This  Bible  claims 
to  be  set  forth  "  with  the  king's  most  gracious 
licence,"  and  is  therefore  the  first  A.V.  Per- 
mission was  granted  for  it  to  be  freely  sold  and 
read  within  the  realm.  Taverner's  Bible, 
which  appeared  in  1539,  was  little  more  than 


VERSION,  AUTHORIZED       919 

a  new  edition  of  Matthew's  Bible.  Changes 
were  sometimes  made  in  the  text  with  a  view 
to  greater  accuracy  or  to  a  more  idiomatic 
rendering,  but  the  principal  modification  was 
the  softening  down  of  the  strong  controversial 
bias  shown  by  the  notes. — V.  Meanwhile, 
Cromwell  was  anxious  for  the  preparation  of  a 
new  translation  which  should  be  free  from  the 
manifest  defects  of  Matthew's  controversial 
production.  So  for  the  second  time  he  en- 
trusted the  work  to  Coverdale.  Matthew's 
Bible  was  to  be  employed  as  the  basis  for  this 
new  work,  but  no  private  opinions  were  to  be 
introduced  into  it.  The  outcome  of  this 
scheme  was  the  production  of  a  volume  which, 
from  its  size,  was  known  as  the  Great  Bible. 
Of  this  version  seven  editions  were  issued 
between  1539  and  1541.  The  title  page  de- 
scribes the  contents  of  the  volume  as  having 
been  "  truly  translated  after  the  verity  of  the 
Hebrew  and  Greek  texts,  by  the  diligent  study 
of  divers  excellent  learned  men  expert  in  the 
foresaid  tongues."  The  method  adopted  by 
Coverdale  was  somewhat  as  follows :  Matthew's 
Bible  was  taken  as  the  basis  of  the  new  trans- 
lation, but  such  portions  as  had  been  incor- 
porated from  Tindale's  Bible  were  now  coloured 
by  Coverdale's  own  earlier  translation,  and  the 
whole  was  revised  in  point  of  scholarship  by 
the  aid  of  those  experts  in  Greek  and  Hebrew 
of  whom  he  speaks  on  the  title-page.  The 
Great  Bible  was  ordered  to  be  set  up  in  all  the 
churches  throughout  the  kingdom.  In  the 
second  and  later  editions  a  long  preface  by 
Cranmer  was  inserted,  and  this  version  is  con- 
sequently known  also  as  Cranmer's  Bible. — ■ 
VI.  The  Marian  persecution  drove  the  leaders 
of  the  reforming  party  to  the  Continent.  Of 
these  the  most  important  section  took  refuge  at 
Geneva,  whence  in  1560  emanated  the  Puritan 
version  of  the  Scriptures  ;  the  principal  trans- 
lator being  William  Whittingham,  a  native  of 
Chester.  It  was  based  on  that  of  the  Great 
Bible,  and  was  accompanied  by  marginal  notes, 
which,  as  was  to  be  expected  from  the  cir- 
cumstances of  its  compilation,  showed  a  strong 
Calvinistic  tone.  This  Geneva  Bible,  called 
commonly  the  "  Breeches  Bible,"  from  its  ren- 
dering of  Gen. 3. 7,  attained  a  wide  and  lasting 
popularity.  Indeed,  it  was  long  before  the 
A.V.  itself  was  able  to  oust  it  from  public 
favour.  Its  popularity  was  due  in  part  to  the 
convenient  size  of  the  volume,  partly  to 
the  clearness  of  its  type  ;  for  the  old  black- 
letter  was  discarded  and  the  book  was  printed 
in  Roman  characters,  with  an  employment  of 
italics  for  all  words  not  found  in  the  original. 
It  was  the  first  English  Bible  to  adopt  the 
division  into  verses. — VII.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  the  Elizabethan  bishops  should  have  dis- 
liked the  growing  popularity  of  a  version  which 
emanated  from  such  a  source,  the  more  so  as  it 
attacked  episcopacy.  They  resolved,  there- 
fore, under  the  direction  of  Archbishop  Parker, 
to  prepare  a  version  of  their  own,  to  which 
official  sanction  could  be  given.  The  various 
books  of  the  Bible  were  parcelled  out  among 
the  bishops,  who  worked  independently  of  one 
another,  taking  the  Greek  Bible  as  their  stand- 
ard, though  rather  curiously  they  allowed 
the  Genevan  version  to  exercise  an  obvious 
influence    upon   their   work.     A  volume  so 


920       VERSION,  AUTHORIZED 

composed  was  naturally  unequal  in"merit,  and 
though  the  Bishops'  Bible,  as  it  was  called, 
had  the  support  of  Convocation,  it  was  not  able 
to  secure  the  royal  licence. — VIII.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  activity  displayed  by  the  Reformers 
in  producing  successive  translations  of  the 
Bible  was  reacting  upon  the  Romanists.  The 
Bull  of  Pius  V.  against  Queen  Elizabeth  in 
1570  resulted  in  the  Romanist  schism  and  in 
the  flight  from  England  of  many  who  adhered 
to  the  Pope.  They  accused  the  existing  Eng- 
lish versions  of  being  false  and  heretical,  and 
resolved  that  they  would  put  out  a  new  version 
of  their  own.  The  initiative  came  from  Dr. 
William  Allen,  who  had  been  the  leading  spirit 
in  the  founding  of  the  English  college  at  Douay. 
The  disturbances  in  Flanders  had  made  Douay 
insecure,  and  so  the  college  removed  to  Rheims, 
where  the  work  of  translating  proceeded.  The 
task  seems  to  have  been  completed  in  1582,  but 
the  poverty  of  the  exiles  did  not  allow  them  to 
publish  at  first  more  than  the  N.T.,  which  ap- 
peared in  that  year  at  Rheims.  The  O.T.  was 
published  in  1609  at  Douay,  to  which  place  the 
seminary  had  in  the  meantime  returned.  The 
Rheims  and  Douay  Version  was  made  from 
the  Vulgate,  which,  however,  as  the  preface  tells 
us,  "  was  diUgently  conferred  with  the  Hebrew, 
Greek,  and  other  editions  in  diverse  languages. " 
This  version  was  originally  disfigured  by  its 
frequent  latinisms ;  but  in  subsequent  editions 
these  have  been  considerably  reduced  and  the 
renderings  have  been  improved  by  borrowing 
from  A. v.,  just  as  A.V.  itself  admitted  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Rheims  and  Douay  Version  upon 
its  own  choice  of  expressions.  The  two  ver- 
sions that  emanated  from  English  exiles  on  the 
Continent  were  alike  in  this,  that  their  margins 
were  filled  with  annotations  of  a  controversial 
kind.  While  the  Geneva  Bible  was  employed 
to  claim  the  support  of  the  Scriptures  for  Cal- 
vinism, the  marginal  notes  of  the  Rheims  and 
Douay  Version  vigorously  inculcated  Roman 
doctrine  and  discipline. — IX.  Our  survey  of  the 
history  of  the  English  Bible  up  to  the  close  of 
the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  will  have  shown 
that  when  King  James  came  to  the  throne  the 
position  was  unsatisfactory.  The  most  popular 
version  of  the  Scriptures  in  use  was  disfigured 
by  Calvinism,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  official 
version  was  hardly  worthy  of  its  imprimatur. 
Among  the  points  raised  by  Dr.  Reynolds  in 
the  name  of  the  Puritan  party  at  the  Hampton 
Court  Conference  was  a  request  for  a  new 
translation  of  the  Scriptures,  on  the  ground  that 
"  those  which  were  allowed  in  the  reign  of 
King  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI.  were  cor- 
rupt and  not  answerable  to  the  truth  of  the 
original."  The  proposal  was  received  with 
disfavour  by  the  bishops,  who  were  satisfied 
with  the  official  version  put  forth  in  the  late 
reign  by  their  own  order.  "  If  every  man's 
humour  should  be  followed,"  said  Bishop  Ban- 
croft, "there  would  be  no  end  of  translating." 
The  king,  however,  took  up  the  idea  with  en- 
thusiasm, and  selected  a  body  of  fifty-four 
divines  to  undertake  the  work.  These  were 
divided  into  six  companies,  two  of  which  sat 
at  Westminster,  two  at  Oxford,  and  two  at 
Cambridge.  A  set  of  rules  was  drawn  up  for 
their  guidance.  Tlu;  translation  was  not  to 
be  made  de  novo,  but  the  Bishops'  Bible  was  to 


VERSION,  AUTHORIZED 

be  taken  as  its  basis,  and  as  few  alterations 
were  to  be  made  in  it  as  should  be  consistent 
with  faithfulness  to  the  original.  Proper 
names  were  to  be  rendered  in  the  forms  com- 
monly accepted.  The  old  ecclesiastical  words 
were  to  be  retained — e.g.,  the  word  "  church" 
was  not  to  be  altered  to  "congregation." 
The  characteristic  appeal  of  the  English 
Church  to  Christian  antiquity  appeared  in  the 
instruction  that,  when  the  meaning  of  a  word 
was  doubtful,  it  was  to  be  interpreted  in  that 
sense  in  which  the  most  eminent  of  the  Fathers 
had  understood  it,  provided  always  that  such 
interpretation  was  consistent  with  the  context 
and  was  agreeable  to  the  Faith.  The  arrange- 
ment of  the  chapters  was  not  to  be  changed,  or 
as  little  as  possible.  The  tendency  of  previous 
versions  to  develop  into  controversial  treatises 
led  to  the  laying  down  of  the  rule  that  no 
marginal  notes  were  to  be  affixed  except  for 
the  explanation  of  the  Heb.  or  Gk.  words. 
Marginal  references  from  one  place  of  Scrip- 
ture to  another  were  to  be  supplied.  Each 
book  of  the  Bible  was  assigned  to  one  or  other 
of  the  six  companies  into  which  the  translators 
were  grouped.  The  method  to  be  adopted  by 
each  company  was  as  follows.  Each  chapter 
was  to  be  revised  on  the  basis  of  the  Bishops' 
Bible  by  all  the  members  of  the  company 
working  separately.  Then  the  company  was 
to  meet  together  and  each  member  was  to  pre- 
sent his  own  translation  or  emendations,  and 
so,  by  means  of  a  conference,  agreement  was  to 
be  reached  as  to  the  form  in  which  the  chapter 
was  to  stand.  W'hen  in  this  way  a  book  had 
been  completed  by  the  company  to  which  it 
had  been  assigned,  it  was  to  be  sent  to  the 
other  companies  for  their  consideration.  By 
this  provision  a  greater  uniformity  of  language 
was  secured  than  would  have  been  the  case 
if  the  several  companies  had  acted  quite 
independently  of  one  another.  Differences  of 
opinion  between  the  companies  were  to  be 
referred  to  a  general  meeting.  In  cases  of 
special  difficulty,  the  translators  were  not  tied 
to  their  own  number.  They  were  bidden  to 
consult  any  learned  men  in  the  country  whose 
opinion  would  be  of  value.  Finally,  the  safe- 
guard was  added  that  a  general  supervision  in 
regard  to  points  of  Gk.  and  Heb.  scholarship 
was  to  be  committed  to  three  or  four  of  the 
principal  Biblical  scholars  in  the  two  Univer- 
sities. The  directors  of  the  work  were  to  be 
Lancelot  .'Vndrcwcs,  Dean  of  Westminster,  and 
William  Barlow,  Dean  of  Chester,  who  jire- 
sided  respectively  over  the  two  Westminster 
comjianies.  Though  the  Bishops'  Bible  was 
to  be  taken  as  the  basis  of  the  work,  the  re- 
visers were  directed  to  make  use  of  other 
English  versions  where  they  agreed  better  with 
the  meaning  of  the  original,  such  as  those 
of  Tindale,  Coverdale,  Matthew,  Whitchurch 
{i.e.  the  Great  Bible),  and  that  of  Geneva.  No 
record  has  come  down  to  us  of  the  iirogress  of 
tlie  work  ;  no  correspondence  connected  with 
it  has  been  preserved  ;  no  minutes  of  the 
meetings  of  the  translators  exist.  In  their 
preface,  however,  they  speak  of  the  great  pains 
tliey  had  bestowed  upon  their  W(jrk,  which 
seems  to  have  occuiiicd  them  for  rather  less 
than  three  years.  Tiu^  fruit  of  tlu-ir  labours  was 
published  iu  lOn,  and  bore  ui)on  its  title-page 


VERSION,  ATJTHOKIZED 

the  words  "  Appointed  to  be  read  iu  churches." 
No  evidence  in  support  of  this  statement  has 
ever  been  found.  The  new  version  does  not 
seena  to  have  been  publicly  sanctioned  by  any 
constituted  authority.  Neither  Convocation 
nor  Parliament  nor  the  king  gave  it  authoriza- 
tion, so  far  as  now  appears.  Its  claim  to  be 
known  as  the  Authorized  Version  rests  there- 
fore not  upon  formal  edict  but  upon  the  position 
which  its  own  merits  have  won  for  it.  Owing 
to  the  circumst  ances  of  its  production,  it  rapidly 
displaced  the  Bishops'  Bible  as  the  official  ver- 
sion ;  but  as  a  Bible  for  the  people  it  had  long 
to  wait  for  recognition.  The  Geneva  Bible 
was  too  popular  to  be  superseded  at  a  stroke, 
and  it  was  not  till  the  middle  of  the  century 
that  the  new  version  was  in  anything  like  uni- 
versal use.  By  that  time  the  popular  verdict 
had  justified  the  claim  of  king  James's  Bible 
to  be  the  Authorized  Version.  It  remains 
to  consider  some  of  the  characteristics  of 
this  time-honoured  translation.  It  comes 
to  us  from  the  stateliest  period  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  English  language,  and,  considered 
merely  as  a  monument  of  English  prose,  it  is 
a  worthy  example  of  the  period  to  which  it 
belongs.  The  Revisers  of  the  N.T.  have 
borne  ungrudging  testimony  to  the  excellence 
of  its  diction.  "  We  have  had  to  study  this 
great  version,"  they  say,  "carefully  and 
minutely,  line  by  line  :  and  the  longer  we  have 
been  engaged  upon  it,  the  more  we  have  learnt 
to  admire  its  simplicity,  its  dignity,  its  power, 
its  happy  turns  of  expression,  its  general  ac- 
curacy, and,  we  must  not  fail  to  add,  the  music 
of  its  cadences  and  the  felicities  of  its  rhythm." 
But  the  beauty  of  this  version  must  not  blind 
us  to  its  defects;  indeed,  this  richness  of 
language  was  to  some  extent  purchased  at  the 
expense  of  exact  scholarship.  For  in  their 
anxiety  that  as  many  standard  English  words 
as  possible  should  find  a  place  in  the  pages 
of  the  English  Bible,  the  translators  used  a 
variety  of  expression  hardly  consistent  with 
faithfulness  to  the  original.  The  same  words, 
even  when  occurring  in  the  same  context,  were 
variously  rendered.  Moreover,  the  method 
adopted  of  dividing  the  Bible  between  different 
companies  was  the  cause  of  many  inconsis- 
tencies which  were  not  wholly  removed  by  the 
provision  made  for  referring  the  work  of  the 
separate  companies  to  a  final  supervision. 
The  translators  of  1611  were  at  a  disadvan- 
tage in  the  meagreness  of  the  apparatus  criticus 
at  their  disposal.  In  the  O.T.,  indeed,  the  mate- 
rials available  at  the  present  time  for  solving 
the  problem  of  the  text  are  hardly  more  com- 
plete than  those  which  were  then  at  hand.  No 
MSS.  of  the  Massoretic  text  are  known  to  exist 
of  an  earher  date  than  the  loth  cent.,  and  all 
belong  to  the  same  recension  ;  though  the 
evidence  of  ancient  versions,  and  notably  the 
LXX.,  proves  that  other  recensions  existed. 
Hence  the  method  adopted  by  the  Authorized 
translators  of  taking  as  their  standard  the 
Massoretic  text  and  only  departing  from  it  in 
exceptional  cases  gives  substantially  the  best 
text  that  can  even  now  be  constructed.  But  in 
the  N.T.  the  case  is  different.  The  translators 
of  161 1  were  able  to  use  the  Complutensian 
Polyglot,  published  in  15 17,  the  Gk.  text  of 
Erasmus,  and  Robert  Stephens's  edition,  which 


VERSION,  REVISED 


921 


represented  a  revision  of  these  two;  but  they 
principally  reUed  upon  Beza's  edition  of  1598. 
The  great  Gk.  MSS.  of  the  4th  and  5th  cents, 
were  then  quite  unknown,  the  intricate  science 
of  textual  criticism  had  not  yet  come  into  being, 
and  hence  inevitably  the  renderings  of  A.V. 
are  based  upon  readings  in  the  Gk.  text  which 
are  now  in  some  cases  seen  to  be  erroneous.  In 
the  course  of  three  centuries  the  English 
language  has  necessarily  undergone  a  change, 
and  many  words  which  A.V.  uses  have  altered 
their  meaning,  while  others  have  become  obso- 
lete. That  the  change  of  language  has  not  in  this 
long  space  of  time  been  greater  may  be  con- 
fidently putdowntotheinfluence  of  this  version. 
Its  language  so  endeared  itself  to  the  people  as 
to  set  the  standard  of  what  English  writing 
and  speech  should  be  ;  and  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  certain  words  and  phrases  which 
occur  in  A.V.,  but  which  have  passed  out  of 
general  use,  are  still  employed  in  their  Biblical 
sense  in  the  broad  dialects  of  the  country  dis- 
tricts of  Yorkshire.  H.  W-Hoaxe,  The  Evolu- 
tion of  the  Eng.  Bible  (1901).  G.  Milligan,  The 
Eng.  Bible:  a  Sketch  of  its  Hist.  (1895).  W.  F. 
Moulton,  The  Hist,  of  the  Eng.  Bible  (2nd  ed. 
1884).  F.  H.  A.  Scrivener,  The  Auth.  Ed.  of  the 
Eng.  Bible  {1884).  B.  F.  Westcott.  General 
View  of  the  Hist,  of  the  Eng.  Bible  (1872) ;  The 
Bible  in  the  Church  (1875).  [j.c.v.d.] 

Version,  Revised.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  in  the  nature  of  things  for  the 
A.V.  of  1611  to  have  remained  the  standard 
of  accuracy  and  diction,  partly  because  ex- 
pressions, tolerable  among  the  Tudors  and 
Stuarts,  jarred  upon  the  taste  of  succeeding 
generations,  partly  because  the  growth  of 
scholarship  led  to  the  recognition  that  some 
translations  were  faulty,  and  that  by  adopting 
readings  from  MSS.  discovered  since  the 
Reformation  it  was  possible  to  get  nearer  to 
the  original  text.  The  desirability  of  some 
authoritative  revision  was  often  urged  in  the 
middle  years  of  the  19th  cent.,  Parliamentary 
interest  being  shown  by  Mr.  Heywood's 
motion  in  1856  for  an  address  to  the  Crown 
praying  for  the  appointment  of  a  Royal  Com- 
mission to  consider  amendments  of  the  A.V.. 
and  by  the  inauguration  in  1863  of  The 
Speaker's  Commentary,  one  express  object  of 
which  was  "  a  revision  of  the  translation." 
In  1870  action  was  taken  in  the  Convocation 
of  Canterbury,  that  of  York  having  refused  to 
co-operate,  by  the  adoption  on  May  5  of  reso- 
lutions (see  Preface  of  R.V.)  to  the  effect  that 
a  revision  of  the  A.V.  should  be  undertaken 
by  a  body  of  its  own  members,  who  should 
co-opt  others  of  any  nation  or  religious  body. 
The  following  day  the  Committee  was  ap- 
pointed, which  chose  its  associates  from  other 
bodies,  and  the  new  joint  Committee  held  its 
first  meeting  on  May  25,  1870,  when  the 
principles  and  rules  were  agreed  to  (Preface 
to  R.V.  §  2).  Amongst  the  revisers  of  O.T. 
were  Bishops  Thirlwall,  Ollivant,  Harold 
Browne,  and  Hervey,  with  Dean  Payne  Smith, 
Drs.  Driver,  Kay,  Lumby,  Perowne,  and 
Profs.  Birrell,  Cheyne,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Sayce, 
Stanley  Leathes,  and  Robertson  Smith,  and 
Mr.  W.  Aldis  Wright  of  Shakespearian  fame  ; 
and  of  N.T.,  Bishops  Ellicott,  Moberley, 
and  Charles  Wordsworth,  Archbishop  Trench, 


922 


VERSION,  REVISED 


Deans  Bickersteth,  Alford,  Scott,  Stanley, 
Blakesley,  and  Vaughan,  Drs.  Lightfoot, 
Kennedy,  Westcott,  Hort,  and  Moulton  from 
Cambridge,  and  Drs.  Angus,  Eddie,  Milligan, 
Newth,  and  Vance  Smith,  with  Archdeacon 
Palmer  and  Dr.  Scrivener.  The  actual  ses- 
sions of  the  O.T.  Committee  commenced  on 
June  30,  of  the  N.T.  Committee  on  June 22,  in 
the  Jerusalem  Chamber,  and  thenceforward 
were  continued  for  four  successive  days  in 
every  month  but  August  and  September  until 
the  completion  of  the  work.  The  task  of  pre- 
senting the  case  for  or  against  deviations  from 
the  Received  Text  of  the  Gk.  was  generally 
left  to  Drs.  Scrivener  and  Hort,  who  were  the 
ablest  exponents  of  opposite  points  of  view. 
From  1872  the  Revisers  had  the  advantage  of 
association  with  two  companies  of  American 
Biblical  scholars,  whose  final  conclusions, 
where  they  differed  from  those  of  the  English 
revisers,  were  printed  as  a  supplement  to  the 
complete  work.  The  actual  American  Re- 
vision, containing  further  work  than  that  of  the 
complete  English  R.V.,  was,  by  arrangement, 
not  published  till  1901  ;  but  the  English  Re- 
visers were  able  to  bring  out  the  N.T.  on  May 
17,  1881,  the  O-T.  on  May  19,  1883,  and  the 
Apocrypha  in  January,  1895.  In  the  Apoc- 
rypha the  Revisers  as  a  rule  left  textual  ques- 
tions on  one  side,  and  the  benefit  which  they 
have  conferred  on  tlie  average  reader  by 
making  passages  intelligible  which  were  not 
so  is  very  great.  But  owing  to  the  work 
having  been  done  by  four  different  committees, 
there  is  a  want  of  imiformity  in  execution, 
e.g.  in  the  printing  of  poetical  passages,  and 
the  rendering  of  proper  names  ;  and  a  freer 
use  of  theJOriental  versions  would  have  se- 
cured greater  accuracy,  e.g.  Ecclus.25.i5, 
"There  is  no  head  above  the  head  of  a  serpent," 
should  be,  "  There  is  no  poison  more  virulent 
than  the  poison  of  a  serpent,"  and  Ecclus.51. 
10,  "  I  called  upon  the  Lord,  the  father  of  my 
Lord,"  should  be,  "  I  called  unto  the  Lord, 
my  father,  O  Lord,"  etc.  In  the  O.T.  the  Re- 
visers may  have  been  influenced  in  the  later 
stages  of  their  work  by  the  criticisms  which 
had  appeared  on  the  N.T.  They  certainly 
published,  in  ])rop(>rtioii,  far  fewer  changes  in 
the  translation  and  text,  intimating  in  their 
Preface  that  renderings  preferred  by  a  mere 
majority  of  the  Company  were  in  many  cases 
placed  in  the  margin,  a  two-thirds  majority 
being  required  to  give  them  a  place  in  the 
text.  Their  treatment  of  archaisms  and 
coarse  expressions  was  generally  satisfactory, 
and  the  improvement  in  the  sense  of  such  pas- 
sages as  Is.9.i-6  and  Job  28  was  sincerely 
welcomed,  the  latter  becoming  intelligible  as 
a  description  of  the  miner's  undcrgroinul 
search  for  treasure.  In  I'^cclesiastes  they  were 
less  successful  ;  "  a  striving  after  wind  " 
(2.11)  and  "the  caperberry  shall  fail"  (I2.5) 
were  repellent.  In  the  earlier  books  a  very 
clever  change  was  that  of  "  meal "  for  "  meat  " 
offering  ;  and  the  substitution  of  "  tent  of 
meeting  "  for  "  tabernacle  of  the  congrega- 
tion "  made  for  a  truer  undi-rstaiiding  that  it 
was  whttre  (lod  met  with  His  peojile  (I':x.29. 
42).  Elsewhere  the  transliteration  of  proi)er 
names  such  as  Sheol,  Abaddon,  and  Asherah, 
made  for  clearness,  and  the  Revisers  rightly 


VERSIONS 

lay  stress  on  the  gain  to  the  reader  of  the  use 
of  the  plural  "  peoples  "  in  Ps.67.3,5,  Is. 55. 4, 
etc.,  to  express  the  Gentile  nations.  In  the 
N.T.  the  struggle  of  which  Drs.  Hort  and 
Scrivener  were  the  respective  leaders  resulted 
in  the  compilation  of  a  new  Gk.  text,  and 
consequent  English  version,  which  contained 
departures  from  A.V.  much  greater  than  had 
been  contemplated  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Revision.  The  heavenly  witnesses  dis- 
appeared from  ijn.5.7  with  general  approval  ; 
but  the  omissit)n  of  the  angel  troubling  the 
water  (Jn.5.6)  and  of  the  eunuch's  profession 
of  faith  (Ac. 8. 37) ;  the  marginal  notes  throwing 
doubt  on  the  authenticity  of  the  last  twelve 
verses  of  S.  Mark,  of  the  pardon  of  the  adul- 
teress (Jn.7.53),  and  of  the  first  cry  from  the 
Cross  (Lu.23.34)  ;  the  abandonment  of  the 
reading  "  God  "  in  iTim.3.i6,  and  the  variant 
form  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Lu.ll.2-4,  pro- 
voked much  feeling,  as  also  did  the  translation 
in  Mt.6.13,  "  Deliver  us  from  the  evil  one." 
The  effort  to  render  the  same  Gk.  word  by  the 
same  English  equivalent,  effective  enough  in 
such  a  characteristic  of  the  second  gospel  as 
the  use  of  "  straightway,"  deprived  the  reader 
of  the  familiar  "  charity  "  in  iCor.13,  but  gave 
him  "  robber  "  in  a  number  of  passages  illus- 
trative now  of  the  wild  disorder  of  the  times 
(Jn.l8.40;  Lu. 10.30;  Mt. 21. 13,26.33.27.38), 
and  "  tiirones  "  as  a  token  of  a  spiritual  order 
prevalent  amongst  both  lost  and  redeemed 
(Rev.2.13, 13.2, 16.10,4.4, 11. 13-16;  cf.  Mt.l9. 
28).  If  the  preference  for  the  more  difficult 
reading  gave  us  angels  arrayed  in  "  stone  " 
(Rev. 15.0  ;  A.V.  linen),  there  were  brilliant  cor- 
rections in  Mk.9.23,  "  If  thou  canst  !  "  as  a 
quotation  of  the  father's  own  words,  and 
Mk.7.19,  "This  lie  said,  making  all  meats 
clean."  Amongst  minor  improvements  in 
rendering  may  be  tjuoted,  "  It  is  hard  for 
thee  to  kick  against  the  goad"  (Ac.26.14), 
"  New  wine  nmst  be  put  into  fresh  wineskins  " 
(Mt.9.17),  and,  "  Be  not  therefore  anxious 
for  the  morrow"  (Mt.6.34).  The  extent  of 
the  changes  made  and  their  character  can  be 
best  judged  from  the  Interlinear  Bible,  in 
which,  where  the  R.V.  differs  from  the  A.V., 
both  are  printed,  the  Revised  in  the  ujiper  and 
the  Authi>ri/,ecl  in  the  lower  of  the  two  lines 
of  smaller  type.  However  disagreeable  may 
be  the  pedantry  of  strict  rendering  of  tenses 
and  ]irepositions,  it  is  imiiossible  not  to 
respect  the  spirit  in  which  the  work  was  done. 
Bishop  Westcott  wrote  {Some  Lessons  of  K.V. 
|\  63),  "  He  who  has  mastert-d  the  meaning  of 
the  two  jirepositions  now  trul\-  reiulereil  '  inlo 
the  Name,'  ' /»  Christ'  (Ml.28.i9  :  K0.6. 
23),  lias  found  the  central  truth  of  Christianity. 
Certainly  1  would  gladly  have  given  the  ten 
years  of  niy  life  spent  on  the  Revision  to  bring 
only  these  two  phrases  of  the  New  Testament 
to  the  heart  of  iMiglishmeu."  J.  W.  Burgon, 
The  Revision  Revised  (i^^i):  B.  F.  Westcott, 
English  Bible,  also  arts,  in  Expositor,  2nd  set. 
ii.,  iii.,  v.,  3rd  ser.  i.-vii. ;  Newth,  Lectures 
on  Bible  Revision.  [c.r.d.h.1 

Versions.  One  important  aim  in  studying 
the  ancient  translations  of  the  Scriptures  is,  to 
try  to  reach  a  more  original  form  of  the  text  of 
O.T.  and  N.T.  than  that  which  has  come  down 
to  us.     The  earliest  known  Hebrew  MS.  of 


VERSIONS 

O.T.  is  very  late  (gth  cent,  a.d.)  ;  the  earliest  [ 
Greek  MS.  of  N.T.  belongs  to  4th  cent,  a.d.,  i.e. 
much  earlier,  but  still  some  300  years  later  than  I 
the  original  text.     Many  versions  trace  their  | 
history  back  to  a  time  anterior  to  that  of  the 
earliest  MSS.,  and  therefore  sometimes  contain 
elements  of  great  importance.  In  the  following  ' 
description  of  the  ancient  versions  the  order  is,  i 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  of  reference,  alpha- 
betical not  chronological,  nor  yet  in  order  of 
importance.    Whenever  possible,  a  version  will 
be  treated  imder  a  single  heading,  comprising 
both  O.T.  and  N.T.,  but  this  cannot  always  be 
the  case,  for  some  versions  only  contain  the 
O.T.  or  parts  of  it,  while  others  only  contain 
the  N.T.    or  parts    of   it.     Unless  otherwise 
specified,  it  will  be  understood  that  both  O.T. 
and  N.T.  are  referred  to. — I.  Aethiopic  Ver- 
sion.    This  should  more  strictly  be  called  the 
Ge''ez  version  ;    Ge'ez  was  the  language  of  the 
Abyssinians,    ^vho   were   converted   to   Chris- 
tianity at  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great 
by  Frumentius,  the  first  bishop  of  Auxume. 
Frumentius  was  consecrated  at  Alexandria  by 
St.  Athanasius  (/I /'oZog/a  ad  Constantium,  §§29- 
31),  a  fact  which  makes  it  probable  that  the 
first  Aethiopic    version  was  made  from  the 
Greek  ;    and  that  probability  is  increased  by 
the  fact  that  it  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  Aethiopic 
version  that  it  knows  nothing  of  the  books  of 
Maccabees,  and  shares   this  peculiarity  with 
Cod.  B  (Nestle,   Theol.   Lileratur.  pp.   148  ff., 
1895)  ;     moreover,   the    Aethiopic  shows    the 
closest  relationship  with  this  MS.  in  Kings  and 
in  Psalms  (Rahlf's  Septuaginta  Studien,  i.  79, 
84  ff.,  ii.  54  ff.),  besides  striking  points  of  re- 
semblance in  other  books  ;   hence  the  supposi- 
tion amounts    almost  to  certainty   that    the 
Aethiopic  Version  rests  ultimately  upon  Cod. 
B,   or  a  MS.  very  much  like  it.     There   are, 
however,  good  grounds  for  Lagarde's  conten- 
tion (Materialien  i.  3,  Ankiindigung,  ...  p.  28) 
that  this  version  was  not  directly  translated 
from  the  Greek,  but  that  its  parent  was  an 
Arabic  version,  and  that  it  belongs  to  the  14th 
cent.,   a  striking  piece  of  evidence  in  support 
of  this  being  contained  in  two  poems  composed 
in  praise  of  Abba  Salama,   as  the  Abyssians 
called  Frumentius,  because  he  translated  the 
Ge'ez    Bible  from  the  Arabic.      A  later  story 
also  tells  how  the  nine  companions  of  Frumen- 
tius   translated    the    Bible    from    the    Arabic 
(Cornill,  Das  Buck  des  Propheten  Ezechiel,  p. 
37).     To  these  main  arguments,  which  support 
on  the  one  hand  a  Greek  original  for  this  ver- 
sion, on  the  other  hand  an  Arabic  one,  must  be 
added  these  further  considerations  :    it  con- 
tains a  number  of  transliterations  from  the 
Hebrew,   to  which  it   approximates  in  other 
respects  as  well  ;   there  are  distinct  signs  of  the 
influence  of   some  Hexaplaric  text,  e.g.  some 
striking  agreements  with  the  version  of  Aquila  ; 
and  yet,  upon  the  whole,  it  is  a  verbal  trans- 
lation from  the  Greek,  as  regards  O.T.,  while 
as  regards  N.T.  its  text  shows  a  relationship 
which  is  closest  to  Codd.  B,  X,  though  Alex- 
andrian and  Syrian  elements  are  not  wanting. 
The  conclusions  to  be  drawn  from  this  con- 
flicting evidence  are,  that  the  original  basis  of 
the  version  was  a  genuine  LXX.   text,   that 
later  on  it  was  revised  with  the  help  of  the 
Hebrew  text  on  the  one  hand,  and  LXX.  MSS. 


VERSIONS  923 

with  Hexaplaric  elements  on  the  other,  while 
in  later  times  still  it  was  corrected  from  Arabic 
and  Coptic  texts.     The  various  MSS.  of  the 
version  exhibit  these  various  influences,  and 
must    be   classified   accordingly.     About    100 
Aethiopic  MSS.  exist  ;    for  the  most  part  late 
in  date,  the  earliest  being  the  Paris  one  (T3th 
cent.),  which  "exhibits  the  gospels  in  an  un- 
revised  text  "  (Nestle).     The  Aethiopic  O.T. 
contains   all   the   books   of   the   Alexandrian 
canon    excepting  i-4Mac.,  but    it  includes  a 
number  of  pseudepigraphic  works  not  found 
in  LXX.  MSS.,  e.g.  the  book  of  Jubilees,  the 
book  of  Enoch,  2[4]Esdras,  Baruch,  etc.  ;  the 
N.T.  contains,  in  addition  totheusual27  books, 
a  work  (in  8  books  called  the  "  Synodos  ")  on 
Canon  Law,  so  that  the  books  of   N.T.   are 
reckoned   as   35    (Nestle).     No   good   critical 
edition  of  this  version  has  yet  been  published 
as  a  whole,  though  single  books  have  appeared 
(Pratorius,   Urtext,  pp.  147  ff.  ;   Swete,  Intr.  to 
O.T.  in  Grk.  p.  no),   e.g.  the  Octateuch  and 
four  books  of  the  Kingdoms,  by  Dillmann,  the 
book  of  Enoch,  by  Charles  ;    no  publication  of 
N.T.  books  has  yet  appeared  which  is  of  any 
value. — IL  Arabic    Versions.     Egypt    and 
Syria  were  the  only  two  countries  in  which 
Arabic-speaking  Christians  were  to  be  found  ; 
it  was  therefore  natural  that  Arabic  versions 
should  have  been  made  from  the  Greek  and  the 
Syriac  ;    besides  these,  there  are  other  Arabic 
versions  from  the  Hebrew,  Coptic,  and  Sama- 
ritan,    (i)  Arab.   Versions   of  O.T.      Transla- 
tions from  the  Greek  exhibit  a  relationship  to 
Cod.  A  ;    Hexaplaric  influence  is  also  observ- 
able (Cornill,  Ezechiel,  pp.  49-57,  where  many 
illustrations    are     given).     Other    MSS.     are 
translations  of  a  Coptic  version  of  the  Greek. 
The  Arabic  text  of  the  Paris  Polyglot  is  very 
mixed;  it  is  based  upon  an  Egyptian  MS.  of  the 
i6thcent.  ;  the  Pentateuch  and  Joshua  are  from 
the  Hebrew;  Judges, Samuel,  Kings,  Chronicles, 
and  Job  are  from  the  Syriac  (Peshitta),  while 
the  other  poetical  books  and  the  prophets  are 
from  the  Greek.   Some  MSS.  are  wholly  transla- 
tions of  the  Peshitta  ;  the  Pentateuch,  in  others, 
is  direct  from    the  Samaritan  ;    other    MSS., 
again,    are    from    the    Hebrew.     These  latter 
follow  strictly  the  Massoretic  text  ;    most  of 
the  books  thus  translated  owe  their  origin  to 
the  labours  of  Sa'adya  the  Gaon,  a  native  of 
Upper  Egypt  (d.  942)  ;  those  published  are  the 
Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Isaiah,  Canticles,  Job,  and 
part   of   Proverbs.     The  Apocrypha   does   not 
seem  to  exist  in  this  version,     (ii)  Arab.  Ver- 
sions 0/  N.T.     The  oldest  Arabic  MS.  of  any 
part  of  N.T.  is  Cod.  Vaticanus  Arab.  13,  be- 
longing to  the  8th  cent.  ;   this  was  formerly  in 
the  possession  of  the  convent  of  Mar  Saba,  near 
Jerusalem,    and    is    a    translation    from    the 
Syriac  (Peshitta).     It  belonged   to  Daniel  of 
Emesa,  and  contained  orit,inally  the  Psalms, 
the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  all  the  Epistles  ;   only 
some   fragments   of   the   gospels   and   of    the 
Pauline  epp.now  remain  (Burkitt,  art.  "Arabic 
Versions"  in  Hastings,  £).B.  i.  p.  136).  Another 
translation  from  the  Syriac  is  found  in  a  loth- 
cent.  MS.,   Syr.   and  Arab.  ;    part  of  it  is  in 
Leipzig  and  part  in  the  Brit.  Museum.     An 
Arabic  translation  from  the  Syr.  of  the  Pauline 
epp.  is  contained  in  a  late  gth-cent.  MS.  now 
at  St.  Petersburg  ;  from  this  were  printed  the 


924 


VERSIONS 


edition  of  Hrpcnius  and  the  Carshuni  edition 
(1824).  The  Acts  and  Catholic  epp.  are  con- 
tained in  a  Qth-cent.  MS.  at  Sinai ;  it  is  trans- 
lated from  the  Syriac.  Among  Arabic  trans- 
lations from  the  Greek  are  those  of  the  gospels, 
which  are  "  perhaps  ultimately  derived  from  a 
bilingual  Gk.-Arab.  uncial  MS.  generally  quoted 
as  e'',  of  which  only  four  leaves  remain  " 
(Burkitt)  ;  these  translations  are  found  in 
some  MSS.  of  the  9th  cent.  The  14  Pauline 
epistles  translated  from  the  Greek  are  con- 
tained in  a  gth-cent.  Sinai  MS.  ;  this  has  been 
published  by  Mrs.  Gibson  (1894).  No  MS.,  so 
far  as  is  known,  has  come  down  to  us  contain- 
ing the  Acts  and  Catholic  epistles  in  an  Arabic 
translation  made  from  the  Greek.  The  Apoca- 
lypse, which  was  not  a  canonical  book  among 
the  Eastern  Churches,  is  contained  in  the 
printed  edition  of  Erpenius  ;  it  presents  an 
Arab,  version  translated  partly  from  the 
Greek  and  partly  from  the  Coptic.  An  Arab, 
version  is  found  in  most  Coptic  MSS.  of  the 
N.T.  ;  of  these  Cod.  Vat.  Copt.  9  seems  to  have 
been  used  as  a  kind  of  standard  te.xt  (Burkitt). 
The  official  Arabic  version,  however,  is  the 
product  of  translations  made  from  the  Syriac, 
Greek,  and  Coptic,  i.e.  a  revision  of  all  the 
various  translations  made  from  the  8th  cent, 
onwards.  This  revision  was  made  in  the 
middle  of  13th  cent.,  and  at  the  end  of  that 
century  it  underwent  a  further  process  of  re- 
vision ;  from  this  last  the  printed  editions 
were  made,  viz.  the  Roman  edition  (1591),  that 
of  Erpcuiiis  (1616),  and  the  Paris  edition  of 
1824.  Although  the  Arabic  versions  are  of 
interest  and  importance  from  the  point  of  view 
of  history  and  literature,  they  are  of  but  small 
value  for  textual  criticism,  as  they  offer  no- 
thing which  cannot  be  got  in  a  far  fuller  and 
more  accurate  form  from  nauch  earlier  au- 
thorities.— 111.  Aramaic  Paraphrases,  or 
"  Targums."  Strictly  speaking  the  Targums 
are  not  versions  in  the  sense  in  which  this  word 
has  hitherto  been  used,  as  they  present  para- 
plirascs,  in  Aramaic,  of  the  text  of  Scripture, 
and  not  translations  properly  speaking.  While 
the  Targums  offer  much  that  is  useful  for 
textual  criticism,  their  main  importance  lies  in 
tlic  fact  that  they  embody  the  traditional 
exegesis  of  the  Scriptures.  The  word  "  Tar- 
gum  "  meant  originally,  a  translation  of  any 
kind,  but  came  to  be  applied  specifically  to  a 
translation  into  Aramaic.  The  "  Targoman," 
or  m-thurgcmnn  (c/.  the  modern  "Dragoman," 
a  corrupt  form  of  the  same  word),  was  a 
synagogue  official  who  translated  into  Aramaic 
tlic  Hebrew  Scriptures  wlicn  read  in  the  syna- 
gogue. This  was  necessitated  by  the  fact  that 
during  the  centuries  immediately  preceding 
the  Christian  era  Hebrew,  as  the  current  lan- 
guage, became  displaced  by  Aramaic.  For  a 
long  time  the  Targum  was  oral,  but  even  so  it 
gradually  assumed  a  stereotyped  character.  It 
is  difficult  to  saycxactlywhentheTargums  were 
written.  There  are  references  in  Rabbinical 
literature  to  written  Targums  early  in  the  3rd 
cent.,  but  it  cannot  be  d(nibtcd  that  they  ex- 
isted still  earlier  in  literary  form  (see  below)  ; 
at  any  rate,  they  embody  material  which  goes 
back  to  the  time  of  the  second  temple.  As 
by  degrees  Aramaic  ceased  to  be  a  spoken 
language,  and  gave  place  to  Arabic,  the  use 


VERSIONS 

of  Targums  was  discontinued  ;  from  the  loth 
cent,  onwards  they  were  no  more  read  in  the 
synagogues.  The  Targums  may  be  classified 
as  follows:  (i)  Targums  to  the  Pentateuch,  {a) 
The  "  Targum  Babli  "  (Babylonian  Targum), 
or  the  Targum  of  Onkelos,  was,  according  to 
the  most  probable  view,  written  in  Palestine, 
but  re-edited  in  Babylon  ;  hence  its  title.  The 
compiler,  Onkelos,  was  a  pupil  of  Rabbi 
Gamaliel  the  elder  (Tosefta  Sabbath  c.  8),  who 
died  in  70  a.d.  ;  the  fact  that  this  Targum 
was  written  almost  within  the  life-time  of 
Christ  and  that  it  embodies  material  which 
was  centuries  older  shows  its  value  as  repre- 
senting Jewish  exegesis  and  post-Exilic  Jewish 
theology.  In  the  Babylonian  Talmud  (Me- 
gillah  3")  it  is  said  that  "  the  Targum  to  the 
Pentateuch  was  composed  by  the  proselyte 
Onkelos  at  the  dictation  of  Rabbi  Eliezer  and 
Rabbi  Joshua."  This  statement  regarding 
the  proselyte  Onkelos  "  seems  to  be  due  to  an 
erroneous  application  of  the  tradition  current 
in  Palestine  regarding  Aquila's  Greek  version 
of  O.T.  Reference  is  made  in  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud  (Megillah  71'')  to  the  proselyte  Aquila 
having  translated  the  Pentateuch.  The  trans- 
lation here  referred  to  is,  of  course,  the  Greek 
one  of  Aquila  ;  but  in  Babylonia  it  was  mis- 
interpreted to  refer  to  the  Aramaic  trans- 
lation of  the  Pentateuch,  Aquila  and  Onkelos 
being  a  confusion  of  one  and  the  same 
person  "  (Oesterley  and  Box,  The  Religion 
and  Worship  of  the  Synagogue,  p.  46).  This 
Targum  is  especiallv  valuable  on  account 
of  the  literaluess  of  its  translation  (Noldeke, 
Die  all-testamentliche  Litcratur,  p.  257)  ;  like 
all  the  Targums  it  avoids,  whenever  possible, 
anthropomorphisms,  but,  unlike  the  others, 
the  Haggadic  element  (i.e.  the  anecdotal 
tendency)  is  rare,  and,  when  found,  appears 
almost  exclusively  in  poetical  passages.  Its 
language,  according  to  Noldeke,  is  "  in  general 
conformed  .  .  .-to  the  Old  Palestinian  dia- 
lect, but  in  respect  of  particular  phrases  very 
decidedly  coloured  by  the  dialect  of  Babylon." 
The  best  printed  edition  is  that  of  A.  Berliner 
(Berlin,  1884).  (/>)  The  "Targum  Jerushal- 
mi,"  or  Palestinian  Targum.  Of  the  two  forms 
in  which  this  Targum  has  come  down  to 
us,  one  is  complete,  the  other  fragmentary. 
1  The  former  sonictimes  goes  by  the  name  of 
'  the  "Targum  of  Jonathan  ben  Uz/.iel  on  the 
!  Pentateuch,"  but  this  is  a  mistake  arising 
'  thus  :  "  The  Targum  was  often  indicated 
briefly  as  '  Targum  J  '  (i.e.  Targum  Jenishal- 
iiii)  ;  the  J  was  mistalicn  for  an  abbreviation  of 
Jonathan,  and  it  was  supposed  tiiat  the  Jona- 
tliaii  ben  U/.ziel,  to  whom  tlie  Targum  on  the 
Prophets  is  ascribed,  was  also  responsible  for 
this  Targum  on  the  Pentateuch  "  (Oesterley 
and  Box,  op.  cit.  p.  47)  ;  it  is  now  usually  de- 
scribed, more  correctly,  as  the  "  Targum  of 
pseudo-Jonathan."  The  other  form  is  called 
the  "  Jerusalem  Targum,"  but  it  is  also  known 
as  the  "  Fragment  Targum,"  for  only  frag- 
ments  of  it  survive  (see  Ginsburger's  edition. 
Das  Fragmententargum,  Berlin,  1899);  the  form 
in  which  wc  now  have  it  belongs  perhaps  to 
the  7II1  cent.  .As  to  its  origin  the  opinions  of 
exi)erts  differ.  On  the  one  hand  it  is  held  to 
have  been  from  the  beginning  only  "  a  collec- 
i  tion  of  detached  glosses,  not  on  the  Pscudo- 


PLATE    XXXI 
P'.  K  n  <2  f  :  ^^<^  Xh : 

I.    Aethiopic   (Gen. 48,   part    of   ver.   15).     From   a    MS.  in  the  Library  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Snc. 


II.    Arabic   (Job20.i,2),   gth  cent.     Brit.   Mus.  Add.   MS.  26116. 


[II.   Aramaic  (paraphrase  on  Mai. 4.6),  12th  cent.     From  the  Oriental  Series  of  the 
Palaeographical  Soc,  PL  Ixxvii. 


IV.  Armenian  (Mt.l.if.),  9th  cent.     From  a  plate  in  Evangile  iraduit  en  langue  Armenienne 
ancienne  et  ecrit  en  Van  887;  edition  .  .  .  de  VInstitiit  Lazareff  des  langues  orientates 
(Moscow,   1899). 
p  924]  SPECIMENS   OF  SCRIPTS   (A). 


VBRSIONIS 

Jonathan,  but  on  the  primary  recension." 
Others  hold  that  these  fragments  are  not  the 
remains  of  what  was  once  a  separate  Targum, 
but  formed  a  "  Haggadic  supplement  and  a 
collection  of  marginal  glosses  and  various 
readings  on  Onkelos  "  (Herzog,  Realencyclo- 
pddie,  XV.  p.  372) ;  at  any  rate  this  "  Frag- 
ment Targum  "  is  very  closely  related  to  the 
pseudo- Jonathan.  The   language   of   the 

former  is  "  a  Palestinian  dialect  of  Aramaic  ; 
hence  we  must  select  Syria  or  Palestine  as  its 
author's  native  country  ;  and  this  assumption 
is  confirmed  by  the  oldest  examples  we  have 
of  the  way  in  which  the  work  was  referred 
to — the  Targum  of  the  land  of  Israel — targum 
'eref  yisrd'el  (Zunz,  Die  goUesdiensteiche 
Vortrdge,  p.  73).  (ii)  Targum  to  the  Prophets. 
This  is  called  the  "  Targum  of  Jonathan,"  and 
comprises  the  historical  books  called  in  the 
Heb.  canon  the  Former  Prophets,  as  well  as 
the  prophetical  books  proper,  known  in  the 
Heb.  canon  as  the  Latter  Prophets.  Jona- 
than ben  Uzziel  is  described  as  a  pupil  of 
Hillel,  who  lived  in  the  early  part  of  ist  cent. 
A.D.  This  Targum  is  more  a  paraphrase  than  a 
translation,  and  is  full  of  Haggadic  material. 
Zunz  says  :  "  Even  in  the  case  of  the  historical 
books  Jonathan  often  acts  the  part  of  an  ex- 
positor ;  in  the  case  of  the  prophetical  books, 
again,  such  a  style  of  exposition  is  uninter- 
ruptedly pursued  as  makes  it  really  a  Haggadic 
work  "  (op.  cit.  pp.  62,  63).  Its  language  is 
substantially  the  same  as  that  of  Onkelos  (cf. 
Merx,  Chrestomaihia  Targumica).  It  has  been 
printed  in  the  London  Polyglot,  and  also  by 
Lagarde  (Prophelae  Chaldaice)  on  the  basis 
of  Cod.  Reuchlinianus.  (iii)  Targums  to  the 
Hagiographa.  The  third  main  division  of  the 
Heb.  canon  is  called  k<'thubhim,  "  Writings  "  ; 
the  Targums  to  these  are  of  less  importance, 
because,  unlike  those  already  mentioned,  they 
are  not  officially  recognized,  and  never  have 
been.  The  only  points  of  importance  that 
need  be  noticed  here  are  that  the  Targums  to 
Job  and  the  Psalms  are  strongly  Haggadic  in 
character,  and  belong  at  latest  to  the  5th  cent.; 
they  show  much  independence  of  the  Masso- 
retic  text — a  striking  fact,  inasmuch  as  it  seems 
to  denote  that  this  text  had  not  become  fixed 
even  at  this  comparatively  late  period.  The 
Targum  to  Proverbs  shows  remarkable  re- 
semblance to  the  Peshittd  Version,  i.e.  the 
Syriac  Vulgate.  The  Targums  to  the  five 
Wgilloth  ("  Scrolls,"  i.e.  Canticles,  Ruth, 
Lamentations,  Ecclesiastes,  Esther)  are  again 
strongly  Haggadic  ;  Esther  has  three  Targums 
to  it,  showing  its  great  popularity.  There  is 
also  a  Targum  to  Chronicles,  which  is  more  a 
paraphrase  than  a  translation.  The  Tar- 
gums are  important  not  only  for  the  light 
they  throw  on  Jewish  theology,  but  also, 
especially,  as  a  Thesaurus  of  ancient  Jewish 
exegesis ;  in  this  way  they  frequently  offer 
matter  of  interest  to  the  O.T.  and  N.T.  writ- 
ings ;  in  particular  it  can  be  shown  that  the 
N.T.  often  agrees  with  the  ancient  synagogue 
in  interpreting  certain  passages  mes^anically 
which  later  were  expounded  differently  in 
orothodox  Jewish  circles.  Another  fact 
which  makes  the  Targums  important  is  that 
much  of  their  material  goes  back  to  times 
anterior  to  the  Christian  era  ;    Noldeke  has 


VERSIONS 


§26 


shown  that  fragments  belonging  to  the  time  of 
John  Hyrcanus  are  to  be  found  in  them  (op. 
cit.  p.  256).  No  Targums  to  Ezra,  Nehemiah, 
or  Daniel  are  known  to  e.xist. — IV.  Armenian 
Version,  (i)  O.T.  The  evidence  as  to  the 
origin  of  this  version  is  conflicting.  In  favour 
of  a  Syriac  origin  we  have  the  following  facts  : 
The  grounding  of  Armenian  Christianity  was 
the  work  of  Syiiac-speaking  missionaries. 
The  Armenian  Church,  which  was  founded  in 
the  middle  of  the  3rd  cent.,  used  Syriac  as 
its  ecclesiastical  language  ;  it  is  distinctly 
asserted  by  Moses  of  Khoren  that  the  earliest 
translations  of  the  Armenian  O.T.  were  made 
from  the  Syriac.  Moses  of  Khoren  was  the 
pupil  of  Mesrop  (4th-5th  cent.),  who  is  said  to 
have  been  the  first  to  translate  the  Bible  into 
Armenian.  According  to  tradition  Edessa  was 
the  place  where  the  first  Armenian  Bible  was 
made  ;  the  Armenian  Version,  as  it  now  exists, 
still  shows  clear  traces  of  Syriac  renderings. 
In  spite  of  these  considerations,  however,  the 
Armenian  Version  can  be  shown  to  be  based, 
without  any  doubt,  upon  a  Greek  original, 
though  the  existence  of  other  elements  is 
also  clearly  discernible.  The  fact  is  that  the 
Armenian  Version,  while  being  in  the  main  a 
translation  from  the  LXX.,  did  not  rely  solely 
on  this,  but  utilized  also  Syriac,  Hebrew,  and 
Hexaplaric  MSS.  "  This  composite  character 
of  the  Armen.  text  is  probably  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  translators  used  the  Hexaplaric  text 
of  Origen,  whose  obeli  and  asterisks,  marking 
additions  of  the  LXX.  to  the  Massora,  or  addi- 
tions to  the  LXX.  from  Aq.  Sym.  Theod.  (Gk. 
versions  of  the  Massora),  here  and  there  sur- 
vive in  Armen.  MSS.  as  well  as  actual  marginal 
references  to  the  Gk.  versions  used  by  Origen. 
The  Armenians,  then,  must  have  made 
their  version  from  a  Hexaplaric  text  such  as 
we  have  in  the  Gk.  Codices  22  and  88  "  (Cony- 
beare)  ;  to  which  we  may  add  Cod.  Y  (Tau- 
rinensis)  upon  which  Cod.  22  is  based,  as  far  as 
the  Dodekapropheton  is  concerned  (Oesterley, 
Codex  Taurinensis  [Y],  Oxford,  igo8).  Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  McLean,  "  the  Armenian  shows 
a  typical  Hexaplar  text  in  Genesis  and  Exodus, 
agreeing  closely  with  the  Syriaco-Hexaplar 
version,  and  in  varying  degrees  with  the  MSS. 
that  compose  the  Hexaplar  group  "  (Swete, 
op.  cit.  p.  119).  The  Armenian  Version  is 
also  useful  as  containing,  in  parts,  transla- 
tions made  from  Gk.  MSS.  of  the  Lucianic 
recension.  The  most  important  printed  edi- 
tions are  those  of  Zohrab  (1789-1805),  and 
the  Venice  one  of  1859,  undertaken  by  the 
Mechitarist  fathers  of  San  Lazzaro.  (ii)  N.T. 
Much  of  what  was  said  about  O.T.  applies  here 
as  well.  Up  to  the  5th  cent.  Syrian  influerice 
predominated  in  Armenia,  so  that  in  the  first 
instance  the  N.T.  was  translated  from  the 
Syriac,  but  in  the  5th  cent,  a  translation  from 
the  Greek  Bible  was  introduced.  The  N.T.  of 
this  version  does  not  offer  the  various  problems 
as  to  its  origin  which  the  O.T.  does  ;  but  it  has 
some  special  points  of  interest,  among  which 
are  the  following  :  in  all  the  MSS.  of  the 
gospels  the  canons  of  Ammonius  are  added  in 
the  margin  ;  in  many  the  Fourth  Gospel  comes 
first  and  is,  in  some  MSS.,  followed  by  an  apo- 
cryphal addition  called  the  "  Rest  of  St. 
John."    Again,  the  last  twelve  verses  of  Mark, 


926 


VERSIONS 


as  also  the  Apocalypse,  which  were  translated 
and  incorporated  into  the  Armenian  canon  in 
the  5th  cent.,  were  omitted  later,  and  not  in- 
cluded in  the  MSS.  until  12th  cent.  In  the 
Etschmiadzin  MS.,  belonging  to  the  year  986, 
the  verses  which  follow  Mk.16.8  are  headed  : 
"  Of  Ariston  the  Presbyter."  As  Nestle  re- 
marks, "  We  leain  from  this,  what  is  evidently 
correct,  viz.  that  the  present  conclusion  of 
Mark's  Gospel  is  due  to  a  certain  Ariston,  who 
may  perhaps  be  identified  with  Aristion,  the 
teacher  of  Papias,  in  the  second  century  " 
(Textual  Crit.  of  the  Gk.  Test.  p.  142). — V. 
Egyptian,  or  Coptic,  Versions.  The  Ver- 
sions now  to  be  considered  are  called  Egyptian 
because  Egypt  was  the  land  of  their  origin,  or 
Coptic  ^which  is  merely  a  corruption  of  "  Egyp- 
tian "=At7i'7rT(os)  because  the  various  dia- 
lects in  which  they  are  written  are  all  varying 
forms  of  the  original  script  so  named.  The 
different  versions  of  the  original  Coptic  (all  the 
letters  of  which,  except  seven,  are  from  the 
Greek)  arose  from  the  existence  of  different 
popular  dialects  in  the  various  Egyptian  pro- 
vinces. As  the  names  of  these  versions  are 
somewhat  confusing  on  account  of  differences 
of  opinion  among  scholars  as  to  their  correct 
designations,  it  may  be  well  to  state  first  what 
these  names  are.  (i)  Sahidic,  from  es-said  = 
the  Arabic  name  for  "  Upper  Egypt."  This 
version  w^as  formerly  known  as  the  Thebaic, 
from  the  districts  of  Thcbais.  (ii)  Very  closely 
allied  to  this  dialect  is  the  Akhmimic,  but  it  is 
sufficiently  distinct  to  be  treated  as  a  different 
version  ;  it  is  so  called  from  the  town  and 
neighbourhood  of  Akhmim,  the  ancient  Pano- 
plis.  (iii)  Fayyiimic,  from  the  district  known 
as  the  Fayyvim.  This  version  was  formerly 
called  the  Bashmuric — more  correctly  Bush- 
muric  (from  a  district  near  Damietta  called 
El-Bushmur) — or  sometimes  "  Middle  Egyp- 
tian," to  distinguish  it  frona  those  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt.  (iv)  Bohairic,  from  El-Bo- 
hairah(  =  \ake),  a  district  S.  of  Alexandria,  be- 
tween lake  Mareotis  and  the  W.  arm  of  the  Nile. 
This  version  was  fonncrly  known  as  the  Mem- 
phitic,  from  the  province  of  Memphis.  These 
versions,  therefore,  represent  the  different 
dialects  which  were  spoken  respectively  in 
Upper,  Middle,  and  Lower  I'.gypt  ;  it  was 
"  perhaps  the  geographical  form  of  Egypt 
which  gave  special oi)i)()rtunities  for  thegrowtii 
of  popular  dialects  "  (Swctc,  op.  cit.  p.  103). 
As  to  the  date  of  their  origin  we  have  the  follow- 
ing data  :  \n  Ac. 2. 10  we  read  that  among 
those  who  were  jiresent  in  Jerusalem  at  Pente- 
cost, and  heard  the  i>reaciiing  of  St.  Peter, 
there  were  some  from  Ivgypt  (r/.  6.i),18.24)  ;  it 
is  extremely  i)robablc,  th<'refore,  that  sonic  of 
these  accepted  tlie  new  faith  and  took  back  to 
Alexandria  (whicii  had  for  centuries  been  a 
Jewish  colony)  the  knowledge  of  Christianity. 
Unquestionably  these  converts,  as  well  as 
others  (jf  theirracewlio  embraced  Cliristianity, 
were  Greek-sj)eaking  Jews  ;  but  it  cannot  have 
been  long  before  the  new  faith  spread  from  the 
urban  settlements  to  the  country  districts  and 
villages,  where  different  Egyptian  dialects 
were  spoken.  TliesenativeEgyptianswould  in 
course  of  time  have-  recpiired  tlii'  Scri])tures  in 
their  own  vernacular.  No  doubt  from  the 
time  that  the  Gospel  was  first  preached  among 


VERSIONS 

these  native  Egyptians  the  sayings  of  Christ 
must  have  been  translated,  so  that  there  was 
a  preparation  for  the  Egyptian  versions  some 
time  before  they  were  actually  made ;  and 
therefore,  though  proof  is  not  forthcoming,  it 
is  probable  that  the  earliest  of  these  versions, 
at  all  events  of  N.T.,  began  to  be  made  almost 
immediately  after  the  original  was  in  the  hand 
of  the  bishops  of  the  various  sees.  Under 
Demetrius,  bishop  of  Alexandria  (c.  189-232), 
there  was  an  increase  of  the  Episcopate  in 
Egypt,  a  fact  which  suggests  also  an  increase 
in  the  extension  of  Christianity,  and  the 
consequent  need  of  having  the  Scriptures  in 
the  vernacular.  Heracles,  the  successor  of 
Demetrius,  consecrated  a  far  greater  number 
of  bishops  ;  the  Egyptian  Church  counted 
twenty  in  his  day.  Eusebius  {Hist.  Eccles. 
vi.  41)  speaks  of  the  sufferings  of  "  Egyptian  " 
Alexandrians  during  the  Decian  persecution 
(250  A.D.).  These  facts  point  to  the  possi- 
bility of  an  Egyptian  version  having  existed  in 
the  first  half  of  the  3rd  cent.  ;  at  any  rate,  it 
cannot  have  been  much  later,  for  the  com- 
munity of  monks  presided  over  by  St.  Pacho- 
mius  in  Upper  Egypt  in  322  must  certainly 
have  required  copies  of  the  Scriptures  in  their 
vernacular.  "  The  evidence  of  the  Pistis 
Sophia,"  says  Prof.  Burkitt,  in  the  Encycl.  Bibl. 
iv.  5007,  "is  indecisive  as  to  date.  ...  It 
is  a  Gnostic  work  of  the  latter  half  of  the  3rd 
cent.,  which  survives  in  a  very  ancient  Sahidic 
MS.  Most  of  the  allusions  in  it  to  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments  are  loose  and  paraphrastic. 
But  several  of  the  Psalms  are  quoted  by  number 
in  full,  almost  word  fi:>r  word  with  the  Sahidic 
Version.  We  cannot,  however,  certainly  infer 
from  this  that  Sahidic  is  the  original  language 
of  the  book.  The  Sahidic  Versicm  must  be 
older  than  the  Pistis  Sophia  as  we  have  it  ; 
but  the  Psalms  in  question,  which  arc  all  put 
into  the  mouths  ot  the  various  apostles  to 
illustrate  the  Gnostic  teaching  of  Jesus,  may 
have  been  added  by  the  Sahidic  translator 
with  the  view  of  commending  the  book  to 
orthodox  readers  ;  their  strict  fidelity  to  the 
Bililical  text  shows  quite  a  different  spirit 
from  the  free  invention  of  the  rest  of  the  book." 
We  sliall,  then,  not  be  far  wrong  in  regarding 
the  commencement  of  tlie  4tli  cent,  as  the 
latest  date  for  the  earliest  form  of  an  Egyptian 
version.  To  deal  with  the  three  Egyptian 
versions  individually  :  (i)  Sahidic.  As  re- 
gards O.T.,  this  version  w'as  unquestionably 
made  from  the  LXX.,  and  apjiarently  rejire- 
sents,  like  all  the  ligyptian  versions,  the  Hesy- 
chian  recension,  wliich  was  well  known  in 
Alexandria  and  Egypt.  As  reganls  N.T.  the 
most  interesting  i)i)ints  are  that  this  version 
has  some  very  striking  "Western  "  readings  and 
interpolations,  and  tliat  in  many  readings  it 
supjxirts  N  or  B,  or  both,  where  these  great 
MSS.  stand  almost  alone.  "  We  learn,  there- 
fore," says  Prof.  Burkitt,  "  from  the  evidence 
of  the  Sahidic  vi-rsion,  that  a  text  similar  in 
essentials  to  that  of  N  and  B,  though  slightly 
more  '  Western  '  in  character,  was  current  in 
Egypt  about  the  beginning  of  tlie  4th  cent." 
In  both  O.T.  and  N.T.  there  are  a  few  MSS.  of 
conq>lcte  Biblical  books,  but  for  the  most  part 
only  Iragments  of  this  version  survive  ;  those 
of  O.T.   have  been   gathered   and   edited  by 


VERSIONS 

Ciasca,  Sacrorum  Bibliorum  Fragmenta  Copto- 
Sahidica  Miisei  Borgiani,  Rome,  vol.  i.  (1885), 
vol.  ii.  (1889),  and  Lagarde,  Aegyptiaca,  pp. 
65  &.  (1883)  ;  those  of  N.T.  by  Amelinean, 
"  Fragments Thebainesineditsdu  N.T.,"inthe 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Aegyptische  Sprache,  vols,  xxiv.- 
xxvi.  (1886-1888) ;  see  also  an  art.  by  the  same 
author,  AthencBum,  No.  3601,  pp.  599  ff.  (ii) 
Akhmitnic.  This  sub-division  of  the  Sahidic  is 
at  present  known  only  by  fragments  of  Exodus, 
Ecclesiasticus,  2 Maccabees,  and  the  Minor 
Prophets,  as  well  as  by  part  of  a  very  ancient 
MS.  of  the  Catholic  Epp.  (iii)  Fayyumic, 
or  Middle  Egyptian.  Although  the  date  of 
this  version  is  unknown,  it  betrays  certain 
relationships  with  the  Sahidic,  than  which  it  is 
probably  not  much  later.  Very  little  of  O.T. 
has  come  down  to  us — fragments  of  Isaiah, 
Lamentations,  and  the  Ep.  of,Jer.  ;  of  N.T. 
more  exists  (see  Hyvernat,  "Etude  sur  les 
versions  Coptes  de  la  Bible,"  in  the  Revue  Bib- 
lique,  V.  3,  4,  vi.  i  ;  Forbes  Robinson,  "  Coptic 
Apoc,  Gospels,"  in  Texts  and  Studies,  iv.  2). 
(iv)  The  Bohairic  Version  is  still  in  ecclesias- 
tical use  among  the  Copts.,  or  Egyptian  Chris- 
tians ;  of  O.T.  there  are  several  MSS.  of  the 
Pentateuch,  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  Minor 
Prophets,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  and  one  of 
Ezekiel  ;  the  earliest  MSS.  of  N.T.  are  of  the 
12th  cent.,  though  some  fragments  probably 
belong  to  the  9th  ;  it  is  a  later  recension  of  the 
Sahidic  (see  Guidi  in  Nachrichten  von  der  K. 
Gesellsch.  der  Wisscnschaften,  pp.  49-52,  Got- 
tingen)  ;  many  of  the  MSS.  have  an  Arabic 
translation,  but  none  yet  found  has  a  Gk. 
translation,  the  Bohairic  differing  in  this  re- 
spect from  the  Sahidic  MSS.  In  both  versions 
the  full  Gk.  canon  is  represented,  though  the 
order  of  N.T.  books  varies  in  each  ;  the  Apoca- 
lypse was  not  regarded  as  canonical,  and  is 
never  bound  up  with  MSS.  of  N.T.  A  new 
translation  of  N.T.  was  published  by  Horner  in 
1898-1905. — VI.  Georgian  or  Iberian  Ver- 
sion. This  is  of  subordinate  importance  ;  the 
O.T.  is  based  upon  the  Gk.,  the  translitera- 
tion of  Gk.  words  putting  this  beyond  doubt ; 
the  N.T.  is  a  version  of  the  Old  Syriac,  accord- 
ing to  F.  C.  Conybeare  (American  Journ.  of 
Theol.  i.  pp.  883  ff.) ;  of  the  Greek  or  Armenian, 
according  to  Nestle.  It  dates  from  5th  or  6th 
cent.,  and  as  we  have  it  represents  a  revision, 
made  before  the  loth  cent.,  of  an  earlier  form, 
a  fact  which  may  possibly  be  found  to  account 
for  the  varying  opinions  as  to  its  origin  when 
the  MSS.  have  undergone  a  more  thorough- 
going examination.  The  printed  edition  of 
1743  (Moscow)  is  said  by  Mr.  Conybeare 
"  fairly  to  represent  the  MSS."  as  far  as  the 
Gospels  are  concerned. — VII.  Gothic  Ver- 
sion. This  was  made  for  the  Teutonic  tribes 
who  dwelt  in  the  Danubian  provinces  by 
Ullilas,  "  the  apostle  of  the  Goths,"  in  the 
middleof  4th  cent.  According  to  Philostorgius, 
"he  translated  the  whole  of  the  O.T.  except  the 
books  of  the  Kingdoms,  which  he  omitted,  as 
likely  to  inflame  the  military  temper  of  the 
Gothic  race  by  their  records  of  wars  and  con- 
quests "  (quoted  by  Swete,  op.  cit.  p.  117).  Of 
O.T.  only  a  few  fragments  have  been  preserved. 
All  the  N.T.  books,  in  part  or  whole,  have  been 
found,  except  Acts,  the  Catholic  Epp.,  and  the 
Apocalypse.     In  the  latter  part  of  the  i6th 


VERSIONS 


927 


cent,  the  existence  of  a  MS.  of  this  version  was 
known,  through  Morillon  having  mentioned 
that  he  had  observed  one  in  the  library  of  the 
monastery  of  Werden,  on  the  Ruhr,  in  West- 
phalia. In  1648,  almost  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  Thirty  Years'  War,  there  was  sent  to 
Stockholm,  amongst  the  spoils  from  Prague, 
a  copy  of  the  Gothic  Gospels,  known  as  the 
Codex  Argenteus.  This  MS.  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  the  same  that  Morillon  had  seen. 
On  the  abdication  of  Queen  Christina,  of 
Sweden,  a  few  5'ears  later,  it  disappeared.  In 
1655  it  was  in  the  possession  of  Isaac  Vossius, 
in  Holland.  In  1662  it  was  repurchased  for 
Sweden  by  Count  Magnus  Gabriel  de  la  Gardie, 
who  placed  it  in  the  library  of  the  university 
of  Upsala.  While  the  MS.  was  in  the  hands  of 
Vossius  a  transcript  was  made  of  the  text  by 
Derrer,  from  which  Junius,  his  uncle,  edited 
the  first  edition  of  the  Gothic  Gospels,  at  Dort, 
in  1665.  Ten  leaves  were  stolen  from  the  MS. 
between  1821  and  1834,  but  restored  after 
many  years  by  the  thief  upon  his  death-bed. 
"  This  magnificent  Codex  was  written  in  the 
5th  or  6th  cent,  on  purple,  with  gold  and  silver 
lettering.  It  now  comprises  187  leaves  out  of 
330,  and  contains  fragments  of  the  four  Gospels 
in  the  order  Matthew,  John,  Luke,  Mark  " 
(Nestle).  New  light  dawned  on  Ulphilas  and 
his  version  in  1817.  While  Cardinal  Mai  was 
engaged  in  the  examination  of  palimpsests  in 
the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan,  he  noticed 
traces  of  some  Gothic  writing  under  that  of  one 
of  the  codices.  This  was  found  to  be  parts  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  Further  search  brought 
to  light  four  more  palimpsests  containing 
portions  of  the  Gothic  Version  ;  the  result  was 
that,  besides  some  portions  of  the  O.T.,  almost 
the  whole  of  the  13  Pauline  Epp.,  and  some 
parts  of  the  Gospels,  were  recovered.  Another 
MS.  is  the  Cod.  Carolinus,  which  contains 
among  other  matter  some  40  verses  of  Romans. 
This  was  published  in  1762.  The  edition  of 
Gabelentz  and  Loebe  (1836-1845)  contains  all 
that  has  been  discovered  of  the  Gothic  version. 
In  1854  Uppstrom  published  the  text  of  Cod. 
Argenteus  ;  in  1855-1856  Massmann  issued  a 
small  edition  of  all  the  remains  of  the  Gothic 
Scriptures  known  to  be  extant  ;  St.  Mark  was 
edited  by  Skeat  in  1882.  The  O.T.  text  of  the 
Version  is  interesting  asexhibitinga  text  which 
is  clearly  Lucianic  (see  Lagarde,  Librorum 
V.T.  canonicorum,  pars.  i.  p.  xiv.  (1883),  Kauff- 
mann,  op.C!^.).  "Ulfilas  was  in  Constantinople 
for  some  time  about  340  a.d.,  and  his  MSS. 
of  the  LXX.  were  doubtless  obtained  in  that 
city,  which,  according  to  J  erome,  was  one  of  the 
headquarters  of  the  Lucianic  LXX."  (Swete). 
As  regards  N.T.  Kauffmann  saj^s  that  "  the 
Goth  to  whom  we  owe  Matthew  used  the  Gk. 
text  current  in  the  diocese  of  Constantinople  " 
(op.  cit.  xxxi.  p.  180)  ;  he  holds  the  same  to 
be  the  case  with  St.  John's  Gospel.  For  the 
relationship  between  this  version  and  the  Old 
Latin  see  Burkitt  (Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  4994,  5012). 
For  textual  criticism  this  version  is  only  of 
subordinate  importance. — VIII.  Greek  Ver- 
sions, (i)  The  Septuagint  (see  the  article  on 
this).  When  the  LXX.  had  ceased  to  be  the 
exclusive  property  of  the  Jews  through  having 
been  adopted  by  the  Christian  Church,  it  was 
natural   that   the   Jewish   authorities   should 


928 


VERSIONS 


have  desired  to  have  a  version  more  specifically 
Jewish  for  the  use  of  Hellenistic  Jews.  This 
desire  was  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  a 
Heb.  text  had  received  the  official  sanction  of 
the  Rabbis  which  differed  considerably  from 
the  earlier  Heb.  text  which  had  been  the 
basis  of  the  LXX.  translation  ;  thus,  from  the 
Rabbinical  point  of  view,  it  becanie  imperative 
that  a  Gk.  version  should  be  made  which  would 
have  for  its  basis  this  later  and  officially 
accepted  form  of  the  Heb.  text.  Of  these 
later  Gk.  versions  we  know  six  ;  fragments, 
in  greater  or  less  numbers,  of  each  are  still 
extant,  and  the  number  is  gradually  increasing. 
(ii)  Aqiiila.  Originally  a  Gentile,  and  related 
to  the  emperor  Hadrian,  Aquila  became  a 
Christian  while  living  in  Jerusalem,  whither  he 
had  been  sent  by  the  emperor  to  superintend 
the  building  of  the  new  city,  Aelia  Capitolina, 
on  the  site  of  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem.  He 
was,  however,  excommuuicated  on  account  of 
practising  heathen  rites  ;  thereupon  he  be- 
came circumcised.  He  was  a  strict  follower 
of  Rabbinical  lore  and  tradition,  and  is  not 
infrequently  quoted  in  the  Talmud.  As  far 
as  is  known,  his  version  was  the  earliest  of 
the  Gk.  post-Septuagint  ones,  and  it  may  be 
stated  with  tolerable  certainty  that  it  was  com- 
pleted c.  125-130  A.D.  The  chief  character- 
istics of  this  version  are  :  firstly,  the  literal 
rendering  of  the  Massoretic  text.  Origen  says 
that  he  was  "  a  slave  to  the  letter,"  and  that 
"  whatever  was  wanting  in  the  Heb.  text  was 
not  to  be  found  in  Aquila  "  ;  Jerome  writes 
to  the  same  effect.  This  is  borne  out  by  com- 
jiaring  the  Aquila-fragments  which  we  possess 
with  the  Massoretic  text.  In  many  instances 
the  translation  is  so  literal  as  to  leave  the 
Gk.  meaningless.  Secondly,  in  giving  the  Gk. 
equivalents  for  Heb.  proper  names  the  trans- 
literations of  Aquila  are  more  faithful  to  the 
Heb.  than  is  the  case  with  the  LXX.  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  in  some  few  cases  Aquila  trans- 
lates a  Heb.  proper  name  when  the  LXX. 
transliterates  it.  In  the  Aquila-fragments 
from  the  Cairo  Geniza  (ed.  Burkitt)  are  some 
very  interesting  examples  of  an  almost  pain- 
ful literalness  ;  but  this  has  its  advantages, 
inasmuch  as  it  enables  us  to  see  exactly  the 
Heb.  text  that  underlay  Aquila's  translation  ; 
in  the  main  (though  there  are  exceptions)  it 
was  what  we  now  possess  in  our  printed  Heb. 
Bibles,  and  this  shows  that  the  traditional 
Heb.  text  was  fixed  at  any  rate  as  early  as 
in  the  beginning  of  the  2nd  cent.,  but  c/. 
what  is  said  above  on  this  point.  Thirdly, 
attempts  aiipear  often  to  have  been  made  to 
give,  with  the  translation  of  a  word,  its  ety- 
mology ;  some  dozen  instances  of  this  occur 
even  in  the  few  fragments  of  the  bj)ok  of  Amos 
that  survive  (see  Oosterley,  Studies  .  .  . 
p.  70).  For  the  published  fragments  of  this 
version,  see  the  Bibliography  at  the  end  of 
this  article,  (iii)  Thcodotion.  Also  a  Jewish 
convert,  according  to  Irenaeus.  Thcodotion 
was  a  native  of  Ephesus,  and  lived  i^robably 
during  the  first  half  and  middli^  of  tiic  2nd 
cent.  The  characteristics  of  his  work  are, 
firstly,  great  freedom  of  translation  ;  indeed, 
it  is  almc)st  more  correct  to  say  that  tliis  was 
a  revision  of  the  LXX.  based  upon  the  Heb. 
text,  than  that  it  was  an  independent  version. 


VERSIONS 

though  it  omits  the  LXX.  addition  to  Job. 
Hence,  on  comparing  the  text  of  the  LXX. 
with  that  of  Theodotion  the  two  are  often 
seen  to  differ  very  widely.  Secondly,  Theodo- 
tion made  a  good  deal  of  use  of  the  Heb. 
text ;  this  may  be  seen  by  the  very  literal 
translations  which  often  occur,  as  well  as  by 
transliterations  from  the  Heb.  ;  in  these  latter 
Theodotion  in  most  cases  differs  from  the  LXX. 
The  freer  rendering  of  Theodotion  as  regards 
the  LXX.,  and  his  less  slavish  use  of  the  Heb., 
makes  his  version  much  less  inelegant,  from 
a  linguistic  point  of  view,  than  that  of  Aquila. 
One  extraordinary  fact  about  this  version  is 
that  its  translation  of  the  book  of  Daniel, 
which  was  received  by  the  Christian  Church, 
and  which  therefore,  for  some  reason  or  other, 
had  supplanted  the  earlier  LXX.  translation, 
is  now  fimnd,  with  one  exception  only,  in  all 
MSS.  of  the  LXX.  How  this  originally  came 
about  is  a  question  which  has  not  yet  been 
settled  (see  Burkitt,  Old  Latin  and  Itala,  pp. 
18  ff.;  Swete,  op.  cit.  pp.  46  ff.).  The  text  of  the 
LXX.  which  Theodotion  revised  had  readings 
which  do  not  appear  in  any  existing  MSS. — 
a  fact  which  gives  Theodotion's  version  its 
chief  value,  (iv)  Symmachus.  According  to 
trustworthy  tradition  Symmachus  was  an 
Ebionite  ;  his  version  belongs  to  the  beginning 
of  the  3rd  cent.  His  chief  aim  seems  to  have 
been  to  give  a  translation  which  should  be  in 
good  Gk.  ;  he  made  use,  however,  of  the 
earlier  versions,  relying  perhaps  more  on 
Theodotion  than  on  the  LXX.  or  Aquila  ;  but 
that  he  used  the  Massoretic  text  as  a  basis  is 
abundantly  clear.  Interesting,  if  not  always 
instructive,  is  the  way  in  which  Symmachus 
gives  renderings  sometimes  of  an  entirely  in- 
dependent character — independent  of  the  other 
versions,  as  well  as  of  the  Massoretic  text ;  this 
is,  apparently,  due  to  the  desire  to  give  a  good 
Gk.  rendering,  or  to  give  the  sense  of  the 
original,  as  he  understood  it,  or,  in  other  cases, 
for  dogmatic  reasons.  In  rendering  proper 
names  Symmachus  is  not  consistent  ;  some- 
times they  are  taken  from  one  or  other  of  the 
versions,  at  other  times  transliterated  from 
the  Heb.  His  avoidance  of  anthropomor^ihic 
terms  and  phrases  is  marked,  (v)  Quinta, 
Sexta,  Septima.  These  are  the  names  given 
to  anonymous  versions  which  are  called  the 
5th,  6th,  and  7th  fnim  their  relative  positions 
in  the  columns  of  Origen's  great  compendium. 
They  belong  probably  to  the  begiiming  of  the 
3rd  cent,  or  the  end  of  the  2nd  ;  of  their  authors 
nothing  is  known  excepting  what  can  be 
gathered  from  the  fragments  still  extant. 
I'robaijly  none  of  these  versions  covered  the 
whole  O.T.,  for  Eusebius  uses  the  word 
^faXXarroiVas  in  reference  to  them,  meaning, 
according  to  a  highly  probable  interpretation, 
that  one  version  represented  some  books  of  the 
Bible,  another  other  books,  and  a  third  yet 
others  ;  however  this  naay  be,  it  is  certain 
that  the  same  books  figure  in  more  than  one  of 
these  versions,  e.g.  the  Psalms  atul  the  Minor 
Prophets,  fragments  of  whicli  have  been  found 
belonging  both  io  Quinta  and.S"fv/a.  Field,  in 
speaking  of  the  later  Gk.  versions,  says  of 
Quinta  that  it  is  "  onuiiun^  elegantissinius." 
The  author,  according  to  St.  Jerome,  was  a 
Jew.    Sexta  likewise  makes  use  of  good  (ik.  ; 


PLATE    XXXII 


TreWTAA'^e'TTOlHCe 


"V.  Greek  (iK.20,  part  of  ver.  lo),  5th  or  6th  cent.  From  Burkitt's  Fragments  of  the 
Books  of  Kings  according  to  the  translation  of  Aquila;  the  original  fragment  came 
from  the  Cairo  Genizah. 


©WMACk 


Moyreepo 

VI.    Sahidic  (Jn.20.24),  date  uncertain,  but  early.     Brit.  Mus.  Papyri  xiii.  4. 

fill  (E-ATE^rRft^m^JW 

VII.    Slavonic  (Mt.4.25),  1332  a.d.     Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS.  26839. 


VIII.   Syriac,  Citretunian  (Jn.6.67),  4th  or  5th  cent.     Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS.  14451. 

IX.   Syriac,  Peshittd  {Mt.7.8),  5th  or  6th  cent.     Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS.   14470. 
p.  928]  SPECIMENS   OF  SCRIPTS   (B). 


VERSIONS 

the  author  was  a  Christian,  judging  from  the 
rendering  of  Hab.3.13,  Thou  wentest  forth  to 
save  thy  people  through  Jesus  Thine  Anointed 
(dia  ^Irjaouv  rbv  xp'crdi'  aov)-  Of  Septima  no- 
thing is  known  excepting  that  it  is  mentioned 
by  Eusebius.  (vi)  A  much  later  Gk.  version 
belonging  to  the  late  Middle  Ages  is  known  as 
the  Graecus  Venetus  ;  this  is  a  translation  of 
the  Massoretic  text,  use  being  made,  however, 
of  the  other  Gk.  versions  ;  it  consists  of  the 
Pentateuch,  Ruth,  Proverbs,  Canticles,  Ecclesi- 
astes,  Lamentations,  and  Daniel.  The  author 
was  a  Jew  whose  "  chief  guide  appears  to 
have  been  David  Kimchi,  whose  interpreta- 
tions are  closely  followed  "  vSwete).  The  best 
printed  edition  is  von  Gebhardt's  Graecus 
Venetus  Pentateuchi  .  .  .  (1875).  (vii)  Two 
other  Gk.  versions  are  :  a  i5th-cent.  Psalter 
{see  Klostermann,  Analecta,  p.  30),  and  a  ver- 
sion into  modern  Greek  of  the  Pentateuch  print- 
ed first  in  1547,  and  published  again  in  1897  by 
Hesseling. — IX.  Latin  Versions.  [See  Vul- 
gate.]— X.  Slavonic  Version.  The  Slavs 
were  Christianized  in  the  9th  cent,  by  the  two 
brothers  Cyril  and  Methodius,  by  whom  the 
Slavonic  version  was  made  from  the  Gk. 
In  its  present  form,  however,  this  version  is 
translated  partly  from  the  Gk.,  partly  from 
the  Heb.,  and  partly  from  the  Vulg.  The 
date  at  which  it  was  made  is  "  too  late  to 
represent  any  ancient  type  of  text  not  other- 
wise preserved  "  (Burkitt).  The  only  point  of 
importance  about  it  is  that,  as  regards  theO.T., 
it  was,  in  the  main,  made  from  a  Gk.  text 
representing  the  Lucianic  recension. — XI. 
Syriac  Versions.  Of  all  the  translations  of 
the  Bible  dealt  with  in  this  article  none  can 
approach  in  interest  and  importance  the 
earlier  Syriac  ones.  Nothing  is  known  for 
certain  as  to  the  origin  of  Christianity  in  the 
Syriac-speaking  countries,  i.e.  the  districts  in 
the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  and  neighbouring 
provinces,  but  "  it  is  certain  that  the  new  re- 
ligion was  well  established  in  Edessa  (the 
literary  head-quarters  of  the  Syriac-speaking 
church)  before  this  city  was  absorbed  into  the 
Roman  empire  in  216  a.d.,  during  the  reign  of 
Caracalla ;  the  political  independence  of  the 
little  state  accounts  for  the  early  translation  of 
the  Scriptures  into  the  vernacular  of  the 
Euphrates  Valley  "  (Burkitt).  The  early  date 
of  this  version  is  one  of  the  indications  of  its 
value  as  a  critical  authority  for  the  Biblical 
text.  i.  The  O.T.  (a)  The  Peshittd,  or  more 
fully  "  Mappakta  Peshitta,"  which  means  the 
"  Simple  Edition,"  was  to  the  Syriac  church 
what  the  Vulg.  was  to  the  Western.  It  was 
used  by  all  the  divisions  of  Syriac-speaking 
Christians,  Nestorians,  Monophysites,  etc.  Thus 
it  was  evidently  older  than  the  middle  of  the 
5th  cent.,  when  the  division  between  Nestorians 
and  Monophysites  took  place.  The  name 
Peshittd  was,  however,  not  given  to  this  ver- 
sion until  the  gth  cent.  ;  this  term  "  Simple  " 
was  attached  to  it  in  order  to  distinguish  it 
from  some  other  Syriac  versions  which  were 
made  subsequently,  and  which  seemed  more 
complicated  on  account  of  the  many  critical 
signs  inserted  in  their  texts.  It  is  impossible 
to  say  for  certain  where  the  Peshitta  was  made  ; 
but  every  probability  points  to  Edessa  as  the 
place    of  origin;   as    to  its  date  see  XI.  ii. 


VERSIONS 


929 


(a).  The  Peshittd  O.T.  version  was  made 
direct  from  the  Heb.,  most  likely  by  Jews, 
and  was  the  work  of  different  translators,  for 
m  some  books  the  translation  is  very  literal, 
in  others  more  paraphrastic  ;  the  Heb.  text 
underlying  the  Syriac  is  that  of  the  Massoretes. 
In  the  prophetical  books  the  influence  of  the 
LXX.  is  observable.  Does  this  extraordinary 
phenomenon  mean  that  in  certain  books  the 
LXX.  was  believed  to  represent,  in  some  re- 
spects, a  more  faithful  text  than  that  of  the 
Massoretes  ?  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  had 
settled  in  Mesopotamia  before  the  Christian 
era.  Of  MSS.  there  are  some  very  ancient  ; 
the  oldest  is  Cod.  Add.  14,425,  in  the  Brit. 
Mus.,  which  contains  the  Pentateuch  with  the 
exception  of  Leviticus.  It  is  a  transcription,  and 
is  dated  464  a.d.,  which  makes  it  the  oldest 
known  dated  MS.  of  any  portion  of  the  Bible 
extant  in  any  language.  Cod.  Ambriosianus 
(6th  cent.),  also  in  the  Brit.  Mus.,  contains  the 
whole  O.T.,  and  has  been  published  entire  in 
photo-lithographic  form  by  Ceriani  (1876- 
1881).  The  only  really  accessible  edition  is  the 
unsatisfactory  one  issued  by  the  Brit,  and 
Foreign  Bible  Soc.  1823.  Some  single  books 
have,  however,  been  issued  :  Min.  Proph., 
by  Sebok  (1887) ;  Job,  by  Manal  (1892) ;  Apoc. 
of  Baruch,  by  Charles  (1896) ;  ^Macc,  by  Bensly 
and  Barnes(i896) ;  the  latter  has  also  published 
an  Apparatus  Crit.  to  Chron.  in  the  Peshittd  Ver- 
sion (1897);  X  Kings,  by  Berlinger  (1897);  r 
Sam.,  by  Schwartz  (1897).  [b)  The  Philoxenian 
Syriac.  Only  a  few  fragments  of  Isaiah  are 
left  of  this  version  so  far  as  O.T.  is  concerned. 
It  is  called  after  Philoxenus,  bishop  of  Mabbog, 
for  whom  it  was  made  in  508  a.d.,  and  is  the 
earliest  known  attempt  to  give  a  Syriac  ver- 
sion translated  from  the  LXX.  "  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  free  revision  of  the  Peshittd  by  a 
Lucianic  MS.,  producing  a  curious  mixed  text." 
Ceriani  has  published  the  fragments  in  Monu- 
menta  Sacra  et  Prof  ana,  v.  i.  1-40.  (c)  The 
Syro-Hexaplar  was  a  translation,  made  at 
Alexandria  in  616-617  a.d.  by  Paul,  bishop  of 
Telia.  As  its  name  shows,  it  was  a  translation 
of  the  fifth  column  of  Origen's  Hexapla,  i.e.  of 
Origen's  text  of  the  LXX.;  but  it  also  gives  the 
asterisks  and  obeli  as  employed  by  him,  to- 
gether with  many  other  marginal  renderings 
from  Gk.  versions  ;  moreover,  the  translation 
is  exceedingly  literal,  so  that  it  is  obvious 
how  very  valuable  this  version  is  for  textual 
criticism.  Nearly  all  the  books  of  O.T.  are 
still  extant  ;  Middeldorpf  published  2  Kings, 
Is.,  Min.  Prophets,  Prov.,  Job,  Cant.,  Lam., 
Eccles. — 2  Kings  from  a  Paris  MS.,  the  other 
books  from  Cod.  Mediolanensis — in  1835  ;  and 
in  1892  Lagarde  published  what  remains  of  the 
Pentateuch  and  the  other  historical  books. 
(d)  The  Palestinian  Version.  That  the  Bible 
should  have  been  required  by  native  Christians 
of  Palestine  in  their  own  dialect  is  obvious. 
This  dialect  was  very  closely  akin  to  that  of  the 
Jews  of  Galilee,  and  is  therefore  of  very  great 
interest  (see  Dalman,  Granimatik  des  Jiidisch- 
Paldstinischen  Aramdisch,  pp.  33  f.);  for,  as 
Prof.  Burkitt  says  of  this  version  :  "  Its  lin- 
guistic interest,  therefore,  is  very  great,  for  al- 
though it  is  a  somewhat  literal  translation  from 
the  Greek,  the  language  in  which  it  is  written 
,  comes  nearest  of  all  known  Christian  dialects 

59 


930 


VERSIONS 


to  that  spoken  by  Jesus  and  the  apostles" 
{Encycl.  Bibl.  iv.  5005).  Only  a  few  frag- 
ments of  O.T.  remain,  but  that  these  will  in 
time  be  increased  seems  highly  probable. 
Those  which  have  so  far  come  to  light  have 
been  published  by  the  following  scholars : 
Land,  Anecdota  Syriaca,  iv.  (1875)  ;  J.  Kendel 
Harris,  Biblical  Fragments  from  Mt.  Sinai 
(1S90) ;  Gwilliam,  Anecdota  Oxoniensia, 
Semitic  Series  I.  v.  ix.  (1893-1896) ;  Margo- 
liouth,  Liturgy  of  the  Nile  (1897)  ;  Mrs.  Lewis, 
Studia  Sinaitica,  vi.  (1897)  ;  for  the  passages 
from  Scripture  which  have  been  so  far  dis- 
covered, see  Swete,  op.  cit.  p.  115.  It  is  said 
that  another  version,  mider  this  heading,  of 
the  LXX.  was  made  by  the  Nestorian  patri- 
arch Mar  Al)bas  in  552  a.d.,  but  it  is  no  longer 
extant  (see  further  Nestle,  Urtext,  pp.  227  ff.). 
(ii).  The  N.T.  The  Syriac  versions  of  N.T. 
offer  problenis  of  an  entirely  different  kind 
from  those  of  O.T.,  and  the  subject  must 
therefore  be  treated  from  a  somewhat  different 
point  of  view.  It  will  be  found  most  conveni- 
ent to  deal  with  the  various  groups  of  N.T. 
books  thus  :  (a)  The  Gospels  ;  (b)  Acts  and 
Epp.  ;  (c)  Catholic  Epp.  and  Apocalypse,  by 
far  the  most  important  being  the  first.  The 
results  of  Prof.  I3urkitt's  researches  have  en- 
tirely revolutionized  all  previous  theories  as  to 
the  history  of  the  Syriac  Gospels  ;  his  con- 
clusions are  generally  accepted,  so  that  in  this 
section  we  shall  be  entirely  guided  by  him  ;  to 
his  name  must,  however,  be  added  those  of 
Mrs.  Lewis  and  the  late  Prof.  Bensly.  It  will 
be  well  to  state  at  the  outset  the  special  litera- 
ture to  be  studied  for  this  section  :  The  four 
Gospels  in  the  Old  Syriac  Version . . .,  by  Bensly, 
Rendel  Harris,  Burkitt,  and  Mrs.  Lewis  (1894) ; 
Some  Pages  of  the  Four  Gospels  retranscribed 
from  the  Sinaitic  Palimpsest,  by  Mrs.  Lewis 
(1896)  ;  the  art.  "  Texts  and  Versions,"  by 
Burkitt,  in  the  Encycl.  Bibl.  (1903);  Evangelion 
da-Mepharreshe,  the  Curetonian  Version  of  the 
Four  Gospels  .  .  .  vol.  i.  Introduction  and 
Notes,  by  Burkitt  (1904)  ;  Early  Eastern 
Christianity,  pp.  39-78,  by  Burkitt  (1904)  ;  be- 
sides various  articles  in  the  Journal  of  Theo- 
logical Studies,  the  Expositor,  and  the  Exposi- 
tory Times,  (a)  The  Gospels.  That  a  Jewish 
colony  lived  in  Edessa  (Osrhocne)  some  con- 
siderable time  before  the  Christian  era  is  an 
ascertained  fact  ;  sooner  or  later,  as  in  the 
case  of  every  other  Jewish  colony,  Christian 
missionaries  would  have  reached  lidessa. 
From  a  number  of  indications  (sec  Burkitt's 
Early  Eastern  Christianity,  pp.  1-38)  the  new 
faith  was  first  brought  there  during  the  former 
half  of  the  2nd  cent.  The  chief  authority  for 
the  early  history  of  Christianity  in  Edessa  is  a 
5th-cent.  work  called  The  Doctrine  of  Addai  ; 
although  this  probably  contains  more  legend 
than  history,  there  is  much  in  it  which  is  of 
historical  value.  According  to  it,  Addai  (one 
of  the  72  disciples)  was  sent  by  the  apostle  St. 
Thomas,  immediately  alter  the  Ascension,  to 
Abgar,  king  of  Edessa,  to  jireach  tlic  Gospel. 
Special  mention  is  made  of  the  Jews  of  ICdcssa, 
who  are  represented  as  being  friendly  to  the 
new  teaching.  Addai  is  wholly  successful  in  his 
mission,  and  a  Christian  community  is  founded. 
It  is  scarcely  jiossible  to  conceive  of  the  Jews 
having  been  without  a  copy  of  the  law  and  the 


VERSIONS 

prophets  ;  when,  therefore,  they  were  con- 
verted they  at  first  had  nothing  but  these 
Scriptures— of  course  in  their  own  vernacular 
— which  they  would  have  interpreted  in  a 
Christian  sense.  This  is  what  must  have  been 
done  wherever  Jews  were  converted  and  no 
copy  of  the  Gospels  was  available.  From 
this  we  may  take  for  granted  that  a  Syriac 
O.T.  existed  before  Christian  times.  The 
first  Christians  here  most  probably  had  no 
copy  of  the  Gospels  for  at  least  a  generation. 
Tatian,  the  philosopher,  was  the  first  to  supply 
this  want,  and  he  gave  to  this  Christian  com- 
munity a  Syriac  translation  of  his  "  Harmony 
of  the  Gospels,"  known  as  the  Diatessaron 
(c.  170  A.D.).  The  extant  authorities  for  the 
Diatessaron  are  the  Commentary  of  Ephrem 
Syrus  (d.  373),  of  which  only  on  Armenian 
translation  exists  ;  some  quotations  from  the 
original  work  found  in  some  Syriac  com- 
mentators on  the  Gospels  ;  and  an  Arabic  ver- 
sion of  it  (nth  cent.)  which  is,  however,  almost 
useless,  as  it  represents  a  later  edition  of  the 
Syriac  Diatessaron  in  which  the  text  has  been 
almost  wholly  assimilated  to  that  of  the 
Peshittd.  This,  then,  represents  the  earliest 
form  in  whichthe  Gospels  existed  in  S^Tiac,  and 
"  the  circumstance  that  on  Syrian  ground  it  had 
no  rivals  made  the  Syriac  Diatessaron  an  in- 
stant and  assured  success."  As  to  its  ante- 
cedents we  have  no  certain  knowledge,  but,  to 
quote  Prof.  Burkitt  again,  "  the  Greek  name 
that  Tatian  gave  to  his  Harmony,  the  fact  that 
he  himself  was  a  Greek  author,  and — most  im- 
portant of  all — the  existence  of  direct,  though 
degenerate,  descendants  of  the  Diatessaron  in 
the  Codex  Fuldensis  and  the  mediaeval  Dutch 
Harmonies — all  these  things  tell  us  that  the 
Syriac  Diatessaron  is  not  an  original  work,  but 
a  translation  of  a  previously  fxisting  Greek 
Harmony.  In  the  absence  of  evidence  to  the 
contrary  there  is,  I  consider,  no  reason  why  we 
should  not  accept  Tatian  as  the  author  and 
compiler  of  this  Greek  Harmony,  and  believe 
that  he  brought  it  with  him  when  he  finally 
returned  to  the  East,  c.  173  a.d.  Doubtless  it 
was  very  soon  rendered  into  Syriac,  probably 
under  his  immediate  supervision  "  (Evangelion 
...  p.  206).  The  textual  character  ol  the 
Diatessaron  is  of  high  importance  and  interest, 
because  there  is  a  great  affinity  between  this 
Eastern  authority  and  some  texts  of  the  far 
West.  We  are  met  with  the  extraordinary 
phenomenon  that  the  Diatessaron  contains 
many  readings  which  arc  found  nowhere  elsebut 
in  Cod.  D  and  in  some  other  t)ld  Latin  texts  ; 
thus  the  Gk.  text  that  underlies  the  Diates- 
saron represents  that  which  was  read  in  the 
West  in  the  lattnr  half  of  the  2nd  cent.  ;  this 
Western  character  is  apparent  throughout,  as 
can  be  seen  by  cominiring  the  Diatessaron  with, 
e.g.,  Cod.  D  ;  and  tiie  only  and  obvious  way  of 
accounting  for  tiiis  is  to  suppose  that  Tatian 
brought  with  him  to  the  East  a  text  with  which 
he  had  become  familiar  while  sojourning  in  the 
West.  The  next  great  event  known  to  us  in  the 
history  of  the  Ivdessene  church  is  that  perse- 
cution broke  out  during  tiie  last  decade  of  the 
2nd  cent.  The  Bp.  of  Edessa  at  this  time 
was  Aggai,  who  was  martyred  before  he  could 
consecrate  his  successor,  Palut,  who  therefore 
went    to    Scrapjon,    Bp.  of   Antioch,   for  his 


"VERSIONS 

consecration.  Serapion,  according  to  Eusebius 
{Hist  Eccles.  vi.  12)  was  Bp.  of  Antioch  from 
190-203  A.D.  :  "  there  is  absolutely  no  reason 
why  the  Edessene  church  should  have  traced 
their  succession  to  him,  except  that  historical 
fact  compelled  them  to  do  so."  Serapion  is 
known  to  have  been  especially  active  in  pro- 
moting the  ecclesiastical  use  of  the  four 
Gospels,  and  all  the  facts  combine  to  make  it 
probable  that  when  he  consecrated  Palut  he 
influenced  him  in  the  direction  of  the  use  oi 
the  Antiochene  text  of  the  Gospels  ;  so  that 
when  the  latter  returned  to  his  diocese  he 
brought  with  him  a  copy  of  the  Gospels 
which  was  considered  more  authoritative  than 
the  Diatessaron  which  had  hitherto  been  in  use 
in  the  Edessene  Church.  If  this  was  so,  we 
are  justified  in  recognizing  in  what  is  now 
usually  known  as  the  "  Old  Syriac  Version  " 
the  representative  of  the  text  of  the  Gospels 
which  Palut  introduced  into  the  Edessene 
Church.  In  each  of  the  two  extant  MSS.  of 
this  version  the  Gospels  are  described  as 
Evangelion  da-Mepharreshe,  i.e.  "  The  Gospel 
of  [or,  according  to]  the  separated  ones."  Bur- 
kitt  has  shown  that  this  term  is  used  of  the 
four  separate  Gospels  in  contradistinction  to 
the  "  Harmony  "  of  Tatian,  in  which  the  four 
Gospels  are  combined  in  one  single  narrative. 
The  two  extant  MSS.  of  the  Evangelion  da- 
Mepharreshe  are  :  a  palimpsest  discovered  in 
1892  in  the  convent  of  St.  Catharine  in  Mt. 
Sinai  by  Mrs.  Lewis  and  Mrs.  Gibson  ;  this  is 
usually  quoted  in  the  abbreviated  form  S'  :  its 
date  is  most  probably  the  beginning  of  5th 
cent.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels  in  the 
usual  order.  Almost  the  whole  of  the  original 
MS.  is  still  preserved,  only  450  verses  being 
missing.  The  other  MS.  is  that  known  as  the 
Curetonian,  quoted  as  S" ;  belonging  formerly 
to  the  library  of  the  convent  of  St.  Mary 
Deipara  in  the  Nitrian  desert  ;  it  came  in 
1842- 1847  to  the  Brit.  Museum,  where  it  is 
numbered  add.  14,451  ;  it  belongs  to  the 
middle  of  5th  cent.  ;  and  originally  contained 
the  Gospels  in  the  order  Matthew,  Mark,  John, 
Luke  ;  less  than  half  of  the  original  whole  is 
all  that  is  now  left.  The  respective  Gk.  texts 
which  underlie  the  Diatessaron  and  the  Old 
Syriac  differ  radically,  as  we  should  expect, 
since  the  former  represents  the  Roman,  the 
latter  the  Antiochene  type  of  text.  But  the 
Evangelion  da-Mepharreshe  did  not  displace  the 
more  popular  Diatessaron  form  of  the  Gospels  ; 
the  two  existed  side  by  side,  the  former  being 
perhaps  more  a  reference  authority,  while  the 
latter  was  used  in  the  daily  services  of  the 
Church.  The  next  step  in  the  history  of  the 
Syriac  Bible  is  connected  with  the  name  ot 
Rabbula,  Bp.  of  Edessa,  411-435  a.d.  This 
man's  influence  on  the  Edessene  Church  was 
many-sided,  and,  among  other  things,  he  very 
naturally  occupied  himself  with  the  text  of  the 
Scriptures.  We  read  in  his  lite  that  "  he  trans- 
lated by  the  wisdoni  of  God  that  was  in  him 
the  N.T.  from  Greek  into  Syriac,  because  of  its 
variations,  accurately  just  as  it  was  "  {Life  of 
Mar  RabbCila,  in  Overbeck's  collection  of  Syriac 
writings,  172,  pp.  18  ff.).  The  Diatessaron 
and  the  different  codices  of  the  "  Old  Syriac  " 
which  he  would  find  in  his  diocese  varied 
greatly  from  the  Gk.  text  with  which  he  had 


VERSIONS 


931 


become  familiar  in  the  Catholic  centres  where 
he  had  been  baptized  and  had  hitherto  lived  ; 
moreover,  that  Tatian,  the  author  of  the  Dia- 
tessaron. had  been  a  heretic  would  be  a  strong 
reason  for  getting  rid  of  this  version.  Therefore 
he  introduced  a  new  version,  and  it  was  this 
which  became  known  later  as  the  Peshi'td.  The 
O.T.  was  left  very  much  as  it  was,  the  need  of 
revision  being  less  than  in  N.T.  The  strongest 
proof  that  it  was  during  the  episcopate  of  Rab- 
bula that  this  new  version  of  N.T.  came  into 
being  is  the  fact  that  from  this  time  "  the  N.T. 
quotations  of  Syriac  writers  are  all  influenced 
by  the  Peshittd,  beginning  with  Isaac  of  Anti- 
och {d.  460)  ;  but  the  quotations  in  Syriac 
writers  earlier  than  Rabbula  agree  with  the 
known  peculiarities  of  the  Diatessaron  and  the 
Ev.  da-Mepharreshe  "  ;  hence  "  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  translation  of  the  N.T. 
prepared  by  Rabbula  was  the  Peshiftd  itself. 
The  Peshiftd  is  thus  an  edition  of  the  Ev.  da- 
Mepharreshe,  revised  into  closer  conformity 
with  the  Greek,  and  published  by  authority 
with  a  view  of  superseding  both  the  Diatessarcn 
and  the  then  current  Syriac  text  of  the  four 
Gospels  "  (Burkitt)  ;  and  it  has  ever  since  this 
time  been  the  official  ecclesiastical  Bible  of  the 
Syriac  Church.  Many  MSS.  of  it  are  still  ex- 
tant, some  as  early  as  the  5th  cent.,  but  all 
exhibit  the  same  type  of  text.  Among  the 
Monophysite  Syrians,  however,  two  other  re- 
visions of  N.T.  were  made  :  the  Philoxenian 
(so  called  after  Philoxenus,  Bp.  of  Mabbog,  for 
whom  it  was  made  in  508  a.d.),  a  revision  of 
the  Peshiftd,  supplemented  by  those  books  of 
the  Gk.  canon  which  were  not  included  in  the 
Syriac  (see  below)  ;  and  the  Har^lean,  a  re- 
vision of  the  Philoxenian  made  in  606  a.d.  by 
Thomas  Harkel,  Bp.  of  Mabbog  ;  this  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Gk.,  its  text  agree- 
ing with  the  later  Gk.  MSS.  One  other 
Synriac  version  of  the  Gospels  needs  mention, 
viz.  the  Palestinian,  which  is  represented  by  a 
few  fragments  in  the  "  Palestinian  "  dialect 
(see  above) ;  besides  these  fragments,  there  are 
three  complete  Gospel  lectionaries,  all  be- 
longing to  nth  cent,  or  later.  The  version 
itself  probably  dates  from  the  6th  cent.  ;  the 
text  is  a  mi.xed  one,  the  influence  of  the  Peshiftd 
being,  however,  often  apparent.  The  best 
editions  of  the  various  versions  referred  to  are  : 
The  Diatessaron  :  Zahn,  Tatian's  D.  (1891)  ; 
Hill,  The  Earliest  Life  of  Christ  (1893)  ;  Hogg, 
The  D.  of  Tatian  (1897).  Ev.  da-Meph- 
arreshc  :  the  Curetonian  and  Sinaitic,  as  men- 
tioned above.  The  Philoxenian  :  Merx,  "  Die 
in  der  Peschito  fehlenden  Briefe  . . .  der  Philox. 
entstammender  Uebersetzung,"  in  Zeitschrift 
fiir  Assyriologie,  xii.  240  ff.,  348  ff.,  xiii.  1-28. 
The  Apocalypse  has  been  published  by  Gywnn 
(1897).  The  Harklean  :  Bensly,  The  Hark. 
Vers,  of  Ep.  to  Hebrews  (1889).  The  Palestin- 
ian :  The  various  fragments  published  by 
Land  ;  Mrs.  Lewis,  Nestle,  and  Mrs.  Gibson 
have  published  "  A  Palestinian  Syriac  Lection- 
ary  "  {Studia  Sinaitica,  No.  vi.,  1897).  {b) 
Acts  and  Pauline  Epp.  As  regards  the  Old 
Syriac  Version  no  MSS.  of  either  Acts  or  the 
Pauline  Epp.  are  known  to  exist  ;  at  one  time 
such  must  have  existed,  for  a  comparison  of 
early  S^Tiac  writers  like  Aphraates  and 
Ephrem  Syrus,  who  quote  from  these  books, 


93^ 


VlAL 


with  the  Peshittd,  shows  that  the  latter  is  not 
the  original  form  of  the  Syriac  Version  of  these 
books.  In  the  Philoxenian  Version,  likewise, 
nothing  from  these  books  has  been  preserved. 
Of  the  Harklean  Version  several  MSS.  have 
survived.  This  version  was  published  by 
White  ( 1 778-1 803  );amissing  port  ionof  Hebrews 
was  edited  by  Bensly  in  i88g.  The  Peshitld 
N.T.  was  published  in  New  York  in  1886 
in  the  Nestorian  character,  (c)  The  Catholic 
Epp.  and  the  Apocalypse.  These  never  formed 
part  of  the  Old  Syriac  Version  ;  in  the  Phil- 
oxenian Version  2Pc.,  2,3jn.,  and  Jude  are 
preserved,  and  are  usually  found  bound  up  in 
the  modern  editions  of  the  Peshittd.  The 
Apocalypse  in  this  version  was  discovered  and 
published  by  Gwynn  in  1897.  But  the 
Apocalypse  and  the  minor  Catholic  Epp. 
were  never  included  in  the  Sj^riac  Vulg., 
and  whenever  they  appear  in  editions  of  the 
PeshiHd  they  belong  to  another  version. — 
Literature  :  In  addition  to  the  works  cited  in 
the  text  the  following  selected  books  may  be 
mentioned:  Firstly,  comprehensive  authorities, 
such  as  Scrivener's  Introduction  ;  Field's  Hex- 
apla  ;  Wcllhausen  in  Bleek's  Einleitung  in 
das  alte  Testament,  §§  275-298  ;  Nestle's  LV- 
text,  and  Introduction  (Eng  tr.)  ;  Swete's 
Intro,  to  the  O.T.  in  Greek  ;  Burkitt's  art. 
"  Texts  and  Versions  "  in  Encycl.  Bihl. 
Secondly,  works  of  a  more  specialized  charac- 
ter :  Aethiopic  Version  :  Cornill,  Ezechiel, 
pp.  36  ff. ;  Charles's  art.  "  Ethiopic  Version  "  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  (5  vols.  1904).  Arabic  Ver- 
sions :  Burkitt,  s.v.  in  Hastings,  op.  cit.  ; 
Cornill,  op.  cit  pp.  49  ff.  Armenian  Version  : 
Armitage  Robinson,  "  Euthaliana,"  chap.  v.  in 
Texts  and  Studies,  vol.  iii.  ;  F.  C.  Conybeare  in 
Hastings,  D.B.  i.  151  ff.  Aramaic  Versions  : 
Schiirer,  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People,  i.  i.  pp.  154- 
163  (Eng.  tr.)  ;  Oesterley  and  Box,  Religion  and 
Worship  of  the  Synagogue,  iv.  pp.  44  ff.  A 
sumptuous  edition  of  the  Targums  is  now  ap- 
pearing in  Vienna  under  the  able  editorship  of 
Aug.  Wiinsche,  who  is  being  assisted  by  a 
number  of  experts  ;  the  original  is  printed 
in  Roman  type  and  a  Cierman  translation  is 
added.  Egyptian  Versions  :  Krall,  Mit- 
theilungen,  .  .  .  ;  Forbes  Robinson,  s.v.  in 
Hastings,  op.  cit.  "  The  N.T.  in  Coptic " 
in  Church  Qtly.  Rev.  pp.  292-322  (July,  1906). 
Georgian  Version  :  F.  C.  Conybeare  in 
American  Journal  of  Theology,  i.  pp.  883  if. 
Gothic  Version  :  Kauffmann,  "  Beitrage  zur 
Quellenkritik  der  gotischen  Bibelucbcrset- 
zung,"  in  the  Zeilschrifl  fur  Deutsche  Philologie, 
1896-1898)  ;  Bebb,  s.v.  in  Hastings,  op.  cit. 
(iREEK  Versions  :  Burkitt,  Fragments  of 
Aquila,  and  Fragments  of  Kings  ace.  to  Trans- 
lation of  Aquila  ;  Oesterley,  Studies  in  Gk.  and 
Lat.  Versions  of  Amos  ;  the  series  published  by 
IJom  Morin  under  the  title  of  Anccdota  Mared- 
solana.  .  .  .  Slavonic  Version  :  Church  Qtly. 
Rev.  pp.  219  ff.  (Oct.  1895).  Syriac  Ver- 
sions :   see  above.  [vv.o.e.o.] 

Vial  (pakh).  This  word  occurs  twice  only 
in  O.T.,  each  time  of  a  small  vesssel  containing 
oil  for  anointing  to  the  kingship  (iSam.lO.i  ; 
2K.9.i,3).  The  root  meaiiin^  is  "  ti>  trickle." 
In  N.T.,  "vial,"  or  "bowl  (0td\r/),"  is  used  in  a 
figurative  sense  in  the  visions  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse (Rev. 5. 8,  etc.).  [w.o.e.o.] 


Vine 

Villagre.  (i)  Heb.  harcr  [Hazer],  an 
"enclosure."  (2)  kdphdr.  [Caphar.]  (3) 
'dziibh,  a  hamlet  only  inhabited  in  summer. 
[Cities.]  The  second  word  applies  to  villages 
as  contrasted  with  cities  (iChr.27.25  ;  Can. 
7. 11).  The  first  also  includes  unfortified 
places  (Lev. 25. 31)  having  "suburbs"  (ver. 
34),  Heb.  mighrdsh,  a  term  meaning  an  "open 
space,"  or  a  "  pasture,"  to  which  cattle  were 
"  driven  "  (gdrash).  This  word  occurs  109 
times  (always  "  suburbs  "  in  A.V.),  but  does 
not  apply  to  houses.  The  towns  had  villages 
belonging  to  them  (Mk.8.27).  [c.r.c] 

Vine,  the  well-known  valuable  plant  (Vitis 
vinifera),  very  frequently  referred  to  in  O.T. 
and  N.T.,  and  cultivated  from  the  earliest 
times.  The  first  mention  of  it  occurs  in  Gen. 9. 
20,21.  The  Egyptians  said  that  Osiris  first 
taught  men  the  use  of  the  vine.  That  it  was 
abundantly  cultivated  in  Egypt  is  evident  from 
frequent  representations  on  the  monuments,  as 
well  as  from  Scriptural  allusions  (Gen. 40. 9-1 1  ; 
Ps.78.47).  The  vines  of  Palestine  were,  and 
are,  celebrated  for  luxuriant  growth  and  for 
their  immense  clusters  of  grapes.  The  spies 
cut  in  the  valley  of  Eshcol  one  cluster  of  grapes 
which  had  to  be  carried  by  two  men  on  a  staff 
(Num. 13. 23).  Schulz  speaks  of  a  vine  near 
Ptolemais,  whose  stem  was  (according  to  him) 
about  18  in.  in  diameter,  w-hose  height  was 
about  30  ft.,  and  whose  branches  formed  a 
hut  upwards  of  30  ft.  square.  "  The  clusters 
of  these  extraordinary  vines,"  he  adds,  "  are  so 
large  that  they  weigh  10  or  12  pounds,  and  the 
berries  may  be  compared  with  our  small  plums. 
Especial  mention  is  made  in  the  Bible  of  the 
vines  of  Eshcol  (Num. 13. 24, 32. 9),  oi  Sibmah, 
Heshbon  and  Elealch  (Is.16.8,9, 10  ;  Je.48.32), 
and  of  Engedi  (Can. 1. 14).  Thcvine  is  afrequent 
subject  of  metaphor  in  Holy  Scripture.  To 
dwell  imder  one's  vine  and  fig-tree  signifies  do- 
mestic happiness  and  peace  (iK.4.25  ;  Ps.l28. 
3;  Mi.4.4)  ;  the  rebellious  people  of  Israel  are 
comjiarcd  to  "  wild  grapes,"  "  an  empty 
vine,"  "  the  degenerate  plant  of  a  strange 
vine,"  etc.  (Is.5.2,4  ;  Ho.lO.i  ;  Je.2.2i).  Our 
Lord  selects  a  vine  to  show  the  spiritual 
union  which  subsists  between  Himself  and  His 
members  (Jn.l5.i-6).  The  training  of  culti- 
vated vines  upon  supjiorts  appears  to  be  al- 
luded to  by  ]'L/ekiel  (19. 10-12).  The  vintage 
lbd(ir),  formerly  a  season  of  general  festivity 
(cf.  Judg.9.27),  ct)mmenced  in  September. 
l)uring  it  the  peojile  lived  among  the  vine- 
yards in  k)dges  and  tents.  The  grapes  were 
gathered  with  shouts  of  joy  by  the  "  grape- 
gatherers  "  (Je.25.30),  and  put  into  baskets 
(see  6.9).  They  were  then  carried  on  the 
liead  ami  shoulders,  or  slung  upon  a  yoke, 
to  the  "  wine-iiress."  In  Palestine  the  finest 
grapes,  says  13r.  Robinson,  are  now  dried 
as  raisins  {(immuq),  and  the  juice  of  the 
remainder,  after  iiaving  been  trodden  and 
|)ressed,  "is  boiled  down  to  a  syrup  which, 
under  the  name  of  dibs,  is  much  uscil  by  all 
classes,  wherever  vineyards  are  found,  as  a 
condiment  with  their  food.  Raisins  arc  men- 
tioned several  times,  as  in  iSam.25.i8.30.i2  ; 
2Sam.l6.i  ;  1Chr.i2.40.  [Flagon.]  Tristram 
gives  praise  to  the  raisins  of  Eschol  of  his  time. 
The  vineyard,  which  was  generally  on  a  hill 
(Is.5.i  ;   Je.Sl.'j  ;   Am.9.13),   was  surrounded 


VINE  OF  SODOM 

by  a  wall  or  hedge  to  keep  out  wild  boars 
(Ps.80.li, 12),  Jackals,  and  foxes  (Num.22.24  ; 
Can.2.15;  NeA.3;  Ezk.13.4,3;  Mt.21.33). 
Within  the  vineyards  were  towers  of  stone 
in  which  the  vine-dressers  (koi^inim)  lived 
(Is.l. 8,5.2  ;  Mt.21.33).     [Wine-press.] 

Vine  of  Sodom  (Deut. 32.32  only).  Though 
it  is  generally  assumed  that  this  passage  al- 
ludes to  the  celebrated  apples  of  Sodom,  it  is 
Josephus  who  is  responsible  for  the  statement 
that  the  latter  "  resemble  edible  fruit  in  colour, 
but,  on  being  plucked  by  the  hand,  are  dis- 
solved into  smoke  and  ashes."  Some  travel- 
lers, as  Maundrell,  regard  this  story  as  a  fiction. 
Pococke  supposed  the  apples  of  Sodom  to  be 
pomegranates.  Hasselquist  suggests  the  egg- 
shaped  fruit  of  the  Solanum  melongena  when 
attacked  by  some  species  of  tenthredo,  which 
converts  the  whole  of  the  inside  into  dust,  while 
the  rind  remains  entire  and  keeps  its  colour. 
Seetzen  thought  he  had  discovered  the  apples 
of  Sodom  in  the  fruit  of  a  kind  of  cotton-tree 
{known  as  'osher)  which  grew  in  the  plain  of 
El  Ghor.  Dr.  Robinson  pronounced  in  favour 
of  the  'osher  fruit  being  the  apples  of  Sodom. 
He  identifies  it  with  the  Asclepias  (Calotropis) 
procera  of  botanists.  Mr.  Walter  Elliot  sug- 
gested oak-galls,  which  he  found  growing  plen- 
tifully on  dwarf  oaks  (Quercus  infectoria)  in  the 
country  beyond  the  Jordan.  Dr.  Hooker 
writes,  "  The  vine  of  Sodom  I  always  thought 
might  refer  to  Cucumis  colocynthis,  which  is 
bitter  and  powdery  inside  ;  the  term  vine 
would  scarcely  be  given  to  any  but  a  trailing 
or  other  plant  of  the  habit  of  a  vine."  This 
last  remark  seems  conclusive  against  the  claims 
of  all  the  plants  previously  suggested  for  the 
vine  of  Sodom,  which  in  the  Bible  is  merely 
represented  as  a  poor  kind,  though  the  'osher 
suits  the  "  apples"  of  Josephus.     [Thorns.] 

Vinegrap.  The  Heb.  term  homec  was 
applied  to  a  beverage  consisting  generally  of 
wine  or  strong  drink  turned  sour,  but  some- 
times artificially  made  by  an  admixture  of 
barley  and  wine,  and  thus  liable  to  fermenta- 
tion. It  was  acid  even  to  a  proverb  (Pr.lO.26), 
and  by  itself  formed  a  nauseous  draught  (Ps.69. 
21),  but  was  used  by  labourers  (Ru.2.14).  A 
similar  beverage  was  the  acetum  of  the  Romans 
— a  thin,  sour  wine,  consumed  by  soldiers.  Of 
this  the  Saviour  partook  in  His  dying  moments 
(Mt. 27.48  ;  Mk.15.36  ;  Jn.19.29,30). 

Vineyards,  Plain  of  the  (Judg.ll.33). 
The  name  Beit  el  Kerm  (house  of  the  vineyard) 
was  found  by  De  Saulcy  N.  of  Kerak.  This 
name  may  be  modern,  but  the  site  is  near 
Aroer,  with  which  it  is  noticed.         [c.r.c] 

Viol.  [Psaltery.]  The  old  English  viol, 
like  the  Spanish  viguela,  was  a  six-stringed 
guitar.  Etymologically,  viol  is  connected  with 
the  Dan.  Fiol  and  the  A.S.  fi<Sele,  through  the 
Fr.  viole.  Old  Fr.  vielle,  Med.  Lat.  vitella. 

Viper.     [Serpent.] 

Vision  {oTTTaaia,  opa/aa,  opaais,  LXX.  N.T.) 
implies  a  state  of  mental  excitation,  in  which, 
unlike  a  dream,  consciousness  remains.  In 
O.  and  N.T.  alike  prophets  and  inspired 
teachers  see  God's  purposes  by  visions.  Thus 
Israel  (Gen. 46. 2),  Balaam  (Num. 24. 2),  Samuel 
(iSam.3.15),  Micaiah  (iK. 22.19).  The  "  seer  " 
is  in  direct  communion  with  God,  and  sees 
and  declares  His  inner  purpose.      Canonical 


VOW 


933 


prophets  ascribe  to  "  visions  "  their  know- 
ledge of  God's  will  (Is.l. I  ;  Ob.i  ;  Na.l.i). 
A  false  prophet  "  speaks  the  vision  of  his  own 
heart,  not  from  Jehovah's  mouth  "  (Je.23.i6). 
Later  prophets  like  Ezekiel  clothe  their 
"visions"  in  literary  form  (Ezk.38).  As,  be- 
fore Samuel,  there  was  "  no  frequent  vision  " 
(iSam.3.i,  R.V.  marg.),  so,  with  the  cessation 
of  the  prophets,  visions  ceased  except  in  apoca- 
lyptic literature,  e.g.  Daniel.  Joel  foretells  the 
future  outpouring  of  God's  Spirit,  "  when  your 
young  men  shall  see  visions."  N.T.  visions, 
also,  are  signs  of  prophetic  intuition  (Lu.l.22  ; 
Ac. 9. 10) ,  often  decided  the  apostles'  action  (Ac. 
16.9,10,26.19  ;  2Cor.l2.2),  and  are  apocalyptic 
(Rev.9.17).  [Trance;  Dreams.]  [c.c.t.] 
Vophsi',  father  of  Nahbi  (Num. 13. 14). 
Votive-offering".  [Sacrifice,  3,  ii.  c] 
Vow  (Heb.  nedher),  a  promise  made  to  a 
deity  in  the  belief  that  it  will  be  pleasing  in  his 
sight.  The  subject-matter  might  relate  to  a 
gift  or  to  conduct.  A  vow  differs  merely  in 
motive  from  an  oath  declaring  intention.  Thus 
Uriah  uttered  an  oath  that  he  would  not  go 
home  (2Sam.ll.11).  Had  he  spoken  the  same 
words  for  the  purpose  of  pleasing  God,  they 
would  have  constituted  a  vow.  Again,  a  vow 
differs  from  a  promissory  oath  only  in  being 
addressed  to  God.  Vows  were  frequently  con- 
ditional:  e.g.  Gen.  28. 20  ff.(onGod's  giving  Jacob 
a  safe  return);  Num. 21. 2,  Judg.ll.30f.  (on 
God's  giving  victory),  etc.  The  general  principle 
governing  vows  is  clearly  stated  in  Deut. 23. 
2i-23[22-24].  There  is  no  sin  in  not  vowing  ; 
but  a  vow  once  made  must  be  strictly  observed 
(cf.  Num.30.2[3]  ;  Ec.5.4,5[3.4]  ;  Mal.l.i4)- 
For  the  capacity  of  women,  see  Oaths, 
A.  II.  (a).  A  vow  could  be  made  by  simply 
uttering  the  phrase  "  (it  is)  holy,"  and  rash 
vowing  appears  to  have  been  prevalent  at  one 
time  (Pr.20.25).  In  offerings  the  law  requires 
that  a  votive  peace-offering  must  be  unblem- 
ished and  perfect  in  its  parts  (Lev. 22.21-25  ; 
cf.  Mal.1.14),  but  permits  its  flesh  to  be  con- 
sumed on  the  day  of  sacrifice  and  the  next  day 
(Lev.7. 16-18).  AH  votive  sacrifices  were  to  be 
brought  to  the  temple  (Deut. 12. 6, 11, 17, 26). 
For  rules  as  to  the  accompanying  offerings,  see 
Num.15. 2-16.  Certain  earnings  were  on  ac- 
count of  their  unclean  character  incapable  of 
being  brought  to  God's  house  for  any  vow 
(Deut.23.i8[i9]).  Redemption  was  permitted 
in  the  case  of  certain  vows.  Human  beings  were 
redeemed  according  to  a  fi.xed  scale,  subject  to 
abatement  in  cases  of  poverty  (Lev.27.2-8  ; 
2K.12.4[5]).  [Poor.]  Animals  capable  of  being 
sacrificed  were  not  subject  to  redemption  or 
change  (Lev.27.9,io).  Unclean  animals  and 
houses  might  be  redeemed  at  six-fifths  of  their 
estimated  value  (Lev.27. 11-15)-  Fields  were 
also  subject  to  redemption,  but  the  details  are 
obscure.  The  valuations  were  calculated  on 
the  number  of  years  to  the  J  ubilee,  the  sowing 
of  a  homer  of  barley  being  valued  at  50  shekels 
of  silver,  apparently  for  the  whole  period  from 
one  Jubilee  year  to  the  next,  and  some  abate- 
ment was  made  if  the  vow  was  uttered  at  any 
intervening  period.  The  owner  could  then 
redeem  at  six-fifths  of  the  valuation  in  the  case 
of  a  field  he  had  inherited  ;  but  if  he  refused  to 
redeem  or  had  sold  the  field  to  another,  it  was 
not  to  be  subject  to  redemption  at  all,  but  to 


934 


VULGATE,  THE 


fall  to  God  iit  the  next  jubilee,  tiie  possession 
being  the  priest's.  In  the  case  of  a  purchased 
field,  the  owner  who  dedicated  it  by  vow  could 
redeem  at  a  valuation  calculated  on  the  number 
of  years  to  the  next  jubilee,  when  it  returned  to 
the  original  vendor  (Lev.27. 16-25).  Firstlings 
could  not  be  consecrated  by  vows,  being  al- 
ready holy  by  operation  of  law  (Lev. 27. 26,27). 
Perhaps  it  should  be  inferred  from  2K.12.4[5i, 
Pr.20.25,  that  other  articles  dedicated  by  vow 
\e.g.  a  cup)  were  subject  to  redemption.  A 
[requent  form  of  vow  was  that  of  the  Nazarite. 
The  Jews  held  that  'issdr,  'esdr,  a  word  meaning 
bond,  and  so  used  in  Num.30,  denoted  a  special 
form  of  vow  (abstinence)  in  Num.30.i3[i4] ; 
but  it  is  clear  from  the  scope  and  language  of 
the  chapter  that  the  reference  throughout  is 
only  to  the  bond  which  was  bound  on  the  soul  by 
any  oath  (ver.  2[3],  etc.)  or  nedher,  and  that  the 
legislator  is  not  contemplating  some  new  form 
of  vow  other  than  a  nedher  or  an  oath  in  ver.  13 
[14].  The  bond  on  the  soul  was  exactly  the 
same  in  all  vows  and  oaths,  and  no  distinction 
i>  drawn  in  this  chapter  between  (i)  an  oath, 
such  as  that  of  the  Israelites  not  to  give  their 
daughters  to  Benjamin,  (ii)  a  vow  of  abstinence, 
and  (iii)  a  vow  to  sacrifice.  1Sam.i4.24ff.  is 
sometimes  given  as  an  example  of  'issdr,  but 
there  the  term  "  oath  "  is  expressly  used  (26, 
etc.).  Side  by  side  with  the  ordinary  vow, 
which  made  the  thing  vowed  holy,  was  a  more 
solemn  vow  whereby  it  was  rendered  "  de- 
voted "  {hcrem).  Everything  devoted  was  most 
holy  (Lev. 27. 28).  Devoted  persons  [P'amily] 
and  animals  were  put  to  death,  no  sale  or 
redemption  being  allowed  (Lev. 27. 28, 29;  cf. 
Ex.22.2o[i9]).  Devoted  clean  animals  fell 
completely  to  the  priests  (Num. 18. 14  ;  Ezk.44. 
29),  instead  of  being  sacrificed  and  eaten  by  the 
owner,  as  were  things  vowed  and  ordinary  holy 
things  (Num. 5. 9, 10).  The  possession  of  a  de- 
voted field  fell  to  the  priest  (Lev.27. 21-23, 28). 
The  penalty  for  taking  of  that  which  was 
devoted  was  death  by  burning  (Jos.7.15,  etc.). 
[Anathema.]  Rcalencykl.  fiir  Protest.  Theol. 
und  Kirche-^,  vi.  485-487.  [h.m.w.] 

In  N.T.  Christ  denounced  the  practice  of 
evading  the  duty  of  helping  parents  by  vowing 
a  thing  to  God  as  Corban  (Mt.i5.5-9  ;  Mk.7.11- 
13).  St.  Paul  took  upon  himself  the  Nazarite 
vow  on  two  occasions — Ac. 18. 18  (some  think 
this  refers  to  Aquila),  probably  at  the  time  of 
his  troubles  in  Corinth,  and  21.24,26,  when  he 
undertook  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  sacri- 
ficial ofTerings  of  the  four  disciples  who  had  "  a 
vow  on  them"  in  Jerusalem.  In  23.12  cer- 
tain Jews  bound  themselves  under  a  Curse  to 
abstain  from  food  till  they  had  killed  St.  Paul 
— an  illustration  of  a  vow  having  the  force  of 
and  being  associated  with  an  oath.  For  in- 
stances of  Anathema  in  N.T.  sense  of  accursed, 
delivered  over  to  destrurtion,  see  R.V.  of 
R(..9.3,iCor.l2.3.16.22,Gal. 1.8,9.  [11. n.] 

Vulg-ate,  The.  The  Vulgate;  Version  was 
;dmost  the  sole  form  in  which  the  Hible  was 
known  to  Western  Christendom  for  more  than 
1,000  years  ;  it  is  still  the  ofticial  version  of  the 
Roman  Church.  Directly  or  indirectly  it  is 
the  parent  of  all  the  vernacular  versions  of 
Western  luiropc,  the  (iothic  Version  of  lllfilas 
alone  excepted  ;  its  effect  was  felt  on  Luther's 
translation  and  oa  our  own  A."V.  ;  and  it  may 


VULGATE,  THE 

claim  to  have  exiTciscd  a  wider  influence  on 
the  Christian  Church  than  any  other  version 
or  even  than  the  original  Gk.  and  Heb.  Its 
language  has  been  the  model  on  which  the 
greater  part  of  our  theological  terminology 
has  been  formed  ;  in  the  N.T.  it  is  one  of  the 
most  important  elements  in  assisting  to  settle 
the  Gk.  text  ;  and  it  is,  both  in  O.T.  and  N.T., 
one  of  our  most  valuable  witnesses  for  the 
history  of  Biblical  interpretation.  F'or  Eng- 
lishmen the  Vulg.  has  a  peculiar  interest. 
Some  of  the  purest  texts  were  brought  to 
Northumbriain  the  7th  cent. ;  an  Englishman, 
Alcuin,  at  the  bidding  of  Charles  the  Great, 
completed  a  careful  revision  of  the  text  at  the 
beginning  of  the  9th  cent.  ;  another,  Stephen 
Langton,  in  the  13th  cent,  introduced  our  pre- 
sent division  into  chapters,  which  has  spread  to 
every  other  version,  and  has  been  adopted 
even  in  the  Heb.  and  Gk.  ;  among  other 
leading  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Vulg. 
text  we  may  reckon  Lanfrauc,  Stephen  Hard- 
ing, Roger  Bacon,  John  Mill,  Humphrey  Hody, 
and  Richard  Bentley  ;  the  critical  edition  of 
N.T.  of  the  Vulg.  (now  in  course  of  publication 
by  the  Oxford  University  Press)  is  being  edited 
by  Bp.  John  Wordsworth;  and  Pope  PiusX., 
who  in  1907  entrusted  the  Benedictine  Order 
with  the  task  of  revising  the  whole  Vulg.  Bible, 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  commission  Dom 
Gasquet,  abbot  of  the  English  Benedictines. — 
I.  Origin  and  History  of  the  Name  Vtdgate.  The 
term  Vulgata  editio  (the  current  text  of  Holy 
Scripture)  is  earlier  than  Jerome's  time,  and 
is  undoubtedly  an  equivalent  to  the  Gk. 
7)  K01V7)  ^Kdoais,  the  usual  designation  for  the 
S<'/?/i(ag(;t/ translation  of  the  O.T.,  and  was  ap- 
plied to  it  to  distinguish  it  from  the  emended 
text  of  Origen's  Hexapla.  It  thus  acquired  the 
meaning  of  a  popular,  uncorrected  text  as 
distinct  from  a  scientific  revision.  As  Jerome's 
Latin  version  gradually  became  the  current  text 
of  the  West,  it  ultimately  acquired  the  name 
of  Vulgata  editio  ;  yet  it  took  a  long  time  for  this 
to  become,  as  it  now  is,  the  exclusive  designa- 
tion of  his  Latin  version.  When  the  Council 
of  Trent,  in  1546,  jirovidcd  for  the  revision  and 
printing  of  the  text,  it  spoke  of  it  as  the  "  vetus 
et  vulgata  editio,  (juae  longo  tot  saeculorum  usu 
in  ipsa  ccclesia  probata  est"  (St'ss.iv.);  but  even 
then  the  word  was  probably  used  in  the  general 
sense  of  "current,"  and  not  as  a  technical 
term  meaning  "  Hicronymian  "  ;  and  it  must 
have  been  tlie  title-pages  of  the  Sixtine  and 
Clementine  Bibles,  with  their  "  Biblia  Sacra 
Vulgatae  liditionis "  which  fixed  the  name 
"  Vulgate  "  in  its  modern  sense. — II.  Latin 
Versions  previous  to  Jerome's  Revision.  The 
most  important  specimens  of  early  Latin 
versions  which  we  possess  arc  of  N.T.,  those 
of  O.T.  being  far  more  fragmentary ;  and 
Jerome's  work  upon  N.T.  was  a  revision  of 
existing  versions,  whilst  in  O.T.  it  ended  in 
being  a  new  translation  direct  from  the  Heb.  ; 
the  critical  problems  arc  therefore  not  the 
same  in  the  two  Testaments.  The  origin  of 
a  Latin  version  of  N.T.  is  usualh-  placed  by 
scholars  not  in  Rome  but  in  .Mrica.  During  the 
first  two  cents,  the  Church  in  Rome  seems  to 
have  been  mainly  (ircek,  or  at  any  rate  Greek- 
speaking,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of 
[  Gaul  ;  but  the  Church  in  N.  Africa  was  Latin- 


VULGATE,  THE 

speaking,and  a  Latin  Bible,  or  at  any  rate  N.T., 
would  be  indispensable.  With  this  inherent 
probability  accords  the  fact  that  such  Old 
Latin  MSS.  as  e  (Cod.  Palatinus,  5th  cent.),  k 
(Cod.  Bobiensis,  5th  or  6th)  of  the  Gospels,  and 
h  (Fleiury  Palimpsest,  6th  or  7th)  of  the  Acts 
agree  with  the  quotations  in  the  African 
Fathers,  especially  Cyprian  (t  257  a.d.),  and 
with  the  language  and  style  of  African  writers ; 
while  their  texts  seem  to  show  all  the  marks  of 
extreme  antiquity  and  primitive  translation. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  has  been  an  increasing 
tendency  of  late  years  to  doubt  whether 
"  Africanisms  "  in  style  and  vocabulary  may 
not  be  the  characteristics  of  2nd  and  3rd  cent. 
Latin  generally,  rather  than  of  African  Latin 
in  particular  ;  while  the  fact  that  some  of  our 
earliest  Old  Latin  MSS.,  such  as  the  Codex 
Bezae  (Gospels  and  Acts),  and  the  Laudian 
Acts  (both  6th  cent.),  are  bilingual,  may  point 
to  such  a  city  as  Antioch  as  the  home  of  the 
version.  At  Antioch  Greek  would  be  the  ordin- 
ary spoken  language,  but  there  would  be  a 
large  Latin-speaking  element  in  connexion  with 
the  Roman  governor  and  his  suite,  and  official 
"  notarii  "  would  be  accustomed  to  write 
public  notices  in  the  two  languages.  There  is, 
at  any  rate,  no  doubt  that  a  Latin  version  of 
N.T.  was  current  in  Proconsular  Africa  early 
in  the  3rd  cent.,  and  was  used  by  the  African 
Fathers  for  some  considerable  time.  In  the 
4th  cent,  we  begin  to  find  traces  of  a  Latin 
translation  ciurrent  in  Western  Europe  and 
especially  in  N.  Italy,  called  by  Dr.  Hort  the 
European.  Scholars  are  not  yet  agreed  as  to 
whether  this  was  an  independent  version,  or  a 
revision  of  the  African  text  in  the  direction  of 
smoother  Latinity;  the  principal  MSS.  of  it  are 
a  (Codex  Vercellensis,  4th  or  5th  cent.),  b 
(Codex  Veronensis,  5th  or  6th),  ^2  (Codex 
Corbeiensis,  6th),  i  (Codex  Vindobonensis,  6th 
or  7th),  r  (Codex  Usserianus,  7th),  all  of  the 
Gospels.  A  third  type,  named  by  Dr.  Hort 
the  Italian,  is  considered  by  him  to  be  a  re- 
vision of  the  European,  made  (i)  to  obtain  a 
still  smoother  Latin  text,  and  (2)  to  amend  the 
underlying  Greek  in  accordance  with  MSS.  of 
the  "  Syrian  "  type.  The  name  "  Italian  " 
was  given  because  Dr.  Hort  supposed  this  type 
to  be  that  referred  to  by  St.  Augustine  when  he 
praises  the  "  Itala  interpretatio  "  as  being 
clearer  and  more  accurate  than  others  (de 
Doctr.  Christ,  ii.15),  andbecause  St.  Augustine's 
Biblical  citations  agree  on  the  whole  with  this 
type.  The  principal  MSS.  of  this  family  are 
/  (Codex  Brixianus,  6th  cent.)  and  q  (Codex 
Monacensis,  7th),  both  of  the  Gospels.  It  is  to 
be  noticed,  however,  that  the  readings  of  the 
"  Italian  "  group  agree  in  many  instances  so 
closely  with  Jerome's  text,  that  many  scholars 
maintain  that  the  group  is  not  Old  Latin  at 
all,  but  essentially  Vulg.,  with  a  certain  ad- 
mixture of  Old  Latin  readings.  It  is  a  harder 
task  to  classify  our  MSS.  of  the  Old  Testament. 
This  is  partly  because  they  are  fewer  and  more 
fragmentary  ;  the  early  circulation  of  O.T.  in 
the  West  was  probably  far  smaller  than  that  of 
N.T.,  and  it  is  seldom  that  we  have  a  long  ex- 
tent of  text  surviving  in  more  than  one  MS. 
Moreover,  patristic  citations  do  not  help  us 
to  anything  like  the  same  extent.  Speaking 
roughly,  however,  we  may  say  that  for  most 


VULGATE,  THE 


935 


books  of  O.T.  we  possess  fragments  of  MSS. 
which,  judged  by  patristic  quotations  and  by 
the  nature  of  their  Latin,  may  be  assigned  to 
the  European  or  Italian  families  :  Job,  Pro- 
verbs, 3Esdras,  Wisdom,  and  Ecclesiasticus 
survive  in  African  versions,  the  two  latter 
books  passing  unrevised  into  the  Vulg. — 
III.  The  Work  of  Jerome.  In  addition  to  these 
three  (or  possibly  two)  main  families  of  Old 
Latin  versions,  each  containing  many  MSS., 
no  one  of  which  agreed  completely  with  any 
other,  there  must  have  been  a  number  of 
independent  translations  ;  both  Jerome  and 
Augustine  use  language  which,  even  allowing 
for  exaggeration,  demands  this.  Grave  incon- 
venience and  confusion  naturally  followed 
from  the  absence  of  one  standard  version  ;  and 
(c.  383  A.D.)  Pope  Damasus  commissioned  St. 
Jerome  to  prepare  a  revision  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment which  should  serve  as  an  "  Authorized 
Version."  The  choice  was  a  wise  one  ;  Jerome 
was  probably  the  one  scholar  living  who  com- 
bined knowledge  of  the  Bible  with  a  great 
knowledge  of  the  original  tongues  in  which 
both  Testaments  were  written,  and  his  power 
of  expressing  himself  in  clear,  forcible  Latin 
enabled  him  to  produce  a  translation  suitable 
for  the  simple  and  learned  alike.  Eusebius 
Hieronymus,  to  give  him  his  full  name,  was 
born  of  Christian  parents  c.  340  a.d.  ;  he  was 
educated  at  Rome  ;  in  374  he  retired  to  the 
desert  of  Chalcis,  where  he  spent  five  years  in 
ascetic  devotion  and  diligent  study,  learning 
Heb.  from  a  converted  Jew  ;  then,  after  a 
few  years'  residence  in  Antioch,  he  returned  in 
382  to  Rome,  where  he  became  the  trusted 
adviser  of  Damasus.  The  letter  entrusting 
him  with  the  great  task  is  not  extant,  and  it  is 
from  Jerome's  answer  (the  In  Evangelistas  ad 
Damasum  Praefatio,  printed  at  the  beginning 
of  most  Vulg.  Bibles)  that  we  learn  its  nature. 
Damasus  had  bidden  him  judge  which  of  the 
numberless  Latin  translations  of  N.T.  most 
faithfully  represented  the  original  Gk.  ;  and 
Jerome  now  presented  him  with  a  first  instal- 
ment of  the  work,  consisting  of  the  four  Gospels 
corrected  by  the  help  of  ancient  Gk.  MSS.  ; 
he  had  not  altered  the  Latin  save  when  the 
sense  of  the  original  required.  The  Gospels 
appeared  in  383  and,  as  Jerome  clearly  inti- 
mates, were  to  be  followed  by  the  rest  of  N.T. 
These  books  must  have  appeared  (probably 
in  the  order,  Pauline  epistles,  Hebrews,  Acts, 
Catholic  epistles,  Apocalypse  ;  see  the  letter 
to  Paulinus,  Prater  Ambrosius,  also  printed  at 
the  beginning  of  most  Vulg.  Bibles)  during 
the  course  of  the  next  year.  It  has  indeed 
been  doubted  whether  Jerome  ever  did  revise 
the  rest  of  N.T.  because  [a)  the  Latin  does  not 
show  the  same  signs  of  correction  as  in  the 
Gospels  ;  (.b)  the  other  books  do  not  possess  the 
prefaces  which  Jerome  was  wont  to  write  ;  and 
{c)  Augustine,  in  a  letter  {Ep.  Ixxi.  6)  written  as 
late  as  403  a.d.,  mentions  Jerome's  translation 
of  the  Gospel  only.  On  the  other  hand,  Jerome 
affirms  repeatedly  that  he  revised  all  the  N.T., 
and  replying  to  this  very  letter  of  Augustine 
{Ep.  cxii.  20)  he  emphasizes  the  fact,  as  if  to 
correct  him.  The  other  books  of  N.T.  were  not 
treated  with  the  same  care  as  the  Gospels,  but 
a  thorough  examination  of  the  evidence  makes 
it  practically  certain  that  they  were  revised 


936 


VULGATE,  THE 


and  that  the  Vulg.  MSS.  represent  a  type  of 
text  distinct  from  the  Old  Latin.  The  absence 
of  prefaces  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  Pope 
Damasus,  the  inspirer  of  the  work,  died  in 
384  A.D.,  before  these  books  were  brought  out. 
During  this  same  sojourn  at  Rome,  Jerome 
made  his  first  revision  of  the  Psalter  ;  the  Old  j 
Latin  Psalter  was  simply  emended  from  the 
Gk.  of  the  LXX.  without  any  very  thorough 
examination  of  the  text.  This  is  the  Psalterium 
Ronmnum,  still  in  use  at  St.  Peter's  and  at 
Milan.  In  385  Jerome  left  Rome,  and,  after  a 
short  time  spent  in  travel,  settled  for  the  rest  of 
his  life  at  Bethlehem ;  and  now  his  serious  work 
at  O.T.  translation  began.  The  dates  of  his 
various  works  are  not  always  easy  to  fix,  but 
they  probably  appeared  in  the  following  order. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  at  Bethlehem  (c.  387) 
he  found  that  the  Psalterium  Ronmnum  had 
been  so  carelessly  copied  that  he  proceeded  to 
revise  it  more  thoroughly  ;  he  corrected  the 
underlying  LXX.  from  the  other  Gk.  versions, 
and  appended  to  his  translation  the  critical 
signs  by  which  Origen  had  marked  (a)  passages 
lacking  in  the  LXX.  but  supplied  from  the 
version  of  Theodotion  (an  asterisk,  *),  and  (b) 
passages  present  in  the  LXX.  but  absent  from 
the  original  Hebrew  (an  obelus,  f)-  This  is 
the  Gallican  Psalter,  so  called  because  it 
afterwards  obtained  wide  popularity  in  Gaul, 
apparently  through  the  efforts  of  Gregory  of 
Tours  (t  594  a.d.).  This  ultimately  became 
the  current  version  in  the  Latin  Church,  and 
this,  not  Jerome's  later  translation  from  the 
Heb.,  appears  in  his  Vulg.  Bible.  This  was 
probably  followed  by  re\iscd  translations  of 
the  other  O.T.  books  from  the  LXX.  (though 
such  a  translation  survives  only  in  the  case  of 
Job,  together  with  prefaces  only  to  Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Songs,  and  Chronicles). 
For  this  reason  it  has  been  plausibly  argued 
that  Jerome  did  not  proceed  very  far  with  his 
version  from  the  LXX.,  but  abandoned  it  for 
the  more  ambitious  scheme  of  a  new  transla- 
tion direct  from  the  Hebrew.  This  is  quite 
possible  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  definitely 
asserts  more  than  once  {e.g.  Ep.  Ixxi.  5  ;  Contra 
Ruff.  ii.  24,  iii.  2^)  that  he  translated  the  whole 
O.T.  from  the  LXX.  In  these  passages  (written 
in  398  and  402  a.d.)  he  refers  to  it  as  having 
been  undertaken  "ante  annos  j^lurimos," 
which  would  probably  mean  during  the  earliest 
years  of  his  stay  at  Bethlehem.  The  condi- 
tions under  which  the  O.T.  was  translated 
from  the  Heb.  were  different  from  those 
which  brought  about  the  revision  of  the  New  ; 
the  latter  was  undertaken  at  the  instance  of 
the  Pope, and  was  intended  to  be  theauthorized 
version  in  the  West,  so  far  as  the  Pope  could 
make  it  such  ;  the  former  was  undertaken  by 
Jerome  in  his  private  capacity,  at  the  desire  of 
friends  or  from  his  own  sense  of  the  need  of  a 
new  translation,  and  the  work  was  spread  over 
a  far  greater  number  of  years.  Allusions  in  tlie 
prefaces  to  the  various  books,  and  references  in 
his  letters,  enable  us  to  follow  liim  in  the  ]irose- 
cution  of  his  great  task  almost  bfiok  by  book 
and  year  by  year.  He  began  with  Samuel  and 
Kings,  introduced  by  tlie  fanmus  I'rologus 
Galeatus  (for  this  and  his  otlier  prefaces,  see 
the  beginning  of  any  ordinary  Vulg.  Bible)  ; 
though   attached  to  these  books  only,   it  is 


VULGATE,  THE 

really  an  introduction  to  the  whole  O.T.  and 
shows  that  he  must  have  already  contemplated 
a  new  translation  of  all  the  books.  By  393 
(see  Ep.  xlix.,  written  in  that  year)  there  had 
followed  Psalms,  the   Prophets,  and  Job.     By 

395  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were  translated,  and  in 

396  Chronicles  (vide  prefaces  to  those  books, 
and  Ep.  Ivii.,  written  395-396).  In  398,  after  a 
severe  illness,  he  completed  Ecclesiastes,  Song 
of  Songs,  and  Proverbs,  and  could  tell  a  friend 
{Ep  Ixxi.)  that  he  had  translated  all  the  O.T. 
except  the  Octatcuch,  and  was  now  working  at 
that  ;  by  Octatcuch  he  probably  meant  the 
five  books  of  Moses,  Joshua,  Judges  and  Ruth 
(counted  as  one  book),  and  Esther.  The  Octa- 
tcuch was  therefore  translated  between  398  and 
^05,  for  in  the  preface  to  Joshua,  written  soon 
after  the  death  of  Paula  (404  a.d.),  Jerome 
says  he  has  finished  the  Pentateuch  and  is  now 
at  work  on  Joshua,  Judges,  Ruth,  and  Esther  ; 
and  these  remaining  books  were  probably 
finished  in  the  following  year.  The  fact  that 
Esther  is  described  as  being  still  in  hand  after 
the  death  of  Paula  is  hard  to  reconcile  with 
the  dedication  of  that  book  to  Paula  and  Eu- 
stochium  {vide  preface  to  Esther)  ;  and  the  in- 
sertion of  Esther  in  the  first  case,  or  of  Paula  in 
the  second,  must  be  a  scribe's  error.  With  re- 
gard to  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha,  the  evi- 
dence is  conflicting.  In  his  preface  to  the  books 
of  Solomon  juxta  LXX.,  written  probably  388- 
389,  he  states  that  he  did  not  then  correct  Wis- 
dom and  Ecclesiasticus, "  tantummodo  Canoni- 
cas  Scripturas  vobis  emendare  desiderans."  In 
the  Prologus  Galeatus  he  enumerates  the  books 
of  the  Heb.  Canon,  "  ut  scire  valeamus. 
quicquid  extra  hos  est,  inter  apocrypha  esse 
ponendum,"  and  then  says  of  Wisdom.  Ecclesi- 
asticus, Judith,  Tobit,  and  the  Shepherd  (of 
Hermas),  "  non  sunt  in  Canone."  In  the  pre- 
face to  l'>.ra  and  Nehemiah  he  refuses  to  include 
the  third  and  fourth  books  of  Esdras  {i.e.  i  and  2 
Esdras  of  our  Apocrypha)  in  his  translation  ; 
and  when  translating  Jeremiah,  he  refused  to 
add  Baruch  {vide  preface  to  Jeremiah).  Of  the 
Maccabees  he  simply  remarks  in  the  Prologus 
Galeatus,  "  Machabaeorum  primum  librum 
Hebraicuni  reperi.  Secundus  Graecus  est." 
This  would  suggest  that  he  did  not  translate 
either  of  them.  He  docs  not  mention  the 
Prayer  of  Manasses.  In  the  case  of  Daniel,  how- 
ever, he  consented  to  retain  the  Story  of  Sus- 
annah, that  of  Pel  and  the  Dragon,  and  the 
Hymn  of  the  Three  Children,  though  with  a  warn- 
ing that  they  were  not  found  in  the  Heb.  {vide 
preface  to  Daniel)  ;  and  he  followed  the  same 
practice  with  regard  to  the  apocryphal  parts  of 
Esther,  jilacing  the  additional  jiieces  all  to- 
gether at  the  end  of  the  book.  The  preface  to 
his  translation  of  the  books  of  Solomon  from 
the  Heb.  (398)  concedes  a  sort  of  middle  posi- 
tion to  the  Apocrypha:  "  Sicut  ergo  Judith, 
et  Tobiae,  et  Machabaeorum  libros  legit  quidcm 
I'>clesia,  sed  cos  inter  canoniras  scrijituras 
non  recipit  ;  sic  et  haec  duo  \olumina  [i.e. 
Ivccjesiasticus  and  Wisdom)  logat  ad  aedifica- 
tionem  i>lebis,  non  ad  auctoritatem  Ecclesias- 
ticoruin  dogmatumconfirniandam"  (this  isthe 
]>assagc  referred  to  in  the  (>th  Article  of  the 
linglish  Church).  At  the  recpiest  of  friends  he 
made  a  rapid  translation  of  Tobit  and  Judith, 
pleading  that  the  latter  was  said  to  have  been 


VULGATE,  THE 

reckoned  amongst  the  Holy  Scriptures  by  the 
Council  of  Nicaea  (there  is  no  other  authority 
for  this  statement).  As  these  books  were 
written  in  "Chaldee"  he  obtained  the  help  of 
a  scholar  who  rendered  them  into  Heb.,  which 
he  in  turn  translated  into  Latin,  probably 
after  the  canonical  books  were  finished.  It  is 
also  worth  bearing  in  mind  that  the  late  M. 
Samuel  Berger,  a  high  authority  on  the  Vulg., 
was  of  opinion  that  the  text  of  Wisdom  and 
Ecdesiasticus  shows  signs  of  having  been  re- 
vised by  Jerome,  while  that  of  iMaccabees 
was  probably  retranslated  by  him. — IV.  The 
History  of  Jerome's  Translation  to  the  Invention 
of  Printing.  It  is  the  fate  of  Revised  Versions 
to  be  unpopular  at  first  ;  and  Jerome's  was  no 
exception.  This  may  have  been  due  in  part  to 
personal  reasons  :  Jerome  himself  haa  never 
been  popular,  and  his  bitter  tongue  and  ready 
pen  did  little  to  conciliate  opponents.  But 
there  were  other  and  inevitable  reasons  :  he 
was  accused  of  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
Church,  and  shaking  the  foundations  of  faith  ; 
and  especially  of  placing  his  own  work  above 
the  LXX.  Popular  legends  as  to  the  miracu- 
lous agreement  of  the  LXX.  translators,  com- 
bined with  the  fact  that  N.T.  writers  used 
their  work  in  quoting  from  O.T.,  had  invested 
them  with  a  halo  of  sanctity,  and  even  Augus- 
tine held  that  their  version  was  as  much  in- 
spired as  the  original  Heb.  [Septuagint.] 
Jerome  replied  that  he  had  the  utmost  rever- 
ence for  the  LXX.,  and  that  his  only  aim  was 
to  produce  a  translation  which  should  be  clear 
where  the  LXX.  was  obscure  ;  that  he  was  only 
doing  what  Aquila,  Symmachus,  Theodotion, 
and  Origen  had  done  ;  and  that  N.T.  writers 
did  quote  occasionally  from  the  Heb.  In 
time  the  opposition  calmed  down  and  Jerome's 
version  gained  wider  acceptance.  Augustine 
approved  of  it,  at  any  rate  in  the  Gospels  ; 
Pelagius  used  it  in  his  commentary  on  St. 
Paul's  Epistles  ;  throughout  the  5th  cent,  it 
was  gaining  favour  with  ecclesiastical  writers 
in  Gaul,  and  in  the  6th  it  had  apparently  be- 
come (except  in  Africa)  the  reigning  version  ; 
towards  the  end  of  that  century  Pope  Gregory 
the  Great  spoke  of  it  as  used  equally  with  the 
Old  Latin  by  the  Roman  See,  while  personally 
he  preferred  it.  In  one  book  only  (the  Psalms) 
Jerome's  version  from  the  Heb.  has  not  to 
this  day  won  the  battle  ;  the  "  Gallican  " 
Psalter  was  too  deeply  rooted  in  the  affections 
of  the  faithful  to  be  supplanted  even  by  a  more 
accurate  version,  and  the  "  Psalterium  juxta 
Hebraeos  "  has  no  more  chance  of  displacing 
Jerome's  earlier  work  than  our  own  R.V.  has  of 
displacing  the  Prayer  Book  Psalter.  The  Old 
Latin  Bible  was  never  authoritatively  deposed 
by  the  Roman  Church  or  the  Vulg.  formally 
installed  in  its  place  ;  partly  by  its  own  merits, 
partly  through  the  reputation  of  its  author,  1 
partly  through  the  example  of  the  Roman 
Church,  the  version  of  Jerome  won  its  way  in 
the  West  ;  but  long  after  the  6th  cent,  we  find 
traces  of  the  older  versions  surviving,  some- 
times in  lectionaries  and  service  books,  some- 
times in  Vulg.  MSS.  themselves.  For  by  the 
time  the  Vulg.  had  established  itself,  its  text 
was  already  degenerating,  especially  in  the  ' 
N.T.,  where  its  Latin  did  not  differ  so  widely  | 
from  that   of  the   older   versions,    There  is  1 


VULGATE,  THE 


937 


scarcely  a  single  Vulg.  MS.  which  has  not 
suffered  from  "  mixture  "  with  the  Old  Latin 
as  well  as  from  the  inevitable  errors  that  creep 
into  texts  multiplied  by  scribes.  It  is  to  Italy 
that  we  can  trace  the  purest  examples  of  the 
Vulg.  text,  but  it  was  in  England  that  they 
were  most  carefully  preserved  :  the  Codex 
Fuldensis  of  N.T.  was  transcribed  in  the  middle 
of  the  6th  cent,  for  Victor,  Bishop  of  Capua, 
and  corrected  by  him  ;  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 
(7th  or  8th)  were  written  in  England,  but 
copied  from  a  MS.  that  belonged  to  Naples  ; 
the  magnificent  Codex  Amiatinns  of  the  whole 
Bible  (beginning  of  the  8th  cent.)  was  copied  in 
Northumbria  from  an  Italian  exemplar  and 
taken  to  Italy  by  Ceolfrid  as  a  present  to  the 
Roman  pontiff  in  715.  It  was  with  Archbishop 
Theodore  in  668,  and  during  the  numerous 
journeys  to  Rome  (653-684)  of  Benedict  Biscop 
and  Ceolfrid  (abbots  of  Wearmouth  and 
J  arrow),  not  during  the  earlier  mission  of  St. 
Augustine,  that  the  best  examples  of  these 
Italian  texts  were  brought  to  England  ;  and  it 
was  in  Northumbria  that  they  were  preserved, 
carefully  and  beautifully  copied,  and  thence 
carried  by  monks  and  missionaries  to  Ireland, 
and  also  through  the  N.  of  France,  Switzerland, 
and  Germany  back  into  Italy.  But  a  more 
corrupt  type  was  spreading  in  the  South.  Spain 
was  separated  from  the  rest  of  Europe  by  the 
mountains  as  Britain  was  by  the  sea,  and  it 
developed  its  own  national  type  ;  but  the 
Spanish  scribes  loved  difiuseness  and  "  con- 
flate" readings,  and  the  later  the  Spanish  MSS. 
are  the  less  valuable  is  their  text.  At  the  end 
of  the  8th  cent,  the  first  authoritative  effort  to 
revise  the  text  of  the  Hieronj-mian  Bible  was 
made — not  by  the  papal  power,  but  on  the 
initiative  of  Charles  the  Great,  who  was 
anxious  to  obtain  a  good  uniform  Bible  text  for 
Church  use,  and  commissioned  Alcuin,  the 
abbot  of  St.  Martin's  at  Tours,  to  prepare  him 
such  an  edition.  Alcuin  was  an  Englishman 
educated  at  York,  and  he  wisely  sent  to  that 
city  for  MSS. ;  in  the  N.T.  his  revision  seems  to 
have  followed  the  Northumbrian  type  of  text 
in  the  Gospels,  but  in  the  Acts  and  Epistles  to 
have  been  dependent  on  the  Codex  Fuldensis 
or  MSS.  resembling  it.  At  Christmas,  801  a.d., 
Alcuin  presented  his  revised  Bible  to  Charles 
the  Great  ;  and  in  the  splendid  writing-school 
at  Tours  copies  of  its  text  could  be  multiplied 
with  ease.  "  Alcuinian  "  Bibles  were  soon  in 
great  request  and  the  revision  was  spoilt  by  its 
own  success,  the  demand  for  copies  being  so 
large  that  they  were  produced  hurriedly,  and 
the  numerous  fine  MSS.  of  this  period  show  wide 
diversity  of  text,  the  Codex  Vallicellianus  at 
Rome  (9th  cent.)  being  probably  the  best  speci- 
men. Another  revision  was  undertaken  at  much 
the  same  time  by  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans 
(787-821),  who  seems  to  have  tried  honestly  to 
correct  the  Spanish  type  of  text  by  the  MSS. 
current  in  the  S.  of  France,  but  his  work  had  no 
popular  success  or  influence  ;  its  best  repre- 
sentative is  the  beautiful  gth-cent.  Bible,  some- 
times called  the  Codex  Memmianus,  now  in  the 
National  Library  at  Paris  (Lat.  9380).  Thence- 
forward the  history  of  the  Vulg.  text  is  one 
of  increasing  degeneration.  Efforts  were  made 
at  emendation,  but  with  very  little  effect, 
by  Lanfranc,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  1069- 


938 


VULGATE,  THE 


1089  ;  Stephen  Harding,  abbot  of  Citeaux  ; 
Cardinal  Nicolaus  Maniacoria  ;  Herveius  of 
Bourgdieii,  and  by  others  during  the  12th 
cent.  ;  while  the  13th  saw  the  formation  of 
several  correctoria,  or  lists  of  various  readings, 
with  authorities,  prepared  by  bands  of  scholars 
mainly  belonging  to  the  religious  orders,  such 
as  the  Franciscans  or  Dominicans.  But  the 
same  century  was  marked  by  an  acceleration 
in  the  process  of  decay.  The  fame  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris  drew  great  numbers  of  theo- 
logical students  to  it  and  caused  a  large  de- 
mand for  Bibles  ;  these  were  copied  hastily 
from  any  MS.  that  happened  to  be  at  hand  ;  and 
Roger  Bacon  complains  bitterly  and  justifiably 
of  the  wretched  state  to  which  the  Exemplar 
Parisiense,  or  type  of  text  current  at  Paris,  had 
been  brought  by  such  carelessness.  The  vast 
majority  of  13th,  14th  and  15th  cent.  Vulg. 
MSS.  represent  what  we  may  call  the  "  me- 
diaeval "  text,  and  are  full  of  mistakes  and 
interpolations.  The  earnest  attempts  of 
Laurcntius  Valla  (f  1457)  to  amend  the  text 
by  correction  from  the  Gk.  were  without  re- 
sult, but  deserve  to  be  remembered  with  grati- 
tude.— V.  The  History  of  the  Printed  Text. 
The  earliest  and  most  beautiful  productions  of 
the  printing  press  were  Bibles  ;  the  famous 
"  Mazarin "  or  "42-line"  Bible,  printed  at 
Mainz  by  Gutenberg  (or  Schoeffer,  or  Fust)  be- 
tween 1452  and  1456,  is  one  of  the  finest  and 
most  valuable  books  in  the  world.  During 
the  15th  cent,  more  than  90  editions  of  the 
Latin  Bible  were  printed  ;  the  printers,  even 
those  of  the  first  Roman  Bible  (a.d.  I47i),were 
mainly  German.  The  printers  chose  cheap, 
late  MSS.  for  the  rough  usage  of  the  printing- 
office,  probably  not  suspecting  that  their  text 
was  unsatisfactory.  Succeeding  editions  were 
as  a  rule  reprints  of  the  earlier,  and  thus  by  the 
time  scholars  were  beginning  to  examine  the 
text  the  thousands  of  printed  copies  circulat- 
ing in  Europe  presented  it  in  its  most  corrupt 
form.  Thus  though  the  rule  is,  the  later  a 
written  MS.,  the  more  corrupt  the  text,  yet  the 
later  a  printed  edition,  the  nearer  it  is  as  a  rule 
to  the  text  of  the  carUest  and  purest  MSS.  The 
iCth  cent,  was,  however,  the  great  age  of  the 
Latin  Bible.  The  number  of  editions  pub- 
lished during  it  was  enormous — 438,  according 
to  Copinger — and  its  last  years  witnessed  the 
establishment  of  an  official  version,  to  be  used 
henceforth  and  reprinted  "  nc  minima  quidcm 
particula  de  textu  mutata,  addita,  vcl  ab  eo  de- 
tracta,"  by  all  members  of  the  Roman  Church. 
Some  scholars,  both  Catholic  and  Protestant, 
made  independent  Latin  translations  of  the 
N.T.  ;  others  set  themselves  to  revise  the 
current  Hieronymian  text,  cither  by  correction 
from  the  Gk.  or  by  collating  more  ancient 
Vulg.  MSS.  The  famous  Complutensian 
Polyglot  Bible  (15 14  and  following  years),  pub- 
lished at  the  expense  f)f  Cardinal  Ximenes,  was, 
in  its  Latin  text  of  N.T.,  corrected  mainly  from 
the  Gk.  An  earlier  Bible,  printed  by 
Frobcn  at  Basel  in  1502,  seems  to  have  been 
set  up  from  good  Vulg.  MSS.,  and  often  pre- 
serves right  readings  almost  alone  amongst 
early  editions;  but  the  Latin  Bible  of  Robertus 
Stephanus  (Paris,  1528),  was  tiie  first  genuine 
attempt  at  a  critical  edition.  Three  good  MSS. 
were  collated  for  it,  and  seventeen  fof  the  larger 


VULGATE,  THE 

edition  {printed  1338-1540,  reprinted  1546), 
which  is  practically  the  foundation  of  the  official 
Roman  Vulgate.  The  modern  verse  divisions 
appear  first  in  his  small  1555  edition.  Similar 
attempts  at  revision  were  also  being  made  by 
the  Catholic  theologians  at  Louvain.  The  fine 
folio  edition  of  J  oh.  Hcntenius  (Louvain,  1547, 
and  often  reprinted)  was  based  on  the  1540  text 
of  R.  Stephanus,  but  some  30  MSS.  were  also 
collated  for  it,  and  the  text  was  thus  greatly 
improved.  It  was,  however,  the  Council  of 
Trent  in  1546  that  first  ordered  an  official 
edition  of  the  Vulg.  in  accordance  with  the 
traditional  Hieronymian  text  ;  but  it  was 
nearly  half  a  century  before  it  appeared. 
Nothing  of  importance  was  accomplished  till 
the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  V.  (1585-1590),  who 
appointed  a  commission,  with  Cardinal  Caraffa 
(t  1591)  at  its  head,  to  effect  a  complete  re- 
vision of  the  text.  Good  MSS.,  such  as  the 
Codex  Amiatimis,  were  consulted,  and  refer- 
ence made  to  the  Heb.  and  the  Gk.  ; 
Sixtus  himself  worked  hard  at  the  task,  and 
was  assisted  b^'  Franciscus  Toletus  and  Ange- 
lus  Rocca.  The  volume  was  printed  at  the 
Vatican  press,  and  the  proofs  were  revised  by 
the  pope  himself  ;  errors  that  were  discovered 
after  the  sheets  had  been  printed  off  were 
corrected  either  with  the  pen  or  by  pasting  a 
small  piece  of  paper  on  with  the  right  reading. 
It  appeared  in  1590,  and  was  prefaced  by  the 
famous  bull  Aeternus  ille,  which  declEired  the 
edition  to  be  the  actual  Vulg.  prescribed  by 
the  Council  of  Trent,  ordained  that  its  readings 
should  be  introduced  into  all  missals  and  ser- 
vice-books, forbade  the  publication  of  future 
editions  without  careful  collation  with  the 
official  copy,  and  prohibited  the  printing  of 
various  readings  in  the  margin — all  this  under 
the  pain  of  the  greater  excommunication. 
After  the  death  in  1590  of  Sixtus  V.,  Bellar- 
mine  persuaded  Pope  Gregory  XIV.  that  anew 
edition  was  necessary.  A  new  commission 
was  appointed  in  1591,  under  the  presidency  of 
Cardinal  Colonna ;  current  report  at  the  time, 
and  the  inscription  which  commemorates  the 
event  at  Zagarola  (the  country  seat  of  Cardinal 
Colonna,  where  the  work  was  done),  main- 
tained that  the  revision  occui>icd  only  nineteen 
days  ;  but  this  is  hardly  credible.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  1592  Clement  VIII.  became  pope  ; 
he  gave  orders  that  the  copies  of  the  Sixtine 
edition  should  be  as  far  as  possible  recalled  and 
destroyed.  The  final  revision  of  the  new  edi- 
tion was  entrusted  to  Fr.  Toletus,  and  the 
printing  was  done  by  Aldus  Manutius  the 
younger.  The  whole  was  finished  and  published 
by  the  end  of  1592.  A  bull  ordained  that  no 
future  edition  of  the  Vulg.  was  to  be  printed 
before  it  had  been  carefully  collated  with  the 
Vatican  copy  ;  nor  were  variant  readings  to  be 
allowed  in  the  margin.  The  first  edition  of  the 
Clementine  Vulg.  was  succeeded  by  a  second 
in  1593  and  by  a  third  in  1598  ;  these  are  the 
only  three  official  editions.  The  second  is  said 
to  be  the  most,  and  the  third  the  least,  accu- 
ratclv  printed  ;  but  eaili  contains  some  obvious 
errors,  and  the  real  "  authentic  "  Clementine 
edition  must  be  found  (as  Hetzenauer  says  in 
his  careful  reprint  of  the  Bible.  1906)  by  a  com- 
parison of  them  all.  The  Clementine  Vulg., 
which  is  a  real  improvement  on  the  SixtiuQ 


VULGATE,  THE 

has  remained  the  Authorized  Version  of  the 
Roman  Church,  and  though  individual 
scholars  have  at  times  collected  materials  for 
a  further  revision,  the  prohibitions  of  the  bull 
have  prevented  them  from  publishing  a  new 
text  or  even  a  critical  edition  with  variant 
readings.  Ultimately,  however.  Pope  Pius  X. 
in  1907  entrusted  the  Benedictine  Order  with 
the  task  of  preparing  a  revised  edition  of  the 
Hieronymian  Bible,  and  we  may  hope  that 
the  Latin  Church  may  at  length  possess  St. 
Jerome's  Version  in  St.  Jerome's  own  words. 
— VI.  Language.  The  question  of  "  African- 
isms "  has  been  shown  above  (§  II.)  to  be  pro- 
bably due  to  the  time,  rather  than  the  place,  of 
the  origin  of  the  versions,  and  likewise  the  so- 
called  "  archaisms  "  were  probably  never  such 
in  colloquial  Latin,  at  any  rate  in  the  pro- 
vinces ;  and  as  the  early  Latin  versions  were 
made  for  popular  use,  and  by  men  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  literary  classes,  they  reproduced 
the  familiar  idioms  and  expressions  of  their 
time.  Jerome,  in  turn,  retained  them  as  far  as 
was  possible.  The  Latin  of  the  Vulg.  is  therefore 
largely  the  Latin  of  the  earlier  versions,  and 
the  result  is  a  happy  one;  it  has  both  the  dig- 
nity of  a  scholarly  translation  and  the  simple 
force  of  popular  language.  We  may  classify  its 
main  characteristics  under  the  following  heads, 
bearing  in  mind  that  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
cross  division,  (i)  Africanisms.  Such  words 
as  claritas,  clarifico  (for  gloria,  glorifico),  excitare 
(for  siiscitare),  nequam  as  a  substantive,  pres- 
sura  (for  tribulatio) ,  saeculum  (for  mundus),  are 
all  characteristic  African  translations  of  the 
Greek  which  have  passed  here  and  there  into 
the  Vulg.  ;  as  are  also  such  long  compound 
verbs  as  conlaborare,  inhonorare,  ohtenehrare, 
reaediftcare,  subsannare.  Characteristics  of  style 
and  construction  which,  though  not  peculiar 
to  Africa,  are  more  frequent  in  African  than 
in  European  Biblical  MSS.,  are,  e.g.,  the  use 
of  co-ordinate  verbs  instead  of  the  participle 
and  the  verb,  the  use  of  cum  with  the  imper- 
fect or  pluperfect  subjunctive  instead  of  the 
present  participle  or  the  ablative  absolute,  the 
use  of  ne  or  non  with  the  perfect  subjunctive 
instead  of  nolite  with  the  infinitive  ;  there  is 
also  a  tendency  to  throw  the  verb  to  the  end  of 
the  sentence.  It  is  only  sometimes  true  that 
Graecisms  are  characteristic  of  Africa  ;  siinili- 
tudo  and  sacramenfum,  not  parabola  and  mys- 
terium,  are  the  African  renderings  of  Trapa/SoXTj 
and  nvaTTjpiov,  while  tinguere  was  only  in  time 
replaced  by  baptizare.  (2)  Graecisms  and 
Hebraisms.  Every  page  of  the  Vulg.  N.T. 
shows  how  deeply  its  Latin  has  been  modified 
by  the  underlying  Gk.  text  ;  of  a  very  large 
collection  of  peculiar  Vulg.  constructions 
given  by  Kaulen  {Handbuch  zur  Vulgata),  most 
are  simply  exact  reproductions  of  the  Gk. 
The  lack  of  the  definite  article  in  Latin  was 
sometimes  supplied  by  the  demonstrative  pro- 
noun, and  hie  mundus  =  6  Kdafios ',  sometimes 
the  literalism  breaks  through  the  laws  of  Latin 
grammar,  as  when  dominari  and  impleri  are 
made  to  govern  a  genitive  case.  In  vocabu- 
lary, too,  it  is  surprising  how  many  familiar 
Biblical  words  have  come  to  us  from  the  Gk. 
through  the  Vulg.  practically  imchanged  ; 
e.g.  apostolus,  baptismus,-ma,  diabolus,  evan- 
gelium,  haeresis,  pentecostes,  schisma,  synagoga. 


VULGATE,  THE 


939 


give  a  flavour  of  the  original  Gk.  to  many 
versions  whose  language  was  drawn  from  the 
Latin.  To  Graecisms  must  be  added  Hebraisms, 
for  the  Gk.  of  N.T.  itself  strongly  resembles 
the  Heb.  of  O.T.,  and  when  Jerome  trans- 
lated the  O.T.  from  the  Heb.  he  deliber- 
ately tried  to  reproduce  its  construction  and 
idioms  ;  such  sentences  as  "  non  addidit  ultra 
quaerere  eum  "  (iSam.27.4)  or  "  adposuit  ut 
adprehenderet  et  Petrum"  (Ac. 12. 3),  or  expres- 
sions like  "  a  facie,  in  conspectu,  de  manu,  in 
ore  (alicujus)"  remind  us  that  the  book  we  are 
reading  in  the  West  was  written  in  the  East. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  reader  of  the  O.T.  can- 
not fail  to  be  struck  with  Jerome's  liabit  of 
translating  the  names  of  places  ;  e.g.  the  land 
of  Moriahin  Gen. 22. 2  becomes  terram  visionis  ; 
Beer-lahai-roi  in  Gen.  16. 14  becomes  Puteum 
Viventis  Videntis  me,  etc. ;  this  made  many  of 
the  narratives  far  more  intelligible  than  could 
a  simple  transliteration.  (3)  Finally,  many 
words  which  have  for  centuries  been  common 
theological  terms  in  the  Western  Church 
either  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the  Vulg. 
(e.g.  predestinatio,  justificatio,  sanctificatio, 
regeneratio,  rcsurrectio,  propitiatio,  mediator, 
creatura,  concupiscenlia),  or  are  archaisms 
to  wliich  that  version  gave  a  new  currency 
{e.g.  gratia,  redemptio,  electio,  reconciliatio,  satis- 
/actio,  inspiratio,  scriptura)  and  were  devoted 
there  to  a  new  and  holy  use. — Bibliography. 
[a)  General  information  as  to  the  Old 
Latin  versions  and  the  Vulg.,  lists  of  MSS., 
etc.  :  Westcott  and  Hort,  The  N.T.  in  the 
Original  Greek  (1882),  vol.  ii.  §§  107-118  ;  S. 
Berger,  Histoire  de  la  Vulgate  pendant  les  pre- 
miers siecles  du  moyen  age  (Paris,  1893)  ; 
Scrivener-Miller,  Intro,  to  Criticism  of  N.T.  (4tli 
ed.  1894),  vol.  ii.  ch.  iii.  ;  Gregory,  Prolegomena 
to  (i.e.  vol.  iii.  of)  Tischendorf's  Novum  Test. 
Graece  (8th  ed.  Leipzig,  1894),  pp.  948-1108  ; 
Burkitt,  The  Old  Latin  and  the  Itala,  in  vol.  iv. 
of  Texts  and  Studies  (Cambridge,  1896)  ;  E. 
Nestle,  Urtext  u.  Uebersetzungen  der  Bibel, 
Leipzig,  1897  (  =  vol.  iii.of  the  Proi.  Realencyc), 
pp.  84-118  ;  von  Soden,  die  Schriften  des  neuen 
Test.,  I.  iii.  (Berlin,  1907),  §§  350-362  ;  arts,  on 
"  Latin  Versions  "  and  "Vulgate"  in  Hastings, 
D.B.  (5  vols.  1904).  (b)  Life  and  works  of  St. 
Jerome  -.  the  best  complete  edition  of  his  works 
is  that  of  Vallarsi  (11  vols,  folio,  Verona,  1734- 
1742  ;  do.  quarto,  Venice,  1766-1772).  For  his 
life,  see  O.  Zockler,  Hieronymus  ;  sein  Leben  u. 
Wirken,  etc.  (Gotha,  1865)  ;  A.  Thierry,  S. 
Jerome  CPavis,  1867)  ;  E.  L.  Cutts,  St.  Jerome, 
in  The  Fathers  for  Eng.  Readers  (S.P.C.K.:  1877); 
Fremantle,  Hieronymus  in  the  Did.  Christian 
Biogr.,  and  his  Life  of  Jerome  in  Wace  and 
Schaff's  Select  Libr.  of  Nicene  and  Post-Nicene 
Fathers,  vol.  vi.  ;  Grlitzmacher,  Hieronymus  ; 
eine  Biographische  Studie,  etc.  (Leipzig,  1901). 
(c)  History  of  the  text :  Van  Ess,  Pragmatisch- 
Kritische  Gesch.  d.  Vulgata  (Tlibingen,  1824)  ; 
Kaulen,  Gesch.  d.  Vulgata  (Mainz,  1868),  and 
others  cited  under  (a),  (d)  Grammar,  Latinity, 
etc.  :  Kaulen,  Handbuch  zur  Vulg.  (Mainz, 
1870)  ;  Roensch,  Itala  u.  Vulgata  (Marburg, 
1875);  Goelzer,  Latinite  de  S.  Jerome  (Paris, 
1884).  (e)  Editions  of  the  Vulg. :  Vercellone's  re- 
print of  the  Clementine  Vulgate,  Biblia  Sacra 
Vulgatae  Editionis  .  .  .  Romae,  Typis  S.  Con- 
gregationis  de  propaganda  fide  {18^1),  is  a  band- 


940  VULTUKE 

some  and  careful  reprint  of  the  Clementine 
text  ;  its  place,  however,  will  probably  now  be 
taken  by  Hetzenauer's  Biblia  Sacra  Vulgatac 
Editionis,  etc.  (Oeniponte,  1906).  Hetzenauer 
not  only  prints  the  text  with  great  care,  but 
gives  the  variants  of  the  three  "  official  " 
Clementine  editions,  and  of  the  Sixtine.  For 
N.T.  Hetzenauer  has  also  published  a  handy 
small  edition  of  the  Clementine  text.  Novum 
Test.  Vulgatae  Editionis,  etc.  (Oeniponte,  1899), 
and  Nestle,  Novum  Test.  Latine,  etc.  (Stutt- 
gart, 1906).  Nestle  gives  the  variants  of  the 
Sixtine  edition,  and  also  of  the  most  important 
Vulg.  MSS.  Dr.  P.  Corssen  published  a  criti- 
cal edition  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Galatians  in  1885 
(Ep.  ad  Galatas,  Berlin)  ;  the  Oxford  critical 
edition  of  the  Vulg.  by  Bp.  J.  Wordsworth, 
of  Salisbury,  and  the  Rev.  H.  J.  White,  is  still 
in  course  of  publication  ;  the  four  Gospels  and 
the  Acts  have  already  appeared.        [h.j.w.] 

Vulture,  the  A.V.  translation  of  the 
Heb.  dd'd,  dayyd  (Lev.ll.14  ;  Deut.i4.13; 
and  Is. 34. 15),  and  also  in  Job 28.7  of  'ayyd. 
There  seems  no  doubt  that  the  A.V.  transla- 
tion is  incorrect,  and  that  the  words  refer  to 
some  of  the  smaller  birds  of  prey,  such  as 
kites  or  buzzards,  dayyd  is  synonymous  with 
h'dayah,  the  Arab,  vernacular  for  the  kite, 
especially  the  black  kite,  'ayyd  almost  cer- 
tainly indicates  the  Kite,  which  in  other 
passages  it  is  taken  to  represent.  Vulture 
should  be  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  ncsher, 
where  A.V.  uses  E.A.r,LK,  while  the  scavenger- 
vulture  is   alluded  to  under  the  name  Gier- 

EAGLE.       [GleDE  ;     OSSIKRAGE.]  [R.L.] 


w 

^Vafep  (rdqiq),  a  thin  cake,  used  only  for 
offerings,  and  therefore  always  made  of  un- 
leavened bread  (Ex. 29. 2, 23  ;  Lev. 2.4, 7. 12,8.26  ; 
Num. 6. 13, 19;  iChr.23.29).  Once,  in  Ex.16. 
31,  "wafer"  is  used  for  the  Heb.  fappihith 
Here  it  is  said  that  the  manna  tasted  like 
wafers  made  with  honey.  [vv.o.e.o.] 

'Wag'es.  The  earliest  mention  of  wages  in 
the  Bible  is  of  a  recompense,  n()t  in  money  but 
in  kind,  to  Jacob  from  Lai)an  (("i('n.29. 15,20, 
30.28,31.7,8,41).  In  Egypt,  money  payments 
of  wages  were  in  use  (Ex. 2. 9),  and  though  the 
terms  there  cannot  now  be  ascertained,  they 
were  doubtless  regulated  by  law,  as  they  were 
in  Babylonia  by  the  Code  of  Hammurabi 
(c.  2100  B.C.).  In  the  parable  of^the  house- 
holder and  the  vineyard  (Mt.20.2)  the  lab(jur- 
er's  wages  are  one  denarius  per  day,  jirobably 
—  7}rf.,  a  rate  which  agri'cs  with  Tob.5.14, 
where  a  draclima  is  mentioiu^d  as  the  rate 
per  day,  and  may  be  fairly  taken  as  eciuivalent 
also  to  the  usual  pay  of  a  soldier  (ten  a.s,s« 
per  di(Mn)  in  the  later  days  of  tlie  Koinaii 
Republic  (Tac.  Ann.  i.  17  :  I'olyb.  vi.  39).  In 
earlier  times  the  rate  was  probably  lower.  But 
most  likely  labourers,  and  also  sokliers,  were 
supplied  with  provisions.  The  law  was  \ery 
strict  in  rcciuiring  daily  payment  of  wages 
(Lev. 19. 13  ;  1  )eut. 24. 14,15). '  The  employer 
who  refused  to  give  his  labourers  sufficient  vic- 
tuals is  ccasurcd  (Job 24. 11),  and  the  iniquity 


■WAR 

of  withholding  wages  is  denounced  (Je.22.13  ; 
Mai. 3.3  :  Jas.5.4). 

W^ag-g-on.  The  Oriental  waggon  (.^rab. 
'arabah)  is  composed  of  two  or  three  planks, 
fixed  on  two  solid  circular  blocks  of  wood,  from 
2  to  5  ft.  in  diameter,  which  serve  as  wheels. 
To  the  floor  are  sometimes  attached  wings,  like 
those  of  a  wheelbarrow.  For  the  conveyance 
of  passengers  straw  or  clothes  are  laid  in  the 
bottom,  and  the  vehicle  is  drawn  by  buffaloes 
or  oxen  (Num. 7. 3, 6-8;  Heb.  'dgdld).     [Cart.1 

Wall.  The  A.V.  so  renders  nine  Heb. 
words,  (i)  '!(.s7;s/)ayHa  (Ezr.5.3),  a  "  vertical" 
wall.  (2)  gddhcr  (Num. 22. 24),  a  stone  fence 
protecting  vineyards  by  the  roadside,  also 
rendered  wall  in  Ezr.9.9,  Is.5.5,  Ho. 2.6, 
Mi. 7. II  ;  but  otherwise  fence  (Ps.62.3)  or 
hedge  (iQ.i2  \  Ec.10.8  ;  Ezk.13.3, 22.30)  ;  and 
pointed  gedher  in  Pr.24.31,  Ezk.42.io  (A.V. 
wall).  (3)  homd,  the  common  word  for  a 
masonry  wall,  used  symbolically  of  a  "  pro- 
tection," as  in  Ex. 14. 22, 29,  when  the  waters 
flanking  the  shoals  jirotected  the  Israelites  in 
crossing  the  head  of  the  Red  Sea.  (4)  hil,  a 
"  fortification  "  (1K.2I.23  ;  Ps.122.7),  occurs 
ten  times,  otherwise  rendered  trench  (marg. 
outer  wall),  host,  bulwark,  and  rampart.  (5) 
hayi{  (Arab,  heit),  an  ordinarv  wall  (Ezk.13.io). 
(6)  hdruf  (Uan.9.25  R.V.  'moat).  (7)  kothel 
(Can. 2. 9)  or  k-thal  (Ezr.5.8  ;  Dan. 5. 5) ;  appar- 
ently a  cemented  wall.  (8)  qlr,  a  common 
word  for  house  and  city  walls.  (9)  shur  (Arab. 
sur),  in  seven  passages  the  wall  of  a  city,  and 
perhaps  (Gen. 49.22)  the  terrace  wall  of  a 
fruit  garden  or  vineyard.  Walls  were  often  not 
founded  on  the  rock  but,  as  now,  on  the  surface 
soil,  or  on  older  ruins  (l.u.6.48),  as  is  shown  by 
recent  excavations  in  Palestine.  [c.r.c] 

Wandering's  in  the  tvilderness. 
[Exodus,  The.] 

W^ar.  Before  entering  on  a  war  of  aggres- 
sion the  Hebrews  sought  the  divine  sanction 
(Judg.  1.1,20.2,27,28  ;  iSam.14.37, 23.2,30.8)  by 
consulting  either  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (i 
Sam. 28. 6)  or  the  prophets  (iK.22.6),  hence  the 
regular  term  "  sanctify  war."  F"ormal  pro- 
clamations of  war  were  not  interchanged. 
Before  entering  the  enemy's  district,  spies  were 
sent  to  ascertain  the  character  of  the  country 
and  the  preparations  of  its  inhabitants  for 
resistance  (Num. 13. 17  ;  Jos.2.i  :  iSam.26.4). 
When  an  engagement  was  imminent,  a  sacrifice 
was  offered  (iSain.7.9,13.9)  and  an  inspiriting 
address  delivered  either  bv  the  commander 
(2Chr. 20.20)  or  a  priest  (Dent. 20. 2).  Then 
followed  the  battle-signal  or  shout  (iSam.l7. 
52;  Je. 50.42  ;  Ezk.21.22).  The  combat  as- 
sumed the  form  of  a  number  of  hand-to-hand 
contests;  hence  the  high  value  attached  to 
fleetness  of  foot  and  strength  of  arm  (2Sam.l. 
23,2.18;  iChr.12.8).  Various  strategic  devices 
were  practised,  sucii  as  the  ambuscade  (Jos. 8. 
2,12  ;  Judg. 20.36),  surprise  (Judg.7.i6).  or 
circumvention  (2Sain.5.23).  The  siege  of  a 
town  or  fortress  was  thus  conducted  :  A  line 
of  circiunvallation  was  drawn  roimd  the 
place  (l';/k.4.2  ;  Mi.S.i).  constructed  of  trees 
(l)iMit.20.2o).  togctiicr  with  earth  and  ;my 
otiicr  m.itrri.i's  at  hand.  This  line  both  cut 
off  the  besieged  from  the  surrounding  country 
and  served  as  a  base  of  operations  for  the 
besiegers.     Froni     this    Hue    one    or    more 


WAR-CLTJB 

"  mounts  "  or  "  banks  "  were  thrown  out  in 
the  direction  of  the  city  (2Sam.2O.15  ;  2K.19. 
32  ;  Is. 37. 33),  and  gradually  increased  in  height 
until  about  half  as  high  as  the  city  wall.  On 
this  mound  or  bank  towers  were  erected 
(2K.25.1  ;  Ezk. 4. 2, 17. 17, 21. 22),  whence  the 
slingers  and  archers  might  attack  with  effect. 
Battering-rams  (Ezk.4.2,21.22)  were  brought 
up  to  the  walls  by  means  of  the  bank,  and 
scaling-ladders  might  also  be  placed  on  it. 
The  Assyrian  sculptures  depicting  the  siege 
and  capture  of  Lachish  by  Sennacherib  illus- 
trate what  has  been  said  (see  Brit.  Mus. 
Ass>T:ian  Room,  Nos.  21-32) ;  but  sieges  are 
described  and  represented  on  monuments  oc- 
curring in  Palestine  as  early  as  1600  and  1500 
B.C.  (Conder).  The  treatment  of  the  conquered 
was  extremely  severe  in  ancient  times.  The 
bodies  of  the  soldiers  killed  in  action  were 
plundered  (iSam.31.8  ;  2Mac.8.27)  ;  the  sur- 
vivors were  either  killed  in  some  savage  manner 
(2Sam.l2.3i;2Chr.25.i2),  mutilated  (Judg.l. 6), 
or  carried  into  captivity  (Deut.2O.14).  Some- 
times the  bulk  of  the  population  of  the  con- 
quered country  was  removed  to  a  distant 
locality.  The  Mosaic  law  mitigated  somewhat 
the  severity  of  the  ancient  usages  towards  the 
conquered.  The  conquerors  celebrated  their 
success  by  the  erection  of  monumental  stones 
(iSam.7.12),  by  hanging  up  trophies  in  their 
public  buildings  (iSam.21.9,31.io),  and  by 
triumphal  songs  and  dances  in  which  the 
whole  population  took  part  (Ex.l5.i-2i ;  Judg. 
5:  iSam.18.6-8;  Jth.l6.2-17).  [Army]. 
Wap-elub.  [Arms,  Offensive,  (i).] 
W^aps  of  the  Lopd,  Book  of  the. 
There  is  no  information  afforded  concerning 
the  book  cited  once  under  this  name  in  Num. 
21.13-15.  All  that  can  be  said  rests  purely  on 
conjecture.  It  may  have  contained,  as  Dill- 
mann  has  conjectured,  the  Song  of  Moses  sung 
on  the  occasion  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
Egyptians  at  the  Red  Sea,  and  even  the  narra- 
tive related  in  Num. 22-24  concerning  Balaam, 
or  the  expeditions  against  Sihon  king  of  the 
Amorites  and  Og  the  king  of  Bashan,  which  are 
briefly  recorded  at  the  end  of  the  21st  chapter 
of  Numbers.  Franz  Delitzsch  has  written 
some  interesting  articles  on  the  subject  of 
those  poetical  extracts  entitled  "  Urmosaishes 
im  Pent."  in  Luthardt's  Zeitschrift  (1882). 
Fiirst's  conjecture  that  the  book  contains  pre- 
Mosaic  elements  seems  extravagant  ;  while 
the  attempts  of  Knobel,  Stade,  and  others  to 
make  out  that  the  book  was  composed  in 
post-Solomonic  days  or  even  later  may  be 
dismissed  as  pure  fancy.  The  LXX.  reading 
is  interesting — "Therefore  it  is  said  in  a 
book  ;  the  war  of  the  Lord  burned  up  Zoob" 
(Heb.  suph),  etc.  [c.h.h.w.] 

Washing-  the  hands  and  feet.  It 
was  necessary  that  the  hand,  which,  in  eat- 
ing, was  thrust  into  the  common  dish,  should 
be  scrupulously  clean  ;  and,  as  sandals  were 
ineffectual  against  the  dust  and  heat,  washing 
the  feet  on  entering  a  house  was  an  act  both  of 
decency  and  of  refreshment  to  the  traveller. 
The  washing  of  the  hands  was  made  by  the 
Pharisees  of  the  N.T.  age  a  matter  of  ritual  ob- 
servance (Mk.7.3),  and  special  rules  were  laid 
down  as  to  the  times  and  manner  of  its  perfor- 
mance.    Washing  the  fset  only  rose  to  the  dig- 


WATER-CARRIERS 


941 


nit}'  of  a  ritual  observance  in  connexion  with 
the  services  of  the  sanctuary  (Ex. 30. 19, 21).  It 
held  a  high  place,  however,  among  the  rites  of 
hospitality.  Immediately  a  guest  presented 
himself  at  the  tent-door,  it  was  usual  to  offer 
the  necessary  materials  for  washing  the  feet 
(Gen.l8.4,19.2,24.32,43.24;Judg.l9.2i).  It  was 
a  yet  more  complimentary  act,  betokening 
equally  humility  and  affection,  if  the  host  actu- 
ally performed  the  office  for  his  guest  (iSam.25. 
41  ;  Lu.7.38,44  ;  Jn.i3.5-14  ;  iTim.S.io).  Such 
a  token  of  hospitality  is  still  occasionally 
exhibited  in  the  East. 

Wash-pot  (sir  rahaf),  a  term  of  contempt 
applied  to  Moab  '(Ps.66.8  =  108. 9).  It  is  only 
used  in  this  figurative  sense.  [w.o.e.c] 

Watches  of  night,  a  division  of  time, 
probably  of  military  origin.  In  O.T.  times 
the  night  was  divided  into  three  watches, 
"  the  beginning  of  the  watches  "  (Lam.2.19), 
probably  from  sunset  till  about  ten  o'clock  ; 
"the  middle  watch"  (Judg.7.19),  till  about 
2  a.m.  ;  "  the  morning  watch  "  (Ex.i4.24  ; 
iSam.ll.ii),  till  sunrise.  See  also  Ps.63.6, 
90.4,119.148.  In  the  Greek  and  Roman 
periods  there  were  four  watches,  and  this  was 
the  division  of  the  night  in  our  Lord's  time. 
They  are  sometimes  named  in  numerical 
order  :  the  2nd  and  3rd  (Lu.i2.38)  ;  the  4th, 
(Mt.14.25  ;  Mk.6.48).  The  four  are  men- 
tioned in  order  (Mk.i3.35)  :  (i)  Even,  6-9 
p.m.  (c/.  11.11  ;  Jn.2O.19).  (2)  Midnight, 
9-12  o'clock.  (3)  CocKCROwiNG,  12-3  a.m. 
(4)  Morning,  3-6  a.m.;  cf.  Jn.l8.27.     [h.h.] 

Watep  of  Bittepness.  The  term  refers 
to  the  trial  by  ordeal  of  the  woman  suspected 
of  unfaithfulness  to  her  husband  (Num.5. 17- 
24).  If  a  man  suspected  his  wife  but  could 
not  prove  her  guilt,  he  took  her  to  the  priest, 
carrying  with  him  an  offering  of  memorial 
(ver.  15).  The  trial  took  place  in  public,  in  later 
times  at  the  Gate  Nicanor  (So^fl/?  i,  5.  6).  The 
priest  poured  holy  water  into  an  earthen  vessel 
and  mixed  with  it  dust  from  the  sanctuary 
floor  (5.17).  He  then  loosed  the  woman's 
hair,  put  the  offering  into  her  hands,  and 
adjured  her,  she  answering  "Amen,  Amen." 
The  words  of  adjuration  were  then  written  on 
a  little  scroll,  which  was  soaked  in  the  water 
to  dissolve  the  ink.  She  drank  the  water, 
and  her  guilt  or  innocence  at  once  became 
apparent.  According  to  the  Mishna,  the 
ordeal  only  took  effect  if  the  husband  also  was 
innocent  of  the  same  offence  (v,  i  and  Gemara). 
Adulterers  became  so  numerous  that  the 
ordeal  lost  its  power,  and  it  was  suspended  by 
Johanan  ben  Zakkai  (60-70  a.d.)  {ib.  ix.  9;  cf. 
Jn.8.7-9  ;  Mt.12.39  ;  Mk.8.38).  [Ordeal  of 
Jealousy  ;    Adultery.]  [h.h.] 

W^atep  of  Jealousy.  [Water  of  Bitter- 
ness ;  Ordeal  of  Jealousy;  Adultery.] 

W^atep  of  Sepapation  (Num.l9.i-io). 
[Purification.] 

■Watep-cappieps.  Usually  women  (Gen. 
24.13;  Ex. 2. 16;  iSam.9.ii;  Jn.4.7),  though, 
as  at  the  present  day,  children  most  likely 
were  also  so  employed  ;  as  were  also  men 
who  were  captives  (Dent. 29. 11  ;  Jos.9.2iff.). 
In  Mk. 14.13,  Lu. 22.10  we  read  of  a  man  carry- 
ing water;  but  this  is  exceptional.  Water  was 
carried  in  "bottles,"  i.e.  skins  {nebhel,  nodh; 


94-2 


WATER-POTS 


Gk.  acTKjs)  or  earthenware  vessels  (kadh;  Gk. 
Kfpdfiiov).  [w.o.E.o.] 

Watep-pots.  Equivalent  to  the  Heb. 
kadh,  a  large  vessel  of  earthenware  or  stone, 
used  for  drawing  water  from  the  well  (Jn.4'.28), 
and  borne  on  the  shoulder.     These  were  placed 


WUMliN  WATKR-CARRIEKS,   NUAR  JAII-A.        W.D.A. 

in  houses  for  washing  the  hands,  according  to 
Jewish  usage,  before  and  after  meals.  The 
water-pots  mentioned  in  Jn.2.6,7,  are  stated  to 
have  contained  "  two  or  three  firkins  apiece." 
A  "  firkin  "  (=  approximately  the  Heb.  bath) 
was  about  72  pints.  [w.o.E.o.] 

'Watep-spouts  (Ps.42.7;  see  2Sam.5.8). 
Although  the  Mediterranean  is  often  troubled 
by  water-sptjuts,  the  Heb.  finnor  means  a 
"  water-channel,"  and  it  is  used  of  the  ditch 
crossed  by  Joab  (A.V.  putter)  as  well.  The 
psahn  refers  to  the  noise  of  torrents.  [c.R.cl 

Wave-ofTeping-.     [Sacrifice,  3,  v.  c] 

"Weapons.     [Arms.] 

'Weasel  (lu'dedh)  occurs  only  in  Lev. 11. 29 
in  the  list  of  unclean  animals.  According  to 
the  old  versions  and  the  Talmud,  the  Heb. 
holedh  denotes  a  "weasel"  ;  l)ut  if  the  word 
is  identical  with  the  Arab,  khuld  and  the  Syr. 
huldo,  a  truly  burrowing  animal,  such  as  one 
of  the  rodent  mole-rats  akin  to  St>alax  lyfihlns 
(for  there  are  no  true  moles,  Talt>a,  in  Pales- 
tine), must  be  intended.     |Moi,K.|  [r.l.] 

Weavep,  W^eavlng-.   [Handicrafts,  (6).] 

Wedding-.     [Markiagk.] 

^Veek.  In  the  Heb.  Scriptures  the  in- 
stitutiDii  of  the  sabbath  accounts  for  the  week 
or  cycle  of  seven  days.  God's  creative  acts 
extended  over  six  defined  periods  ;  the  seventh 
was  shahhdth,  cessation  or  rest.  Hence  His 
people  must  observe  the  seventh  dav  likewise 
as  a  day  of  cessation  from  all  work  (lCx.20.ii). 
But  in  Deut.5.15  the  reason  given  is  a  national 
one  :    the  seventh  day  is  to  be  observed  as  a 


WEIGHTS  AND  MEAStJRES 

rest-day  in  commemoration  of  the  deliverance 
from  slavery.  This  distribution  of  the  work 
of  creation  over  six  days  is  peculiar  to  the 
Heb.  account  ;  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the 
Assyro-Babylonian  literature.  There  may  be 
traces  of  a  ten-days'  cycle  in  Gen. 24. 55,  Ex. 
12.3,  Lev. 16. 29,  etc.,  and  in  the  story  of  the 
Flood  the  seven  days'  intervals  occur  together 
with  multiples  of  ten,  viz.  40  and  150.  The 
ancient  Egyptians  had  a  cycle  of  ten  days. 
The  number  seven  was  sacred  in  Babylonia, 
and  the  seven-day  week  was  an  old  institution 
connected  with  the  new  moon  and  the  lunar 
month.  The  Assyrians  perhaps  had  a  week  of 
five  days.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
Heb.  week  was  originally  a  division  of  the 
lunar  month,  the  first  day  of  the  first  week 
coinciding  with  the  New  Moo.nt.  This  could 
not  have  been  the  case  when  a  seventh-day 
sabbath  was  observed,  since  there  would  be 
an  interval  of  a  day  and  a  half  between  the 
fourth  week  and  the  next  new  moon.  The 
week  was  used  as  a  convenient  measurement 
of  time — e.g.  one  (Gen. 29. 27),  two  (Lev.12.5), 
three  (Dan. 10. 2),  seven  (Deut.16.9;  Dan.9.25  ; 
c/.Lev.23. 15,25.8).  [Sabbath  ;  Seven.]  [h.h.] 
W^eeks,  Feast  of.  [Pentecost.] 
AVeig-hts  and  measupes.  The  Bible 
references  are  explained  by  the  discovery  of  ac- 
tual inscribed  weights,  and  of  standard  mea- 
sures of  length  and  capacity  ;  and  the  state- 
ments of  Josephus,  Herodotus,  Pollux,  .\elian, 
Plutarch,  and  Epiphanius  are  also  explicable 
from  the  same  e\idence.  The  standard  mea- 
sures must  be  taken  as  somewhat  in  excess  of 
the  specimens,  on  account  of  wear  ;  and  there 
was  some  deterioration,  in  later  times,  from  the 
old  standard.  Imperfect  specimens  must  also 
be  discarded. —  I.  Weights.  A  standard  of 
weight  ("the  king's  standard")  existed  in 
Babylon  as  early  as  the  time  of  Abraham,  or 
2100  B.C.  (Hammurabi's  laws.  No.  51),  and 
silver  and  gtild  were  weighed  (Gen.23.i6;  Je.32. 
9).  The  Balance  was  used  (Heb.  moz^naySm, 
Arab,  mizdn.  "scales"),  and  had  apparently 
also  a  running  weight,  like  a  steel-yard  (Is. 40. 
12),  called  pdes  {balance  and  scales,  K.V. 
Pr.l6.11).  An  Egyptian  picture  (Lepsius, 
Denkmdler,  iii.  39,  No.  3)  shows  a  man  adjust- 
ing this  w('ight  to  a  pair  of  scales  (see  Kev.8.5), 
in  one  of  which  are  weights  in  the  form  of  a 
cylinder  and  a  bull's  head,  and  in  the  other 
rings — of  metal — which  formed  the  oldest  sub- 
stitute for  coins.  Other  weights  (a  bull's  head 
and  a  lion)  lie  ready  ;  and  botii  Egyptians  and 
Bai)yloniaus  cast  bronze  weights  in  these  forms 
and  in  those  of  antelopes  aiul  geese.  This  e.\- 
|ilains  the  Heb.  q'si'd,  or  "  lamb  "  (.\.V.  piece 
of  innney  ;  (ien.33.i9  ;  Jos.24.32  ;  Job42.ii). 
Tiie  siiecimens  whence  we  may  obtain  actual 
weiKhts  include  a  hai'matite  weight  from  Nip- 
l)ur  in  Babylonia  (perhaps  1500  n.c.  or  earlier), 
inscribed  "ten  shekels  of  gold  of  tluMnenhant," 
and  weinhiug  1,320  gr.  ;  weit;hts  in  the  British 
Museum  (880  to  700  11. c),  from  Nineveh  and 
Babylon,  giving  a  mam'  (.A.V.  pound)  of  7902 
gr.,  .and  a  talent  {kikkdr)  of  939,040  gr.  ;  Phoe- 
nician weights  of  235  gr.  and  120  gr.  ;  a  Heb. 
weight  from  Samaria  (perhaps  as  old  as  800 
n.c.)  marked  "  cpiarter  shekel  "  on  one  side, 
and  "  quarter  half  "  on  the  other  ;  another 
from  Tell  Zakariya  marked  "  half  " — the  first 


PLATE   XXXIII 


BEETLE-WEIGHT. 
(Brit.  Mus.) 


THREE-LEGGED   TABLE   FROM   THEBES 
(XVIIIth    DYNASTY).     (Brit.  Mus.) 

The  inscription  contains  a  prayer  to  Amen-Ra  and  to  Osiris. 


^M^ 


B^.^'^^-^J?-^js^\^^l  .1 


nir 


"^rT"  >'  '  "1" 


p.  942] 


WEIGHING  RINGS  OF   GOLD   AGAINST  A   LION-WEIGHT. 
(From  Naville's  Temple  of  Deir  el  Bahari.) 


WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 

weighs  39*2  gr.,  and  the  other  154  gr.  ;  a 
bronze  lion  from  Abydos  in  the  Troad  (c.  500 
B.C.),  inscribed,  in  old  Aram.,  "  assayed  before 
the  recorders  of  silver,"  and  weighing  about 
399,000  gr.  ;  and  finally,  a  weight  of  stone, 
found  at  Jerusalem,  of  646,615-46  gr.,  which 
appears  to  represent  125  Roman  pounds,  which 
was  the  weight  ascribed  to  a  talent  by  Epi- 
phanius  (4th  cent.  a.d.).  Both  Hebrews  and 
Babylonians  had  a  double  system,  the  light  one 
being  half  the  heavy.  Both  were  used  to 
weigh  gold,  while  the  latter  (in  later  times  at 
least )  weighed  silver.  The  results  deducible  are 
as  follows  for  the  light  system  : 

Hall  System  Shekel  Maneh  Talent 

gr.           gr.  gr. 

Babylonian  ..  ..  i33'3  8,000  480,000 

Heb.   (early)  ..  ..  i6o'o  8,000  480,000 

Phoenician  ..  ..  i20'o  9,600  480,000 

Aramean     ..  ..  ..  iii'i  6,666'6  400,000 

Heb.   (later)  ..  ..  iga'o  9,600  480,000 

Maimonides  {Sheqaltm,  v.  6)  gives  the  weight  of 
the  old  Heb.  shekel  (heavy  system)  as  320  gr. 
of  barley,  and  of  the  shekel  in  use  after  the 
Captivity  as  384  gr.  The  barley-corn  weighed 
I  gr.,  and  the  later  shekel  thus  agreed  with  the 
oldest  known  Gk.  Tdradrachm — of  the  Aegina 
coins — which  was  of  Semitic  origin.  Little  is 
known  of  Egyptian  weights  (see  Proc.  Bib. 
Arch.  Soc,  Dec.  1901,  p.  394) ;  but  the  gold  unit 
of  120  gr.  is  apparently  the  Phoenician  light 
shekel,  and  the  bronze  weights  show  the  same 
comparison.  The  Kat  of  144  gr.  was  also  three- 
fifths  of  the  Phoenician  heavy  unit.  In  O.T.  the 
shekel  (or  "  weight")  consists  of  20  Gerahs,  or 
"  beans  "  (16  gr.  each  :  Ex. 30. 13  ;  Num. 3. 47  ; 
Lev. 27. 25  ;  Ezk. 45. 12),  this  being  the  "Shekel 
of  the  Sanctuary,"  half  of  which  was  the  Bekah 
(Heb.fte(7a',Gen.24.22  :  Ex. 38. 26).  The  Hebrews 
were  forbidden  to  keep  shekels  of  the  two  sys- 
tems in  the  same  bag  (Deut.25.i4),  and  bidden 
to  use  standard  weights,  "  assayed  for  the  mer- 
chant "  (as  the  LXX.  translates  in  Gen. 23. 16). 
We  find  notice  also  of  a  "  tongue  of  gold  "  (Jos. 
7.21)  weighing  a  Maneh  ;  of  raccim,  or  "pieces  " 
of  silver  (Ps.68.30)  ;  and  of  an  'dghord,  "  Piece 
OF  Silver  "  (iSam.2.36),  probably  an  "ingot  " 
(Assyr.  igiru,  "tile").  The  statement  in  Ezk. 
45.12  that  the  maneh  is  to  consist  of  20,  25, 
and  15  shekels  is  explicable  as  referring  to  the 
older  and  later  shekel,  and  to  the  Phoenician 
unit.  Thus,  15  shekels  of  320  gr.  =  20  of  240  gr. 
=  25  of  192  gr.  =  4,8oo  gr.for  the  maneh.  The 
kikkdr,  or  talent  (as  rendered  in  Gk.  by 
LXX.),  is  noticed  as  weighing  gold  and  silver 
(Ex. 25.39  ;  iK. 9.14,28,10,10;  2K.5.22).  The 
"  talent  "  and  the  "  maneh  "  are  also  men- 
tioned in  N.T.  (Mt. 25. 14-30  ;  Lu. 19. 12-27),  the 
latter  being  rendered  pound  in  A.V. — IL 
Coins.  The  oldest  known  coins — those  of 
Aegina  and  Lydia — are  supposed  to  date  as 
early  as  700  B.C.  The  Persians  introduced  a 
currency  in  which  the  gold  was  even  purer  than 
that  of  our  currency  :  and  the  silver  bore  to  it 
a  proportion  of  13^  to  i,  being  purer  than  the 
old  silver,  which  included  a  sixth  part  of  copper, 
and  may  have  had  a  proportion  of  16  to  i  of 
gold.  The  Persian  Daric  contains  129  gr.  of 
gold,  and  its  present  value  is  about  £1  is.  But 
we  must  remember  that  the  purchasing  value 
in  ancient  times  was  considerably  greater  than 
now.    Double  Darics  also  occur,  and  this  coin 


WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES    943 

appears  in  O.T.  as  the  dark''m6n,  rendered 
"  dram  "  in  A.V.  (Ezr.2.69  ;  Ne.7. 70-72).  The 
Persian  silver  unit  was  called  Siklos,  and  was 
of  84-5  gr.  ;  20  went  to  the  gold  Daric.  The 
name  of  this  coin  has  probably  no  connexion 
with  Darius,  but  comes  from  the  Aryan  root 
Dargh  (whence  also  Dram),  as  meaning  a 
"  fixed  "  value.  The  Greeks  took  their  mea- 
sures from  the  Babylonians  and  Phoenicians, 
and  the  drachma  of  the  three  systems  (Hussey, 
Ancient  Weights  and  Measures),  as  found  in 
coins,  weighs  respectively  96  gr.  at  Aegina,  92 
gr.  in  Euboia,  and  66'5  gr.  in  Attica.  Hence, 
and  from  Herodotus  (iii.  89),  we  may  deduce  : 

Coin  Aegina  Euboia  Attica 

gr.  gr.  gr. 

Drachma        ..  ..  g5  92'6  665 

Didrachma     ..  ..  192  185-2  133-3 

Tridrachma   . .  . .  288  277-8  i99'9 

Tetradrachma  . .  384  370-4  266-6 

Mna    ..          ..  ..  9,600  6665-6  5665-5 

Talanton        . .  . .  480,000  400,000-0  400,000-0 

The  present  value  of  the  silver  Drachma  of  96 
gr.  is  a  shilling,  and  the  Jews,  after  the  Cap- 
tivity, adopted  it  as  the  Zwza, while  their  Tib'aa 
was  two,  the  Rigia  three,  and  the  Sel'a 
four,  Zuzas.  These  systems  were,  however,  in 
turn  replaced  by  the  old  Thracian  Drachma  of 
no  gr.,  used  in  Macedonia,  and  by  the  Ptole- 
mies in  Egypt,  being  apparently  the  light 
Aramean  shekel,  of  iii-i  gr.,  very  slightly  de- 
preciated. In  Pers.,  Gk.,  and  Roman  times 
alike,  only  the  central  authority  coined  gold  ; 
cities  coined  silver,  and  subordinate  rulers 
struck  silver  and  copper  coins.  This  privilege 
was  bestowed  on  Simon,  brother  of  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus,  c.  139  B.C.,  by  the  Seleucid  suzerain 
(iMac.15.2-6),  and  the  oldest  Jewish  coins 
are  supposed  to  date  from  this  era.  Coins  of 
220  gr.  (of  the  older  silver),  with  a  present 
value  of  about  is.  lod.,  bear  in  old  Heb. 
characters  the  legend  "  shekel  Israel,"  with 
"  year  i  "  (or  2,  or  3,  or  4)  on  the  obverse,  and 
"  Jerusalem  Holy  "  on  the  reverse,  apparently 
representing  the  "  shekel  of  the  sanctuary  " 
(Ex. 30.13)  ;  others,  of  no  gr.,  are  marked 
"  half-shekel,"  and  were  apparently  those  used 
for  the  half-shekel  temple  tax.  The  years  are 
thought  to  date  from  139  B.C.,  and  not  to  refer 
to  the  sabbatic  year,  though  new  shekels  were 
required,  apparently,  for  the  tax  (Mishna, 
Sheqalim  v.  5).  The  copper  coins  of  the  same 
period  apparently  follow  the  Phoenician  unit  of 
240  gr.,  and  are  inscribed  "  year  four  of  the  re- 
demption of  Zion."  Copper  coins  of  John 
Hyrcanus  and  Judas  are  inscribed  in  Heb.  ; 
and  Alexander  Jannaeus  (105-78  B.C.)  is  the 
first  to  inscribe  his  name  both  as  "  Jonathan 
the  king  "  in  Heb.  and  "  Alexander  the  king  " 
in  Gk.,  his  successors'  coins  being  in  Gk.  alone. 
Gk.  is  also  used  on  copper  coins  of  Herod  the 
Great,  Archelaus,  Antipas,  and  Philip,  while 
Agrippa  I.  (37-44  a.d.),  Herod  of  Chalcis  (41-48 
A.D.),  and  Agrippall.  (48-100  a.d.)  are  theiirst 
to  stamp  their  images  on  Jewish  coins.  The 
coins  of  the  procurators  are  also  of  copper,  and 
bear  (in  Gk.)  the  names  of  the  emperors.  The 
theory  of  "  coins  of  the  revolts  "  is  based  on  the 
occurrence  of  silver  and  copper  coins,  inscribed 
in  old  Heb.  characters  on  much  defaced  coins 
of  Antioch,  of  Vespasian,  Titus,  Domitian,  and 
Trajan  (70-117  a.d.)  ;  but  the  characters  used 


944    WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 

in  this  age  by  the  Jews  were  early  square  Heb., 
and  these  coins  appear  to  be  forgeries,  imitat- 
ing those  of  Simon  and  of  later  Hasmonaeans. 
The  Talmud  speaks  of  "  false  "  and  "  danger- 
ous "  coins,  and  of  "rebel  coins"  (Tal.  Jer. 
Ma'aser  Sheni  i.  2);  but  this  only  after  300  a.d., 
the  "rebel  coins"  being  perhaps  those  of  pagan 
insurgents.  The  coins  noticed  in  N.T.  are  both 
Gk.  and  Roman.  [Money.] — III.  Measures. 
Our  information  as  to  measures  is  less  complete 
than  as  to  weights,  but  is  also  checked  byactual 
discoveries. — Length.  The  words  for  the  various 
measures  of  length — such  as  "linger,"  "hand- 
breadth,"  "span,"  and  "forearm" — show 
that  the  measurements  were  at  first  roughly 
made  with  hand  and  arm,  and  with  the  "  foot." 
These  would  have  been  smaller  than  among 
Europeans  ;  for  the  ancient  Semitic  races — 
like  the  Arabs — were  not  tall,  and  had  small 
hands  and  feet.  The  average  height  of  Euro- 
pean Jews  is  only  5  ft.  4  in.,  and  the  height  of 
the  oldest  Semitic  race  at  Gezer  (c.  2000  B.C.) 
appears  to  have  been  the  same.  The  unit  of 
weight  was  the  barley-corn  (since — according  to 
Maimonides,  Sheqalim,  v.  6,  xi.  4 — the  old  Heb. 
shekel  weighed  320  gr.  of  barley,  and  actually 
weighs  320  Troy  gr.)  ;  and  the  unit  of  length 
was  also  the  barley-corn  (Maimonides,  Sepher 
Torah  ix.  9)  —  the  "finger-breadth"  being 
equal  to  two  barley-corns  laid  end  to  end,  or  to 
seven  laid  side  by  side.  This  would  not  apply  to 
the  Egyptian  cubit  of  20-6  in.,  di\ided  into  seven 
palms  of  2'95  in.  ;  but  a  later  cubit  (of  about 
2I-5  in.)  in  Egypt  is  very  close  to  2  Heb.  ft.  An 
anci?nt  scale  discovered  at  Tell  Loh,  in  Baby- 
lonia, measures  io'53  in.  ;  and  the  statue  of 
Gudea,  on  whose  lap  it  is  carved,  may  be  as  old 
as  2800  B.C.  This  scale  is  divided  into  16 
parts,  each  of  which  is  thus  very  nearly  0-66  in. 
long.  This  (as  we  shall  see)  was  the  Heb. 
"  finger-breadth,"  which  gave  a  foot  of  io'66 
in.  This  scale  is  Akkadian,  and  we  do  not 
know  if  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  used 
the  same  standard,  though  they  very  probably 
did,  and  had  thus  a  cubit  of  nearly  16  in.  A 
tablet  from  Sen(|ereh,  dealing  with  fractions, 
has  been  thought  to  refer  to  cubits  and  reeds  : 
but  this  is  very  doubtful,  as  the  colophon  states 
that  it  refers  to  the  .Sosx,  or  unit  of  60,  and  to 
its  fractions.  Dr.  Pinches,  however  (//.  R. 
Asial.  Soc.  October,  1907),  considers  that  a 
cubit  of  30  fingers  is  noticed  in  this  tablet. 
This  would  measure  about  20  in.  The 
Siloam  tunnel  [ShieoahI  was  1,200  cubits 
long,  and  measures  1,707  ft. ;  which  would  give 
a  cubit  of  17  in.  But  this  record  gives  only 
a  round  number,  and  the  result  can  only  be 
regarded  as  an  approximation  to  the  unit. 
Barley  differs  in  weiglit  from  s^tosolb.  tothe 
bushel ;  and  the  following  results  of  actual 
measurement  and  weight  compare  with  the 
Heb.  barley,  of  which  a  grain  weighed  a  Troy 
grain. 

Barley  English  Hch.  Arab 

VVciRht  of  bushel  ..       56  1b.         5?   lb.        50    lb. 

WciKht  of  one  corn       ..    I'oj  gr.  i    pr.     099  «t. 

I,cnKlh  of  one  com  ..  035  in.  0-33  in.  o'32  in. 
Width  of  one  corn  ..  o"ii7„  o'ii4,,  o'ii2„ 
Thickness  of  one  corn  . .    o'ogs  „      o'094  ,,      o'ogs  ,, 

Thus — as  Maimonides  says — two  corns  end  to 
end  are  equal  to  seven  corns  laid  on  edge  side  by 
side.     Hence  wc  obtain — 


WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 


Name 

Hch.  Na 

me 

Leu  "III  No  of 
in.      Corns 

Barley-corn 

.    zera' 

■  •     033       I 

Finger-breadth 

.   efha' 

. .     066       2 

Palm 

.  lophah 

. .      2-66       8 

Hand-breadth 

.   zerdh 

..      533     16 

Span 

■   sit 

. .     800     24 

Foot 

.   reghel^ 

. .    1066     32 

Small  cubit 

.   'ammo. 

. .    13-33     40 

Builders'  cubit 

,, 

. .    i6'oo     48 

Cubit  and  palm 

.   'amma 

valophah 

1866     56 

This  agrees  not  only  with  Gudea's  scale,  and 
the  statement  of  Maimonides,  but  also  with  the 
standard  Dhrd'a,  or  "  arm,"  of  Arabs,  measur- 
ing 26-66  in.,  or  2  small  cubits.  The  word 
'ammd  signifies  the  "  forearm,"  or  half  the 
arm.  To  deduce  units  from  the  measurements 
of  ancient  buildings  is  an  inconclusive  method, 
as  the  lengths  may  be  variously  divided,  but 
the  i6-in.  cubit  seems  to  have  been  used  in  the 
Jerusalem  temple  enclosure,  and  in  the  Gali- 
lean synagogues.  Thus  the  S.  gates  of  the 
Hararn  at  Jerusalem  are  30  cubits  wide,  the 
"  master  course  "  of  the  wall  is  4  cubits  high, 
the  piers  along  the  wall  appear  to  have  been  at 
intervals  of  10  cubits  ;  and  in  the  synagogue  of 
Utmn  el  'Amed  (Stirv.  W.  Pal.  i.  p.  406),  the 
building  is  40  cubits  long,  its  pillars  10  cubits 
high,  and  the  stylobate  i  cubit — coincidences 
almost  conclusive.  The  Finger-breadth 
(Je.52.2i),  Hand-breadth  (Ex.25.2'i,37.i2  ; 
Ezk. 40. 5, 43, 43. 13)  or  Palm,  Span  (Ex.28. 16, 
39.9  ;  iSam.17.4)  or  Hand-breadth,  with  the 
Cubit,  are  noticed  in  O.T.  Thus  Goliath 
(iSam.17.4)  was  either  8  ft.  5  in.  or  7  ft.  i  in. 
tall.  The  Reed  was  9  ft.  4  in.  long  (Heb. 
qanc),  while  the  Arab.  Qa%ab  (reed)  is 
now  9  ft.  The  term  "  cubit  of  a  man  "  (L)eut. 
3. 11)  apparently  means  no  more  than  a  "  man's 
forearm."  In  2Chr.3.3,  "  first  measure  "  may 
mean  the  larger  cubit,  but  in  Ezk.41.8  "  great 
cubits"  is  better  rendered  (R.V.  marg.)  "cubits 
to  the  joining."  The  cubit  is  noticed  in  N.T. 
(Mt.6.27  ;  Lu.12.25)  with  longer  measures — the 
Stadium  (.\.V.  furlong,  Jn.6.19),  or  202'25 
yds.,  and  the  .Mile  (Mt.5.41 ),  or  8  furlongs.  The 
Jewish  small  mile  was  1,000  paces  and  the 
large  mile  2,000  paces;  but  the  length  of  the 
pace  is  indefinite. — Square  Measure.  As  to  this, 
we  have  only  the  statement  of  Maimonides,  in 
I2th  cent.  A.D.  (on  Ex. 27. 9-12),  that  a  S''d 
was  a  S()uare  of  50  cubits  side,  and  that  30 
Seahs  (75,000  sq.  cubits)  was  a  Kor  of  land. 
This  amounts  to  3*03  acres,  which  is  very  close 
to  3  .\Tah  Feddans  of  it  acres  each.  The 
.4cre  (iSam. 14.14,  marg.  "  furrow,"  as  in  Ps. 
129.3  ;  Heb.  ma'dnd)  appears  to  be  the  same 
as  the  Yoke  used  to  define  it  (cemedh),  and 
probably  was  the  Fedddn.  or  "  yoke."  See 
Is. 5. 10,  where  "  ten  acres  "  yield  over  8  gallons 
of  wine. — Measures  of  Capacity.  Wc  depend 
as  to  these  also  on  literary  statements,  which 
indicate  two  systems — perhaps  for  dry  and 
li(iui(l  measures — one  being  to  the  other  in 
the  i)ro|iortion  of  nearly  3  to  4.  The  Mishna 
{f'eah,  i.  6)  gives  the  Log  as  equal  to  6  hens'  eggs 
(or  about  24  cubic  in.)  ;  and  Rabbi  David,  in 
the  Middle  .\ges,  makes  this  to  contain  6,000 
gr.  of  water,  which  is  correct.  It  also  re- 
sults in  the  Log  holding  4,000  gr. — or  half  a 
maneh — of  barley  ;  and  hence  we  are  able  to 
compare  the  Hebrew  and  Egyptian  measures. 
Thus  the  cube  of  the  Egyptian  cubit  (Rhind 


WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 

Pap\T:i,  plate  i6)  contained  il  Khar,  each  Khar 
20  Hekat,  and  each  Hekat  lo //^n»,  making  the 
Henu  about  o'8  pint.  The  Hebrew  measures 
also  thus  coincide  closely  with  the  modern  Arab 
measures  of  capacity,  according  to  the  ordinary 
standard.  The  details  of  this  system  are  as 
below. 


WHALE 


945 


Pints 

Pints 

Pints 

I 

Log 

24      0*69 

^  Ukieh 

0-63 

Henu 

0-80 

4 

Cab 

96      2-76 

Rotl 

2-5 

3  Henu 

2-40 

;• 

2  0mer 

172-8  4-96 
Gall. 

2  Rotl 

5-0 
Gall. 

6  Henu 

4-80 
Gall. 

12 

Hin 

288    1-04 

3  Rotl 

0-94 

Hekat 

i"05 

24 

Seah 

576    2-o8 

6  Rotl 

1-88 

2  Hekat 

2-10 

72 

Ephah 

1728     6-20 

20  Rotl 

6-25 

6  Hekat 

6-30 

720 

Kor     ] 

7280  62-00 

Ardeb 

60-00 

3  Khar 

63-00 

We  have,  on  the  other  hand,  statements  by  Jose- 
phus  which  give  the  larger  system,  in  which  the 
Log  is  exactly  the  size  of  the  Egyptian  Henu, 
and  holds  a  Maneh  weight  (8,000  gr.)  of  water, 
while  the  Bath,  or  Ephah,  is  the  cube  of  the 
smaller  cubit  of  iy\  in. 


Pi>itt 

Pints 

Log         32-7 

0-81 

Sextarius 

0-94        8  Attt.  ii.  9 

Cab       i3o'8 

3-24 

4  .Sextarii 

3-76  (48  sext.  =  Amph.) 

Omer     2353 

6-70 

7  Sextarii 

6-53        3  A7it.  vi.  6 

Gall. 

Gall. 

Hin        393-0 

1-45 

2  Choas 

1-39       3^«/.  viii.  3 

Seah      785-0 

2-90 

i\  Modii 

2 -So       9  Ant.  iv.  5. 

Bath    2353-6 

8-40 

MetrC-t5s 

8-40    (Met.  =  il  Amph.) 

Kor    23-3^0 

8400 

10  Metretes  84-00      15  Ani.  ix.  2. 

These  measures  occur  in  O.T. — the  Cab  (2K.6. 
25)  ;  the  Ow(?r  (Ex.l6.i6),  or  lothof  the  Ephah 
(I6.36)  ;  the  Hin  (Ex. 29. 40,  etc.);  the  .S'-'i 
(A.V.  measure,  2K.7.1)  ;  the  Bath,  or  loth 
of  the  Homer  (Ezk.45.ii),  which  is  the  same 
as  the  Cor  (45.14)-  In  N.T.  the  Xotvt^  (A.V. 
measure),  or  \  gall.,  for  a  Denarius  (Rev. 6. 6)  is 
almost  double  a  .S'"a  (2K.7.1)  for  a  heavv 
shekel.  The  Bushel  (A.V.  Mt.5.15;  Mk.4.2i  ; 
Lu.11.33)  is  the  Modius,  which — like  the  Arab. 
Midd — was  no  doubt  a  cvlindrical  wooden  box. 
The  Firkin  (A.V.  Jn.2.6)  is  the  Metretes.  In 
conclusion,  it  may  be  noted  that  European  mea- 
sures and  weights  all  appear  to  originate  in 
Babylon,  the  standard  of  the  barley-corn  and 
of  the  finger-breadth  remaining  unchanged. 
W.  Europe  got  its  weights  from  the  Romans 
(who  divided  the  talent  of  400,000  gr.  into 
80  lb.)  and  from  the  Phoenicians.  E.  Europe, 
on  the  other  hand,  at  different  times  took 
its  standards  from  the  Gk.  traders  ;  but 
their  weights  ultimately  trace  back  (at 
Troy)  to  the  Babylonian  Talent  of  480,000 
gr.  Among  books  founded  on  actual  dis- 
coveries of  recent  times  are :  De  Saulcy's 
Numismaiique  Jtidaique,  1854,  and  Madden's 
Jewish  Coinage,  1864  (with  the  enlarged  ed. 
called  Coins  of  the  Jews).  The  weights  at  Nip- 
pur are  given  in  Hilprecht's  Babylonian  Ex- 
pedition, 1896,  vol.  i.  pt.  I.  The  scale  of  Gudea 
is  in  De  Sarzec's  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee,  1887. 
The  whole  subject  is  treated  in  Sir  C.  Warren's 
Ancient  Cubit,  1903,  and  the  measures  of  length 
in  Dr.  Flinders  Petrie's  Inductive  Metrology, 
1877.     The  later  Byzantine  Talent  at  Jerusa- 


lem is  described  by  Vicomte  de  Salignac  Fene- 
lon,  Bimetallisme  chez  les  Hebreux.       [cr.c] 

■Well.  In  9  cases  A.V.  thus  renders  Heb. 
'ayin  {spring)  [Ain]  :  Gen. 24. 13, 16, 29, 30, 42, 43, 
45  ;  Ex. 15. 27  ;  Ne.2.13.  The  common  word  is 
b'-'er,  a  well  sunk  in  rock  ;  it  is  so  rendered 
in  28  cases,  but  as  "  pit  "  in  A.V.  in  Gen. 14. 10, 
Ps.55.23,69.15,  Pr.23.27.  Private  property  in 
dug  wells  is  noticed  early  (Gen. 21. 30).  In 
Deut.6.ii  "  cisterns  "  (Heb.  bor)  are  rendered 
"  wells  "    in  A.V.  ;    but  in  Pr.5.15  a  private 


First  fositioH. 


Second  position. 

ANCIENT  ECVPriAN  MACHINE  FOR  RAISING  WATER 
IDENTICAL  WITH  THE  "SHADOOF"  OF  THK  PRESENT 
DAY.    (Wilkinson.) 

well  is  again  noticed.  They  were  also  tribal 
property  (Num. 20.17,21.22).  They  usually 
had  parapet  walls  (Jn.4.6).  The  method  of 
raising  water  by  a  pivoted  pole  (shadiif)  might 
be  used  with  a  shallow  well,  Ijut  the  water 
wheel  with  earthen  pots  on  its  rim  (sdqia, 
or  n'aurah)  onlv  with  a  stream.         [cr.c] 

West.     [Sea.] 

Whale.  The  Heb.  words  tan  and  tannin  are 
translated  in  the  A.V.  indifferently  as  dragon, 
sea-monster,  serpent,  or  whale.     Leviathan 

60 


946 


WHEAT 


seems  also  in  one  passage  to  indicate  a  whale. 
[Dragon.]  As  to  the  sea-monster  which 
swallowed  Jonah,  nothing  really  definite  can 
be  said,  because,  under  ordinary  circumstances, 
no  human  being  or  other  vertebrate  animal 
could  survive  in  the  interior  of  a  whale  or  a 
fish.  In  Mt.12.40  the  creature  is  called  /ctjtoj, 
translated  in  E.V.  "  whale,"  which  is  a  "  late  " 
limitation  of  the  meaning  of  the  Gk.  word 
(Liddell  and  Scott),  while  the  book  of  Jonah 
merely  says  "fish."  There  is  no  scientific 
necessity,  however,  to  prove  that  the  creature 
must  have  been  a  shark  or  other  fish,  for 
the  idea  that  all  whales  have  small  throats, 
or  that  they  necessarily  feed  on  animalcules, 
is  true  only  with  regard  to  the  right  whales, 
such  as  the  Greenland  Balaena  mysticetus. 
Rorquals,  or  finner-whales  (Balaenoptera),  and 
hump-backed  whales  (Megaptera)  have  large 
throats  and  often  feed  on  fishes ;  while  the 
sperm-whale,  or  cachalot  (Physeter  macroce- 
pkalus),  subsists  on  gigantic  cuttle-fish  and 
squids,  swallowing,  it  is  affirmed,  masses 
several  feet  in  cube.  All  these  whales,  except 
the  first,  occur  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  one  of  them 
may  be  the  species  intended.  The  much  smaller 
grampus,  or  killer  {Orca  gladiator),  would  also 
be  quite  capable  of  swallowing  a  man.  So 
also  are  certain  kinds  of  sharks  ;  but  nothing 
would  be  gained  by  the  substitution  of  "shark  " 
for  "whale,"  seeing  that  one  of  the  latter 
(which  are  apparently  primarily  indicated 
by  the  Gk.  word)  would  suit  the  context 
as  well  in  every  way,  and  the  real  diffi- 
culties of  the  passage  would  still  remain. 
Paul  Haupt  {Proc.  Amer.  Phil.  Soc.  xlvi.  154- 
164,  1907)  states  that  sperm-whales  (nahiru  = 
"  blower  "  =  Gk.  (pvffriTep)  are  mentioned  in 
Assyrian  cuneiform  inscriptions  of  885-860  b.c. 
The  Ethiopic  Bible  has  anbar  =  Arab,  'anbar 
(sperm-whale),  for  Jonah's  whale.  The  writer 
considers  the  sperm-whale  the  species  intended, 
and  that  Jonah  was  swallowed  near  Joppa  and 
cast  ashore  near  Alexandretta.  Ambergris,  a 
product  of  the  sperm-whale,  is  derived  from 
the  Arab,  'anbar.  [r.l.] 

■Wheat.  In  A.V.  the  Heb.  words  bar, 
ddghdn,  ripJwlh,  are  occasionally  translated 
"  wheat  "  ;  but  the  proper  name  of  this 
cereal,  as  distinguished  from  "barley"  and 
"  spelt,"  is  hittd.  [Corn.]  The  first  mention 
of  wheat  occurs  in  Gen. 30. 14,  in  the  account 
of  Jacob's  sojourn  with  Laban  in  Mesopotamia. 
Egypt  in  ancient  times  was  celebrated  for  the 
growth  of  its  wheat  ;  the  best  quality,  ac- 
cording to  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat.  xviii.  7),  was  grown 
in  the  Tliebaid  ;  it  was  all  bearded,  and  the 
same  varieties,  Sir  G.  Wilkinson  writes  {Anc. 
Egypt,  ii.  39,  ed.  1854),  "existed  in  ancient 
as  in  modern  times,  among  wiiich  may  be 
mentioned  the  seven-eared  quality  described 
in  Pharaoh's  dream  "  (Gen. 41. 22).  Babylonia 
was  also  noted  for  the  excellence  of  its  wheat 
and  other  cereals.  Syria  and  Palestine  pro- 
duced wheat  of  fine  quality  and  in  large 
quantities  (Ps.8I.iO, 147. 14,  etc.).  There  are 
three  kinds  of  wheat  at  present  grown  in 
Palestine,  the  Triticttmvulgare  (var.  hyberniim), 
the  T.  spelta,  and  another  variety  of  bearded 
wheat  which  appears  to  be  the  same  as  the 
Egyjitian  kind,  the  T.  compnsitiim.  In  the 
parable  of  the  sower  our  Lord  alludes  to  grains 


WIDOW 

of  wheat  which  in  good  ground  produce  a 
hundred  fold  (Mt.13.8).  The  common  Triti- 
cum  vulgare  will  sometimes  produce  one 
hundred  grains  in  the  ear  in  Palestine.  Wheat 
is  reaped  towards  the  end  of  April,  in  May, 
and  in  June,  according  to  the  differences  of 
soil  and  position  ;  it  was  sown  broadcast 
and  then  trampled  in  by  cattle  (Is. 32. 20),  or 
otherwise  it  was  sown  in  rows  (R.V.  Is. 28. 25), 
which  seems  to  imply  that  the  seeds  were 
planted  apart  in  order  to  insure  larger  and 
fuller  ears.  The  wheat  was  put  into  the 
ground  in  the  winter,  later  than  the  barley  ; 
in  the  Egyptian  plague  of  hail,  consequently, 
the  barley  suffered,  but  the  wheat,  not  having 
appeared,  escaped  injury.  (See  Tristram, 
Nat.  Hist.  Bible,  p.  488.)  [c.R.c] 

Whirlwind.  The  A.V.  thus  renders 
(i)  Heb.  supM  (Job  37.9)  for  a  tempestuous 
S.W.  wind,  or  "  sweeping  "  storm.  The  word 
occurs  15  times  in  O.T.,  and  the  expression 
"  like  a  galgal  in  front  of  a  storm  "  (Is. 17. 13) 
refers  to  the  dust  whirlwind  which  commonly 
precedes  the  storm  in  Palestine  ;  as  also  in 
5.28  (A.V.  wheels),  where  the  whirl  of 
chariots  is  compared.  (2)  Heb.  sa'ar  and 
s^'ara,  a  tempest  "  tossing "  the  sea  (see 
is. 54. II  ;  Jon. 1.11,13).  This  word  is  used  24 
times,  and  in  such  a  tempest  Elijah  departed 
(2K.2.1).  The  word  galgal  means  a  "rolling" 
thing:  thus  in  Ps.77.i8,  "Thy  thunder  was 
in  the  galgal  "  refers  to  a  whirlwind  in  a 
thunderstorm  with  lightning.  In  Can. 3. 6  and 
J  1.2.30  the  "columns  of  dust"  (tUwroth  'dshdn  ; 
see  Is. 14. 31,  where  'rts/ifln  again  means  "dust") 
are  noticed.  Solomon's  train,  coming  from 
the  wilderness  to  fetch  his  bride  from  Lebanon 
(Can.3.6,4.8),  was  heralded  by  clouds  of  dust, 
compared  to  the  columns  of  the  summer 
whirlwinds.  [c.R.c] 

"Whop©.     [Harlot.] 

■Widow.  Under  the  Mosaic  dispensation 
no  legal  provision  was  made  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  widows.  They  were  left  dependent 
partly  on  the  affection  of  relations,  more 
especially  of  the  eldest  son,  whose  birthright, 
or  extra  share  of  the  property,  imposed  such  a 
duty  upon  him,  and  partly  on  the  privileges 
accorded  to  other  distressed  classes,  such  as  a 
participation  in  the  triennial  third  tithe  (Deut. 
14.29,26.11),  in  gleaning  (24.19-21),  and  in  re- 
ligious feasts  (16.11,14).  The  only  restriction 
[Levirate  Law]  imposed  by  the  Mosaic  law 
upon  the  remarriage  of  widows  had  refer- 
ence to  the  case  of  one  left  childless  (25.3,6; 
Mt. 22. 23-30).  [Crimes  ;  Eamilv.]  In  the 
Apostolic  Church  the  widows  were  sustained 
at  the  public  exjiense,  the  relief  being  daily 
administered  in  kind,  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  specially  appointed  officers  (Ac. 6. 1-6). 
Particular  directions  are  given  by  St.  Paul  as 
to  those  entitled  to  such  public  maintenance 
(iTim.5.3-16).  Out  of  the  body  of  such 
widows  a  certain  number  were  to  be  enrolled, 
who  (i)  were  not  under  sixty  years  of  age; 
(2)  had  been  "  the  wife  of  one  man,"  probably 
meaning  but  once  married  ;  and  (3)  had  led 
useful  and  charitable  lives  (vv.  9,10).  The 
object  of  the  enrolment  is  not  obvious.  It  is 
possible  that  the  enrolled  widows  formed  an 
ecclesiastical  order,  having  duties  identical 
with  or  analogous  to  those  of  the  deaconesses 


WIFE 

of  the  early  Church.  [Deaconess.]  But  more 
probably  the  enrolment  was  for  an  eleemosy- 
nary purpose,  and  the  main  condition  poverty, 
though  it  is  easy  to  understand  how  such 
widows  obtained  a  quasi-official  position  in 
the  Church  and  became  in  later  times  a  dis- 
tinct order.  Hence  we  find  the  term  "  widow  " 
used  by  early  writers  in  an  extended  sense,  to 
signify  the  adoption  of  the  conditions  by  which 
widows,  enrolled  as  such,  were  bound  for  the 
future. 

^Vife.     [Marriage  ;    Family.] 

^Vild  beasts.     [Beasts.] 

IVildepness  of  the  Wandering's. 
[Exodus,  The.] 

Willow^s,  undoubtedly  the  correct  render- 
ing of  the  Heb.  'drdbhim,  as  is  provedby  the  old 
versions  and  the  kindred  Arab,  gharab.  Wil- 
lows are  mentioned  in  Lev. 23. 40,  Job 40.22, 
Is.44.4,  Ps.137.2.  In  the  last  passage  the 
weeping  willow  (Salix  babylonica)  is  undoubt- 
edly intended.  This  tree  grows  abundantly 
on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  and  in  other 
parts  of  Asia,  including  Palestine.  Sprengel 
seems  to  restrict  'drdbhim  to  the  Salix  baby- 
lonica  ;  but  the  term  is  almost  certainly  generic, 
and  includes  other  species  of  the  large  family 
of  Salices,  which  is  sparingly  represented  in 
Palestine  by  the  Jordan  and  in  the  Lebanon. 
S.  aegyptiaca  (cf.  Arab,  safsdf,  "a  willow,"  is 
perhaps  the  same  as  the  caphcdphd  of  Ezekiel 
(17.5).     [Withs.] 

\Villow^s,  Brook  of  the,  mentioned  by 
Isaiah  (15.7)  in  his  dirge  over  Moab.  His  lan- 
guage implies  that  it  was  one  of  the  boundaries 
of  the  country — probably,  as  Gesenius  observes, 
the  southern  one.  The  name  Wddy  Safsdf 
{Willow  Valley)  is  still  attached  to  a  part  of 
the  main  branch  of  the  ravine  which  descends 
from  Kerak  to  the  Dead  Sea. 

■Wills.    [Testament;  Y a^aii^y,  Inheritance.] 

Wimple,  an  Old  Eng.  word  for  "hood,"  or 
"veil";  representing  the  Heb.  mitpahath  in 
Is. 3. 22.     [Dress.] 

Window^.  The  A.V.  so  renders  five  Heb. 
words,  (i)  shemesh,  "  sun  "  (Is. 54. 12  ;  R.V. 
pinnacle).  {2)kavvin  (Dan. 6. 10  ;  Aram,  plur.), 
"  windows  "  or  "  apertures  "  in  a  wall  (as  in 
Syr.  and  Arab.).  (3)  sheqeph,  rendered  win- 
dows in  A.V.  (iK.7.5),  R.V.  tn  prospect.  (4) 
sh'=qiiphtm,  a  cognate  word  (Heb.  plur.)  for 
windows  giving  light  (7.4),  apparently  narrow 
outside  and  with  skew  walls  giving  breadth 
inside  (6.4).  [Lattice;  Palace.]  (5)  Glass 
was  not  used  and  is  still  unusual  in  the  East, 
the  wooden  lattice  taking  its  place  (Heb. 
'drubbd),  this  word  applying  also  to  dove-cots 
(Is. 60. 8)  and  to  apertures  for  smoke.  A.V. 
chimney   (Ho. 13. 3).     [Street.]  [c.r.c] 

Winds.  The  "  four  winds  "  (Ezk.37.9  ; 
Dan.8.8  ;  Zech.2.6  ;  Mt. 24.31)  represent  the 
four  quarters  of  heaven.  The  N.  wind  brings 
ice  in  winter  (Ecclus.43.2o),  but  refreshes 
in  summer  (Can. 4. 16),  and  is  followed  by  rain 
(Pr.25.23  marg.).  The  E.  wind  from  the  desert 
(Job  1.19  ;  Je.13.24)  is  intensely  hot  and  dry, 
without  ozone.  It  blows  usually  for  two  or 
three  days  at  a  time  in  May,  and  is  sometimes 
violent  (Job  27. 21).  The  khamsin,  or  E.  wind 
of  "fifty"  days  (April-May)  in  Egypt,  dried 
up  the  corn  (Gen. 41. 6)  ;  but  the  word  qddhlm 
often  means  only  a  "  contrary  "  wind  (Ex.14. 


WINE 


947 


21  ;  Ps.48.7  ;  Ezk.27.26).  The  S.  wind  is  also 
a  hot  wind  (Job37.i7;  Lu.i2.55).  The  W. 
wind  brings  rain,  and  rises  as  a  refreshing 
breeze  about  10  a.m.  in  summer.  [Rain.] 
The  sea  of  Galilee  is  subject  to  sudden  squalls 
from  W.  in  spring  (Mk.4.37  ;  Lu.8.23).  In 
the  account  of  St-  Paul's  journey  (Ac. 27. 12-14) 
are  noticed  the  S.W.  {Xlxp),  N.W.  (x<S/>os), 
and  S.  {voTOs)  winds,  with  the  stormy 
E.N.E.  wind  {evpoKXvdcjv).  [c.r.c] 

Wine.  In  Palestine  the  vintage  takes  place 
in  September,  and  is  celebrated  with  great  re- 
joicings. The  ripe  fruit  was  gathered  in  baskets 
(Je.6.9),  as  represented  in  Egyptian  paintings 
and  carried  to  the  Wine-press.  It  was  then 
placed  in  the  upper  of  the  two  vats  or  recep- 
tacles which  formed  the  wine-press,  and  was 
"  trodden,"  as  in  all  ages  in  Oriental  and  S. 
European  countries  (Ne.i3.15  ;  Job 24. 11 
Is.16.io  ;  Je. 25. 30, 48. 33  ;  Am.9.13  ;  Rev.l9. 
15).  Some  juice  exuded  from  the  ripe  fruit 
by  its  own  pressure  before  the  treading  com- 
menced. This  appears  to  have  been  kept 
separate  from  the  rest,  and  to  have  formed 
the  gleukos,  or  "  sweet  wine,"  noticed  in 
Ac. 2. 13.  The  treading  was  effected  by  one 
or  more  men  according  to  the  size  of  the 
vat.  They  encouraged  one  another  by  shouts 
and  cries  (Is. 16. 9, 10  ;  Je.25. 30,48. 33).  Their 
legs  and  garments  were  dyed  red  with  the  juice 
(Gen. 49. II  ;  Is. 63. 2, 3).  The  expressed  juice 
escaped  by  an  aperture  into  the  lower  vat,  or 
was  at  once  collected  in  vessels.  A  hand-press 
was  occasionally  used  in  Egypt,  but  not  noticed 
in  the  Bible.  Sometimes  the  wine  was  pre- 
served in  its  unfermented  state,  and  drunk  as 
must ;  but  more  generally  it  was  put  into  wine- 
skins and,  if  intended  to  be  kept  for  some  time, 
a  certain  amount  of  lees  was  added  to  give  it 
body  (Is. 25.6).  It  consequently  required  to  be 
"refined"  or  strained  previously  to  being 
brought  to  table  (?&.).  There  are  various  Heb. 
words  for  wine.  The  most  general  term  is 
yayin  ;  tirosh,  "  new  wine  "  (Judg.9.13),  is 
referred  to  the  root  ydrash,  "to  get  possession 
of";  but  its  etymology  is  not  certain;  'dsis, 
"  pressed-out "  wine  {i.e.  new  wine),  is  always 
referred  to  as  "sweet"  (Can. 8. 2  ;  Is. 49. 26; 
Jl.l.5,3.18  ;  Am.9.13);  hemer  (Deut.32.14), 
in  Aram,  hdmar  (Ezr.6.9,7.22),  and  hamrd 
(Dan. 5. iff.)  convey  the  notion  of  foaming  or 
ebullition,  and  thus  refer  to  fermentation  {cf. 
"leaven,"  which  the  cognate  word  in  Arab, 
means);  mesekh  (Ps.75.8),  mezegh  (Can. 7.2), 
and  mimsdkh  (Pr.9.2,23.30  ;  Is.65.ii)  imply 
a  mixture  of  wine  with  some  other  substance. 
For  shekhdr,  see  Drink,  Strong.  We  find 
also  homer,  a  weak  sour  wine,  ordinarily 
termed  "vinegar"  ;  'dshishd,  rendered  "flagon 
[bottle  in  2Sam.l6.i]  of  wine"  in  A.V.  (iChr. 
16. 3  ;  Can. 2. 5  ;  Ho.3.i);  but  really  meaning 
a  "cake  of  pressed  raisins"  ;  and  sh-mdritn, 
properly  meaning  the  "lees"  or  dregs  of 
wine,  but  in  Is. 25. 6  transferred  to  wine  kept 
on  the  lees  to  increase  its  body.  In  N.T.  we 
have  :  oinos,  =  yayin,  as  the  general  desig- 
nation of  wine  ;  gleukos,  properly  sweet  wine 
(Ac. 2. 13)  ;  sikera,  a  Grecized  form  of  the  Heb. 
shikhdr ;  and  oxos,  vinegar,  yayin  and  tirosh, 
in  their  ordinary  and  popular  acceptation,  re- 
ferred to  fermented,  intoxicating  wine;  and 
some  notices  of  'dsis  imply  that  it   was  the 


948 


WINE-PRESS 


occasion  of  excess  (Is. 49. 26  ;  JI.I.5  ;  cf.  Ac.2.  ' 
13).  The  miHglin'f^  implied  in  the  term  mesekh 
may  have  been  desifincd  either  to  increase  or  to 
diminish  the  strength  of  the  wine,  according  as 
spices  or  water  formed  the  added  ingredient. 
'J"he  notices  chiefly  fa\()ur  the  former  view  ;  for 
mingled  liquor  was  jirepared  for  high  festivals 
(Pr.9.2,5),  and  occasions  of  excess  (l'r.23.30  ; 
Is. 5. 22).  At  the  same  time,  strength  was  not 
the  sole  object  sought  :  the  wine  "  mingled 
with  myrrh  "  given  to  Jesus,  was  designed  to 
deaden  pain  (Mk.i5.23),  and  the  spiced  pome- 
granate wine  prepared  by  the  bride  (Can. 8.2) 
may  well  have  been  of  a  mild  character. 
The  only  wines  of  which  we  have  special  notice 
belonged  to  S)Tia  :  these  were  the  wine  of 
Helbon  (Ezk. 27. 18),  and  of  Lebanon,  famed  for 
its  aroma  (H0.14.7).  Wine  was  produced  on 
occasions  of  ordinary  hospitality  (Gen. 14. 18), 
and  at  festivals,  such  as  marriages  (Jn.2.3). 
The  monuments  furnish  abundant  evidence 
that  the  people  of  ancient  Egypt,  both  male  and 
female,  indulged  liberally  in  wine.  Under  the 
Mosaic  law  wine  formed  the  usual  drink-offer- 
ing at  the  daily  sacrifice  (Ex. 29. 40),  the  presen- 
tation of  the  first-fruits  (Lev. 23. 13),  and  other 
offerings  (Num. 15. 5).  The  priest  was  also  to 
receive  first-fruits,  and  tithes  were  to  be  paid, 
of  wine  as  of  other  products  (Ueut.18.4 ;  c/. 
Ex. 22.29). 

■Wine-press.  From  the  scanty  notices 
in  the  Bible  we  gather  that  the  wine-presses  of 
the  Hebrews  consisted  of  two  receptacles  or  vats 
placed  at  different  elevations,  in  the  upper  one 
of  which  the  grapes  were  trodden  (Is. 63. 2, 3), 
while  the  lower  one  received  the  expressed 
juice.  The  two  vats  are  mentioned  together 
only  in  JI.3.13  : — "The  press  (gath)  is  full: 
the  fats  f,y"qdbhim)  f)verflow  " — the  upper  vat 


^^\\\\\\\\\\\\\^\\llllliililiiiiilliiiiii(r' 


nCVI'TIAN  WINP.-l'Rl'.SS.     (I'rom  Wilkinson.) 

being  full  of  fruit,  the  lower  one  overflowing 
with  the  must,  gath  is  also  strictly  applied  to 
the  ui)|)er  vat  in  Ne.lS.i.s,  Lam. 1. 13,  and  Is. 
63.2,with />iira  in  a  parallel  sense  in  ver.  3.  The 
term  purd,  as  used  in  Hag.2.  if>,  probably  re- 
fers to  the  contents  of  awine-vat,  rather  than  to 
the  vat  itself.  The  two  vats  were  usually  hewn 
out  of  the  solid  rock  (Is. 5. 2,  niarg.  ;  Mt.2i.33). 
Ancient  winc-iiresses,  so  constructed,  are  still 
to  be  seen  in  ralcstine.     [Shkbam.] 


WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON,  THE 

Winnowing-.     fAcRicui.TURE  ;    Fan.] 

■Wisdom.  The  usual  O.T.  word  is  hokhmd, 
of  whici)  the  root-idea  is  "  making  fast,"  hence 
"  wisdom  "  is  the  stable  principle  in  things  and 
the  human  faculty  which  apprehends  it  ;  the 
wise  man  is  he  who  apprehends  laws  and  pur- 
poses in  nature  and  life,  in  contrast  with  "  the 
fool  "  who  is  the  sla\e  of  his  senses  and  of  the 
moment.  Hence  Hcb.  "wisdom  "  always  tends 
to  have  a  moral  and  not  merely  an  intellectual 
connotation.  "  The  wise  "  formed  a  distinct 
class  in  Israel,  and  are  ranked  with  priests  and 
prophets  in  Je.l8.i8.  The  "wisdom-books" 
(Job,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  several  of  the 
Psalms,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  and  Bar- 
uch)  really  represent  the  native  philosophy  of 
Israel.  They  belong,  for  the  most  part,  to  the 
later  period  of  Heb.  literature,  when  the  na- 
tional experience  of  sorrow  and  a  wider  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Gentile  world,  as  well  as 
the  cessation  of  prophecy,  were  leading  "  the 
wise"  to  deeper  and  more  independent  and  even 
to  daring  thought.  "Wisdom"  has  several 
shades  of  meaning  in  O.T. — e.g.  (i)  practical 
shrewdness,  knowledge  of  human  nature,  power 
of  adapting  means  to  ends,  as  in  the  typical 
case  of  Solomon,  and  often  in  Proverbs  ;  (2) 
the  mysterious  order,  adaptation,  and  beauty 
observed  in  nature  (c/.  Job  28);  (3)  the  special 
divine  attribute  originating  both  (i)  and  (2), 
which  is  almost  realized  in  Pr.8,9  and  Wis. 7 
as  a  Person  co-eternal  with  God  and  im- 
manent in  the  world.  Thus  Hebrew  thought 
rises  to  the  conception  of  the  Word,  while 
human  wisdom  is  seen  to  be  equivalent  to 
religion,  and  to  be  founded  on  "  the  fear  of  the 
Lord."  Driver,  "  Proverbs  "  in  Intro,  to  Lit. 
of  O.T.  (1891);  Deane,  Proleg.  to  Wisdom 
(1881);  E'arrar  in  Apoc.  in  Speakers'  Coinm. 
(1884).     IPiiii.osorn  v.]  [a.k.w.| 

W^isdom  of  Jesus,  Son  of  Sipach. 
[Ecclesiasticus.] 

■Wisdom  of  Solomon,  The.  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  specimens  extant  of  Jewish 
"  Wisdom"  literature,  this  book  is  wTitten  in 
praise  of  the  Jewish  conception  of  Wisdom, 
and  in  condemnation  of  those  who  are  tempted 
to  reject  her.  Though  jnirporting  to  be  writ- 
ten by  Solomon  to  the  other  monarchs  of  the 
earth  (c/.  1. 1,6.1, 9.7),  the  adoption  of  the  name 
belongs  only  to  the  literary  form,  and  cannot 
be  accepted  as  a  statement  of  fact.  The  writer 
probably  adopted  the  i^seudonym  because 
"  Solomon  "  had  become  a  collective  name  for 
all  s.'ipiential  lewish  literature.  The  book  falls 
into  two  divisions  (1-9,  and  10-19),  the  first 
of  which  may  be  subdivided,  (i)  (a)  1-5. 
Wisdom  the  giver  of  hajipiness  and  immor- 
tality. The  author  addresses  himself  first  to 
the  rulers  of  the  world,  bidding  them  love 
righteousness,  since  Wisdom  is  only  attainable 
by  those  who  lead  pure  and  moral  lives.  (It 
is  probable  that  the  rulers  he  has  in  mind  are 
Jews  holding  influential  jiositions  in  the  hea- 
then world,  who  an-  tempted  to  apostatize,  or 
to  suit  tiuir  religious  life  to  the  Gk.  standard 
round  about  them.)  Cli.  1.  The  attainment  of 
VV'isdom  is  possible  only  to  moral  jnirity  and 
sinceritv,  whilst  sin  leads  to  jninishment  and 
death.  Ch.  2.  The  wicked  [i.e.  ajiostafes),  owing 
tt)  their  frivolous  view  of  life,  abandon  them- 
selves tf)  immorality,  and  persecute  the  "  right- 


WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON,  THE 

eous,"  self-blinded  to  the  immortal  destiny  of 
man.  Ch.  3.  The  blessedness  of  the  righteous 
in  spite  of  trouble  and  death,  in  contrast  to  the 
misery  of  the  ungodly,  in  spite  of  their  appar- 
ent prosperity.  (The  exquisite  passage  3.i-io 
forms  the  first  morning,  and  5.1-17  the  first 
evening,  lesson  for  All  Saints'  Day ;  and  no  other 
passages  in  O.T.  or  Apoc.  could  be  more  suit- 
able.) Ch.  4.  Contrast  continued.  Childlessness 
and  premature  death  not  a  sign  of  impiety,  ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  the  ungodly.  The  righteous 
shall  triumph  over  their  enemies  even  in  death. 
Ch.  5.  The  wicked  shall  be  astonished  at  the 
glory  of  the  righteous,  and  confess  the  vanity 
of  their  lives,  whilst  the  holy  wrath  of  God  shall 
destroy  them,  {b)  Ch.  6-9.  The  Praises  of  Wis- 
dom. Ch.  6.  The  author  implores  the  rulers  to 
seek  Wisdom,  remembering  their  responsibility 
if  they  exercise  rule  without  it;  for  Wisdom  is 
the  secret  of  true  power,  and  is  easily  accessible. 
Ch.  7  and  8.  Solomon  describes  his  prayer  for 
Wisdom,  and  the  reasons  of  his  choice  ;  and  in 
elaborate  and  poetical  language  portrays  the 
glory  and  nature  of  Wisdom,  and  the  blessings 
that  come  from  her  possession.  The  section 
ends  with  (ch.  9)  Solomon's  prayer  in  full.  (2) 
Ch.  10-19  exemplify  the  power  of  Wisdom  in 
history,  and  offer  a  fine  Jewish  philosophy  of 
the  Jewish  life-story.  Ch.  10.  The  period  from 
Adam  to  Moses.  Ch.  11  and  12.  The  period 
of  the  wanderings  in  the  wilderness,  offering  a 
Justification  of  the  punishment  administered 
to  the  Egyptians  and  Canaanites.  Ch.  13-15. 
General  observations  on  the  folly  of  idolatry, 
and  its  mischievous  results.  (This  contemp- 
tuous polemic  should  be  compared  with  that 
of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  and  the  Epistle  of 
Jeremy.)  Ch.  16-19.  Emphasis  is  laid  upon 
the  remarkable  providence  of  God,  whereby  the 
animal  worshippers  of  Egypt  were  punished 
by  the  very  animals  and  elements  they  wor- 
shipped, whilst  Israel  was  preserved  by  the 
same  means.  The  insect  plagues,  and  the  fire 
and  hail,  are  contrasted  with  the  gifts  of  quails 
and  manna  (ch.  16);  the  plague  of  darkness 
with  the  light  of  Goshen  (ch.  17).  The  plague 
of  the  first-born  (ch.  18).  Thepassageof  the  Red 
Sea  (ch.  19).  The  somewhat  abrupt  conclusion 
praises  God  for  His  love  and  mercy  to  His 
people.  The  most  famous  passages,  apart  from 
3. 1 -10  and  5.1-17,  are  the  description  of  "  the 
righteous  man  "  (4'.7-i8),  and  of  Wisdom 
(7-9).  Early  Christian  interpretation  loved 
to  see  in  the  former  a  prophecy  of  the  death 
of  Christ,  and  in  the  latter  an  illustration  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Logos.  The  language  of 
the  book,  whilst  abounding  in  Heb.  expressions 
— due,  without  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  the  au- 
thor was  a  Jew,  and  made  use  of  O.T.  language 
and  conceptions,  many  of  which  are  derived 
from  the  LXX.,  with  which  he  was  familiar  (see 
e.g.,  15.io;andc/.Is.44.2o  with  Heb.  and  LXX.) 
■ — shows  a  considerable  mastery  of  the  Gk.  lan- 
guage, and  points  conclusively  to  a  Gk.  and 
not  a  Heb.  original.  He  writes  with  singular 
style  and  command  of  language,  using  classical 
phrases  with  great  freedom  and  originality 
(some  of  his  own  expressions  have  become  cur- 
rent in  the  religious  language  of  the  world — e.g. 
3.4,  "  a  hope  full  of  immortality  ")  ;  and  he 
shows  a  varied  acquaintance  with  Gk.  culture, 
poetry,  science,  and  art ;  whilst  he  has  evidently 


WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON,  THE    949 

studied  Gk.  philosophy,  especially  that  of  Plato 
and  the  Stoics  (Farrar).  In  spite  of  the  arti- 
ficiality and  exaggeration  of  the  style  here  and 
there,  the  book  may  be  said  to  be  "  the  most 
beautiful  and  important  work  " — and  (in  many 
respects)  the  most  valuable — of  the  apocryphal 
writings.  The  influence  of  Gk.  civilization 
upon  the  Jews — especially  those  who  resided 
outside  the  Holy  Land — is  one  of  the  most 
interesting  features  in  the  development  of  the 
Jewish  race  previous  to  the  birth  of  Christ. 
Many  men  {e.g.  Aristobulus,  Philo,  and  in  later 
times  Josephus)  sought  to  present  Judaism  in 
an  acceptable  form  to  the  Gk.  world,  and  at- 
tempted to  give  a  raison  d'etre  for  their  adher- 
ence to  a  religion  which  to  the  Greek  appeared 
to  be  unphilosophical  and  irrational.  Aristo- 
bulus allegorized  the  O.T.,  Philo  made  Moses 
the  forerunner  of  Plato.  But  the  writer  of  the 
book  of  Wisdom  represents  an  uncompromis- 
ing Conservatism.  So  far  from  showing  any 
anxiety  to  smooth  over  anything  that  would 
offend  Gk.  susceptibilities,  he  speaks  of  the 
views  and  practices  of  the  heathen  world  with 
unmeasured  scorn  and  indignation.  As  a 
worshipper  of  Jehovah,  he  felt  that  he  was 
above  meeting  idolaters  on  their  own  ground; 
and  had  nothing  but  contempt  and  loathing 
for  those  of  his  nation  who  had  become  Gre- 
cianized  at  the  expense  of  their  faith.  It  may 
be  this  which  influences  him  in  the  outward 
form  which  he  gives  to  his  work  :  its  Biblical 
colouring,  and  his  attachment  to  the  LXX.  and 
its  Hebraisms.  Much  of  his  language  finds 
echoes  in  N.T. — e.g.  with  iTim.1.2  cf.  Wis. 3. 9, 
4.15;  with  Jas. 1.5  cf.  Wis. 8. 21.  In  particular, 
the  author  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  shows 
indubitable  acquaintance  with  Wisdom.  Cf. 
Wis. 7. 22, 26  with  Heb. 1.1-3,  etc..  The  writer 
in  fact  "  had  an  honourable  share  in  moulding 
the  religious  phraseology  in  which  the  gospel 
was  ultimately  to  be  preached "  (Farrar). 
Other  important  points  to  be  noted  are  the 
following  :  "  Individual  "  immortality  beyond 
the  grave  is  more  than  suggested — e.g.  2.23,  etc. 
The  nature  of  God  is  expressed  as  "  love," 
11.26,  etc.  In  one  respect  only  is  there  a 
seeming  loss.  The  doctrine  of  the  Messiah  has 
become  very  vague  ;  indeed,  in  this  book  (as  in 
Ecclesiasticus)  there  is  no  suffering  or  personal 
Messiah.  The  hope  of  Israel  has  come  to  be 
but  the  hope  of  an  earthly  domination  over  the 
Gentile  world,  coupled  with  the  universal 
worship  of  Jehovah.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  author  was  an  Alexandrian  Jew — of 
considerable  education  and  culture — familiar 
with  Gk.  modes  of  life.  The  special  familiarity 
with  Egyptian  animal  worship  (15. 1 8),  and  with 
the  manufacture  of  idols  coloured  and  gilded 
to  represent  metal  (15. 9),  points  to  a  writer 
whose  home  was  in  Egypt.  Some  of  the 
fathers  (Clem.  Alex.,  Didymus,  Origen,  Tertul- 
lian)  speak  of  the  author  as  Solomon;  though 
this  is  no  more  than  a  popular  reference. 
Jerome  (and  later  Luther)  attributed  the  book 
to  Philo;  but  the  style  is  wholly  unlike  his. 
Noack,  followed  by  Dean  Plumptre,  suggested 
Apollos,  on  the  ground  of  the  many  parallels 
between  the  book  of  Wisdom  and  the  epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  which  they  assumed  that 
Apollos  wrote.  There  is  little  doubt  as  to 
the  unity  and  integrity  of  the  book;  though 


950    WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON,  THE 

Houbigant  (1750)  suggested  lliat  the  first 
nine  chapters  were  by  Solomon,  and  the  re- 
mainder by  an  editor.  .  Eichliorii  fixed  tiie  end 
of  the  original  book  at  ll,i.  Brctschneider  sug- 
gested four  different  authors,  whilst  Nachtigal 
(1799)  suggested  that  it  was  a  hymn  in  praise 
of  Wisdom,  to  be  chanted  antiphonally,  and 
composed  by  79  authors  !  That  it  is  a  com- 
plete whole  may  be  taken  for  granted,  although 
the  conclusion  is  rather  abrupt.  If  the  tradi- 
tional text  is  at  all  defective,  it  may  well  be 
between  vv.  2iand22  of  the  last  chapter,  where 
the  theme  started  in  ver.  18  appears  to  require 
fuller  treatment.  With  regard  to  the  ideal  of 
Wisdom  here  presented,  see  1'hilosoph  v.  The 
wxiter  has  to  face  the  old  problem  of  the  book  of 
Job,  under  new  circumstances.  In  view  of  the 
persecutions  which  his  fellow-countrymen  had 
borne  (especially  in  Alexandria),  he  asks  him- 
self how  the  faithfulness  of  the  chosen  people 
is  rewarded  ?  He  solves  the  problem  in  eulo- 
gizing Wisdom,  as  being  the  supreme  treasure. 
He  who  possesses  her,  possesses  everything 
worth  having,  and  need  not  be  dismayed  by 
earthly  and  transitory  troubles.  Israel  might 
suffer,  under  the  fatherly  chastisement  of  God  ; 
but  the  afflictions  of  the  godly  would  be  com- 
pensated beyond  the  grave.  The  writer's  con- 
ception of  Wisdom  is  complex  and  many-sided. 
It  is  repeatedly  personified,  but  obviously  as  a 
figure  of  speech.  Sometimes  it  is  used  of  God, 
sometimes  of  man.  "  We  may  sum  up  by 
saying,  that  (hi  the  divine  side  it  represents  the 
Spirit  of  God  regarded  by  man  under  the  form 
of  Providence  ;  and  on  the  human  side,  as  a 
knowledge  of  divine  and  human  things,  and 
of  their  causes."  Wisdom  is  a  word  which 
sums  up  the  result  of  the  power  of  reconciling 
the  teaching  of  divine  revelation  with  the  ex- 
perience of  life.  The  object  of  the  book  may 
now  be  seen.  It  is,  first,  hortatory,  to  console 
and  encourage  the  Jewish  people  in  a  period  of 
depression ;  second,  apologetic,  to  offer  a  solu- 
tion to  the  old  problem  touching  the  sufferings 
of  the  righteous;  third,  polemical,  to  expose 
the  folly  and  wickedness  of  renegade  Jews  who 
had  succumbed  to  the  heathen  life  around 
them,  and  to  exhibit  the  absurdity  of  idolatry. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  the  J  udaism  of  the 
author's  time  was  sorely  pressed  by  the  in- 
difference and  apostasy  of  the  wealthier  classes, 
as  well  as  by  the  influence  of  Gk.  I'hilosophy 
and  culture,  the  importance  of  the  book  (with 
its  brilliant  and  eloquent  defence  of  the  Jewish 
position)  will  be  recognized.  As  to  the  date,  it 
is  impossible  to  fix  any  aiiproximate  period. 
The  publication  of  the  LXX.  on  one  side,  and 
the  date  of  the  apostolic  writings,  form  the 
termini ;  but  they  include  a  j^eriod  of  230  years. 
The  most  recent  opinions  fluctuate  between 
150  B.C.  and  40  A.I).  Ch.  14. 16-20  has  been 
taken  to  indicate  the  days  of  Caligula,  on  the 
supposition  that  a  reference  is  here  made  to 
his  attemi)t  to  jiiacc  a  statue  of  himself  in  the 
temple.  Hut  there  is  nothing  sufliciently 
definite  to  justify  this  conclusinii.  Outside 
the  |>agcs  of  the  N.T.,  the  e.irliest  (lucitation  is 
found  in  Clem.  i<om.  (on  iCor.27).  Irenaeus 
also  quotes  Wis. 6. 19  and  other  passages,  whilst 
fretpii-nt  allusions  are  found  in  later  fathers. 
The  Muratorian  Fragment,  after  mentioning 
the  epistle  of  jude  and  3  and  4  Jn.,  adds  "  lit 


WITNESS 

Sapientia  Salomonis  ab  ainicis  Salomonis  in 
honorem  ipsius  scrii)ta."  The  text  is  preserved 
in  Cod.  B,  A,  X,  C,  and  Ven. ;  the  chief  versions 
beingthe  Itala,  Syr.,  Arab.,  and  Armen.  Hast- 
ings, D.B.  (5  vols.  1904)  ;  Speaker's  Com. 
(Farrar);  Grimm,  Buck  der  Weisheit;  W.  J. 
Dcane,  The  Book  of  Wisdom,  etc.       [s.n.s.] 

AViths  (Judg.l6.7-9).  "Green  cords"  in 
Coverdale  and  "senewy  cords"  in  Wyclif. 
Withes  are  willows,  and  the  words  "not  yet 
dried"  seem  better  applicable  to  them  than  to 
cord.  Speaking  of  "withies,"  Pliny  says  (after 
dealing  with  the  pretensions  of  poplars,  vines, 
hazel  wands,  etc.  for  tying  with),  "  All  these 
(I  say)  are  good  for  bands,  and  yet  the  willow 
hath  a  gift  therein  beyond  the  rest  "  (xvi.  37). 
[Willows.!  [h.c.h.] 

Witness.     (i)InO.T.    (a)  In  judicial  pro- 

\ceedings.  (i)  Strict  truthfulness  was  a  religious 
duty  (P:x. 20.16,23.1,  etc.;  c/.  Pr. 24.28,  etc.). 
(ii)  In  Crimes,  etc.,  at  least  two  witnesses  were 
required  (l)cut. 19.15  ;  cf.  17.6f.  ;  Num. 35. 30  ; 
1K.2I).     It  has  been  thought  that  this  did  not 

I  apply  to  the  case  of  the  rebellious  son  (Deut. 21. 
18-21);  but  the  law  contemplates  a  statement 
by  both  parents,  (iii)  A  false  witness  was 
liable  to  the  penalty  that  would  have  been  in- 
flicted on  the  accused  if  convicted  (19. 16-12). 
(iv)  In  some  cases  of  execution  by  stoning, 
the  witnesses  were  to  throw  the  first  stones 
(13.9,17.7)-  (v)  Lev.5.i-6  provides  for  expia- 
tion of  his  sin  by  a  repentant  witness,  who 
had  kept  silence  in  circumstances  which  were 
obscure.  [Oaths;  Curse.]  (vi)  According  to 
Joscphus  (4  Ant.  viii.  15),  women  and  slaves 
were  not  competent  witnesses;  but  this  did 
not  apply  to  a  mother  testifying  against  a 
rebellious  son.  (b)  In  extra-judicial  proceed- 
ings.  In  archaic  societies — before  the  use  of 
written  documents,  authenticated  by  signa- 
tures or  seals,  and  duly  attested — public  cere- 
monies are  usual  for  conveyances  of  land  and 
similar  transactions.  Accordingly,  we  find 
such  ceremonies  before  witnesses  in  Abraham's 
purchase  of  Machpclah,  and  the  acquisition  by 
IBoaz  of  the  nearest  kinsman's  rights  of  property 
and  marriage.  In  Is. 8. 2, 16,20  and  Je.32  we 
find  properly  witnessed  documents  of  the 
modern  type.  Some  covenants  could  be  wit- 
nessed by  seven  lambs  (Gen. 21. 28),  or  a  heap  of 
stones  (Gen. 31. 46)  and  a  Pillar  ((icn.3i.52  ;  c/. 
Is.i9.19f.);  and  in  Joshua  an  .\ltar  of  a  par- 
ticular type  is  erected  to  witness  the  legitimacy 
of  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes  (22.26-29),  and  a 
stone  is  invoked  to  witness  against  the  Israel- 
ites because  "  it  hath  heard  all  Gon's  words" 
(24.27).  (Homicide;  Testimony.]  Wiener, 
Studies  in  Bibl.  Law,  66,  67  ;  Post,  Grundriss  der 
elhn.  J urisprudenz,  ii.402,  548,  549.    [ii.m.w.) 

(2)  In  N.T. /udpri'j  (^a/)Ti'p-).  (a)  Judicial. 
Ivvidenre  of  two  or  three  witnesses  necessary 
to  establish  a  case  (Mt.l8.i6;  2Cor.l3.i  ;  iTim. 
5.19;  Heb.10.28  ;  f/.  Jn.8.17).  Instances  of 
false  witnesses  (i)  against  Christ  (Mt. 26. 60) ;  (ii) 
against  St.  Ste]ihen  (.Xc.e.i,^).  Witnesses  to  take 
active  part  in  carrying  out  sentence  (Ac. 7. 58). 
(/')  In  the  general  sins<\  one  who  can  witness 
to  the  truth  of  what  he  knows,  has  seen  or 
heard.  I  'scd  of  God  |  Oaths]  bv  St.  Paul  ( Ko. 
l.<):  Ph. 1.8:  iTh.2.5  :  2Cor.l.23;  cf.  Gal. 1. 20). 
In  allusion  to  spectators  at  public  games,  Heb. 

,  12.1  refers  probably  toO.T.  saints.    Used  esp. 


WIZARD 

^f  those  who  could  testify  to  the  truth  of  the 
death  and  resurrection  of  Jesus  (Lu.24.48  ;  Ac. 
1.8,  etc.).  Term  apphed  to  Jesus,  Rev. 1.5,3. 14. 
(c)  l\Iart\Trs,  who  witnessed  to  the  truth  by 
their  death  (Ac. 22. 20;  Rev. 2. 13, 17. 6).  [h.h.] 
"Wizard.  [Magic  ;  Divination.] 
Wolf  (Heb.  z''cbh).  The  wolf  of  Palestine  is 
Cants  lupus,  a  species  ranging  in  former  times 
all  over  Europe,  Western,  Central,  and  North- 
ern Asia,  and  North-western  India.  Its  Arab, 
name  is  dhib  -,  and  its  habits  are  too  well 
known  to  require  special  mention.        [r.l.] 

Women.  The  position  of  women  in  Israel 
contrasts  favourably  with  the  place  assigned 
to  them  in  other  Oriental  nations.  Although 
influenced  to  some  degree  by  the  Eastern  con- 
ception of  the  inferiority  of  woman  to  man, 
the  Hebrew  nation  allowed  a  much  greater 
liberty  of  action  than  was  customary  else- 
where outside  the  Semitic  laces.  Traces, 
however,  of  the  Eastern  conception  may  be 
found  in  the  Mosaic  law,  e.g.  the  enactment 
that  every  male  that  openeth  the  womb  shall 
be  called  holy  unto  the  Lord.  In  N.T.  we 
find  the  traditions  of  the  elders  had  em- 
phasized this  idea  so  greatly  that  it  was  con- 
sidered improper  for  a  Rabbi  to  speak  to  a 
woman  in  public,  and,  if  obliged  to  do  so,  he 
was  to  confine  his  speech  to  the  fewest  possible 
words.  Hence  the  disciples'  surprise  in  Jn. 
4.27,  and  the  contempt  of  the  Pharisees  at 
our  Lord's  relations  with  women  (cf.  Lu.7.39). 
Apart  from  this,  women  in  Biblical  history 
were  less  secluded,  more  honoured,  and  had  a 
higher  place  in  domestic,  public,  and  religious 
life  among  the  Hebrews  than  in  any  other  kin- 
dred race.  They  mingled  freely  and  openly 
with  the  other  sex  in  the  duties  and  amenities 
of  ordinary  life.  They  held  public  offices, 
especially  in  religious  work — e.g.  Miriam, 
Deborah,  Huldah.  The  queen-mother  was 
looked  upon  as  a  person  of  great  influence 
[cf.  the  frequent  repetition  in  Kings  and 
Chron.  of  the  mother's  name,  e.g.  2Chr.l3.2). 
[Queen.]  The  management  of  household 
affairs  devolved  mainly  upon  women,  and  the 
praises  of  a  virtuous  housewife  are  sung  in 
Pr.31.io,  etc.  In  N.T.  women  are  prominent 
in  our  Lord's  life,  especially  in  the  Third 
Gospel,  and  it  is  in  keeping  with  our  Lord's 
teaching  and  example  that  in  the  early 
Church  two  offices  [Deaconess  ;  Widow] 
were  held  by  them.  [Marriage  ;  Slave  ; 
Veil  ;    Family.]  [s.n.s.] 

Wood.     [Forest.] 

Wool     [Dress.] 

Woollen  and  Linen.  Lev. 19. 19  pro- 
hibits the  wearing  of  a  garment  of  "  two  kinds 
of  stuff  mingled  together,"  which  is  defined  in 
Deut.22.ii  as  "  a  mingled  stuff,  wool  and  linen 
together."  This  mixture  is  called  sha'atnez,  a 
foreign  word,  perhaps  Coptic  saht  ("woven  "), 
«0M2("  false").  The  LXX.  renders  the  word  by 
KilSdvXov  ("adulterated,  false").  The  law  of 
sha'atnez  is  given  in  connexion  with  two  pro- 
hibitions against  violations  of  the  law  of 
nature,  the  intermingUng  of  animals  of  diverse 
kinds,  and  the  mingling  of  different  seed. 
Josephus  (4  Ant.  viii.  ii)gives  as  the  reason  of 
the  prohiljition  that  this  mixture  was  to  be 
worn  by  the  priests  only — e.g.  probably  the 
girdle  (Ex.39.29).     Maimonides  (A/ore/f  iii.  37) 


WORSHIP  951 

regards  the  prohibition  as  an  instance  of  the 
general  law  against  imitating  the  customs  of 
the  heathen  (Lev.2O.23),  whose  priests  wore 
garments  made  of  a  mixture  of  animal  and 
vegetable  matter.  [h.h.] 

Wopd.  [John,  Gospel  acc.  to;  Philo- 
sophy;  Scripture,   Holy.] 

Works.  [Justification  ;  Faith.] 
Worm.  This  translation  in  A.V.  of  the 
Heb.  words  sds,  rimmd,  and  tole'd,  tola', 
or  tola'ath,  occurs  in  numerous  passages  in  the 
Bible,  sas  is  found  only  in  Is. 51. 8,  and  evi- 
dently denotes  the  larva  of  the  clothes-moth 
(Tinea),  the  association  of  the  moth  itself  in 
the  same  sentence  being  only  what  might  be 
expected  in  an  early  writer,  rimmd  (Ex.16. 
20)  and  tole'd  are  used  indiscriminately  to 
denote  caterpillars  and  grubs  of  various 
insects,  and  less  commonly  earth-worms. 
Job  (25.6)  compares  the  estate  of  man  to  a 
rimmd,  and  the  son  of  man  to  a  tole'd.  This 
latter  word,  in  one  or  other  of  its  forms,  is 
applied  in  Deut.28.39  to  larvae  harmful  to 
vines,  amongst  the  most  destructive  being 
the  caterpillar  of  Tortrix  vitisana,  which  eats 
off  the  inner  parts  of  the  blossoms,  and  spins 
a  web  round  the  remnant.  The  death  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  was  caused  by  worms  (ctkiIiXtij^,  Ac. 
12.23)  :  according  to  Josephus  {Ant  xix.  8), 
his  death  took  place  five  days  after  his  de- 
parture from  the  theatre.  Whether  the  worms, 
or  maggots,  were  the  cause  or  the  result  of  the 
disease  is  not  stated,  although  it  would  seem 
probable  that  they  were  the  result.      [r.l.] 

Wormwood  (Heb.  la'dnd)  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  Bible,  generally  in  a  meta- 
phorical sense.  Tristram  enumerates  seven 
sorts  of  wormwood,  of  which  Artemisia  herba- 
alba  may  be  held  the  most  conspicuous  in 
S.  Palestine.  The  Heb.  la'dnd  is  doubtless 
generic,  and  denotes  several  species  of 
Artemisia.  [h.c.h.] 

Worship.  Worship  is  the  outward  ex- 
pression of  the  life  of  the  Church  and  its 
members  devoted  to  the  will  of  God  (Ps.45. 
11,12).  Alike  in  the  old  and  new  covenants 
worship  is  expressed  by  sacrificial  acts  re- 
presentative of  surrendered  wills,  and  by 
liturgical  forms,  as  the  Psalms,  setting  forth 
the  glory  of  God,  to  Whom  the  wills  of 
the  worshippers  are  yielded  (Ps. 50. 23, 96. 8). 
The  moral  ideal  of  worship  corresponds  to  the 
perfect  ideal  of  sacrifice  expressed  in  the 
offering,  eternal  in  its  value,  of  the  surrendered 
will  of  the  Incarnate  Son  (Heb. 10. 10)  to  the 
Father.  Adoration  is  paid  to  the  Lamb  (Rev. 
5.12)  "  standing  as  though  it  had  been  slain  " 
(5.6),  "  in  the  midst  of  the  throne."  The 
"amen"  (5.14)  of  "the  four  living  creatures" 
and  the  worship  of  "  the  Elders  "  is  their 
assent  to  that  ideal. —  O.T.  As  the  ceremonial 
law  was  developed,  the  sacrificial  system  em- 
phasized the  idea  of  offering  rather  than  of 
communicating  the  divine  life,  though  the 
latter  was  preserved  by  the  meal  on  the  peace- 
offering.  With  the  sacrificial  offering  a  litur- 
gical service  was  connected  (2Chr.7.i-4,29.27, 
28  ;  Ecclus. 50. 11-20  ;  Lu.l.io).  The  temple 
became  Jehovah's  "  house  of  prayer  "  (Is. 56. 
7).  A  share  in  the  worship  conducted  by  the 
priesthood  and  the  levitical  choirs  (iChr.25) 
was    allotted   to    the   people    (I6.36). — N.T. 


952 


WORSHIPPER 


WRITING 


In  the  synagogues  the  lections,  chants,  library.  In  the  time  of  Moses  the  Baby- 
honiilies,  and  I'raycrs  influenced  the  growth  Ionian  cuneiform  characters  were  used  by 
of  Christian  worship  (Col. 4. 16  ;  iTh.5.27  ;  tlic  Canaanites,  and  were  known  to  scribes  in 
Col. 3. 16  ;  iTh.5.20,2i  ;  iTiin.2.i),  to  which  {  Hgypt,  who  wrote  in  this  character  to  Asiatic 
was  added,  permanently,  the  Holy  Com- [  princes.  It  appears  probable  that  this  was  the 
munion  (Ac. 2. 42),  including  the  sacrificial  kind  of  writing  first  used  by  the  Hebrews,  and 
root-ideas  of  communion  and  offering  (iCor.  I  there  is  no  evidence  that  tlie  alphabet  had  come 
10.16,11.23-27),  and,  temporarily,  the  "  spiri-  :  into  use  before  the  time  of  David  at  earliest, 
tual  exercises"  regulated  by  St.  Paul  (iCor.  1  Four  early  psalms  (Ps. 9,25, 34, 37)  are  written 
14).  Our  Lord,  while  forbidding  personal  I  with  verses  beginning  with  letters  of  the  alpha- 
ostentation  (Mt.6.6),  assumes  the  duty  of  [  bet,  in  the  ordinary  sequence,  except  in  the 
public  worship  which  He  scrupulously  iiraf-tised  1  first  of  them,  where  only  14  letters  are  given, 
(Lu.4.i6;  Jn. 2. 13, 7. 10, 10. 22).    In  the  apostolic    some  being  out  of  the  usual  order.     It  is  also 


Church,  besides  its  jirivate  assemblies  (Ac. 2. 
46,4.23-31,12.12,20.7),  the  hours  of  the  temple 
prayers  (Ac.3. 1,10.30)  and,  apparently,  other 
hours  (Ac.2.i3,10.f))  were  observed.  Collec- 
tions connected  with  the  Lord's  day  (iCor. 
16. i)  had  a  sacrificial  character  (Heb.l3.i6), 
and  are  linked  (13. 15)  with  a  reference  to 
"  a  sacrifice  of  praise."  The  worship  directed 
to  the  Father  through  His  Son  (Ro.l.S,  etc.) 
was  addressed  also  equally  to  our  Lord 
(10.12,13;    Rev. 5. 8,14).     In   the   apocalyptic 


remarkable  that,  in  two  cases  (Ps.25  and  34), 
there  arc  23  letters — a  final  P  being  given  after 
the  22  Phoenician  letters,  in  the  position  of  the 
I'^ltruscan  F  or  the  Gk.  Phi.  Tliis  may  be  an 
indication  of  early  date,  when  the  alphabet  had 
not  been  finallv  reduced  to  22  letters.  Later 
I)sahus  (Ps.l  11,1 12,1 19,145)  are  also  alphabe- 
tic, as  is  a  passage  in  Pro\erbs  (31. 10-31)  ; 
while  Lamentations  (1  to  4)  repeats  tliealphabet 
four  times,  with  the  peculiarity  (in  2  and  3)  that 
pe  precedes  'ayin.     In  N.T.  the  tik.  alphabet 


scene  of  heavenly  worship  the  adoration  offered  1  included  the  letters  then  in  use  (omitting  Bau, 
to  the  Lamb  indicates  the  devotional  attitude  1  San,  and  Kitppa).  and  the  first  and  last  were 
of  churches  founded  by  apostles.  Entrance  j  "  .\lplia  and  Omega"  (Kev.l.S). — Materials. 
"  into  the  holv  place  "  was  realized  through  The  "  token  tablets."  on  which  the  Ten  Com- 
the  Mediator  (Heb. 10.19-25)  and  (12. 22-24)  I  mandments  were  written,  were  of  stone  (E.\. 31. 
the  earthly  worship  was  united  with  the  '  1 8.32. 1 3.34. i),  and  they  were  written — like 
heavenly.     Of  such  worship  the  conduct  de-     Babvlonian  tablets— on  both  .sides.     The  Heb. 


mands  a  right  Christian  taste  and  deport- 
ment, and  strict  Christian  method  (i  Cor.  14. 40). 
Arts.  "Church"  by  Gayford,  and  "Worship 
in  N.T."  by  Adeney  in  Hastings,  D.B.  (5 
vols.  1904);  Duchesne,  "Christian  Worship," 
E.r.  (1903)  ;  Willis,  Worship  of  the  Old 
Covenant  (1880)  ;  Ocstcrley  and  Box,  Religion 
and  Worship  of  Synagogue  (1907)  ;  J.  Words- 
worth, The  Ministry  of  Grace,  eh.  6  (1901)  ; 
Milligan,  Ascension  and  Heavenly  Priesthood 
of  our  Lord.  lect.  vi.  (1891)  ;  Swete,  "  Ajioe. 
of  St.  John,"  Commentarv  (1906).      [a.j.w.] 

Wopshippep(.\c. 19. 33  ),t  he. \.V.  rendering 
of  viWKdpoi.  translated  mure  accurately  in  K.  V. 
(and  A.V.  n^arg.)  "temple-keeper."  The 
town-clerk  of  ICphesus  describes  his  city  as  the 
temple-keeper,  or  sacristan,  of  the  goddess 
Diana.  At  a  later  date  the  term  was  applied 
to  cities  connected  with  the  worship  of  par- 
ticular  emperors.  [a. CD.] 

^Vpestling■.     [Games.] 

■Writing-.  Though  writing  is  not  directly 
mentiiined  in  Genesis,  its  use  by  scribes  em- 
ployed by  the  Canaanitc  chiefs  is 
implied  (23.17, 18)  when  the  field  of 
Itphron  was  "made  sure"  to  Abra- 
ham. For  in  their  time  a  tablet, 
signed  by  witnesses,  was  the  only 
evidence  of  property  held  legal,  at 
least  by  the  Babylonians.  The  word 
sepher,  "writing"  (Arab,  sifr,  whence 
English  "cypher"),  first  occurs  in 
the  time  (if  Moses  (lvx.i7.14).  as 
though  already  usual.  The  term  is 
often  rendered  hook  and  letter  in 
A. v.,  and  otherwise  hill  (I)eut.24.i; 
ls.50.1),  scroll  (Is.34.4),  evidence  (Je. 
32.10,14),  roll  (Ivzk.2.<j),  and  learn- 
ing (Dan. 1.4, 17).  The  "house  of 
rolls"  (Ezr.6.1),  or  better  (as  A.V. 
marg.)    of    "  books,"    was    a    royal 


luah  (.Arab,  loh)  indicates  a  "tablet"  like 
those  which,  in  Babylonia,  were  of  stone,  or  of 
baked  clay  :  and  these  continued  in  use  among 
Hebrews  [Gicziiu]  down  to  600  b.c.  at  least 
(Hab.2.2).  In  N.T.  the  writing-table  (Lu. 
1.63),  or  "  board,"  may,  however,  have  been  a 
wooden  tablet  covered  with  wax,  as  among 
Romans  (see  2Esd.i4.24).  Tablets  arc  often 
mentioned  (Pr.3.3,7.^;  Is. 30.8  :  Je.l7.i),  and 
the  term  Michtam  (titles  of  Pss.l6  and  56-60). 
according  to  L.W..  means  "fortablet-writing," 
indicating  that  these  jisalms  were  also  origin- 
ally on  tablets;  but  for  other  views.see  Psalms, 
Titles  ok.  Two  other  terms  more  clearly 
indicate  clay  tablets  as  in  use,  namely  Heb. 
I'hhend,  "brick"  (Ezk.4.i),  rendered  tile  in 
A. v.,  and  Heb.  'iggereth,  rendered  letter  (2Chr. 
30.1 ;  Ivzr. 4. 8,5.6;  Ne. 2. 7-i),6. 3-19;  Esth. 9.26-29) 
—  the  Bab\loniau  igiru  for  a  "  tile."  The  letters 
which  He/ekiah  received  from  Sennacherib, 
and  from  Merodach-baladan  (2K. 19. 14, 20.12), 
were  no  doubt  in  cuneiform  ;  and  he  was  able 
to  read  them,  and  "  laid  down  "  (.^.V.  spread) 


UASAI.r  SLAll  I-OK  C.KINIllM.   I'AINl    luR   I'AI'VKl  S  WRlllNl. 
ttm/.  RAMSliS  II.    (Urit.  Mus.) 


^ 


PLATE   XXXIV 


PAPYRUS,    SHOWING  HIEROGLYPHIC  WRITING. 


iiiAji^i^iX^iv^  uj 


^.3^  -f>i> '=11  oIl-— 1141)0 

PAPYRUS,   SHOWING 


DEMOTIC  WRITING. 


^  r  Nr.i-o  ^^-r/\  J~(-*-r\  r  v  ^A 
''^")  r  /\  K  N  H  f  s  y  w  rn  '   /\  r  • 


C'    !N' 


l_/N         (-^\ 


-  f  1    n  /-    r  -| 


J'UGILLARIA,   OR   WAX   TABLETS,  WITH   A 
EXERCISE    IN   GREEK.     (Brit.  Mus.) 


TESSERA;  /««/?.  PTOLEMY 
PHILADELPHUS. 


WRITING 

the  tablet  before  the  Lord.  The  expression 
"open  letter"  {Ne.6.5),  applying  to  such  a 
tile  or  brick,  signiiies  that  it  was  not  enclosed 
in  a  pottery  case.  It  was  a  common  Baby- 
lonian custom  to  place  important  documents 
in  such  cases,  which  were  closed,  and  had  an 
abstract  of  contents  on  the  outer  cover.  This 
is  clearly  described  in  Jeremiah  in  connexion 
with  a  legal  agreement  {Je.32.9-12),  when 
money  was  weighed  in  balances,  and  the 
"writing"  (A.V.  evidence)  signed  and  sealed 
before  witnesses,  and  "  sealed  up  "  according 
to  lawful  custom,  with  "  open  "  writing  on  the 
cover.  These  sealed-up  tablets  are  perhaps 
intended  elsewhere  (Job  14. 17)  :  "  My  fault  is 
sealed  up  in  a  case,  and  Thou  dost  daub  over 
my  iniquity"  (see  also  Is.29.ii  ;  Dan.12.4). 
But  writing  was  not  only  on  clay,  or  on  stones 
covered  with  Plaister  (Deut.27.2-4)  ;  it  was 
also  on  stone  so  hard  as  to  require  an  iron 
graver  with  a  diamond  "claw"  (Je.lT.i)  to 
cut  the  tablet.    Isaiah  is  bidden  to  use  a  "great 


WRITING 


953 


ten  in  columns  (A.V.  leaves  ;  J e. 36. 2 3),  and 
attached  to  a  roller — or  to  two  rollers — as 
among  Jews  and  Samaritans  to  the'presentday. 
Thev  may  have  been  rolls  of  pap>Tus,  which 
the  Egyptians  used  very  early,  writing  in  black 
and  red  ink.  The  writing  "  wiped  out  " 
(Num. 5. 23)  by  the  priest,  with  the  "  bitter 
water,"  may  have  been  in  ink  ;  but  lines  were 
often  so  effaced  on  clay  tablets  (damped  with 
water)  before  they  were  baked.  Ezekiel,  how- 
ever, refers  to  a  "  scribe's  bottle  "  (Heb.  qeseth 
Ezk.9.2,3,11)  worn  in  the  waist-cloth  (LXX., 
however,  renders  this  a  "  blue  girdle  ")  ;  but 
the  pen  (Heb.  'et)  is  rather  to  be  rendered  a 
"  stylus "  for  engraving  on  clay,  which  the 
Babvlonians  made  of  wood  or  of  metal  (Job  19. 
24  ;  Ps.45.1  ;  Je.8.8,17.i)  ;  and  it  was  not  the 
"reed"  (3jn.i3)  used  with  the  black  ink,  in 
later  times  (2Cor.3.3;  2jn.i2),  when  "paper" 
(papyrus)  was  used.  Herodotus  says  that 
foreigners,  in  his  time,  used  skins  when  papyrus 
was  scarce  (v.  58);  and  in  the  time  of  J  osephus 


EGVI'TIAN   RHHD   PhNS.     (Brit.   Mus.) 


slab  "  (A.V.  roll,  Is. 8.1,  Heb.  gilldyon  ;  see 
Is. 3. 23,  A.V.  glasses)  to  write  on  with  "  the 
graver  of  a  man,"  or  in  "  common  characters  " 
(R.V.  marg.),  by  which  alphabetic  letters  may 
be  intended,  as  contrasted  with  cuneiform 
script.  Job  refers  (19. 24)  to  monumental  writ- 
ing "  carved  "  (A.V.  printed),  19.23,  on  rock, 
hewn  with  an  iron  pen  (see  Je.lT.i),  or  graver, 
and  "  with  lead  " — the  latter  expression  being  ' 
explained  by  the  fact  that  Phoenician  texts 
exist  in  Palestine,  with  letters  engraved  on 
stone,  and  then  painted  with  red  lead  to  make 
them  conspicuous.  The  art  of  engraving ' 
characters  on  hard  gems,  for  signets,  and  other 
purposes  (Ex. 28. 9, 11, 21),  was  already  ancient 
in  W.  Asia  in  the  time  of  Moses  ;  and  we  have 
a  gem  so  engraved,  with  the  name  of  Kurigal- 
zu  I.  of  Babylon,  who  was  contemporary  with 
Moses.  Rolls  of  papyrus  were  equally  ancient 
in  Egypt  ;  but  such  scrolls  are  not  mentioned 
in  O.T.  till  the  time  of  David  at  earhest. 
The  Psalmist  (Ps.40.7)  says,  "  I  come  to  the 
written  scroll  written  about  me  "  (c/.  Deut.17. 
18).  Such  scrolls  were  in  use  in  Jeremiah's 
time,  and  the  scribe  used  ink  {d  yd).  The 
scrolls  could  also  be  cut  with  a  "  scribe's 
knife  "  (A.V.  pen-knife),  and  burned  in  the 
fire  (Je. 36. 14, 18, 23).  They  were  sometimes 
written  on  both  sides  (Ezk.2.9  ;  Rev.S.i),  but 
are  not  often  noticed  (see  Is. 34. 4  ;  Zech.5.i  ; 
Ezr.6.2).  These  sealed  rolls  (Rev.S.i)  were 
opened  for  reading  (Ne.8.5).    They  were  writ- 


skins  were  used  for  sacred  rolls  of  the  law  (12 
Ant.  ii.  11),  said  to  have  been  inscribed  with 
letters  of  gold.  Such  "membranes,"  or  Parch- 
ments (2Tim.4.i3),  were  used  by  St.  Paul. 
The  art  of  writing  in  earlv  times  was  confined 
to  Scribes  (Is.33.i8  ;  Je.8.8  ;  Ezr.7.6  ;  Mt.5.20, 
etc.)  ;  but  Heb.  kings  apparently  could  read 
and  wTite  (Deut.17. 18  ;  2K.I9.14),  though  this 
was  not  a  general  accomplishment  (2Sam.ll. 
14),  since  Uriah  apparently  could  not  read  ;  and 
Isaiah  speaks  of  those  who  had  not  learned  to 
read  (Is. 29. 12).  In  the  time  of  our  Lord  the 
debtors  could  write  "  a  document  "  (A.V.  bill, 
Lu.16.6)  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  every 
Israelite  could  write  a  bill  of  divorce  himself 
(Deut.24.i)  ;  and  such  a  document  was  pro- 
bably drawn  up  by  a  scribe,  and  attested  by 
witnesses,  after  the  Babylonian  fashion. — Hi- 
crogh'phics.  The  four  great  systems  of  hiero- 
g]}-phs  seem  to  have  sprung  from  one  ancient 
picture-writing,  but  to  have  developed  separ- 
ately. About  70  emblems  are  found  in  two  or 
more  systems  with  the  same  meaning,  and  about 
20  are  common  to  the  Egyptian,  the  Syrian 
(usually  called  "  Hittite  "),  the  Akkadian,  and 
the  Chinese.  The  latter  may  be  of  Akkadian 
origin  ;  but  when  first  known  (not  earlier  than 
c.  800  B.C.)  it  has  become  quite  distinct.  The 
Egyptian,  Syrian,  and  Akkadian  denote  nu- 
merals by  the  same  signs — strokes  for  units, 
and  an  arch  for  "  ten,"  which  becomes  a  crook 
in  the  later  Phoenician  numerals.     The  signs 


■* 

ll^ 

WMI^^^= 

',1     1 

SCRIBE'S  PALETTE;  te»t/>.   RAMSES   II.     (Brit.   Mus.) 


954 


WRITING 


commonly  used  include  figures  of  men,  and  of 
the  bull,  ram,  sheep,  goat,  stag,  ass,  hare,  lion, 
and  dog  ;  with  those  of  birds  and  snakes. 
Actions  are  represented  by  the  hand,  foot,  legs, 
eye,  and  mouth.  The  signs  also  represent  the 
sun,  moon,  star,  fire,  water,  mountains,  tree, 
herb,  flower,  corn,  and  reed,  with  the  throne, 
crown,  sceptre,  crook,  axe,  bow,  and  arrow;  the 
house,  altar,  yoke,  vase,  bowl,  bucket,  plough, 
sail,  boat,  pyramid,  tablet,  web,  chain,  and 
key.  In  each  case  the  signs  came  to  be  used 
merely  as  syllables  to  spell  words,  to  which 
certain  "  keys,"  or  "  determinatives,"  were 
prefixed  or  suffixed,  to  mark  certain  classes  of 
nouns,  and  to  make  the  reading  certain.  In 
each  case  also  the  rapid  sketching  of  the  signs, 
by  practised  scribes,  gradually  produced  a 
conventional  outline,  which  {in  time)  became 
hardly  recognizable  as  connected  with  the  hiero- 
glyphic whence  it  originated  ;  and  each  of  the 
three  old  systems  finally  produced  an  alpha- 
bet of  from  25  to  37  letters.  But,  as  the 
languages  differed,  the  sounds  applying  to  the 


WRITING 

down  to  600  B.C.,  preserve  the  original  vertical 
arrangement,  and  the  original  outline  of  the 
signs.  But,  when  a  stylus  was  used  on  a  clay 
tablet,  a  conventional  outline  was  jiroduccd  by 
the  strokes,  which  is  now  known  as  "  cunei- 
form," or  "  wedge-shaped  "  ;  and  not  only  did 
this  become  gradually  different  in  time— by 
omission  of  strokes — but  the  tablets  were  read 
sideways,  so  that  all  the  emblems  fell  on  their 
backs,  and  the  horizontal  line  then  read  from 
the  left.  The  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  em- 
blems differed  slightly  by  9th  cent.  b.c.  The 
Assyrians — adopting  the  Babylonian  script — 
never  used  the  old  monumental  forms  ;  and, 
even  on  monuments,  they  employed  the  con- 
ventional "  cuneiform  "  outlines,  written  in 
horizontal  lines  from  the  left.  The  original 
Akkadian  system  had  only  some  150  emblems  ; 
but  compounds  of  these  raised  the  total  to  300 
very  early,  and  further  compounds  in  Semitic 
texts  produced  a  total  of  about  550  signs.  Out 
of  these,  115  were  used  for  syllables,  such  as  ab, 
ib,  ub,  ba,  be,  bi,  bu,  and  so  on,  for  all  the  22 


^ 


t^^f^ji     't<^<?7^'^5A.*  ^-^-^sEsi/N^.  ^5^^>, 


/</'-gl£j'^,'^'^-VV<^'A   \    ZSH    ■Y^'^^'^'X'Kjf    ^"^7  X 


y'yy 


THH  SILOAM  INSCRU' linN.     (The  oldest  known  Hebrew  text.     Trom  Col.  Conder's  original  squeeze,  taken  July  15,  1881.) 


signs  differed  also,  in  the  cases  of  Egyptian  and 
Chinese.  The  Akkadian  and  the  Syrian  systems, 
on  the  other  hand  (wherever  the  sounds  of 
the  latter  system  arc  known),  seem  to  have 
been  more  closely  connected,  and  to  have  been 
used  for  a  single  language.  Thus  both  give  the 
sound  le  for  the  bull's  head,  hi  for  the  yoke,  mu 
for  the  tree,  an  for  the  star,  bu  for  the  flower- 
bud,  and  si  for  the  eye.  (i)  The  Egyf^tian  Sys- 
tem included  about  400  signs,  and  out  of  these 
45  arc  used  as  letters,  to  express  25  sounds. 
The  "  hieratic,"  or  conventional  hand,  pro- 
duced by  sketching  the  signs  with  ink  on  papy- 
rus, is  at  least  as  old  as  2000  n.c,  and  was 
finally  developed  into  the  "  demotic  "  running 
hand  of  the  Ptolemaic  age.  (2)  The  Akkadian 
System  is  traceable  probably  as  early  as  3000 
B.C.  It  was  applied  to  an  agglutinative  tongue 
full  of  monosyllabic  words  (of  which  at  least 
200  remain  almost  unchanged  in  imre  Turkish), 
and  these  sounds  were  adopted  by  the  Semitic 
Babylonians,  who  also  apjilicd  to  the  signs 
the  corresponding  Semitic  words.  Thus  ad, 
"  father,"  was  used  by  them  iov  the  syllable  ad, 
but  also  stood  for  the  Semitic;  abu,  "  father  " ; 
and  an,  "  god,"  stood  for  the  syllable  an,  and 
also  for  the  Semitic  »7i(."  god."  On  the  Akka- 
dian texts  the  signs  stand  above  one  another 
(as  in  Chinese),  two  or  three  in  the  line,  all  fac- 
ing to  the  right  —that  is,  to  the  beginning  of  the 
line.     The    Babylonian    nionumcntal    forms, 


Semitic  sounds.  The  cuneiform  was  also  used 
by  the  non-Semitic  race  of  Susiana,  and  for  the 
Medic  language  at  lake  Van.  The  Persians 
finally  reduced  it  to  a  rough  alphabet  of  34 
letters,  with  9  "  determinatives  "  for  the 
original  29  keys.  (3)  The  Syrian  System  ac- 
companies very  archaic  figures,  which  may  be 
nearly  as  old  as  the  Akkadian  monuments,  and 
it  appears  to  have  been  used  by  the  Hittites, 
and  other  cognate  tribes,  while  one  of  these 
monuments  has  been  found  in  situ  in  Babylon 
(Koldcwey,  Die  Hettitische  Inschrift,  1900),  and 
others  in  Asia  Minor.  There  were  about  160 
emblems,  andthese  are  arranged  vertically  in  the 
line — two  or  three  under  each  other — and  face 
the  beginning  of  the  line,  as  in  the  Akkadian, 
but  with  the  difference  that  (in  each  line)  the 
emblems  are  all  reversed,  and  the  lines  read 
alternately  from  right  to  left  and  from  left 
to  right,  just  as  in  the  early  Phrygian,  Carian, 
and  Gk.  texts,  where  this  arrangement  is 
called  boustrophedon  writing — as  resembling 
the  return  furrow  in  ploughing.  The  Syrian 
system  (as  Hr.  Isaac  Taylor  remarked)  also 
produced  a  later  hieratic  script — a  syllabary  of 
at  least  60  emblems — and  this  had  a  very  wide 
diffusion  in  .\sia  Minor,  Syria.  Cyi^rus,  Crete, 
Palestine,  ICgyiit,  and  even  .as  far  W.  <as  Spain. 
This  syllabary  w.as  used  by  Circcks  in  Cyprus  ; 
but  was  evidently  borrowed,  as  it  is  very 
insufficient   to  express  Gk.   sounds.     It  was 


PLATE  XXXV 

3 

o 
w. 

J 

< 

•1 

o 

1 

^        -t         ^         %         o 
-^       ui        m       O       ?-< 

c 

-1-3 

1 

AU 

^ 

^^   i^A  2Sr 

A 

t^ 

2 

AB 

NP--7 
t>-l>— J 

J?:T 

A  &  E  B.  9 

B 

2 

3 

GAU 

X 

^ 

^  'T/  9  r  a 

G 

:i 

4 

DU 

^ 

^ 

V  0  c>  A  A 

D 

1 

5 

E 

^T 

rr 

-     Ei  -R  E  ^ 

E 

n 

6 

BU 

tj?<^ 

^j- 

M^  $  f^  Y 

V 

^ 

7 

UZ 

5<''t«- 

:<* 

(1^  ^rt^'-r  X  zr: 

Z 

\ 

8  : 

KHAV 

I^T 

^T 

s:-:b  N 

H 

n 

9 

UT 

^ 

?=T 

0(^©  ©  ® 

T 

12 

10 

YA 

^^T 

a^T  1  i^  ^  J  ^ 

I 

«i 

11 

GUV 

►■III 

J<T<T 

F^A  K  ^ 

K 

D 

12 

LU 

T^ 

y- 

^^/r^  A  (^ 

L 

S 

13 

MI 

n 

TT 

=:=C3  AM^  >^ 

M 

^2 

14 

NU 

.T!V 

•W 

^4^*  r^  H 

N 

^^ 

15 

SAN 

tllf 

^T 

s>  y  ^  ^  -p 

S 

D 

16 

'A 

<V 

/^®  o  o  o 

0 

V 

17 

PI 

^T- 

t'F 

T  t '^  r  1 

p 

D 

18 

US 

V^ffi- 

^^flf 

f  \^^  ^ 

s 

!J 

19 

GU 

^ 

^M 

iSk    F)    O    O    CD 

Q 

P 

20 

EE 

--T 

^4<T 

yi^t  p  1 

R 

-1 

21 

SA 

^ 

V 

-^^  k-k.  U/ 

S 

irr 

22 

TA 

;4l 

m 

ORIGIN   OF   ALPHABET 

T 

n 

WRITING 

deciphered  by  George  Smith,  from  a  Phoenician 
bilingual  dating  375  b.c,  and  presents  syllables 
like  ba,  be,  bi,  bo,  bu,  but  not  the  syllables  ab, 
eb,  ib,  ob,  tib  (found  in  Akkadian),  which  ac- 
counts for  its  only  preserving  about  60  out  of 
160  Syrian  hieroglyphic  emblems.  Its  signs 
occur  at  Gezer  and  Lachish,  and  on  foreign 
pottery  at  Kahun  in  Egypt  (i8th  dynasty)  ; 
also  in  Cappadocia  and  Cilicia.  It  is  recog- 
nized that  the  extra  Gk.  letters  {v,  <p.  %,  i',  t^)  are 
derived  from  this  script,  which  also  furnished  1 1 
extra  letters  to  the  Lycian  alphabet  used  in  5th 
cent.  B.C.  The  Cretan  texts  (probably  in  Gk., 
as  in  Cyprus)  give  at  least  27  signs  similar  to 
those  used  in  Cyprus,  and  some  are  found  in 
Carian  texts,  while  this  system  also  accounts  for 
at  least  five  extra  letters  of  the  so-called  "  Celt- 
Iberian  "  alphabet  (evidently  of  Gk.  origin) 
found  on  coins  in  E.  and  N.E.  of  Spain.  (4) 
The  Alphabet.  The  oldest  alphabetic  text  that 
can  be  dated  is  the  Moabite  Stone  [Moab],  and 
there  is  no  evidence  that  letters  of  the  Phoeni- 
cian alphabet  were  in  use  much  before  1000 
B.C.  It  must  have  originated  in  a  syllabary,  as 
in  the  other  cases,  but  the  ancients  knew  little 
about  its  origin.  They  generally  agree  with 
Herodotus  (v.  58),  who  believed  the  lonians  to 
have  taken  their  letters  from  the  Phoenicians. 
Yet  the  old  Aryan  alphabets  of  the  W.  distin- 
guished about  37  sounds,  whereas  the  Phoeni- 
cians distinguished  only  22  ;  and  the  Gk. 
names  of  letters  (alpha,  beta,  etc.)  are  Aram, 
rather  than  Phoenician.  Diodorus  Siculus  (v. 
4)  seems  to  show  some  idea  of  the  gradual 
development  of  the  alphabet,  when  he  says  : 
"  The  Phoenicians  were  not  the  first  thatfound 
out  letters,  but  only  changed  the  form  and 
shape  of  them  into  other  characters,  which 
manyafterwards  using,  the  name  of  Phoenician 
grew  to  be  common."  Tacitus  (Ann.  xi.  14) 
thought  that  the  Phoenicians  borrowed  Egyp- 
tian signs,  and  this  theory  was  revived  by  De 
Rouge  (Memoire  sur  Vorigine  Egyptienne  de 
Valphabet  Phenicien,  1874),  who  derived  21 
signs  from  Egyptian  hieratic  characters  of  c. 
1500  B.C.  There  are  objections  to  this  view, 
because  the  Phoenicians  were  then  using  cunei- 
form ;  because  the  resemblances  of  form  in  the 
hieratic  and  in  the  oldest  known  Phoenician 
are  slight  ;  because  only  21  out  of  37  letters 
are  thus  compared  (and  the  Egyptians  had 
only  25  sounds)  ;  and  finally  because  the  Egyp- 
tian signs  are  not  those  which  are  indicated  by 
the  names  of  the  Phoenician  letters — such  as 
aleph,  "  bull  "  ;  beth,  "  house,"  etc.  Attempts 
to  derive  the  alphabet  from  the  cuneiform  also 
fail,  because  there  is  no  resemblance  between 
the  scripts  ;  but  it  is  notable  that  (in  many 
cases)  the  proper  sound  applies  to  the  emblem  in 
Akkadian  (such  as  aw,  "  bull  "  ;  ab,  "  house," 
etc.),  indicating  that  Syrians  and  Greeks  took 
the  signs  from  a  people  who  spoke  Akkadian. 
The  most  likely  solution  is  that  the  Phoenicians 
adopted  the  syllabary  springing  from  the 
Syrian  system  of  hieroglyphics,  which  thus 
formed  the  original  source  not  only  of  Gk.  or 
Lycian  extra  letters,  but  of  the  whole  alphabet. 
This  may  be  worked  out  in  detail  as  follows,  and 
Plate  XXXV.  shows  that,  while  the  emblems 
were  common  to  the  Akkadian  and  Syrian  sys- 
tems, the  later  forms  were  of  Syrian  origin,  and 
have  no  direct  connexion  with  the  later  cunei- 


WRITING  955 

form  signs,  i.  N,  Heb.  'dleph,  "ox";  Gk. 
alpha  ;  Bab.  alpu  ;  Akkad.  aw,  am,  "  ox  "  :  the 
head  of  an  ox.  2.  2,  Heb.  beth,  "  house  "  ;  Gk. 
beta;  Bab.  bitu  ;  Akkad.  a&,  "house"  :  a  hut. 
3.  J,  Heb.  gimel,  from  a  root  meaning  "  to 
bend";  Akkad.  gaw,  "bend";  Gk.  gamma; 
Akkad.  gam,  "  bend  "  :  a  crook,  having  the 
sound  ga  in  Cypriote.  4.  T,  Heb.  ddleth, 
"swinging";  Gk.  delta  ;  Bab.  daltu  ;  Akkad. 
dn.  Neither  the  Akkadian  sign  nor  the  Phoeni- 
cian letter  resembles  a  "  door,"  but  more  pro- 
bably a  "  bucket  "  (Arab.  delu).  5.  H,  Heb. 
he  ;  Gk.  e-psilon,  "short  e  "  ;  Akkad.  e,  "  house  "  : 
an  oblong  palace;  Bab.  shakanu,  "abode." 
The  sign  has  the  sound  e  also  in  Cypriote.  6. 1, 
Heb.  vav  (or  wdw);  Gk.  baii;  Akkad.  bu, 
"  young  "  :  a  bud,  which  has  the  sound  bu  in 
Cypriote.  7.  T,  Heh.  zayin," vfea.pons" ;  Gk. zeta; 
Akkad.  uz,  "quiver"  :  arrows  in  a  quiver.  8.  PI, 
Heb.  heth,  "wall";  Gk.  ^ta;  Akkad.  hav, 
"fortress  "  :  a  walled  enclosure  ;  Cypriote,  khe. 
9.  D,  Heb.  feth,  "turning";  Gk.  thita:  re- 
sembles a  wheel.  Perhaps  Akkad.  ut,  for 
the  "disk  "  of  the  sun.  10.  \  Heb.  yodh,  the 
"  hand"  ;  Gk.  iota;  Akkad.  ya  (Turkish,  aya, 
"open  hand");  Bsb.  idu,  "hand."  Probably 
the  Cypriote  ye.  11.  3,  Heb.  kaph,  "hollow 
of  the  hand";  Gk.  kappa;  Akkad.  gMi;,  gub, 
"  hand."  The  Cypriote  he.  12.  7,  Heb. 
Idmedh,  of  which  the  meaning  is  not  known  ; 
Gk.  lambda;  Akkad.  lu,  "yoke"  (lam-da  in 
Akkadian  meaning  "plough  yoke") ;  Cypriote, 
lu,  a  "  yoke."  The  Gk.  preserves  the  form  best. 
13.  D,  Heb.  m^m,  "waters";  Gk.  mu  (Aram. 
mu,  "  water ").  The  Gk.  form  suggests 
"  waves,"  and  the  Bab.  me,  "  water,"  is  a  re- 
presentation of  waves.  Cypriote  mi  is  nearest 
the  Gk.  form.  14.  3,  Heb.  nun;  Gk.  nu. 
Probably  the  Bab.  niinu,  "  lord  "  ;  Akkad.  nu  : 
represented  by  a  hand  holding  an  ornamental 
sceptre.  15.  D,  Heb.  sdmekh,  "  prop,"  or 
"pole."  Probably  the  Akkadian  san,  a  "  log"  ; 
Gk.  xsi.  16.  y,  Heb.  'ayin,  "eye";  Gk. 
o-mikron,  "little  0";  Bab.  'enu;  Akkad. 
ig,  ov  i»g,  "eye":  an  eye  sign.  17.  D,  Heb. 
pe  ;  Gk.  pi.  The  sign  is  not  like  a  "  mouth," 
but  more  like  an  "  ear"  (Akkad.  pi,  "  ear  "). 
The  Cypriote  pe  has  the  required  form.  18. 
^f,  Heb.  cddhe,  "  lurking "  ;  Gk.  san.  The 
oldest  forms  resemble  a  snake.  The  Akkad.  uz, 
"  snake,"  also  with  the  sound  sud.  ig.  p,  Heb. 
qoph,  of  unknown  meaning ;  Gk.  koppa.  Per- 
haps Akkad.  git,  "  face,"  "  mouth,"  "  speech." 
Rendered  ^aftw,  "to  speak,"  in  Bab.  Arab. 
qawa,  "  cry  out."  20.  ~l,  Heb.  rcsh,  "  head  "  ; 
Gk.  rho  (Aram,  rau,  "  appearance,"  "figure"). 
The  Cypriote  ra  has  forms  connecting  the 
letter  with  the  old  sign  of  a  man  with  a  large 
head.  Akkad.  er  (Turkish,  f;-),  "man."  21. 
K',  Heb.  shin,  supposed  to  mean  "  tooth  " 
(shen)  ;  Gk.  sigma  (Arab,  shag,  "crush"); 
Akkad.  shi,  "  tooth."  The  emblem  resembles 
a  tooth.  The  Cypriote  se  has  sometimes  this 
form  exactly.  22.  D,  Heb.  tav,  "  mark  "  ; 
Gk.  tau.  The  word  in  Arab,  means  "  to  brand." 
Probably  the  Cypriote  ta,  which  has  the  re- 
quired form.  In  Akkad.  ta  appears  to  mean 
"  to  strike."  This  system  of  explanation  ap- 
plies also  to  the  extra  signs  of  Gk.  and  other 
alphabets,  with  which  we  are  not  concerned. 
The  Syrian  syllabary  seems  to  be  the  parent  of 
all  letters,  and  traces  back  to  the  Hittite,  not 


956 


WRITING 


to  the  Babylonian  hieroglyphics.  The  subse- 
quent history  is  important  for  Biblical  study, 
and  is  very  fully  known  from  nionunients.  The 
script  gradually  divided  into  four  families  of 
alphabets,  i.  The  Phoenician  produced  the 
Punic  characters,  which  were  used  at  Carthage 
and  Marseilles,  and  in  Spain.  To  this  family 
the  alphabet  of  Israel  (as  found  on  the  Siloam 
text  c.  728  B.C.)  belonged,  and  continued  in  use 
(on  the  Jewish  coins)  down  to  c.  100  B.C.  The 
Samaritan,  which  is  traced  to  500  a.d.,  is  only 
a  later  form  of  this  Hcb.  script.  2.  The  Greek, 
which  in  some  cases  preserves  more  archaic 
forms  than  the  Phoenician,  is  however  known 
less  early — since  the  Moabite  Stone  goes  back 
nearly  to  900  B.C.,  while  the  earliest  Ionian 
te.xts  (that  can  be  approximately  dated)  are 
those  at  Abu  Siiubel  in  Egypt,  where  they  oc- 
cur with  Phoenician  and  Carian  texts,  c.  600 
B.C.  All  the  European  alphabets  come  from 
the  Gk. — the  "  runes  "  directly  so,  and  most  of 
the  others  through  the  Latin.  The  Etruscans 
(who  were  not  .Aryans)  t)rought  letters  from 
Lydia,  and  it  is  remarkable  that  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  used  the  (ik.  or  Phoenician  names 
for  the  letters  ;  but  their  alphabet  is  nearly  the 
same  as  the  Gk.  and  Phrygian.  3.  The  Sabean 
differs  considerably  from  the  Phoenician.  It  is 
known  as  early  as  264  B.c.from  a  dated  text  in 
Egypt ;  and  it  appears  to  have  early  developed 
seven  signs,  not  used  by  Phoenicians,  for  seven 
modified  sounds  in  the  Arab  tongue  [Semitic 
Languages],  the  origin  of  which  signs  is  to 
be  sought  in  the  original  syllabary.  Dr.  Isaac 
Taylor  regarded  the  texts  of  the  Safa  region, 
S.E.  of  Damascus,  as  representing  a  link  be- 
tween the  Sabean  and  the  Phoenician.  Mr. 
Cyril  (Iraham,  and  others,  found  700  of  these 
texts,  which  Halevy  deciphered  in  1877  (Jour- 
nal Asiatique,  vol.  x.  pp.  203-450),  but  they  are 
not  supposed  to  be  older  than  100  a.d.  They 
present  the  same  peculiarity  as  Sabean — viz. 
that  thev  read  from  the  left  as  well  as  from  the 
right.  Mr.  E.  J.  Pilcher  (Proc.  Bib.  .Arch.  Soc, 
March  1907)  regards  the  Sabean  as  being  de- 
rived from  the  Greeks  in  ligypt,  c.  600  b.c.  ; 
and  this  suggestion  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  the  Numidian  alphabet  (c.  100  B.C.)  does 
not  appear  to  descend  from  the  Punic,  but 
shows  remarkable  resemblance  to  the  Sabean. 
It  too  may  have  been  derived  from  the  early 
Greeks  in  N.  Africa,  at  a  time  when  the  stan- 
dard Ionian  alphabet  was  not  generally  used, 
and  when  old  signs  of  the  Syrian  syllabary  were 
still  employed.  The  Sabean  coins  (Schluin- 
berger,  Le  Tresor  dc  San' ad,  1880)  are  not  older 
than  2nd  cent.  B.C.,  and  bear  the  Athenian  em- 
blem of  the  owl.  Some  have  the  head  of  Au- 
gustus with  Sabean  inscriptions.  This  Arab 
script  is  thought  to  have  reached  S.  India  be- 
fore 250  B.C.,  as  represented  in  the  southern 
edicts  of  Asoka  ;  but  it  was  not  used  in  N. 
Arabia,  where  the  Aram,  alpliabet  prevailed. 
4.  The  /iramaic  alphabet  spread  with  the 
language,  in  the  Persian  age,  all  over  \V.  Asia. 
At  Samala,  c.  800  n.r.,  Aram,  is  written  in 
characters  closely  siinil.ar  to  those  of  the  Moa-  ; 
bite  Stone  ;  but  the  distinguishing  mark  of  the 
Aram.,  which  leaves  open  the  loops  originally 
closed,  already  begins  to  appear  (in  the  (|6f^h) 
at  the  same  site  in  730  u.c.  [Syria.]  The 
oldest  weight  at  Nineveh  (c.  880  u.c),  inscribed  , 


WRITING 

in  alphabetic  letters, presents  the  original  Phoe- 
nician forms  ;  but  by  500  B.C.  the  Syrian 
traders  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  were  using 
the  open  loops  to  the  letters  with  the  Aram. 
language  [Semitic  Languages],  and  this  al- 
phabet was  used,  after  521  b.c,  in  N.  India 
(the  Kharoshlhi),  being  the  first  script  known 
beyond  the  Indus.  The  Pehlevi  language,  in 
Persia,  was  full  of  Aram,  words,  and  the 
characters  were  of  Aram,  origin,  like  those  of 
the  Parthians  in  3rd  cent.  a.d.  The  Naba- 
theans  [Nebaigtii]  had  also  learned  the  Aram, 
alphabet  by  500  b.c  ;  and  it  thus  developed  the 
Neskhi,  or  modern  Arab.,  and  is  found  ham- 
mered on  the  rocks  of  Sinai  down  to  c.  400  a.d. 
The  Nestorian  Christians  used  these  characters, 
and  introduced  them  among  the  Uigur  Turks, 
from  whom  the  Manchus  took  them.  In  the 
W.  the  Aram,  alphabet  became  the  script  of 
the  Palmyra  traders,  as  early  as  9  a.d.  at  least, 
and  from  the  Palmyrene  came  the  Syr.  of  the 
4th  cent.  A.D.,  and  the  Cufic,  which  was  used 
near  Damascus  before  the  Moslem  invasion,  as 
witnessed  by  a  Christian  text,  dating  568  a.d., 
at  Harran  (Waddington,  No.  2464).  The 
Georgian  and  Armenian  scripts  were  also 
Aram,  in  origin,  with  additions  from  the  Gk. 
alphabet. — Square  Hebrew.  It  is  clear  that  in 
the  time  of  our  Lord  the  script  in  use  resembled 
the  square  Heb.  in  the  peculiarity  that  the  yodh 
(Gk.  iota,  A.V./o/)  was  the  smallest  letter  ;  and 
the  reference  to  "  horns  "  (.A-.V.  tillle,  or 
stroke)  suggests  the  open  loops  of  the 
Aram.  (Mt.5.i8).  The  square  Heb.  occurs 
in  the  oldest  known  fragment  of  O.T.,  includ- 
ing the  Ten  Commandments,  found  in  Egypt 
(Mr.  S.  A.  Cooke,  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc.  Jan. 
IQOS-  PP-  39-56).  attributed  to  2nd  cent.  a.d. 
It  is  found  earlier  at  Jerusalem,  over  the  Greco- 
Jewish  porch  of  the  tomb  of  the  Beni  Hezir 
priests.  [Kidron.]  It  is  impossible  to  suppose 
that  such  a  monument  could  have  been  hewn 
for  Jewish  priests  after  70  a.d.,  and  it  may  be 
as  old  as  100  b.c  The  letters  have  almost  the 
present  shapes  ;  and  ligatures  and  final  letters 
appear  not  only  here  but  in  Aram,  papyri  as 
old  as  200  B.C.,  and  in  the  Palmyrene.  .Accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbis  (Tal.  Bab.  Sanhedrin,  21  b, 
22  a),  the  Aram,  language,  and  the  Lebanon 
[Libonai)  characters  were  used  by  private  per- 
sons— representing  the  Samaritan  alphabet, 
which  was  of  Phoenician  origin  ;  but  the  sacred 
Heb.  was  written  in  the  .Assyrian  (.-Isshuri) 
characters,  which  might  mean  the  cuneiform, 
but  more  probably  refers  to  the  .Aram,  alpha- 
bet, since  the  Scriptures  were  written  in  alpha- 
betic characters  even  before  the  Captivity. 
There  is  nothing  inqirobable  in  Ezra  having 
used  the  .Aram,  alphabet,  which  was  the  only 
one  in  use  in  Babylonia  in  his  time,  and  in  this 
having  gradually  developed  into  the  square 
character  by  100  n.c^since  the  latter  is  cer- 
tainly derived  from  the  .Aram.,  and  is  closely 
akin  to  the  Palinyreiic.  The  old  '.Iphabet  oi 
Israel  was  used  (jierhaps  t)nly  for  secular  and 
monumental  purposes)  down  to  100  n.c  ;  but 
forms  similar  to  the  .Aram,  occur  in  Gilead 
{Surv.  F..  Pal.  p.  77)  as  early  as  175  n.c,  and 
this  script  may  have  been  used  with  ink  on 
scrolls,  side  by  side  with  the  old  aljihabet.  It 
was  fully  established  before  the  gosjH'Is  were 
written. — Points.  Vowel  points,  marking  the 


PLATE  XXXVI 

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p-  956] 

EARLY  ALPHABETS. 

XANTHICUS 

length  of  vowels,  are  never  found  on  ancient 
monuments  in  alphabetic  writing.  These  monu- 
ments mark  the  ends  of  words  in  some  cases 
with  dots,  as  early  as  900  B.C.,  but  the  notation 
of  the  shorter  vowels  seems  to  have  been  due  to 
Gk.  influence.  Thus  in  later  Svt.  the  vowels 
are  represented  actually  by  the  Gk.  letters  a,  e, 
t,  0,  V,  laid  sideways  above  the  Syr.  letters.  In 
Heb.  an  imperfect  notation  was  in  use  as  early 
as  370  A.D.,  and  occurs  in  a  MS.  (No.  12,150  in 
Brit.  Mus.)  in  411  a.d.  ;  but  the  Babylonian 
school  (Odessa  Codex)  placed  points  under  the 
letters,  and  used  tonal  accents  which  also  dif- 
fered from  those  of  the  Palestine  school.  The 
Massoretic  points  are  not  older  than  the  end  of 
the  7th  cent.  a.d.  They  served  to  express  the 
traditional  readings  of  that  age,  among  the 
later  Galilean  Rabbis,  and  to  define  the  exact 
sounds  without  adding  a  letter  to  the  sacred 
te.xt.  It  is  evident,  however,  from  the  LXX. 
rendering  of  proper  names  (such  as  Naboucho- 
donosor,  for  Nebuchadnezzar),  that  the  old  pro- 
nxmciation  in  250  B.C.  was  different,  and  also 
more  correct ;  since  the  LXX.  vowels  in  the 
case  cited  represent  the  Babylonian  exactly. 
In  the  time  of  Jerome  (end  of  4th  cent,  a.d.) 
the  pronunciation  of  the  Rabbis  of  Tiberias, 
whom  he  consulted,  must  also  have  differed — 
as  shown  by  similar  evidence  in  the  Vulgate, 
such  as  Madian  for  Midian,  which  agrees  with 
the  LXX.  (Madian)  ;  and  this  is  probably 
more  correct,  representing  the  Babylonian 
Mad-yanii,  or  "  no  man's  land."  Hence,  when 
the  translation  of  a  passage  in  O.T.  is  rendered 
obscure  by  the  Massoretic  pointing,  we  are  en- 
titled to  disregard  the  7th  cent,  pronunciation 
of  vowels,  if  a  simple  explanation  is  thereby 
rendered  possible.  With  the  tonal  accents  we 
are  not  here  concerned,  as  they  had  no  exist- 
ence in  early  times. — Bibliography.  For  the 
Cuneiform,  the  most  important  works  are  : 
Amiaud  and  Mechineau,  Tableau  Compare  des 
Ecritures  Babylonienne  et  Assyrienne  (1887)  ; 
Oppert,  LePeuple  et  la  LanguedesMedes{i87g) ; 
De  Sarzec,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee  (1887)  ; 
Spiegel,  Die  AUpersischen  Keilinschriften 
(i88r).  For  the  alphabet  generally  see  Isaac 
Taylor, r/jf  Alphabet  (2  vols.  1883),  and  Renan, 
CorpitsInscriptionumSe»titicarum{i8Si-i88g). 
The  Cypriote  syllabary  is  given  by  George 
Smith  (Trans.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc.  vol.  i.),  and  in 
later  papers  by  Dr.  Deecke.  The  Hittite  char- 
acters are  treated  by  the  present  writer  in  de- 
tail in  The  Hittites  and  their  Language  (1898). 
The  Cretan  signs  are  given  by  Mr.  A.J.  Evans 
in  the  Annualof  British  Schoolof  Athens  (1900), 
and  in  earlier  papers  by  the  same  discoverer  of 
the  Knossos  clay  tablets  and  signets,    [c.r.c] 


Xanthieus(2Mac.tl.3o,33,38).  The  Mace- 
donian name  for  the  sixth  month  in  their 
calendar.  In  i  Ant.  in.  3  Josephus  identifies 
it  with  Nisan.  [Months.]  Smith's  D.B. 
(vol.  ii.  p.  417,  ed.  1893). 


Yarn.     The  notice  of    varn  is  contained 
only  in    1K.IO.28  =  2Chr.l'.i6.       The    Heb. 


YEAR 


957 


j  text  is  questionable.  The  word  is  a  mistransla- 
tion in  A.V.  in  any  case.    The  context  shows 
clearly  that  the  reference  is  to  "  horses  "  ;  so 
that  the  R.V.  rendering,  "  droves,"  gives  (at 
\  all  events)    sense.     [Cassia.]  [^w.o.e.o.] 

Yeap.  The  earliest  indication  of  the 
measurement  of  time  by  a  year-cycle  occurs 
in  Gen. 8. 22  :  "  Seedtime  and  harvest,  and  cold 
and  heat,  and  sunamer  and  winter  .  .  .  shall 
not  cease."  There  are  traces  in  the  Mosaic 
legislation  of  this  natural  and  therefore 
primitive  method  of  reckoning  time  by  the 
solar  year,  a  period  defined  by  a  constant 
occurrence — the  harvest.  With  agricultural 
peoples  the  harvest  is  the  end  of  the  year,  and 
what  follows  is  preparation  for  the  ensuing 
year:  cf.  "The  end  of  the  year,  when  thou 
gatherest  in  thy  labours  out  of  the  field"  (Ex. 
23.15,16)  ;  "  The  Feast  of  Ingathering  at  the 
year's  end  [R.V.  marg.  revolution]  "  (34.22). 
But  in  order  to  define  time  more  exactly,  it 
would  be  found  necessary  to  divide  this  longer 
period  into  shorter  ones.  The  moon,  appointed 
"for  seasons"  (Ps.lO4.19),  provides  the 
standard  of  measurement.  A  fixed  number  of 
"  moons"  would  not,  however,  coincide  with 
the  harvest.  The  astronomical  lunar  month 
is  29  days,  12  hours,  and  793  parts  (the  hour 
being  divided  into  1,080 parts).  Twelve  lunar 
months  are  354  days,  8  hours,  876  parts,  but 
the  solar  year  is  10  days,  21  hours,  204  parts, 
i.e.  approximately  11  days,  longer  than  this. 
The  discrepancy  would,  therefore,  be  serious 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years  unless  rectified 
by  some  means.  The  Heb.  year  was  indis- 
solubly  associated  with  the  two  harvests,  (i) 
The  15th  day  of  the  7th  month  (Ethanim, 
iK.8.2  ;  thepost-Exihc  Tishri)  was  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles,  the  thanksgiving  for  the  com- 
pleted harvest  (Lev. 23. 34  ;  Num.29.i2),  held 
at  the  autumnal  equinox.  (2)  On  Abib  16 
(the  post-Exilic  Nisan)  the  firstfruits  of 
the  barley  harvest  were  offered.  This  was 
also  a  harvest  festival,  at  the  spring  equinox. 
These  were  constant,  and  the  calendar  had  to 
be  arranged  so  that  the  date  and  harvest 
synchronized.  That  the  Heb.  months  were 
lunar  is  certain  ;  the  solemn  observance  of 
the  New  Moon  would  have  had  no  meaning 
apart  from  its  connexion  with  the  cycle  of 
festivals.  It  is  not  known  how  the  difference 
of  eleven  days  between  the  lunar  and  solar 
year  was  arranged  inpre-ExiUc  times,  but  pro- 
bably by  the  intercalation  of  a  month  every 
two  or  three  years.  In  post- Exilic  times  a 
month  was  added  when  it  was  found  necessary 
as  the  result  of  observation  or  calculation. 
If  it  was  decided  that  Nisan  would  arrive 
before  the  grain  was  ripe,  or  that  the  sun 
was  so  far  distant  from  the  vernal  equinox 
that  it  could  not  reach  it  by  Nisan  16,  a 
month  called  the  Second  Adar  was  inter- 
calated. This  was  done  arbitrarily,  notice 
being  sent  by  letter  from  the  Sanhedrin  to  the 
various  communities  (/?o,s/^  hash-Shanah  iii.  i). 
This  rule  was  fixed  by  Hillel  II.  c.  361  a.d. 
The  Jewish  calendar  is  based  on  the  Metonic 
Cycle  of  19  years,  12  common  and  7  leap 
years.  It  is  a  much-disputed  question  how 
far  the  Jews  were  indebted  to  the  Babylonians 
for  their  method  of  computing  time.  Both 
had  the  lunar  month  of  29  or  30  days,  with  an 


958 


YOKE 


intercalary  Adar.  In  later  times  the  Baby- 
lonian month  seems  to  have  consisted  of 
30  days,  and  some  see  an  indication  of  this 
arrangement  in  the  Flood  story  in  Genesis, 
where  five  months  are  equal  to  150  days, 
giving  a  year  of  360  days  (Gen.7. 11,8.3,4). 
This  was  the  Akkadian  and  early  Gk.  year. 
The  Egyptian  year  was  365  days,  and  some 
think  the  Mood  year  was  the  same  length. 
The  Deluge  began  on  the  17th  day  of  the  2nd 
month,  and  lasted  till  the  27th  day  of  the 
2nd  month  of  the  following  year.  This  would 
give  12  lunar  months,  or  354  days,  plus  the 
II  days  from  the  17th  to  the  27th,  or  365 
days.  The  Babylonian  year  began  in  Nisan. 
The  Heb.  year  originally  commenced  in 
Ethanim  (Bab.  Tishri),  but  at  the  Exodus 
Nisan  was  constituted  the  first  month  (Ex. 
12.2,13.4),  all  others  being  numbered  from  it. 
Tishri  is  known  as  the  beginning  of  the  civil 
year,  and  Nisan  the  first  month  of  the  sacred 
year.  Some  are  of  opinion  that  the  ancient 
Heb.  year  always  began  on  the  ist  of  Abib  or 
Nisan,  the  civil  year  being  of  later  institution  ; 
others  hold  that  Tishri  was  the  first  of  the 
series,  since  the  Year  of  Jubilee  commenced 
with  it  and  not  in  Nisan  (Lev. 25. 9).  [Months.] 
Schwarz,  Der  J  udische  Kalendar;  Abrahams, 
Hastings,  D.B.  s.v.  (5  vols.  i()04);  Sayce, 
Hibberl  Led.  on  Rel.  of  Anc.  Bah.  70-76  ;  G. 
Smith,  Assyr.  Epon.  Canon;  Cuneif.  Inscr.  of 
West.  Asia,  iii.  [11. h.] 

Yoke,  (i)  In  Heb.  mot,  md(d,  and  '61,  the 
two  former  words  meaning  a  "  bar  "  and  the 
last  the  application  (binding)  of  the  article 
to  the  neck  of  the  ox.  The  ordinary  yoke  for 
a  pair  of  ploughing  oxen  is  still  a  wooden  bar, 
resting  on  their  necks  and  bound  round  them. 
(2)  A  pair  of  oxen,  so  termed  as  being  yoked 
together  (iSam. 11.7  ;  iK. 19. 19,21).  The  Heb. 
term  cemedh  is  also  applied  to  asses  (Judg.l9. 
10)  and  mules  (2K.5.17),  and  to  a  couple  of 
horses  in  a  chariot(Is.21.7).  (3)  The  term  (cmedh 
is  also  applied  to  a  certain  area  of  land  (iSam. 
14.14),  equivalent  to  that  which  a  couple  of 
oxen  could  plough  in  a  day  (Is. 5. 10;  A.W.acre), 
corresponding  to  the  modern  Arab,  fedddn. 
Asearly  as  the  15th  cent.  B.C.  (Amarna  letters) 
we  find  the  word  "  yoke "  used  to  mean 
"  rule  "  or  "  government,"  as  in  O.T.  and 
in  the  words  of  Christ,  "  My  yoke  is  easy.'' 
Probably  our  Lord  had  Himself  made  yokes 
in  the  carpenter's  shop  at  Nazareth,  [c.r.c] 

"Yoke  of  land.  [Weights  and 
Measures.] 


Zaana'im,  Plain  of  (ju(lg.4.ii);  Za- 
anannim  (Jos. 19. 33).  The  Heb.  (see  K.V. 
mar^.)  reads  \ill('in  (or  'el6n)  b'^a'dnayim,  and 
'allon  b'^a'dnannim.  The  root  bdra'  means 
"  to  cut  uj),"  and,  in  Aram.,  liVf'a  is  a 
"  marsh,"  or  "  swamp."  The  Jerusalem  Tal- 
mud (Megilla  i.  i)  understands  "the  swamps 
of  Kadksii,"  in  Jos. 19. 33.  The  place  was  in 
Naphtali,  and  Hcber  the  Ketiite  is  thus  sup- 
posed to  have  camped  near  the  l.hilch  swamps, 
30  miles  N.  of  the  scene  of  battle  whence  Sisera 
fled  on  foot,  the  country  between  being  impas- 
sable for  a  chariot.  [c.k.c] 


ZACCHAEUS 

Zaanan',  a  place  named  by  Micah 
(l.ii)  in  his  address  to  the  towns  of  the 
sivpheld.  Cf.  Zenan  (Jos.i5.37),  a  town  in 
the  slvphtld  near  Mic;dai,-gad  (probably 
Mijdi'lrh).     Tiie  site  is  unknown.         [c.R.c] 

Zaanannim.     [Zaanaim.] 

Zaavan',  a  Horite  chief,  son  of  Ezer  the 
son  of  Seir  (Gen. 36. 27). 

Zabad'. — 1.  Son  of  Nathan,  son  of  Attai, 
son  of  Ahlai,  Shcshan's  daughter  (iChr.2.31- 
37),  and  hence  called  son  of  Ahlai  (11. 41);  one 
of  David's  mighty  men. — 2.  An  Ephraimite 
(7.2 1 ).  [Elead.] — 3.  Son  of  Shimeath,  an 
Ammonitess  ;  an  assassin  who  (with  Jehozabad) 
slew  king  Joash  (2Chr.24.26).  In  2K.I2.21  his 
name  is  written,  probably  more  correctly, 
Jozachar. — 4,  5,  6.  Three  laymen  who  di- 
vorced their  foreign  wives  at  Ezra's  command 
(Ezr.lO. 27,33.43)- 

Zabadai  as  (iEsd.9.33)  =  Zabad,  6. 

Zabade'ans,  an  Arab  tribe  who  were 
attacked  and  spoiled  by  Jonathan,  on  his  way 
back  to  Damascus  from  his  fruitless  pursuit 
of  the  army  of  Demetrius  (1Mac.i2.31). 
Josephuscalls  theniNabataeans  (13  Ant.  v.  10), 
but  perhaps  in  error.  Nothing  certain  is 
known  of  them.  Jonathan  had  pursued  the 
enemy's  army  as  far  as  the  river  Eleutherus 
[Nahr  el  Kebir).  We  must  look  for  them, 
therefore,  somewhere  N.W.  of  Damascus. 
On  the  road  from  Damascus  to  Ba'albek,  at  a 
distance  of  about  26  miles  from  the  former, 
is  the  village  Zebddny,  standing  at  the  upper 
end  of  a  plain  of  the  same  name,  in  the  very 
centre  of  .Anti-libanus.  This  name  is  possibly 
connected  witli  the  Zabadeans. 

Zabbai'. — 1.  A  descendant  of  Bebai.  who 
had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO  28). ^2. 
Father  of  Baruch,   2   (Ne.3.2o). 

Zabbud',  in  Ezr.8.14  given  as  one  of  the 
sons  of  Bigvai  who  returned  in  the  second 
caravan   with  V./xa..     [Istai.ci'rus. I 

Zabde'us  (il!;sd.9.2i)  =  Zebadiah,  6. 

Zabdi'. — 1.  Son  of  Zerah  ben-Judah,  and 
ancestor  of  Achan  (Jos. 7. 1,17, 18).  Perhaps  = 
ZiMRi,  3  (iChr.2.6). — 2.  -A.  Benjamite,  of  the 
sons  of  Shimhi  (8.19). — 3.  "  The  Suiphmite," 
David's  officer  over  the  wine-bearing  grapes 
(27.27). — 4-  Son  of  Asaph  the  minstrel  (Ne.ll. 
17)  ;  =  Zaccur  (I2.35)  and  Zichri  (iChr.9.15). 

Zabdiel'. — 1.  Father  of  Jashobeam  (iChr. 
27.2). — 2.  .\  priest,  "son  of  the  great  men" 
(R.V.  of  Hai^gedolim;  Ne.ll.14).— 3.  An 
Arab,  chief  who  put  .\lexander  Balas  to  death 
( I  Mac.  11. 1 7  ;  Josephus,  13  Ant.  iv.  8). 

Zabud',  son  of  Nathan  (iK.4.5).  He  is 
described  as  a  Priest  (.A.V.  principal 
officer),  and  as  holding  at  the  court  of  Solo- 
mon the  position  of  "  king's  friend,"  held  by 
Ht'SHAi  the  Archite  at  David's. 

Zab'ulon,  the  Gk.  form  of  Zebilun 
(Mt. 4.13, 15;     Rev.7.8). 

Zacca'i.  Of  the  sons  of  Zaccai,  760  re- 
turri<(l  with  Zcruhb.ihol  (i:/r.2.9  :  Ne.7.i4). 

Zaechaeus,  the  Gk.  form  of  Zaccai  (pure), 
which  is  found  in  i:zr.2.o  and  Nc.7.14  ;  the 
chief  tax-gatherer  at  Jericho  at  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  last  visit,  on  His  way  up  to  Jerusalem 
(Lu.l9.ifT.,  our  only  source  of  information). 
Zaechaeus  was  doubtless  a  Jew  ("  son  of  .Mira- 
ham."  ver.  0),  and  well-to-do;  Jericho  being 
the  centre  of  a  district  which  brought  in  large 


ZACCHEUS 

revenues  from  palms  and  balsam  (Josephus, 
15  Ant.  iv.  2).  Being  short,  he  climbed  up 
into  a  sycomore  tree  on  the  wayside,  when  he 
heard  of  our  Lord's  passing  through  the  town, 
in  order  to  see  Him ;  and  was  surprised  (though 
delighted)  to  be  accosted  by  name  in  his  lofty 
hiding-place,  and  to  be  told  that  his  house 
would  he  honoured  by  a  visit  from  the  new 
teacher.  There  was  a  general  murmur  at  this 
distinction;  but  it  gave  Zacchaeus  the  oppor- 
tunity of  either  vindicating  his  practice  hither- 
to, or  declaring  his  intention  to  amend  his  ways 
in  future.  The  latter  alternative  seems  the 
more  likely,  as  our  Lord  assures  him  "this  day 
is  salvation  come  to  this  house  "  (ver.  9).  It 
is  of  interest  to  note  that  a  Jew  of  this  name, 
father  to  a  famous  Rabbi,  was  a  native  of  Jericho 
in  those  days  (Lightfoot,  Hor.  Heb.,  Exercita- 
tions  upon  St.   Luke  in  loc).  [c.l.f.] 

Zacche'us,  an  officer  of  Judas  Macca- 
baeus  (2Mac.lO.19). 

Zacchup',  a  Simeonite  (iChr.4.26). 

Zaocup'. — 1.  Father  of  Shammua  the 
Reubenite  spy  (Num. 13. 4). — 2.  A  Merarite 
Levite,  son  of  Jaaziah  (iChr.24.27). — 3.  (25.2, 
ID  ;  Ne.12.35)—  Zabdi,  4. — 4.  Son  of  Imri ;  he 
assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  city  wall 
(Ne.3.2). — 5.  A  Levite,  or  family  of  Levites, 
who  signed  the  covenant  (10. 12). — 8.  A  Levite, 
father  or  ancestor  of  Hanan,  8  (13. 13). 

Zachapiah  (R.V.  Zechariah). — 1.  Son  of 
Jeroboam  IL,  14th  king  of  Israel,  and  the  last 
of  the  house  of  Jehu.  There  is  a  difficulty 
about  the  date  of  his  reign.  Jeroboam  died 
in  the  27th  year  of  Uzziah  and  it  is  stated  that 
Zachariah  came  to  the  throne  in  Uzziah' s 
38th  year  (2K.I5.8),  and  accordingly  Ussher 
assumed  an  interregnum  of  11  years  between 
Jeroboam's  death  and  Zachariah's  accession, 
during  which  the  kingdom  was  suffering  from 
the  anarchy  of  a  disputed  succession ;  but  this 
is  doubtful.  [Chronology.]  Zachariah's  reign 
lasted  six  months.  He  was  killed  in  a  con- 
spiracy, of  which  Shallum  was  the  head,  and 
by  which  the  prophecy  in  2K. 10. 30  was  accom- 
plished.— 2.  The  father  of  Abi,  or  Abijah, 
Hezekiah's  mother  (2K.I8.2). 

Zachapi'as. — 1.  (iEsd.1.8)  =  Zechariah, 
27. — 2.  In  iEsd.1.15  Zacharias  occupies  the 
place  of  Heman  in  2Chr.35.T5. — 3.  (iEsd.5.8) 
=  AzARiAH,  20.^-4.  (6.1,7.3)  =  Zechariah, 
I. — 5.  (8.30)  =  Zechariah,  8. — 6.  (8.37)  = 
Zechariah,  9. — 7.  (8.44)  =  Zechariah,  10. 
— 8.  (9-27)  =  Zechariah,  ii. — 9.  Father  of 
Joseph,  a  leader  in  the  war  under  Judas 
Maccabaeus  (iMac.5.18,56). — 10-  Father  of 
John  the  Baptist  (Lu.l.5). — 11.  Son  of  Bara- 
chiah,  who,  as  our  Lord  says,  was  slain  between 
the  sanctuary  and  the  altar  (Mt.23.25  ;  Lu.ll. 
51).  The  reference  is  almost  certainly  to  the 
murder  of  Zechariah,  6.  Some  difficulty  is 
caused  by  the  designation  "son  of  Barachiah  " 
in  St.  Matthew.  The  Zechariah  of  2Chr.24.20 
was  son  of  Jehoiada.  Zechariah  the  son  of 
Barachiah  is  the  prophet.  There  may  be  a 
confusion  between  the  two  on  the  part  of 
Matthew  or  of  a  later  hand.  The  reason  why 
Jesus  fixes  upon  a  murder  in  the  time  of  Joash 
(840  B.C.)  is  probably  because  Chronicles  came 
last  in  the  Heb.  canon  of  O.T.  [r.s.m.] 

Zach'apy.  The  prophet  Zechariah  (2 
Esd.1.40). 


ZALMON,  MOUNT 


959 


Za'chep,  a  son  of  Jehiel  the  father  or 
founder  of  Gibeon  (iChr.8.31). 

Za'dok. — 1.  One  of  the  two  chief  priests  in 
the  time  of  David,  Abiathar  being  the  other. 
In  2Sam.8.i7  he  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  Ahi- 
TUB,  but  the  text  of  this  verse  is  uncertain. 
According  to  iChr.24.3,  Zadok  was  a  descen- 
dant of  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Aaron.  He  first 
appears  in  1Chr.i2.28  (but  scholars  think  that 
this  passage  refers  to  another  Zadok),  where 
we  read  of  his  joining  David  at  Hebron  after 
Saul's  death  with  22  captains  of  his  father's 
house.  Up  to  this  time,  it  may  be  concluded, 
he  had  adhered  to  the  house  of  Saul.  But 
henceforth  his  fidelity  to  David  was  inviolable. 
When  David  fled  from  Jerusalem  before 
Absalom,  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  bearing  the  ark, 
accompanied  him,  but  at  the  king's  command 
they  returned  to  the  city,  and  became  the 
medium  of  communication  between  the  king 
and  Hushai  the  Archite  (2Sam. 15,17).  When 
Absalom  was  dead,  Zadok  and  Abiathar  per- 
suaded the  elders  of  Judah  to  invite  David  to 
return  (19. 11).  When  Adonijah,  in  David's 
old  age,  attempted  to  seize  the  throne,  and 
had  persuaded  Joab  and  Abiathar  the  priest 
to  join  his  party,  Zadok  was  faithful  to  David, 
and  was  employed  by  him  to  anoint  Solomon 
(iK.l).  And  for  this  fidelity  Solomon  "  put 
Zadok  the  priest  "  in  the  office  of  Abiathar 
(iK. 2. 27,35).  Nothing  further  is  recorded  of 
him  except  that  his  name  is  mentioned  as 
that  of  "  priest  "  among  Solomon's  officers  of 
state  (4.4  ;  iChr.29.22).  Zadok  and  Abia- 
thar were  of  nearly  equal  dignity  (2Sam.l5. 
35,36,19.11).  The  duties  of  the  office  were 
divided.  Zadok  ministered  before  the  taber- 
nacle at  Gibeon  (1Chr.l6.39),  Abiathar  had 
the  care  of  the  ark  at  Jerusalem.  Not,  how- 
ever, exclusively,  as  appears  from  iChr.l5.ii  ; 
2Sam.l5.24,25,29.  Hence,  perhaps,  it  may  be 
concluded  that  from  the  first  there  was  a 
tendency  to  consider  the  office  of  the  high- 
priesthood  as  somewhat  of  the  nature  of  a 
corporate  office,  although  some  of  its  func- 
tions were  necessarily  confined  to  the  chief 
member  of  that  corporation.  [Sadducees.]— 
2.  According  to  iChr.6.12,  there  was  a  second 
Zadok,  son  of  a  second  Ahitub,  son  of  Ama- 
riah  ;  about  the  time  of  king  Ahaziah.  It  is 
possible  that  the  repetition  of  the  names  is  a 
copyist's  error. — 3.  Father  of  Jerushah,  the 
wife  of  king  Uzziah,  and  mother  of  king 
Jotham  (2K. 15.33;  2Chr.27.i).— 4.  Son  of 
Baana,  who  repaired  a  portion  of  the  wall 
(Ne.3.4).  He  is  probably  the  same  as  the 
Zadok  in  10. 21  who  joined  in  sealing  the 
covenant. — 5.  Son  of  Immer,  a  priest  who 
repaired  a  portion  of  the  wall  over  against  his 
own  house  (3.29). — 6.  In  Ne.ll.ii  and  iChr. 
9. II  mention  is  made  of  Zadok,  the  son  of 
Meraioth,  the  son  of  Ahitub  ;  but  the  names 
may  have  been  transposed.  [h.c.b.] 

Za'ham,  son  of  Rehoboam  by  Abihail,  the 
"  daughter  "  of  Eliab  (2Chr.ll. 19). 

Zaip'  (2K.8.21),  an  unknown  place,  in  or 
near  Edom,  to  which  Joramof  Judah  went  over 
to  attack  the  Edomites.  [c.r.c] 

Zalaph',  father  of  Hanum,  3  (Ne.3.30). 

Zalmon'  (2Sam.23.28)  =  Ilai. 

Zalmon',  Mount  (Judg.9.48).     [Salmon.] 


960 


ZALMONAH 


Zaltnonah'  (N'uin.33.4i),  an  unknown  site 
S.  of  Mount  HoR.  [c.R.c] 

Zalmunna',  one  of  the  two  "  kings  "  of 
Midian  slain  by  Gideon  (Judg.8.5-21;  l's.83.ii)- 
[Zkhaii  ;  Okeb.) 

Zam'bis  ( ii:sd.9.34)  =  Amariah,  5. 

Zam'bpi  (i.Maf.2.26)  =  Zimri,  i. 

Za'moth  (il-;sd.9.28)  =  Zattit. 

Zamzumminis'  (properly  Zamzummim). 
The  inhabitants  of  the  land  subsequently  occu- 
pied by  the  Ammonites  \vere  Rephaim,  a  giant 
race  called  by  the  Ammonites  Zamzummim 
(Deut.2.20).  An  Arab,  word  zamzamah  means 
a  distant  noise,  and  zizim  is  used  in  that  lan- 
guage for  the  noise  the  spirits  or  jinns  make 
at  night  in  the  desert.  Perhaps  therefore  the 
word  was  employed  to  indicate  the  ghosts  of 
the  old  giant  inhabitants  which  still  haunted 
their  ancient  homes.  This  is,  however,  only 
a  conjecture.  [f-J-F--J-] 

Zanoah'. — 1.  In  the  slvphcld  (Jos. 15. 34  ; 
Ne.ll.30),  named  in  the  same  group  with 
Zoreah  and  Jarmuth.  Now  Zdnu'a,  a  ruin  2i 
miles  S.  of  'Ain  Shema.  [Beth-shemesh.]— ^ 
2.  A  town  in  the  mountains  (Jos. 15. 56).  Now 
Zdni'ita,  a  ruin  12  miles  S.W.  of  Hebron.  In 
iChr.4.18  Jekuthiol  is  said  to  have  been  the 
"father"  or  founder  of  Zanoah.         [c.R.c] 

Zaphnath'-paaneah'  (R.V.  correctly 
Zaphenaih-pancah  ;  (icn.4i.45).  A  name 
given  by  Pharaoh  to  Joseph  after  he  had  ex- 
plained the  meaning  of  the  king's  dreams.  It 
is  the  last  of  the  dignities  bestowed  upon  him. 
This  Egyptian  name  has  been  variously  inter- 
preted, the  interpreters  seeking  to  find  an 
absolute  correspondence  between  the  Egyptian 
and  the  Hcb.  letters.  The  transcription 
which  is  most  satisfactory  in  that  respect  is 
za(t)  pniile-ef-ankh,  "  the  god  speaks  and  he 
lives."  To  this  form,  from  which  conclusions 
have  been  drawn  as  to  the  age  of  the  text  of 
Genesis,  there  seem  serious  objections  :  it  is 
absolutely  unmeaning  here,  quite  out  of  place 
in  the  text,  and  has  no  connexion  whatever 
with  what  precedes.  Another  explanation 
lately  suggested  is,  "  the  nourisher  of  the 
land,  who  gives  life,"  but  this  description 
seems  rather  premature,  as  Joseph  had  not 
yet  done  anything  for  the  country.  The 
present  writer'  belie\-cs  that  these  words  are 
not  a  proper  name,  but  a  title — viz.  Thes  nt 
paankh,  the  head  of  the  Paankh,  the  saored 
college  of  the  learned  men  and  hierogram- 
matists  to  whom  Jf)Seph  had  just  proved 
superior.  This  head  ))riest  is  sonu'timcs  seen 
holding  a  roll  and  marching  at  the  head  of  a 
procession  of  the  magicians.  [e.n.] 

Zaphon'  (north;  Jos.13.27),  <i  town  of 
Gad,  in  the  Arabah,  or  Jordan  Valley.  The 
Jerusalem  Talmud  {Sliebiitli  ix.  2)  renders  the 
name  'Amathi,  ajjparently  the  Amathus  in 
(iilead,  which  Josephus  mentions,  with  CiAU- 
ara,  as  the  strongest  fortress  near  the  Jordan 
(i  Wars  iv.  2  ;  see  13  Anl.  xiii.  s,  14  Attf.  v. 
4).  This  site  is  on  the  \'ermu(i  River,  2  miles 
N.  of  Gadara,  and  thus  f)n  N.  border  of  Gad. 
The  name  Hammeh  here  applies  to  a  "  hot  " 
spring,  in  a  gorge  with  seven  fine  palms.  On 
the  N.  is  a  ruin  on  a  basaltic  preci)>ice — it  is 
called  cl  \tukhaihi  (the  little  huiinR-placc); 
and  the  Meb.  (Aphon  also   means  '"  hidden  " 


ZEALOTS 

as  well  as  "  north."  See  Schumacher,  Nor- 
thern 'A/ltin,  p.  91.  [c.R.c] 

Za'pa  (.\It.l.3)  =  Zerah,  2. 

Zan'aces,  brother  of  Joacim,  or  Jehoia- 
kim.  king  df  Judah,  according  to  iEsd.l.38. 

Za'rah  ((kn. 38.30.46.12)  =  Zerah,  2. 

Zapai'as.— 1.(1  Esd. 8.2 )  =  Zerahiah,  i. — 2. 
(8.3r)  =  ZEKA!iiAn,  2. — 3.  (8.34)  =  Zebadiah,5. 

Zareah',  Zaneathites,  The  (Ne.ll.29; 
iCi)r.2.=;^,).     IZoKAii.j 

Zared,  Valley  of  {.Num. 21. 12).  R.V. 
Zeked,  as  .\.\.  also  in  Deut.2.13. 

Zapephath',  a  town  which  was  the 
residence  of  the  prophet  Elijah  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  drought  (iK.17.9,10).  Be- 
yond stating  that  it  belonged  to  Zidon,  the 
Bible  gives  no  clue  to  its  position.  Josephus 
(8  Atit.  xiii.  2)  says  that  it  was  "  not  far  from 
Sidon  and  Tyre,  for  it  lies  between  them." 
Jerome  says  (Onomasticon,  "  Sarefta  ")  that  it 
"lay  on  the  public  road  " — that  is,  the  coast 
road.  Both  these  conditions  are  implied  in  the 
mention  of  it  in  the  itinerary  of  Paula  by 
Jerome,  and  both  are  fulfilled  in  the  situation 
of  the  modern  village  of  Siirafend,  with  ruins 
that  extend  for  a  mile  or  more,  and  fragments 
of  columns,  slabs,  and  other  architectural 
features.  In  N.T.  Zarephath  appears  under  the 
Gk.  form  Sarepta.  This  place  is  noticed  in  an 
Egyptian  papyrus  of  14th  cent,  b.c  It  was 
taken  by  Sennacherib  in  702  b.c  [c.r.c] 

Zapetan'  (Jos.3.i6),  Zapta'nah  (iK.4. 
12).  Zapthan'  (iK.7.46),  all  rendered  Zare- 
than  in  R.V.  In  2Chr.4.i7  Zeredathah  stands 
for  Zarthan.  The  place  was  "  beside  "  the 
city  Adam,  and  Solomon's  fifth  district  in- 
cluded the  district  of  Beth-shean  "  to  Zartan," 
below  Jezreel.  There  were  clay  lands  in  the 
Jordan  Valley  between  Succoxn  and  Zarthan. 
It  may  be  suggested  that  the  name  means  "the 
great  [or,  lofty]  rock,"  and  thus  applies  to  the 
conspicuous  peak  of  Qurn  Sarlabah — a  land- 
mark in  the  Jordan  Valley  W.  of  the  Ddmieh 
ruin.     [.-Vdam,  Citv.]  [c.r.c] 

Zapeth'-shahap'  (Jos. 13. 19),  a  place  in 
Moab  described  as  being  in  "  the  mount  of 
the  valley"  (hdr  hd'emeq).  [Moab.]  The 
name  may  perhaps  be  rendered  "  rocks  of 
black."  There  is  a  very  remarkable  black  ba- 
salt rock,  rising  between  white  limestone  and 
red  sandstone  cliffs,  on  S.  side  of  the  Zerqa 
M'ain  Valley.     [Naualiel.]  [c.r.c] 

Zap'hites,  The.  a  branch  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah.  iles( ended  from  Zerah  the  son  of  Ju- 
dah (N'mii. 26. 13.20  ;  J()s.7.i7:  iChr.27.11,13). 

Zaptanah,  Zapthan.     [Zaretan.] 

Zath'oe  (K.\'.  Zalh'oes).  The  children  of 
Zathoes  (iKsd.8.32),  i.e.  Zattu  (Ezr.2.8  ;  Ne.7. 
13).  returned  with  Zerubbabel.  The  name 
Zattu  has  been  omitted  from  the  Heb.  of 
Ezr.8.'i.     [Zathi;!.] 

Zathui  (ii;s(1.5.i2).  Zatthu  (N'c.l0.i4). 
or  Zattu,  a  family  of  laymen  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2.S  ;'Ne.7.i3).  Some  of 
them  married  foreign  wives  (Ezr.lO.27).  and 
the  head  of  the  family  joined  in  sealing  the 
covenant  (Ne.lO.14). 

Zavan'  (ithr.l.42)  =  Zaavan. 

Zaza',  one  of  the  sons  oi  Jonathan,  a 
(le';( «  ndant  of  Jerahmeel  (iChr.2.33). 

Zealots,  a  Jewish  sect  very  iirominent  in 
the   pages  of  Josephus,   who  says  that   their 


ZEBADIAH 

opinions  agreed  in  all  points  with  the  Pharisees', 
but  they  maintained  their  views  with  fanatical 
zeal.  In  the  Talmud  they  appear  as  the  fol- 
lowers of  Abba  Siqra  ;  the  latter  part  of  the 
name  being  an  obvious  attempt  to  adapt  the 
term  sicarii  to  Heb.  usage.  They  are  repre- 
sented as  eager  for  war  with  the  Romans.  The 
Talmud  credits  them  with  destroying  the  stores 
of  wheat  in  Jerusalem,  to  force  their  feUow 
citizens  to  join  in  resisting  the  enemy — in 
order  to  force  resistance,  destroying  the  means 
of  it.  Josephus  attributes  their  rise  to  Judas 
of  Gamala.  They  may  have  assumed  the  name 
in  his  time,  but  the  party  (with  aU  its  fanati- 
cism) existed  long  before  the  "  days  of  taxing." 
The  "robbers"  against  whom  Herod  made 
his  early  expedition  (Josephus,  14  Ant.  ix.  2, 
I  Wars  X.  5)  were  really  "  Zealots."  The 
"  Sicarii  "  seem  to  have  been  the  extreme  wing 
of  the  "  Zealots."  The  history  of  Italy  and 
Ireland  show  how  readily  (among  an  excitable 
people)  patriotism  develops  assassination. 
How  far  the  "  Zealots  "  deserved  the  designa- 
tion "  robbers,"  which  Josephus  apphes  to 
them,  may  be  doubted.  One  of  the  apostles 
was  a  "  Zealot  " — Simon,  otherwise  called 
"  the  Canaanite  "  (so  A.V. ;  but  R.V.  "  Cana- 
nean"),  hoiaqdnd,  "to  be  jealous."  Thismust 
have  represented  an  earlier  phase  of  his  spirit- 
ual development.  The  followers  of  the  Egyp- 
tian referred  to  in  Ac. 21. 38  were  probably 
"  Zealots"  ;  so  also  (not  impossibly)  Barabbas 
and  the  "  thieves  "  that  were  crucified  with 
oiu:  Lord.  The  statement  of  our  Lord  (Mt. 
11.12),  that  "the  kingdom  of  heaven  suffereth 
violence,  and  the  violent  take  it  by  force,"  may 
refer  to  the  means  by  which  the  "  Zealots  "  en- 
deavoured to  realize  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
as  they  imagined  it.  [j.e.h.t.] 

Zebadiah'. — 1,  2.  Benjamites  of  the  sons 
of  Beriah  (iChr.8.15)  and  of  Elpaal  (8.17)-— 3. 
One  of  two  sons  of  J  eroham  of  Gedor  who  joined 
David  at  Ziklag  (12.?). — 4.  Son  of  Asahel  the 
brother  of  Joab  (27.7). — 5-  Son  of  Michael  of 
the  sons  of  Shephatiah  (Ezr.8.8). — 6.  A  priest  of 
the  sons  of  Immer  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  (IO.20). — 7.  Third  son  of  Meshelemiah  the 
Korhite  (iChr.26.2). — 8.  A  Levite  sent  by 
Jehoshaphat  to  teach  the  law  (2Chr.l7.8). — 9. 
Son  of  Ishmael  and  ruler  of  the  house  of  Judah 
in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (19. 11). 

Ze'bah,  one  of  the  two  "  kings "  of 
Midian  who  appear  to  have  commanded  the 
great  invasion  of  Palestine,  and  who  finally 
feU  by  the  hand  of  Gideon  himself.  He 
is  always  coupled  with  Zahnunna,  and  is 
mentioned  in  Judg.8.5-21,  Ps.83.ii.  While 
Oreb  and  Zeeb,  two  of  the  inferior  leaders  of 
the  incursion,  had  been  slain,  with  a  vast 
number  of  their  people,  by  the  Ephraimites, 
W.  of  the  Jordan,  the  two  kings  had  succeeded 
in  maldng  their  escape  through  Gilead,  to 
Karkor,  a  place  which  is  not  fixed,  but  which 
lay  doubtless  high  up  on  the  Hauran.  Here 
Gideon  overtook  them  with  the  15,000  left  of 
their  army,  who,  entirely  imprepared  for  his 
attack,  fled  in  dismay,  and  the  two  kings  were 
taken.  Gideon  took  them  back  down  the  long 
defiles  leading  to  the  Jordan.  They  returned 
by  Penuel  and  Succoth,  and  —  perhaps  at 
Ophrah,  his  own  native  village — Gideon  asked, 
"  What  manner  of  men  were  they  which  ye 


ZEBULtJN 


961 


slew  at  Tabor  ?  "  Up  to  this  time  the  kings 
may  have  beUeved  that  they  were  reserved  for 
ransom  ;  but  these  words  once  spoken,  they 
can  have  had  no  doubt  as  to  their  fate.  They 
met  it  without  fear  or  weakness,  making  but 
one  request  alone — that  they  may  die  by  the 
hand  of  the  hero  himself — "  and  Gideon  arose 
and  slew  them." 

Zebaim'.  The  sons  of  Pochereth  of 
hac-c^bhdyim  are  mentioned  in  the  catalogue 
of  the  families  of  "  Solomon's  slaves,"  who 
retiurned  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.2.57 ;  Ne.7.59).  Zebaim means  " gazelles  " 
[Roe],  and  stands  (with  other  points)  for 
Zeboim  in  Gen.lO.19.  [c.R.c] 

Zebedee,  the  father  of  the  apostles 
James  and  John  (Mk.l.19),  and  the  husband  of 
Salome  (Mk.i5.40,  compared  with  Mt. 27.56). 
He  had  a  fishing-boat  of  his  own,  and  hired 
servants  on  the  lake  of  Galilee.  This,  together 
with  other  indications  [John  ;  Salome],  sug- 
gests that  he  was  in  rather  better  circumstances 
than  some ;  though  he  and  his  sons  were  them- 
selves working  at  their  business  (Mk.l.19)  when 
the  Saviour  called  the  latter.  As  Zebedee  con- 
sented to  his  sons'  departure,  he  was  probably 
a  disciple  of  the  Baptist,  as  they  were ;  though 
there  is  no  actual  evidence  that  he  became  a 
Christian.  The[name  (which  is  of  Heb.  origin, 
and  means  "  the  gift  of  Jehovah  ")  is  found  in 
slightly  different  forms  elsewhere  in  the  Bible 
{e.g.  Zebediah  and  Zabdias).  [c.l.f.] 

Zebina',  one  of  the  sons  of  Nebo,  who 
put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.lO.43). 

Zeboiim,  Zeboim'  (Gen. 14.2,8).  Zeboim 
represents  in  A.V.  two  different  Heb.  words,  (i) 
f^bhS'lm  (Ho.11.8),  f«bhdyim  (Gen.lO.19,  Deut. 
29.23),  one  oi  the  Cities  of  the  Plain,  always 
mentioned  next  to  Admah.  The  site  is  imknown. 
(2)  ("bhd'im  (iSam.l3.i8;  Ne.ll.34),  the  name 
apparently  of  two  distinct  places,  and  meaning 
"  hyenas."  In  the  fixst-cited  passage  the  Phi- 
listine bands  are  said  to  have  turned  "  the  way 
of  the  border  that  looks  on  the  ravine  (g£)  of 
the  f^'bho'hn."  This  may  refer  to  the  old  road 
from  Ophrah  to  the  Jordan  Valley,  which  de- 
scends E.,  opposite  a  ravine  called  Shukh  ed 
Dub'a  (hyena's  lair),  N.  of  Jericho.  The 
Zeboim  noticed  with  towns  N.  of  Lydda,  in 
Nehemiah,  has  apparently  no  connexion  with 
this,  and  the  site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Zebudah',  daughter  of  Pedaiah  of  Rumah 
and  mother  of  king  Jehoiakim  (2 K. 23. 36). 

Zebul',  the  chief  man  (A.V.  ruler)  of 
the  city  of  Shechem  who  allied  himself  with 
Abimelech  against  Gaal  (Judg.9.22-41). 

Zeb'ulonite,  this  form  of  the  ethnic  name 
is  applied  only  to  Elon,  the  one  judge  produced 
by  the  tribe  of  Zebulim  (Judg.l2.ii,i2). 

Zebulun',  the  tenth  son  of  Jacob,  and  the 
sixth  (and  last)  son  of  Leah  (Gen.30.2o).  The 
name  is  (in  A.V.)  explained  to  mean  "  dwell- 
ing"; but  the  root  means  to  be  round  like  a 
globe,  or  a  disk  or  cake.  It  is  best  explained 
by  the  Assyrian  zabalu,  "  to  exalt  "  (Delitzsch). 
"  Now  will  my  husband  extol  me."  In  the 
blessing  of  Jacob,  Zebulun  is  said  to  dwell  at 
the  "haven  [hoph]  of  the  sea"  (Gen. 49.13); 
perhaps  referring  to  Haifa,  the  seaport  under 
Mt.  Carmel.  The  further  expression,  "  his  bor- 
der imto  Zidon,"  may  be  explained  by  the  fact 
that,  in  early  times,  Zidon  claimed  all  the  shore 

61 


962 


ZEBULUNITES,  THE 


lands  even  S.  of  Carmcl ;  and  the  shore  of  the 
bay  of  Acre  seems  to  have  been  disputed  with 
Israel  in  later  times  also.  In  the  desert,  Zebu- 
hm  is  the  fourth  largest  tribe,  under  its  chief 
Eliab  (Num.1. 31, 2.7,7. 24, 10.16),  the  spy 
chosen  from  it  being  Gaddiel  (13. 10).  There 
were  three  clans  from  Zebulun's  three  sons 
(Gen.46.i4  ;  Num. 26. 26, 27).  In  the  blessing  of 
Moses  the  tribe  is  coupled  with  Issachar,  as 
assembling  either  on  Tabor  or  some  other 
"  mountain  "  (Deut.33.18,19),  and  as  possess- 
ing the  "  abundance  of  the  seas,  and  treasures 


hid  in  the  sands."  Though  Zebulun  did  not 
expel  all  the  Canaanites  (Judg.l.30),  the  tribe 
is  praised  for  its  warlike  prowess  (J  udg.4.6, 10, 
5.18;  c/.  iChr.12.33),  and  the  expression  "pen 
of  the  writer  "  (Judg.5.14),  in  the  song  of  De- 
borah, is  better  rendered  "the  marshal's  staff  " 
(R.V.).  The  ancient  assembling  of  Zebulun, 
with  other  tribes,  at  Jerusalem  (Ps.68.27)  was 
followed  by  ahenation  from  Judah,  lasting 
after  the  fall  of  Samaria  (2Chr.30.6,io,ii).  Is. 
9.1  refers  to  the  Assyrian  attack  on  the  tribe  in 
734  B.C.  The  latest  reference  is  in  Rev.7.8. 
—  The  Tribal  Lot.  This  included  about  300 
square  miles  of  hill  and  plain,  with  fine  corn 
lands,  in  Lower  Galilee.  The  N.E.  and  E.  bor- 
ders (J0S.I9.10-16)  adjoined  Naphtali  (see  also 
Dabbasiietii),  and  the  S.  border  ran  along  the 
foot  of  the  Nazareth  hills  from  the  Kisiion,  E. 
of  Jokneam.  On  thcW.  the  shore  plain  was 
apparently  disputed  between  Zebulun,  Asher, 
and  Sidon  (Gen. 49.13  ;  Jos.19.26),  Beth-da- 
r,oN  being  on  the  Ixirdcr  of  Asher  and  Zebulun 
(v.r.  27).     INkiei..]  [c.R.cl 

Zebulunltes,  T|ie  (Num.26.27  only), 
members  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun. 

Zechapiah. — 1.  (=  Jehovah  remembers.) — 
liiof^rat^hical.  The  writer  of  the  nth  book  of 
the  .Minor  Prophets  makes  his  first  appearance 
in  the  8th  month  of  tlie  2nd  year  of  Darius 
(520  B.C.  ;  see  1.1),  and  his  last  dated  prophecy 
(7.1)  brings  us  down  to  the  4th  day  of  the  9th 
month  of  the  4th  year  of  this  king  (518  B.C.). 
If  ch.  9-14  are  genuine,  he  prophesied  still  I 


2ECHARIAH 

later,  since  9.8,15,11.13,14.20  presuppose  that 
the  temple  is  in  existence,  and  9.13  very 
possibly  refers  to  the  great  battles  of  the 
Greeks  with  the  Persians.  As  the  first  part 
(1-8)  shows  his  interest  in  the  building  of  the 
temple  (I.i6,3.7,4.6,8f.,6.i3f.,8.9),  doubtless 
the  Zechariah  who,  side  by  side  with  Haggai, 
urged  on  the  building  of  the  temple  (Ezr.S.i, 
6.14)  was  the  prophet.  Zechariah  is  called 
the  son  of  Iddo  in  Ezra,  and  in  Zech. 1.1,7  the 
son  of  Berechiah  and  grandson  of  Iddo  (but 
there  may  be  a  confusion  with  Is.8.2,  cf. 
an  actual  one  in  Mt.23.35  with  2Chr.24.2o) ; 
but  in  the  genealogies,  individuals  are  often 
passed  over  [Genealogies],  and  Berechiah 
may  have  been  left  out  in  Ezra  as  of  small 
importance,  or  as  having  died  early.  If  the 
grandfather  came  back  with  Zerubbabel  in 
536  B.C.,  and  if  the  grandson  in  the  next  genera- 
tion took  his  place  without  any  break  as  the 
head  of  a  priestly  family  (Ne. 12.4,16),  Zecha- 
riah must  have  been  still  a  youth  (Zech. 2.4)  in 
520  B.C.  ;  but  ecclesiastical  wTiters  make  him 
return  from  Chaldea  a  long  time  earlier,  as- 
cribe a  great  age  to  him  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  and  say  he  was  buried  close  to  the  grave 
of  Haggai.  We  are  not,  however,  in  a  position 
to  verify  this,  and  the  statement  in  a  codex 
of  Epiphanius  that  in  the  time  of  the  Judaean 
king  Joash  he  was  killed  between  the  temple 
and  the  altar  is  another  instance  of  confusion 
with  2Chr.24.20  ff. — The  Book.  As  there  is  at 
present  uncertainty  in  the  critical  judgment 
with  regard  to  the  last  six  chapters,  and  as  the 
first  part  really  differs  from  the  second,  it 
will  be  well  to  treat  them  separately.  I. 
Three  dated  sections  stand  out  from  the  rest 
of  the  first  section  (1-8).  (1)  I.1-6  contains 
an  admonition  to  the  people,  based  upon  the 
history  of  their  fathers,  whose  contempt  for 
the  word  of  the  earlier  prophets  did  not  go 
unpunished.  (2)  1. 7-6.15,  eight  succes.sive 
visions  closely  connected  in  their  symbolism. 
In  the  construction  of  these  visions,  which 
are  specially  interpreted  by  an  angel,  (a) 
there  is  a  break  after  the  fourth,  indicated 
in  4.1  ;  (6)  the  2nd  and  3rd,  6th  and  7th 
visions  are  nearly  related  to  one  another ; 
(c)  the  eighth  vision  has  reminiscences  of  the 
first ;  (d)  the  4th  and  5th  visions  are  not  with- 
out reference  to  one  another,  and  together 
form  a  point  of  departure  for  the  symbohsm 
of  e.gfl.  The  visions  are,  ist,  the  horsemen 
before  Jehovah  (I.8-17),  2nd,  four  horns  and 
four  smiths  (1. 18-21,  R.V.)  ;  3rd,  the  man 
with  the  measuring  line  (2.1-5)  ;  4fli.  the  grace 
bestowed  upon  the  high-priest  before  Jehovah 
(3.iff.)  ;  5th,  the  golden  candlesticks  between 
the  two  olive-trees  (4.iff.)  ;  6th,  the  flying  roll 
(5.1-4)  ;  7th,  the  woman  in  the  ephah  (5.5-11); 
8th,  the  departure  of  the  chariots  (6.1  IT.).  All 
are  favourable  to  Israel  (I.13).  In  the  sym- 
bolic action  of  6.8ff.  the  prophet  is  bidden  to 
deck  the  head  of  the  high-priest  Joshua  with 
crowns  (plur.,  as  in  Job  31. 36)  constructed 
from  the  gifts  of  the  ejcilcs,  and  Joshua  (as 
in  the  4th  vision,  3.8fT.)  is  set  forth  as  a 
type  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  Messiah's  work 
itself  is  indicated  with  a  clear  reference  to 
4.6ff.  The  Messiah's  task  will  be  the  re- 
building of  the  temple  in  a  spiritual  sense. 
But  (as  already  in   the   5th   vision)   Joshua 


ZECHARIAH 

and    Zerubbabel    symbolize    the    uniting    of 
the  high-priestly  and  the  kingly  authority, 
it    follows   that   both    are   combined   in   the 
Messiah,  whose  kingdom  thus  comes  to  have 
a  universal  significance.     The  same  idea  occurs 
in    Je.33.17ff., 22, 30.21,  where   "I  will  cause 
him    to    draw    near"    is   the    expression  for 
Levitical  or  priestly  service,   see   Num.16.5, 
and  in  Ezk.21.25ff.[3off.],45.22  ;  see  Messian- 
ische  Erwartung,  pp.  320  ff.,  354  ff.,    and  art. 
EzEKiEL  in  this  Diet.     The  explanation  just 
given  that  Joshua  alone  is  crowned  is  justified 
both  by  the  text  and  by  the  clear  reference  to 
Zech.3.8ff.    The  Messiah  is  called  the  "  scion  " 
(3.8,6.12  ;    A.V.  branch),  which   expression  is 
taken  from Is.4.2;  Je.23.5ff.,33.i5f.     (3)  In  7,8 
Zechariah  gives  an   answer  in  the  spirit   of 
the   earlier  prophets   to   the   question   asked 
of    the   priests   and    prophets,    whose   offices 
he  united  in  his  own  person,  as  to  whether  in 
the  fifth  month,    on  the  anniversary  of  the 
burning   of   the   temple,    there   should   be   a 
general  fast  and  lamentation.     He  says  that 
love  and  compassion  belong  to  Jehovah,  and 
that  disregard  of  His  graciousness  led  to  the 
Captivity.     But  now  He  is  become  once  more 
favourable  to  His  people  ;    He  dwells  again  in 
Zion,  works  wonders  for  and  blesses  them,  and 
encourages    them     to    rebuild     His    temple. 
Israel  must  accordingly  keep  His  command- 
ment, and  then  all  fast-days  will  be  turned  into 
feast-days,  and  even  the  heathen  peoples  will 
resort  to  Jerusalem  to  seek  Jehovah. — Charac- 
teristics.    This  part  of  the  book  is  conspicu- 
ously dependent  upon  the  "earlier  prophets  " 
(see  Zech.l.4,7.7,12).    C/.,  e.g.,  2.8f.  with  Is.49. 
igf.  ;    3.8  and  6.12  with  Is.4.2,  Je.23.5f.,33. 
I5f. ;  5.1-3  with  Ezk.2.9f.  ;   6.13  with  Ps.llO. 
3,4;  8.4  with  Is. 65.20  ;  8.10  f.  with  Is.65.22ff. ; 
8.20-23  with  Mi.4.2,    Is.2.3,    Je.31.6ff.      But, 
speaking    generally,    the    manner    in    which 
he  works  up  the  ideas  of  earlier  prophecies 
is  quite  independent.     It  is  usually  inferred, 
from    his   strong  tendency  to  introduce  the 
ministry  of  angels,  that  his  idea  of  the  divine 
nature    was    transcendental ;      yet    Jehovah 
Himself    takes    up    His    residence    in    Zion, 
and  speaks  directly  with  Zechariah  [e.g.  l.if., 
Tff.),  and  that  frequently  even  in  the  midst  of 
the   visions.      The    fact   that  an  interpreting 
angel  gives  the  meaning  of   the  visions  by  no 
means  implies  that  these  visions  were  simply 
mediated  by  the  angel  and  not  actual,  any 
more  than  do  the  relatively  large  number  of 
the  visions  (cf.  Am.Tf.,  where  are  five  visions). 
The  appellative  significance  of  Satan  (Zech.3. 
if.)   has  not  yet  passed  out  of  mind.     The 
kingdom    of    God    is    conspicuously    distinct 
from  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  and  yet  in 
such  a  way  that  the  universal  bearing  of  the 
historical    plan    of    salvation    has    its    place 
(2.iiff.[i4ff.],6.i5,8.2off.).      All    attempts    to 
make  political  disturbances  the  occasions  of 
the  visions  are  discredited  by  the  first,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  world  is  at  rest.     The  chief 
purpose  of  these  chapters,  as  it  was  the  chief 
mission    of    Zechariah    himself,    Ues    in    the 
stimulation  of  a  dispirited  generation  to  their 
task  of  building  the  temple,  and  in  keeping 
away  doubts  by  promises,  and  so  preserving 
national  stability  during  the  days  of  small 
beginnings.     II.    In  oh.    9-14    the    Syrians, 


ZECHARIAH 


963 


Phoenicians,  and  Philistines  are  threatened, 
while  in  Israel  the  King  of  Peace  makes  His 
entry  riding  upon  an  ass.  The  people  of  God 
have  to  war  against  Javan  (Greece),  and  they 
overcome.  Israel  returns  from  exile ;  the 
power  of  the  world  is  overthrown.  The 
prophet  tends  the  flock  with  two  shepherd's 
crooks  ("  grace  "  and  "  union  "),  dismisses 
three  shepherds  in  a  month  ;  on  account  of  the 
behaviour  of  the  people,  breaks  the  crook 
"  grace,"  which  signifies  the  covenant  of  God 
with  the  people  and  also  the  crook  "  miion  " 
[i.e.  the  brotherly  relation  of  Judah  and  Israel), 
and  he  himself  is  paid  off  with  30  pieces  of 
silver.  Over  the  foolish  shepherd,  whom  the 
people  now  support,  rings  out  a  woe.  At- 
tacked by  enemies,  Jerusalem  is  delivered. 
The  house  of  David  and  the  dwellers  in  Jeru- 
salem lament  that  they  pierced  God,  as  it  is 
left  to  us  to  understand,  in  the  person  of  Him 
Whom  He  sent.  The  guilt  of  the  people  is 
taken  away,  the  worship  of  idols  and  prophecy 
are  rooted  out  (12-13.6).  The  shepherd  of 
Jehovah  (the  way  in  which  he  is  spoken  of, 
and  the  failure  of  any  reason  for  transposing 
the  verse,  render  the  view,  frequently  held 
since  Ewald,  that  he  is  the  foolish  shepherd  of 
ll.i5ff.,  impossible)  is  smitten  ;  the  sheep  are 
scattered  (13.7)  ;  only  the  last  third,  chosen  out 
from  the  rest,  remains  God's  people.  By  a 
fresh  assault  on  Jerusalem,  the  city  is  taken  ; 
then,  however,  comes  a  deliverance.  Jeru- 
salem is  raised  up  on  high  ;  the  land  becomes 
a  plain  ;  a  living  fountain  issues  from  Jeru- 
salem ;  a  plague  smites  the  hostile  peoples ; 
those  saved  are  converted  and  build  festal 
tabernacles.  In  Jerusalem  the  difference  be- 
tween profane  and  holy  disappears  (13.7-14). 
— History  of  the  Criticism  of  9-14.  In  this 
section  we  find  no  mention  of  the  author  or 
the  time  of  the  several  prophecies,  no  visions 
and  no  allusion  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
temple  building.  Angels  retire  into  the  back- 
ground, yet  see  I4.5.  Ch.  9  introduces  the 
most  elevated  poetry,  whereas  the  first  part 
is  more  prosaic,  yet  see  again  11.4ff.,  in  which 
the  symbolic  manner  of  the  first  part  reciurs. 
The  first  objection,  however,  does  not  come 
from  such  internal  evidences,  but  from  the  fact 
that  11.13  is  cited  by  Mt.27.9f.  as  a  prophecy 
of  Jeremiah  (so  Mede).  Since  the  time  of 
Archbp.  Newcome  it  has  been  usual  to  ascribe 
9-11  to  the  time  before  the  war  with  Syria 
and  Ephraim  (c.  735  b.c),  and  since  the 
time  of  Berthold,  following  Mede's  hypothesis 
the  Zechariah,  son  of  Jeberechiah,  mentioned 
by  Is. 8. 2  has  been  frequently  supposed  to  be 
their  author  ;  and  12-14  have  been  assigned 
to  the  beginning  of  the  6th  or  the  end  of  the 
7th  cent.  b.c.  So,  even  now,  Konig,  Strack, 
and  von  Orelh.  Kuenen  assumes  an  origin 
before  the  Exile  for  9-11,  with  post-ExUic 
redaction,  and  supposes  12-14  to  have  arisen 
c.  400  B.C.  Baudissin  and  Driver  take  a 
similar  view.  On  the  whole,  however,  there 
is  at  present  an  increasing  disposition  to  refer 
all  these  chapters  to  late  times.  Eichhorn  a 
long  time  ago  had  considered  that  a  part  of 
these  chapters  belonged  to  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  Stade  (Zeitschrift  fitr  A.  T. 
Wissenschaft,  i.  and  ii.)  relegated  9-14  to  the 
times    of     Alexander's    successors ;      Cornill 


964 


ZECHARIAH 


followed  him,  whereas  Marti  holds  that  tliey 
originated  in  i6o  B.C.  Again,  in  opposition  to 
Stade,  Cornill,  and  Marti,  who  allow  one  author 
to  have  composed  these  chapters,  Nowack 
finds  four,  and,  following  Fliigge,  breaks  up 
the  prophecy  into  nine  parts,  though  he  dates 
them  dilTerently  from  Fliigge.  On  the  other 
hand,  Hiivernick,  Kcil,  Kohler  (in  his  com- 
mentary and  in  Hertzog's  Real.-encyr,  "  Zecha- 
riah "),  Lange,  Bredenkamp,  Hengstenberg 
(in  his  Christology  and  Beitriige  i.),  hold  very 
definitely  that  these  chapters  form  a  unity 
and  that  Zechariah  himself  wrote  them, 
which  is  also  the  opinion  of  the  writer  of  this 
article. — A  Critical  Estimate  of  these  Opinions. 
The  fact  that  criticism  starts  from  Mt.27.9f. 
and  results  in  hypotheses  the  most  widely 
different  and  inconsistent  with  each  other 
should  give  us  pause.  Although  the  subject- 
matter  offers  difficulties  enough  in  itself,  so 
that  long  ago  the  Fathers  deplored  the  ob- 
scurity of  this  book,  the  decisive  points  of  the 
controversy  Ue  in  a  more  general  region.  The 
question  is,  do  such  verses  as  11.4ff.,12.io, 
13.7-9  refer  to  circumstances  and  people  in 
the  environment  of  the  author  [e.g.  11.4ff. 
to  2K.i5.8ff.  or  to  Lysimachus,  Jason,  or 
Menelaus ;  ll.isff.  to  Pekah,  Menahem, 
Menelaus,  or  Alcimus ;  12. 10  to  Urijah, 
Je. 26. 20  If.),  or  are  we  to  explain  them  as 
Messianic  ?  Is  it  possible  for  a  Zechariah  to 
prophesy  the  war  with  Javan  (Greece)  (9.13)  ? 
This  supposed  impossibility  is  the  principal 
argument  for  bringing  these  chapters  down  to 
the  Gk.  period.  But  at  a  time  when  Assyria 
was  the  ally  of  Judah,  Isaiah  (7)  foresaw 
severe  conflicts  with  them  ;  and  when  the 
ascendancy  of  Babylon  was  just  beginning, 
it  is  forthwith  brought  into  the  horizon  of 
prophecy  in  Mi. 4. 10  and  Is. 39.6.  We  may 
similarly  regard  this  prophecy,  especially 
if  we  may  suppose  that  Zechariah  outUved 
the  battles  of  Marathon  (490  b.c.)  and  Salamis 
(480  B.C.).  We  may  freely  grant  that  1-8 
are  different  in  style,  though  this  has  been 
tnuch  exaggerated,  without  being  driven 
to  the  conclusion  that  sonic  other  author 
wrote  them  ;  the  dissimilarity  may  well  be 
explained  by  their  differing  time  and  subject. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  ought  not  to  overlook 
the  manifold  references  to  a  frequent  depend- 
ence upon  the  older  prophets  ;  the  peculiar 
phrase  "me'obh^r  umishshdhh"  ("that  no  man 
passed  through,  nor  returned,"  7.14,9.8),  a 
parallel  to  which  is  found  only  in  Ezk.35.7, 
and  in  a  different  form  and  context  in  Ex.32. 
27,  and  the  bold  word-painting  common  to 
Zech. 8.20-23, 12.11-14,13.3-6,14.16-19.  The  fol- 
lowing passages  in  the  two  parts  of  Zechariah 
may  also  well  be  compared:  2.io[i4]  with  9.9  ; 
2.9,iifi3, 151,4.9, 8.15  with  11.11  ;  3.9,4.iowith 
9.1-8,12.4;  4.7with  14.IO.  The  northern  king- 
dom is  alluded  to  not  only  in  the  second  part, 
but  also  in  8.13.  The  late  date  of  9-14  is 
further  excluded  by  the  closing  of  the  pro- 
phetic canon,  which  we  have  reason  to  assume 
took  place  earlier.  [Canon  of  O.T.]  In  the 
first  part  naturally,  as  in  Haggai,  encouraging 
prophecies  occupy  the  foreground,  and  in  the 
last,  the  further  fortunes  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  follow  with  obscurer  delineation.  As  an 
instance  of  many  characteristics  in  common 


ZECHARIAH 

with  the  earlier  prophets,  we  may  especially 
compare  Ezk.38f. — Quotations  in  N.T.  The 
following  passages  are  taken  as  Messianic  : 
Zech. 9.9  (Mt.2i.4f.  ;  Jn.i2.15);  ll.i2f.  (Mt.27. 
9f.)  ;  12.10  (Jn.19.37  ;  Rev.1.7)  ;  13.7  (Mt. 
26.31  ;  Mk.14.27 ;  Jn.lO.30,16.32).  With 
13.1  compare  the  baptism  of  John  and  of 
Christ.  The  reading  of  J  eremiah  for  Zechariah 
in  Mt.27.9f.  is  either  an  error  of  memory, 
similar  to  that  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  and  some 
cursives  of  Mt.i3.35,  where  Isaiah  should 
be  read  Asaph,  or,  since  this  is  improbable  in 
a  place  where  an  exact  Messianic  reference  is 
given,  it  may  be  a  combination  of  two  pas- 
sages, e.g.  Je.l8.2ff.  and  the  allied  message  of 
ch.l9  may  be  set  side  by  side  in  memory  with 
Zech.ll.12f.  (c/.  Mk.l.2ff.,  in  which  Mal.3.i 
and  Is. 40. 3  are  similarly  conjoined).  [Potter's 
Field  ;  Zacharias,  ii.]  Other  persons 
of  the  same  name  are  of  frequent  occurrence, 
especially  in  the  tribe  of  Levi.  With  re- 
gard to  the  confusion  of  these  names  (touch- 
ing also  Mt. 23.35  as  compared  with  Lu.l.5f.), 
see  Zahn,  Geschichte  des  neutest.  Kanons, 
ii.  695,  711  f.,  776  i.,  also  Berendt's  Studien 
iiber  Zacharias-apokryphen  und  Zacharias- 
legenden  (1895). — 2.  Son  of  Meshelemiah,  a 
Korhite,  and  keeper  of  the  N.  gate  of  the 
tabernacle  of  the  congregation  (iChr.9.2i).— 
3.  (9.37)  =  Zacher. — 4.  A  Levite  of  the 
second  order  in  the  temple  band  as  arranged 
by  David,  appointed  to  play  "  with  psalteries 
on  Alamoth  "  (15. 18,20). — 5.  A  prince  of 
Judah  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2Chr.l7.7). 
— 6.  Son  of  the  high-priest  Jehoiada,  in  the 
reign  of  Joash,  king  of  Judah  (24.2o),  and 
therefore  the  king's  cousin.  After  the  death  of 
Jehoiada  Zechariah  probably  succeeded  to  his 
office,  and  in  attempting  to  check  a  reaction  in 
favour  of  idolatry,  he  was  stoned  by  order  of 
the  king  in  the  court  of  the  temple.  The 
memory  of  this  unrighteous  deed  lasted  long 
in  Jewish  tradition,  and  his  dying  words,  "  The 
Lord  look  upon  it  and  require  it,"  were  long 
remembered.  For  his  identity  with  the 
Zacharias  of  Mt.23.35,  sec  above  and  Zacha- 
rias, II. — 7.  A  Kohathite  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
Josiah  (2Chr.34.12). — 8.  The  leader  of  the  sons 
of  Pharosh  and — 9.  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  who 
returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.8.3,ii). — 10.  One  of 
the  chiefs  of  the  people  whom  Ezra  summoned 
in  council  at  the  river  Ahava  (8.16).  He  stood 
at  Ezra's  left  hand  when  he  expounded  the 
law  to  the  people  (Ne.8.4). — 11.  One  of  the 
family  of  Elain,  who  had  married  a  foreign 
wife  (Ezr.10.26). — 12.  Ancestor  of  Athaiah,  or 
Uthai  (Ne.11.4). — 13.  A  Shilonitc,  descendant 
of  Perez  (11. 5. 6). — 14.  A  priest,  son  of  Pashur 
( 1 1 . 1 2) . — 15.  The  representative  of  the  priestly 
family  of  Iddo  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  (12.i6). 
Possibly  the  same  as  i. — 16.  One  of  the  priests, 
son  of  Jonathan,  who  blew  with  the  trumpets 
at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  (12.35,41). — 17.  A 
chief  of  the  Reubenites  at  the  time  of  the  cap- 
tivity by  Tiglath-pilcser  (iChr.5.7). — 18.  One 
of  the  priests  who  accompanied  the  ark  from 
the  house  of  Obed-edom  (I5.24). — 19.  Son 
of  Isshiah,  a  Kohathite  Levite  (24.25). — 20. 
Fourth  son  of  Hosah  of  the  children  of  Merari 
(26. 1 1).— 21.  AManassitc(27.2i).— 22.  Father 
of  Jahaziel  (2Chr.2O.14). — 23.  A  son  of  Jeho- 
shaphat (21.2). — 24.  A  prophet  in  the  reign  of 


ZEDAD 

Uzziah,  who  appears  to  have  acted  as  the 
king's  counsellor  (26.5). — 25.  The  father  of 
Abijah,  or  Abi,  Hezekiah's  mother  (29.i). — 26. 
One  of  the  family  of  Asaph  in  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (29.13). — 27.  One  of  the  rulers  of 
the  temple  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (35.8). — 28. 
The  son  of  Jeberechiah,  who  was  taken  by  the 
prophet  Isaiah  as  one  of  the  "  faithful  wit- 
nesses to  record,"  when  he  wrote  concerning 
Maher-shalal-hash-baz  (Is. 8. 2).  Possibly  the 
same  as  25  or  26.     [Zachariah.]        [w.m.] 

Zedad',  on  N.E.  border  of  the  land  of  Is- 
rael (Num. 34.8).  In  Ezk.47.i5  this  border 
seems  to  follow  the  trade  route  to  Tadmor  E., 
passing  N.  of  Riblah,  "  as  men  go  to  Zedad." 
The  site  is  no  doubt  the  present  Siidud,  on  tliis 
route,  E.  of  the  Anti-Lebanon.  The  N.E.  corner 
of  the  boimdary  lay  W.  of  this  place,  but  on 
the  way  to  it.     [Hazer,  2  ;  Ain.]        [c.r.c] 

Zedechi'as  (iEsd.l.46)  =  king  Zedekiah. 

Zedeki'ah. — 1.  Son  of  Chenaanah  (iK.22; 
2Chr.l8).  Benhadad  II.  had  not  fulfiUed  his 
obligation,  three  years  old,  to  restore  Ramoth- 
gilead  f1K.2O.34).  Ahab  resolved  to  recover 
the  city  by  force,  and  summoned  Jehoshaphat 
to  help.  Jehoshaphat  wished  to  inquire  of 
the  Lord  ;  and  Ahab  summoned  the  prophets, 
400  men,  who  foretold  success.  Jehoshaphat 
was  still  dissatisfied ;  and  Micaiah,  son  of 
Imlah,  was  summoned.  In  the  interval  Zede- 
kiah, apparently  the  leader  of  the  400,  using 
the  prophetic  method  of  symbol  (cf.  1K.II.30  ; 
Is. 20.2  ;  Je.13,19,27.2  ;  Ezk.i2.1-7)  made.him 
horns  of  iron  (horns  being  also  the  emblem  of 
Ephraim,  Deut.33.i7),  and  declared:  "Thus 
saith  the  Lord,  With  these  shalt  thou  push 
the  Syrians."  The  other  prophets  supported 
this  prediction.  Micaiah  arrived,  and,  after 
an  ironical  promise  of  victory,  plainly  foretold 
disaster,  and  declared  that  God  had  sent  a 
lying  spirit  into  the  prophets  to  lure  Ahab  to 
ruin.  [Micaiah.]  The  incident  is  the  first 
instance  of  a  cleavage  in  the  prophetic  ranks. 
Despite  Jezebel's  Baal- worship,  Ahab  would 
seem  stUl  to  have  regarded  himself  as  a 
worshipper  of  Jehovah.  He  summoned  the 
prophets  in  response  to  Jehoshaphat's  appeal 
for  "  the  word  of  the  Lord  "  ;  he  seems  to 
have  had  Micaiah  in  disfavour  not  as  a  prophet 
of  the  Lord,  but  as  a  foreteller  of  evil ;  and 
Micaiah  himself  seems  to  have  had  no  doubt 
but  that  Zedekiah  was  really  inspired  by  God, 
inspired  to  lead  Ahab  to  deserved  punishment. 
The  Biblical  narrative  scarcely  makes  quite 
clear  why  Jehoshaphat's  doubts  were  so  com- 
pletely satisfied.  According  to  Josephus 
(8  Ant.  XV.  4),  Zedekiah  discredited  Micaiah, 
first  by  showing  his  seeming  discrepancy  with 
Elijah's  prediction  (1K.2I.19),  that  the  dogs 
should  lick  Ahab's  blood  in  Naboth's  field, 
and  then  by  the  challenge  :  "  You  shall  soon 
know  whether  he  is  a  true  prophet  ;  for  I  will 
smite  him,  and  then  let  him  hurt  my  hand,  as 
Jadon  (8  Ant.  viii.  5)  caused  the  hand  of 
Jeroboam  to  wither  "  (cf.  I3.4)  ;  and,  by 
the  symbol  of  the  horns,  he  completed  the 
impression  made  on  the  two  kings. — 2.  Son 
of  Hananiah,  one  of  the  princes  of  Judah 
in  the  time  of  Jehoiakim  (Je.36.i2). — 3. 
Son  of  Maaseiah  ;  had  apparently  been 
carried  with  Jehoiachin  to  Babylon  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar.    Jeremiah  (29.21-23)  in  his  letter 


ZEDEKIAH 


965 


from  Jerusalem  to  the  captives  in  Babylon, 
denounced  him,  with  Ahab.  son  of  Kolaiah,  for 
vile  conduct  and  for  prophesying  lies  ;  and 
declared  that  their  name  and  fate  should  be- 
come a  byword. — 4.  Son  of  Josiah,  and  last 
kingof  Ju'dah(2K.24'.i7-25.7  ;  2Chr.36. 10-20  ; 
Je.52.i-ii,  also  Je.21, 24,27-29,32-34,37,38  ; 
Ezk.3-24  ;  Josephus,  10  Ant.  vii.  2-viii.  2). 
Nebuchadnezzar  had  carried  away  Jehoiachin, 
the  temple  treasures,  and  10,000  of  the  people. 
But,  in  view  of  Egyptian  hostihty,  he  could  not 
leave  Jerusalem  unguarded.  He  had  there- 
fore placed  Jehoiachin's  uncle  on  the  throne, 
changing  his  name  from  Mattaniah  to  Zede- 
kiah, and  binding  him  by  a  most  solemn  oath 
(Ezk.17.13-18)  "  to  keep  the  kingdom  for  him, 
and  to  have  no  league  of  friendship  with 
Egypt "  (Josephus).  The  crisis  demanded 
a  ruler  strong  enough  to  sit  still.  Jeremiah 
rightly  gauged  the  situation,  insisting  that 
Judah's  sole  hope  lay  in  loyalty  to  Babylon. 
But  Jeremiah  was  unable  to  dominate  Zede- 
kiah ;  and  Zedekiah,  a  weak  man  of  21, 
could  not  cope  with  that  strong  national 
party  in  Jerusalem,  which,  despite  recent 
events,  clamoured  for  action,  and  hoped  for 
Jehoiachin's  restoration  (Je.28.4).  The  fall 
of  Nineveh  had  shaken  the  Syrian  states. 
They  could  not  see  that  Babylon's  power  was 
already  firm,  and  Egypt  impotent  in  face  of  it. 
They  were  eager  for  a  coalition  which,  backed 
by  Egypt,  should  break  the  Chaldean  yoke. 
Judah  also  was  infected.  The  people  were 
afire  to  end  the  national  humiliation.  More- 
over, Josiah's  death  had  been  followed  by  an 
idolatrous  reaction  in  Jerusalem  (Ezk.8,11). 
Zedekiah  was  helpless.  He  is  severely  cen- 
sured (2K. 24.19,20  ;  2Chr.36.13  ;  Ezk.17.13- 
18).  But  he  repeatedly  turned  to  Jeremiah  for 
divine  guidance,  and  tried  to  protect  and  obey 
him  (j"^e.21.i,37.i7ff.,38.ioff.)  ;  only  he  was 
too  weak,  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  his 
princes.  For  a  time  he  kept  his  oath  to  Nebu- 
chadnezzar. But  both  in  Jerusalem  and 
among  the  Babylonian  captives,  Judah's 
speedy  deliverance  was  predicted  (2'7.i6,28. 
3,4)  ;  and  in  his  fourth  year  envoys  from 
Edom,  Moab,  Ammon,  Tyre,  and  Sidon  were 
in  Jerusalem  to  concert  revolt  (27.3).  Zede- 
kiah was  summoned  to  Babylon  to  offer 
explanations  and  renew  his  oath  (29.3,51.59). 
But  his  princes  were  confident  of  Judah's  im- 
pregnability ;  within  a  year  they  forced  him 
to  send  ambassadors  to  Egypt  (Ezk.l7.i5)  ; 
and  in  his  8th  year  an  alliance  was  concluded 
with  Egypt,  Amnion,  and  Tyre.  It  was 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  revolt.  In  a  year 
Nebuchadnezzar  was  established  at  Riblah  ; 
his  generals  quickly  reduced  the  lesser  fort- 
resses of  Judah,  except  Lachish  and  Azekah 
(Je.34.7)  ;  and  on  the  loth  day  of  the  loth 
rnonth  of  Zedekiah's  9th  vear,  Jerusalem  was 
invested  (2 K. 25.7  ;  Je.39.'i  ;  Ezk.24.2).  The 
inhabitants  now  realized  that  only  a  miracle 
could  save  them  (Je.21.2)  ;  they  returned  to 
the  neglected  covenant,  and  released  their 
slaves  (34.8,i8).  Then  the  siege  was  raised, 
while  the  besiegers  turned  to  meet  an  army 
from  Egypt  (37.7).  The  city  seemed  to  be 
delivered  ;  and  the  released  slaves  were  re- 
enslaved.  But  the  Egyptians  were  forced  to 
retire,  and  the  siege  was  resumed.     Zedekiah 


966  ZEEB 

was  now  powerless,  able  only  to  see  Jeremiah 
by  stealth  ;  for  the  prophet's  constant  pre- 
dictions of  doom  and  exhortations  to  sur- 
render were  regarded  as  traitorous  {88.4) 
and  responsible  for  the  many  deserters  (38. 
19).  Every  engine  of  assault  was  employed 
against  the  walls  (Josephus),  to  repair  which 
even  the  palace  was  demolished  (Je.33.4). 
The  princes  offered  a  brave  defence.  But 
famine  and  pestilence  raged  in  the  city  (52.6)  ; 
the  inhabitants  were  even  reduced  to  canni- 
balism (19. 9)  ;  and  after  18  months  the  end 
came  (39.2).  The  Chaldean  generals  entered 
through  a  breach  (39.3ff.).  Zedekiah  with 
his  family  and  a  few  attendants  cut 
their  way  out.  But  they  were  seized  near 
Jericho  and  brought  to  Nebuchadnezzar  at 
Riblah.  Zedekiah  saw  his  children  cut  down. 
Then  his  own  eyes  were  put  out  and  he  was 
taken  to  Babylon  (52.8-ii).  The  seeming  dis- 
crepancy between  Jeremiah  (34.3)  ^nd  Ezekiel 
(12. 1 3)  was  explained.  He  was  taken  to 
Babylon  ;  yet  he  saw  it  not.  No  more  is 
known  of  him.  [c.d.] 

Zeeb'.     [Oreb.] 

Ze'lah  (Heh.  cela' ;  Jos.l8.28;  2Sam.21. 
14),  a  town  of  Benjamin,  where  was  the  fa- 
mily tomb  of  Kish.  The  word  means  a  "rock," 
and  the  site  was  probably  near  Gibeah.  It  is 
notable  that  S.  of  Gibeah,  by  a  cliff  in  a  valley, 
there  are  five  rude  structures  called  Qabur  el 
Beni  Israin,  explained  to  mean  "  graves  of  the 
children  of  Israel,"  which  might  be  connected 
with  the  graves  in  which  Kish,  Saul,  Jonathan, 
and  five  others  of  the  family  were  buried.  See 
Sttrv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  lor,  for  details,  [c.r.c] 

Ze'lek,  an  Ammonite,  one  of  David's 
guard  (2Sa1n.23.37;  iChr.11.39). 

Zelophehad',  son  of  Hephcr,  and  a  de- 
scendant of  Manasseh  (Jos.17.3  ;  cf.  iChr.7.15). 
Zelophehad  came  out  of  Egypt  with  Moses, 
and  died  in  the  wilderness  without  male  heirs. 
His  5  daughters,  just  after  the  2nd  numbering, 
came  before  Moses  and  Elcazar  to  claim  the  in- 
heritance of  their  father  in  the  tribe  of  Manas- 
seh. The  claim  was  admitted  by  divine  direc- 
tion, and  was  expressly  given  as  a  general  pre- 
cedent for  similar  cases  ;  the  condition  being 
added  that  such  heiresses  should  not  marry  out 
of  their  own  tribe  (Num.27.i-ii,36  ;  Jos.i7.3-6). 
[I'AMiLv;  Tkihe;  Jubilee.] 

Zelo'tes.     [Canaanitk  ;    Zealots.] 

Zelzah'  (iSam.lO.2).  Gesenius  explained 
this  \\i>r(l  to  mean  "shade  from  the  sun,"  as 
thougli  the  men  found  by  Saul  were  sitting  in 
the  shade  near  Rachel's  tomb.  The  \.\X. 
renders  it  "  bounding  along  greatly."  No 
place  i)f  the  name  is  known.  [c.R.c] 

Zemapa'lm  (Jos.l8.22),  a  town  of  Benja- 
min, i)ossibly  in  the  Jordan  Valley,  and  perhaps 
represented  by  the  ruins  of  Suiitrah,  4  miles 
N.E.  of  Jericho,  near  N.l'^  l)or(lcr  of  tiie  tribe. 
Mount  Zcmaraim  (2Chr.l3.4)  was  in  mount 
Ephkaim.     The  site  is  imknown.        [c.R.c.] 

Zemaplte,  a  Canaanite  tribe  ((ien.10.i8) 
living  at  Zcm.ir,  in  Phoenicia  (c/.  iChr.l.i6). 
It  is  no  doubt  the  Zainar  mentioned  in  the 
records  of  Thothmes  III.  [Fiienice.]  Strabo 
(v.  20)  speaks  of  Siniyra  with  Maratinis,  appar- 
ently as  N.  of  the  IClki'theri's  River  (see  Rc- 
laiid.  I'al.  Illustr.  i.  |).  31H),  now  represented  by 
the  ruiu,  Sumrah,  about  i^  miles  N.  of  the 


ZEPHANIAH 

Nahr  el  Kehir  in  the  plain.  In  the  Amarna  let- 
ters this  city  appears  as  an  important  place 
called  Sumura,  often  mentioned  as  besieged 
and  captured  by  the  .\morites.  [c.R.c] 

Zemipa',  one  of  the  sons  of  Becher  son  of 
Benjamin  (iChr.7.8). 

Zenan'  (Jos. 15. 37),  an  unknown  town  near 

MiGDAL-GAD  IZaAXAN]  (Mi.l.Il).  [C.R.C] 

Ze'nas,  a  Christian,  whom,  with  Apollos, 
Titus  is  bidden  by  St.  Paul  to  set  forward 
diligently  on  their  journey  (Tit. 3. 13).  Zenas  is 
described  as  "  the  lawyer."  This  may  mean 
either  (i)  a  secular  lawyer,  or  more  probably 
(ii)  a  doctor  of  the  Jewish  law.  [.\.c.d.] 

Zephaniah. — 1.  The  ninth  in  order  of  the 
Minor  Prophets.  .A.11  that  is  known  of  the 
personality  of  this  prophet  is  contained  in 
the  first  verse  of  his  book.  The  fact  that  his 
genealogy  is  there,  contrary  to  custom  {cf. 
Is.l.i  ;  Je.l.i  ;  Ezk.l.3),  carried  back  four 
generations,  has  led  to  the  belief  that  the 
Hezekiah  there  mentioned  as  his  ancestor  is 
the  king  of  that  name,  especially  as  the  latter 
is  not  a  common  Heb.  appellation.  If  this  be 
true,  it  adds  to  the  interest  of  1.8f.  The 
writer's  familiarity  with  the  topography  of 
Jerusalem  (l.io,  11  ;  cf.  I.4,  "  from  this 
place  ")  indicate  with  sufficient  clearness  that 
he  was  a  dweller  in  that  city,  (a)  Analysis  of 
the  Book.  This  falls  into  three  divisions.  Mina- 
tory (I.1-18).  A  terrible  judgment  is  about 
to  visit  the  whole  earth,  but  especially  the 
Jews — and  more  particularly  still  their  rulers, 
their  merchants,  and  those  indifferent  to  re- 
ligion among  them.  Admonitory  (2.1-3.7). 
Let  them  repent  while  there  is  yet  time  to 
escape  the  doom  which  overhangs  Philistia, 
Moab,  Amnion,  Cush,  and  Assyria.     The  Pro- 

i  mise  (3.8-20).  The  faithful  must  wait  patiently 
till  the  judgment  is  consummated,  when  all 
the  survivors  shall  serve  Jehovah  and  rejoice. 
(b)  Date.     The  title  states  that  the  prophecies 

\  of  Zephaniah  date  from  "  the  days  of  Josiah, 
king  of  Judah,"  and  this  is  generally  accepted, 
at  least  for  ch.  1.  Parts  of  the  following 
chapters,  however,  have  been  disputed  as 
being  later  additions.  Thus  Kuenen  rejects 
3.14-20  as  inconsistent  with  ch.  1  ;  Well- 
hausen  would  cut  out  2.8-1 1,  and  thinks  ch.  3 
was  added  later  in  two  successive  stages  of 
vv.  1-7  and  8-20.  Marti  is  still  more  drastic. 
Driver  ascribes  to  Zephaniah,  all  except  2.7^, 
11,3.9,10,18-20.  It  is  generally  agreed  also 
that  the  book  falls  on  the  earlier  side  of  the 
great  dividing  line  of  Josiah's  reign,  i.e.  it 
dates  from  before  the  reading  of  Deutero- 
nomy in  621.  The  references  to  idolatry, 
and  the  social  and  religious  conditions  of  the 
people  implied  throughout  the  book  indicate 
that  Josiah's  great  reformation  is  still  in  the 
future,  (c)  Value.  Zejjhaniah  is  important 
as  giving  us  an  insight  into  the  social,  moral, 
and  religious  conditions  of  his  countrymen 
during  tliis  period,  and  as  reflecting  the  effects 
of  the  religious  syncretism  which  Manasseh 
fostered  and  Josiah  swept  away.  Like  Isaiah, 
Zephaniah  lays  stress  upon  the  impending 
judf^ment,  though  he  conceives  of  it  as  more 
universal  and  terrible  than  does  the  former  ; 
and  in  this  connexion  it  is  significant  that 
the  Messiah  docs  not  appear  throughout  the 
prophecy,     fhe  book  is  marked  by  a  profound 


ZEPHATH 

moral  tone  and  deep  sense  of  sin.  But  apart 
from  2. iff.  he  makes  no  call  to  repentance  ; 
the  opportunity  for  that  is  past,  and  only 
judgment  remains.  [Bibliography  same  as 
for  Haggai.] — 2.  A  Kohathite  (iChr.6.36). — 
3.  Son  of  Maaseiah  ;  succeeded  Jehoiada  as 
second  priest  in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah  (Je.21.i). 
He  was  opposed  to  the  policy  of  Jeremiah, 
between  whom  and  the  king  he  acted  as  inter- 
mediary during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by 
Nebuchadnezzar  (21. i). — 4.  (Zech.6.10,14.) 
Father  of  one  Josiah  (?  =  3).  [d.c.s.] 

Zephath'  (Judg.l.i7),  a  Canaanite  town, 
otherwise  called  Hormah,  S.  of  Arad.  The 
name  probably  survives  at  the  pass  Nuqb  es 
Siifa  {the  hollow  way  of  the  white  place),  where 
the  road  from  Arad  descends  towards  Petra, 
30  miles  S.E.  of  Beer-sheba.  [c.r.c] 

Zepha'thah,  Valley  of  (2Chr.i4.10),  a 
valley  "  at  Mareshah."  This  seems  clearly  to 
be  the  great  valley  called  Wddy  el  A  f rani 
{valley  of  the  Franks),  which  runs  E.  and  S. 
from  the  vicinity  of  Mer'ash,  and  of  Beit  Jib- 
rin,  towards  Hebron,  being  a  highway  from 
Philistia  to  the  mountains.  On  N.  side  of  this 
valley  is  the  ruin  Sdfieh,  which  preserves  the  old 
name.     [Mizpah,  3.]  [c.r.c] 

Zephi'  (iChr.1.36)  or  Zepho  (Gen. 36. 11, 
15),  a  son  of  Eliphaz  son  of  Esau  ;  an  Edomite 
"  duke,"  or  phylarch. 

Zephon',  son  of  Gad  and  ancestor  of  the 
Zephonites  (Num.26. 15). 

Zep  (Jos. 19. 35),  a  fenced  city  of  Naph- 
tali,  noticed  with  Ziddim,  and  other  places  W. 
of  the  sea  of  Galilee.  The  Jerusalem  Talmud 
{Megilla  i.  i)  places  it  near  Ziddim;  but  the 
site  is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Ze'pah  or  Za'pah. — 1.  A  son  of  Reuel 
son  of  Esau  ;  one  of  the  Bdomite  "dukes"  or 
phylarchs(Gen. 36.13, 17;  iChr.l.37). — 2.  Twin 
son  with  his  elder  brother  Pharez  of  Judah  and 
Tamar  (Gen.38.30  ;  iChr.2.6  ;  Mt.l.3).  His 
descendants  were  called  Zarhites,  Ezrahites, 
and  Izrahites  (Num.26. 20  ;  1K.4.31  ;  iChr.27. 
8,11). — 3.  Son  of  Simeon  (iChr.4.24),  called 
Zohar  in  Gen.46.io;  Ex. 6.15. — 4.  A  Ger- 
shonite  Levite,  son  of  Iddo  or  Adaiah  (iChr. 
6.21,41). — 5.  The  Ethiopian  or  Cushite,  an 
invader  of  Judah,  defeated  by  Asa  (2Chr.l4. 
9-15).  "In  the  valley  of  Zephathah  at  Mare- 
shah" the  two  armies  met.  So  complete  was 
the  overthrow,  that  the  Hebrews  could  capture 
and  spoil  the  cities  around  Gerar,  which  must 
have  been  in  alliance  with  Zerah.  The  iden- 
tification of  Zerah  has  occasioned  some 
difference  of  opinion,  but  he  is  probably 
Osorkon  II.  of  the  22nd  dynasty,  who  in 
an  inscription  discovered  by  Prof.  Naville  at 
Bubastis  calls  himself  the  conquerer  of 
Palestine  (cf.  Higher  Crit.  and  Mon.  p.  362  f. ). 
The  composition  of  the  army  of  Zerah  (Cushim 
and  Lubim  ;  2Chr.l6.8)  closely  resembles  that 
of  Shishak  (Lubim,  Sukkiim,  and  Cushim ; 
12.3) :  both  armies  also  had  chariots  and  horse- 
men (12.3,16.8).  The  Lubim  or  Libyans  then 
formed  the  main  part  of  the  Egyptian  army, 
the  kings  of  the  22nd  dynasty  having  been 
themselves  of  Libyan  origin.  [a.h.s.] 

Zepaliiah%  a  priest,  son  of  Uzzi,  and 
ancestor  of  Ezra  (iChr.6.6,5i[5.32,6.36,  Heb.] ; 
Ezr.7.4). — 2.  Father  of  Elihoenai  (Ezr.8.4)- 

Ze'ped,  Bpook  (Deut.2.13,14  ;  A.V.  Zared 


ZERUBBABEL 


967 


in  Num.  21. 1 2),  the  border  torrent  between 
MoAB  and  Edom.  It  is  apparently  the  present 
Wddy  el  Hesy,  which  flows  into  the  Dead  Sea 
from  S.E.  The  modern  name  means  "  peb- 
bly valley."  [c.r.c] 

Zepeda'  (1K.II.26),  a  place  apparently  in 
mount  Ephraim,  where  Jeroboam  I.  was  born. 
A  probable  site  would  be  purdah,  a  village  2 
miles  N.W.  of  Bethel.  The  LXX.,  in  the  pas- 
sages added  to  the  Heb.  in  ch.  11  and  12, 
reads  Sarira  both  for  Zereda  and  also  for  Tir- 
zah  (14. 17).  If  correct,  this  would  point  to 
Sarra,  a  ruin  li  miles  E.  of  Shiloh,  which 
would  suit  the  account  of  the  visit  of  Jero- 
boam's wife  to  Ahijah  at  Shiloh.       [c.r.c] 

Zepeda'thah  (2Chr.4.i7).     [Zaretan.] 

Zepepath'  (Judg.7.22).  The  word  appar- 
ently means  "  pebbles  "  (Arab,  sardr).  Some 
manuscripts  read  Zeredath  ;  but  the  situation, 
between  Abel-meholah  and  Beth-shittah, 
does  not  appear  to  fit  with  that  of  Zaretan 
(otherwise  Zeredathah)  ;  and  Zererath  must 
have  been  in  the  Jordan  Valley  near  Beth- 
SHEAN.  The  valley  just  N.  of  Abel-meholah 
( 'A  in  Helweh)  is  called  Sherdr,  but  this  does  not 
exactly  represent  the  Hebrew.  [c.r.c] 

Ze'pesh,  the  wife  of  Haman,  who  advised 
him  to  erect  a  gallows  for  Mordecai  (Esth.S.io, 
14.6.13). 

Ze'peth,  son  of  Ashur  the  founder  of 
Tekoa,  by  his  wife  Helah  (iChr.4.7). 

Zepi',  one  of  the  "  sons  of  Jeduthun  "  in 
the  reign  of  David  (iChr.25.3).     [Izri.] 

Zepop',  a  Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Kish  the 
father  of  Saul  (iSam.9.i). 

Zepuah',  the  mother  of  Jeroboam  the 
son  of  Nebat  (1K.II.26)  ;  said  in  LXX.  to  have 
been  a  harlot  {cf.  A.V.  a  widow  woman). 

Zepubba'bel  {begotten  of  or  in  Babylon,  or, 
better,  seed  of  Babylon),  the  head  of  a  tribe  of 
Judah  at  the  return  from  the  Babylonish 
Captivity  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus.  His  exact 
parentage  is  a  little  obscure,  as  he  is  called  the 
son  of  Shealtiel  (Ezr.3.2,8,5.2,  etc.  ;  Hag.l.i, 
12,14,  etc.),  and  appears  as  such  in  the  genea- 
logies (Mt.l.i2  ;  Lu.3.27);  whereas,  perhaps  by 
an  error  in  the  Mass.  text  of  iChr.3.19,  he  is 
represented  as  the  son  of  Pedaiah,  Shealtiel's 
brother,  i.e.  as  Shealtiel's  nephew.  If,  how- 
ever, he  was  heir  to  Shealtiel,  or  if  Pedaiah  had 
contracted  a  levirate  marriage  with  Shealtiel's 
widow,  the  double  ascription  of  parentage 
would  be  explained.  Salathiel  and  Pedaiah 
were  sons  of  Jehoiachin  (Jeconiah;  see  iChr. 
3.17),  and  thus  descended  from  David  through 
Solomon, accordingtoMt. 1.7,12.  St. Luke, how- 
ever (8.27,31),  makes  the  descent  to  be  through 
Neri  and  Nathan.  The  history  of  Zerubbabel 
in  Scripture  is  as  follows  :  In  the  first  year  of 
C^TTus  he  was  living  at  Babylon,  and  received 
from  the  king  the  office  of  governor  of  Judaea. 
In  the  Return  he  was  the  leader  of  either 
the  first  or  second  contingent  of  Jews,  and  was 
associated  with  the  high-priest  J  eshua  in  the 
subsequent  administration  (Ezr.3.2,8,  etc.). 
He  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  Shesh- 
bazzar.  On  arriving  at  Jerusalem,  Zerubba- 
bel's  first  care  was  to  build  the  altar  on  its  old 
site,  and  to  restore  the  daily  sacrifice.  Then 
he  immediatelv  set  about  his  great  work,  the 
rebuilding  of  the  temple.   In  the  second  month 


968  ZERUIAH 

of  the  second  year  of  their  return,  the  founda- 
tion was  laid  with  all  the  pomp  which  they 
could  command  (Ezr.3).  Opposition  from  the 
Samaritans  impeded  the  work  for  sixteen  years, 
besides  a  certain  apathy  on  the  part  of  Zerub- 
babel  and  the  rest  of  the  people,  who  had  been 
busy  building  costly  houses  for  themselves. 
But  in  the  second  year  of  Darius  Hystaspis 
(52 1  B.C. )  the  spirit  of  prophecy  suddenly  blazed 
up.  The  words  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  fell  like 
sparks  upon  tinder.  Zerubbabel,  zealously  se- 
conded by  Jeshua  and  all  the  people,  then  threw 
his  whole  strength  into  the  work.  Further  hin- 
drances from  the  Samaritans  were  met  by  a 
successful  appeal  to  Darius,  who  (on  the  autho- 
rity of  the  decree  of  Cyrus,  found  at  Ecbatana) 
enjoined  Tatnai  and  Shethar-boznai  to  assist 
the  Jews  with  whatsoever  they  had  need  of  at 
the  king's  expense.  The  work  advanced  so 
rapidly,  that  on  the  third  day  of  the  month 
Adar,  in  the  sixth  year  of  Darius,  the  temple 
was  finished,  and  was  forthwith  dedicated  with 
much  pomp  and  rejoicing  (Ezr.6.i5ff.).  The 
only  other  works  which  are  apparently  con- 
nected with  Zerubbabel  in  canonical  Scripture 
are  the  restoration  of  the  courses  of  priests  and 
Levites,  and  of  the  provision  for  their  mainten- 
ance, according  to  the  institution  of  David 
(Ezr.6.i8  ;  Ne.12.47)  ;  the  registering  the  re- 
turned captives  according  to  their  genealogies 
(Ne.7.5)  ;  and  the  keeping  of  a  passover  in  the 
seventh  year  of  Darius.  The  apocryphal  his- 
tory of  Zerubbabel,  which  (as  usual)  josephus 
(11  ^«/.iii.  2-8)  follows,  maybe  summed  up  in  a 
few  words,  premising  (as  an  illustration  of  its 
apocryphal  character)  that  it  assumes  (iEsd.4. 
43  ff.)  that  it  was  Darius  (not  Cyrus)  who  gave 
permission  for  the  Return,  and  who  restored  the 
sacred  vessels  ;  and  this,  although  the  true  ac- 
count had  been  given  in  the  previous  chapter. 
The  story  told  in  iEsd.3-7  is,  that  on  the 
occasion  of  a  great  feast  made  by  Darius  on  his 
accession,  three  young  men  of  his  body-guard 
had  a  contest  who  should  write  the  wisest  sen- 
tence. That  one  of  the  three  (Zerubbabel) 
writing  "  Women  are  strongest,  but  above  all 
things  Truth  beareth  away  the  victory,"  and 
afterwards  defending  his  sentence  with  much 
eloquence,  was  declared  by  acclamation  to  be 
the  wisest,  and  claimed  for  his  reward,  at  the 
king's  hand,  that  the  king  should  perform  his 
vow  to  rebuild  the  city  and  the  holy  house. 
Upon  which  the  king  gave  him  letters  to  all  his 
treasurers  and  governors  on  the  other  side  the 
river,  with  grants  of  money  and  exemption 
from  taxes,  and  sent  him  to  rebuild  Jerusalem 
and  the  temple,  accompanied  by  the  families 
of  which  the  list  is  given  in  Ezr.2  and  Ne.7  ;  and 
then  follows,  in  utter  confusion,  the  history  of 
Zerubbabel  as  before  given.  Josephus  has  also 
another  story  (iiMm/.  iv.  9),  not  found^in  i 
Esd.,  of  "  Zorobabel"  going  on  an  embassy  to 
Darius.     [Genealogy  of  J.  C]  [a.vv.s.] 

Zepulah',  the  mother  of  the  three  leading 
heroes  of  David's  army — Abishai,  Joab,  and 
Asahel — the  "  sons  of  Zcruiah."  She  and 
Abigail  are  specified  in  iChr.2.i6  as  "  sisters  of 
the  sons  of  Jesse  "  ;  an  expression  which  seems 
to  imply  that  they  were  not  the  daughters  of 
Jesse  (c/.  2Sam.l7. 25,  where  Abigail  is  called  the 
"daughter  of  Nahash").  Of  Zeruiah's  hus- 
band]there  is  no  mention  in  the  Bible,  [h.c.b.] 


ZIKLAG 

Zetham',  son,  or  grandson,  of  Laadan,  a 
Gershonite  I.evite  (iChr.23.8  ;  cf.  26.22). 

Zethan',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Bilhan  (iChr. 
7.10). 

Zethap',  one  of  the  seven  cimuchs  of  Aha- 
suerus  sent  to  summon  Vashti  (Esth.t.io). 

Zi'a,  a  Gadite  (iChr.5.13). 

Ziba',  a  servant  of  the  house  of  Saul  (2Sam. 
9.2-12,16.1-4,19.17,24-30).      [Mephibosheth.] 

Zibeon',  father  of  An  ah,  whose  daughter 
Aholibamah  was  Esau's  wife  (Gen. 36. 2).  Al- 
though called  a  Hivite,  he  is  probably  the 
same  as  Zibeon,  the  son  of  Seir,  the  Horite  [vv. 
20,24,29  ;    iChr.l.38,40). 

Zibia',  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Shaharaim  by 
his  wife  Hodesh  (iChr.8.9). 

Zibiah',  a  native  of  Beer-sheba,  and 
mother  of  Joash  kingof  Judah  (2K.12.1  ;  2Chr. 
24.1). 

Zichpi' — 1.  (Ex.6.21.)  Thus  A.V.  1611, 
R.V.,  and  some  modern  editions  of  A.V., 
but  some  wrongly  read  "  Zithri,"  probably 
through  a  confusion  with  the  Zithri  of  the 
following  verse.  Son  of  Izhar,  the  son  of 
Kohath. — 2,  3.  4.  Benjamitcs  of  the  sons 
of  Shimhi  (iChr.8.19),  Shashak  (23),  and 
Jehoram  (27). — 5.  (iChr.9.15.)  [Zabdi,  4.]— 
6.  A  descendant  of  Eliezer,  tlicson  of  .Moses  (i 
Chr.26.25).— 7.  The  father  of  Eliezer,  the  chief 
of  the  Reubenites  in  the  reign  of  David  (iChr. 
27.16).— 8.  Of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  father  of 
Amasiah  (2Chr.i7.16). — 9.  Father  of  Elisha- 
phat  (23.1 ). — 10.  An  Ephraimite  hero  in  the 
invading  army  of  Pekah,  king  of  Israel  (28.7). 
— 11.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Joel,  i4(Ne.ll.9). 
— 12.  A  priest  of  the  family  of  .A.bijah,  in  the 
days  of  Joiakim,  the  son  of  Jeshua  (12. 17). 

Ziddim'  (Jos. 19. 35),  a  fenced  city  of  Naph- 
tali,  W.  of  the  sea  of  Galilee.  The  Jerusalem 
Talmud  (Mcgilla  i.  i)  identifies  it  with  Kaphar 
Hattai,  apparently  Ha(thi,  on  the  plateau 
W.  of  Tiberias,  a  place  famous  for  Saladin's 
defeat  of  the  Franks  in  1187  a.d.        [c.r.c] 

Zidkijah',  a  priest,  or  family  of  priests, 
who  signed  the  crivcnant  (Ne.lO.i). 

Zidon.     [SiDON.] 

Zidon'ians,  or  Sidonians.     [Sidon.] 

Zif  (iK.6.37).     [Months.] 

Ziha',  a  faniilv  of  Nethinim  who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.2. 43;   Ne.7.46.11.21). 

Ziklagr*'  This  name  seems  to  signify  "  the 
narrow  place  of  the  deopholhw."  It  was  a  town 
of  Simeon,  noticed  with  IIokmah  (Jos. 15. 31, 
19.5;  iChr.4.30)  ;  but  it  seems  doubtful  if  this 
site  could  have  belonged  to  tlie  king  of  Gath  in 
Philistia,  unless  it  was  towards  the  W.  of  the 
territory  of  Simeon.  The  Ziklag  which  he 
gave  to  David  as  a  dwcllim^-placc  must,  how- 
ever, have  been  at  some  distance  from  Gath, 
since  the  king  did  not  know  in  what  direction 
David's  raids  had  been  made  (iSam.27.6-i2), 
whether  against  the  neghcbh  of  Judah,  or  to- 
wards Shur.  When  David  left  the  Pliilistines 
near  Jezreel  (29.i,ii),  to  "  return  to  the  land 
of  the  Philistines,"  he  reached  Ziklag  "  on  the 
third  day"  (30.i).'^The  distance  must  have 
been  more  than  120  miles  ;  but  David's  force 
— travelling  bv  the  plains — was  probably 
mounted  on  riding  camels,  which  would  easily 
traverse  this  distance  in  the  time.  The  spoil  of 
the  .\malekites  was  sent  from  Ziklag  to  David's 
friends  (30. 26-31)  in  places  where  he  and^his 


ZILLAH 

men  were  "wont  to  haunt";  and  the  cities 
noticed  were  all  in  the  far  S.  of  Judah,  and 
of  Simeon,  including  Hormah.  The  namelof 
Ziklag  has  not  been  recovered.  [c.r.c] 

Zillah'  [shadmv],  mother  of  Tubal-cain  and 
Naamah  ;  one  of  the  two  wives  of  Lamech 
the  Cainite  addressed  in  his  song  (Gen. 4. 19. 
22,23). 

Zilpah',  a  handmaid  given  by  Laban  to 
his  daughter  Leah  (Gen. 29.24),  who  gave  her  to 
Jacob  as  a  concubine  ;  mother  of  Gad  and 
Asher  (Gen.3O.9-13, 35.26,37. 2, 46.i8). 

Ziltha'i. — 1.  A  Benjamite,  of  the  sons  of 
Shimhi  (iChr.8.20). — 2.  One  of  the  captains  of 
thousands  of  Manasseh  who  deserted  to  David 
at  Ziklag  (I2.20). 

Zimtnah'. — 1.  The  name  of  a  family  of 
Gershonite  Levites  (iChr.6.20,42). — 2.  Father 
(or  ancestor)  of  Joah,  a  Gershonite  in  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah  (2Chr.29.12). 

Zimpan',  the  eldest  son  of  Keturah 
(Gen.25.2  ;  iChr.l.32).  The  Gk.  form  of  the 
name,  Zf^/3pd/y.,  has  suggested  a  comparison 
with  Za^pd/j.,  the  chief  city  of  the  Cinaedocol- 
pitae,  who  dwelt  on  the  Red  Sea,  W.  of 
Mecca.  Grotius  finds  a  trace  of  it  in  the 
Zamereni,  a  tribe  of  the  interior  of  Arabia. 

Zimri'. — 1.  Son  of  Salu,  a  Simeonite  chief- 
tain, slain  by  Phinehas  with  the  Midianitish 
princess  Cozbi  (Num.25. 14). — 2.  King  of 
Israel  for  seven  days  ;  originally  the  com- 
mander of  half  the  chariots  in  the  royal  army. 
He  gained  the  crown  by  the  murder  of  king 
Elah,  son  of  Baasha.  But  when  the  army, 
then  engaged  in  the  siege  of  the  Philistine  town 
of  Gibbethon,  heard  of  Elah's  murder,  it  pro- 
claimed its  general  Omri  king,  who  immedi- 
ately marched  against  Tirzah,  and  took  the 
city.  Zimri  retreated  into  the  royal  palace, 
set  it  on  fire,  and  perished  in  the  ruins  (1K.I6. 
9-20). — 3.  A  son  of  Zerah,  son  of  Judah  (iChr. 
2.6) ;  perhaps  =  Zabdi,  i.— 4.  Son  of  Jehoadah 
and  descendant  of  Saul  (8.36,9.42). — 5.  In 
J  e.  25. 2  5  "all  the  kings  of  Zimri  "  are  men- 
tioned with  those  of  Elam  and  the  Medes  as 
those  destined  to  drink  of  the  cup  of  the  fury 
of  the  Lord.  It  has  been  suggested  this  Zimri 
maybe  identical  with  Zimran,  which,  however, 
is  in  W.  Arabia,  not  near  Elam.  The  region 
E.  of  the  Tigris,  between  Babylonia  and 
Media,  was  called  Zimri  (otherwise  read 
Namri),  according  to  Assyrian  texts,  [h.c.b.] 

Zin,  the  desert  close  to  Kadesh-barnea. 
The  name  recalls  the  Akkadian  Zinna,  "desert" 
(Num.l3.2i, 20.1, 27.14,33.36,34.3,4  ;  Deut.32. 
51 ;  Jos. 15. 1,3).  The  border  of  Judah  ran  from 
S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  by  Zin  to  Kadesh, 
along  the  W.  border  of  Edom.  The  most  defi- 
nite statement  is  in  Num. 33. 36 :  "  Zin  which  is 
Kadesh";  and  Meribah-kadesh  was  "in  the 
desert  of  Zin  "  (27.14).  [c.r.c] 

Zina'.     [ZizAH.] 

Zion.     [Jerusalem.] 

Ziop',  a  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah 
(Jos. 15. 54  only).  It  belongs  to  the  same 
group  as  Hebron.  It  is  probably  Si'air,  a 
village  4J  miles  N.  of  Hebron.  [c.r.c] 

Ziph,  son  of  Jehaleleel  (iChr.4.i6). 

Ziph,  the  name  of  two  towns  of  Judah.— 1. 
In  the  S. ;  named  between  Ithnan  and  Telem 
(Jos. 15. 24).  The  site  is  unknown.— 2.  Named 
between  Carmel  and  Juttah  (Jos.i5.55  ;  iSam. 


ZOAN 


969 


23.14,15,24,26.2;  2Chr.ll. 8).  These  passages 
show  that  it  had  near  it  a  wilderness  and  per- 
haps a  wood.  In  the  Onomasticon  it  is  placed 
8  miles  E.  of  Hebron.  "The  village,"  adds 
Jerome,  "in  which  David  hid  is  still  shown." 
It  is  now  Tell  ez  Zif,  a  ruin  4  miles  S.E.  of 
Hebron ;  and,  i  J  miles  to  its  S.,  the  ruin 
Khoreisa  may  retain  the  name  of  the  koresh 
(or  copse)  of  Ziph.  The  site  looks  down'E.  on 
the  desert.  [c.r.c] 

Ziphah',  son  of  Jehaleleel  (iChr.4.i6). 

Ziphims'  (Ps.54  title)  or  Ziphites  (iSam. 
23.19,26.1);  inhabitants  of  Ziph,  2,  who  twice 
betrayed  the  whereabouts  of  David  to  Saul. 

Ziphion'  (Gen.46.i6)  =  Zephon. 

Zi'phltes,  The.     [Ziphims.] 

Ziphpon',  a  point  in  the  N.  boundary 
of  the  Promised  Land  fNum.34.9).  It  occiurs 
between  Zedad  and  Hazar-enan.  The  site 
is  unknown.  [c.r.c] 

Zippop',  father  of  Balak.kingof  Moab  (Num. 
22.2,4,10,16,23.18;  Jos.24.9;  Judg.11.25). 

Zippopah',  daughter  of  Reuel  (or  Jethro) 
the  priest  of  Midian,  wife  of  Moses,  and  mother 
of  Gershom  and  Eliezer  (Ex. 2. 21, 4.25, 18. 2ff.). 
The  only  incident  recorded  of  her  is  that  of  the 
circumcision  of  Gershom  (4.24-26).  There 
seems  no  reason  for  identifying  Zipporah,  a 
Midianitess,  with  the  Cushite  (A.V.  Ethiopian) 
woman  alluded  to  in  Num.12. iff.      [h.c.b.] 

Zithpi'  (R.V.  Sithri),  a  grandson  of  Kohath 
(Ex. 6. 22).  In  the  previous  verse  Zithri  should 
properly  be  Zichri.     [Zichri,  i.]        [h.c.b.] 

Ziz,  Cliff  of,  the  pass  by  which  the 
horde  of  Moabites,  Ammonites,  and  Mehunim 
made  their  way  up  from  the  shores  of  the 
Dead  Sea  to  the  wilderness  of  Judah  (2Chr.20. 
16  only  ;  cf.  20).  The  Heb.  ma'dle  hac-cif 
(ascent  of  Ziz ;  see  R.V.)  suggests  a  con- 
nexion with  Hazezon-tamar  {Hasaseh),  near 
Engedi,  and  thus  with  the  Nitqb,  or  hewn 
ascent  from  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  at 
the  latter  place.  [c.r.c] 

Ziza'. — 1.  Son  of  Shiphi  ;  a  Simeonite  chief 
in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (iChr.4.37). — 2.  Son 
of  Rehoboam  by  Maachah  (2Chr.ll. 20). 

Zizah',  a  Gershonite  Levite,  second  son  of 
Shimei  (iChr.23.ii);  called  Zma  in  ver.  10. 

Zo'an,  or  Tanis,  an  ancient  city  situated 
in  Lower  Egypt.  These  two  names  are  iden- 
tified in  all  the  seven  references  made  to  the 
city  by  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  in  O.T.  (see 
Vulg.  of  Ps.78.i2,43  ;  Is.l9.ii-i3,30.4  ;  Ezk. 
30.14;  and  cf.  A. v.).  In  what  some  think 
the  most  important  allusion  of  all  (Num. 
13.22),  the  journey  of  the  spies  through  the 
land  of  Canaan  is  described.  The  writer 
makes  a  note  :  "  Now  Hebron  was  built  seven 
years  before  Zoan  in  Egypt"  (Vulg.  Ante 
Tanim  urbem  Aegypti  condita  est).  Some 
Gk.  writers  speak  of  the  greatness  of  Tanis, 
and  of  this  fact  there  can  be  no  doubt.  It 
gave  its  name  to  the  branch  of  the  Nile  on 
which  it  lay,  the  Tanaitic  mouth.  Clearly 
the  Hebrews  looked  upon  Zoan  as  a  very 
old  city,  nearly  as  old  as  Hebron,  which 
existed  before  Abraham's  time.  Josephus 
states  that  Hebron  was  the  oldest  city  in 
Canaan,  older  even  than  Memphis  in  Egypt. 
It  was  occupied  in  Moses'  time  by  "  giants, 
the  sons  of  Anak,  which  come  of  the  giants." 
Joshua  took  it,  and  afterwards  gave  the  city 


970 


ZOAN 


for  an  inheritance  unto  Caleb  (Jos. 14. 13).  It 
afterwards  became  one  of  the  six  cities  of 
refuge.  But  it  is  not  clear,  from  the  simple 
fact  of  the  juxtaposition  of  the  names  of 
Hebron  and  Zoan  in  Num. 13. 22,  that  there 
was  any  community  of  origin  between  them 
or  any  historical  link  at  the  period  of  Israel's 
migration  into  Egypt.  The  name  Zoan, 
signifying  "  migration,"  or  "  place  of  de- 
parture," is  not  found  in  the  book  of  Exodus. 
It  is,  however,  much  more  to  the  point  to  note 
the  poetic  references  to  Zoan  in  Ps.78.  Refer- 
ence is  there  made  to  the  going  out  of  the 
people,  and  to  what  Jehovah  did  for  them. 
"  Marvellous  things  did  he  in  the  sight  of 
their  fathers,  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  in  the 
field  of  Zoan."  Also  {vv.  42,43),  "  They  re- 
membered not  His  hand,  nor  the  day  when 
He  delivered  them  from  the  enemy  :  how  He 
had  wrought  his  signs  in  Egypt,  and  His 
wonders  in  the  field  of  Zoan."  Here,  ob- 
viously, is  a  clear  connexion  between  the 
scene  of  the  mercies  of  the  deliverance  from 
Egypt  and  a  district  known  to  the  Psalmist 
as  the  field  of  Zoan.  Now,  in  Ex. 12. 37  it  is 
stated  that  it  was  from  Rameses  that  the 
Israelites  set  out  upon  their  great  journey. 
Hence,  before  their  first  halt,  they  travelled 
to  Succoth.  But  before  they  set  out  the 
terrible  drama  of  the  plagues  was  enacted — 
those  "  signs "  and  "  wondrous  things  " 
which  Israel  never  forgot,  and  the  story  of 
which  passed  for  ever  into  their  poetry  and 
their  literature.  The  Egyptians  were  clamour- 
ous for  Israel  to  depart  ;  neither  they  nor 
Israel  could  efface  from  their  memories  the 
horror  of  the  tragedy  of  the  death  of  the 
firstborn  (12.31,33).  The  scene  of  these 
events  was  called  the  field  of  Zoan,  and  this 
locality,  it  is  here  suggested,  must  have  been 
near  to  Rameses.  Brugsch  and  Budge  go  so 
far  as  to  identify  Rameses  with  Zoan.  "  The 
treasure  city  Rameses  is,  then,"  the  latter 
writes,  "  almost  beyond  doubt,  none  other  than 
Tanis,  or  Pa-Ramessu."  He  says  that  the 
state  of  misery  to  which  the  Israelites  were 
reduced,  so  vividly  described  in  O.T.,  is  exactly 
the  condition  to  which  an  alien  people  in  the 
Delta  would  be  brought  when  turned  into 
gangs  for  the  corvee  of  that  day.  "Thus  there 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  period  of 
greatest  oppression  fell  in  the  reign  of  Ram- 
ses II.,  and  that  the  works  wherein  the  Israel- 
ites toiled  were  in  connexion  with  the  re- 
building of  the  city  of  Tanis  and  the  founding 
of  the  frontier  fortress  of  Pa-Temu,  or  Pi- 
thom."  Egyptologists  are,  however,  not  yet 
quite  at  one  in  their  interpretation,  and  some 
do  not  admit  that  Zoan  and  Rameses  are 
one  and  the  same.  Prof.  Sayce  writes  that 
an  unedited  papyrus  (in  the  pfissossion  of  a 
gentleman  whose  name  he  gives)  distinguishes 
Rameses  from  Zoan,  placing  the  former  in  a 
different,  though  adjacent,  locality.  The 
position  of  Zoan  upon  the  great  river,  or 
ratiier  upon  the  branch  of  it  which  once  was 
a  splendid  waterway,  and  its  admitted  con- 
nexion with  the  I'-xodus  of  the  people  of 
Israel,  point  clearly  to  the  fact  that  its  site 
is  in  or  quite  near  to  the  land  of  Goshen. 
When  the  river  ceased  to  be  a  main  stream 
Zoan  began  to  decay,  but  the  ruins  upon  its 


ZOAR 

site  are  sufficient  evidence  of  its  former 
greatness,  of  the  splendour  of  its  temples  and 
obelisks,  and  of  the  position  which  it  held  in 
the  days  of  the  ancient  dynasties.  Monu- 
ments of  Pepi  I.  (or  Apepa),  Meri-Ra,  or  the 
Phios  of  Manetho,  found  there,  show  that  it 
was  a  great  and  important  city  as  far  back 
as  the  6th  dynasty,  which  may  be  pre- 
sumably dated  c.  3200  B.C.  All  the  glories 
of  Zoan  are  now  represented  by  the  mounds 
of  San,  by  the  Tanaitic  branch  of  the  Nile. 
Some  of  its  excavators  are  ready  to  affirm 
that  it  was  probably  the  chief  city  of  Lower 
Egypt,  and,  as  has  been  many  times  freely 
alleged,  the  residence  of  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
period.  It  may  well  have  been  that  in  Zoan 
and  Bubastis,  chief  Hyksos  cities,  Joseph 
laboured  as  minister  to  the  Pharaoh  of  his 
day,  and  that  in  one  of  these  places  the  former 
Hebrew  shepherd-boy  made  himself  known 
to  his  brethren.  This  might  be  during  the 
reign  of  Apophis  I.,  probably  during  the 
period  of  the  i6th  dynasty,  when  the  Hyksos 
had  to  all  intents  and  purposes  become 
Egyptians.  The  bilingual  Inscription  of 
Canopus  was  found  in  the  ruins  of  Zoan.  It 
is  an  official  document,  of  the  time  of 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  (247-222  B.C.),  decreeing 
divine  honours  for  the  king  and  his  sister- 
consort  Berenice.  Its  date  is  238  B.C.  The 
inscription  is  valuable  because  it  is  in  two 
languages  (Egyptian  hieroglyphics  and  uncial 
Gk.  characters)  and  entire,  thus  giving  it  an 
advantage  over  the  Rosetta  Stone.  The  site 
of  ancient  Zoan,  near  to  the  eastern  border 
of  Lower  Egypt,  is  dotted  over  with  a  few 
fishermen's  dwellings,  and  lake  Menzaleh  is 
hard  by.  The  former  rich  pasturcland  of  the 
district  is  now  for  the  most  part  marsh  and 
pool.  Ball,  Light  from  the  East ;  Budge, 
History  of  Egypt ;  Dr.  Chadwick  on  the  Exodus ; 
art.  in  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical 
Archaeology;  Brugsch,  Hist,  of  Egypt  {lii/S); 
Record';  of  Past  (old  ser.),  vol.  viii.      [Chkon- 

OLOGV.]  [A.H.P.] 

Zo'ap  (small),  the  city  to  which  Lot  escaped 
from  Sodom.  The  position  of  the  Cities 
OF  THE  Plain  thus  depends  on  that  of  Zoar, 
which  cannot  well  be  supposed  to  have  been 
more  than  10  or  12  miles  from  Sodom  (see  Gen. 
19.15,23),  as  the  journey  began  at  dawn,  and 
Zoar  was  reached  in  the  morning.  Tlie  Jordan 
Valley,  however,  first  sees  the  sun  late,  as  it  lies 
in  the  shadow  of  the  range  of  Moab,  rising  4,000 
ft.  above  it.  Zoar  was  in  the  kikkdr,  or  "  plain 
of  Jordan  "  (Gen. 13. 10),  and  its  original  name 
was  Bela  (14.2,8).  It  was  not  in  the  moun- 
tain region  (19.19,22,23,30),  but  probably  near 
its  foot,  E.  of  the  river,  ancl  it  was  quite  a  small 
l^lace  (ver.  20).  It  was  within  sight  at  Neho,  on 
the  limits  of  that  part  of  the  valley  in  wiiich 
Jericho  stood  (l)eut.34.3),  and  consequently 
could  not  have  been  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  wliich 
would  mean  out  of  sight,  though  Josephus 
speaks  of  Zoar  (4  Wars  viii.  4)  as  a  place  in 
.Arabia,  near  tiie  end  of  the  Dead  Sea — jieriiaps 
referring  to  Zuwcirah,  on  S.\N'.  sh(>re,  though 
tliis  name  does  not  represent  the  Heb.  word, 
which  in  Arab,  is  saghir,  "small."  Is. 15. 5  and 
J e. 48. 34  place  Zoar  in  Moab,  noticing  it  with 
NiMKiM,  and  as  below  Li'iiith  and  Horo- 
NAiM.     Apparently     also     Eglaih-Shdishiyah 


ZOBA,  ZOBAH 

was  near  Zoar.  [Moab.]  There  can  thus  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  approximate  position  of  this 
town,  which  would  have  lain  opposite  Jericho, 
at  the  foot  of  the  Moab  mountains.  Ptolemy 
also  places  Zoara  in  Moab,  a  little  S.  of  Livias 
[Beth-aram],  and  the  site  appears  to  have  been 
known  in  4th  cent. a. d.  to  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
(Onomasticoii),  who  called  it  Segor — following 
the  LXX.  They  follow  O.T.  in  placing  it  not 
far  S.  of  NiMRiM.  A  bishop  of  Zoar  was  pre- 
sent at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451  a.d., 
and  the  place  then  belonged  to  Palestina  Ter- 
tia,  which  included  Moab.  The  site  (as  sug- 
gested by  Rev.  W.  F.  Birch)  is  no  doubt  the 
present  Tell  esh  Shaghitr,  though  this  name  is 
nearer  to  the  Christian  Segor  than  to  the  origi- 
nal Zoar.  It  is  a  white  rocky  mound,  about  an 
acre  in  area,  with  ruins  of  a  small  hamlet  be- 
low, and  springs  on  N.W.  and  E.  It  stands  at 
the  foot  of  the  Moab  mountains,  about  6i 
miles  S.E.  of  Nimrim  (T^Z/  Nimrin),  and  a  mile 
E.  of  Beth-aram  (or  Livias,  now  Tell  er  Rd- 
meh),  the  locality  being  remarkable  for  the 
number  of  rude  stone  monuments,  including 
dolmens,  menhirs,  and  circles,  which  exist  close 
by,  and  which  prove  the  place  to  have  been  an 
ancient  centre  of  worship  (Surv.  E.  Pal.  pp. 
239,  240).  There  are  at  least  300  of  these 
monuments  to  E.  of  the  Tell  (pp.  229,  230).  The 
position  of  Zoar  seems  to  show  that  Sodom 
was  near  the  Jordan  (perhaps  E.  of  the  river, 
which  is  not  mentioned  as  having  been  crossed 
by  Lot),  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Jordan  Valley. 
It  is  notable  that  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea 
is  invisible  from  either  Bethel,  Nebo,  or  the 
mountains  E.  of  Hebron  —  the  three  places 
from  which  Lot,  Moses,  and  Abraham  are 
described  (Gen. 13. 10,19.27  ;  Deut.34.3)  as 
looking  towards  Zoar,  and  towards  the 
cities  of  the  "  plain,"  or  of  the  kikkdr,  of 
Jordan.  [c.r.c] 

Zoba',  Zobah',  the  region  near  Damas- 
cus [Aram],  while  Hamath-zobah  (2Chr.8.3) 
lay  farther  N.,  near  Tadmor.  The  word  ap- 
pears to  mean  "  straight,"  and  (like  mishor, 
see  Plains)  to  indicate  flat  country.  It  in- 
cluded more  than  one  petty  kingdom  (iSam. 
14.47)  conquered  by  Saul  and  (2Sam.8.3,5,i2  ; 
iChr.18.3,5,9)  by  David.  See  also  2Sam.lO. 
6,8,23.36;  iK.ll.23,24;  iChr.19.6.  In  the 
title  of  Ps.60,  Aram-zobah  {the  highland  of 
the  plateau)  applies  to  the  same  region  in  S.E. 
of  Syria.  [c.r.c] 

Zobebah',  a  man  of  Judah  ;  son  of  Coz 
(iChr.4.8). 

Zo'hap. — 1.  Father  of  Ephron  the  Hittite 
(Gen.23.8,25.9).— 2.  [Zerah,  3.] 

Zohe'leth,  Stone  of  (1K.I.9),  a  stone, 
or  rock,  "by  En-rogel,"  where  Adonijah 
made  a  feast.  The  word  means  "  slippery," 
and  the  name  Zahweileh,  with  the  same  mean- 
ing (Clermont-Ganneau),  still  applies  to  the 
cliff  on  and  against  which  the  hovels  of  the  vil- 
lage of  Silwdn  are  built,  E.  of  the  Kidron  ra- 
vine. Thus  Solomon,  at  Gihon  (or  En-rogel) 
was  anointed  in  full  view  of  Adonijali's  party 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  valley.        [c.r.c] 

Zoheth',  a  man  of  Judah  ;  son  of  Ishi  (i 
Chr.4.20). 

Zophah'  (iChr.7.35,36),  son  of  Helem,  or 
Hotham  (ver.  32) ;    an  Asherite. 

Zophai'  (iChr.6.26).     [ZupH.J 


ZXJPH,  LAND  OF 


971 


Zophap',  the  Naamathite  (LXX. 
Minaean)  ;  one  of  the  three  friends  of  Job 
(Job  2.11,11.1,20.1,42.9). 

Zophim',  Field  of  (Num.23. 14).  The 
s'de  (Ophim,  or  "  plain  of  views,"  was  at  the 
"  top  of  PisGAH."  The  view  did  not  include 
the  whole  of  the  Heb  camps  in  the  valley  of 
Shittim,  which  would  have  been  better  seen 
2  miles  farther  W.  along  the  Pisgah  ridge. 
[Nebo.]  The  name  survives  at  the  Tal'at  es 
Sufa,  or  "  ascent  of  Zuph,"  onS.  side  of  Nebo 
{Surv.  E.  Pal.  p.  198).  [c.r.c] 

Zopah'  (Jos.i9.41  ;  Judg.13.2,25,16.31, 
18.2,11  ;  2Chr.ll. 10),  Zopathites  (iChr. 
4.2),  Zopeah(Jos.l5.33),Zapeah(Ne.ll.29), 
Zapeathites  (iChr.2.53).  The  R.V.  reads 
Zorah  in  each  case.  A  town  of  Dan,  near 
Eshtaol,  on  the  border  of  Judah  ;  the  home 
and  burial-place  of  Samson.  Perhaps  the 
Zerthah  of  the  list  of  Thothmes  III.  (No.  108), 
mentioned  in  i6th  cent.  e.g.  A  century  later 
a  princess — probably  of  Gezer — speaks  of  the 
attack  made  by  rebels  on  Ajalon  and  Sar'a 
(Amarna  tablet,  Berlin  137).  Eusebius  places 
it  10  miles  (actually  12)  N.  from  Beit-jibrin. 
It  is  now  the  village  Sur'ah,  N.  of  the  Sorek 
Valley  [Eshtaol],  on  a  bare  hill  with  olives  be- 
low, and  a  well  to  N.  (Surv.  W.  Pal.  iii.  p.  26). 
Samson's  tomb  was  shown  here  to  Isaac  Khelo 
in  1333  A.D.,  being  the  present  tomb  of  Neby 
Samat,  S.  of  the  village.  Legends  of  Samson 
are  related  on  the  spot,  but  appear  to  have 
been  learned  quite  recently  from  Jerusalem 
Christians.  [c.r.c] 

Zo'pites,  The,  named  in  the  genealogies  of 
Judah  (iChr.2.54)  as  descendants  of  Salma. 

Zopob'abel(iEsd.4.i3,5,6,  ;^as5n«;  Ecclus. 
49.11  ;  Mt. 1.12, 13  ;  Lu.3.27)  =  Zerubbabel. 

Zuap',  father  of  Nethaneel,  i  (Num. 1.8, 
2.5,7.18,23,10.15). 

Zuph,  Land  of  (iSam.9.5).  Zuph  was 
an  Ephrathite  (l.i ;  iChr.6.35  =  Zophai,  6.26), 
and  an  ancestor  of  Samuel  [Ramathaim- 
zophim]  ;  the  land  of  Zuph  lay  S.  of  Benja- 
min, beyond  Rachel's  tomb.  Saul  made  con- 
secutive journeys  for  "  three  days  "  (iSam.9.2o) 
fronr  Gibeah,  searching  for  the'  lost  asses.  The 
first  two  days  were  occupied  bv  a  round  of  40 
miles  from  Gibeah,  to  N.W.  [Shalisha]  and 
N.E.  [Shalim],  and  the -journey  then  led  S., 
through  the  land  of  ymini  [Benjamin],  to  a 
city  where  Samuel  assembled  the  people  at  a 
bdind,  or  "  high  place,"  and  blessed  the  sacri- 
fice (9.12,13).  Saul  and  his  servant  were  go- 
ing up  the  "  ascent  of  the  city  "  when  they 
met  young  women  going  to  draw  water  (ver.  11). 
The  name  of  the  town  is  not  given,  but  the  first 
point  on  the  return  journey  was  Rachel's 
tomb  (10.2 ),  which  suggests  Bethlehem — a  city 
which  Samuel  visited,  at  least  on  one  occasion 
(16. 5),  to  offer  sacrifice.  In  this  case  the  term 
Ephrathite,  applied  to  Zuph,  seems  to  mean 
an  inhabitant  of  Ephratah,  or  Bethlehem  ;  and 
the  "  land  of  Zuph  "  would  be  understood,  when 
the  passage  was  written,  to  mean  that  near 
Bethlehem.  Josephus  understands  Ramah, 
which  is,  however,  impossible,  as  that  city — 
Samuel's  home — lay  in  Benjainin,  which  Saul 
had  "passed  through"  (9.4,16)  before  reaching 
the  land  of  Zuph.  Bethlehem  is  approached, 
from  S.,  by  a  road  leading  up  hill  ;  and  on  S.E. 
the  old  water-supply  was  from  the  well  called 


972  ZUR 

Bir  Isleh.  On  the  return  journey  from  the 
"  end  of  the  city  "  (ver.  27)  no  hill  is  noticed  ; 
for  the  road  here  runs  flat  alonfj  the  ridRe,  to 
Rachel's  tomb.  According  to  this  explanation, 
Saul  and  David  were  both  anointed  by  Samuel 
in  the  same  city,  where  he  had  a  house,  which 
he  visited  at  times.  [c.r.c] 

Zup. — 1.  Father  of  Cozbi  (Num.25.i5),  and 
one  of  the  five  princes  of  Midian  ("  dukes  of 
Sihon,"  Jos.13.2i)  slain  with  Balaam  (Num.31. 
8). — 2.  Son  of  Jehiel  the  founder  of  Gibeon 
(iChr.8.30,9.36). 

Zuplel',  son  of  Abihail,  and  chief  of  the 
Merarite  Levites  at  the  Exodus  (Num. 3. 31). 


ZTJZIMS 

Zurlshadda'i,  father  of  Shelumiel  the 
Simconite  chief  at  the  E.xodus  (Xum.1.6.  etc.). 

Zuzims'  (properly  ZMztm),  a  nation  smitten 
by  Chedorlaomer  in  his  invasion  of  Palestine 
((ien.14.5).  They  are  mentioned  between  the 
Emim  and  Rephaim,  and  the  scene  of  their 
defeat  is  said  to  have  been  Ham.  The  LXX. 
translates  the  words  Idw  tVxi'pd,  strong 
nation.  They  have  been  identified  with  the 
Zamzummims  (in  which  case  Zuzim  is  an  easily 
explicable  misreading  of  a  cuneiform  docu- 
ment for  Zamzummim  :  Sayce's  Higher  Crit. 
and  Mon.,  p.  161),  and  with  a  place  called  Ziza. 
10  miles  S.E.  of  Heshbon.  [f.j.f.-j.] 


SOME    SCRIPTURAL    PASSAGES 

WITH    THE    HEADINGS    UNDER    WHICH    THEY    ARE    EXPLAINED 

(SEE    PREFACE) 


Genesis 

1.26. 

3.15. 

6.2  . 

6.4  . 

9.4  . 

9.20. 
10  . 
12.3  . 
40.16. 

41.22. 
44.5  . 
48.22. 

49.10. 

Exodus 

1.8  . 

3.14,15 
!  6.3  . 

14.1,21 

14.19,20 
15.26. 
22.29. 
31.3  . 
32.20. 


Chest. 

Prophecy. 

Enoch,  Book  of. 

Giants. 

Sacrifice. 

Armenia. 

Races. 

Prophecy, 

Bread. 

Com. 

Magic. 

Shechem. 

Prophecy. 


Egypt. 

Jehovah. 

Shaddai. 

Red  Sea,  Passage  of 

Cloud,  Pillar  of. 

Jehovah. 

Firstfrnits. 

Jehovah. 

Mines. 


Leviticus 

21.12.     .     Nazarite. 

24.16.     .     Jehovah. 


Numbers 
5.23.  . 
I6.32.  . 
I8.9  .  . 
21.1  .  . 
24.17.  . 
31.16.  . 
31.48-54. 


Writing. 

Earthquake. 

AlUances. 

Moses. 

Star  of  Wise  Men. 

Nicolaitanes. 

Metals. 


Deuteronomy 


8.7,9  • 
11.10.  . 
14.5  .  . 
15.2,3  • 
18.10,11. 
19.39-     • 

21.12.  . 

25.5  .     . 
25.IO.     . 
28.i5ff. 
28.27.     ■ 

32.13.  . 

Joshua 
10.13.     . 


Palestine. 

Agriculture. 

BuU,  Wild. 

Handclasp. 

Magic. 

Embalming. 

Camphire. 

Levirate  law. 

Family,  B. 

Medicine. 

Plague. 

Bee. 


Makkedah. 


Judges 

6.3.33  . 
7.16,19. 
8.26.  . 
9.33,36. 
17.5,12  . 

iSamuel 
5.6  .  . 
6.4  .     . 

7.2    .       . 

9.25,27. 
14.41.    . 

16.I4.    . 

25.1  .     . 


Kadmonites. 

Lamp. 

Metals. 

Gaal. 

Priest  in  O.T. 


Plague. 
Plague. 
Chronology  of  O.T. 

Table  I.  note  y. 
Zuph. 
Urim    and    Thum- 

mim. 
Demoniacal 

session. 
Burial. 


pos- 


2SAMUEL 

24.9  .     .     Palestine. 


1  Kings 
4.23.  . 
4.33-     . 

6.1  .     . 

9.12.       . 

11.7  .     . 

21.3  .     . 

2  Kings 

1.2  . 

3.5-27 

9.25. 
9.27. 

10.12. 
10.27. 

11.4  . 

11.16. 

13.5  . 

I8.17. 
20.20. 
23.13. 


Palestine. 
Medicine. 

Chronology  of  O.T. 
Table  II.  note  A . 
Solomon. 
OUves,  Moimt  of. 
Burial. 


House. 

Chronology  of  O.T. 
Table  II.  note  C. 
Prophecy. 
Beth. 
Beth. 
Dung. 
Cherethites. 
Ophel. 
Assyria. 
Jerusalem,   {3). 
Jerusalem,  (3). 
Olives,  Mount  of. 


Nehemiah 
6.5  .     .     Writing. 


iChronicles 
4.22.     .     Pahath-moab. 
21.20.     .    Temple. 

2CHRONICLES 
13.5  .     .     Alliances. 
32.3,30  .     Jerusalem,   (3). 
33.11.     .     Hook. 
973 


Job 

1-3  . 

Kadmonites. 

3.12. 

Nave. 

7.12. 

Sea. 

14.17. 

Writing. 

19.24. 

Lead. 

21.33- 

Embalming. 

26.7,8 

Cosmogony. 

27.18. 

Garden. 

28.I-II 

Mines. 

28.7  . 

Kite. 

31.17,31 

32.     HospitaUty. 

31.27. 

Idolatry. 

39.13. 

Ostrich. 

41.31. 

Ointment. 

Psalms 

1.1,2 

.     Poetry,  Hebrew. 

39.6  . 

.     Idol. 

58.5  . 

.     Asp. 

58.6  . 

.     Snake-charming. 

60.8  . 

.     Sandals. 

68.31. 

.     Hashmannim. 

77.18. 

.     Whirlwind. 

81. 16. 

.     Bee. 

87.7  . 

.     Pipe. 

109.23 

.     Fan. 

110  . 

.     Hebrews,  Ep.  to. 

120.4. 

.     Agriculture. 

Proverbs 

1.9  . 

.     Ornaments,      Per- 

sonal. 

23.31. 

.     Handicrafts,  (5). 

25.20. 

.     Nitre. 

Ecclesiastes 
12.5   .     .     Caper. 

Canticles 
1.10,11.     Ornaments,       Per- 
sonal. 

Palestine. 

Whirlwind. 

Ornaments,       Per- 
sonal. 

Paint. 

Mahanaim. 

Ornaments,       Per- 
sonal. 

Armlet ;  Orna- 

ments, Personal. 


1.13,14- 

3.6  .  . 

5.12.  . 

5.14.  . 

6.13.  . 
7.1  .  . 

8.6  .  . 


974 


SOME   SCRIPTURAL   PASSAGES 


Isaiah 

3.6,7     .  Dress. 
3.16,18,20.     Anklets. 

3.18.  .  Chains. 

3.18-23.  Ornaments,       Per- 
sonal. 

3.24.     .  Perfumes. 

5.5  .     .  Hedge. 

7.3  .     .  Jerusalem,  (3). 

8.1   .     .  Writing. 

8.19.  .  Magic. 

12.3  .     .  Tabernacles,  Feast 

of. 

14.31.     .  Whirlwind. 

19.15.     .  Reed. 

19.18.     .  Onias,  City  of. 

22.9-11   .  Jerusalem,   (3). 

28.27.     .  Agriculture. 

30.22.     .  Ephod. 

36.2  .     .  Jerusalem,  (3). 

43.17.     .  Flax. 

44.6,8     .  El. 

65.11.     .  Gad ;  Meni. 

66.20.     .  Camel. 


Jeremiah 
12.9  . 

15.12. 

I8.18. 
22.18. 
22.30. 
23.6  . 
25.1-3 

32.11. 
38.6  . 
48.34. 

EZEKIEL 
1.18.  . 
4.1 
4.12, 

7-9 
11.23. 
I6.4 


Hyaena. 
Metals. 
Wisdom. 
Mourning. 
Jehoiachin. 
Jehovah. 

Chronology  of  O.T. 
Table  III.  note  7. 
Writing. 
Cistern. 
Moab. 


,15. 


20.29. 

22.18- 

44.2 

44.6-8 

47.I-I2 

48.35. 

Daniel 

2.46, 

8.21 
11. 
11-3 
11.37 
11.38 

HOSEA 

*-i3,i4 

6.9  . 

7.8  . 

8.12. 
12.4  . 
14.2   . 


Nave. 
Nineveh. 
Bread. 
Jehovah. 
Olives,  Mount  of. 
Family     IV.     (b) 

Salt. 
Bamah. 
Lead. 
Temple. 
Cherethites. 
Salt  Sea. 
Jehovah. 


Perfumes. 
Alexander  III. 
Ptolemy  I.-VI. 
Alexander  III. 
Nanea. 
Mauzzim. 


Baal. 

Shechem. 

Bread. 

Canon  of  O.T. 

Theophanies. 

Calf. 


Joel 

2.20. 

2.30. 

Amos 

7.17. 
8.9  . 


MiCAH 

1.8  . 

Nahum 

l.IO. 

2.3,5 

3.1-3 


Nebo. 
Whirlwind. 


Burial. 

Assyria ;     Chrono- 
logy    of     O.T., 
Table  V.  note  a. 


Ostrich. 


Nineveh. 
Nineveh  ; 
Nineveh. 


Metals. 


Zephaniah 
1.9  .     .     Cherethites. 


Haggai 
2.6-10  , 

Zechariah 

9.1-8  . 
11.15,16. 
12.3  .     . 

Malachi 

3.1,2       . 

2ESDRAS 
14.44  f-  . 

Wisdom 

8.19,20. 

11.17.     . 


Prophecy. 


Alexander  III. 
Bag. 

Stones. 


Theophanies. 


Canon  of  O.T. 


Philosophy. 
Philosophy. 


ECCLESIASTICUS 

25.15.     .     Version,  Revised. 
51.10.     .     Version,  Revised. 


Baruch 
6.     .     . 


Jeremy,  Ep.  of. 


2MACCABEES 
2.13.     .     Canon  of  O.T. 


Matthew 

1.25 

4.26 

5.18 

6.30 

8.6 
10.9 
10.10 

11.12 

12.36 

15.23 

16.16 

17.1 

19.9 

20.2 

23.35 

26.28 

26.70-74 

27.51-54 

28.19. 


Mary  the  B.V. 

Moses. 

Writing. 

Bread. 

Palsy. 

Girdle. 

Dress. 

Zealots. 

Moses. 

Gall. 

Jesus  Christ,  VI. 

Hermon. 

Divorce. 

Wages. 

Canon  of  O.T. 

Sacrifice,  B. 

Oaths. 

Earthquake. 

Version,  Revised. 


Mark 
6.8  . 
6.18. 
9.25. 

10.45. 

13.2   . 

15.23. 

Luke 
2.38 
4.29 
5.19 
6.22 

9.3 
13.11 
21.5 
22.25 

22.44 
22.61 

John 

1.2,3 

1.14 

2.4 

2.8 

2.20 

3.15 

4.27 

7.37 

7.39 
8.12 

10.17,1! 

14.16. 

19.26. 

21.24. 


Acts 

l.IO, 

2.42. 

76,1 

9.5  . 

9.II. 
10.25, 
14.23. 
I6.13. 
17.7  . 
17.28 
19.19, 
22.2 
25.7,8 
27. 


26 


38 


,12. 


Romans 
3.25.     • 


5.10.  . 
5.12-21. 
8.23.  . 
8.3,25  . 
9.19-24. 
15.16.     . 


Girdle. 

Marriage. 

Demoniacal  pos- 
session. 

Jesus  Christ,  VIII. 
(2). 

Architecture. 

Gall. 


Essenes. 

Nazareth. 

TUe. 

Excommunication. 

Dress. 

Palsy. 

Architecture. 

Euergetes. 

Sweat,  Bloody. 

Annas. 


Philosophy. 

Glory. 

Mary  the  B.V. 

Meals. 

Herod. 

Proverbs. 

Women. 

Tabernacles,  Feast 

of. 
Spirit,  Holy. 
Tabernacles,  Feast 

of. 
Transfiguration. 
Advocate. 
J  ames  ;    Mary    the 

B.V. 
John  the  Apostle. 


Elijah. 

Prayer. 

Chronology  of  O.T. 

Paul,  I.  (2),  i.  b. 

Street. 

Adoration. 

Laying  on  of  hands. 

Proseucha. 

Idolatry. 

Quotations. 

Ephesus 

Citizenship. 

Trial. 

Ship. 


Paul,    II.    (4),    u> ; 

Sacrifice,    13,   II. 

(1),  b.  i. 
Paiil,  II.  (4),  »u. 
Original  Sin. 
Version,  Revised. 
Paul,  II.  (4),  iii. 
Predestination. 
Sacrifice,     B,     III. 

(4). 


SOME  SCRIPTURAL   PASSAGES 


975 


iCORINTHIANS 

2.15.     .     Spirit,  Holy. 
4.9  .     .     Theatre. 

5.5  .     .     Excommunication. 
5.8  .     .     Eucharist. 
7.12-16,39.     Mixed     marri- 
ages. 

8.6  .  .  Paul,  II.  (3). 
11.10.  .  Power  on  the  head. 
11.24.  •  Sacrifice,  B. 
11.30.  .  Excommunication. 
13.12.  .  Riddle. 

15.3-7     .     Doctrine. 
15-33-     •     Quotations. 

2C0RINTHIANS 
5.18-20.     Paul,  II.  (4),  iv. 
5.21.     .     Sacrifice,     B,      II. 

(I),  b,  ii. 
6.14.     .     Mixed    marriages. 

Galatians 
2.6  .     .     Paul,  I.  (3),  iv. 
3.17.     .     Chronology  of  O.T. 
4.4  .     .     Roman  Empire. 

Ephesians 
2.3  .     .     Paul ;  Original  sin. 
5.2  .     .     Sacrifice,     B,      II. 

fi),  a. 
6.20.     .     Alliances. 

Philippians 

1.13.     .     Caesar's  household. 

2.6  7     .     Paul,  II.  (3)  ;  Ken- 

osis. 


Philippians  (cont.) 

3.2  .     .     Circumcision. 

4.3  .     .     Syntyche. 
4.5  .     .     Maranatha. 


COLOSSIANS 


1.16.  . 
1.18.  . 
1.19,20. 
1.24.     . 

2.9  .  . 
2.18.     . 


Paul,  I.  (8),  ii. 
Birthright. 
Satan. 
Sacrifice,     B, 

(4). 
Kenosis. 
Adoration. 


IV. 


iThessalonians 
5.23.     .     Spirit. 


iTlMOTHY 
1.20. 

2.7 . 

3.2    . 

3.16. 

5.22. 

6.13. 


Excommunication. 

Herald. 

Marriage. 

Doctrine. 

Laying  on  of  hands. 

Doctrine. 


2T1MOTHY 
1.13,14.     Doctrine. 

Titus 
1.12.     .     Quotations. 

Hebrews 
4.15.     .     Temptation 

Christ. 
5.2  .     .     Philosophy. 


of 


Hebrew 

5.7 

8.9 

9.24 
11.9 
13.IO 


James 
3.7  .     . 

I Peter 
l.i  .  . 
2.24.     , 

3.18  ff. 
3.21.     , 

iJOHN 
2.2    . 

2.27. 
3.6  . 
3.9  . 
5.16. 


s  (coni.) 
Jesus  Christ,  X.  (2). 
High-priest. 
Type. 

Chronology  of  O.T. 
Sacrifice,    B,     III. 
(2),  a. 


Snake-charming. 


Dispersion. 
Sacrifice,     B, 

Doctrine. 
Type. 


Sacrifice,  B. 
Spirit,  Holy. 
Sin. 

Church. 
Sin. 


II. 


Revelation 


2.7  . 
2.13. 
2.20,21 

4.8  . 

6.9  . 
11-3  ff- 
13.7  f- 
19.10. 


Stones. 

Idolatry. 

Thyatira. 

Jehovah. 

Sacrifice,  B,  I. 

Enoch. 

Number. 

Adoration. 


Printed  by  Hazell,  Watson  <S'  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury,  England. 


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